Outside In: Minorities and the Transformation of American Education

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OUTSIDE I N

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OUTSIDE I N Minorities and the Transformation of American Education

PAULA S. PASS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRES S New Yor k Oxfor d

Oxford Universit y Press Oxford Ne w York Toront o Delhi Bomba y Calcutt a Madra s Karach i Petaling Jaya Singapor e Hon g Kon g Toky o Nairobi Da r es Salaam Cap e Tow n Melbourne Aucklan d and associate d companie s in Berlin Ibada n

Copyright © 1989 by Paula S. Pass Published by Oxford Universit y Press, Inc., 2.00 Madison Avenue , New York, New York 1001 6 Oxford i s a registered trademar k o f Oxford Universit y Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored i n a retrieval system, or transmitted, i n any form or b y any means, electronic, mechanical , photocopying, recording , o r otherwise , without prio r permission of Oxford Universit y Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Pass, Paula S. Outside i n : minorities and the transformation of American education / Paula S. Pass p. cm . Includes index. ISBN 0-19-503790-1 ISBN 0-19-507135-1 PBK I. Educatio n —United States —History — loth century . 2.. Minoritie s — Education — United States —History' — zoth century . 3. Americanizatio n —History — loth century. 4 . Hig h school s —United States — History —zoth century. I . Title . LA2.I7-F38 198 9 88-3195 3

370973---oc19 Grateful thank s is given to th e University of Chicag o Press for permission to use the author's articl e "The IQ : A Cultural and Historical Framework, " publishe d in American Journal o f Education, 8 8 (Aug . 1980): 431—458 , as a basis for part of Chapter z o f this book .

2 . 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1 Printed in the Unite d States of America on acid-fre e paper

For Jack mon amour et mon confrere


Acknowledgements

In researchin g an d writin g thi s book , I hav e ha d th e goo d fortun e t o re ceive various kinds of assistance. A Fellowship i n the Humanitie s fro m th e Rockefeller Foundatio n allowe d m e t o begi n i n 1976—7 7 wha t wa s des tined t o becom e a lon g perio d o f stud y an d investigatio n o f twentieth century America n educationa l institution s an d experience . Subsequently , fellowships an d grant s fro m th e Nationa l Institut e o f Educatio n (projec t number NIE-G-8i-oo68), the Humanitie s Researc h Committe e o f the University o f Californi a a t Berkeley , an d th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanities (1984-85 ) permitte d m e t o tak e th e teachin g leave s withou t which th e work o n thi s boo k coul d no t hav e proceeded. I have also bene fitted from summe r fund s an d researc h mone y which greatly facilitated my progress—a summe r stipen d fro m th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Hu manities; mone y fo r compute r service s an d researc h assistanc e fro m th e Institute fo r Huma n Developmen t a t Berkeley , through th e kin d office s o f Guy Swanson ; repeate d grant s fo r research an d typin g assistance fro m th e Committee o n Researc h a t Berkeley ; and a specia l subventio n durin g th e summer o f 198 6 fro m th e Spence r Foundation , administere d throug h th e auspices o f Dea n Bernar d Giffor d o f th e Graduat e Schoo l o f Educatio n a t Berkeley. I am extremel y gratefu l fo r thi s assistanc e an d t o thos e wh o mad e it possible. The kindness and hospitality o f individuals and severa l institutions mad e my wor k a pleasur e a s the y provide d necessar y an d invaluabl e access t o special resources . I would lik e to than k th e staff s o f th e principals ' office s and o f th e librarie s of th e followin g Ne w Yor k City high schools: Evander Childs Hig h School , Theodor e Roosevel t High School , Sewar d Park Hig h

vi Acknowledgements

Ackafldjfaosidtraiethmaentsackouosaeuefrncufcujujujyuijko lklfdaefafafa sdfadafdafafafdafad fdasfasdfda

School, Georg e Washingto n Hig h School , Loui s Brandei s Hig h Schoo l (formerly th e Hig h Schoo l o f Commerce) , Ne w Utrech t Hig h School , an d Bay Ridge High School . I am also grateful for the courtes y extended t o m e by th e staf f a t th e archive s of Teacher s College , Columbi a University, especially Rober t Morris; th e librarians at the Education-Psychology Library at th e Universit y of California , Berkeley; the staf f a t th e U.S . Army Center of Militar y Histor y i n Washington , D.C. , especiall y Morri s MacGrego r who gav e me a good , quic k introductio n t o th e natur e of militar y organization; th e staff s o f th e Militar y Referenc e Branc h an d o f th e Judicial , Fiscal, an d Socia l Branc h o f th e Nationa l Archive s in Washington , D.C. ; the librarian s a t th e Catholi c Universit y of America in Washington, D.C. ; and th e facult y an d staf f o f th e Cente r fo r Studie s in Highe r Educatio n a t Berkeley, especially Janet Ruyle . I am als o indebte d t o th e member s of the History Departmen t o f Teacher s College , Columbi a University , especially Hazel Hertzber g and Frederic k Kerschner for sharing their offices an d their lives with me during an important perio d i n the developmen t of my project and m y ideas . Th e staf f o f th e Histor y Departmen t o f th e Universit y of California a t Berkele y often mad e m y lif e livable , an d I than k the m fo r their efficienc y an d friendliness . I a m especiall y gratefu l t o Jane t Weit z who di d a splendid jo b typing the manuscrip t an d t o Ramon a Lev i who is simply splendid . My friends and colleague s have been generous with their tim e in reading this manuscrip t a t variou s point s i n it s developmen t an d i n encouragin g my efforts . Sheldo n Rothblatt , Reginal d Zelnik , Richar d Abrams , Lyn n Hunt, Winthro p Jordan , an d Randolp h Star n gav e m e goo d advic e afte r reading al l o r portion s o f thi s boo k durin g it s evolution . Severa l conversations wit h Car l Degle r helpe d t o sharpe n m y ideas . Richar d Salvucc i allowed m e to pic k hi s well-stocked min d when I was tryin g to figur e ou t what m y numbers meant . Davi d Kirp , with who m I was fortunat e to par ticipate i n a n excellen t Berkeley-Stanfor d seminar on th e financ e an d gov ernance of education, gav e me the courag e to chang e the for m o f my orig inal project an d to mov e in new directions. Th e late Allan Sharlin shrewdly suggested tha t I exchange th e penci l fo r a compute r i n analyzin g my dat a in Chapte r Thre e an d introduce d m e t o th e resource s of that technology . Michael Kat z rea d th e manuscrip t wit h car e an d concer n despit e th e fac t that we sometimes disagree d abou t interpretations . Geraldin e Clifford rea d Chapter Fiv e with he r usua l insigh t an d extraordinar y knowledg e o f th e course o f American educational development . Steve n Schlossman read an d commented o n th e boo k wit h grea t acume n a t a significan t time, an d I have benefitte d fro m hi s advice . Harold Wechsler , whom I delight i n calling a n ol d friend , ha s give n of himsel f s o ofte n i n thi s enterprise that m y

Acknowledgements i

x

thanks to him mus t be couche d in the broades t terms . My sta y in New York durin g a critica l tim e i n m y researc h an d i n m y lif e wa s facilitate d by another ol d friend , Howar d Leon . Lizabet h Cohen , a s a student, a friend , and a colleague , ha s bee n fundamenta l in m y development a s a historian . Her generosit y i n reading an d commentin g o n m y work an d he r stimulat ing suggestions an d unwaverin g support hav e bee n invaluable. I have als o been extremel y fortunat e i n m y choic e o f researc h assistants . Thei r hel p has take n man y forms , fro m a rigorou s demonstratio n o f researc h skill s and impeccabl e wor k habit s t o encouragemen t i n period s o f saggin g mo rale, an d i t i s a real trea t t o b e abl e to than k the m all : Julia Liss , Barbara Loomis, Roby n Lipner , Bruc e Nelson , Theodor e Feldman , Eya l Naveh , Steven Leikin , Kelly Schrum, an d Jess e Berrett. Sheldon Meye r of Oxfor d Universit y Press encourage d me fro m the inception o f my research. H e ha s seen the project change form an d direction , and h e ha s continue d t o suppor t m e with patience , kindness , an d friend ship. I appreciat e thi s deepl y an d hop e hi s trus t ha s no t bee n misplaced . Scott Len z has bee n a n excellen t editor. Careful , judicious, and courteous , he als o ha s th e skill s and humo r whic h mak e a n author' s tas k easie r an d the book better . Chapters z an d 3 contai n material s whic h I hav e publishe d elsewher e and i n differen t form . "Th e IQ : A Cultura l an d Historica l Framework, " was publishe d i n th e American Journal o f Education, 8 8 (August 1980) : 437-458; "Without Design: Educatio n Polic y in the New Deal," appeare d in th e American Journal o f Education, 9i(Novembe r 1982.) : 36-64 ; "Be fore Legalism : Th e Ne w Dea l an d America n Education, " wa s include d i n School Days, Rule Days: The Legalization and Regulation of Education, edited b y David L . Kirp and Donal d N . Jense n (Th e Falmer Press , 1986) . This boo k wa s compose d i n th e eigh t year s define d b y m y pregnancie s and b y the birth s and infancie s of my two children , Bluma (Bibi ) an d Charles . Though i t i s th e usua l fashio n t o absolv e other s o f responsibilit y fo r a n author's shortcomings , I would lik e to revers e that tradition . M y children have played a critica l rol e in all aspect s of the followin g book , goo d and bad. The y hav e reshape d m y lif e whil e the y have gotten int o m y hair an d into m y heart . Thi s boo k i s inseparabl e fro m tha t experience . M y lovely Bibi, especially , has show n forbearanc e wel l beyon d he r year s and ha s given me one more reaso n t o lov e an d admir e her . Unfortunately , m y father did not liv e to se e this book completed . Formall y uneducated, bu t knowledge able and wis e in many things, h e came to thi s countr y i n middle age , com mitted to providing his children with th e schooling he lacked. He probably could no t hav e rea d thi s book , bu t h e woul d hav e understoo d an d sup ported it s pleas for equa l education an d fo r socia l justice.

x Acknowledgements Jack i s so much part of my life an d o f the creatio n o f this book tha t an y description of his contribution would underestimate it b y defining it . I give him thi s boo k a s a smal l token o f m y appreciatio n fo r everythin g he ha s done, o f ou r lif e together , an d o f ou r future . Berkeley, California October 1988

P. S. F.

Contents Introduction 3 PART I . FRO M OTHE R SHORES : EUROPEAN IMMIGRANT S AN D AMERICA N EDUCATIO N i. Th e Progressive, th e Immigrant, and the School 1

3

2,. Education , Democracy , an d th e Scienc e of Individual Differences 3

6

3. "Americanizing " the High Schools : New Yor k i n the 1930 $ and '40 5 7 3 PART II. OTHE R PEOPLE , OTHER SCHOOLS : RACE, SEX, RELIGION, AN D AMERICA N EDUCATIO N 4. Ne w Da y Coming : Th e Federa l Government an d Black Education i n the 1930 5 and '40 5 11 5 5. Th e Femal e Paradox: Highe r Education for Women, 1945—6 3 15 6. Imitatio n an d Autonomy : Catholi c Educatio n in the Twentiet h Century 18 9 Conclusion 2,2

9

Appendix i 2.3

7

Appendix 2 24

0

Notes 25

5

Index 29

9

6


Others take finish, but th e Republi c is ever constructive an d eve r keep s vista, Others ador n th e past , bu t yo u O day s of the present , I adorn you , O day s o f th e futur e I believe in you—I isolat e mysel f fo r you r sake , O Americ a becaus e yo u buil d for mankin d I build for you . O well-belove d stone-cutters , I lead the m wh o pla n wit h decisio n an d science, Lead the present wit h friendl y han d towar d the future . (Bravas t o al l impulses sendin g sane childre n t o th e nex t age , But dam n tha t which spend s itsel f wit h n o though t o f the stain , pains , dismay, feebleness , it i s bequeathing.) WALT WHITMAN , "B y Blu e Ontario's Shore"


OUTSIDE I N


Introduction

By th e earl y twentiet h century , th e appea l o f schoolin g wa s alread y irresistible i n th e Unite d States . Philosopher s proclaime d it s unparallele d im portance, sociologist s integrated it into the basic institutions of their analysis, reformers called upo n it s aspiration s fo r improvement , an d politician s were becomin g adept a t invokin g its name as part o f the rhetori c o f democratic promise . I n fact , schoolin g wa s the n onl y marginall y a facto r i n social life , mor e a n incante d idea l than a strategi c par t o f national experi ence. Sinc e then , schoolin g ha s becom e a familia r par t o f th e America n dialogue abou t th e meanin g an d fat e o f democrati c society . Indeed , ou r attention t o schooling , ou r discussions , an d ou r dissatisfaction s have helped to defin e u s a s a peopl e i n th e twentiet h century . Today, schoolin g doe s matter, an d education a s a massive enterprise has become an integral component o f the economy, culture , an d state . While Americans in high places still incan t schoolin g a s par t o f th e liturg y of America n ideology, th e ex perience o f almos t al l American s has mad e th e schoo l par t o f thei r ow n intimate pas t an d vita l t o thei r children' s future . Th e domesticatio n o f schooling, fro m th e real m o f inspiratio n t o th e ghetto s o f dail y life , ha s been part of the socia l transformatio n o f the twentiet h century . This transformatio n i s the subjec t o f m y book. I t i s my contention tha t the shap e of American education i n the twentiet h century , its forms , func tions, an d contradictions , i s cruciall y relate d t o th e problem s associate d with America n diversity, and tha t t o understan d th e role tha t th e school s have com e t o pla y i n socia l lif e a s wel l a s i n socia l thought , w e mus t examine i n som e detai l th e histor y o f th e educatio n o f outsider s i n th e society. I n this century, outsiders, first immigrants and the n various racial,

4 Outside

In

gender, an d religiou s groups , hav e challenged the simpl e and direc t belief s about citizenshi p tha t wer e embodie d i n th e nineteenth-centur y common school idea l an d th e sufficienc y o f th e limite d an d fragmentar y educatio n captured i n it s aims . Th e massiv e educationa l enterpris e wit h whic h w e have becom e familia r i n th e lat e twentiet h century , wit h it s elaborat e in terconnections fro m primar y t o graduat e school , intricat e hierarchie s of grades an d certifications , and complicate d governmenta l regulations , ha s developed wit h th e America n econom y an d growin g stat e power . Bu t the specifics of this development are not simpl y a function of accelerated mod ernization. O n th e contrary , it s presen t form s ar e expression s o f th e par ticular histor y o f American society an d cultur e i n the twentiet h centur y a s that histor y ha s bee n affecte d b y problems associate d wit h pluralism . To grappl e wit h tha t stor y i s a formidable task, an d thi s book i s neither a ful l socia l an d cultura l history of the schools no r a complete examinatio n of outsider s i n the schools . Rathe r tha n a genera l survey, I have chosen t o examine i n dept h severa l group s a t particularl y significan t historica l mo ments i n thei r educatio n an d a t point s o f specia l socia l consequence . Th e experience o f thes e groups—Europea n immigrants , blacks , women , an d Catholics—and thei r impac t o n schoo l developmen t hav e bee n especially potent in this century . Bu t my analysis might have been extended t o othe r groups, an d Asian-Americans , Chicanos , an d Latino s a s th e mos t recen t outsiders deman d simila r attention . B y focusin g o n particula r group s a t especially problemati c period s o f thei r schooling , I have been abl e to loo k at various level s and kind s of schooling an d t o stretc h m y analysis along a long portion o f the twentiet h century . Since I believe that ou r understand ing of the natur e o f schoolin g in American society require s that th e enter prise b e examine d i n the wides t possibl e contex t an d a t al l levels—in pri vate school s a s wel l a s public , i n institution s o f highe r educatio n an d secondary schools , b y listening to shapers of policy as well as to students — a carefu l selectio n of case s guide d by these concern s provide d me with an effective entr y t o th e large r problem . Finally , these divers e case s allowe d me t o captur e th e historica l tensio n tha t ha s characterize d th e America n experience o f schooling throughou t th e twentieth century—th e tension be tween the commitment to universal education i n the context o f uncertainty about it s means—whil e the y force d m e to recko n wit h th e ver y many form s in whic h thi s tensio n ha s bee n expresse d withi n th e restraint s o f th e mo ment. By examining specifi c problem s i n th e evolutio n o f moder n education , I have bee n abl e t o focu s o n th e ver y large difference s i n th e historica l ex perience of groups as well as the broader cultural issues within which these experiences wer e manifested . Ho w pluralis m i s defined an d ho w w e have organized th e differen t group s withi n th e whol e ha s affecte d bot h thei r

Introduction 5 experience an d thei r treatment i n the schools. Indeed , pluralism in the United States ha s bee n fraugh t wit h ambiguity . This i s in par t becaus e pluralis m is a t onc e a fac t an d a n idea , a fundamenta l social realit y an d a questio n of socia l policy . Throughou t th e twentiet h century , th e school s hav e par ticipated i n thes e tw o differen t bu t relate d issues , an d often , a s critica l social institutions , the y hav e mediate d th e experienc e o f pluralism fo r th e culture. I n fact, while school policie s hav e always organized socia l percep tions, the differen t group s whos e schoolin g was at issu e did not alway s act in expecte d ways . And the schools' attempt s t o delimi t how pluralis m was expressed wer e ofte n me t b y a n equall y powerfu l tendenc y fo r differen t groups t o us e schooling fo r their ow n ends. Thi s dialecti c betwee n percep tion an d behavior—th e school s a s cultura l instrument s an d th e school s acted upo n b y thei r populations—integrate s th e variou s episode s o f thi s study. I begi n with a n examinatio n o f progressive socia l reformer s who looke d at th e proble m o f pluralis m throug h th e blinker s of thei r man y concerns , especially th e issu e o f wor k i n a n industria l society . Th e theme s o f pro gressive educatio n an d th e problem s t o whic h i t responde d ar e stil l bot h urgent an d perplexing , an d th e progressiv e solution s an d thei r definition s continue t o shap e ou r understanding . I n Chapte r i , I place th e socia l re formers o f the perio d i n thei r ow n intellectua l an d socia l contex t t o argu e that thei r idea s abou t educatio n mus t b e rea d a s par t o f th e reconsidera tion o f th e natur e o f socializatio n i n a changin g society . A s progressiv e social reformer s bega n t o examin e th e culture s o f th e man y immigran t groups the n peoplin g th e nation , the y increasingl y investe d th e school s wit h renewed purpos e an d a large r role . I n appraisin g th e difficultie s involve d in schooling th e wide range of immigrant groups, the y redefined th e mean ing and conten t of schooling a s a process o f socialization, becaus e this was the onl y adequat e correlativ e t o th e complexit y o f their perception s abou t the problems tha t immigration posed fo r the culture. Progressive education has bee n th e subjec t o f wid e an d searchin g historica l attention , an d m y arguments hav e bee n anticipate d b y others , especiall y Marvi n Lazerson . What thi s chapte r attempt s t o d o i s to resynthesiz e ou r understandin g of progressive educatio n a s a respons e t o th e issu e o f social pluralis m and t o highlight th e manne r i n whic h th e school s wer e enliste d i n th e travail s of a cultur e besieged b y outsiders. In Chapte r 2. , I continu e thi s discussion , lookin g a t th e school s them selves rathe r tha n a t socia l reformer s wh o turne d t o schoolin g t o solv e larger problems . B y the 19205 , th e school s wer e force d t o confron t th e reality o f pluralis m abou t whic h reformer s ha d theorized . Th e solution s that th e school s offered—testing , tracking , an d socialization—wer e specif ically frame d i n th e ligh t o f th e comple x issue s o f studen t heterogeneit y

6 Outside

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and strongl y informe d b y contemporar y perception s abou t immigrants . Th e rigid order impose d b y the school s a s they dealt wit h their pluralistic populations provide d bot h a pedagogica l structur e an d a socia l framewor k that define d America n educationa l effort s durin g th e perio d o f greates t expansion. I argu e tha t I Q testing an d th e socia l perception s thi s codifie d were fundamenta l to th e specifi c form s o f this expansion , especiall y in th e reformulation o f secondar y educatio n i n th e twentiet h century . While som e of thes e matter s hav e bee n discusse d elsewhere , thi s chapte r provide s a more pointe d discussio n o f the wa y i n which th e ambiguitie s of pluralism in th e twentiet h centur y wer e handle d b y th e school s an d o f th e conse quences of their actions—bot h fo r school developmen t and fo r the society . In Chapte r 3, I mov e fro m perception s and policie s to studen t experi ences. Thi s chapte r i s directe d t o a perio d (th e 1930 5 an d '405 ) tha t ha s been largel y ignore d b y historians , an d I attemp t t o addres s hea d o n th e question o f how ethni c student s in hig h school s use d the school s fo r thei r own socia l ends . I n th e thirtie s an d forties , th e secon d generatio n cam e into its own i n the high schools; nowher e was this truer than i n New Yor k City. By then th e childre n o f immigrants had overwhelme d the school s of this premier immigran t city. In examining the extracurricular participatio n of student s i n th e hig h school s o f Ne w York , thi s chapte r attempt s t o penetrate th e we b o f choice s an d association s mad e b y descendant s o f turn of-the-century immigrant s and t o asses s the consequences , particularly for assimilation. Whil e schoolin g i n New Yor k cannot b e presumed to b e the same a s schoolin g elsewhere , th e importanc e o f Ne w Yor k a s a n ethni c center an d th e significan t variatio n amon g th e city' s school s enabl e me t o argue mor e broadl y abou t th e relationshi p betwee n schooling , ethnicity , and socia l chang e i n th e twentiet h century . I n th e thirtie s an d forties , th e children o f immigrant s bega n t o mak e choice s an d t o adop t value s that have lef t a lastin g imprin t o n th e school s an d th e cultur e the y helpe d t o shape. Together, th e firs t thre e chapter s (Par t I ) emphasiz e th e interpla y be tween socia l definitions, schoo l policies , an d studen t experience to describ e how th e school s wer e re-create d i n the contex t of their pluralisti c populations. Bu t it wa s not school s alon e tha t wer e changed . The change s i n the schools an d th e effec t the y had o n student s altere d th e cultur e i n general . In thi s sense , th e transformatio n of the school s wa s no t onl y a produc t o f social chang e bu t als o affecte d th e natur e o f twentieth-century social life . Beginning wit h Chapte r 4 , I turn fro m Europea n immigrants , wh o ha d been th e prevailin g problem i n schoo l an d societ y unti l World Wa r II , t o other group s an d issues . Since th e 19505 , th e plac e of black s in American society ha s bee n amon g th e mos t urgen t problem s that th e school s have been aske d t o solve . This issu e cam e t o a clima x i n th e 1960 8 an d '7 osi

Introduction 7 and i t came together wit h constitutional question s about the role of federa l regulations fo r schoo l policies . Bu t th e origi n o f th e proble m lie s muc h further back . In Chapter 4, 1 look a t the origin of the federal government' s concern wit h blac k education durin g the New Deal and the crisis of World War II . I t i s m y contentio n tha t i n th e 1930 5 an d '405 , blac k educatio n was moved from th e periphery to the center of discussions about education in th e contex t of th e ne w an d aggressiv e role that th e federa l governmen t began t o pla y i n matter s o f schooling . Th e specifi c experience s o f black s with federa l educationa l programs durin g the depressio n an d th e wa r helpe d to confir m fo r blacks that change would come from direc t federa l involvement. Indeed , i t wa s onl y i n th e contex t o f federa l policie s tha t black s became part of the definitio n o f American pluralism and a problem for th e schools. Befor e th e depressio n an d th e war , th e effectiv e segregatio n o f blacks ha d s o marginalize d their concern s tha t thi s most significan t com ponent of American diversity hardly existed as a school problem. The New Deal an d th e wa r mad e segregatio n untenabl e and se t the stag e for blacks to becom e the centra l dilemm a for schoo l an d socia l policie s in a pluralistic society . Before Worl d Wa r II , th e educatio n o f women , lik e th e educatio n o f blacks, was rarel y considered problematic , bu t fo r vastly different reasons . While black s wer e s o fa r fro m th e mainstrea m tha t a s a matte r o f socia l policy thei r schoolin g wa s no t considere d urgen t (whateve r th e issue s of justice involved) , wome n ha d bee n s o muc h par t o f th e mainstrea m o f educational developmen t sinc e th e mid-nineteent h centur y that th e grow ing disparity betwee n women's educationa l achievement and it s utilization had bee n relegate d t o th e oute r fringe s o f educationa l discussion. Sinc e a t least the late nineteenth century , women had acquired a significant portio n of the educationa l good s availabl e in America up to and includin g higher education. Tha t righ t ha d require d a struggl e initially , bu t b y th e mid twentieth centur y it was largel y taken fo r granted . I n the 19505 , however , the questio n o f why American women were being educated i n colleges an d universities in a society wher e their skill s were vastly underutilized became an educationa l issu e and a social dilemma . Chapter 5 discusses the anom alous position o f wome n i n a cultur e where educationa l acces s wa s available withou t commensurat e socia l opportunit y an d th e educationa l prob lem this posed. I t was thi s disparity an d th e conflict s i t involved for educated women tha t se t th e stag e fo r th e women' s revolutio n o f th e 1960 5 an d '705. Although college s and private schools ar e rarely examined together wit h public school s an d ar e usuall y considere d apart fro m th e common-schoo l tradition, the y hav e bee n i n thi s centur y a n integra l par t o f th e whol e educational enterprise. Colleges and Catholi c schools have, moreover, par-

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ticipated vigorousl y in th e debate s an d problem s associate d wit h mass instruction, an d the y hav e bee n affecte d b y problem s associate d wit h thei r diverse populations. I t i s for thi s reaso n tha t I have chosen t o examine , i n two instances , th e problem o f outsiders i n these contexts. But, while Chapter 5 looks a t wome n a s outsiders insid e mainstream institutions o f higher education, Chapte r 6 look s a t school s tha t hav e bee n organize d b y out siders apar t fro m th e mainstrea m culture . Catholi c education , lik e higher education, whe n i t i s studie d a t all , i s usually set apar t a s a subspecialty. Yet, American education i n the twentieth century—an d specificall y th e education o f outsiders—i s simpl y incomprehensible, o r i n th e ver y least in completely rendered , withou t a n understandin g o f ho w Catholi c school s have operate d withi n America n cultur e alongsid e th e publi c schools . I n Chapter 6 , I examine in broad stroke s th e Catholi c alternativ e to th e public schools . Althoug h Catholi c school s hav e parallele d publi c school s i n many ways, they have endured a s separate an d distinctl y different agencie s that reflec t th e aspiration s o f a larg e minorit y no t thereb y obviousl y dis advantaged. I n this chapter , I examine ho w the y have been organized an d in wha t way s the y hav e succeede d bot h i n protectin g minorit y integrit y and i n providing Catholic s wit h a n entre e to America n success. In th e larges t sense , I use educatio n i n th e followin g page s a s a wa y of looking a t America n cultur e an d societ y i n th e twentiet h century . Cer tainly, the manne r i n which socia l institution s dea l with outsider s i s a fundamental expressio n o f th e culture . This i s because American self-identity has ideologicall y an d practicall y been forme d aroun d issue s related t o th e multiple source s o f it s population. Sinc e schools ar e alway s a strategi c instrument o f cultur e formation , ho w the y hav e deal t wit h outsider s an d have been shape d throug h thi s response i s a crucial historical issue . As the following chapter s wil l show , an d a s man y other s hav e demonstrated be fore, school s reflect , enunciate , an d ofte n symboliz e the commitment s an d perplexities o f America n life . The y ca n an d d o perpetuat e th e statu s quo , the clas s structure , gende r definitions , an d th e socia l statu s o f minoritie s and racia l groups . Bu t schools , an d educatio n mor e broadly , als o creat e culture. I argu e tha t thi s wa s th e cas e amon g second-generatio n high-schoo l students (Chapte r 3) , a s wel l a s fo r black s durin g th e Ne w Dea l an d th e war (Chapte r 4) , an d I als o explor e th e unexpecte d wa y i n whic h highe r education provide d som e wome n wit h th e mean s t o challeng e gender definitions (Chapte r 5) . The wa y a cultur e deals with th e strange r i s also a measur e of its strengt h and o f it s quality . I t i s becaus e o f thi s tha t America n institutions—th e schools especially—hav e ofte n bee n judge d b y th e degre e t o whic h the y have provided outsider s with th e resource s for socia l success an d persona l opportunity. American s have mad e muc h o f thi s dimensio n of schoolin g

Introduction 9 and have long congratulated themselve s on this basis. As enormously pow erful an d largel y truste d socia l agencies , school s hav e the potentia l t o re fashion socia l relationships , redefin e socia l objectives , an d provid e ne w ideological commitments . Whil e th e lov e affai r wit h America n schools — the unqualifie d satisfactio n wit h thei r democrati c success—wa s probabl y never mor e tha n a figment of educators' imagination , certainl y the American fait h i n educatio n a s a forc e fo r ameliorativ e change ha s bee n strong. It ha s usuall y been thi s politica l dimensio n o f schoolin g tha t has hel d ou t the most promis e t o socia l reformer s and cause d the most historica l bitter ness. I n the earl y twentieth centur y when John Dewe y propose d t o reform the schools, h e saw this as the beginnin g of social regeneration. Sinc e then, especially i n th e 1960 5 an d mor e modestl y i n th e 19308 , other s to o hav e sought t o us e the leve r of the schoo l fo r socia l reconstruction . Thu s whe n social reformer s an d historian s wh o followe d in their wak e discovere d th e extent t o whic h th e school s hav e been instrumenta l i n social solidification and cultura l maintenance , the y hav e ofte n registere d thei r ange r an d eve n a sens e o f betrayal . An d i n th e pas t generatio n a s historian s documente d the degre e t o whic h th e school s hav e not fulfille d thei r promise , th e man ner i n which schools hav e prevented mobility , perpetuated inequality , and confirmed racial an d gende r definitions , they have sometime s ignore d th e changes tha t schoolin g di d brin g about . I n fact , th e recor d o f America n schools, lik e tha t o f th e society , ha s bee n mixed . America n schools hav e demonstrated bot h th e strength s an d weaknesse s of the America n commitment t o pluralism—o r better , th e way pluralis m has i n fac t functioned . In expanding th e definitio n of wh o shal l be educated, th e school s hav e trie d to incorporat e an d contro l at th e sam e time as they hav e been altered an d expanded. The y hav e als o generate d conflict s tha t ofte n le d t o significan t change. Th e recor d o f schoolin g i n thes e matter s ha s bee n neithe r blac k nor white , bu t complex , an d i t remains incomplete . I hav e worrie d over wha t ter m t o appl y t o th e outsider s wh o ar e th e central concer n o f thi s study . Non-normativ e i s descriptively correct, bu t ponderous an d ungainly . Minorities capture s certai n dimension s o f th e issues an d i s especially appropriate fo r group s lik e blacks or Catholics , bu t not entirel y suitabl e fo r wome n o r immigrants . I hav e use d i t i n th e titl e because it provides readers wit h a sens e of my subject. But in the end , th e concept o f outsider s mos t closel y approximates th e proble m all the essay s contained her e investigate . Immigrants , blacks , women , an d Catholic s wer e outside th e mainstrea m cultur e a s i t wa s define d i n th e earl y twentiet h century. They were outside th e power network s tha t organized schoo l sys tems and ra n schoo l organizations. They did not devis e the ideolog y which connected schoolin g to succes s in moder n America. But they were al l very much par t o f th e proble m t o whic h schoolin g ha s bee n addresse d i n thi s

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century, an d i n th e en d the y have , ofte n throug h schooling , redraw n th e boundaries o f th e cultur e whic h ha d initiall y define d the m apart . I n th e case of blacks, th e pressur e fo r inclusio n has redraw n th e channel s of con trol over the schools . I n many ways this is the stor y I have to tell here. My title i s mean t t o describ e no t onl y th e proces s b y whic h outsider s wer e drawn in , but als o tha t redefinition .

I From Othe r Shores : European Immigrant s and America n Educatio n


I

The Progressive , th e Immigrant , and th e Schoo l These present-da y problem s o f th e child—th e cities , th e comin g o f immi grants, th e collaps e o f homelife , the yardles s tenement—ar e al l du e t o on e underlying cause. Ther e ha s bee n an entir e revolutio n i n industry during th e last century , an d nearl y al l th e problem s o f chil d lif e hav e grow n u p a s a result o f thi s revolution . ROBERT HUNTER , Poverty (1904 )

While stil l imperfect , ou r understandin g o f th e emergenc e o f the commo n school i n th e nineteent h centur y ha s becom e increasingl y clear . Throug h the vigorou s endeavor s o f a generatio n o f gifte d an d energeti c historian s who hav e examine d th e successfu l commo n schoo l campaigns , th e earl y organization o f th e schools , a s wel l a s th e intens e conflict s tha t succes s often masked , w e ca n no w spea k wit h confidenc e and considerabl e grace , as Carl Kaestl e recentl y has , abou t th e critica l way s in which schoolin g i n the nineteent h centur y was entwine d wit h th e developin g capitalis t econ omy, th e etho s o f republicanism , an d th e value s of an ebullien t Protestan t middle class . A s Kaestle has demonstrated , schoolin g fo r earl y nineteenthcentury American s wa s intende d t o b e a broadl y socializin g experience . The hope d fo r outcomes include d high-minde d character, a religiously derived morality , an d industriousnes s oriente d t o socia l progress—virtue s understood t o b e essentia l t o effectiv e republica n citizenship . "Th e chie f end is to mak e GOO D CITIZENS," an Illinoi s superintendent maintaine d at mid-century . "No t t o mak e precocious scholar s . . . not to impart the secret o f acquiring wealth . . . not to qualify directl y for professional suc cess . . . but simpl y t o mak e goo d citizens. " Toward thi s end , reformer s labored t o mak e a t leas t a limited exposur e t o publicl y supporte d school s the commo n possessio n o f mos t Americans . Eve n the exceptions—blacks , Asians, Indians , whos e relatio n t o th e republi c was highl y problematic— emphasized th e inclusiv e goals o f th e ideolog y fo r thos e wh o wer e poten tial constituent s o f the civi c society and contribute d t o it s polity. 1 By the lat e nineteenth century , the fat e o f the now triumphan t an d muc h extended republi c was n o longe r i n question. The issue s of morality , char-

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acter, and virtue , which ha d galvanize d efforts i n the 1830 5 and '40$ , were partly eclipse d b y othe r problems , which , whil e no t new , seeme d vastl y more urgent—economi c success, loyalty to the state, and the incorporatio n of a heterogeneous populatio n tha t made the pluralistic society of the early nineteenth centur y see m simpl e b y comparison . Eve n scholarship , onc e largely insignificant, had becom e muc h more importan t t o a society wher e science an d learnin g contributed t o stat e progres s an d socia l welfare . Th e social problems o f the late nineteenth centur y were often, in fact, old prob lems i n mor e insisten t form . An d jus t as problems associate d wit h th e newl y democratized republi c o f th e 1830 5 ofte n foun d thei r keenes t expressio n as well as hoped fo r solutions i n proposals fo r commo n schools , th e prob lems of an industrial, urban , an d immigran t swollen America with imperia l aspirations wer e expresse d i n a ne w wav e o f refor m effort s tha t focuse d once agai n o n th e schools . Bu t whil e ou r understandin g o f th e concern s that issue d i n the commo n schoo l o f the earl y nineteenth centur y seems to have come t o a state of enviable historiographical fruition , th e sam e is no t true fo r wha t ha s normall y been identifie d a s "progressiv e education. " That problem ha s provoke d a ric h an d contentiou s scholarshi p fo r mor e tha n twenty-five years . I n recen t years , a spat e o f books , man y o f the m quit e compelling i n themselves , ha s lef t u s wit h a pictur e o f progressiv e educa tional refor m tha t i s not s o muc h unfocuse d a s overexposed. A multitude of socia l groups , i n additio n t o th e ol d cas t o f professiona l pedagogue s and middle-clas s bureaucrats , appea r to hav e aspired t o changin g the school s in self-intereste d ways that the y define d a s progressive. On e i s tempted t o reach fo r a scorecar d a s labo r unions , socialists , cit y managers , mayors , teachers' organizations , middle-clas s reforme r types, journalists , women' s suffrage advocates , women' s clubs , socia l workers , schoo l principals , an d parents voic e thei r specia l interest s throug h th e labe l progressive . I n th e light o f thi s clamorin g chorus , progressiv e educatio n become s n o mor e than a lanc e i n the loca l politica l battle s o f the period . Progressiv e education ha s los t th e coherenc e onc e assigne d t o i t throug h th e educationa l philosophy o f it s mos t determine d spokesman , Joh n Dewey , an d lumi nously portrayed i n the landmar k stud y b y Lawrenc e Cremin , Th e Transformation o f th e School. Nevertheless , a s w e hav e com e increasingl y t o appreciate th e man y actor s wh o contribute d t o refor m effort s an d thei r different agendas , th e relationshi p betwee n aspiration s fo r a reformed schoo l and th e underlyin g economi c an d socia l problem s o f turn-of-the-century America ha s take n o n renewe d force . Whil e nowher e a s clea r o r cogent , our ne w understandin g ha s onc e mor e linke d th e refor m o f th e school s directly t o th e refor m o f th e societ y a s John Dewe y had intended. 2 It i s no t m y intentio n t o resolv e the man y issue s o r brin g order t o th e perspectives that surroun d the problem o f progressive education. T o d o so would mean to untangl e not onl y the historical knot within which it emerged

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but als o the many contemporary educationa l issues that ar e still bound u p in its elongated skein . I would lik e instead t o loo k onc e agai n at a narro w segment o f its proponents, professiona l reformers, and t o sugges t ho w th e fundamentals o f it s meanin g can b e recapture d i n part , no t b y attendin g to motive s or t o th e man y political conflict s throug h which differen t group s attached themselve s t o th e progressiv e label , bu t b y comprehendin g th e cultural investment s wit h whic h reformer s endowed schooling . Th e solu tions that reformers hoped would issue from schoo l reform connected their efforts bot h t o th e socia l problem s t o whic h they unanimously responde d and to older concerns about republican citizenship that defined th e original common schoo l impulse . In recreatin g tha t doubl e commitment , I am trying to recaptur e certai n essential ambiguities, even contradictions, laten t in educational value s at th e tur n o f the centur y that ca n help us to understan d why progressiv e educatio n ha s bee n bot h compellin g an d problemati c i n the twentieth century . In that context , perhaps, man y of the contradictor y resonances whic h th e ide a o f schoo l refor m ha d fo r variou s group s an d interests ma y be better understood. 3 The reformers were importan t no t onl y because they articulated th e social concern s o f th e tim e in particula r form , a n understandin g that linked disparate group s throug h th e commo n templat e o f culture , bu t als o be cause the y helpe d t o se t the agend a fo r th e centur y to come . A t th e roo t of th e proble m the y addresse d wa s a basi c paradox o f America n culture : American existence , expansion , an d prosperit y depen d o n th e continuou s infusion o f outsiders, bu t outsider s threate n t o dissolv e the cultur e and it s links t o th e pas t b y thei r presence . Tha t parado x le d reformer s t o thei r most vita l question—ho w coul d a cultur e tha t ha d newl y stabilized itsel f in the nineteenth centur y maintain its historic roots while responding democratically t o it s diverse population? Whe n the y turned t o education , an d to th e school s specifically , t o answe r tha t question , reformer s brought t o their solution s tw o unquestioned assumptions . The first was that educatio n was transparently a social good; the second, tha t everyon e not only should be educate d bu t wa s als o capabl e o f bein g educated. Thos e assumption s were fundamental to progressive educational endeavors , an d they reflecte d the degre e t o whic h schoolin g ha d becom e b y the earl y twentiet h centur y not onl y a n instrumen t o f socia l polic y bu t als o a basi c cultura l commit ment. I

The societ y t o whic h reformer s directe d thei r attention a t th e tur n o f th e century ha d experience d th e repeate d shock s o f th e industria l chang e w e have com e t o associat e with th e gilde d age—disorderly cities , corrup t pol -

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itics, enormou s disparitie s i n wealth , soberin g depression , industria l regimentation an d disturbance , an d civi l strife . Bu t th e mes s o f America n lif e in the lat e nineteent h centur y wa s als o a functio n of perceptions , o f a los t sense of deep mora l order an d socia l meaning . And it was to a n attempte d re-creation o f meanin g as well as to th e genera l urban cleanu p that socia l reform wa s mos t critically directed. B y the twentiet h century , much o f this cleaning up , bot h physica l an d psychological , wa s centere d o n th e immi grant, wh o wa s bot h a source o f disorder an d it s magnifyin g lens . Decade afte r decad e i n th e lat e nineteent h century , vas t number s of immigrants arrive d a t America n ports, three-fourth s o f the m a t Ne w York . Between 186 0 an d 1890 , thirtee n an d one-hal f millio n ne w immigrant s arrived. In the first three decade s o f the twentieth century , nineteen million more mad e thei r wa y t o th e Unite d States . Betwee n 189 0 an d i9zo , immigrants an d thei r childre n forme d betwee n one-hal f and three-fourth s of the populatio n o f cities like Cleveland , Milwaukee , Boston , San Francisco , and St . Louis, as well as the great metropolise s o f New Yor k an d Chicago . In man y industries one-hal f to two-third s o f the worker s wer e immigrant s and thei r children . T o th e proble m o f number s was adde d th e complica tion o f origins. 4 I n th e earl y twentiet h century , analyst s an d journalist s emphasized tha t immigratio n had becom e newl y problematic becaus e th e sources o f immigration had change d a s Italy, Poland, Russia , and th e Balkans replace d th e Britis h Isles , Germany , an d th e Scandinavia n countrie s as the hom e o f the majorit y of newcomers. Th e group s composin g th e so called "ne w immigration " wer e portraye d a s mor e alien , mor e transient , from mor e autocrati c societies , les s family-oriented, less skilled, les s literate. I n addition, they were ofte n visibl y darke r an d rarel y worshipped an y recognizably Protestan t God . Th e perceptions o f differenc e an d th e aston ishing size of the immigran t populatio n led to considerabl e alarm. 5 In th e contex t o f industria l convulsion, thi s unprecedente d immigratio n threatened al l aspects o f American political, cultural , an d institutiona l life , from th e famil y t o th e politica l proces s an d aestheti c experience . I n th e late nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries , socia l reformer s addresse d the many problems associated wit h thi s experience.6 Although their visions and motive s were divers e and complex , the y were respondin g individually and as a group to wha t migh t best be described as the change d contex t of civic socialization—tha t is , the manne r i n whic h individual s were traine d to a responsibl e America n adulthood . I n th e earl y nineteent h century , Americans ha d envisaged th e republic , epitomize d i n th e appea l o f th e common school , a s th e expressio n o f persona l virtue s supported b y insti tutions whic h encourage d moralit y an d order . Bu t citizenshi p itsel f wa s inseparable fro m autonomy . Since the earl y 182.0 8 and '305 , American ideology ha d mad e a critica l connectio n betwee n wor k an d politics . Wor k

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made a ma n independent , an d suffrag e reflecte d and protecte d tha t inde pendence. Wor k wa s th e effectiv e basi s of self-identity and self-worth , an d as significantly , given th e dominan t belie f i n opportunity , th e foundatio n for status , wealth , an d advancement. 7 Early nineteenth-century reformers , most o f the m Whig , had neve r entirely trusted free-marke t forces an d ha d invested schools , churches , an d familie s wit h importan t auxilliar y func tions. Nevertheless, work wa s the dominant agency of social responsibility . Independent work , especiall y o n th e land , remaine d a poten t idea l lon g after th e realit y ha d bee n altered . "Th e dangerou s effect s o f cit y lif e o n immigrants an d th e childre n of immigrants," Joh n R . Commons , th e pro gressive labo r historia n an d reformer , declared , "canno t b e to o strongl y emphasized. This countr y can absorb millions of all races from Europ e an d can raise the m and thei r descendent s t o relativel y high standard s o f American citizenshi p in s o fa r a s it ca n find places fo r the m o n th e farms . 'Th e land ha s been ou r grea t solvent. ' But the cities of this country not onl y d o not rais e th e immigrant s t o th e sam e degre e o f independence , bu t ar e themselves dragged dow n b y the parasitic an d dependent condition s whic h they foster among the immigrant element." Commons' s statemen t reflecte d more tha n a pastora l romanticism. 8 I t pointed t o th e tenacit y o f the rela tionship betwee n independence , work , an d citizenshi p whic h wa s ofte n hidden i n discussion s of immigration, industrialization , an d cit y life . The cities , th e factor y regime , and industria l capitalism raise d profoun d questions abou t th e relationshi p betwee n wor k an d citizenshi p tha t wer e never effectivel y resolved . Instead , b y th e earl y twentiet h century , th e is sues wer e reroute d int o question s abou t th e privat e live s of th e me n wh o tended th e machine s an d th e compositio n o f cit y populations . A s socia l reformers i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y bega n t o atten d t o povert y an d urban squalor , the y gav e increasing attention t o th e qualit y an d influenc e of leisure , famil y life , health , housing—i n short , t o th e privat e live s o f workers rathe r tha n t o th e socializin g effec t o f work . Certainly , the y understood tha t poverty was the result of economic deprivation. "O f course, " Mary Simkovitc h declared , "man y measure s for th e improvement of living conditions ar e a virtua l admissio n o f injustice." 9 Bu t wor k itsel f figure d increasingly a s th e plac e i n whic h wage s wer e generated , o r a t bes t a s a physical environment , rathe r tha n a s the mora l forc e for characte r forma tion. Thus , i n Margare t Byington' s Homestead famil y nurtur e no t wor k became th e crucia l determinan t o f socia l habit s despit e th e fac t tha t wha t dominated th e live s of workers wa s the mill . In Homestead, wor k remain s the ghos t a t th e table , whil e famil y budgets , famil y relations , recreations , and communit y events are elaborately described.10 The recognitio n tha t wor k wa s n o longe r reliabl e fo r socia l cohesio n was forcefull y expresse d i n Mar y Simkovitch' s perceptive , sensitive , an d

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unsentimentalized study , Th e City Worker's World. Afte r describin g in detail th e famil y lif e o f urba n laborers , sh e observes, "Th e educatio n o f schoo l and home i s deeply supplemented b y the education o f one's work. . .. In general, wor k key s one up . A pace i s set, a ne w kin d o f standard i s inaugurated. . . . It is WORK tha t enlarges . At this poin t tw o things happen . Other groups , thei r wa y o f living , thei r outlook , begi n t o exis t fo r th e worker wh o previousl y ha d neve r dreame d o f the m an d second , th e worke r realizes that h e i s an integra l par t no t onl y of a Family but als o o f Indus try." Thu s wor k socialize s t o large r concerns—t o a broade r visio n o f th e social bod y an d t o a n identificatio n wit h socia l lif e i n general . The n Simkovitch, as if suddenly realizin g that it is the industria l worker' s wor k she is describin g an d no t som e idea l an d fancifu l versio n o f what WOR K ought t o be , retreat s an d continue s i n a differen t vein . "Educatio n ough t never t o stop . Wit h th e privileged , i t goe s o n fro m on e for m t o another . . . . What is it that blights the education o f the industrial family ? Th e fac t that wor k absorb s th e vitality an d tim e o f the worker . Thi s woul d no t b e so objectionable , i f the wor k itsel f wer e educational . But , in highl y subdivided industries , thi s is , generally, not th e case. " Rarel y was th e progres sives' consciou s an d unconscious mor e pointedly revealed . Work—the cap italized ideal—ough t t o educat e an d t o serv e a s a forc e fo r persona l growt h and socia l identification , but industria l labor, as it is, cannot. 11 Another illustratio n o f thi s dilemm a cam e i n Feli x Adler' s definitio n o f and solutio n for the social and mora l crises of the time. Adler, best remembered as the founde r of the Ethica l Cultur e Societ y and proponen t of eth ical religio n a s a modern-da y alternativ e t o God-centere d faiths , wa s searching fo r nonpunitiv e foundation s fo r communit y ethics an d respon sibility. Adler , wh o wa s associate d wit h a wid e variet y o f refor m cause s and activities , foun d the solutio n i n what h e called "calling. " As a form of intense identificatio n with work , callin g was a n "intermediat e for m o f devotion. . . . and through th e medium of one's callin g to society as a whole." "I d o not hesitat e t o say, " Adle r continued, "tha t the choic e o f a vocatio n or callin g ha s a mor e decisiv e an d far-reachin g effec t o n characte r tha n any othe r act. " Bu t Adler also kne w that the characte r formin g qualit y of work an d hi s hope d fo r reconstructio n o f communit y identificatio n through application t o callin g wer e impossibl e i n vie w o f th e typ e o f wor k tha t dominated th e live s o f mos t industria l workers . "I n developin g a socia l ideal o n vocationa l line s th e ga p tha t separate s factor y labo r fro m th e requirements o f suc h a n idea l mus t no t b e covere d over." 12 Significantly, Adler starte d an d ra n fo r a short tim e a n "industria l school " in New Yor k City. For mos t reformers , th e recognitio n that industria l labor faile d t o fit an older framewor k o f socializatio n an d di d no t serv e a s a forc e fo r socia l


9

cohesion pave d th e wa y fo r investigation s tha t tende d t o dives t wor k of meaning an d t o redefin e socializatio n i n other terms. Thes e investigations , the socia l surveys , provided ballas t fo r socia l refor m efforts. Wit h th e evidence o f thei r investigations , reformer s i n th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twentieth centurie s called upon th e government to intervene, to remedy, t o control, o r t o compensat e fo r condition s detaile d i n th e surveys—famil y disorganization, unsanitar y conditions, chil d neglect , impoverishe d recrea tional facilities , squalid tenements . I t has bee n demonstrated ofte n enoug h by historians how the thrust of such reforms was toward an interventionis t state that would exercis e authority i n unprecedented ways over th e private lives o f citizens. 13 I t ha s les s ofte n bee n made clea r ho w thi s resulted , no t from som e sudde n paternalism , bu t fro m th e subtl e reorganization i n perceptions tha t progressiv e investigation s enforced . A s progressive s turne d from th e workplace an d th e adult citizen to newe r problem s and remedies , they made th e chil d a s future citize n o f the stat e th e fundamenta l concern. By addressing th e condition s o f poverty, reformer s observed ho w childre n were socialize d an d ho w habit s wer e forme d i n impoverishe d an d alie n homes wher e wor k wa s n o longe r integra l t o chil d development . Thus , Jacob Riis' s openin g statemen t in The Children of the Poor is a clario n call t o action : "Th e proble m o f th e childre n i s the proble m o f th e state . As w e would moul d th e childre n o f th e toilin g masses in ou r cities , s o we shape the destin y o f the stat e whic h they will rule in their turn , takin g th e reins fro m ou r hands." 14 This explicitl y paternalistic attentio n t o th e children o f the poor helped t o complet e the shif t fro m th e workplace t o othe r social agencie s an d instrument s whos e objectiv e woul d b e earl y and pro phylactic socialization . Americans ha d investe d th e famil y wit h grea t purpos e an d importanc e throughout th e nineteent h century , as they had th e schoo l an d th e church . In the nineteenth century , however, thes e institutions had a moral mission , to refin e habits , instil l virtues, provide ennoblin g ideals. The y provide d a balance t o th e entrepreneuria l energie s and individualis m developed throug h work. They gav e children a foundation whic h allowe d the m t o wor k suc cessfully, efficiently , skillfully . Th e famil y provide d Christia n sensibilities ; work, republica n character . A s we have seen, the schoo l ha d alread y bee n enlisted t o hel p i n characte r formation , an d th e famil y certainl y ha d a crucial rol e t o play . I t i s significant , however , tha t b y th e lat e nineteent h century, a s reformers grew increasingl y uneasy about wor k i n general an d in thei r nostalgi a fo r a n earlie r an d simple r time , the y portraye d th e his torical famil y no t a s th e boso m o f Christia n moralit y bu t a s abov e al l a workplace whic h traine d childre n t o socia l responsibility . "In pas t gener ations," Frank T. Carlto n note d i n the journal Education, "th e hom e produced an d prepare d nearl y al l th e foo d consume d b y it s members ; much

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of th e wor k whic h i s now carrie d o n b y th e factor y was the n performe d in the home . Th e hom e was th e scen e of diversifie d industr y as well as th e center o f the child' s socia l life ; th e schoo l wa s merel y the plac e where th e three R s wer e expounde d t o th e youth ; th e playgroun d wa s broa d an d spacious, ofte n consistin g of an entire farm."15 In this revealing misperception, reformer s betraye d thei r sens e o f th e declinin g efficac y o f wor k throughout society . This vie w of how th e famil y ha d change d would soo n for m th e basi s of an entir e schoo l o f family an d urba n sociology. 16 For reformers , however , it wa s les s a theoretica l proble m tha n th e ground s fo r remedia l action. I n the reformers' fancifu l pas t the school wa s strictly limited to literac y training while other socia l agencie s provided socialization . The loss of that past was th e basi s for a reevaluation of the potentia l of schools fo r much broade r social instructio n an d fo r a much more effectiv e empowerin g of the schoo l as an agenc y of social life . In the penultimat e paragraph o f The Delinquent Child an d th e Home, Sophonisba Breckinridge and Edith Abbott mad e " A strong ple a . . . for the adaptation o f the school curriculu m to the actual demands o f industria l an d commercia l life , th e multiplicatio n o f use s o f the schoo l buildings , the prolongatio n o f th e schoo l yea r b y mean s o f vacation schools , th e establishmen t o f continuatio n schools , th e furthe r de velopment o f industria l an d trad e training , an d th e perfectio n o f th e ma chinery fo r apprehendin g al l truan t childre n an d securin g thei r regula r presence at school. . . ." It was a statement whic h in brief for m outline d a goo d dea l o f th e progressiv e program fo r th e school s an d a ple a wit h which mos t reformer s could hav e concurred. 17 The famil y diveste d o f wor k an d th e workplac e o f meanin g ha d con tributed to the anxietie s of the lat e nineteent h century . The optimis m of progressives resulte d fro m thei r abilit y to transmut e concerns abou t inad equacy int o a ne w fait h i n socia l reconstructio n tha t woul d issue fro m alternative form s o f socialization . Th e school , newl y reforme d an d ex panded, woul d become a primary instrument of that faith . David Rothman has describe d progressive s a s optimistic positivist s whose renewa l o f con fidence came as the social surveys allowed reformers to turn their attentio n from broa d question s t o specifi c an d solvabl e problems. 18 I n place o f work , reformers propose d t o relocat e th e basis of social life i n the new areas they had begu n to investigate—i n leisur e and play , in famil y relationships , an d in neighborhoods—area s tha t school s especially , bu t als o socia l settle ments, playgrounds , an d specifi c legislatio n coul d refor m o r reinvigorate . One coul d argu e tha t reformer s sough t t o refor m school s an d neighbor hoods precisel y because they coul d no t o r woul d no t refor m work . Bu t this i s to o simple . Increasingly, i n th e earl y twentiet h century , while stil l troubled b y th e inabilit y to integrat e industrial work int o a n olde r frame -

The Progressive, the Immigrant, an d the School 2.

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work o f values , progressive s replace d th e connectio n betwee n wor k an d civic lif e wit h a ne w commitmen t t o forma l education o f al l kind s a s th e strategic basi s for adult preparatio n an d communit y survival. Indeed, wit h their renewe d confidenc e and positivisti c solutions , th e schoo l becam e fo r some reformer s lik e John Dewe y no t merel y a substitut e o r a n auxilliar y but a primary sphere , a protean forc e for democratic citizenship . II

Most institutions ha d bee n shaken b y the crise s associate d wit h th e indus trial transformatio n o f th e lat e nineteent h century , bu t th e publi c school s (despite thei r contentiou s beginnings ) had weathere d th e shock s remark ably well . Davi d Tyac k note d som e tim e ag o tha t th e valu e of commo n schools i n the late nineteent h centur y was largely unquestioned eve n when other institution s wer e object s of corrosiv e criticis m o r neglect . Tha t sup port was, moreover , very broad-based a s working-class parents, labo r unions, and man y i n oppositio n parties—lik e th e Socialist s an d th e Populists — looked t o th e school s a s a source o f relief an d opportunity . America n sup port fo r publi c educatio n wa s alread y a fac t o f th e cultur e wel l befor e reformers attache d themselve s to the schools a s democracy's hope , an d th e schools see m t o hav e enshrine d a n America n (an d modern ) fait h i n edu cation fo r persona l improvemen t an d socia l progress . Enrollmen t figures, at leas t fo r youn g children between seve n and thirteen , wer e high , eve n in the absenc e o f effectivel y enforce d compulsor y educatio n laws. 19 Despit e the portrayal o f reformers like Carlton, th e schools had always had broade r goals than instructio n i n the three Rs. Training in morality, citizenshi p an d industriousness, obedienc e an d orderlines s accompanied eve n the most ru dimentary literac y training . An d literac y itsel f wa s a fa r mor e significan t aim tha n simpl e alphabeticis m i n a Protestan t cultur e wit h a wide-base d suffrage. Still , th e fulfillmen t o f thes e aim s wa s limite d throughou t th e nineteenth centur y b y brief , sporadic , an d attenuate d attendance . Thus , while th e objectiv e o f universa l schoolin g ha d bee n largel y fulfilled , th e effectiveness o f th e school s ha d remaine d limited . Elementary instructio n in basic subjects often i n very abbreviated for m wa s al l that mos t children , and certainl y mos t working-clas s children , coul d expect . Th e effectiv e ex pansion o f th e schools , longitudinall y toward longer , mor e regula r atten dance an d horizontall y i n th e accretio n o f socia l services , activities , an d subjects, wa s ver y much a n expressio n o f th e school-refor m effort s o f th e late nineteenth an d earl y twentiet h centuries. The publi c secondar y schoo l stil l compete d wit h th e privat e academ y throughout th e post-Civil War period, an d was disproportionately th e pre-

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serve o f th e middl e class , o f th e childre n o f proprietors , professionals , managers, an d o f som e privilege d shopkeepers, artisans , an d clerks . Mos t high school s wer e small , uncomplicate d institution s whic h directe d thei r efforts t o preparin g boys fo r the universit y or clerica l professions and girls for teaching . I n 1870 , onl y 2,. 7 percen t o f al l student s eligibl e to atten d four-year hig h school s wer e i n publi c schools . Tha t proportio n ros e t o only 4.2 . percent b y 1890 . Excep t i n isolate d instance s lik e the Bosto n Latin School, America n publicl y supporte d hig h school s ha d neve r offere d a n exclusively classical curriculum with ancien t language s at it s base, but ha d proffered mor e functiona l Englis h or science-base d curricula. But they ha d been overwhelmingl y academic. Rathe r tha n th e stric t adherenc e t o a sequence o f Lati n texts , th e publi c hig h school s provide d a wid e rang e of courses i n history , mathematics , English , science , foreig n languages , an d philosophy. Som e als o offere d commercia l subject s lik e bookkeeping. 20 Bu t only wit h th e reform s o f the earl y twentieth centur y and i n th e contex t of the much larger student bod y to which they aspired was the academi c high school replace d by the comprehensive high school o f the twentieth century. These wer e th e reforms , enforce d truanc y laws , schoo l attendanc e be yond th e primar y grades , mor e relevan t courses, an d th e publi c school a s a socia l center—wha t migh t bes t b e describe d a s th e intensificatio n of ed ucation—that progressives hoped to brin g to the schools. The reasons were related bot h t o th e reevaluatio n of work i n industrial America and t o th e shock o f recognitio n tha t reformer s experienced whe n the y se t out t o dis cover th e source s an d consequence s o f the povert y o f industrial workers . All abou t the m i n th e slums , the mil l towns, an d th e mines , reformer s discovered no t onl y industria l poverty bu t als o th e specifi c povert y of th e immigrant masses . "In th e poores t quarter s o f many great American cities, and industria l communities, " Rober t Hunte r concluded , "on e i s struck by a mos t peculia r fact—th e poo r ar e almos t entirel y foreign. " Jaco b Rii s observed th e sam e thing . "Her e i n Ne w Yor k t o see k th e childre n o f th e poor one mus t go amon g those who, i f they di d no t themselve s come over the sea, ca n rarely count bac k another generatio n bor n o n American soil." And Mar y Simkovitc h cam e t o th e sam e conclusion . "Ou r wage-earner s are mainl y foreigners and th e lif e o f th e industria l famil y i s th e famil y o f the immigran t o r o f hi s children . Thei r traits , customs , habits , desires, " she added pointedly , "mus t therefor e be of interest and concer n t o u s all." 21 This doubl e discovery , tha t mos t workers ' live s were impoverishe d an d that most of the poor were foreign, force d reformer s to dea l not onl y with change but als o with diversit y and t o confron t it s consequences fo r American socia l life . A s a result , thei r demand s o n th e school s becam e eve n more significan t an d onerous . The school s were to provid e not onl y a substitute for m o f socializatio n but als o a mean s fo r remedia l socialization.

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The school s ha d t o attemp t wha t wor k coul d n o longe r achieve . Bu t th e schools als o ha d t o overcom e what alie n families an d foreig n communities had alread y begun. Common schoo l advocate s i n the nineteenth century had als o deal t wit h heterogeneity, bu t thei r commitmen t t o clear-cu t citizenshi p training, thei r confident moralism , an d thei r pedagogical fait h i n rote learning made thi s problem fa r less complicated tha n that which face d socia l reformer s by the early twentiet h century . B y then, th e regnan t evangelica l morality o f early nineteenth-century Protestantis m ha d bee n calle d int o questio n b y scienc e and secularization , an d th e simpl e didacticis m had bee n largel y undercu t by a reforme d pedagogy an d ne w view s of childhoo d learning. 22 I n addi tion, th e challenge s mounted agains t attempt s a t cultura l hegemony throug h schooling b y Catholics , foreig n language groups , an d som e radica l critic s in labo r an d socialis t organization s ha d take n thei r tol l o n th e unambiguous assimilatio n implici t in the origina l common school. 23 But th e reformer s to o ha d contribute d t o th e problem . B y the tim e of the Firs t Worl d War , th e industria l crisi s o f th e lat e nineteent h centur y had als o becom e a cultura l crisis, a crisis that by then involve d not repub lican characte r bu t th e meanin g o f America n identit y an d stat e loyalty . Reformers contribute d t o thi s no t simpl y because they wer e suspicious of immigrants, a s many were, bu t als o becaus e in helping to redefin e ho w a n individual wa s socialize d in cultural rather tha n politica l terms , they dre w attention t o th e vas t difference s amon g ethni c group s an d bega n t o se e how comple x th e proces s o f learnin g was . Thei r attentio n t o th e man y differences tha t underlay immigrant life came , moreover, a t jus t that point in th e earl y twentiet h centur y whe n discussion s abou t immigratio n too k on a markedl y racis t slant. 24 Whil e racis t thinker s an d socia l reformer s were b y n o mean s coincident, bot h emphasize d th e tenaciou s characteris tics of immigrant groups. And even though reformer s hoped to chang e the home condition s o f immigrants and t o provid e institutions fo r thei r socia l integration, thei r effort s highlighte d jus t ho w differen t immigrant s wer e while deflatin g th e commo n experienc e o f wor k an d politic s a s sufficien t for citizenship. 25 So too, thei r writing s were riddled with confusion s about the role of inheritance on character , on poverty , and on talent . The y used misleading terms lik e "race traits" an d trade d i n invidiou s group descrip tions.26 To the moder n sensibility , Riis' s portraya l of variou s immigran t groups, o r th e essay s by settlement worker s a t Boston' s Southen d House , or eve n Mar y Simkovitch' s usuall y sensitive descriptions o f worker s rea d like racial slurs, ful l o f stereotypes abou t alcoholi c bu t affabl e Irish , uncivilized blacks , thrift y an d hardworkin g Germans , sting y Jews, an d sturd y but dul l Poles . Mar y Simkovitc h summed up th e dilemm a o f he r refor m generation: "The anthropologist s will no longer allow us to us e the expres-

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sion 'rac e traits' an d an y characterizatio n o f a rac e grou p i s bound t o b e partial an d limited . Du e a s these qualitie s doubtless largel y ar e t o th e en vironment, w e can yet not fai l t o observ e the differentiatio n tha t mark s off one group fro m another." 27 In fact , whil e thei r languag e an d concept s wer e ofte n confused , reform ers were gropin g towar d a way o f identifying differen t group s b y what w e would toda y cal l culture—habit s tha t for m fro m withi n th e dynamic s of group participatio n rathe r tha n fro m individua l heredity. Th e mos t sensi tive reformers , lik e Jan e Addam s o r Grac e Abbott , certainl y understoo d the historica l circumstance s withi n whic h grou p characteristic s evolve d an d how the y functioned for group survival and personal strength. Other s wer e less careful o r caring , but reformer s were almos t withou t exceptio n befor e World Wa r I concerne d wit h socia l conditions , no t geneti c endowment . Their lapsin g int o persona l bigotr y o r the confusions of contemporary lan guage ough t no t t o disguis e their dominan t concern . In shiftin g attentio n fro m th e workplac e t o th e live s and habit s o f im migrant workers—wha t the y ate , ho w their childre n played, how th e family functioned—reformers, althoug h they did not nam e it, began to observe the complex realitie s of immigrant culture. "In th e largest cities of America there ar e many things which separat e th e rich an d the poor," Robert Hunte r declared, "language , institutions , customs , o r eve n religio n separat e th e native an d th e foreign . It i s thi s separatio n whic h make s th e proble m of poverty i n Americ a mor e difficul t o f solutio n tha n tha t o f an y othe r na tion." The discover y of immigrant culture—neither geneti c nor strictl y environmental (becaus e it could no t b e quickly altered)—pose d specia l prob lems. "American s hav e perhap s to o readil y assume d tha t al l immigrant s can b e assimilate d wit h equa l ease, " France s Kello r declared . "W e no w realize . . . tha t som e races , unfamilia r wit h ou r language , for m o f gov ernment, industria l organizations , financia l institutions , an d standard s o f living require muc h mor e aggressiv e efforts towar d assimilation. " No t un til th e 1910 5 would Americans ' insistenc e o n th e tenacit y o f ethnic differ ences inspir e immigran t exclusion , 10 0 percen t Americanism , an d grou p pride. Bu t befor e refor m enthusias m gav e way t o wa r an d th e 192.05 so lutions that predefined America in terms o f a racial and ethni c status quo , reformers manage d to inves t one institutio n wit h thei r hope s for socia l change. Th e schoo l wa s th e onl y institutio n tha t coul d hop e t o alte r im migrant cultur e wher e i t wa s environmentall y mos t permeable—th e car e and instructio n o f children . "Dow n i n the wors t littl e ruffian' s soul , ther e is, afte r all , a tende r spo t not yet preempte d by the slums, " Jaco b Rii s observed. An d i n tha t stil l unblemishe d potential, th e reformer s place d thei r hopes. "Mos t o f th e question s affectin g th e immigran t in America, " on e reformer noted , "hi s relationshi p t o th e nationa l lif e an d it s relationshi p


5

to him, come back at the last to the problem of education. Befor e anything else must come education." 28

Ill In th e ligh t o f thei r implici t discoveries about culture , educatio n ha d be come a muc h subtle r matte r fo r reformer s tha n th e simpl e exposur e t o common schoolin g ha d onc e been . Th e experienc e of reformer s with th e intricate cultura l networks tha t the y foun d i n visitin g the neighborhood s of the foreign-born helped to inform th e view held, almost universally, that education wa s nothin g les s tha n th e whol e proces s o f socialization , th e process b y whic h th e chil d became a par t o f society . Their experienc e made John Dewey' s approac h t o educatio n (als o forme d i n th e comple x ethni c environment of late nineteenth-century Chicago) as the product of and th e preparation fo r lif e a s a whole urgent and compelling . Thus, when reformers spok e o f education , the y usuall y di d s o i n capaciou s terms . "Nothin g less tha n educatio n i s powerful enough t o sav e the child, " Rober t Hunte r announced. "And , 't o prepar e fo r complet e living ' i s th e functio n educa tion has to discharge." 29 Hunter's us e of the term "education" is deceptive here, fo r despit e thei r broa d language , most reformers , Hunter included , were satisfie d t o identif y thei r hope s fo r educatio n wit h th e school . Th e school require d fo r thi s tas k ha d t o b e reconstructe d an d expande d s o as to provid e a n effectiv e correlativ e to th e cultur e from whic h poor, foreig n children came . Thus , whe n Hunte r an d other s spok e o f educatio n "fo r complete living " the y di d no t hav e i n mind th e totalit y o f childhoo d so cialization, whic h afte r al l wa s th e sourc e o f th e proble m fo r immigran t children, bu t a reformed and expande d schooling . Onl y the school s coul d save the child from th e lif e he was destined otherwise t o lead . That school ing no w ha d t o replac e th e "complet e living " whic h ha d neve r befor e required a simpl e solution . Once, Hunte r explained , "th e childre n receive d thei r entir e educatio n either i n th e hom e o r i n th e adjoinin g fields. Certainly i n thos e day s th e child receive d hi s bes t educatio n unde r th e supervisio n o f hi s ow n par ents."30 That informal education was not onl y no longer sufficient bu t als o no longe r trustworthy . Fo r th e childre n of immigran t workers t o b e edu cated entirel y unde r thei r parents ' aegi s wa s t o leav e the m i n unsanitar y slums exposed t o th e lures of the street an d t o perpetuate th e very cultural differences an d ofte n undemocrati c practice s reformer s hope d t o over come. Thoug h no t withou t ambiguit y and som e regret , reformer s aspired to replacin g one form o f "life" wit h another fo r immigrant children.31 The reformers' visio n of educatio n wa s paradoxical . The y wishe d th e school s

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From Other Shores

to b e lik e lif e an d t o prepar e fo r life , whil e they hope d th e school s woul d replace objectionabl e form s o f livin g an d prepar e th e youn g to liv e bette r (and mor e American ) lives than the y would hav e lived withou t schooling . They hope d th e school s woul d substitut e America n form s fo r th e cacoph ony of alien cultural modes , bu t the y also hoped th e schools coul d becom e an integra l par t o f th e communitie s fro m whic h th e childre n came . Th e paradox resulted , i n part, fro m th e fac t tha t progressive s intended a t onc e to refor m th e school s an d t o mak e th e school s a n instrumen t o f socia l reform. The y wante d t o mak e the school s mor e expansive , mor e protean , more sociall y instrumental. While the school s neede d t o becom e mor e like communities, th e communitie s the y hope d th e school s woul d prepar e fo r were t o becom e mor e lik e the school s o f their fantasy . John Dewe y capture d th e natur e o f tha t schoo l an d th e mechanism s of this reciproca l refor m i n School an d Society (1915) . Lik e othe r progres sives, Dewe y hope d to creat e in the school s the modern-da y equivalen t of democracy i n nineteenth-centur y America , an d i n s o doin g t o confir m de mocracy b y re-creatin g i t i n revise d form . "Whe n th e schoo l introduce s and train s eac h chil d o f societ y int o membershi p withi n suc h a little community," Dewe y observed , "saturatin g hi m wit h th e spiri t o f service , an d providing hi m wit h th e instrument s of effectiv e self-direction , we shal l have the deepes t an d bes t guarante e o f a large r societ y whic h i s worthy, lovel y and harmonious." 32 Fo r Dewey , thi s visio n o f the schoo l wa s itsel f a type of reform , fo r i t constitute d a consciousl y create d communit y tha t wa s a vast improvemen t ove r th e atomisti c societ y tha t Dewey , lik e othe r pro gressives, sa w i n the industria l an d urba n world aroun d them . An d it woul d lead t o refor m i n tha t large r societ y b y providin g childre n wit h th e skill s and th e tool s o f democrati c participatio n an d socia l responsibility . Dew ey's visio n wa s bot h a recip e fo r an d a n epitom e o f wha t progressive s hoped reforme d school s woul d provide . A goo d par t o f th e progressives ' visio n o f wha t th e school s wer e t o become cam e fro m th e work-centere d republica n value s they inherite d fro m the past. "We ar e apparently enterin g upon a period o f cheap standardize d production upo n a n enormous scale , whic h wil l multiply commodities an d increase leisure, " Charle s Horto n Cooley , th e progressiv e sociologist , noted , "but wil l make littl e deman d upo n th e intelligenc e of the majorit y o f pro ducers an d offe r n o scop e fo r menta l discipline . Wor k i s becomin g les s than eve r competen t t o educat e th e worker , an d i f w e ar e t o escap e th e torpor, frivolity , an d socia l irresponsibilit y engendere d b y thi s condition , we must offse t i t by a social an d mora l cultur e acquired i n the school s an d in th e communit y as a whole. " Coole y wa s no t alon e i n lookin g bac k t o the ol d idea l behin d the commo n school . Hi s view of th e schoo l wa s ver y

The Progressive, the Immigrant, an d th e School 2,

7

much part o f a traditio n i n which school s provide d a commo n an d mora l experience. Bu t Cooley , lik e Dewey and othe r progressives , wa s no t con tent t o mak e the schoo l a didactic instrument o f morality an d citizenship . Instead, school s ha d t o b e democratic an d participatory, th e equivalents of once richl y functionin g work-centere d communitie s whic h industrializa tion ha d impoverishe d an d replace d wit h th e fragmentatio n of th e slums , the tenements, an d the city streets. "Th e childre n in public schools," Mary Simkovitch observed , "lea d mor e nearl y a lif e o f real democrac y than an y other group. The y ar e instilled wit h a common poin t o f view. They lead a united lif e o f work, play , and hope." 33 Not onl y did childre n i n this view lead a mor e "real " lif e i n schoo l tha n out , bu t the y live d it mor e demo cratically. Again the schools were paradoxical, democrati c bu t no t diverse, like lif e onl y better. Their s wa s a democrac y of a "commo n poin t o f view, " the democrac y o f a fancie d America n small-town pas t no w s o obviously missing from the immigrant-swollen cities . It was, of course, no t America' s real lif e bu t it s fancied past tha t Simkovitc h hoped to creat e i n the schools , just a s i t wa s th e form s o f wor k reformer s believe d ha d onc e bee n th e common underpinning s of democratic citizenshi p that Cooley no w misse d in th e workplace an d sough t in the schools . At just the time progressives were turning to new methods like the schools, their belief s remaine d informe d by traditional value s which those method s were t o refashio n and replace . Th e school s wer e deeply part o f those con fusing, eve n contradictory , cultura l aspirations , an d man y o f th e confu sions tha t marke d progressiv e education mus t be understood i n that light . The progressives hope d t o inves t the traditiona l commo n schoo l wit h new functions an d a ne w significanc e as par t o f a large r socia l reconstruction , but th e vision s they brough t t o tha t reconstructio n wer e limite d bot h b y the pas t orde r fo r whic h th e school s wer e t o provid e a substitut e an d b y the reformers ' particula r diagnosi s o f th e disorde r the y sa w abou t them . The attachmen t o f th e progressive s to manua l an d vocationa l instructio n illustrates man y of thei r dilemmas . Even thoug h th e schoo l wa s th e mod ern-day replacemen t fo r work , mos t progressive s stil l hope d t o preserv e some o f th e character-buildin g agency of wor k i n th e school. 34 Whil e th e fervor fo r manua l educatio n ha d passe d wit h th e ol d century , vocationa l and industria l education , whic h took it s place , wa s stil l highl y craft ori ented. Work , fo r reformers who rarely labored i n field or sho p themselves, still usually meant manual work, and the reformers' attachmen t t o manual labor a t jus t th e poin t whe n the y foun d suc h labo r empt y o f socia l an d civic value suggests not th e insincerity of their belief s but incomplet e trans formations i n their thinking. Like their faith tha t school s would be like life only better , democrati c bu t productiv e o f a commo n culture , s o to o re -

2.8 From

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formers hope d t o preserv e a n old-fashione d experienc e o f physica l labo r in an environmen t intended a s both a substitute fo r work an d a n escalato r out o f the workin g class . Part o f thei r dilemm a was real , th e resul t o f their heightene d sensitivity to th e problem s o f th e alie n poor . Reformer s wer e no t naiv e abou t th e dangers o f industria l education. Mos t understoo d ho w easil y it coul d de generate int o clas s education tha t fitte d th e masse s to menia l roles i n life . As Mary Simkovitc h noted, "Th e educatio n o f a n aristocrac y wher e som e are t o b e leaders an d other s ar e t o b e workers woul d lea d t o a classifica tion i n educatio n t o correspon d t o socia l class , an d i n fact , tha t i s th e danger o f th e industria l education movemen t in this country. I f this move ment become s a too l i n th e hand s o f employer s merel y to produc e mor e effective workers , publi c funds ar e being diverted from th e proper functio n of creatin g citizens , t o tha t o f creatin g an industria l army." Nevertheless , Simkovitch insiste d o n th e desirabilit y o f industria l education . "Th e ne w education, see n i n th e developmen t o f industria l training , i f properl y understood wil l not lea d t o clas s educatio n but rathe r wil l be a new mod e of educatin g all. " Trainin g i n wor k an d a n understandin g o f th e wor k process, Simkovitc h believed, had t o becom e part o f the tota l "socializin g process" and par t o f everyone's education. 35 Certainly Joh n Common s di d no t wis h t o se e industrial educatio n be come a captiv e o f employe r interests . H e hope d tha t manua l instruction , as part o f a muc h broade r curriculum , would develo p th e worker' s intel ligence an d generat e creativit y an d innovation—producin g no t drone s o r an industria l arm y bu t citizens . "Th e foundation s o f intelligenc e fo r th e modern workingma n i s his understandin g of mechanics . Not unti l h e learns through manua l an d technica l trainin g to handl e th e force s o f natur e ca n the workingman ris e to positions o f responsibility and independence. . . . intelligence in mechanics leads to intelligence in economics an d politics." 36 Commons, lik e many progressives, could not dives t himself o f the nineteenth century ideal: the mind informed by meaningful wor k was politically trust worthy. For som e reformers , vocational educatio n als o promise d economi c an d social mobilit y t o th e childre n o f th e immigran t poor. "Vocationa l direc tion," Lillian Wald noted, "ha s bee n in the minds of many social workers . It i s inevitable that me n an d women , a s they becom e acquainte d wit h th e fortunes o f the childre n i n an immigran t neighborhood, tak e a loo k ahea d and rebe l at repeatin g i n the live s of the nex t generatio n the misfortun e of the proceeding. " Fo r Henr y Moskowitz , a Ne w Yor k settlemen t worker , labor activist , socialist , and a n immigran t himself, thi s repetitio n o f mis fortune wa s exactl y wha t old-fashione d education mean t fo r th e children of th e immigrant . Moskowitz ha d nothing but contempt for the shortsight-


9

edness o f a purely academic curriculum : "Th e immigran t chil d wh o mus t leave school at fourteen is fit for nothing. Th e curriculum was not designe d to meet his needs. . .. He must fac e th e work o f industry without having received th e slightes t equipmen t impartin g tha t manne r o f capacit y re quired fo r a beginner . Ou r democrac y ha s bee n lavis h in it s expenditur e of wealt h o n thi s undemocrati c education." 37 Moskowitz's ange r cam e fro m hi s perceptions abou t th e natur e o f education a s it the n existed . All around the m i n the schools , reformer s saw a highly academi c curriculum, geared t o subjec t progressions culminatin g in the university . Tha t schoolin g ha d allowe d "th e forme r cultura l educa tional syste m . .. to decline from it s old high estate o f creating cultivated persons t o a plan for educating clerks." In its place, many reformers hoped to institute a n education whos e aims would be the education o f the laborer rather tha n th e elite . Edward Divine , a leader o f charity reform , presente d one o f th e mos t provocativ e statement s o f th e hope s o f reformer s fo r vo cational education . Awar e o f th e clas s danger s o f a n insincer e incorpora tion o f vocational trainin g into a school syste m geared t o colleg e entrance , Divine proposed t o reunif y educatio n b y standing the classica l curriculum on it s head , makin g th e educatio n o f th e workingman , no t th e profes sional, th e organizin g principle and fulcru m o f th e schoo l curriculum . "Th e great bod y of workers—industrial , agricultural , and commercial—shoul d furnish th e unifyin g elemen t rathe r tha n th e vocationa l need s o f th e fe w who are to enjoy a higher education. . . . What I urge . .. is that i n the very interes t o f highe r education itsel f th e element s which ar e neede d fo r industrial an d agricultural workers ar e valuable . . . that lawyer s will be better lawyers , teacher s bette r teachers , preacher s bette r preachers , an d businessmen certainl y infinitel y bette r businessmen , if they can brin g it abou t that secondar y and higher and professional education will take adolescent s who hav e already been deliberatel y grounded i n the things which worker s should kno w i n order t o b e good worker s an d i n order t o lea d a good life , and fro m suc h materia l wil l develo p th e nationa l leaders , democratically minded leader s in tune with th e lif e o f the nations' workers." 38 This radi cal proposal rejecte d not onl y a too earl y differentiatio n bu t als o th e usua l antidote t o separat e education— a uniforml y academi c curriculum. Divine was emphasizing the progressives' expectatio n tha t vocational an d manual education woul d mak e work an d th e worker th e schools' central commit ment an d tha t thi s vision would unit e all Americans through th e bond s of reformed schooling . Reintegrating Americans through schools , wit h o r withou t workers ' ed ucation, pose d a difficul t agenda , however . Progressive s hope d t o mak e the school s a vita l communit y force , bes t epitomize d i n th e social-cente r ideal wher e schools woul d serv e a wid e range of neighborhoo d purposes .

30 From

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But th e relationshi p betwee n th e immigran t chil d an d hi s own famil y an d community presente d specia l dilemma s fo r reformers . I n th e firs t place , immigrant childre n had specia l academi c difficulties. Progressiv e reformer s like Grac e Abbot t understoo d tha t immigran t childre n wer e ofte n educa tionally misplace d becaus e o f thei r difficultie s wit h language . "Newl y ar rived immigran t children, " Abbott observed , "ar e pu t i n classes organize d for backwar d o r subnorma l children , o r subnorma l o r backwar d childre n are put i n the 'steamer ' classes [fo r recently arrived immigrants]; and grav e injustice i s thu s don e t o bot h groups. " A s seriously , th e handicap s th e immigrants generall y labore d unde r affecte d th e schoolin g o f thei r chil dren. Th e childre n attende d irregularl y because the y wer e neede d t o car e for younge r childre n a t hom e o r becaus e the y wer e pu t t o wor k underag e when parent s coul d no t affor d t o kee p the m a t school . An d parent s re sented th e schools ' underminin g o f thei r authorit y whic h "widen[ed ] th e gap betwee n th e paren t an d th e child. " Som e reformers , lik e Jacob Riis , saw thes e problem s largel y a s the resul t o f parental greed ; bu t others , lik e Abbott an d Simkovitch , understoo d tha t need , no t greed , kep t childre n from school , an d thu s impede d thei r academi c progress . Despit e compul sory schoo l requirement s (eve n whe n thes e wer e effectivel y enforced) , immigrant childre n rarel y wen t t o schoo l befor e th e ag e o f seve n an d wer e usually a t work b y the time the y were fourteen. "No adequat e trainin g for life ca n b e obtained i n this pitifull y brie f period, " Simkovitch concluded. 39 The ver y concep t o f "trainin g fo r life " wa s problemati c i n ligh t o f th e alien population whos e children' s live s were at stake . Whe n thi s was com bined wit h th e idea l o f schoo l an d communit y integration , th e mixtur e could b e explosive . Progressive s hope d t o enric h th e school s an d adap t them i n whateve r wa y necessary t o provid e th e mos t complet e educatio n possible fo r childre n wh o attende d irregularl y an d lef t earl y s o tha t the y could b e prepared fo r livin g an d t o mak e a living . Unlik e school adminis trators whos e concer n wa s wit h a n efficien t schoo l order , a n integrate d curriculum, effectiv e evaluatio n procedures , th e progressive s wer e ofte n deeply concerne d wit h th e relationshi p betwee n th e immigran t chil d an d his parents an d community . "W e mus t no t detac h th e chil d fro m [hi s parents]," Lillia n Wald insisted , "o r fro m th e tradition s whic h ar e hi s heri tage." Henr y Moskowit z mad e th e sam e point . "I n a n immigran t neigh borhood . . . th e welfar e o f th e chil d i s determine d b y tw o importan t factors, th e inner environment represente d i n the social world an d religious traditions, th e historica l backgroun d brough t ove r t o th e ne w countr y b y his parents ; an d th e oute r environmen t expresse d i n th e physical , socia l and economi c conditions , ove r whic h th e paren t ha s n o control." 40 Bu t how coul d th e school s bot h respec t th e child' s alie n culture—an d no t de -


1

tach hi m fro m it—ye t replac e i t wit h mor e America n experience s whic h would serv e to unif y chil d lif e throug h school ? The mor e progressive s appreciate d immigran t diversit y an d th e mor e they calle d o n th e school s t o pa y hee d t o th e specia l background s o f th e pupils, th e les s acceptabl e a simpl e unifor m educationa l syste m became . "Every syste m of education tha t attempt s t o trai n th e 'whole man ' must, " Simkovitch insisted , "pla n t o relat e th e chil d t o hi s family , hi s neighbor hood, hi s stat e . . . a s wel l a s t o relat e hi m to hi s prospective work. " Grace Abbot t forcefull y rejecte d the "steamrolle r approach " to schooling , an approac h tha t trie d t o moul d ol d immigrant s "int o tru e American s as fast a s possible. . . . this canno t b e accepted a s an educational end either for childre n o r fo r adults . Th e 'moulding ' proces s i s contrar y t o soun d educational standards . I t mean s ironin g ou t individual , as wel l a s group , differences. I t mean s tha t th e nativ e American s se t themselve s up a s th e true America n typ e t o whic h th e immigrant s mus t conform . Thi s would , of course , b e reckles s in it s disregar d o f th e talent s an d capacit y o f othe r people."41 But this very appreciation o f the diversit y of immigrant cultures an d th e specific talent s an d contribution s o f the group s fro m whic h childre n cam e could mea n tha t certai n kind s of education, lik e vocational an d industria l training, woul d b e preferred for some children, especiall y the poor and th e foreign fo r who m i t seeme d s o much bette r suited. 42 Abbott's fin e expres sion o f understandin g fo r th e culture s o f immigrant s and broadl y sympa thetic vie w of their gifts an d talent s could , wit h a slightly different empha sis, becom e a ple a fo r a differentiate d educatio n fitte d t o th e specia l talents , traits, inbor n characteristics , o r wha t hav e you, o f differen t groups . Thu s Robert Hunte r noted , "On e familia r wit h th e home s abroa d fro m whic h the immigrant s hav e come, an d familiar , a s well with th e parent s an d th e environment o f th e chil d here , know s tha t th e chil d o f on e o f thes e race s may b e almos t a s unlik e th e chil d o f anothe r a s Caliba n i s unlik e Pros pero." Hunter continued , "eac h rac e an d clas s has, i n more o r less degree, a certai n peculia r essence or flavor of mind . . . which, i f given its proper bent an d lovingl y cultivated , woul d yiel d t o th e worl d untol d value s i n specially powerfu l aptitudes . Thi s i s a n aspec t o f educatio n whic h i s pe culiarly important t o Americ a with it s mixture of races." 43 Despite Hunter' s bes t effort s t o extricat e himsel f fro m th e obviou s difficulties of thi s perspective an d hi s plea tha t "th e individua l child o f what ever clas s o r rac e shoul d b e give n ever y opportunit y t o yiel d th e bes t i n any wal k o f lif e whic h hi s natura l gift s mak e possible," 44 neithe r h e no r others coul d avoi d th e dilemm a posed b y th e recognitio n o f cultura l differences an d thei r implications for an education committed t o socialization

3 2. From

Other Shores

broadly defined . The problem was vastly complicated b y the frequen t confusion amon g reformer s betwee n cultur e an d race . Tha t confusio n wa s exacerbated b y th e inventio n o f menta l testin g tha t too k plac e a t jus t that time , bu t whos e impac t woul d com e with explosiv e forc e onl y i n th e 192.05. For som e th e dilemm a foun d a n eas y resolutio n i n a hierarchica l view of education . Rober t Wood s believe d that a n enlarge d democrati c visio n aimed a t th e welfar e o f al l th e peopl e an d a n efficientl y ordere d societ y would defin e vocationalis m s o a s to fi t th e masse s fo r specifi c an d limite d future role s an d occupations . Wood s hope d th e school s woul d determin e what eac h chil d coul d b e expected t o d o fo r th e res t o f his or he r lif e an d give that chil d only the education h e or she needed to prepare for that end . "There i s reality i n th e charg e tha t th e publi c schools ar e educatin g children beyon d thei r station , thoug h tha t i s a ver y mea n wa y t o pu t it. " Woods declare d tha t th e "syste m o f universa l education mus t becom e a system o f universal vocational education . Someho w or othe r ever y studen t who passe s throug h th e public-schoo l syste m must hav e some measur e of such applie d exercis e o f hi s wit s an d hi s skil l a s wil l enabl e hi m t o ente r at onc e into productiv e industry . The shop doe s no t giv e that trainin g any more. Th e home , eve n i n th e country , give s it bu t ver y little . Th e schoo l therefore mus t undertak e th e work." 45 Thi s wa s educatio n fo r lif e i n it s most stati c form , an d Wood s too k th e eas y pat h t o a resolutio n o f th e problems implici t i n th e combine d belie f tha t th e school s ha d becom e th e most importan t instrumen t o f instructio n an d tha t differen t individual s both had differen t background s an d differen t task s i n life . Woods hoped t o us e the school s directl y i n th e interest s o f efficien t socia l order . Hi s solutio n would b e a continuin g componen t o f twentieth-centur y attempt s t o dea l with th e issue s that progressive s bega n t o explor e earl y in the century . But Woods's conclusio n wa s neither th e onl y possible conclusio n t o th e problem no r th e on e adopte d b y al l progressives. Strugglin g with a wid e range o f socia l issue s whose essentia l difficultie s stil l confoun d u s today , reformers' attitude s towar d th e educatio n o f immigrant s were comple x an d often contradictory . O n th e on e hand , the y wer e inchin g thei r wa y t o a radical appreciatio n o f th e fac t o f socia l diversity . Weane d o n value s de rived fro m cohesive , organicall y integrate d communities, th e progressive s discovered a cacophony o f differen t cultura l modes, famil y economies , at titudes, an d traditions . Al l the progressives found thi s disturbing, but som e also foun d vitalit y an d hop e i n thi s diversity , an d thei r curiosit y was titil lated abou t ho w a ne w an d bette r societ y coul d gro w fro m th e energ y of new force s an d ne w contributions. 46 On th e other hand , reformer s looke d increasingly towar d th e unifyin g powe r o f the school s t o creat e a comprehensive social environment , not onl y to provid e literacy but als o to retrain

The Progressive, the Immigrant, and the School 3

3

habits, encourag e persona l growth , provid e economi c mobility , and serv e as a basi s for a saf e democrati c citizenship . To appreciat e th e cultur e o f th e immigrants , a s man y reformer s did , could no t mea n to leav e them alone , fo r th e experienc e o f schooling was , and progressive s intended i t t o be , a process b y which somethin g positiv e was don e t o th e immigran t child, somethin g tha t woul d chang e hi m an d possibly introduce dee p conflict s i n loyalty and socialization . T o leav e immigrant childre n alon e wa s t o freez e th e statu s quo , no t onl y b y riveting the youn g int o th e socia l statu s inherite d fro m thei r unskille d working class father s an d mother s an d force d upo n the m by an earl y entry into the labor market , bu t als o b y separating the m int o a n unacceptabl e cast e de fined b y language , habits , an d beliefs . Bu t t o transfor m th e childre n o f immigrants int o carbo n copie s of nativ e Americans, as Grace Abbott feared , was no t onl y t o destro y th e strength s provide d the m b y their cultur e bu t also to assume that wha t an American was at any one time was and should be wha t a n America n always would be— a choice , i t i s well t o remember , that was adopte d b y those wh o wrot e th e immigran t quotas o f th e twen ties but whic h most progressives, following the lead of John Dewey , would not accept . Thi s denie d the very possibility of change and growth, of prog ress an d evolution , whic h reformers , whatever thei r specifi c fear s abou t disorder an d reservation s abou t diversity , hope d th e school s woul d en courage. Similarly, i f school s remaine d strictl y academi c an d didactic , th e chil dren o f immigrant s would b e denie d schoolin g tha t mad e sens e t o thei r lives. Their all-too-brie f exposur e woul d provid e nothin g mor e tha n a ru dimentary literacy . That kin d of schooling, brie f an d irrelevant , could hardly compete wit h th e educationa l lif e o f th e neighborhood . But , if the school s were t o atten d t o th e specifi c need s an d probabl e goal s o f thei r students , how coul d thes e b e judge d without predefinin g thei r future s b y a n over scrupulous adjustmen t to th e present ? Schoolin g coul d ope n possibilities , or clos e them ; i t coul d b e aler t t o students ' needs , o r ignor e the m i n th e interests o f uniformity o r equa l opportunity. On e thing was clear. I n being redefined an d repositione d i n the matrix o f socialization, school s coul d n o longer ignor e th e population s the y served . They had becom e mor e public than commo n a s the y ha d bee n investe d with bot h ne w powe r an d ne w hope—and als o wit h a multitud e of new problems .

IV The concept s an d value s that progressive reformer s brought t o th e prob lem of schooling framed no t onl y its functions bu t als o its definition. School s

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were t o b e a t onc e instrument s of remedial socializatio n an d primar y agents of culture ; they were to connec t th e democratic potentia l o f an enormousl y diverse populatio n t o th e unitie s o f a n ancien t citizenship ; the y wer e t o educate fo r futur e succes s bu t b e attentiv e t o presen t needs . Thes e fissures were not contradiction s bu t th e essence of progressive schoo l ideology , an d they connecte d tha t ideolog y t o th e parado x o f America n societ y i n th e twentieth century . A s reformer s transforme d th e idea o f commo n schoo l education int o a commitment t o socialization , the y exposed th e schools t o the centrifuga l forces of that concept . Th e commitmen t t o socializatio n a s a substitut e fo r wor k linke d th e value s o f progressiv e reformer s t o th e democratic impuls e o f commo n schoo l citizenshi p bu t increasingl y erode d the uniformit y of th e commo n schoo l idea . A s a democrati c reform , th e idea o f socializatio n capture d th e reformers ' sense that al l childre n coul d be educated . Sinc e socializatio n i s a process tha t al l peopl e experienc e through growth , the n th e school s a s socializer s coul d b e extende d t o al l and extende d fo r longe r an d longe r period s o f development . I f school s merely educate d i n fixe d subjects , the n i t migh t b e argue d tha t no t al l children coul d b e expected t o comprehen d o r neede d t o comprehen d thos e subjects, especiall y at thei r mor e advance d level s in th e uppe r grades . Bu t socialization necessaril y democratize d schoolin g a t highe r levels . A t th e same time , however , socializatio n require d tha t school s becom e sharpl y attentive t o th e difference s amon g students , sinc e i t connecte d school s t o families an d neighborhood s a t on e en d an d t o socia l outcome s a t th e other . Children ar e no t lik e academi c subject s wit h clea r definition s an d limits , and thei r infinit e variet y require d tha t school s becom e especiall y attune d to thei r differences . Thi s becam e th e predominan t concer n o f school s i n the 192.0 5 a s the y adjuste d t o th e population s tha t progressiv e reforms , especially child-labo r an d school-attendanc e laws , lef t a s a legacy. But th e progressiv e solution s t o th e twentieth-centur y parado x hav e bee n more fa r reachin g tha n th e specifi c historica l circumstance s the y wer e mean t to address . Thi s i s becaus e progressiv e vision s o f educatio n hav e becom e part o f th e cultura l constructio n o f th e proble m o f mass education . I t i s also becaus e the visions that underla y progressive educational refor m were complex a s well a s limited . Whil e thei r view s were limite d by the particu lar circumstance s an d ofte n stil l traditionall y derive d value s o f th e time , the progressives' understandin g of the problem o f citizenship, of the natur e of socialization , o f th e complication s o f cultur e an d it s meanin g fo r indi vidual development wa s muc h mor e sophisticate d tha n thos e o f their com mon schoo l predecessors . No t onl y hav e the issue s addresse d b y progres sives been recurrent, but thei r concepts, language, and thei r mode of action has becom e a n epitom e o f twentieth-centur y educational reform. The pro gressives sa w th e school s a s instrument s o f socia l change . Despit e varia -

The Progressive, the Immigrant, and the School 3

5

tions i n thei r views , al l progressive social reformers expecte d tha t th e schoo l would hel p to reconstruc t th e society . I n that sense, progressives wer e th e forerunners o f al l subsequen t twentieth-centur y reformer s fo r who m schooling i s a lever of social change . That fac t reache s beyond th e specifi c and contradictor y qualit y o f thei r socia l objectives , whethe r thes e wer e conservative or radical , liberating or paternalistic . Progressive education wa s more than a touchstone o f subsequent refor m activities, however . I t se t the term s o f educationa l debat e throughou t th e twentieth century . Tha t debat e woul d last lon g afte r th e initia l condition s to whic h progressive s responde d ha d bee n forgotten . And i t would defin e the issue s fo r schoo l administrator s whe n th e creativ e energ y fo r refor m and th e urgenc y for socia l reconstruction ha d passed .

222

Education, Democracy , and th e Scienc e of Individua l Difference s The questio n o f menta l capacit y fro m th e standpoin t o f race ha s becom e of particular interes t fo r Americ a on accoun t o f the immigratio n situation an d the presence of the Negro. I n this connection i t becomes important t o deter mine ho w a rac e rises fro m on e leve l of cultur e to another , whethe r b y in ternal stimulatio n an d nativ e ability , or b y acceptin g an d imitatin g the cul ture o f the highe r level of society ; an d mor e particularly, which races ar e fit to progress an d which ar e not, an d why.

W. I. THOMAS (^iz)1

It ha s bee n recognize d that equalit y of opportunit y i s not provide d when all children mus t tak e precisel y the sam e work, tha t wha t ma y b e a significan t opportunity fo r on e chil d i s a relativel y valueless opportunity fo r another . Rather, th e ter m ha s com e t o mea n that ever y child should hav e equal op portunity t o develo p hi s particular abilitie s and aptitude s fo r successfu l an d happy livin g in a democrati c order . I t i s under th e pressur e o f thi s deman d that th e curriculu m has been broadened, specia l classes formed , varied types of material s introduced an d flexibilit y o f school organizatio n increased . HOLLIS CASWEL L AND DOAK S . CAMPBEL L (19 3 s)2

When W. I. Thomas, th e University of Chicago sociologist , posed hi s questions abou t race , h e di d s o i n orde r t o encourage researc h tha t woul d dispel popula r idea s about th e innat e inferiority of some races. In 1912 , a t the height of the progressive era, Thomas use d a variety of sources, including Fran z Boa s and W . E. B. Du Bois, to argu e fo r th e primac y of culture and socia l environmen t i n th e formatio n o f grou p characte r an d t o insis t on th e capacit y o f al l races to learn . Thoma s wa s no t specificall y address ing the problem of the schools, bu t hi s article contained a significant quot e which underscore d th e meanin g o f th e America n fait h i n educatio n a s i t had hithert o bee n understoo d an d expresse d b y social progressives . In Poland, in the mid-nineteenth century, according to on e of Thomas's sources , "the feelin g o f th e noble s wit h regar d t o educatio n o f th e peasan t wa s expressed i n th e opinio n . . . tha t cultur e not onl y di d no t becom e th e peasant, bu t fo r th e mos t par t h e wa s incapabl e of it." 3 Th e belie f tha t certain segments o f th e populatio n wer e incapabl e o f bein g educated un -

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derscored, by contrast, the firm commitment initiate d b y the common schoo l ideal an d confirme d b y socia l progressive s tha t al l American s coul d b e educated. In th e 192.08 , view s lik e those o f Thomas, whic h explaine d racia l char acteristics i n primarily cultura l terms, gre w i n certain academi c circles, especially i n anthropolog y an d sociology . Bu t thes e view s compete d wit h and wer e frequentl y eclipse d b y anothe r an d increasingl y powerful expla nation tha t provide d ver y differen t answer s t o Thomas' s concerns . I n an swer t o Thomas' s inquirie s about menta l capacit y i n the contex t o f immigration, this vie w brought a sharp an d unadorne d emphasi s on difference s that were inborn , unlearned , an d impermeable . An d i t wa s thi s se t of be liefs, deepl y informe d b y a psycholog y o f measuremen t an d expresse d i n IQ testing , tha t exerte d th e mos t powerfu l influenc e o n th e schools . Th e emphasis o n inbor n difference s cas t a pal l o n traditiona l America n as sumptions abou t the educability of all, and throughout the 192.0 5 it existed in dee p tensio n wit h th e continuin g pressur e fo r mor e an d longe r educa tion. Th e tensio n betwee n fulle r educatio n fo r al l American s an d th e im plied limitatio n o n th e educabilit y o f man y outsid e th e America n main stream characterize d schoo l developmen t durin g it s crucia l perio d o f expansion an d i s fundamental t o a n understanding of the particular mean ings tha t school s gav e t o thei r adoptio n o f progressiv e concept s an d lan guage. Fo r whil e progressive s ha d challenge d th e school s t o expan d an d deepen thei r commitment s t o democrati c education , the y lef t a n unclea r legacy, incomplete definitions , and ambiguou s challenges to an institutio n already deepl y troubled by the practical realitie s of immigration . The reason s fo r th e increase d relianc e of the school s o n form s of think ing that emphasize d th e inbor n rathe r tha n th e learne d were comple x a s I hope th e followin g discussion wil l reveal . But certain underlying influences can b e mor e simpl y suggested . First , b y emphasizin g schooling a s sociali zation, progressiv e socia l refor m ha d impresse d upo n th e school s th e ne cessity to defin e th e child whose schoolin g was thei r object , and thi s mad e the school s tur n t o thos e tools , abov e al l the IQ , whic h coul d provid e a n efficient an d chea p definition . Secondly, progressive schoo l reform , whic h exerted a n increasin g influenc e a s schoo l system s gre w i n siz e an d com plexity, wa s par t o f anothe r fac e o f progressivism—managerial reform , fro m which it drew significan t inspiration . An d while social reformer s expressed progressivism's mos t generou s impulse s an d human e directions , manage rial reformers , who wer e enamore d o f efficiency , expertise , an d a system atic approac h t o institutiona l development , cas t a lon g shado w ove r th e entire period. Thus while social reformers' expectation o f the new role tha t schooling woul d play in society added gravit y t o th e schools ' burden s and renewed seriousnes s t o thei r purpose , i t wa s th e emphasi s on syste m an d

3 8 From

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order that defined th e directio n o f school developmen t i n the 19205 . When the pedagogical emphasis on socialization an d the institutional pressure for systematic expansion wer e combined wit h the realit y of millions of school age childre n fro m foreig n home s an d cultures , th e produc t wa s bot h th e fulfillment an d th e devaluatio n o f th e democrati c fait h i n schooling . I

The expansio n o f America n education i n th e earl y twentiet h centur y wa s often describe d i n languag e draw n fro m th e theate r o r th e circus : "dra matic," "spectacular, " "amazing, " "extraordinary. " Thoug h overdrawn , the adjective s captur e certai n dimension s o f th e phenomenon . Ho w els e describe a syste m that within th e hal f centur y fro m 189 0 to 194 0 sa w th e proportion o f al l childre n fiv e t o seventee n year s of ag e attendin g schoo l soar fro m 4 4 t o 7 4 percent ? Ho w els e portray a n industr y i n whic h th e annual expenditur e pe r chil d climbed fro m 1 7 t o 10 5 dollar s i n th e sam e period an d fo r which th e averag e number of attendance day s rose fro m 6 0 to i3o? 4 Ordinar y word s fai l t o conve y the scop e o f a n enterpris e whic h from a rudimentar y dedicatio n t o teachin g reading , writing , an d citizen ship prided itsel f b y the 19x0 5 and '30 5 on it s medical services, vocational guidance programs, menta l hygiene clinics, social dances , orchestras , gym nasia, fre e lunches , an d communit y centers. Smal l wonder tha t th e word s of descriptio n wer e ofte n als o word s o f praise , suggestin g tha t lik e th e triumphant econom y o f whic h i t wa s part , th e developmen t o f educatio n in th e Unite d States wa s simpl y larger tha n life . Larger tha n lif e to o wer e th e problem s wit h whic h th e school s wer e forced t o deal . Progressiv e reformers had articulate d a s an imperativ e an d in theoretica l form th e burden s the schools were already beginning to carry — the burden s o f a heterogeneou s populatio n an d a rapidl y changin g environment. Whil e John Dewe y and those h e influenced an d represente d chal lenged the schools t o defin e democracy' s future , schoo l system s throughout the natio n were , fo r bette r o r worse , strugglin g with wha t ha d becom e a n importunate democrati c presence . Abov e all, th e school s wer e confronte d by th e proble m o f heterogeneity , a s a dramaticall y expande d population , which i n citie s mean t overwhelmingl y the childre n o f immigrants , carrie d their differen t backgrounds , aptitudes , an d behavior s into th e hear t o f the schools an d force d educator s t o see k pedagogica l solution s t o wha t wer e often socia l problems . To th e proble m of heterogeneity, educators increasingly brought what is best describe d a s th e organizationa l solution— a remed y whos e essentia l component wa s efficien t instruction . Whil e i t wa s par t o f wha t Michae l

Education an d Individual Differences 39

39

Katz described a s the bureaucratic tradition alread y implicit in nineteenthcentury schoo l development , th e organizationa l solutio n dre w heavil y upon contemporary socia l developments , especiall y a fait h i n science an d a ne w cultural orientatio n t o hierarchica l thinking tha t ha d a speciall y pungen t influence o n matter s concernin g race an d immigration . Th e concep t o f IQ and testin g fo r menta l capacit y whic h develope d i n thi s contex t becam e for th e school s th e mos t efficien t organizationa l solutio n t o th e peda gogical problem s posed b y heterogeneity. Throughout th e nineteent h century , th e school s ha d bee n movin g towar d more systemati c form s o f organizatio n a s the y responde d t o th e growin g professional self-conciousnes s o f school administrators , especiall y in urban settings. A t th e sam e time , publi c schools wer e fro m th e mid - t o th e lat e nineteenth centur y witness to repeate d an d ofte n explosiv e conflict s (wars , Diane Ravitch has calle d them) as different group s hoped t o ben d the school s to thei r need s i n orde r t o achiev e or retai n powe r ove r th e schools ' pro grams an d directions . Politicians , businessmen , church leaders , labo r unions , teachers, pedagogica l reformers , parents , al l projecte d thei r ow n percep tions an d demand s ont o th e schools . B y the lat e nineteenth century , those demands ofte n appeare d unde r th e progressiv e umbrella . In th e end , th e conflicts encourage d growth , no t onl y i n size , bu t i n significanc e a s th e schools becam e the aren a i n which various aspirations, for power, fo r sta tus, fo r training , fo r order, were necessarily to b e realized. 5 By the earl y twentieth century , however, a s social reformers added thei r demands an d vision s to th e schools ' burdens , publi c schools ha d alread y taken o n basi c characteristics that would structur e their subsequen t devel opment. Mos t significantly , a s Davi d Tyac k ha s demonstrated , America n public schools wer e by the earl y twentieth centur y already integrated institutions, administrativel y centralized, professionally self-conscious, and geare d toward systemati c expansion . Indeed , mos t o f th e schoo l reform s o f th e period tende d t o accelerat e thi s process. Th e reorganizatio n an d centrali zation of the massiv e New Yor k Cit y school syste m in 189 6 illustrated th e phenomenon, an d thi s dat e ma y b e taken a s symbolic of th e change s tak ing plac e nationwide , especiall y i n th e contex t o f acceleratin g urbaniza tion. By the second decad e of the twentieth century , schools had develope d sufficiently a s complex institution s s o that investigators wer e exploring issues of social efficienc y an d designin g elaborate schoo l survey s modeled o n the better-know n socia l survey s o f the progressives. 6 The survey s assume d the desirabilit y o f professiona l contro l an d administrativ e integratio n an d held th e centra l schoo l officer s responsibl e an d accountabl e fo r th e func tioning of the school s in their districts. The schoo l surve y was mean t to b e "a stud y b y a n impartia l outside exper t thu s freein g th e school s fro m la y domination o f professiona l matters," i n orde r tha t "a n educationa l pro -

40

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gram migh t b e designed t o mee t the futur e need s of the community. . . . More than a method o r a technique of inquiry, the surve y idea i s a part of our educatio n syste m which had developed i n a fundamental way with ou r whole educationa l organization." 7 Th e ke y words i n thi s description , a s they wer e fo r manageria l reformer s generally , ar e "professional, " "ex pert," "system, " "organization. " I n th e schools , thi s for m o f progressiv e reform, i n which experts an d technique s freed th e school s fro m publi c interference, ofte n overshadowe d th e mor e problemati c an d visionar y de mands of socia l reformers. The systemati c rationalizatio n o f th e school s tha t bega n wit h adminis tration i n th e nineteent h centur y turned towar d issue s o f progra m devel opment i n th e twentieth . B y then th e wor d "science " ha d bee n adde d t o "organization" a s th e guidin g spirit o f development . A s on e investigato r noted, "When the scienc e of education shal l have become fully formulated we shal l hav e read y a t han d complet e an d verifiabl e conclusion s relatin g to thre e important aspect s of the educationa l process: th e child, the signif icant characteristic s whic h mar k stage s i n it s growth ; th e demand s o f th e social grou p int o whic h the chil d is born an d i n whic h h e mus t live ; an d the teachin g method , whereb y economy o f tim e an d o f effor t i n teachin g and learnin g is secure." In short, a modern science of education neede d t o coordinate th e psycholog y o f chil d development , th e socia l context , an d the curriculum . The nee d t o rationaliz e the learnin g process throug h mi nute attention t o age , interest, ability, and socially useful learnin g underlay most discussion s o f schoolin g a t al l level s throughou t th e earl y twentieth century.8 Thi s rationalizatio n wa s i n par t th e resul t o f th e organizationa l requirements of school s a s they grew in siz e and complexit y and a furthe r expression o f th e bureaucrati c systematizatio n whic h ha d begu n i n th e nineteenth century . Bu t th e attentio n t o a scienc e o f educatio n wa s no t simply th e resul t o f development s withi n educationa l though t o r schoo l administration. Rathe r th e schools ' choice s an d concern s reflecte d thei r intimate connectio n wit h th e societ y whic h the y hoped t o serve . Two features of that society were especially crucial to the evolutio n of the schools , and thes e developments ha d als o significantl y affecte d progressiv e socia l reformers. Th e firs t wa s th e reorganizatio n o f th e wor k process ; th e sec ond, th e immigran t presence, especially in American cities. Although th e nineteent h century saw the beginning s of an American educational enterprise , both th e scop e an d th e significanc e o f schooling wer e fairly limite d fo r th e majorit y of th e America n population. Excep t fo r th e extremes o f thos e wh o receive d no schoolin g an d th e ver y fe w for who m schooling was a fundamental par t of professional trainin g or an expression of elit e status , th e larg e majorit y o f American s received littl e mor e tha n the fundamental s o f literac y and th e rudiment s of wha t wa s believe d nee-

Education and Individual 41

41

essary t o th e exercis e o f responsibl e citizenship . Certainly , som e student s went t o schoo l longe r tha n wa s require d fo r th e basics , an d som e di d s o because the y expecte d t o rea p variou s socia l an d economi c rewards , but , in general, minima l attendance—from thre e to five years—was all that was either require d o r considere d desirabl e throughout mos t o f the nineteent h century. Indeed , befor e 188 0 n o stat e eve n ha d a n effectiv e compulsor y education law, 9 an d education wa s ambiguously and marginally related t o an individual' s future opportunites . Som e Americans certainly did achiev e a highe r statu s an d positio n tha n tha t occupie d b y their parents , bu t thi s was no t normall y th e functio n o f schooling . Instead , statu s an d succes s were relate d t o a hos t o f factor s tha t gre w fro m th e networ k o f commu nity, kin , politics , an d churc h whic h dominate d nineteenth-centur y socia l relationships durin g th e earl y stages o f industrialization . Mobility usually depended o n connections , marriage , capital , skill s acquired in a variety of ways, o r th e demonstratio n o f wor k habits , industry , sobriety , an d inge nuity. Similarly , inheritance, speculation , luck , an d gri t ofte n define d th e much mor e dominan t agrarian econom y o f the time. 10 In man y ways, th e lat e nineteent h centur y saw a n erosio n o f this socia l world. An d jus t a s reformer s responded t o th e loosenin g o f th e relation ship betwee n wor k an d citizenshi p b y placin g thei r hope s i n a mor e so cially responsive education, educators , businessmen , and th e publi c began to tur n t o th e school s fo r their placemen t service s and fo r th e trainin g in skills require d b y th e increasingl y impersonally organize d moder n world . The skills provided b y the schools, the n o r now , ough t no t t o b e exaggerated. Nevertheless , i n a societ y wher e busines s management, communica tions, an d industria l integration o n a large scale were beginning to subor dinate entrepreneurshi p o r mechanica l know-how, a mor e refine d literac y which th e schools , an d especiall y secondary education , coul d provid e be came increasingly desirable. Since the schools wer e also expecte d t o trans form unrul y youngster s int o citizen s with regula r an d dependabl e habits , they becam e logical loci fo r concentratin g th e informa l an d promiscuou s training whic h i n th e nineteent h centur y ha d bee n a functio n o f genera l community participation. To respon d t o thes e changes , th e school s neede d t o refocu s educatio n by replacin g th e concentratio n o n rudimentar y literacy o n th e on e han d and scholasti c master y o n th e other . The y neede d t o dives t themselve s of older program s whos e logi c of development was internal to th e disciplines and whos e unstate d bu t generall y recognize d progression wa s toward greate r knowledge i n thos e area s whic h eventuate d i n universit y admissions. Th e discussions centere d o n high-schoo l education most acutel y reflected thes e changes, bu t th e rejectio n of th e olde r perspective s affecte d al l schoolin g and wa s fundamenta l t o th e reevaluatio n of educationa l endeavors a t th e

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turn o f th e century. 11 Thi s reevaluatio n require d tha t th e schools , abov e all, shif t thei r attentio n fro m th e tas k t o th e child . The chil d was, o f course , th e centra l concer n o f educational progressivism. Th e progressive s expresse d th e ne w orientatio n i n educatio n mos t consistently an d calle d upo n a lon g pedagogica l traditio n t o legitimat e their views. Progressiv e educators hope d t o refor m educatio n b y firs t o f al l re jecting wha t the y considere d th e dul l traditiona l routin e whos e guidin g spirit wa s subjec t matter . Instead , they proposed to substitut e th e need s of the chil d broadl y defined , need s tha t include d physical, mental, an d emo tional growth , interest s an d aptitudes , presen t an d futur e relationships , an d the "realities " o f th e worl d int o whic h h e o r sh e woul d fi t i n late r life . John Dewey ha d mos t carefull y describe d thi s complex o f social, political , work, an d persona l relationship s towar d whic h th e school s ha d a n obli gation t o educat e thei r charges . Bu t almos t al l schoo l reformers , and in deed b y th e earl y twentieth centur y mos t educators , expresse d thei r com mitment to wha t the y called schooling fo r "life. " I n many ways, educational progressivism provide d articulat e expression, ofte n couche d i n highly serious pedagogical terms , t o th e ne w perspective that th e schools ha d t o adop t in orde r t o respon d t o th e realitie s of the worl d the y hoped t o serve . Thi s is not t o sa y that battles did not hav e to b e fought against more conserva tive force s bu t onl y tha t progressivis m tende d t o confir m an d accelerate , not t o challenge , the importan t ne w role the school s bega n t o assum e and the ne w concentratio n o n chil d developmen t as the cor e science . In additio n t o th e tas k o f designin g a moder n curriculu m to educat e all children mor e attentively , th e school s confronte d a secon d an d relate d problem tha t als o emerge d fro m th e socia l change s o f th e period—th e composition o f th e America n population. Whereve r schoolme n an d wome n looked i n th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries , the y sa w th e children o f immigrant s an d th e specifi c educationa l problem s the y posed . According t o th e 191 1 Dillingha m Commissio n investigatio n o f selecte d American cities , 57. 8 percen t o f al l th e pupil s i n thirty-seve n cities inves tigated i n 1908-9 , were childre n of immigrants. In that year, 71.5 percen t of Ne w York' s 500,00 0 publi c schoolchildre n ha d foreign-bor n fathers . Of Duluth' s 11,00 0 schoolchildren , 74. 1 percen t wer e o f foreig n paren tage; an d i n Cleveland, Cincinnati , Detroit , Minneapolis , Buffalo , Boston , San Francisco , an d mos t othe r larg e cities, two-fifths , an d ofte n muc h more , of al l childre n i n school s wer e o f foreig n parentage . Th e vas t majorit y of these childre n were i n th e primar y grades , an d a very large proportio n o f them (40. 4 percent ) were what contemporarie s calle d "retarded"—tw o or more year s older tha n the y should hav e bee n for th e grad e leve l the y ha d attained i n school. 12 Th e Dillingha m Commission , i n lin e wit h man y in vestigations durin g the firs t tw o decade s of th e twentiet h centur y (notably

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those o f Leonar d Ayres) , showed tha t schoo l childre n wer e overage , no t performing, no t progressing , no t learning . While th e problem wa s not peculiar t o th e childre n o f immigrants , it wa s mos t prominen t amon g thes e children and mos t worrisome . The obviou s solutio n wa s t o kee p childre n i n schoo l longer , an d tha t solution wa s embodie d i n th e tw o archetypica l progressiv e drives—th e campaign agains t chil d labo r an d th e concurren t effort s fo r more effectiv e and stringen t schoo l attendanc e laws . By 19x0 the two relate d battle s ha d resulted i n marke d success . B y that date , onl y 8. 5 percen t o f al l childre n in the age group te n to fifteen were gainfully employed , while 90.6 percen t of al l childre n seve n to thirtee n an d 79. 0 percen t o f thos e fourtee n to fifteen wer e i n school . An d th e law s wer e mos t effectiv e i n increasin g th e attendance o f th e childre n o f immigrants . B y 1930 , 90. 0 percen t o f al l fourteen- an d fifteen-year-ol d childre n of native-white parents were in school , while 91. 3 percen t of the childre n of foreig n o r mixe d parentage an d 92. 6 percent o f all those wh o wer e themselves immigrants were at school. 13 But the child-labo r law s brough t int o th e school s precisel y thos e childre n (of the laborin g clas s an d th e immigrants ) whose frequen t academi c failure , apparent lac k o f academi c interest, an d futur e economi c statu s wer e most troublesome an d wit h who m traditiona l schoo l program s wer e leas t abl e to cope . Th e issu e of retardation ha d emerge d precisely fro m thi s context, and i t posed a paradoxical problem . A s the school s succeede d i n incorpo rating mor e children , they seeme d least successfu l i n educating them . Retardation underscore d severa l earl y twentieth-centur y concern s an d was fundamentall y relate d t o "scientific " curriculu m development. Above all, retardatio n emphasize d age-grad e standards , th e carefull y calibrate d grade system , an d th e accurat e coordinatio n o f grades int o a hierarch y of schools—elementary, junior high, and hig h school . An d i t reflecte d th e in fatuation wit h a kind o f scientism o f numbers which wa s als o part o f th e school surve y movement and th e basi s of mental measurement. This le d to an obsession , no t onl y with efficiency , bu t wit h th e specifi c efficienc y tha t seemed to inhere in age-appropriate education . Retardatio n als o led to tw o very significan t conclusions : somethin g wa s wron g wit h th e schools , an d something was als o wrong wit h som e of the childre n in the schools . While thes e wer e schoo l issue s an d educator s addresse d the m throug h traditional an d revise d pedagogica l means , th e mos t significan t solutio n came from outsid e the world o f education. The solution, lik e the problems , came fro m th e peculia r confluenc e o f immigration , science , an d refor m that affecte d mos t aspect s o f society in earl y twentieth-century America.

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Progressive socia l reformer s hoped,t o us e educatio n t o revitaliz e democ racy throug h th e reconstructio n o f th e element s o f individua l political re sponsibility. T o thi s fait h i n democrati c renewa l throug h education , pro gressives adde d a new faith—i n science , technical expertise, an d th e symbolic power o f numbers. Amidst the disorders o f the late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century world , scienc e and numbers seemed to promise just that fundamental knowledge an d acces s to orde r that would result i n control. Scienc e wa s mor e tha n a for m o f data-collecting ; i t woul d als o pro vide a metho d fo r solvin g social problem s an d makin g socia l policy. 14 I n the early twentieth century , education an d science went hand-in-hand with the euphori a o f reform. The scienc e tha t ha d th e mos t profoun d effec t o n educationa l practic e was psychology, a hybrid calling which was part biology , part philosophy , and i n goo d par t linke d wit h th e evolvin g profession o f education . Mos t significant fo r education wa s the fac t tha t America n psychology had b y the first two decade s o f the twentiet h centur y become deepl y involved in mental measurement , especiall y in devisin g tests t o measur e menta l capacity . "Mental testing, " a s th e movemen t wa s universall y called throughou t it s early years, was rooted in various currents of nineteenth-century Europea n science. Its foundatio n la y in th e laborator y technique s of German Wundtian psychology , powerfull y augmente d b y th e developmen t o f statistica l methods i n Englan d b y Kar l Pearson an d Charle s Spearman . Th e specifi c form an d conten t o f menta l testin g finall y bor e th e indelibl e signature of the Frenc h psychologis t an d educato r Alfre d Bine t who, i n attemptin g t o solve som e o f France' s ow n educationa l problems , ha d designe d a tech nique fo r identifyin g feebleminde d childre n i n th e growing Frenc h schoo l system. Bine t transferred th e cente r o f gravit y of th e scienc e from th e lab oratory an d statistical graph s to th e school an d the child. 15 In th e Unite d States , menta l testin g firs t surface d in a relativel y mino r way i n th e 1890 5 i n a repor t b y th e pionee r psychologis t Jame s Cattell . But th e earl y interest amon g psychologists an d a fe w educators was noth ing compared wit h wha t was soon t o follow . For it was only as the French concern wit h personalit y and abnormality was joined to th e English preoccupation wit h th e measuremen t of individual and grou p difference s i n th e form o f aggregate s an d norm s that menta l testing a s a n America n science was born . Despit e it s European ancestry, testin g became a majo r preoccu pation onl y i n America n psychology, where, i n th e word s o f a n earl y historian o f testing, the "movement. . . swept everything else before it " dur ing th e secon d an d thir d decade s of th e twentiet h century . As Harlan Hine s observed i n his book popularizing intelligence testing, "It i s doubtful whether


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so muc h publi c interes t ha s bee n arouse d sinc e Darwi n propounde d hi s theories abou t th e descen t o f man." 16 Menta l testin g i s important i n th e United State s no t becaus e it dominate d America n psychology fo r a gener ation, althoug h thi s i s interesting, bu t becaus e i t crystallize d the preoccu pations o f a social generation. I t provided Americans with a powerful way of organizin g perception s an d a mean s fo r solvin g pressin g institutiona l problems. The Americanizatio n of menta l testing bega n in 191 1 when Lewi s Ter man, the Stanford psychologist, adopte d Alfre d Binet' s age-mentality scale to test , sort , an d classif y America n schoolchildren . Terma n wa s no t th e first America n t o us e Binet' s tests , bu t h e wa s th e firs t t o us e the m wit h normal children. 17 With Terman' s adoptio n o f the Binet scale and hi s subsequent modificatio n an d introductio n o f th e concep t o f intelligenc e quo tient (IQ ) i n 1916 , th e histor y o f I Q testin g i n Americ a properly began . Terman's wor k with normal children clearly anticipated the use of IQ tests in th e schools , an d h e was a vigorous proponent o f their large-scal e adop tion. His enthusiasm fo r the method was virtually unbounded, since it was, in hi s words, "fro m th e practical poin t o f view . . . the most importan t in al l th e histor y o f psychology. " B y 1911 , Terma n ha d alread y claimed that "b y it s us e it i s possible fo r th e psychologis t to submit , after a forty minute diagnostication , a mor e reliabl e and mor e enlightene d estimate of the child' s intelligenc e than mos t teachers ca n afte r a year o f daily contact in th e schoolroom. " Educator s lik e Elwood Cubberly , probably th e mos t influential educationa l spokesma n o f th e time , als o foresa w th e educa tional implications . I n introducin g Terman' s boo k i n 1916 , h e observe d that "Th e presen t volum e appeals to th e editor [Cubberly ] of this series as one o f the most significan t books , viewe d from th e standpoint o f the futur e of ou r educationa l theor y an d practice , tha t ha s bee n issued i n years." 18 At th e sam e time, Terman' s test s an d th e I Q scal e were not quit e fitted to th e need s o f th e America n schoo l system . First , the y require d costl y individual administratio n on a one-to-on e basis . Second , Terma n an d othe r early tester s jealousl y guarded thei r own expertis e in thi s scientifi c proce dure an d insisted o n exper t administration. 19 America n entrance int o th e First Worl d Wa r change d that . A s Americans prepared t o figh t a wa r t o save democracy , the y als o foun d themselve s with th e kin d o f heteroge neous fightin g forc e tha t resulte d fro m democrati c immigratio n policies . That arm y neede d t o b e organize d fo r maximu m efficienc y an d effective ness. For this task, a group of psychologists volunteered their services. This committee o f th e America n Psychologica l Associatio n a t onc e hope d t o assist th e wa r effor t an d t o rais e psychology's still shak y status as a scientific professio n in th e eye s o f th e public. 20 Menta l testin g seeme d to pro vide a wa y t o fulfil l bot h th e need s of th e arm y an d o f th e profession . As

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a science , testin g coul d cal l o n th e enthusias m fo r th e exactitud e o f num bers fo r practical results . Mental testin g seeme d like the perfect instrument in a progressiv e crisis : i t wa s sociall y useful , numerical , an d ha d refor m implications.21 Although th e arm y test s were base d o n an d stil l linked t o th e individua l Binet scale , th e arm y tes t wa s a "grou p test, " organize d an d routinize d around pe n an d pape r exercise s whic h require d onl y on e administrator t o provide genera l instruction s t o a larg e group . Ove r 1,700,00 0 me n wer e eventually teste d i n thi s way . Th e arm y test s demonstrate d th e feasibilit y of mass testing , an d a s one textboo k o n testin g noted , "Th e possibilit y of measuring a n individual' s intelligenc e by a short an d simpl e tes t ha s cap tured th e imaginatio n o f schoo l peopl e an d o f the genera l public. " I n th e long run , th e arm y test s wer e a significan t administrativ e breakthrough , but th e headline-grabbe r an d contemporar y interes t involve d th e results . The earl y discussion s o f the arm y test s revolve d aroun d a pseudo-issue — the apparen t fac t tha t almos t hal f th e America n draftees ha d scarcel y th e mentality o f thirteen-year-olds . Doomsayer s an d gloomsayer s quickl y latched on to thi s fac t t o ad d fire to the man y forecasts abou t th e declin e of American civilizatio n t o whic h th e perio d wa s prone . Walte r Lippmann , i n a now famou s essay , handil y dispose d o f thi s issu e b y notin g tha t i n thei r haste th e tester s ha d faile d t o translat e int o adul t term s a n age-grad e scale that had originate d wit h th e testin g of schoolchildren. 22 Neither Lippman n nor othe r critic s wer e abl e so easil y to dispos e of another featur e o f th e result s whic h woul d hav e long-lasting social conse quences. For , a s the y proceede d t o refin e th e tes t results , psychologist s went beyon d comparin g an d rankin g individual s within a larg e popula tion. The y als o correlate d difference s i n score s wit h socia l categorie s lik e region, education , race, an d countr y of origin of the draftees. 23 Whil e ther e were marke d difference s withi n al l categories , th e attentio n o f tester s an d the publi c wa s rivete d b y th e markedl y lowe r score s registere d b y black s and th e recen t immigrants , lik e Italian s an d Slavs , wh o di d worse tha n native-white American s on bot h test s administere d to thos e literat e i n English (Alpha ) an d thos e no t literat e o r non-Englis h speakin g (Beta) . Th e army test s mad e th e crucia l lin k betwee n menta l abilit y and race , no t fo r the first time, bu t o n a mass scal e and i n the ful l glar e of public attention . What ha d begu n a s a wa y o f eliminatin g the feebleminded , proceede d to a ranking of individuals according t o talent, an d finally became a means for orderin g a hierarch y o f groups . Menta l testin g a s a measurin g devic e was a definin g an d sortin g instrument , a wa y o f distinguishin g and differ entiating which, give n th e cultura l concerns o f the tim e and i n the contex t of statistica l technique s like normal distributions , correlations , an d facto r analysis, le d predictably to racia l comparisons. I n s o doing , o f course , in -

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telligence testin g sharpene d an d confirme d th e cultura l awarenes s o f individual an d grou p differences. 24 Sinc e American s were , i n th e firs t thirt y years o f th e century , inundate d b y dozens o f immigran t group s wh o wer e so radically different first fro m "Americans" an d then fro m eac h other , th e emphasis o n differences , no w measurabl e b y scientificall y validate d tests , was translate d fro m th e real m o f the sense s to tha t o f statistics. A t a tim e when democrac y seeme d threatene d b y heterogeneity , counting , sifting , an d ranking provide d a for m o f order an d containment . All of this was tru e regardless o f whether th e mentalit y measured b y th e tests wa s innat e o r learned . I n fact , a s fa r a s th e arm y wa s concerned , i t mattered no t a t al l whethe r th e test s measure d abilit y o r achievement , whether the y reflecte d wha t a n individua l could lear n o r ha d learned . Wha t the arm y neede d wa s a n objectiv e mean s t o locat e talen t an d t o mak e assignments. It s concer n wa s suitabl e t o a n organizatio n draw n fro m a democratic mass whic h wa s t o b e organized fo r maximu m efficiency . It did , o f course , matte r ver y much tha t menta l test s purporte d t o mea sure innat e abilit y rather tha n learning , bu t i t mattere d les s fo r wha t th e army functionall y needed tha n fo r wha t i t reveal s abou t America n preoc cupations. Fo r wha t th e designer s an d promulgator s o f intelligenc e test s proposed was that they could arriv e at a n absolut e measur e of intelligence and no t merel y a relative way of discriminating amon g individual abilities. By th e tim e o f th e arm y tests, American testers, especiall y Lewis Terman , were eage r t o demonstrat e th e infallibilit y o f th e test s a s absolut e yard sticks. I n so doing , the y emphasize d th e constanc y o f intelligence , th e fac t that onc e measured , a n individual' s intelligenc e would thereafte r remai n measurably the same . In part, this reflected th e specifi c need s o f educatio n which, onc e th e tests were used with sampl e "normal" children, obviously became th e primar y fiel d fo r th e futur e applicatio n o f test s an d wa s s o recognized eve n before 1917. But the stres s o n th e I Q as an absolut e measur e o f a n unchangin g qual ity wa s mor e tha n a respons e t o th e need s o f America n schools . I t wa s especially attractive t o American s because it necessarily brough t th e whol e issue of inherited endowmen t int o shar p relief . It provided numerica l con firmation t o idea s tha t Thoma s ha d hope d t o dispe l bu t wit h whic h fluid concepts o f cultur e coul d hardl y compete . Alfre d Bine t ha d neve r bee n overly concerne d wit h definin g tests a s a measur e of nativ e capacit y o r of distinguishing betwee n tes t performanc e which resulted fro m innat e as opposed t o environmenta l factors. 25 Bu t i n th e Unite d States , Binet' s test s were greete d wit h a n enthusias m that the y faile d t o arous e anywher e else , including his native France, precisely because Binet's tests , a s distinct fro m Binet's views , offere d th e possibilit y o f measurin g innat e mentalit y an d unchanging potential. Mos t tester s wer e careful t o describ e thei r result s in

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such a way that they coul d alway s claim that they had no t exclude d environment a s part of actual performance on the tests. But the clea r directio n of America n interpretatio n an d th e constructio n o f experiments with test s were toward the conclusion tha t intelligence tests measured something that was pur e an d inborn . I f stil l imperfect , th e hop e wa s tha t th e test s coul d eventually measur e the innate , untutore d capacit y of the individual. 26 The IQ , a s a n expressio n o f wha t intelligenc e was an d a s it s measure , epitomized thi s predilection . A s develope d b y Terman , th e intelligenc e quotient wa s mor e tha n a measur e of performanc e on tests . I t was a personal rati o (menta l age/physica l age ) tha t exaggerate d th e static , individ ual, an d physica l qualit y of what wa s bein g measured. Thi s distinguished it fro m mor e traditiona l evaluation s o f performanc e which wer e alway s implicitly comparativ e an d time-linked. 27 I t als o emphasize d age-grad e standards i n a manne r increasingl y important t o th e schools . I n bindin g qualitative an d comparativ e evaluation s of mentality t o the mor e concret e concept o f calenda r age , I Q seeme d t o stan d apar t fro m cultur e an d t o measure somethin g tha t existe d prio r t o learning . A s a resul t th e I Q ap peared t o captur e som e essentia l dimensio n o f individua l development a s environmentally impermeabl e as ey e color an d a s easil y described a s age . Terman's result s wer e relate d t o schoo l developments , no t onl y becaus e they answere d th e schools ' need s fo r evaluativ e procedures, bu t becaus e both I Q an d th e concept s underlyin g school developmen t a t th e tur n of the centur y sought t o mak e age an objectiv e correlative of development . IQ captured wit h grea t precision two dominan t contemporar y concerns , race an d education , whic h wer e fro m th e beginnin g most cruciall y inter twined i n it s evolution. I t coul d effectivel y b e argued that , had American s not bee n raciall y oriented an d educationall y obsessed, neithe r th e enthusiasm fo r menta l testin g no r th e specifi c for m o f it s evaluatio n woul d hav e arisen. I have already noted ho w th e socia l concer n with difference s mad e testing t o measur e differences attractive . T o this it need only be added tha t an evolvin g racia l consciousnes s (i n the earl y twentiet h centur y attache d to whit e immigrant s a s wel l a s blac k natives ) tended t o loo k fo r an d em phasize inbor n qualitie s to explai n thos e differences . Th e searc h fo r a bi ological mean s to explai n difference s i n character an d habit s was no t ne w in the twentieth century—American s had measure d skulls in the nineteenth century. Bu t th e presumptio n tha t wha t distinguishe d group s a s wel l a s individuals wa s no t onl y som e innat e potentia l bu t als o a n unchangin g quality invulnerabl e to environmenta l modification was not entirel y developed i n th e Unite d State s b y th e tim e America n psychologist s bega n t o work o n menta l test s i n th e earl y twentiet h century. 28 Progressive s were often confuse d abou t th e relationshi p between race an d culture , and many social scientists , like Thomas, wer e concerned t o discus s that relationship .


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The incipien t searc h fo r a racialis t explanatio n fo r difference s informe d American perception s o f th e usefulnes s o f testing , an d perhap s mor e sig nificantly helpe d to determine what the tests would be interpreted to mean . For i f Alfre d Bine t coul d no t hav e care d les s whethe r intelligenc e test s measured inheritanc e o r environment , American s contemplatin g closin g th e door to ope n immigratio n coul d no t hav e cared more. 29 Once thes e need s an d perception s frame d th e for m i n which tes t result s were expresse d an d explained , th e tw o gav e a powerful boos t to a racism hitherto lackin g scientifi c precision . Wher e nineteenth-centur y evolution ary science had provide d American s with th e presumption tha t some race s were superio r t o others , th e I Q provide d a n absolut e calibratio n an d a ranked hierarch y as demonstrated b y performance differences o n tests. Unlike Bine t who ha d generall y bee n unconcerne d abou t attachin g som e in variant number to general intelligence, Americans eagerly sought a number as precis e an d abstrac t a s possible . A s Kimbal l Youn g appropriatel y ex plained, "Th e gri p whic h apparen t exactitud e i n number s ha s upo n u s ought no t t o nee d mentio n t o psychologists . On e of the stron g appeal s t o educational an d psychological worker s usin g tests . .. is undoubtedly the fact tha t a n arra y o f average s and correlation s give s the m a sens e o f defi niteness an d finality." 30 I n th e contex t o f the America n search fo r a basi s for evaluatin g racial differences , th e newl y develope d scienc e o f statistic s provided psycholog y wit h th e gif t o f numerology . This ha d ver y specifi c socia l consequences . I n th e earl y twenties, nearl y every stud y o f grou p difference s i n IQs was introduce d o r conclude d b y a scholarly obiter dictum o n immigratio n policy. 31 Americans, an d psychol ogists amon g them , wer e profoundly concerned wit h th e effect tha t uncontrolled immigratio n wa s having on democratic institutions, values, and th e moral fibe r o f th e nation . Wit h th e introductio n o f intelligenc e testing , Americans als o becam e obsessed wit h mentality . This ha d bee n foreshad owed b y the panicke d headlines surroundin g the result s o f the arm y tests. While the racial conclusion s that accompanied intelligenc e testing wer e not the caus e of immigration restriction , testin g provided measurabl e evidence that greatly enriched the alarme d contex t i n which th e immigration exclu sion legislatio n o f the 1920 5 took place . I t would be a mistake to conclud e as a resul t o f thi s instrumenta l functio n o f IQ s tha t the y wer e merel y a way t o suppor t a raciall y informe d socia l policy . Rac e influence d th e de velopment o f menta l testin g i n fa r mor e comple x ways . Racia l exclusio n was a by-product o f a whole manne r o f thinking, perceiving, an d orderin g that the IQ organized int o a science . One o f th e trul y remarkabl e aspects o f the earl y histor y o f I Q testin g is the rapidit y o f it s adoptio n i n America n schools nationwide . I n th e twen ties, th e test s wer e take n fro m th e laboratory , wher e they wer e stil l being

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tested, retested , an d modified , and wer e fas t o n th e wa y t o becomin g a n entrenched par t o f educational administration . As early as 1919—2.0 , Ne w York City' s Bulletin o f High Points ( a teacher's journal ) containe d numer ous article s i n I Q testing , includin g a symposiu m on th e subjec t an d a n account o f th e successfu l applicatio n o f testin g a t Evande r Child s Hig h School. I n Mt . Vernon , Ne w York , al l student s fro m elementar y throug h the first year of high school ha d alread y been tested b y 1920 . One Detroi t educator boldl y announce d i n th e Yearbook o f th e National Society fo r the Study o f Education i n 192, 2 tha t "th e adoptio n o f th e grou p metho d [of testing ] b y hundreds of schoo l system s is now a n ol d story." 32 Immediately afte r th e war , th e sam e grou p o f psychologist s wh o ha d constructed th e arm y Alpha s developed th e Nationa l Intelligenc e Test. Ove r 575,000 copie s wer e sol d withi n a yea r o f it s issuance—800,00 0 copie s the followin g year , 192.2,—23 . B y 192.2. , i t wa s competin g wit h numerou s other test s o f a similar kind. I n 1922-23 , over 2,500,00 0 intelligenc e tests were sol d b y jus t on e fir m whic h specialize d i n thei r developmen t an d distribution. Fort y differen t grou p intelligenc e tests were b y then available on th e nationa l market . Man y mor e wer e rapidl y being produced a s psychologists suddenl y foun d themselve s i n a lucrativ e business , possessin g skills ver y muc h i n demand . Indeed , test s wer e rushe d int o pres s befor e they were adequatel y evaluated. Some were a hodgepodge o f differen t forms , completely unintegrated and uncoordinated. Edwar d Thorndike, eminence grise o f psychologica l measuremen t an d objectiv e testing, wa s move d t o declamation: "I n th e elementar y school s w e no w hav e man y inadequat e tests an d eve n fantasti c procedures paradin g behin d th e banne r o f educa tional science . Alleged measurements are reported an d used which measure the fac t i n question abou t a s well as the noise o f the thunde r measure s th e voltage o f lightning . To nobod y ar e suc h mor e detestabl e tha n t o th e sci entific worke r wit h educationa l measurements." 33 While the rapidity wit h whic h I Q test s were adopted wa s remarkable, it was no t reall y surprising . Fro m th e beginning , Terma n an d other s ha d targeted th e school s a s th e principl e beneficiarie s o f th e tests . An d schoo l administrators, eage r t o adop t scientifi c tool s t o cop e wit h problem s o f curriculum development , a heterogeneou s population , an d th e progressiv e challenge t o tailo r schoo l program s t o individua l needs, responde d enthu siastically t o a n instrumen t tha t seeme d t o slic e throug h thei r problem s efficiently an d democratically . Retardatio n ha d run g a n alar m i n school s committed t o expansion , an d the I Q allowe d educator s t o shif t th e blame for inadequat e schoolin g t o th e inadequac y o f th e pupils . Mor e signifi cantly, I Q coul d allo w th e school s t o expan d an d incorporat e eve r large r and mor e divers e groups fo r longer an d longe r periods, whil e adjusting t o progressive principles.


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Education a s it was bein g redefined an d reforme d i n the earl y twentieth century wa s turnin g awa y fro m definin g learnin g as th e inculcatio n o f in formation towar d issue s o f socializatio n tha t emphasized th e acquisitio n of knowledg e i n th e total proces s o f individua l developmen t an d growth . John Dewe y had mos t idealisticall y represented thi s ne w direction b y passionately rejectin g th e vie w that educatio n wa s th e acquisitio n o f th e ac cumulated wisdo m o f the pas t an d b y urging instead tha t the unfoldin g of the child' s (an d society's ) potentia l shoul d b e th e missio n o f th e schools . By shiftin g th e charg e t o th e school s fro m th e traditiona l on e o f instillin g an agree d upo n bod y o f knowledg e t o a n activ e developmen t o f under standing pegge d t o individua l talent an d instrumenta l i n a changin g soci ety, Dewe y an d progressiv e pedagogy sharpene d th e challenge s facing th e schools. Give n the schools ' design , thei r dependenc e o n structure d grades , central administration , thei r emphasi s o n order , an d cos t efficiency , pro gressive educationa l theorie s propelle d th e school s t o see k way s t o defin e children, no t individually , but accordin g t o th e rang e o f their educability . As Josephine Chas e observe d i n her stud y o f New Yor k schools , "I t i s t o the task o f individualizing education, o f making the school progra m elasti c enough t o fit the need s of each chil d that th e progressiv e school leader s of New Yor k ar e bendin g every effort." 34 T o thi s effort , th e I Q wa s imme diately recognize d a s a powerful ally . For the schools, th e IQ was a concept tha t seemed ideall y suited t o thei r new goals an d problems * It seemed to establis h a stable educational cente r by assumin g an unvaryin g constant withi n eac h child—hi s inbor n capac ity—and wa s base d o n a simpl e testing metho d designe d t o discove r tha t potential. O n thi s basis , educator s coul d desig n program s an d curricul a that woul d mak e educatio n mor e individuall y usable an d mor e sociall y relevant. The IQ thus provided multipl e blessings as it was brought to bea r on a host of institutional matters . A s Elwood Cubberl y correctly predicte d in hi s introductio n t o Terman' s Th e Measurement o f Intelligence, "Th e educational significanc e o f th e result s t o b e obtaine d fro m carefu l mea surements of the intelligenc e of childre n can hardl y be overestimated . Questions relatin g t o th e choic e o f studies , vocationa l guidance , school room procedure , th e gradin g of pupils, promotiona l schemes , the stud y of retardation o f childre n i n schools , juvenil e delinquency , an d th e prope r handling o f subnormal s on th e on e hand an d gifte d childre n o n th e other — all alike acquire ne w meanin g and significanc e whe n viewed in the ligh t of the measuremen t o f intelligence as outlined in this volume." 35 The IQ categorized student s an d made it possible for the schools t o dea l with the m i n group , class , an d hierarchica l terms. That th e I Q ultimatel y also predefine d childre n s o tha t student s would thencefort h learn onl y so much a s they were at th e outset judge d abl e to lear n and ironicall y limited

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the function of the school by establishing the primacy of innate ability over environmental stimulatio n wa s als o a blessing . A s one judiciou s authorit y on tests , Fran k Freeman , observed , "Th e usefulnes s o f measure s o f intel lectual abilit y depend s i n par t upo n thei r stabilit y an d th e possibilit y o f predicting th e individual' s futur e intelligenc e fro m th e measur e o f intelli gence mad e a t a give n time . I f th e purpos e o f th e tes t is , fo r example , t o classify pupil s s o tha t th e demand s mad e upo n the m ma y b e adjuste d t o their abilities , i t i s necessar y that thei r abilitie s shal l remai n mor e o r les s constant."36 I n a final irony, th e ver y needs o f the school s thu s helpe d t o confirm th e meanin g of IQ. The growt h o f America n education an d specificall y th e requirement s of educational administration , lik e th e America n sensitivit y t o racia l differ ences, mean t tha t whateve r instrumen t was use d to plac e and locat e the individual i n th e increasingl y comple x schoo l structur e ha d t o provid e a constant measur e o f som e inheren t an d unvaryin g potential. An d jus t a s the immigran t presenc e wa s crucia l t o th e cultura l networ k tha t create d IQ a s a for m o f organizin g perceptions, s o th e presenc e o f vas t number s of immigran t children in the schools was basic to the educationa l situatio n which seeme d t o mak e IQ testing a n instrumental necessity. The problem s facing th e schools—th e nee d fo r bette r organization , selection , an d a cur riculum a t onc e mor e full y tailore d t o th e individua l an d mor e sociall y alert—were no t entirel y the resul t o f th e presenc e o f ne w immigrants . But the pressure s o n educatio n t o expan d beyon d th e thre e Rs , th e stricte r school attendanc e laws , an d th e concurren t child-labo r legislatio n whic h vastly expande d schoo l population s canno t b e separate d fro m problem s associated wit h immigratio n durin g thi s period . Immigratio n mad e th e schools gro w exponentiall y i n scope , size , an d complexity . A t th e sam e time, it mad e th e schools' problems vastly more complicated . Immigration helped to fram e th e context for the schools' search fo r pro cedures t o defin e childre n an d t o orde r th e curriculum , bu t th e test s wer e not aime d a t immigrant s alone . The y wer e a convenien t necessit y t o th e schools becaus e they mad e possibl e a learnin g process tailore d t o individ ual potential , organizabl e by classes, while still allowing fo r progression of instruction by age. The best way to describe this network i s a "track." Just as age subdivided schools horizontall y an d permitte d instructio n t o b e developed accordin g t o progressiv e level s o f advancement , th e trac k subdi vided th e syste m verticall y an d channele d instructio n mor e precisely a s determined b y individua l abilities . Th e organizationa l gri d tha t resulte d from th e intersectio n o f ag e an d abilit y permitted instructio n t o b e tech nically mor e individualized . If IQ i s a ratio that compare s age an d ability , the tracke d class syste m wa s th e ma p projecte d fro m tha t concept .

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One o f the expresse d concern s o f educators a s they adopte d progressiv e concepts wa s how th e school s coul d bes t serv e each child' s need s an d tal ents, an d th e earl y proponents o f the I Q used thi s argumen t constantly. If the school syste m was not t o swam p th e individual in a monolithic curric ulum whic h intimidate d slo w learners , hel d bac k fas t learners , an d faile d to tak e int o accoun t futur e job s an d neede d skills , factor s lik e persona l potential, ability , an d interes t shoul d b e take n int o account. Th e vertica l track coul d d o jus t that. I t was the peculia r virtue of the I Q tha t i t coul d at once provide the organizing mechanism around which a complex schoo l system coul d b e built , whil e purportedl y protectin g th e individua l child against th e impersonality of that system. As the progressive educator, Car leton W . Washburne , explaine d i n 192,5 , trackin g o r abilit y groupin g "i s but a ste p towar d individualization— a ste p whic h make s individua l instruction easie r bot h t o initiate and to incorporate . . . ability grouping is one of the bes t first steps towar d individual instruction." 37 In man y ways , I Q trackin g wa s a n administrativel y workable bu t als o apparently enlightened and progressively informed wa y of answering Dewey's challeng e t o education . Th e trac k wa s a muc h more efficien t wa y t o personalize instructio n tha n th e individual-specifi c education tha t Dewe y adopted i n his ow n mode l school . Th e trac k brough t togethe r a grou p of individuals of similar IQ and tailore d instructio n t o th e group. But the IQdetermined abilit y group limite d the definitio n of wha t wa s significan t i n that instruction. Wherea s Dewe y was concerned with th e educatio n o f th e whole child, the track brough t together children within a similar IQ range . Since th e I Q teste d onl y selecte d form s o f abilit y o r accomplishmen t a s expressions o f general intelligence (and this was admitted b y even the mos t vociferous proponent s o f testing ) the trac k no t onl y switche d th e orienta tion fro m Dewey' s individua l to a grou p bu t als o define d tha t grou p b y the specifi c qualitie s tested i n the IQ. 38 In the process, i t transformed Dewey's eve r malleable child int o on e with a constan t an d determinat e I Q capacity an d translate d th e open-ende d an d constantl y changin g environ ment int o a narrow-channele d curriculum . Th e differen t curricul a ha d different goal s an d coul d eithe r prope l student s towar d riche r academi c prospects o r severel y limit their horizons . It woul d b e unfai r an d mea n spirite d t o argu e tha t educator s use d IQ s simply t o exclud e th e newe r immigrant s fro m th e line s o f advancemen t that the schools now promised. It was never so simple. The schools contin ued t o b e theoretically an d actuall y a forc e tha t facilitate d access t o soci ety's rewards both a s an agency incorporating immigran t children into th e mainlines o f th e cultur e an d a s a leve r fo r socia l an d occupationa l ad vancement fo r individuals . At the sam e time, educators were certainl y not

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surprised when immigran t children scored significantl y an d consistentl y lowe r on th e examinations . The y had , afte r all , bee n wel l prepare d fo r thes e results by the arm y tests and b y a whole batter y of tests ofte n administere d at th e ver y wharf s o f Elli s Island . The y certainl y di d littl e o r nothin g t o guard agains t th e conclusion s th e test s offered . "I f th e strea m o f immigration fro m Souther n an d Easter n Europ e continue s t o inundat e us, " Kim ball Youn g declared, "th e school s mus t take into accoun t th e mental abil ities o f the children wh o com e fro m thes e racia l groups . . . . The presen t situation i s already causin g a revamping of the curriculu m and th e genera l educational polic y i n man y schoo l systems. " Initially , a t least , immigran t children wer e ofte n channele d int o program s tha t eithe r stoppe d befor e the high-schoo l doo r or , i f they entered , ende d in technical an d vocationa l programs whic h provide d littl e basi s fo r effectiv e socia l mobilit y throug h education. Fro m their earlies t application , IQ s were used to guid e student s to programs suitabl e to thei r "needs " and "talents," and as early as 19x3, one popularize r o f tests warne d tha t "Man y administrator s . . . have expanded thi s ide a o f vocational guidanc e through th e us e of the tes t result s until, i f it were generall y accepted, w e would hav e nothing short o f a type of Prussia n control." Immigrants were especially vulnerable to thi s kind of channeling.39 The I Q permitte d th e systemati c rationalizatio n o f th e moder n urba n school, an d it s tenaciou s hol d o n th e school s resulte d fro m th e critica l function i t served . A t the sam e time , it s introduction int o th e school s wa s the resul t of specific historical circumstances—th e fervent belie f i n progress through exac t science ; th e increasin g responsibility of school s fo r trainin g special skill s an d aptitude s i n th e twentiet h century ; th e challeng e pose d to traditiona l educatio n b y progressive educationa l theories ; an d th e critical rol e o f immigratio n i n compoundin g th e problem s o f a democrati c schooling. I Q wa s no t onl y a measur e whic h seeme d t o solv e problem s that immigratio n introduce d int o schoo l systems , i t wa s a concep t i n whos e terms educator s coul d comfortabl y thin k an d behave . This wa s becaus e it spoke i n terms—"mentality," "development, " "age, " "grade, " "educabil ity"—which define d th e educationa l agend a o f th e 192.08 . I t wa s als o be cause its vision was colore d b y racial filters. As school administrator s turne d to th e classroo m an d problem s o f learning, the y sa w befor e the m childre n of man y complexion s an d tongue s wh o neede d t o b e understoo d i n uni versal, "scientific " terms . The y ha d t o b e fitte d int o classroom s s o tha t they coul d learn , an d the y neede d t o b e classifie d s o tha t the y coul d b e understood an d controlled . Th e I Q wa s a for m o f understandin g whic h made schoo l efficienc y thinkabl e and possible.

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III

Why thi s insistenc e i n educationa l discussion s o f th e 19x0 5 o n adaptin g the curriculu m an d schoo l program s t o "individua l differences " which I Q was t o measure ? In the contex t of th e shee r growt h i n schoo l population , overcrowded classrooms , an d inadequat e facilities , th e strivin g to redefine education accordin g to the need s of student s seem s mor e tha n a littl e strange.40 Certainly educator s o f th e earl y twentieth centur y wer e no t th e firs t t o discover difference s amon g students . Schoo l teacher s i n any rural or urba n setting durin g the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth mus t have been awar e o f an d responsiv e t o th e extraordinar y difference s i n talents , interests, an d goal s o f thei r students . An d ye t th e educator s o f th e earl y twentieth centur y spok e a s if they had discovere d th e idea , an d the y elab orated i t into an ideology . Part o f the concer n with difference s wa s stim ulated b y Dewey and th e progressiv e educatio n movemen t an d wa s base d on pedagogica l principle s whic h redirecte d attentio n fro m th e acquisitio n of knowledg e t o learnin g a s a process o f individua l growth. I n part, edu cators alarme d b y the maladjustmen t implied in retardatio n statistic s turne d their attentio n t o individua l differences a s a n explanatio n o f learnin g dis abilities. S o too, th e attentio n give n to measuremen t itsel f accentuate d th e perception o f an d meanin g given to difference s thu s recorded . A s the edi tor o f th e Nationa l Societ y fo r th e Stud y of Educatio n yearboo k devote d to individual differences put it : "Th e individua l differences existin g amon g children an d th e failur e o f th e traditiona l method s o f instruction t o mak e adequate provisio n for the m hav e bee n recognize d to a greate r or les s degree fo r man y years . Wit h th e sprea d o f th e measurin g movement, how ever, th e difference s hav e becom e mor e obviou s an d th e consequen t at tempts to adjus t th e schools mor e numerous." I n large part too, th e reaso n for th e attentio n t o wha t wer e calle d individua l differences resulte d fro m perceptions abou t grou p difference s an d th e whol e networ k o f socia l per ceptions define d b y massive immigration i n th e contex t o f a n increasingl y rationalized schoo l regime . Th e ideolog y o f individua l difference s wa s a n administrative concep t fashione d a s a n institutiona l substitut e fo r teache r sensitivity. I n 1931 , a write r fo r th e Ne w York Tribune describe d th e sit uation tha t mad e educationa l differentiatio n necessary : "Th e childre n o f diverse race s canno t b e treate d alik e i n th e school s an d ar e no t i n Ne w York. Course s o f stud y ar e shade d an d varie d t o th e peculia r need s an d limitations o f whit e people , yellow , black , brow n an d mixe d withi n th e walls o f Ne w York' s schools , a s thos e need s an d limitation s ar e see n b y the individua l teachers and principal s dealing with swollen classes wherein the vari-colore d an d vari-nationa l pupil s ar e indiscriminatel y chan -

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neled."41 The very problem t o whic h the expansion o f schooling had seeme d so clearly the answe r t o progressiv e social reformers—th e nee d for school s to becom e th e loc i o f commo n socializatio n i n a n urban , industrial , im migrant culture—thu s define d th e searc h fo r measure s o f differentiatio n within th e schools . In lin e wit h thei r visio n o f th e rol e o f th e schoo l i n industria l society , the progressive s ha d urge d th e school s t o becom e socia l centers , t o attac h a variet y o f socia l services , an d t o expan d thei r functio n fro m th e tradi tional real m o f instructio n t o remedia l socialization . Natha n Peise r o f th e New Yor k Educationa l Allianc e saw i t i n the followin g way : "Th e schoo l building wil l becom e th e meetin g place , th e publi c forum , th e recreatio n house, th e civi c center , wher e contact s ar e made , wher e newcomer s ar e welcomed, wher e trouble s ar e told , an d wher e organize d actio n i s take n for neighborhoo d improvement. " I n short , th e schoo l wa s t o becom e th e heart o f th e community . A s William Rees e ha s argued , thi s visio n o f th e school a s socia l cente r capture d th e wides t rang e o f progressive sentiment and wa s perhaps it s noblest expression . But , like other feature s o f the pro gressive vision , it s operatio n i n th e contex t o f th e realitie s o f schoo l ad ministration expose d ho w eve n human e policies were re-create d whe n ap plied t o comple x situations. 42 The school s neve r becam e the vita l center s o f communit y lif e envisaged by Peiser an d others , bu t unde r th e stimulu s of a variety of refor m group s and th e tutelag e o f socia l settlements , the y di d expan d t o becom e some thing large r an d mor e ambitiou s than th e simpl e classroom-centere d school s of th e nineteent h century . After-schoo l centers , visitin g teachers , schoo l nurses, fre e lunches , chil d guidanc e clinics , vocationa l counseling , speec h therapy, medica l inspection , summe r recreatio n programs , an d numerou s other smal l an d larg e service s were incorporate d int o th e schoo l plan t t o become part of educationa l administration . As in so many phases of early twentieth-century development , th e hig h schoo l represente d thes e devel opments i n their mos t complete d form , bu t th e incorporatio n o f a variety of service s to mee t th e need s o f a comple x populatio n too k plac e o n al l levels o f publi c education . School s an d schoo l district s throughou t th e teen s and twentie s di d thi s largel y on a n a d ho c basis. 43 But by the lat e thirties , the notio n tha t expande d schoo l service s were essentia l t o th e fulfillmen t of a n idea l of equal educationa l opportunit y wa s promulgate d i n the highest national councils an d define d a s a nationa l obligatio n (se e Chapter 4) . The belie f tha t individua l difference s require d a differentiate d curricu lum an d a n expande d educationa l regim e was rooted in perceptions abou t the natur e o f th e populatio n wit h whic h th e school s ha d no w t o deal . Thus, fo r example , Jorda n Hig h Schoo l i n Lo s Angeles , situate d i n a working-class suburb with a population compose d o f "Negroes, Orientals,

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Mexicans, an d member s of various European races , a s well a s native-bor n whites," was a "strikin g exampl e o f the applicatio n o f a consisten t polic y of offerin g educatio n i n relatio n t o loca l need. " Accordin g t o Franci s T . Spaulding, O . I . Frederick , an d Leonar d V . Koos , th e schoo l offere d a "chef's cours e an d a girls' cours e in beauty culture . . . provided to mee t the specia l needs o f pupils i n this particular school." In addition , "Jorda n has ha d t o mee t specia l needs in the communit y outside th e school." On e of th e feature s o f th e schoo l wa s tha t "i t ha s sough t t o becom e a cente r for variou s phase s o f adul t lif e i n th e community . B y providing meeting s of interes t t o adults , schoo l exhibitions , athleti c contests , 'shows ' o f var ious types, i t has done much to make itself a civic and recreational center." The schoo l offere d a s wel l "specia l evenin g course s fo r adults—particu larly 'upgrading ' course s i n variou s skille d an d unskille d occupation s fo r both me n and women." 44 In som e ways, including the respec t an d clos e contac t betwee n Jordan's principal an d th e surroundin g community, this high school i n Los Angeles was effectin g wha t Leonar d Covell o wa s fighting for a t Benjami n Frankli n High Schoo l i n Manhattan—close r cooperatio n betwee n schoo l an d com munity. Covello , a n Italia n immigrant best know n fo r hi s classi c study of the cultura l maladjustmen t experience d b y Italia n childre n i n America n schools, sough t t o enric h the hig h school an d th e communit y through close r contact betwee n th e institutio n an d it s host community . Covell o use d hi s own experience s a t Benjami n Frankli n as an exampl e of how th e problem s of immigran t youths, includin g delinquency, learning disabilities , an d gen erational tensio n coul d b e relieved through a more humane and empatheti c school regime . Hi s effort s wer e praise d b y contemporarie s an d hav e re mained a model o f cultural contact aime d at the alleviatio n of the conflict s between th e schoo l an d th e loca l communit y within which i t was ofte n a n alien presence. 45 Covello ha d translate d wha t h e ha d learne d a s a yout h a t socia l settle ments, hi s knowledg e of Italia n culture , an d hi s long experience a s a teache r into hi s plan s fo r a communit y schoo l t o produc e impressiv e result s o n behalf o f lower-clas s boy s i n Harlem . Amon g his successe s wa s th e intro duction o f Italia n a s a languag e optio n i n hig h schools . Anothe r Italia n schoolmaster, Angelo Patri, als o welcomed a n activist school : "Th e schoo l must ope n it s doors . I t mus t reac h ou t t o sprea d itself , an d com e int o direct contac t wit h al l it s people. Eac h da y th e powe r o f th e schoo l mus t be fel t i n som e corne r o f th e schoo l district . I t mus t wor k s o tha t every body see s it s work an d dail y appraises that work." 46 This ide a o f a com munity school require d more than a n adaptatio n t o th e perceived needs of its immigran t constituents . I t require d tha t th e schoo l respec t th e cultur e of th e student s an d ac t i n suc h a wa y a s t o produc e prid e i n self , family ,

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and past . Nevertheless , thi s open-doo r schoo l polic y was ambiguous . Like the socia l settlement s upo n whic h i t wa s modeled , i t wa s a t onc e a n expression o f democratic aspiratio n an d a n intrusion upo n th e community it was meant t o serve . The visitin g teacher movemen t is a good exampl e of how the expansio n of th e schoo l int o th e communit y produce d a n extensio n o f schoo l con trols. Th e visitin g teacher, "wh o ha s fo r he r chie f functio n th e remova l and prevention , a s fa r a s possible , o f thos e handicap s o f schoo l childre n which ar e th e resul t o f thei r socia l environment, " gaine d a certai n popu larity in the late teens and twentie s in school system s throughout th e coun try. Ofte n stimulate d b y th e effort s o f women' s refor m group s an d espe cially b y the progressiv e New Yor k Publi c Education Association , visiting teachers wer e employe d in Boston, Philadelphia , New York , Chicago , Los Angeles, Minneapolis , Kansa s City, an d a hos t o f medium-size d cities. Their aim was t o fus e socia l work wit h pedagogy by remedying those home conditions tha t obstructe d learning . Accordin g t o on e o f it s earl y historians , the visiting teacher movemen t was committed t o "helpin g th e school mak e such adjustment s as will meet the need s of individua l children and group s of children . . . . Since compulsory education law s are getting children into the schools , i t become s th e busines s o f th e school s t o provid e fo r the m according t o thei r varyin g needs. I n orde r t o provid e greate r equalit y of opportunity, variou s means have been adopted. Classificatio n according t o abilities ha s mad e a beginning . . . . The visiting teacher extend s th e ser vice o f th e school s b y makin g adjustment s for childre n wh o ar e handi capped i n thei r socia l environment. " Socia l environment , h e continued , "includes mor e tha n unfavorabl e homes , schoo l o r neighborhoo d influ ence . .. i t include s th e field of unfavorabl e social attitudes , ideals , and habits."47 This descriptio n richl y illustrate s bot h th e logica l an d problemati c im plications o f extending schoo l service s to mee t the need s o f the community as well as the ideolog y of individual differences withi n which these services functioned. O n th e on e hand , visitin g teachers wer e a n extensio n o f th e schools' commitmen t t o teachin g an d t o devisin g means fo r educatin g all children. O n the other, they were used by the schools to overcom e individual learnin g disabilities whose roots seeme d to li e in the home, i n the community, an d i n thos e foreig n attitude s tha t conflicte d wit h th e schools ' influence. Appropriately , th e descriptio n links the ide a of individual differ ences i n talents an d aptitude s whic h resulte d i n classroo m "classification " to difference s i n "attitudes, ideals, and habits " which lay outside th e classroom an d require d remedial social programs. In eac h case , the schoo l be gan t o dea l with difference s i n its constituency and i n each th e schoo l wa s adapting t o thos e difference s wit h th e ne w scientifi c apparatu s provided


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"through the advances mad e in psychology . . . sociology, an d social cas e work." I n thu s movin g beyon d th e strictl y academi c sphere , th e school s became firs t judge s an d the n regulators . O f course , school s hav e alway s done thi s latently , bu t th e visiting teacher progra m an d man y other socia l service functions did thi s with intent . Indeed , par t o f the visitin g teacher's job wa s "t o adjus t hom e condition s whereb y mor e favorabl e condition s will b e attaine d i n regar d t o schoolwork , conduct , attendanc e an d inter est." I f necessary , "i n extrem e cases, " visitin g teacher s coul d als o "refe r misconduct t o juvenil e cour t o r societ y fo r th e preventio n o f cruelt y t o children." Ther e wa s alway s th e fis t behin d th e smilin g face. Eve n whe n visiting teacher s wer e themselve s members o f th e communit y they served , as the y frequentl y were, an d spok e th e languag e of the home s into whic h they came, the y could a t bes t humanize the intrusion that define d th e very nature o f their activity. 48 Employing visiting teachers, lik e the addition o f most othe r services , was an expansion o f the ideal of schooling in the context of the need to educat e an alie n an d ofte n suspec t population . Thus , Ne w York' s progressiv e schoo l superintendent, Willia m H . Maxwell , note d i n hi s 190 7 repor t tha t th e most pressin g educationa l nee d wa s fo r a Departmen t o f Schoo l Hygien e with doctor s an d nurse s t o administe r physica l examination s an d mak e home visit s t o sic k children . Hi s reason s wer e explici t an d t o th e point : "modern cit y life" and th e nee d to "neutraliz e th e evi l effect s o f urban lif e upon children" ; th e nee d fo r "skille d physicians ' advic e i n th e treatmen t and trainin g o f children" ; an d finall y becaus e "Th e influenc e o f suc h a department i s needed, i n additio n t o th e influenc e o f th e teachers , t o giv e to ou r enormou s alien population ne w ideals and new habits in the rearing of childre n an d t o establis h amon g the m America n standards o f living." 49 The schoo l a s a conduit o f influence s fo r modifyin g th e behavio r an d atti tudes o f the alie n population wa s to mov e beyond instruction an d becom e explicitly par t o f th e proces s b y whic h th e foreig n populatio n woul d b e modified, elevated , an d reformed . Individual differences , whethe r inbor n a s menta l capacit y wa s assume d to be , or learne d a s attitudes o r ba d healt h habits, profoundl y altered th e meaning o f democratic education . N o longe r di d i t simpl y requir e tha t education b e made availabl e to everyone . I t meant makin g education usa ble t o individual s according t o thei r need s and capacities . A s a result, th e schools assume d the rol e urged on the m b y progressive reformers and be came intermediaries betwee n th e individual and society . A t the sam e time, however, thi s required that the schools mak e judgments that were a s often social a s the y wer e pedagogical . In thi s sense , th e parado x o f democrati c education wa s tha t i t ofte n becam e far les s democratic in fac t tha n a less exacting educationa l ideolog y migh t have allowed. I t woul d b e a mistake

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to describ e thes e developments a s the consequenc e o f fundamentally malicious motives—th e contrar y wa s frequentl y th e case . Certainly , foreig n children coul d us e bot h th e medica l assistanc e o f traine d physician s an d the adde d pedagog y of visiting teachers. Often indeed, the individuals most sympathetic t o th e need s an d integrit y o f th e immigran t communit y an d the resource s o f immigrant culture, like Covello, wer e advocates o f a close r coordination between th e school an d its surrounding community . Th e par adox o f distinctio n i n the servic e of democracy wa s expresse d wel l by Fran k Thompson, a n unusuall y sympathetic observe r o f the immigrant : "I t i s to our credi t tha t i n ou r school s w e have neve r made invidiou s comparison s with respec t t o th e childre n o f the immigrant ; w e hav e receive d the m o n the basi s o f equality. . . . Still, we cannot ignor e th e arguments fo r some sort o f special educational provision fo r immigrant children. The motiv e is similar t o tha t whic h ha s prompte d u s to mak e specia l provisio n fo r various kinds of atypical children. We wish in the schools to furnis h a n equality o f educationa l opportunity ; bu t w e ca n n o longe r den y th e fac t o f in dividual variatio n o f power s an d abilities , an d th e school s canno t besto w an equalit y o f benefi t throug h th e sam e ministration s t o al l children." 50 As i t cam e t o b e understoo d i n the teen s an d twenties , equa l educationa l opportunities require d educationa l differentiation , remediation, an d intru sion. Although som e o f th e program s incorporate d i n schoo l expansion , lik e visiting teacher s an d medica l inspection , ha d progressiv e root s an d wer e specifically aime d a t th e refor m o f famil y environment s an d immigran t communities, other s were directl y a by-product o f educational experience . In Ne w Yor k City , fo r example , th e Boar d o f Educatio n ha d establishe d 150 specia l classe s fo r overag e childre n b y 1903 . These classe s continue d beyond the normal summer recess. Even earlier, New York had establishe d special intensiv e languag e classe s fo r foreig n children . I n bot h cases , th e classes succeeded i n bringing students up to grade level, and thus permitted them t o re-ente r thei r regula r classe s a s define d b y thei r age. 51 Th e nee d for specia l instructio n resulte d i n a variet y of schoo l adjustment s and ad ditions. A New Yor k Cit y circula r of 191 7 issued by the superintenden t of schools an d addresse d t o al l high school s note d tha t "Eac h ter m th e principals o f ou r [teacher ] trainin g school s receiv e fro m th e hig h school s a limited numbe r o f pupil s wh o hav e som e kin d o f speec h defect , includin g that o f foreig n accent . Thes e student s ar e ver y unhapp y whe n the y ar e excluded fro m th e trainin g schools afte r a trial period i n which the y sho w no improvement . . . . Afte r thei r rejection , the y find faul t wit h ou r sys tem, whic h permit s them to g o through hig h school . . . with such defect . And the y ar e righ t i n thei r criticism. " Thi s kin d o f experience , seriou s enough t o warran t a circula r announcement, underscores several fact s abou t

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the evolvin g schoo l situation . First , a wid e variet y o f student s wer e pro gressing u p th e educationa l rungs . Secondly , th e school s b y no t payin g attention t o th e specia l need s o f thes e student s ultimatel y di d the m a dis service. Finally , th e fact s her e calle d fo r a n obviou s remedy , namel y aux iliary oral English classes. 52 While such English programs wer e clearly pedagogical, the y als o implie d criticis m o f foreig n accent s an d foreignism s of all kinds. Succes s in school, a s the children of immigrants would find again and again , require d a seriou s modification , if not a n outrigh t rejection , of the cultura l base s o f thei r identity , whethe r th e school s specificall y or di rectly challenge d the cultur e of their home s or not . IV

The result s o f th e schools ' effort s t o mee t th e need s o f thei r democrati c constituency wer e nowher e mor e clearl y demonstrate d tha n i n th e atten tion given to educatio n a t the secondar y level . As schooling gre w in signif icance wit h th e ne w century , th e topi c o f publi c educatio n i n th e hig h school move d t o th e cente r o f educationa l discussion . Muc h o f tha t dis cussion focuse d o n curriculu m differentiatio n an d especiall y o n th e hig h schools' capacit y t o provid e student s wit h a variet y o f specialize d skills . Educators explicitl y connected thi s development to th e prevailing ideolog y of "individualize d instruction " an d frequentl y t o th e specifi c requirement s of th e immigran t community . A t Jordan High Schoo l i n Lo s Angeles, fo r example, "th e compositio n o f th e pupi l populatio n . . . affect s notabl y the choice s o f th e variou s curriculums . I n th e sprin g o f 193 1 almos t ex actly hal f th e pupil s wer e enrolle d i n th e homemakin g and industria l art s curriculum. . . . The large proportion o f pupils enrolled i n [a] non-academic curriculum i s indicativ e . .. o f th e school' s effor t t o direc t pupil s int o types o f work i n which chance s o f succes s will be greatest fo r th e individ uals concerned"—hence the chef's cours e and the course i n beauty culture. Blacks at Jordan wer e directed t o course s designe d to their future s a s "cooks, waiters, restauran t helpers , o r Pullman porters."53 The neighborhoo d service d b y Jordan Hig h Schoo l ma y hav e bee n un usual in its specifi c mi x o f blacks , Asians , Mexicans, an d Europea n immigrants, bu t Jordan' s educationa l effort s o n thei r behal f wer e not . I n dis cussing the comple x ethni c composition o f th e Minneapoli s schools , Riverd a Jordan conclude d tha t "th e superintenden t i s failing i n hi s responsibilitie s to the foreig n constituent s o f his community if he does not see k to discove r and appl y suc h mean s a s wil l mos t effectivel y serv e thei r peculia r need s and requirements. " Thi s statemen t immediatel y followe d a discussio n of the Swedes ' "undoubted gif t fo r form , fo r mechanica l skill," an d th e "dif -

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ferent sor t o f training " neede d t o mak e the Jew a "mos t usefu l citize n in the mercantil e an d commercia l pursuits fo r [which ] his ancestr y has pointe d him." I n th e backgroun d o f industria l art s curricula , a s i n tha t o f th e I Q and socia l services , la y quit e specifi c perception s abou t th e need s an d na ture of the immigrant population. "Immigratio n ha s brought t o ou r shore s representatives o f almos t ever y race unde r th e sun, " Josephin e Chas e an nounced, "an d wit h them certain racial skills and aptitude s which the schools should recogniz e an d foster. " Chas e pointe d wit h prid e t o Ne w York' s success at providing a range of vocational offering s an d trad e high school s which develope d these capabilities. 54 The proble m o f vocationalis m i n th e hig h school s reveal s no t onl y th e critical role o f immigration in framing schoo l issue s and program s bu t als o certain dimension s o f th e meanin g o f "individualize d instruction " whic h relate i t t o th e I Q i n othe r way s a s well. Fo r wha t i s troubling abou t th e development o f differentiate d instructio n "b y th e applicatio n o f scientifi c and objectiv e methods, " to whic h educator s lik e Riverda Jordan an d oth ers wer e committed , i s no t th e wid e variet y o f course s offered , som e o f them wit h a clearly vocational intent , but th e degre e to whic h th e school s predetermined th e limit s o f schoolin g fo r black s an d variou s immigrant groups accordin g t o judgment s about nativ e talent s an d probabl e futur e lives. Lik e th e I Q wit h whic h vocationalis m wa s intimatel y connected, thes e judgments were based no t o n th e individua l but o n th e group fro m whic h he o r sh e came . Leonar d Covell o understoo d thi s immediatel y whe n a n industrial o r trad e schoo l wa s propose d fo r th e Italia n neighborhoo d wher e he lived . " 'An industria l hig h school, ' I pointe d ou t tim e an d agai n a t meetings, 'presume s t o mak e trad e worker s o f ou r boys . I t suggest s tha t the boy s of East Harle m ar e not capabl e of doing academi c work.' "S5 Underlying al l th e discussion s of high-schoo l organizatio n i n th e 192,0 5 especially was a dilemma resulting from th e complex o f changes which ha d redefined th e rol e o f th e school s i n a specifi c historica l circumstance . Between 191 0 and 1930 , America n educator s wer e inordinatel y impressed by th e extraordinar y growt h o f high-schoo l attendanc e a s th e ver y fulfill ment o f democrati c promise . A t th e sam e time, the y studie d an d worrie d about th e statistic s o n droppin g ou t o f hig h school . The numbe r o f highschool dropout s wa s a s alarmin g as th e snowballin g number o f high-schoo l students wa s encouraging , an d th e situatio n produce d a considerabl e literature, which , lik e the relate d studies of retardation, ha d a certai n vogue throughout th e teen s an d twenties . Th e studie s were , i n fact , par t o f th e general infatuatio n with measurement , numbering, and th e "scienc e of education" which defined muc h of the educational discourse of the time. And the numbers , in good progressiv e fashion, becam e not onl y a way o f seeing


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but als o a measur e o f institutiona l failur e tha t i n tur n define d th e spher e for refor m action . The bes t know n o f thes e studies, Th e Selective Nature o f American Secondary Education (192,2. ) b y Georg e S . Counts, i s still remembere d toda y for documentin g th e clos e relationshi p betwee n socioeconomi c statu s an d the probabilit y o f high-schoo l attendance , sinc e student s fro m wealthie r homes an d fro m certai n racial an d ethni c group s wer e mor e likel y t o at tend high school an d much more likely to graduate than thos e fro m poorer and foreig n backgrounds. Mos t of the studie s came to simila r conclusions . Thus, Mar y Robert s discovere d that mos t high-schoo l dropout s lef t schoo l for financial reasons, an d that " a strikingl y large p e r c e n t . .. of the dropout pupil s reported wer e of foreign-born parentage." Similarly, summarizing the dat a o f several previous studies, Emil y Palme r foun d that , "o n th e average, th e familie s o f pupil s eliminate d fro m schoo l ar e o n a lo w eco nomic level. " Sh e also conclude d that , "o n th e average , pupil s wh o ar e eliminated fro m schoo l mak e menta l score s belo w th e standar d fo r thei r age." I n he r ow n investigatio n o f student s i n Oakland , California , "th e percentage o f pupil s whos e parent s wer e foreign-bor n i s almos t twic e a s large i n th e eliminate d group. " Sh e foun d ver y larg e difference s i n th e Terman grou p tes t score s betwee n thos e wh o staye d an d thos e wh o lef t school an d concluded , "A n examinatio n o f th e relationshi p betwee n th e two factor s of intelligence and nationality of parents show s that the occur rence o f high scores wit h nativ e white parentage an d lo w score s with for eign whit e o r othe r parentag e i s frequent enoug h t o indicat e som e associ ation betwee n th e two."56 All i n all , th e studie s o f high-schoo l leavin g provided a fairl y detaile d portrait o f wh o staye d i n school , wh o left , an d why . I n man y cases, spe cific association s wer e mad e betwee n menta l test s an d schoo l retention , and alway s student s were categorize d b y group. A s these association s be came a standar d o f analysis , they provided bountifu l evidence that identi fied individuals' capacitie s an d thei r potentials wit h th e pas t experienc e of the grou p fro m whic h the y came . I t wa s a mer e extension o f analysis , in the contex t o f a commitmen t t o provid e usabl e education , t o guid e students a t schoo l b y the evidenc e drawn fro m th e studies . Some studies did more tha n profil e socioeconomic , educational, an d eth nic background . Edwar d Sackett , fo r example , use d a questionnair e de signed to elici t student views on wha t feature s o f school woul d mak e them most likel y t o continu e o r sto p thei r education . H e foun d tha t student s would leav e school abov e all, "i f nex t year the schoo l woul d no t trai n me for a job." Whe n h e aske d wha t on e single facto r would persuad e seniors to continu e fo r anothe r year , th e mos t frequentl y chose n answe r was , "I f

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I kno w tha t anothe r yea r o f an y kind o f school woul d ge t me a better jo b when I finally leave school." 57 Thus , al l th e finding s seeme d t o poin t t o the inescapabl e lin k betwee n th e students ' practica l concerns , th e group s from whic h the y came, an d schoo l retention . The evidence on high-school dropping-ou t seeme d to lead always to tw o related conclusions : Th e school s neede d t o dea l wit h studen t maladjust ment b y providin g more an d bette r service s like healt h an d guidanc e pro grams, an d school s neede d t o devis e a richer variety of programs oriente d to th e practica l need s an d futur e wor k live s of thei r students. 58 No t onl y did th e studie s sometime s ignore thei r ow n data , whic h showe d tha t stu dents lef t schoo l becaus e o f nonschoo l factor s (abov e all, famil y econom ics) an d no t becaus e schoo l wa s no t "interesting, " bu t the y als o chos e t o interpret thes e handicap s a s indication s tha t student s neede d an d wante d a more practical education . The schools, the y thus insisted, could not over come students' handicaps, bu t they could a t least adapt t o these handicaps . In thi s context , vocational educatio n seeme d to provid e th e necessar y answer: i t wa s practical ; i t seeme d mor e immediatel y interesting (relevant) ; it seeme d mor e suite d t o th e mass o f student s wh o ha d n o interes t i n o r saw no purpos e fo r Lati n or trigonometry . N o doubt , students , a s Sackett discovered, and probabl y thei r parent s as well, expecte d tha t mor e educa tion woul d ope n u p bette r job opportunities. A t the same time, there is no reason t o believ e that schoolin g fo r bette r opportunitie s mean t fo r the m the specifi c trainin g routine s lik e thos e offere d b y Jorda n Hig h School . Nevertheless, educator s ofte n believe d they were the same thing, confusin g the desir e for more adequate general skills with th e kind of narrow restric tive education embodie d i n chef' s trainin g or beaut y culture . Some evidenc e fo r th e fac t tha t vocationa l curricul a were no t i n fac t fulfilling students ' need s or expectation s come s from th e drop-out statistic s themselves. Enrollmen t i n vocationa l course s i n n o wa y prevente d drop ping out . O n th e contrary , student s enrolle d in vocational track s wer e more likely t o dro p ou t tha n thos e i n college preparatory courses . Accordin g to one stud y o f commercial educatio n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y (1911—12) , "Ever y school report s a large r percentag e o f los s o f commercia l pupil s tha n th e city averag e o r th e schoo l average." 59 Evidenc e of thi s kin d i s extremely difficult t o evaluat e becaus e th e constellatio n o f factors—lo w socioeco nomic status , foreig n background , financial need, an d lo w IQ—tha t wer e related t o droppin g ou t were also associate d wit h enrollmen t in vocational courses. Moreover , i t i s by n o mean s easy t o discove r jus t what student s expected t o deriv e fro m furthe r schoolin g o r wha t the y mean t b y "preparation fo r a job. " I n 1911 , Joseph Kin g Va n Denber g conducted a largescale an d impressiv e investigation o f th e backgroun d o f Ne w Yor k Cit y high-school students and th e reason s they lef t hig h school. T o a surprising


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degree, high-school students were the childre n of artisans, tradesmen , con tractors, and pett y officials , no t onl y of clerks or professionals . They wer e likely t o b e th e younges t in thei r families , an d whil e native-white parent s were proportionately bes t represented, a goodly number of immigrant children wer e attendin g hig h school . Amon g these, Iris h daughter s preparin g to teac h an d Jewis h son s preparin g fo r profession s were alread y promi nent. Al l i n all , Va n Denber g foun d tha t high-schoo l attendanc e wa s " a grand struggl e upward," an d reflecte d aspiration s fo r "escap e fro m man ual labor, " fo r lower-middle-clas s yout h an d thei r familie s wh o live d i n poor an d chea p surrounding s and coul d affor d t o sen d onl y on e o f thei r children t o high school. 60 By 1930 , whe n 6 0 percen t o f al l high-school-age students wer e i n school , the motive s fo r attendanc e wer e certainl y more varied . A t th e sam e time, there is no reaso n to assum e that th e belie f i n mobilit y through educatio n had change d much . Sport s activitie s an d club s di d no t kee p student s i n school, althoug h these helped to keep students involved and promoted loy alty an d socia l identification. 61 High-schoo l student s wen t t o schoo l an d stayed becaus e the y hoped thi s woul d lea d t o bette r lives . This doe s no t mean tha t a bette r lif e di d not ofte n requir e practical skills , bu t tha t edu cation wa s based on aspiration , practica l aspiratio n t o b e sure, but aspira tion fo r improvemen t an d a desir e no t t o sta y i n place . Onc e aspiratio n was arbitraril y limited by the schools , a s was ofte n th e cas e with tracking and vocationalism , the schools cheapene d their greates t asset . Educators wer e no t blin d to th e limitation s o f their vocationa l propos als. On e studen t o f commercia l education observe d tha t businessme n hoped to hir e people wit h general , no t special , skill s and noted , "W e canno t escape th e conclusio n tha t th e non-commercia l school s hav e a large r influ ence i n th e su m tota l o f busines s than d o th e specia l school s an d i t i s a n open questio n whethe r o r no t th e genera l schoo l i s no t givin g at presen t more appropriat e trainin g for th e majo r busines s needs." H e nevertheles s recommended improvement and greate r specializatio n in commercial courses, not thei r elimination . Similarly, in addressin g the Nationa l Educatio n Association i n 1919 , one speaker first waxed euphori c abou t the possibilities for democrac y opene d u p b y differentiated instructio n an d the n cautione d against a too earl y channeling which woul d close , no t open , opportunitie s for thos e directe d int o vocational tracks : "Th e us e of the vocational schools , the fostering of the practical subjects which enlist the interests of the pupils carry wit h the m seriou s danger s which threaten th e realizatio n o f ou r aims . A presiden t o f a railroa d recentl y declare d tha t h e foun d i t exceedingl y difficult t o secur e men eve n fro m th e bes t technica l schools wh o coul d b e counted o n t o b e capabl e of risin g to th e highe r positions i n th e service. " Likewise Edward Sacket t explained, "Better vocationa l training means not

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more learnin g o f specific , mechanical routines , bu t a sounde r foundatio n in th e fundamenta l skills, attitudes , an d knowledg e essentia l fo r gettin g a beginning job in som e broa d vocationa l field and growin g i n it." 62 It may be that educator s foundere d in providing a solid vocational foun dation fo r mos t student s because the y lacke d a clea r gras p o f wha t voca tionalism i n education reall y required, confusin g simpl e manual instructio n with a riche r an d broade r vocationa l preparation . Th e hig h school , afte r all, remaine d overwhelmingl y a n academi c institutio n i n whic h student s who intende d t o g o t o colleg e ha d statu s an d priority . Alexande r Ingli s once observe d that the attempt t o "adapt instruction t o varying capacities" had "bee n met in part b y utilizing as salvage departments the various non academic subjects , successivel y makin g th e commercia l department , th e manual-training departments , an d th e practical-art s department s th e edu cational wastebasket s o f th e hig h school. " Vocationa l curricul a usuall y concentrated o n manua l or simpl e clerica l skill s and watered-dow n o r ab breviated academi c subjects . Th e skill s wer e frequentl y outdate d befor e they wer e incorporate d i n th e schools , an d th e academi c instructio n wa s usually secon d rate. 63 And yet, ther e wa s a kind o f stubborn insistenc e on the need fo r appropriat e an d "progressive " vocational educatio n tha t can not simpl y b e explained b y institutional o r pedagogica l ineptitude . Indeed, this insistence , despit e th e attendan t criticism s fro m th e beginnin g abou t the lac k o f creativit y an d imaginatio n i n vocationa l programs , suggest s a far mor e significan t reason fo r th e failure s o f these programs . Historians who hav e written abou t vocationa l educatio n hav e suggested reasons fo r th e commitmen t t o suc h training . So l Cohe n conclude d tha t the industria l educatio n movemen t resulte d fro m a sens e that immigrant s were movin g to o fas t an d to o far , challengin g middle-class native group s for status , money , an d power . Bu t thi s doe s no t see m sufficien t a s a n ex planation, i f onl y becaus e th e childre n o f mos t immigran t group s tende d to b e les s successfu l tha n nativ e white s i n th e schools . Marvi n Lazerso n has argue d tha t manua l education resulte d fro m profoun d fear s abou t th e nature o f work i n industria l societ y an d th e nee d fo r th e school s t o trai n for tha t characte r an d thos e value s n o longe r availabl e throug h artisa n employment. Certainly , thi s wa s par t o f th e progressiv e framewor k an d fundamental t o th e attitud e o f reformers . At th e sam e time , thi s commit ment canno t explai n wh y less theoretical o r reform-minde d educators hel d on s o tenaciousl y an d wel l int o th e highl y industrialize d twentiet h cen tury.64 It also fail s t o explai n th e place of vocationalism i n the high school s rather tha n i n the elementar y grades . The belie f i n vocationalis m is , however, relate d t o anothe r an d simple r fear havin g to d o wit h containmen t rather tha n eithe r mobilit y or reform . All th e studie s i n th e firs t thre e decade s o f th e twentiet h centur y pointe d

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to th e inabilit y o f th e school s t o kee p thei r charges , no t t o thei r rapi d progress an d ascent . Retardation , th e statistic s o n high-schoo l drop-outs , truancy, al l pointed t o maladjustmen t and suggeste d tha t American youth , especially th e childre n o f th e slum s an d ghettos , wer e no t bein g kep t i n school lon g enough . A s Caswel l an d Campbel l note d i n thei r boo k o n curriculum development , th e child-labo r law s and th e new educational re quirements i n th e busines s worl d wer e raisin g th e ag e o f entranc e int o responsible wor k wit h a resultingl y larg e proble m o f yout h unemploy ment: "Th e possibilities o f severa l years of idlenes s during a period o f lif e so importan t i n developin g characte r i s appallin g i n th e possibilitie s fo r developing trait s inimica l t o th e pursuanc e late r o f worthwhil e activitie s and fo r developin g qualitie s tha t ar e definitel y anti-social. " A s a result , "the tendenc y fo r th e ag e t o increas e a t whic h youn g me n an d wome n become gainfull y employe d increase d th e deman d an d nee d fo r educa tion."65 The searc h fo r practical , interestin g form s o f educatio n fo r thos e wh o would soo n be working bu t not soon enoug h responsible resulted fro m th e increasing custodia l functio n whic h hig h school s bega n t o assum e i n th e twenties an d thirties . Bette r to hav e adolescents a t school , engage d i n any kind o f activity , tha n ou t o n th e street s idle . Fo r thi s reason , educator s insisted o n th e nee d fo r vocational courses . Educator s assume d that vocational course s wer e no t onl y more practical, the y wer e als o easier. Unlike John Dewe y wh o sa w manua l an d menta l activit y a s intimatel y related , most schoolme n an d women saw manual activities as a substitute for mental work . Thi s o f cours e explain s wh y those wit h lowe r IQ s wer e presse d into nonacademic "vocational " tracks. Sinc e the pressure t o kee p children at schoo l increasingl y affecte d th e high-schoo l ag e groups, an d educator s did no t believ e tha t th e ne w masse s wer e smar t enoug h t o benefi t fro m traditional academi c subjects, they could d o on e of two things—dilut e th e academic subject s an d lowe r standard s o r provid e convenien t substitute s which include d some academi c courses bu t concentrate d o n manua l skills. Vocational educatio n curricul a wer e on e result , an d later , genera l educa tion curricul a oriented t o dulle r students whos e aspiration s wer e assume d to be limited anyway became another. Thus, in New York City high schools as earl y a s 1911-12. , abou t one-thir d o f th e populatio n wa s enrolle d i n commercial track s o r i n the tw o specia l commercial high schools. O f thes e students, on e investigator observed, "Th e usual testimony of the principals of th e genera l hig h school s i s to th e effec t tha t commercia l pupil s consti tute th e les s desirabl e elemen t of th e school. " Academicall y less talented , frequently o f foreig n parentage , an d usuall y fro m poo r homes , vocational students wer e indee d les s desirable . Moreover , thi s wa s commonl y an d popularly perceived from th e first. Covello observed "The stigma attache d

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to a n industria l hig h school! Th e psychological effec t upo n th e pupils an d the community . Sure , peopl e sa y o n th e outsid e 'Th e prope r schoo l fo r them dum b immigrants. They don't deserve any better.' "66 The schools , prou d o f thei r growth , proude r ye t o f th e enrollment s i n high schools , wer e committe d t o keepin g th e democrati c mas s a t school , even th e "les s desirabl e element. " To som e degre e they had n o choice . As Josephine Chas e explained, "Compulsor y laws , made to benefi t larg e numbers o f pupil s wh o migh t otherwis e b e to o hastil y force d int o industry , have forced into the high school pupils of little aptitude fo r 'book learning' to who m th e wor k o f th e secondar y school s , . . presents grea t difficul ties."67 Th e progressive s ha d o f cours e turne d t o th e school s i n thei r ef forts t o protec t th e young fro m industr y and t o provid e them wit h a prope r start i n life. But , unlike the progressives whose ai m had bee n reform o f th e schools an d o f their ne w populations, th e schools hope d onl y to gro w an d to contai n a s best they could thos e they were forced t o serve . By the 192,0 8 and '305 , thi s becam e the objectiv e of al l the effort s a t progra m differen tiation, a s i t was fo r th e emphasi s o n socia l lif e an d extracurricula r activ ities. Thus, th e emphasi s o n vocationa l educatio n wa s ver y muc h a resul t of th e democratizatio n o f schooling , bu t i t wa s les s the resul t of adaptin g the school s t o th e genuin e needs o f it s democrati c constituenc y tha n o f a priori perception s abou t th e ne w constituency . I n thi s sense , a s i n others , vocational educatio n wa s relate d t o I Q becaus e bot h emerge d fro m th e perceptions an d need s define d b y th e immigran t presence, no t onl y in th e society, bu t i n the school s a s well. Vocationalism, lik e IQ, allowe d the schools t o appea r progressive , since it seeme d t o b e a clea r adaptatio n o f the school s t o th e need s of the indi vidual an d o f th e society . Thu s Oakland , California , i n 193 0 wa s de scribed "a s havin g a thoroughl y moder n schoo l system " becaus e i t ha d "junior hig h schools , testin g programs , an d provisio n fo r accelerated , re tarded, an d othe r atypica l groups " an d becaus e of it s "vocationa l classe s and othe r specia l curricula." 68 I Q testing , vocationa l education , age-specifi c schools, an d trackin g al l were part o f the moder n schoo l syste m and par t of wha t educator s usuall y meant b y "progressive. " Unlik e Dewey' s pro gressivism, however , stric t age-grouping , systemati c tracking , an d voca tionalism resulte d les s fro m a n appreciatio n o f th e variet y o f individua l talents o r accomplishments , o r dedicatio n t o releasin g these potentials fo r social progress , tha n fro m th e need s o f school s t o operat e efficientl y an d to fulfil l thei r obligation s t o al l those wh o were entrusted to thei r keeping . As on e stud y o f school retardatio n appropriatel y concluded : "Th e sincer e effort whic h ha s bee n mad e b y man y public-schoo l systems to adap t th e school program s o f studie s to th e childre n enrolled , by improvin g classifi cation, curriculum , and teachin g method s has , n o doubt , decrease d th e


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amount of retardation an d increased th e holding power o f the school. . . . In fact , th e change s whic h hav e com e abou t i n th e schoo l syste m wer e necessitated b y the presenc e i n th e school s o f pupils wh o wer e compelle d by la w t o attend , ye t wh o coul d no t adap t themselve s to th e progra m o f the school as then organized . I n progressive school systems th e differentiation in curriculum has become so great that completion of sixth grade or eighth grade means different things in different cities, or even in different parts of a single city, or in different sections of the same grade." 69 By th e 19205 , th e enrollmen t o f al l student s i n th e elementar y grade s was n o longe r enough . Instead , th e emphasi s shifte d t o th e hig h schoo l which no w represente d th e fulfillmen t o f democratic promis e an d becam e the appropriat e aren a fo r supervision . I n a n addres s t o th e National Edu cation Association , aptl y titled , "Th e Reorganizatio n o f th e Hig h Schoo l for th e Servic e o f Democracy," John L . Tildsley mad e clea r tha t th e hig h schools' grea t accomplishmen t ha d bee n th e opportunit y extende d t o im migrants t o partak e i n th e promis e o f America n lif e an d tha t furthe r de velopment i n thi s directio n remaine d thei r grea t task : "Th e hig h schoo l must tak e every bo y an d gir l fro m 1 3 t o 1 8 year s o f age , appraise hi s ability, an d discove r hi s aptitude s b y a serie s o f intelligence tests, group him wit h other s o f approximatel y equa l abilit y and the n assign him sub jects of study an d giv e him a training whic h shall so enlist his interest an d develop in him a habit o f success not o f failure . . . . The habit o f failur e can b e eradicate d onl y a s we reall y see each pupi l a s h e i s an d dea l wit h him a s an individual." Onl y th e successfu l remaine d a t school, and there fore th e schools ' tas k wa s t o mak e eac h studen t a succes s b y appraisin g his ability , groupin g hi m wit h other s lik e himsel f an d assignin g him onl y such subject s a s h e coul d master . Rathe r tha n determinin g how eac h stu dent coul d bes t b e instructe d i n wha t al l shoul d know , th e ideolog y o f individual difference s encourage d school s t o see k way s i n whic h student s could b e occupied for longer periods b y learning only as much as was easy for the m t o acquire . Th e ideolog y o f individual differences ha d shifte d th e burden fro m th e schools t o th e students . Th e determination o f IQ was th e central foundatio n for this process, sinc e it provided th e basi s and primary form o f definition . A s Tildsle y concluded , "Thes e intelligenc e test s giv e greater promis e tha n an y othe r singl e facto r fo r th e remakin g of ou r sec ondary educatio n t o b e a n instrumentalit y o f servic e fo r democracy." 70 Democracy i n educatio n ha d thu s com e t o mea n hardly mor e tha n highe r enrollments. Addressing a muc h wide r audience , Alexander Inglis , on e o f th e mos t prominent an d intelligen t proponents o f th e ne w "democratic " hig h school , also explaine d th e ne w meanin g of th e hig h schoo l an d th e source s o f it s changes t o reader s of th e Ne w Republic i n 1923 . H e bega n wit h a n illu -

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minating assertion , "Th e histor y o f secondary educatio n i n America . . . has bee n marke d b y tw o tendencie s whic h ar e reciprocall y related—th e expansion o f it s curriculum an d th e attractio n o f larger proportion s o f th e population, draw n fro m successivel y lower social , economi c an d intellec tual levels . A s the curriculu m was expanded , large r portion s o f th e popu lation wer e enrolle d an d pupil s of different type s were attracted." Then t o bring th e point home wit h crysta l clarity , Ingli s noted, "Th e increase d enrollment i n th e secondar y school s indicate s no t onl y tha t w e have tappe d successively lower social an d economic levels, but also that w e have tappe d lower level s of native capacity an d acquire d ability. " Th e socia l an d intel lectual merg e here ver y easily and, I think, intentionally , sinc e Inglis coul d expect hi s reader s t o assum e a certai n coincidenc e betwee n lowe r socia l status an d lowe r intelligence . Inglis' s lesso n di d no t sto p here , however , for h e raise d th e significan t democrati c issu e a s thi s wa s understoo d b y educators in the i9zos . Even a s presently organized , the hig h schools , according to Inglis , stil l demanded "intelligenc e probabl y not lower tha n five points abov e averag e ability. " "Ca n anyon e hol d tha t th e selectiv e facto r should b e suc h a s t o exclud e mor e tha n on e hal f o f ou r childre n fro m reasonably successfu l accomplishmen t i n English, foreign languages , math ematics, scienc e an d history? " Havin g posed th e questio n i n its most dem ocratic for m a s a n issu e o f ope n opportunities , Ingli s the n make s a n im portant mistak e b y introducin g wha t i n an y cultura l contex t othe r tha n the American would b e a non sequitur. "I t i s not on record tha t th e French language i s reserve d i n Franc e fo r thos e onl y wh o hav e a n intelligenc e above th e average." 71 O f course , th e Frenc h neithe r reserve d thei r lan guage fo r th e intellectuall y gifte d no r opene d thei r lycees t o al l comers . But in the Unite d State s "English " was a cod e wor d use d to describ e the urgency o f schoolin g fo r thos e wh o wer e outsiders , poor , an d assume d t o be less intelligent. Eve n the hig h school, Ingli s made clear i n the bes t dem ocratic prose, ha d t o b e remade i n their image . Inglis was importan t a s a proponent o f the new democratic hig h school . He i s important t o u s fo r the significan t expressio n h e gave to th e uncon scious, o r a t leas t culturall y loaded, meaning s that wen t int o th e re-creatio n of secondar y educatio n i n the twentieth century . The specifi c "democratic" problem tha t Ingli s ha d t o addres s wa s on e wit h whic h hi s audienc e a s well a s schoo l official s wer e familiar . Th e "democratic " conclusion s an d their implication s wer e understoo d jus t a s well. In a n importan t essa y o n progressive education, Richar d Hofstadte r de scribed th e substitutio n o f a concer n wit h lif e adjustmen t fo r a commit ment t o learnin g a s anti-intellectual. 72 I f thi s wa s th e resul t o f develop ments i n America n education i n th e earl y twentiet h century , it wa s les s a by-product o f a to o exuberan t democratic enthusiasm, a s Hofstadte r sug -


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gests, than o f an inadequat e faith i n democracy. I n the ful l flus h o f victory at the openin g o f the schools t o a new democratic constituency , educator s restricted th e acces s o f tha t constituenc y to th e educatio n fo r whic h the y had com e b y predefinin g the m a s no t full y abl e t o benefi t fro m it s bes t resources. V

It i s ironic, thoug h no t hypocritical , tha t thi s educatio n shoul d hav e been described a s progressive. Th e belief s o f th e progressive s were ofte n ambig uous bu t als o mor e comple x an d mor e optimisti c tha n th e educationa l forms i n which the y issued. Abov e all, reformers had looke d t o educatio n as a mean s fo r politica l revitalizatio n an d t o school s a s a fundamenta l force fo r change . I f th e progressive s believe d i n order , the y sa w orde r a s the foundatio n fo r democrati c responsibilit y and fo r effectiv e individua l action. Thei r fait h i n science , thoug h ofte n simplistic , wa s fundamentall y tied t o a commitment to amelioration . Th e schools howeve r took over th e progressive prose withou t th e urgent vision. Educator s an d administrator s sincerely believe d the y wer e adaptin g t o th e people' s need s an d openin g the school s t o th e masses , bu t the y di d s o i n way s tha t los t th e sens e of what democrac y was all about. Orde r was translated int o containment an d science int o a mean s fo r organizationa l efficienc y a s progressivis m wa s transformed fro m a challenge into a convenience. By the Great Depression , "equa l educationa l opportunity," as a descrip tion of fac t and an ideal , was a phras e commo n in educationa l parlance . But it s meanin g wa s inevitabl y linked t o th e belie f i n "individua l differ ences" tha t woul d defin e fo r eac h pupi l th e degre e t o whic h h e o r sh e could benefi t fro m th e schoolin g no w presume d t o b e generall y available to everyon e fro m th e primar y schoo l throug h th e hig h school . Individua l differences provide d th e natura l mechanis m that allowe d equa l educatio n to operat e efficientl y i n th e contex t o f th e cultura l understandings o f ho w the populatio n differe d i n need s an d abilitie s an d o f th e requirement s of school organization . Th e two concept s wer e intende d t o describ e a schoo l system tha t wa s a t onc e pedagogicall y enlightened , progressivel y demo cratic, an d protecte d th e individua l fro m th e tyrann y o f samenes s threat ened b y mass education . The linkin g o f thes e tw o concept s wa s seriousl y misleading . Th e com mitment t o individua l difference s ha d indee d permitte d twentieth-centur y schools t o adap t t o a changin g constituency, but i t had als o provide d th e foundations fo r systemati c differentiations i n curricula , in performance, in expectations, an d ultimatel y in socia l rewards . Moreover , whateve r genu-

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ine solicitude progressive s an d educator s fel t fo r th e childre n o f the disad vantaged who wer e now present in the schools in such large numbers, their concern wa s to o ofte n accompanie d b y a patronizin g fac e an d a glove d fist. This doe s no t mea n tha t some , perhap s most , o f th e childre n o f im migrants an d nativ e whites alik e did no t benefi t fro m variou s school-cen tered programs , bu t tha t th e school s wer e caugh t u p i n th e straightjacke t of a for m o f thought an d organizatio n which democrati c a s i t ofte n seemed , and sometime s was , ha d confuse d a n aspiratio n t o educat e al l the peopl e equally with th e need to provide schooling fo r the population a s efficientl y as possible. T o this, th e particular historical junctur e contributed mightily , as th e cultura l proble m o f a pluralisti c populatio n an d th e tendenc y t o define an d orde r tha t populatio n hierarchicall y infused th e assumption s and program s of the schools . In being committed to systemati c expansion and deepl y embedde d i n thei r broade r cultura l context , th e school s ha d taken shortcuts whic h to o ofte n lacke d faith i n that population's abilit y to be educated an d place d to o muc h faith i n scientific nostrums which define d the limit s of education rathe r tha n i n method s fo r providing better educa tion. I n all , despit e thei r lou d proclamation s o f fait h i n America n education an d thei r prid e i n it s accomplishments , educator s foun d way s t o de fine, limit, and circumscrib e their province and th e promise of their schools. Educators ha d define d a differentiate d schooling a s i n th e bes t interes t of thei r students . Bu t whil e thei r perception s o f studen t variatio n wer e inseparable from thei r perception o f different talent s and thei r views of th e groups fro m whic h student s came , the y di d no t expec t tha t th e school s would encourag e grou p ties . O n th e contrary , th e school s would , fo r al l intents an d purposes , replac e forme r grou p association s wit h ne w American loyaltie s whil e individualizin g talents an d aptitudes . That , afte r all , was wha t Ingli s had mean t whe n h e refuse d t o reserv e the America n language onl y t o thos e wh o wer e mos t talented . I n thi s fashio n th e school s would b e bot h unifie d an d diverse , creatin g a pluralis m whos e source s were lodge d i n individua l aptitudes traine d an d containe d i n th e unit y of American school culture. But diversity is a tricky reality, and i n the contex t of th e expande d versio n of the democrati c high schools create d i n the 19105 , its expression wa s not s o easily contained o r redirected .

3 "Americanizing" the High Schools : New Yor k i n the 1930 5 and '40 5 We, the graduates , picture d o n th e page s following , stan d unite d i n ou r de termination t o continue "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." Thes e are th e rampart s w e lov e an d figh t fo r an d fo r which , i f need be , offe r ou r lives and ou r fortunes . What w e really want t o sa y can b e best expressed b y this excerp t fro m tha t very stirrin g song, th e "Balla d fo r Americans. " [b y John Latouch e an d Ear l Robinson] . . . I'm the everybody who's nobody , I' m the nobody who's everybody Are you a n American ? Am I an American? I'm jus t an Irish, Negro, Jewish , Italian, French an d English , Spanish, Russian, Chinese, Polish, Scotch, Hungarian , Litvak, Swedish, Finnish, Canadian , Greek an d Turk , an d Czec h an d doubl e Czec h American! Holy mackerel! And tha t ain' t all . I was baptized Baptist, Methodist , Congregationalist, Lutheran , Roma n Catholic , Orthodox Jewish, Presbyterian , Seventh-Day Adventist, Mormon, Quaker , Christia n Scientist—and lot s more . You sur e are something . Our country' s strong , ou r country's young And he r greatest song s ar e stil l unsung. "We . . . The Graduates," Hig h Schoo l of Commerce, This i s America, June 194 3 By th e 1930 8 the childre n an d grandchildre n of th e progressive-er a migra tions wer e filling the classroom s o f America n cities . Thi s was no t unprec edented; draw n o r driven , th e childre n o f th e masse s ha d bee n attendin g school i n Americ a sinc e th e nineteent h century . New , however , wa s th e degree t o whic h th e childre n o f immigrant s wer e movin g int o th e highe r educational reaches, attendin g high school s and eve n colleges . In the nine teenth century , hig h school s ha d occupie d a n ambiguou s plac e i n Ameri can education—sometime s merel y feeder s fo r college s an d universities , sometimes academie s i n thei r ow n right , ofte n n o mor e than stoppin g places

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for female s no t quit e certai n wha t els e t o do . Still , the y wer e alway s a n educational attainment , "high " schools , an d the y embodie d a leve l o f achievement that i s difficult fo r American s i n the las t decades o f the twen tieth centur y t o appreciate . A s lat e a s 192.6 , Niccol a Sacc o stil l believe d them to b e bastions o f privilege: "Th e capitalis t class , the y don't want ou r child to go to high school o r college or to Harvard Colleg e . . . they don't want th e workin g clas s educated ; the y wan t th e workin g clas s t o b e low at al l times, b e underfoot an d not b e up with th e head." Leonard Covello , another Italia n immigrant , made the same connection betwee n high schoo l and colleg e bu t wit h a very differen t intention . I n Italy, he observed , poo r children neve r went beyon d the fifth grade. "Bu t her e in America we began to understan d . . . tha t ther e wa s a chanc e tha t anothe r worl d existe d beyond th e tenemen t i n whic h w e live d an d tha t i t wa s jus t possibl e t o reach ou t int o tha t worl d an d on e da y becom e par t o f it . Th e possibility of goin g t o high school, maybe even to college, opened the vista of another life t o us." 1 As we hav e seen , educator s ha d begu n to loo k differentl y a t hig h schools . Linking the m u p wit h th e elementar y schools , no t th e colleges , the y in vested the m wit h th e peculia r socializin g influenc e appropriat e t o adoles cence. Th e hig h school s becam e th e las t institutiona l lin k i n th e socio developmental proces s b y whic h educator s increasingl y organize d thei r perceptions o f schooling . "Th e perio d o f adolescence, " Elwoo d Cubberl y noted, "w e no w realiz e is a period o f the utmost significanc e fo r the school." 2 Students wen t t o hig h schoo l becaus e the y were o f a certain age , an d age , not th e fac t o f learnin g trigonometr y o r Lati n (subject s o f "high" intellec tual seriousness) , made th e school s higher-learnin g stations . Most immigrant s probably though t o f the hig h school s i n the mor e tra ditional an d nobl e fashio n o f Covell o an d Sacco . Evokin g memorie s o f what i t mean t t o sen d a chil d to a gymnasium i n the ol d country , sendin g a so n o r daughte r t o hig h schoo l becam e a mar k o f presen t accomplish ment an d futur e expectation . Coincidin g i n time with th e mor e aggressive posture tha t immigrant s assume d betwee n th e wars , especiall y durin g Franklin Roosevelt' s presidency , th e attendanc e an d graduatio n o f Jews , Italians, Slavs , an d other s fro m hig h school s becam e th e ech o o f a ne w insistence o n a social plac e i n America, as well a s the resul t o f quit e prag matic effort s b y educator s t o kee p childre n in schoo l longer . No t al l group s took advantag e o f high school s t o th e sam e degree , bu t b y the 19305 , an d certainly b y the 19405 , the graduatio n fro m hig h schoo l o f the progen y of the great early twentieth-century immigration s marked th e arrival of a new common-school era . In contrast t o it s predecessor, the common-schoo l era of th e earl y twentieth centur y concerned adolescents , no t children , and i n

"Americanizing .he High Schools 7

5

large cities , i t replace d th e piou s ai r o f Protestan t respectabilit y wit h a complex cosmopolitanism. 3 In citie s lik e New Yor k an d Chicago , th e hig h schools , lik e th e neigh borhoods i n whic h the y flourished, became ethni c enclaves . Thi s fac t ha d two distinc t consequences . O n th e on e hand , th e childre n an d grandchil dren o f immigrants had arrive d at the threshold o f American success. Fro m the progressive perspective, th e individual was offered th e keys to the kingdom whil e th e kingdo m itsel f woul d b e secured . O n th e othe r hand , th e very success of numbers portended a new social environment—an environment tha t wa s a s muc h ethni c a s i t wa s traditionall y American . I n thi s context, th e hig h schoo l a s a fundamenta l agency of socializatio n becam e both mor e an d differen t tha n it s planners had anticipated .

I The schoo l was , o f course , th e grea t institutio n o f assimilation . Thi s wa s one o f it s primar y purpose s an d ther e i s littl e doub t tha t i t succeede d i n introducing th e childre n o f immigrants to th e cultur e of twentieth-centur y America. But assimilatio n i s a complicated process . I t i s most likel y not a single process a t al l bu t a wa y o f summarizin g a rang e o f individua l an d group experiences . Schoo l official s wer e no t s o naiv e a s t o believ e tha t assimilation mean t simpl y replacin g on e se t o f cultura l habit s wit h an other, i n the manner of Henry Ford' s famou s pot, bu t the y had t o operat e on th e assumptio n tha t a shrewdl y designed curriculu m and a schoo l en vironment oriente d towar d effectiv e socializatio n woul d permi t rapi d ab sorption o f a heterogeneou s populatio n int o th e America n mainstream . This was , i n fact , on e o f th e belief s behin d th e emphasi s o n th e develop mental significanc e of adolescence. 4 Educator s eagerl y looked t o th e spe cial aptitudes an d clannishnes s of adolescents a s a force for socia l assimilation and , wit h thi s i n mind, trie d t o construc t a broadl y conceive d schoo l program. Integral t o tha t ne w progra m b y th e 19x0 5 an d '30 5 wa s a rang e o f activities in which students, althoug h unde r adul t auspices , exercised thei r own form s o f self-directio n i n social , civic , athletic , an d academi c affairs . Through thes e extracurricula r activities , Earl e Rug g noted i n a specia l issue o f th e Yearbook o f th e National Society fo r th e Study o f Education, "The schoo l ma y wel l mak e itsel f th e laborator y fo r trainin g pupil s fo r efficient citizenship." 5 Educators recognized, but did not sufficientl y credit , the degre e to whic h th e extracurricula r activitie s depended upo n studen t self-direction. Fo r whil e they certainly helped to introduc e student s to th e

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meaning of socia l lif e i n America, they di d s o i n ways that schoo l official s never entirel y controlled an d o f whic h educationa l theorist s woul d no t hav e approved. Various informa l schoo l activitie s ha d existe d a t th e fringe s o f th e aca demic curriculu m sinc e th e nineteent h century , bu t i t wa s no t unti l afte r World Wa r I tha t educator s mad e a concerte d effor t t o alig n the m wit h the expande d concern s an d "progressive " pedagog y o f th e moder n school. 6 "Largely withi n th e past decade , an d wholly within the past two, " Elwoo d Cubberly note d i n 1931 , "a n entirel y ne w interes t i n th e extra-curricula r activities o f yout h ha s bee n take n b y th e school . I n par t thi s chang e i n attitude ha s bee n caused b y the ne w disciplinary problem s brough t t o th e school throug h the recen t grea t popularizatio n of secondar y education. " Like th e developmen t o f a n appropriat e curriculum , th e openin g u p o f education t o a newly democratized constituenc y wit h it s special "disciplin ary problems " wen t hand-in-han d wit h th e attemp t t o desig n a n educa tional regim e to enlis t th e specifi c aptitude s an d difference s foun d amon g individuals. Charle s R . Foster , a n associat e superintenden t o f school s i n Pittsburgh, noted, "Children diffe r i n ability, aptitude, sex , probable career . . . social status , environment, traditions , habit s of work, race, national ity, age , health , . . . and in numerous othe r way s suc h a s to mak e i t imperative tha t ou r secondar y school s provid e no t onl y a differentiate d cur riculum . . . but also such forms o f extracurricular activitie s as may utilize the socializing , integrating factor s important i n establishing a common ba sis of feelings , aspiration s an d ideals , essential in a democracy." 7 The theme s underlyin g extracurricular plannin g thus define d th e educa tional issue s o f th e period—institutiona l expansio n an d a ne w vie w o f schooling a s socialization , a democrati c invocatio n o f th e significanc e o f individual difference s i n aptitude s an d talent , an d th e injunctio n tha t schooling assis t i n th e re-creatio n o f nationa l community . When Leonar d V. Koos polled schoo l principal s about thei r reason s fo r sponsoring extra curricular activities , h e discovered that "socialization, " "training fo r social cooperation," "experience o f group life, " "improve d disciplinar y situation and improved schoo l spirit, " "training fo r leadership in a democracy," an d "recognition o f adolescen t nature, " were the mos t frequentl y given. 8 Finally, the extracurricula r activities were mean t t o expres s an d uphol d a commitmen t t o wha t on e write r calle d "equalizatio n o f opportunity. " "The on e plac e wher e democrati c ideal s an d objective s ma y functio n i n a natural matri x i s in the conduc t o f the extra-curricula r activities . Whether a studen t i s notably dull , studious , clever , rich, poor , handsome , o r ugl y he shoul d hav e a n equa l opportunity to b e a membe r o f a schoo l organi zation whic h ough t unde r al l circumstance s to b e organize d upon a basi s

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of democrati c society. " Leonar d Koo s sai d th e sam e thin g mor e com pactly: "Th e scop e an d pla n o f operation shoul d b e such a s to encourag e participation b y all students, wit h membershi p in all organizations equall y open t o all." 9 Wit h th e ne w attentio n t o th e pedagogica l imperativ e of differences an d i n th e contex t o f a manifestl y differentiate d curriculum , IQ, and vocationalism , th e extracurricular activitie s becam e the repositor y for th e ol d commo n schoo l ideal . The fi t betwee n adolescen t socialization , citizenshi p training , an d dem ocratic opportunity , whil e conceptuall y neat , wa s no t alway s perfec t i n experience, an d man y of the educators wer e concerned t o sugges t remedies for problem s encountere d i n actua l day-to-da y administration . Th e ai m was alway s a s tightly integrate d a schoo l regim e as possible. "I t ha s seeme d to me, " Elber t Fretwell explained , "tha t the secondary schoo l shoul d pla n consciously it s whol e life . . . ."A t th e sam e time , Fretwel l an d other s understood tha t to o muc h contro l woul d vitiat e th e purpos e o f extracur ricular activitie s b y sapping thei r vitalit y as effectiv e learnin g experiences . Too muc h contro l woul d undermin e their usefulnes s a s theaters fo r train ing i n genuin e citizenship , initiative , an d voluntar y cooperation. I n prac tice, th e challeng e was alway s on e o f carefu l plannin g an d judiciou s control, bu t no t to o muc h repressiv e adul t direction ; activitie s effectivel y integrated int o th e curriculu m but sufficientl y differen t fro m regula r stud ies t o utiliz e th e abundan t individua l talent s an d laten t interest s o f stu dents. Th e activitie s ha d t o b e fu n a s wel l a s work . "Ther e is, " Fretwel l noted, "the exploratio n o f the pupil himself, his interest, hi s curiosities, hi s abilities. . . . Ther e mus t b e joy , zest , active , positive , creativ e activity , and a fait h tha t righ t i s migh t an d tha t i t wil l prevail. " Foste r to o ex pressed th e usua l progressive appreciatio n o f the creativit y of adolescence : "Instead o f frowning , a s i n olde n days , upo n th e desir e o f th e youn g t o act upon thei r ow n initiative , we have learned that only upon thes e varied instincts ca n b e laid the sures t basi s for healthy growth. Self-reliance , hon esty, perserverence , an d respec t fo r th e right s o f other s ar e needed . Th e school democrac y must be animated by the spiri t of cooperation, th e spiri t of freel y workin g together fo r th e positiv e good o f the whole." 10 The activitie s wer e thu s bot h a n obviou s an d trick y real m fo r educa tional efforts . It is clear , moreover , tha t despit e som e genera l theoretica l consensus, school s differe d i n their treatment o f the activities, especially in the degre e t o whic h the y wer e directe d b y adult s an d integrate d int o th e curriculum.11 Obsessed a s educators wer e with the "science" of education , the literatur e o f th e perio d i s replete wit h questionnaire s abou t extracur ricular clubs . Th e questionnaire , reflecting th e contemporar y expectation s for th e activities , aske d long list s o f question s abou t th e availabilit y o f

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activities, th e exten t o f participation , th e educationa l value s o f activities , and th e coordinatio n o f activitie s wit h th e regula r schoo l program . The y never aske d wha t student s though t o f the activitie s or wha t the y meant t o them. Fretwell , i n goo d progressiv e fashion , proclaime d tha t "Pupil s ar e citizens her e an d now , wit h rights , duties , privileges , an d obligations . I f they ar e to gro w int o stil l better citizens , ideas about citizen s may be helpful, bu t satisfyin g practic e i s absolutel y fundamental." 12 An d yet , despit e the students ' presume d citizenship and the fundamenta l trainin g in thoughtfu l individualism tha t th e activitie s wer e intende d t o provide , educator s as sumed tha t th e activitie s became fo r student s wha t educator s mean t the m to be. Practice was of course a t the heart o f progressive pedagogy, an d withou t adopting al l it s values , on e ca n accor d recognitio n t o th e trut h o f tha t claim. Wha t the n di d th e practic e o f extracurricula r participatio n expres s about schooling that educators might hav e missed b y not askin g students ? Obviously i t i s no t possibl e entirel y t o rectif y thei r oversight . Bu t i t i s possible t o ge t som e sens e o f what th e activitie s mean t t o student s b y observing patterns o f participation. Lik e the questionnaire s o f the 19x0 5 an d '305, thi s profil e o f ethni c pattern s i n extracurricula r participatio n i s in formed b y a specific intention . Question s alway s provide the skeleta l structure o f answers , an d sinc e I am askin g about th e rol e of ethnicity in deter mining th e choice s student s mad e amon g th e clubs , th e answer s wil l b e framed aroun d ethnicity . I t is important t o remembe r that ethnic concern s and association s wer e no t th e onl y meanin g student s gav e t o club s an d activities. I have, of course, bee n arguing all along that th e immigrant presence wa s crucia l t o th e manne r i n whic h th e schoo l operate d an d t o th e theories o f schoolin g tha t emerge d i n th e twentiet h century . Bu t th e im migrant presenc e i n the school s wa s mor e tha n a stimulant t o educationa l theory an d schoo l organization . I t wa s a dynami c elemen t tha t ofte n op erated apar t fro m th e interest s o f teachers , principals , an d theorists . In deed, th e legitimatio n give n t o extracurricula r activitie s in th e 19x0 5 an d '305 had som e very significant, unintende d consequences. B y providing students wit h jus t enoug h leewa y to exercis e choice s an d wit h enoug h roo m for "socia l cooperation," the extracurricular activitie s became a significan t arena fo r th e continuin g expressio n o f ethni c associatio n amon g th e sec ond an d thir d generations . Thi s wa s no t a forc e oppose d t o assimilation , but par t o f th e wa y assimilatio n wa s experience d i n hig h schools . Whil e educators ha d hope d t o pu t th e specia l stam p o f th e school s upo n th e social orde r o f th e twentiet h century , the y ha d no t quit e foresee n th e de gree to whic h thi s would b e both tru e an d no t wha t the y had expected .

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II

The followin g discussion i s base d o n th e experienc e o f 15,00 0 senior s i n seven Ne w Yor k City high schools betwee n 193 1 and 194 7 as recorded i n high-school yearbook s (se e Appendix i) . Specifically, I have examined th e ethnic variation i n the extracurricula r participation o f these senior s on th e basis o f a tabulatio n o f al l extracurricula r club s listed b y student s i n se lected years . Th e ethnicity , no t nativity , o f eac h studen t wa s determine d by th e student' s name . Thi s kin d o f identificatio n is by its nature inexact , because name s ar e no t necessaril y ethnicall y transparent an d becaus e of the frequen t overlap amon g names—fo r example , betwee n Jew s an d Ger mans; amon g th e Irish , nativ e whites, an d Scots ; etc. 13 Firs t name s ofte n provided a n additiona l wa y t o differentiat e betwee n som e groups. Finally, the categor y o f undecide d ethnicit y allowe d m e to discar d thos e student s whose name s were jus t to o ambiguous . The seemin g precision o f numbers should not b e allowed t o obscur e the imprecision of the method, and mos t of th e figures and conclusion s should b e read a s only near approximation s to reality. New Yor k wa s i n n o wa y a representativ e environment, bu t i t wa s th e preeminent immigran t cit y an d a n investigatio n of th e city' s school s i s especially illuminating. Students in New Yor k came from a very wide variety of nationalitie s an d racia l groups , bu t onl y si x hav e bee n selecte d fo r analysis—native white, Irish, German, Italian , Jewish, and black . The school s themselves varied . A schoo l lik e Sewar d Par k Hig h School , fo r example , contained a larg e majorit y o f student s fro m a singl e ethni c group , whil e New Utrech t Hig h Schoo l wa s dominate d b y two ethni c groups. I n othe r schools, there was a comple x mi x of groups and importan t ethni c changes over time . Tw o schools , Ba y Ridg e an d th e Hig h Schoo l o f Commerce , were unise x schools , th e forme r exclusivel y fo r wome n an d th e studen t body of the latter throughou t most o f the 1930 5 and '40 5 made up entirely of men . Thes e difference s mattered . Individua l and grou p experience s ofte n depended o n the specific social , economic, an d demographic characteristic s of eac h school. Wherever possible , therefore , I have based m y conclusion s not onl y o n th e overal l pattern bu t als o o n th e behavio r of groups withi n specific schools , an d I have defined ethni c tendencies only when there were compelling similaritie s among severa l schools. (Se e Appendix 2 . fo r table s detailing the evidenc e for th e followin g discussion.) For th e hig h schoo l graduate s o f the thirtie s an d forties , extracurricula r activities ha d becom e a regula r part o f schoo l experience. 14 Four-fifth s o f all student s had participate d i n some club o r activity , although th e exten t of participation varie d from a high of 99 percen t at Bay Ridge High School to a lo w o f 5 6 percen t a t Theodor e Roosevelt , an d wome n wer e every -

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Women

M.en

12 Jewish Italian Black Irish German Native

3

4

5

6

1

2

34

5

7

www ww

Note: Schoo l Key 1. Georg e Washington High School 5 2. Evande r Childs High School 6 3. Sewar d Park High Schoo l 7 4. Theodor e Roosevelt High School

. Ne w Utrech t High School . Hig h School of Commerce . Ba y Ridge High Schoo l

a. N o black s at New Utrech t High School b. No t enoug h Irish a t Sewar d Park to b e meaningfu l

where mor e likel y to participat e tha n men . Certain group s wer e mor e ac tive tha n other s an d engage d i n a wide r rang e o f activities . Jews an d na tive-white student s were the mos t active. (Native-whit e students will hereafter be referre d t o simpl y a s "natives." ) I n th e entir e population a s well a s in each o f th e schools , excep t Sewar d Park, Jewish me n were disproportion ately represente d i n extracurricula r clubs , an d eve n i n Sewar d Park , the y were, fo r al l intents an d purposes, represente d a t par. Jewis h wome n wer e always overrepresented . I n othe r words , th e participatio n o f Jewis h me n and women wa s almost always well above what would have been expected considering thei r proportio n o f the school populatio n alone . Natives , bot h men an d women , wer e als o ver y active , bu t no t a s activ e a s th e Jews . Italians and Germans , on the othe r hand , engage d less frequently in activities an d wer e underrepresented i n most schools . Th e participatio n o f black s and Iris h varied amon g th e school s bu t wa s neithe r a s lo w a s that o f th e Italians an d German s no r a s high a s that o f the Jews and natives. Table i summarizes the experience s o f the variou s groups . A student' s ethnicit y clearl y influence d hi s o r he r chance s o f participat ing in the extracurricula r world o f high school . Mor e significantly , ethnicity ha d a powerfu l effec t o n th e kin d o f activit y a studen t wa s likel y t o elect. Sometime s the ethni c variations depended on a specifi c schoo l envi ronment, but a t other times there were uniformities across school lines that suggest stron g ethni c preferences . Fo r th e purpos e o f analysis , I hav e di -


1

vided studen t activitie s int o twenty-thre e categories. 15 Althoug h thes e di d not exhaus t th e range of activities available to student s i n all schools, the y were generall y comprehensiv e o f th e mos t importan t activitie s i n whic h students engaged. 16 A fe w o f th e club s turne d ou t t o b e extraordinar y ethnic differentiators , while others wer e weaker a s indicators o f ethnic in terest o r association . A s a whole, however, the y reveal the strategi c role of ethnicity i n determinin g studen t choice s amon g extracurricula r offering s and hel p to defin e th e natur e o f social lif e i n the hig h schools . Members o f som e ethni c group s rarel y or neve r joined in certain activi ties. Iris h me n almos t never joine d science clubs and rarel y participated i n the orchestr a o r i n dramatics . Jew s an d black s participate d i n religiou s clubs ver y infrequently . Blacks were th e mos t consistentl y absen t fro m a wide rang e o f activities. 17 The y almos t neve r participate d i n dramati c o r science clubs . N o blac k woman o r ma n wa s eve r elected presiden t o f th e senior clas s or th e studen t body ; n o blac k wa s eve r edito r i n chie f o f th e newspaper. Th e fac t tha t black s wer e th e grou p mos t frequentl y absen t from a range of activities suggests a strong exclusionar y bias against them . Blacks joine d onl y certai n activitie s an d almos t neve r others . N o othe r group wa s absen t i n s o man y categories acros s schools . Black s who wer e eager t o participat e i n schoo l activities , an d three-quarter s o f black s di d participate, chos e carefull y an d judiciously , consistently sidesteppin g activities i n which the y eithe r ha d n o interes t o r were clearl y not welcome . In on e activity , blac k me n wer e dominan t i n a n unparallele d way . I n every schoo l wit h a meaningfu l populatio n o f blac k men , the y wer e over represented o n th e trac k team. Indeed, track wa s the activit y most consis tently associate d wit h blacks—almos t one-thir d o f al l blac k me n i n th e entire populatio n wer e on the team . At George Washingto n Hig h School , where black s wer e scarcel y 5 percen t o f th e mal e population , eleve n o f forty-four trac k me n wer e black . At Sewar d Park , wher e blac k me n wer e slightly mor e than i percen t o f the male population, three o f thirteen run ners wer e black , an d thes e thre e wer e par t o f a population o f onl y thirty one blac k men . Hal f o f al l blac k me n a t Evande r Child s (si x o f twelve ) and one-sixt h (te n of sixty ) of al l blac k me n a t th e Hig h Schoo l o f Com merce wer e o n th e trac k team . Thes e wer e smal l numbers , becaus e th e number participatin g i n track wa s smal l and becaus e the numbe r of blac k seniors wa s small , bu t the y were stunningl y clear. Th e chance s o f a blac k man electin g track a s one, an d possibl y his only, high-school activit y were very great. The sam e concentration o f blac k me n was no t eviden t i n an y othe r sport . Only i n trac k di d blac k me n mak e suc h a n extraordinar y showing . Al though blac k men were also activ e in basketball, they almost never played football an d rarel y participate d i n othe r sports . Thes e sport s wer e domi -

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nated by natives, Italians, Germans, and, to a lesser degree, the Irish. Jews, like blacks, were not draw n t o football . When Jews participate d i n sports , they strongl y favore d basketball . Italian s showe d th e opposit e tendency , choosing basketbal l only rarely but strongl y inclined towar d football . Na tives participate d mos t heavil y in footbal l an d "othe r sports, " bu t ver y infrequently i n track . The patter n i n sport s choice s i s clear an d illuminating . Members o f different ethni c groups made definabl e distinction s amon g th e sport s offere d at school . I n many ways, they divided the sports amon g themselves as each group chos e severa l o f th e sport s categorie s an d bypasse d the others . W e can onl y gues s a t ho w thes e preference s were established . Track , a highly individualistic sport tha t require d little team cooperatio n o r bod y contact , may hav e served as an idea l outlet fo r black s against whom discrimination would preclude strong group involvement . Native men may have been particularly draw n t o footbal l wit h it s collegiat e aura . I t i s possible tha t th e example o f som e sport s hero , lik e Jesse Owen s o r Re d Grange , helpe d t o orient differen t group s t o sport s i n a selectiv e manner . Onc e th e prefer ences wer e set , however , the y mos t likel y defined a clea r statu s an d pres tige hierarch y that i n tur n differentiall y attracte d member s of various ethnic groups. The stron g symboli c meaning s tha t divide d me n amon g th e sport s ap parently di d no t affec t women . Sport s neve r playe d th e ethnicall y differ entiating role fo r women tha t the y did fo r men . Women to o tosse d a basketball, an d man y were involved in "other sports, " bu t ther e wa s les s ethnic clustering an d fe w marked grou p preference s or patterns . I n the end , thi s may indicat e tha t wome n simpl y di d no t inves t sport s wit h th e socia l meaning that me n often attache d t o thes e activities. In general , ethni c pattern s wer e les s sharply etche d fo r women . Never theless, certai n preference s wer e notable . Jewis h wome n tende d t o elec t literary activities of all kinds across schools . I n the sample as a whole, only Jewish an d nativ e wome n wer e significantl y involved i n th e categor y o f "other publications, " whic h include d th e myria d literar y activitie s othe r than th e newspape r an d senio r yearbook . I n ever y school i n whic h ther e was a meaningfu l numbe r o f student s involved in these publications, Jew ish wome n wer e disproportionatel y active . Similarly , wherever women wer e editors o f th e studen t newspaper , the y wer e almos t certai n t o b e Jewish . At Theodor e Roosevelt , al l thre e femal e editor s wer e Jewish ; a t Georg e Washington, bot h wome n wer e Jewish ; a t Ne w Utrecht , th e on e femal e editor wa s Jewish; an d a t Evander Childs , two o f the three women editor s were Jews. Onl y a t Ba y Ridge Hig h School , wher e Jewish wome n wer e a very smal l group i n a completely female school , was ther e a much broader ethnic distribution. It is perhaps significant tha t a t coed schools where women

"Americanizing" the High Schools

83

were force d t o compet e wit h me n fo r th e editoria l posts , Jewish wome n were almos t invariabl y selected. Whethe r wome n i n othe r ethni c group s were reluctan t to compet e wit h me n or whethe r me n tended t o stereotyp e women ethnically , Jewis h wome n alon e o f al l femal e group s hel d thes e posts consistentl y an d widely . Overall , Jewish wome n wer e 6 0 percen t o f all female editors , bu t onl y 45 percen t o f th e femal e population , a dispro portion tha t woul d hav e bee n fa r greate r i f the specia l cas e o f Ba y Ridge were excluded (se e Table 2.) . This specia l interes t i n literar y activitie s b y Jewish wome n als o foun d expression i n participatio n o n newspape r staffs . Germa n an d nativ e wome n too wer e quite active on the newspapers, bu t Italian , black , and Iris h women were consistentl y underrepresented , a s the y wer e o n th e "othe r publica tions."18 In the 1930 5 and '40 5 in New York, literar y activities fo r women took on a distinctly ethnic cast in the high schools. Jewish men were active in literar y activitie s a s well bu t wer e far les s conspicuou s an d fa r les s consistently involve d than Jewish women. 19 The yearboo k staff s see m t o hav e been a n exceptio n t o th e ethni c par ticipation pattern s i n literar y activities . Jewis h wome n wer e no t a s con spicuous o n th e staff s o f yearbook s a s the y wer e i n othe r literar y en deavors, whil e Irish an d nativ e women wer e fa r mor e heavil y represented in this than in other literar y activities. Native women, and especially native men, tende d t o b e disproportionatel y activ e o n yearboo k staffs , fa r mor e active tha n an y othe r grou p includin g Jews. Iris h me n als o expresse d a unique interes t i n th e yearbook , quit e unlik e their usua l reticence t o joi n publication activities . A goo d par t o f th e reaso n fo r thes e difference s re sulted fro m th e fac t tha t th e yearboo k ha d les s t o d o wit h literar y tha n with th e socia l interest s o f student s an d playe d a strategi c rol e i n senio r class activities . A s the recorde r o f senio r event s an d th e publicit y vehicle of dominan t senior personalities, th e yearbook wa s a political tool , a purveyor o f status rathe r tha n aesthetics . In fact , studen t politics dre w upo n a differen t constituenc y tha n literar y activities. Overall , Iris h men were the most disproportionatel y represente d among president s o f th e senio r clas s an d studen t body . Eleve n percent o f all mal e president s wer e Irish , althoug h th e Iris h mad e u p onl y a littl e more tha n 4 percent o f the male seniors. Native men were also very active, and Germa n men, usually least active of all, appear to have been especially drawn t o studen t politics. Nativ e an d Germa n me n wer e nearl y twice a s likely t o b e president s a s wa s warrante d b y thei r proportion o f th e mal e population. Jewis h men , o n th e othe r hand , wer e somewha t underrepre sented amon g student presidents, an d Italian s had fewe r tha n one-hal f o f the president s warrante d b y thei r numbers . No blac k eve r achieve d th e coveted positio n a s principal student representative.

TABLE 2 . Participatio n o f Jewish High-Schoo l Women in Literar y Activities by School an d Activity Activity*

School

Total # Jewish women

% of women who are Jewish

Editor

Other news

Other publications

Yearbook

George Washington Evander Child s Seward Par k New Utrecht Theodore Roosevel t Bay Ridg e All Schools

(525) (858) (770) (1026) (575) (88) (3842)

40.4% 46.8 75.9 60.7 43.4 6.4 44.8

(2) 100.0 % (2) 66. 7 — (1) 100. 0 (3) 100. 0 (1) 16. 7 (9) 60. 0

(19) 38.3 % (23) 57. 5 (29) 85. 3 (73) 79. 3 (21) 63. 7 (8) 13. 3 (173) 56. 0

(4) 80.0 % (20) 58. 8 (25) 86. 2 (33) 73. 3 — (4) 18. 2 (86) 63. 2

(9) 20.0 % (31) 57. 4 (20) 76. 9 (55) 76. 4 (41) 50. 0 (15) 9. 7 (171) 39. 5

a

In eac h column , th e numbe r in parenthese s represent s th e numbe r o f Jewish wome n i n th e activit y in eac h schoo l durin g fou r year s o f m y sample . Th e percentage is the proportio n o f all women in each activit y who wer e Jewish .


5

The extraordinar y showin g o f the Iris h i s somewhat misleading . In fact, it was the natives, not the Irish, who dominated presidentia l offices . When ever native s compose d a significan t par t o f th e schoo l population , the y disproportionately controlle d presidentia l offices , excep t a t th e Hig h Schoo l of Commerce . I t was th e fac t o f three Iris h presidents a t Commerce , with out an y nativ e presidents , tha t exaggerate d th e Iris h presence . Elsewhere , while th e Iris h wer e ver y active i n politics, a s evidence d b y thei r frequen t election t o "othe r political " offices , native s dominated th e highes t offices . At Georg e Washington , fou r o f five presidents wer e natives , althoug h na tives wer e onl y on e i n five senior men . A t Evande r Childs , wher e native s composed one-sixt h o f th e mal e population , tw o o f si x president s wer e from tha t group . A t Theodor e Roosevelt , one-hal f o f al l mal e president s were native , bu t the y wer e les s tha n one-fift h o f th e mal e population . I f we thin k o f th e presiden t a s a symbo l of aspiration , a kin d o f bea u ideal , the conspicuou s positio n o f natives among presidents become s mor e expli cable an d significant . Only a t Sewar d Par k an d Ne w Utrecht , i n eac h of which Jews were more tha n 5 0 percent of the population, wer e Jewish men consistently chosen. Al l the male presidents at Seward Park were Jews, an d at Ne w Utrecht , locate d i n a heavil y ethni c neighborhood whic h gre w fro m the outmigratio n o f Jews an d Italian s fro m th e Lowe r Eas t Side , fou r o f the five male president s wer e Jewish . I n thes e tw o schools , th e presiden t was o f cours e a direc t expressio n o f electora l realities , sinc e Jews wer e a clear majorit y o f voters . Bu t th e offic e wa s als o mor e tha n that . I f th e presidency wa s symbolic , a s I hav e suggested , the n th e patter n a t thes e schools indicates an alternativ e social environment and another ideal . Both Seward Par k an d Ne w Utrech t wer e heavily ethnic schools, wit h Jews being the dominant ethnic group. Within a n overwhelmingl y ethnic setting, Jews set their ow n standar d o f success , a s natives did i n schools that wer e middle class an d wher e statu s was define d b y them . When w e mov e fro m politic s a s an expressio n o f prestige an d a symbol of aspiration s t o politic s a s a n endeavor—fro m th e presidenc y t o "othe r political" offices—th e pictur e changes . Th e Iris h remai n ver y heavil y in volved i n th e lesse r offices . Fiftee n percen t o f al l Iris h me n hel d som e po litical office , compare d wit h slightl y mor e tha n 1 0 percen t o f th e Jews , natives, an d Germans . Iris h men , no t especiall y activ e in club s generally , tended t o gravitat e towar d politica l activitie s in high school , choosin g po litical offic e ove r man y other kind s of endeavors . Iris h wome n wer e like wise more frequentl y electe d t o mino r political offic e tha n eithe r Jewish o r native women . Neithe r Italian s no r black s wer e represente d u p t o thei r proportion o f the population . Politics wa s a n aren a i n whic h student s were force d t o see k an d t o ge t peer approval . Nativ e men seem especially to hav e benefitte d fro m this , a t

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least a t th e highes t politica l leve l in schools no t dominate d b y a large Jewish population . On e othe r measur e o f popularit y an d estee m wa s con tained in the categor y "celebrit y status," which was not an activity but an expression o f school prominence . A celebrity could b e th e ma n o r woma n chosen most likel y to succeed , prettiest , handsomest , bes t athlete , bes t musician, etc . Althoug h som e of these designations sugges t special talent, they all depended finall y o n prominenc e in school affair s an d require d pee r ap proval. Among femal e celebrities , Iris h an d nativ e wome n wer e fa r ahea d o f women fro m al l othe r groups , whil e Jewis h wome n wer e frequentl y se lected a t onl y one-hal f o f thei r proportio n i n individua l schools an d wer e represented a t jus t 6 6 percen t o f thei r populatio n overall. Thi s wa s th e case despit e th e stron g involvemen t of Jewis h wome n i n a wid e rang e of extracurricular club s an d activities . Black women wer e neve r chosen. Among men, native s foun d th e mos t approva l wit h tw o time s th e proportio n o f celebrities a s their populatio n warranted . Jewis h me n did better tha n Jewish wome n bu t lagge d behin d natives . Italia n men , lik e Italia n women , were favore d i n onl y on e school , Georg e Washington ; whil e Iris h men , unlike Irish women, wer e uniforml y underrepresented . Tw o blac k me n made the list. The discrepancie s betwee n mal e an d femal e celebrities , mos t obviou s between Jewis h an d Iris h me n an d women , ar e revealing . Me n appea r t o have bee n accorde d celebrit y statu s fo r thei r achievements , such a s sports, politics, an d editorships , whic h explain s th e fairl y goo d showin g o f Jew s and eve n th e specia l instance s o f blac k success . Wome n appea r t o hav e been differentl y evaluated ; often , give n th e specifie d categories , o n mea sures o f beauty, grace , popularity . Irish , native, and , t o som e degree , Ger man women , not Jews , Italians , or black s mos t consistentl y embodie d idealized version s o f thes e attributes . I n othe r words , i f thi s designatio n was anythin g mor e tha n a quirk y an d humorou s yearboo k game , Jewis h men appea r t o hav e better approximate d pee r criteria o f success than Jewish women . Iris h an d Germa n wome n di d fa r bette r approximatin g a female ideal . But , overall , nativ e me n an d wome n wer e th e mos t popular . (Table 3 compares th e celebrit y statu s o f fou r ethni c groups. ) The achievemen t o f Jewis h me n i n th e extracurricula r real m wa s im pressive, bu t the y were especiall y prominent i n academicall y related activ ities. Mos t conspicuously , Jewis h me n dominate d th e scienc e clubs . Onl y native me n als o expresse d a disproportionat e interes t i n scienc e club s (see Table 4) . Thi s patter n i n the science s was repeate d wit h onl y smal l variations in the categor y of "other academi c clubs." Jewish men were the mos t active overal l and i n five of si x schools . Nativ e me n participate d substan -

TABLE 3 . Celebrit y Status by Sex, School, an d Ethnicit y in Percentages Italian

Jewish

Irish

Native

Men

Population

Celebrities

Population

Celebrities

Population

Celebrities

Population

Celebrities

George Washington Evander Child s Seward Park * New Utrecht Theodore Roosevelt Commerce

39.2 39.7 — 55.9 32.9 20.2

40.9 50.0

4.0 19.5

4.5 0.0

4.8 4.8

21.0 16.7

— 73.7 31.8 29.3

— 24.2 23.3 17.8

— 21.1 13.6 14.6

— 1.2 5.3 11.7

0.0 0.0 — 0.0 4.5 2.4

— 7.8 17.3 18.6

45.5 0.0 — 0.0 45.5 29.3

Total

44.9

40.4

17.4

12.8

4.4

1.8

13.4

29.3

40.4 46.8

27.3 14.3

4.3 15.1

9.1 0.0

2.8 1.5

22.7 0.0

20.1 20.0

18.2 57.1

— 60.7 43.4

— 47.4 20.0

— 10.5 5.0 _

— 29.4

— 0.7 2.9 —

— 0.0 10.0

— 44.8

— 15.7 20.5 —

—

— 9.9 14.5 —

— 31.6 30.0 —

15.9

7.3

2.7

10.3

16.4

29.4

Women George Washington Evander Child s Seward Park * New Utrecht Theodore Roosevel t Bay Ridge* Total

* At these schools, celebrities were not indicate d i n the yearbook .

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TABLE 4 . Participatio n by Men i n Science, Other Academic Clubs, an d Arist a by Ethnicity, Across all Schools

Jewish Italian Black Irish German Native

Chemistry

Physics

Other sciences

Other academic

Arista

Percent of All Men

(46) 54.8 % (6) 7. 1 (0) (2) 2. 4 (4) 4. 8 (14) 16. 7

(30) 60.0 % (3) 6. 0 (0) (0) (2) 4. 0 (8) 16. 0

(58) 52.7 % (11) 10. 0 (1) 0. 9 (0) (5) 4. 5 (17) 15. 4

(288) 52.7 % (81) 14. 8 (4) 0. 7 (10) 1. 8 (22) 4. 0 (72) 13. 2

(273) 56.4 % (59) 12. 2 (3) 0. 6 (11) 2. 3 (16) 3. 3 (62) 12. 8

44.9% 17.4 2.0 4.4 5.3 13.4

tially, whil e th e Irish , Germans , an d Italian s wer e onl y weakl y involved . Black me n were leas t activ e everywhere . The representatio n o f men in Arista, the National Hono r Society , brings this patter n home . Arist a was not a voluntary activity ; students wer e hon ored b y election t o Arist a o n th e basis of academic record. But the paralle l between academi c standin g an d persona l choic e amon g th e activitie s make s clear ho w cogen t th e clu b choice s o f high-schoo l student s coul d be . Onl y Jews wer e elected t o the honor societ y disproportionatel y t o their number s in ever y school an d b y very wide margins . Whatever i t wa s tha t dre w Jewis h me n towar d scienc e an d othe r aca demic clubs—colleg e an d professiona l ambitions , cultura l preferences , o r possibly th e safet y o f associatio n wit h member s o f thei r ow n group—di d not d o s o to nearl y the sam e degre e fo r their sisters . Th e numbe r of wome n in the physics clubs was very small, but Jewish wome n faile d t o participat e strongly i n eithe r physic s o r chemistry , and the y showe d onl y a wea k in terest i n th e "othe r science " clubs . Iris h an d nativ e wome n showe d a stron g interest i n chemistr y an d als o mad e a n impressiv e showin g i n th e othe r sciences. Jewis h wome n wer e als o fa r les s activ e tha n Jewis h me n i n th e "other academic " clubs . Italia n women , o n th e othe r hand , mad e th e strongest showin g overall , an d th e specia l interes t o f Italian wome n i n academic clubs , i n shar p contras t wit h Italia n men , require s som e explana tion. That explanation ma y lie in the selective attendance (an d graduation) of Italia n wome n i n th e 1930 5 an d '405 . Unlike other groups , suc h a s th e Jews an d th e Iris h wh o bega n t o sen d femal e childre n t o schoo l muc h earlier an d kep t the m ther e longer , Italia n preconception s abou t a wom an's plac e an d th e limited expectation o f women's ambitions 20 meant tha t only th e mos t academicall y incline d an d ambitiou s attende d hig h schoo l at all , and stil l fewer graduated . Those wh o di d may have chosen academi c clubs a s a furthe r expressio n o f thei r seriousnes s of purpos e an d possibl y

"Americanizing" the High Schools89

89

even to legitimat e their extracurricula r participation s t o themselve s and t o their parents . As importan t wer e th e likel y economi c pressure s o n Italia n me n whic h prevented thei r participation . Italian s were, nex t t o the blacks, the poorest of th e group s i n Ne w Yor k durin g th e 1930 5 an d '4os. 21 Ofte n require d to wor k part-tim e an d afte r school , youn g Italia n me n ha d littl e leisur e time t o engag e i n man y extracurricula r activitie s an d probabl y ha d les s time than thei r sister s wh o wer e mor e sheltere d and quit e likel y were als o from mor e economicall y privilege d families . Whe n force d t o choos e wh o among thei r childre n woul d graduat e fro m hig h school , poor Italia n families chos e on e o f thei r sons. That is clear eve n fro m th e large r percentag e of mal e Italian s than female s i n fou r o f five of th e coeducationa l schools . The high-schoo l attendanc e o f daughters wa s alread y a mar k o f improve d social an d economi c position. Even though Italian women wer e more conspicuous than Jewish wome n in th e academi c clubs , the y wer e rarel y a s ofte n admitte d t o th e Arist a rolls. Jewis h wome n wer e everywher e th e mos t frequentl y an d mos t dis proportionately electe d t o th e honor society . Onl y a t Theodor e Roosevel t did Italia n wome n gai n admittanc e ove r thei r expecte d numbers , an d a t Roosevelt the y di d eve n bette r tha n Jewis h women . Thus , whil e Jewis h women, lik e Jewish men , were academic performers, they were unlike Jewish me n i n no t bein g as conspicuousl y draw n t o academi c and scienc e activities outside the classroom—Italian women were , despit e their lower academic standing . These difference s aler t us to an importan t fact . A discussio n of ethni c preferences mus t no t disintegrat e int o a serie s o f stereotype d profile s o f groups, nor t o th e related conclusio n tha t club choices wer e an expressio n simply o f ethni c culture. 22 Ethni c me n an d wome n ofte n behave d differ ently. Nativ e wome n wer e muc h mor e likel y t o joi n Jewis h me n i n th e chemistry clu b than Jewish women . Jewish women wer e not draw n t o ac ademic clubs to the same degree as Jewish men or Italian women. Ethnicit y at schoo l wa s ofte n differentl y expresse d b y me n an d wome n an d thi s suggests that whatever culture students brough t to high school, i t was shape d and refashione d in ver y specifi c ways . In general , however , especiall y i f w e loo k a t th e school s individually , men an d wome n fro m th e sam e ethni c group s tende d towar d th e sam e choices amon g th e performanc e clubs—orchestra , gle e club , an d drama . There wer e exceptions, bu t the similarity in the choices of men and wome n in each school appear s mor e strikin g than an y marke d consistenc y in eth nic choice s acros s schools . Thi s wa s s o probabl y becaus e dramati c an d musical performance s wer e socia l event s a s wel l a s arena s fo r aestheti c

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expression an d th e resemblanc e betwee n men' s an d women' s choice s withi n ethnic groups suggest s that these clubs and activities provided socia l arena s for students . "Socia l activities " wa s a n extremel y vagu e categor y becaus e it took in a large number of different activities , but i t nevertheless provides some confirmatio n o f thi s pattern . I n social , unlik e academic , club s me n and wome n o f th e sam e ethni c group s tende d t o mak e ver y simila r deci sions. A t Theodore Roosevelt , Sewar d Park, and Evander Childs, mal e and female pattern s ra n a parallel course ; me n and wome n fro m th e same grou p being eithe r strongl y o r weakl y involved . Only Georg e Washington , o f all the coeducational schools , prove d to be an exception t o this pattern. Social clubs, like dramatic an d musica l activities, provided the occasion fo r active and ethnicall y biase d contact s betwee n me n and women . The servic e category wa s th e weakes t ethni c differentiator , and no t co incidentally, thi s wa s th e activit y leas t dependen t o n pee r acceptanc e o r approval. Servic e di d no t requir e a heavy commitmen t o f time o r a dem onstration o f stron g interest . Usuall y rendered durin g a fre e perio d i n th e regular student schedule , wor k i n the dean's office, o n the projector squad , or an y one o f the myria d othe r service s students performe d was leas t pee r intensive an d pee r dependent . I t was i n service activities that student s tende d to gai n mos t o f thei r extracurricula r points . Sinc e Jews engage d mos t ex tensively i n extracurricula r activitie s i n general , i t i s no t surprisin g tha t Jewish me n an d wome n wer e th e mos t activ e i n servic e in mos t schools , but ever y grou p o f me n an d wome n wa s overrepresente d i n servic e in a t least on e school . Black s often mad e quit e a goo d showin g i n service , an d this strongl y confirm s wha t migh t hav e bee n expected : i n thei r desir e t o participate i n schoo l affairs , blac k me n an d wome n ofte n chos e jus t thos e activities tha t involve d few group events , littl e teamwork , an d fe w poten tially exclusionar y practices b y other students . The absenc e o f a stron g relationshi p betwee n servic e activitie s an d eth nicity place s th e othe r pattern s int o eve n sharpe r relief . Certai n o f thes e patterns ar e especiall y notable . Despit e th e generall y high leve l o f Jewis h participation, Jew s di d no t gravitat e equally t o al l parts o f the extracurri cular network . Thi s wa s especiall y clea r i n sports, in religion, and i n poli tics, where Jewis h me n rarel y mad e a conspicuou s showing . Instead , Jew ish me n move d int o literar y activities , scienc e an d academi c clubs , an d service. Th e opposit e tendenc y i s evident amon g the Iris h who wer e rarely engaged i n scientific , literary , o r academi c clubs , excep t o n yearboo k staffs , but wer e ver y activ e i n politics , religion , an d man y o f th e sports . Italian s also chos e religion , bu t muc h mor e rarel y politics. The y wer e muc h mor e selective amon g th e sports , choosin g footbal l abov e al l others . Th e Ger mans wer e les s selectiv e than th e Irish , participating mor e broadl y i n lit erary an d academi c club s without marke d prominence , bu t lik e the Irish ,


1

they chose politic s frequently . Blac k choices were the mos t limite d of all — track, basketball , service , an d t o som e exten t th e orchestra . Nativ e me n were leas t restricte d i n thei r choice s an d wer e ver y frequentl y overrepre sented i n a wid e rang e o f club s an d activities , bu t the y wer e particularl y conspicuous i n the mos t prominen t position s an d thos e tha t wer e sociall y most strategic—th e presidencies, editorships , an d th e yearbook staffs . An d they were mos t ofte n chose n a s school celebrities . The patter n amon g wome n wa s les s shar p bu t stil l revealing . Jewish women wer e almost a s active overall as Jewish men , but fa r less prominent among th e celebrities . Ver y disproportionatel y involve d i n Arista , Jewis h women bypasse d th e academi c an d scienc e clubs to choos e literar y activities consistently . Nativ e women als o chos e literary clubs, but no t t o nearly the sam e degree . Whe n the y did , nativ e women , unlik e Jewis h women , emphasized th e yearbook. Nativ e women wer e also ver y active in th e performance club s an d i n socia l activities , whic h ma y explai n thei r specia l prominence amon g th e celebrities . Weakl y involve d in mos t areas , Italia n women mad e a clea r an d specifi c decisio n t o joi n academi c clubs and religious activities . Iris h women wer e far mor e disperse d amon g the activitie s than Iris h men , bu t lik e Iris h men , the y chos e politic s an d religio n fre quently. Especiall y unlike Irish men, the y were activ e in th e scienc e clubs . Whatever th e reaso n fo r thes e strong an d clea r expression s o f preference, men an d wome n fro m variou s ethni c group s mad e definabl e choice s i n selecting extracurricula r activities , choice s tha t describ e a comple x an d bus y social syste m i n which ethnicit y affecte d wha t student s did an d ho w the y viewed eac h other . It i s important t o remembe r that th e ethnicit y w e can today trac e wit h some difficult y wa s fo r youn g me n an d wome n visible , palpable , an d meaningful. I t helped the m t o defin e wh o the y were, wher e they belonged in th e extracurricula r world , an d wher e other s wer e i n tha t world . I t no t only se t groups apar t an d provide d individual s with effectiv e network s of peers bu t als o establishe d a competing univers e with hierarchie s of powe r and statu s whic h provide d tangibl e lessons i n Americanization . Thi s was , in man y ways, th e cor e o f high-schoo l assimilation , a proces s define d no t merely b y incorporatio n an d cultura l diffusio n bu t als o throug h th e pro cesses o f differentiation, stratification, an d grou p identification.

Ill The pattern s o f ethni c group preferenc e describ e important difference s i n the experience s o f student s a t school . Bu t students ' choice s wer e always influenced b y th e specifi c schoo l context . I t i s mor e difficul t t o describ e

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individual schools numerically becaus e the numbe r o f student s i n each ac tivity wa s ofte n to o smal l t o permi t a statisticall y compellin g analysis . Nevertheless, th e difference s amon g schoo l environment s ar e important t o any substantia l understandin g o f wha t ethni c choice s meant . Therefore , even th e smal l numbers ar e suggestive . As environments i n which th e secon d an d thir d generation s learne d abou t America, the school s an d th e activitie s provide a n importan t focu s fo r un derstanding th e comple x experienc e o f assimilation . A s such , th e seve n schools ca n b e crudel y describe d a s illustratin g thre e differen t path s t o assimilation: school s wher e nativ e pattern s dominated , school s i n whic h one ethni c group wa s especiall y powerful, an d finally schools i n which n o one group seeme d especially in control. Thi s tripartit e divisio n onl y begins to sugges t th e intricac y o f school lif e a s it was lived . But it provide s som e basis fo r defining th e nature o f assimilation in New Yor k in the 1930 5 and '405. Manhattan, symbolic center o f New York' s urba n primacy , ha d surpris ingly few comprehensive high school s i n the period betwee n th e wars. Schoo l populations wer e ofte n carve d u p alon g vocationa l lines . Bu t tw o suc h schools, Sewar d Par k Hig h Schoo l an d Georg e Washingto n Hig h School , illustrate th e enormou s rang e o f th e borough' s socia l experiences . Dissim ilar to eac h othe r i n almost ever y other way , both nevertheles s provided a social contex t withi n whic h black s foun d i t easie r t o participat e i n activities tha n elsewhere . I n contrast , th e experienc e o f Jew s i n thes e school s was ver y different . Situated a t th e ver y top o f Manhatta n Island , Georg e Washingto n wa s located i n a luxuriou s buildin g i n a prosperou s an d solidl y middle-clas s neighborhood o f up-to-dat e apartmen t buildings , althoug h th e schoo l dre w from a large r an d somewha t mor e heterogeneou s area. 23 Yearboo k pic tures documente d th e well-to-do appearanc e o f students who wer e usually elegantly dressed , man y o f who m wor e fashionabl e fur s eve n durin g th e depression thirties . Pau l Robeson , Jr . (so n o f th e famou s America n actor and singer ) was amon g the 12. 0 blacks who graduate d fro m Georg e Wash ington i n this period , an d blac k students , lik e students fro m othe r groups , were amon g th e mos t economicall y privileged of their community . Sewar d Park, on th e opposit e en d of the island , was unlike George Washingto n i n almost ever y respect . Drawin g it s student s fro m th e tenement s an d alley s of Ne w York' s lowe r Eas t Side , th e classica l America n ghetto-slum , stu dents a t Sewar d Par k could als o depen d o n th e similarit y in the economi c circumstances o f their familie s whateve r their ethni c origins. Poo r Italians , Jews, Germans , an d other s attende d Seward Park in the twenties and thir ties, an d graduall y in th e fortie s an d after , the y wer e joine d by mor e an d more black s and Hispanics .

"Americanizing" the High Schools 9

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The mos t heavil y Jewish o f the seve n schools (7 4 percent), Sewar d Par k was i n man y way s a Jewish city . N o othe r grou p ha d eve n 1 0 percen t o f the remainin g population, althoug h th e Italians came close wit h 9 percent . Instead, a t Seward Park, Germans, natives, Italians, an d blacks contribute d small spice s to a homogeneous stock . (Th e Irish population wa s s o tiny as to b e inconsequential.) A t Sewar d Park , blac k me n played footbal l a s well as basketball and track, an d the y were more disproportionately activ e overall than eithe r Jew s o r Italians . Moreover , black s held mino r politica l office s and wer e eve n dul y represented i n "socia l activities. " Th e participatio n o f blacks ough t no t t o b e exaggerated . The y wer e scarcely , i f a t all , repre sented i n a wide range o f areas , especiall y literary activities , academic an d science clubs , an d dram a an d performanc e groups. Bu t they seem t o hav e been welcome d t o a n exten t tha t wa s unusual in New Yor k school s i n the thirties an d forties . Black women were even more widely involved in activities. The y wer e proportionatel y th e mos t activ e group o f women . Unlike black men , who wer e totally absent from academi c activities, sciences , an d Arista, blac k women wer e represented t o som e degree in each of these. Fo r black wome n certainly , Sewar d Par k prove d t o b e a hospitabl e environ ment for the expression o f a broad rang e of interests an d talents . Althoug h the activities of black men were still typed, largely sports an d service-oriented , black wome n appea r t o hav e bee n n o mor e exclude d o r channele d tha n any othe r group . The experienc e o f black s a t Sewar d Par k i s illustrativ e o f th e mixe d ethnic characte r o f th e activities . Mos t club s wer e ethnicall y heteroge neous, although , o f course , mos t wer e als o overwhelmingl y composed o f Jews. Jew s seem , i n fact , t o hav e participate d les s vigorousl y a t Sewar d Park tha n i n mos t othe r schools . Jew s obviousl y dominate d th e activitie s in shee r number , bu t thi s di d no t exclud e member s of othe r group s fro m participation. A t Sewar d Park , Jew s wer e th e hos t grou p an d seeme d t o welcome othe r groups . Th e on e exceptio n wa s politics . Jew s wer e politi cally ver y muc h i n contro l a t Sewar d Park . Thei r numerica l superiorit y showed itsel f i n thi s on e activit y whic h explicitl y represented powe r an d which require d electio n b y peers . I n a Jewish school , Jew s coul d depen d on othe r Jew s fo r ver y larg e votin g majorities. All presidents, mal e or fe male, a t Sewar d Par k wer e Jewish . O f al l mal e groups , onl y Jew s wer e disproportionately represente d i n political office-holding . It is worth thinkin g about th e lackluste r performance of Jews at Seward Park i n th e contex t o f th e recor d Jew s mad e elsewhere . Bearin g in min d that Sewar d Park , unlik e othe r schools , catere d t o a n overwhelmingl y working-class population—an d it s poores t portio n whic h ha d no t ye t made the tre k t o satellit e areas o f Brookly n and th e Bronx , i t i s stil l revealin g that wher e th e Jews were most a t home , they were least competitive. Jews

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could assum e thei r socia l acceptabilit y (an d politica l control ) a t Sewar d Park, an d i n tha t contex t the y see m to hav e exerte d themselve s least . A t the sam e time , thei r overwhelmin g presence di d not exclud e other groups , including blacks, fro m activ e participation i n the extracurricula r lif e o f th e school. Jewish experienc e a t Georg e Washingto n wa s ver y different . Jew s wer e disproportionately activ e i n genera l an d especiall y conspicuou s i n certai n areas, orchestra , drama , "othe r political " offices , an d th e whol e rang e of academic clubs. But the strenuou s involvemen t which seems on the surfac e a demonstratio n tha t Jew s ha d arrive d ma y well have been the reverse . If Seward Par k provide s a yardstic k o f Jewis h activit y i n a largel y Jewish context, then , eve n give n the larg e clas s differences , Jewis h hyperactivity at Georg e Washingto n ma y wel l sugges t a kin d o f restlessnes s produce d by a lack of manifes t statu s an d assure d social position. Significantly , Jewish me n wer e underrepresente d a s president s an d a s editor s o f th e news paper, th e mos t prominen t position s a studen t coul d hold . I n both , Jew s took secon d plac e t o nativ e me n who capture d fa r mor e presidencies an d editorships tha n warrante d b y their numbers . Unlike Seward Park, where Jews wer e th e occupant s o f thes e position s bu t wer e no t conspicuousl y active i n mos t othe r activities , Jews wer e activ e strivers at Georg e Wash ington, bu t the y faile d t o captur e th e position s wit h th e mos t powe r an d prestige. Nativ e me n held thes e positions t o a very marked degree . Native me n di d wel l generally in most activitie s at Georg e Washington , but thei r prominenc e wa s eve n mor e rea l tha n i s apparen t fro m a quic k perusal o f thei r overal l leve l o f participation , sinc e the y wer e especiall y strong i n certai n area s o f strategi c an d visibl e importance—presidencies , editorships, yearboo k staff , new s staff , football—an d the y claime d almos t one-half o f al l celebrities . The conspicuousnes s of nativ e men i n thes e areas , despite th e fac t tha t the y wer e onl y hal f a s larg e a grou p a s th e Jews , suggests a grea t dea l abou t th e relationshi p betwee n ethnicity , prestige , and powe r a t Georg e Washington . What Jewish men could no t achieve at George Washington, Jewish women apparently could . Of all femal e groups , onl y Jewis h wome n eve r became either president or editor in chief o f the newspaper. But, while Jewish women, like Jewish men , were broadly active, they lagged far behind native women in the significan t areas o f political office-holdin g an d th e new s staff . I n th e academic areas (Arista , "other science," "other academic"), Jewish women tended t o b e way ahea d o f all other groups . Thi s di d not see m to enhanc e their popularity , sinc e Jewis h wome n wer e significantl y lo w i n thei r achievement o f celebrit y status (2,7. 3 percen t of celebrities , 40.4 percen t of the population). Jewish restlessnes s an d achievemen t in extracurricula r life a s wel l a s i n

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academic activitie s see m t o hav e bee n especiall y strong a t Georg e Wash ington. I n part, this was a function o f the largely middle-class compositio n of th e population—i t was ful l o f student s whose parents ha d alread y gained considerable economi c success . Thi s ma y als o explai n the stron g showin g made by Italians. Usually a quiescent group elsewhere, Italian men at Georg e Washington wer e unusually active. Their choices were selective to b e sure, but th e heightene d level of activit y by Italia n me n i s notable nevertheles s and underscore s th e importanc e o f the clas s structure of schools i n affect ing participatio n amon g certai n groups . Italian s completely , an d unchar acteristically, ignore d footbal l a t Georg e Washington . Instead , the y con centrated o n social activities, the yearbook, orchestra, gle e club, track, and "other sports." Italian men and even Italian women avoide d the academi c clubs wher e Jews wer e extremel y dominant. Th e wea k showin g mad e b y Italian wome n i n academi c club s ma y possibl y hav e reflecte d th e ver y prominence o f th e Jews . Academics , forma l an d informal , a t Georg e Washington wer e eve n more tha n elsewher e an aren a fo r Jewish achieve ment. George Washington , lik e Seward Park, was a school i n which all groups were activel y involved in selecte d activities. At th e sam e time and despit e their ver y larg e portion o f th e population , Jewis h me n coul d no t captur e the mos t prestigiou s extracurricula r slots . Both fact s ma y b e explained b y George Washington' s prosperou s populatio n whic h at onc e provide d stu dents fro m all groups wit h the leisure , money, and encouragemen t for extracurricular participatio n an d accorde d powe r an d statu s to natives . It is revealing that native men, who were one-fift h of the population at Georg e Washington, capture d nearl y one-half of the celebrity spots. George Wash ington illustrate d a n archetypica l patter n o f assimilatio n i n whic h stan dards wer e se t b y native s wh o hel d th e mos t visibl e campus office s an d were selected a s representatives o f student values and ideals . The experienc e o f students a t Sewar d Park i s less easily definable. Most students a t Sewar d Park were Jewish. Tha t the y were not undul y active in most club s hardly affecte d th e socia l environmen t o f thes e activitie s or of the school . Jews were influential b y their shee r numbers , and Jew s did , of course, hol d th e importan t politica l office s an d ru n th e newspaper . Th e Jewish presenc e di d no t see m t o dampe n th e enthusias m o f othe r group s for participation , bu t i t did mea n that Jews, no t natives , set the standard s for othe r Jew s an d possibl y eve n fo r othe r groups . Th e behavio r o f th e forty-one nativ e men an d forty-si x native women (i n four years ) could no t have mean t muc h in a place lik e Seward Park . Bu t Seward Park als o rep resented a for m o f Americanization, although one i n which it was possible for me n an d wome n t o g o throug h adolescenc e an d graduat e fro m hig h school withou t making significant contac t wit h native s o r member s of othe r

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ethnic group s eithe r i n clas s o r out . A s significantly , for non-Jew s a t Seward Park , Jew s not native s define d the hos t society . For student s at Seward Park , America n urba n cultur e an d assimilatio n was a ver y differen t experience than fo r those who attende d Georg e Washington. Both , of course, were thoroughl y expose d t o America n values and ideal s i n the classroom , but neithe r th e meanin g o f thos e value s no r thei r practic e i n th e contex t of dail y school experienc e was the sam e for students fro m th e tw o schools . Class obviousl y made a n enormous difference , bu t th e experiences of these students canno t b e easily reduced to class . They mus t instead b e describe d as alternativ e form s o f acculturatio n tha t depende d o n a combinatio n o f demographic an d ethni c factors as well as class. George Washingto n an d Sewar d Par k captur e tw o differen t geographi c and economi c corner s o f Manhattan . Evande r Child s an d Ne w Utrech t were suburban . Situate d i n th e Bron x an d Brookly n respectively , thes e schools serviced tw o of the many satellit e immigrant communitie s growing up al l over th e greate r cit y in the 1910 5 and '30 5 as the secon d generatio n fled fro m th e older Manhatta n ghettos . Largel y white an d lower-middl e t o middle class , Ne w Utrech t i n Bensonhurs t and Evande r Child s i n th e Pel ham Parkwa y sectio n o f th e Bron x receive d man y o f thei r student s fro m the apartment building s and two famil y home s developed by shrewd builders (man y of these second generatio n Jew s themselves ) who ha d sense d th e aspiration o f the secon d an d thir d generations fo r both fres h ai r and property.24 At Evande r Childs , Jews and Italia n newcomers (4 4 percent an d 1 7 percent o f th e senio r classes , respectively ) met a larg e contingen t o f native s (19 percent) in an area previousl y dominated by natives. Also present wer e small group s o f Germans , Irish , an d a n eve n smalle r numbe r o f blacks . New Utrech t wa s les s comple x an d mor e Jewish . I t ha d n o blacks , fe w Irish, and les s than 1 0 percent natives. The Jews were a substantial major ity with 5 8 percent o f the population ; th e Italian s the larges t minorit y (2. 0 percent). The Jews were very active in both schools , bu t whil e they dominate d a t New Utrecht , the y were far les s prominent a t Evande r Childs. Italian s als o had differen t experience s a t the two schools. A t New Utrecht, Italians were underrepresented i n th e socia l worl d o f politics , dramatics , publications , and th e yearbook . Jew s controlle d thes e activities . Italia n me n tende d t o cluster i n the gle e club, religiou s clubs , an d football , an d the y showe d a n unusual interest i n academi c clubs . The y wer e joine d in these activitie s by Italian wome n wh o als o joine d religious club s an d academi c club s in very disproportionate number s an d substitute d "other sports " fo r th e mal e interest i n football . Despite the fac t tha t "socia l activities " ha d to o fe w participants a t Ne w Utrech t t o b e meaningful, th e patternin g of extracurricu-


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lar clubs effectively describe s a social worl d in which Jews exercise d powe r and enjoye d prestige . Althoug h Italian men, and especiall y Italian women , did joi n Jew s i n som e activities , Italian an d Jewis h separatio n suggest s bot h marked distinctions i n choices an d th e probable exclusio n of Italians fro m the mos t sensitiv e political an d socia l areas . Thi s conclusio n i s amplifie d by th e fac t tha t native s ha d les s troubl e joinin g Jews i n politics , o n th e newspaper staff , an d o n th e yearboo k staff . No t surprisingly , Jewish me n at Ne w Utrech t dominate d th e celebrit y categories. Eve n a t Ne w Utrecht , however, Jewish wome n wer e denie d celebrit y status commensurat e t o thei r numbers while native women, her e a s elsewhere, represented ideal s of beauty and popularity . Italians als o showe d n o specia l prominenc e a t Evande r Childs , bu t the y engaged mor e extensivel y i n sensitiv e areas an d wer e th e mos t dispropor tionately activ e o f al l group s i n th e categor y o f socia l activities . A t Evander, Italia n me n als o capture d on e o f thre e editorship s (on e t o a Jew, an other t o a native) , and on e o f six presidencies. They were disproportionatel y represented o n th e yearbook staff . Blacks , on the other hand, were ranke d at th e bottom i n almost every activity and wer e entirely absent fro m most . Other tha n i n service , wher e 7 5 percen t o f al l blac k me n wer e involved , and i n track , whic h absorbe d one-hal f o f al l th e blac k men , the y wer e scarcely visibl e at al l in the extracurricula r world o f Evander Childs. Physically absen t fro m th e New Utrech t population, black s were effectivel y ab sent fro m th e socia l worl d o f Evander Childs' s adolescent s a s well. 25 Suburbs within citie s as well as outside citie s have their racia l boundaries . In contrast, native men were in every part of Evander Childs's extracur ricular world. They were especially active in all publications, the presiden cies, othe r sports , football , Arista , othe r academi c clubs , editorships , a s well a s social activities. In other words, the involvement of native men wa s both far-rangin g and intense. Jews also fanne d ou t int o most activities, but they rarel y dominate d the m a s the y di d a t Ne w Utrecht . A s was tru e a t George Washington , Jew s wer e beste d b y native s for th e mos t prestigiou s posts, the presidencies and editorships . Eve n though ther e were mor e tha n two time s a s man y Jewish a s nativ e me n a t Evande r Childs , ther e wer e twice a s man y native presidents an d a s many native editors a s Jewish editors. I n "othe r political " offices , ther e wer e nine native s to onl y seve n Jews. Native wome n di d equall y well i n politics . Althoug h Evande r Child s ha d no femal e presidents , native women wer e the only group of women dispro portionately represente d i n the "othe r political " category . Jewish wome n a t Evande r took first place i n a long lis t of positions an d activities, includin g editor s i n chief , Arista , "othe r science " clubs , socia l activities, "othe r publications, " an d "othe r news." 26 A s they had a t Georg e Washington, Jewis h wome n di d relativel y bette r tha n Jewis h men , an d the y

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did s o in a simila r social context— a middle-clas s school wit h a substantial native population . Nativ e me n tended t o captur e an d hol d strategi c posi tions, an d Jewish an d nativ e men appear t o hav e been in continuous com petition wit h thei r interest s similarl y focused. Fo r whateve r reason , whil e Jewish an d nativ e women were also active in similar activities, Jewish women were usuall y more activ e and mor e readil y assumed prominent posts . Despite these achievements, native women overwhelmed Jews in celebrity sta tus. The difference s in the experiences of Jews and Italian s at Evander Childs and Ne w Utrech t see m t o hav e ha d les s t o d o wit h th e economic s tha n with th e demographic s o f th e school s an d thei r surroundin g neighbor hoods. Both wer e largel y middle class , an d neithe r wa s unde r specia l economic duress. Bu t Evander Childs, lik e its Pelham Parkway neighborhood , was mor e recentl y develope d an d changin g rapidly a s i t becam e increasingly populate d b y newe r ethni c groups. 27 Betwee n 193 3 an d 1945 , th e proportion o f native s in th e senio r clas s at Evande r was cu t i n half , fro m z6 percen t t o 1 4 percent , whil e the proportion o f Italians more than dou bled fro m 1 0 t o 2. 3 percen t o f th e population . Thi s growin g Italia n pres ence ma y hel p t o explai n th e substantia l participation o f Italians . Sensin g their developin g role in the school , Italia n men moved more smoothly int o the socia l lif e of Evande r Child s tha n the y coul d or wer e allowe d to at New Utrecht . I n contrast, Italian s were a constan t minorit y at Ne w Utrecht , with Jew s a sli m bu t clea r majority . The othe r group s wer e to o smal l t o matter. I n that context , Italian s were a n outgroup , an d thei r statu s i n the activities reflecte d tha t position . Whil e Italians were activ e i n a broa d rang e of clubs , statu s and influenc e wer e exercised by the Jews who wer e heavily involved i n mos t activitie s an d controlle d th e newspaper , yearbook , an d the presidencies . Sevent y percen t o f al l mal e celebritie s a t Ne w Utrech t were Jewish . A t Evande r Childs , Jew s ha d t o compet e wit h a larg e an d active native group an d a growing Italian population. I n that context, Italians wer e no t a n outgroup , bu t onl y on e o f severa l minorities . Thi s kin d of comple x an d changing ethnic situation wa s also part of Americanization in th e city' s schools . I t affecte d no t onl y th e experienc e o f growing u p i n the neighborhoods bu t als o the structure o f social relationships in the schools . Young me n an d wome n fro m th e city' s ethni c group s ofte n reacte d a s much t o eac h othe r i n thei r developmen t a s the y di d t o an y certai n an d stable native norm . At Theodore Roosevel t Hig h Schoo l i n th e Bronx , Jews experienced a n even sharpe r se t o f constraint s tha n a t Evande r Childs. A n ethnicall y mixed school wit h a substantia l Jewish minority , Theodor e Roosevel t ha d ver y clearly define d pattern s o f ethni c participation. Despit e it s relativel y small Irish population ( 4 percent), Roosevelt's locatio n i n the ol d Iris h bailiwick


9

of Fordha m Road (directl y across th e street fro m Fordha m University) meant that the extracurricular worl d a t Theodore Roosevelt reflecte d the specifi c ethnic pressures o f its location. During the 19x08 , '305 , an d '405 , parts of the old Irish neighborhood rapidl y filled with newer immigrants, especially Jews an d Italians , an d th e whol e are a wa s witness t o th e heightene d fric tion betwee n th e Iris h an d Jew s i n th e contex t o f th e depressio n an d th e special pressure s o f th e city' s politica l coalitions . Anti-Semitis m became a familiar experienc e fo r Jewish youths who wer e frequently harassed b y the Irish on th e streets . Eve n the churches became embroiled i n the controver sies.28 At schoo l too , Jewis h me n appea r t o hav e bee n o n th e defensive . At Theodore Roosevelt , Jewis h me n wer e fa r les s prominent i n th e extracur ricular real m tha n elsewhere . Again and agai n a t Roosevelt , th e smal l group of Iris h me n and th e larger group o f native men made a remarkable show ing i n th e activities. 29 Th e strengt h o f thei r combine d influenc e ma y hav e intimidated Jews , o r mor e likely , the Iris h an d native s i n contro l o f stra tegic areas of the extracurricula r realm actively excluded Jews fro m participation. I t i s significan t tha t s o man y Irish an d a goo d man y nativ e men belonged t o religiou s club s a t Roosevelt . Elsewhere , religiou s club s wer e largely femal e preserves , bu t a t Roosevelt , one-fift h o f al l th e Iris h me n and one-tent h o f all native men were members, as well as almost one-thir d of al l Iris h women. Italia n membership , significantly , wa s ver y low . Religion ma y hav e becom e especiall y importan t a t a schoo l lik e Theodor e Roosevelt a s the Iris h were forced to defin e themselve s in the contex t o f a growing grou p o f Jews. The Iris h an d native s wer e the mos t activ e groups i n general , an d bot h groups wer e especiall y prominen t i n politics , i n "othe r political " offices , as well a s in the presidencies . Nativ e me n wer e three time s a s likel y t o b e presidents a s was warranted b y their population an d twice as likely to hold other politica l offices . Th e yearboo k staff , whic h a s I have suggested ha d strong socia l an d politica l possibilities , als o ha d a large , disproportionat e Irish and native presence. The Irish were particularly, an d unusually, active on th e newspape r staf f a s wel l a s i n dramatic s clubs , a situatio n unlik e that o f mos t othe r schools , wher e Jew s tende d t o b e dominan t i n bot h these activities . These powerful areas, whic h often underwrot e prominence in schoo l affair s becaus e they were highl y visible, were strongl y Iris h an d native at Roosevelt . Election to the presidency highlighted thi s pattern. Of six male presidents, thre e were native, one Irish, one Jewish, an d on e Italian. Th e Iris h and native s together controlle d two-third s o f the mal e presidencies bu t wer e scarcely one-fifth o f the population . Jewish me n wer e activ e i n som e o f thes e areas , bu t the y wer e i n eac h instance les s activ e tha n th e native s an d th e Iris h an d considerabl y les s

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visible tha n elsewhere . Jews, Italians , an d als o th e German s tende d t o b e strong i n area s wher e th e Iris h an d native s were conspicuousl y absen t o r only slightl y interested—the orchestra, academic clubs, and th e "other sci ences." Indeed, Italia n me n made an unusually strong showin g i n academ ics at Theodor e Roosevelt , takin g first place i n Arista a s well a s in "other academic" clubs . Italia n women , lik e Italia n men , showe d rea l strengt h academically a t Theodor e Roosevelt . The y too k secon d plac e t o Germa n women i n Arista an d wer e also wel l represented i n "other academic " clubs . Although the patter n of ethni c exclusivenes s and separatio n is not as clear fo r women a s for me n at Roosevel t a s elsewhere, there remai n stron g indications o f a prestig e hierarch y i n whic h th e Iris h an d native s wer e dominant. Th e on e woman electe d presiden t wa s native , an d othe r politi cal office s wer e disproportionatel y i n th e hand s o f Iris h women . Jewis h women differe d fro m Jewis h me n in joinin g Germans an d Iris h i n dramat ics and not joinin g Jewish men in the orchestra . Abov e all , of the thre e women wh o becam e edito r i n chie f o f th e newspaper , al l wer e Jewish , and Jewis h wome n wer e muc h mor e prominen t tha n Jewis h me n o n th e news staff . Th e marke d preferenc e o f Jewish wome n fo r literar y activitie s is nowher e bette r illustrate d tha n a t Theodor e Roosevel t wher e Jewis h women, bu t no t Jewish men , dominate d mos t literar y activities . Althoug h not quit e so consistently o r strongl y as men, there was als o some tendency for Jewish , Italian , an d Germa n women t o cluste r i n activities not interest ing o r importan t t o Iris h an d nativ e women . Overall , however , Jewis h women wer e mor e activ e tha n Jewis h men . Jewis h me n apparently , fa r more tha n Jewis h women , fel t th e brun t o f th e powe r o f th e native s an d Irish i n th e extracurricula r worl d o f Theodore Roosevelt . Theodore Roosevel t wa s th e schoo l i n whic h Jews, me n especially , had the mos t difficul t time . Unlik e most othe r schools , th e Irish were extremely prominent an d i n tande m wit h a larg e grou p o f activ e nativ e men effec tively stymie d the extracurricula r ambition s o f Jewish men. 30 Thi s wa s i n part an expression o f demographic realities. Jews tende d t o b e most prominent i n extracurricula r activitie s where the y wer e a larg e par t o f th e stu dent population , a s at Ne w Utrecht . Bu t this coul d no t b e the whol e rea son. Jew s wer e a n eve n smalle r populatio n grou p a t th e Hig h Schoo l of Commerce whic h ha d eve n mor e Iris h tha n Roosevelt . Bu t at Commerce , Jews wer e th e mos t activ e group an d hel d som e of the mos t covete d posi tions. A large r se t o f neighborhoo d issues , of whic h th e specifi c demogra phy o f th e schoo l wa s a n expression , probabl y hel d th e ke y t o Jewis h experience. Hig h school s exis t within the broade r contex t o f the neighbor hoods the y serve . In th e 1930 5 an d '403 , the y reflecte d no t onl y th e eco nomic realitie s of thos e location s bu t als o thei r specia l socia l and cultural conflicts. A t Roosevelt , the Iris h mad e a muc h stronge r showin g in activi -

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ties just as they were a powerful presenc e i n the community . Whatever th e high school' s rol e i n the assimilatio n o f immigran t youth , schoolin g neve r operated i n isolatio n fro m th e othe r pressure s youn g peopl e experience d at hom e an d i n the streets . We hav e thu s fa r examine d onl y th e situatio n a t school s tha t wer e co educational an d whic h reflecte d th e specifi c socia l an d economi c realitie s of th e communitie s the y served . Bu t New Yor k wa s ful l o f specia l school s of al l kinds . Som e o f these wer e sexuall y restricted, an d man y wer e voca tional an d technical . Ba y Ridge High Schoo l and th e Hig h Schoo l o f Com merce wer e tw o suc h schools . Althoug h quit e differen t fro m eac h other , both wer e sexuall y exclusive. Ba y Ridge was an d remain s a femal e school . Commerce wen t coeducationa l durin g th e wa r bu t wa s a men' s schoo l throughout th e thirtie s an d mos t o f the forties. 31 Located i n Brooklyn' s southwes t corner , Ba y Ridge Hig h Schoo l dre w its students fro m a fairl y wid e geographi c area . Whil e i t was note d fo r it s academic excellenc e i n th e 1930 5 an d '405 , Ba y Ridge's mos t prominen t feature wa s socia l rathe r tha n academic . As a woman's school , Ba y Ridge was considere d "safe, " a factor of some consequenc e for parents , man y of them firs t o r secon d generatio n immigrant s wh o hope d t o protec t thei r daughters fro m dail y association s wit h men. 32 Thi s seem s t o hav e bee n especially importan t t o Italians , wh o sen t larg e number s o f thei r femal e children t o Ba y Ridge, bu t othe r groups , lik e th e Scandinavians , als o re sponded t o Bay Ridge's appeal. Bay Ridge was unlike the other seve n schools , not onl y i n bein g exclusivel y female , bu t becaus e i t wa s als o largel y non Jewish. Jew s compose d onl y abou t 6 percen t o f th e population . Italian s with 3 1 percent an d native s with 2. 6 percent (th e school wa s situate d i n a heavily native enclave ) wer e th e two larges t populatio n groups . At Ba y Ridge , Italia n wome n participate d mor e widel y an d activel y i n extracurricular activitie s than elsewhere , a fac t tha t ma y explai n wh y Ital ian wome n appea r t o hav e bee n reticen t t o participat e i n coeducationa l schools o r a t leas t restricte d thei r participatio n largel y to academi c club s since at Ba y Ridge extracurricular activitie s did not resul t in coeducationa l socializing. A t Ba y Ridge, Italia n wome n wer e unusuall y active in politic s and dre w on e o f fou r presidencies . Italia n wome n als o lande d tw o o f th e editor positions ; tw o other s wen t t o natives , and on e eac h t o a n Iris h an d a Jewish woman . At the sam e time and despit e thei r smal l portion o f the population, Jew ish wome n wer e ver y activ e in a large number of activitie s an d wer e espe cially prominen t i n literar y activities . Indeed , Jewish wome n appea r t o hav e expressed thei r literar y interests regardless of specifi c environment . Italian women, o n th e other hand , were not especiall y drawn t o an y of the literary activities—yearbook, new s staff , o r othe r publications .

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Native wome n a t Ba y Ridge wer e als o ver y activ e an d wer e especiall y prominent i n literar y activitie s and th e performanc e clubs . Bu t it wa s th e Italians, no t th e natives , wh o dominate d th e socia l activities . Par t o f th e explanation fo r th e conspicuousnes s of Italian s in the socia l activitie s ma y lie i n th e unise x characte r o f Ba y Ridg e an d therefor e th e "safe " qualit y of thes e activities . Bu t a good par t o f the reaso n ma y be that a clu b name can hide its real purpose. At Bay Ridge, Italian women, togethe r wit h Irish women, dominate d th e socia l activitie s t o a degre e whic h remind s u s of their strengt h i n religiou s club s elsewhere . Ba y Ridg e ha d n o club s tha t could b e designate d religious . It i s certainly possible tha t a t leas t som e of the socia l club s at Bay Ridge were religiously oriented an d serve d this purpose fo r Catholi c women. 33 Bay Ridg e wa s hospitabl e t o al l th e ethni c groups . Indeed , it s mos t prominent characteristi c wa s th e extraordinaril y high , practicall y universal, participatio n o f student s i n extracurricula r activities . Despit e som e clea r preferences amon g th e activities , th e difference s amon g th e ethni c group s seem les s marke d tha n th e universa l participation. Thi s i s well illustrated by th e experienc e o f blacks . Th e numbe r of blac k wome n wa s tiny , onl y four, bu t the y wer e involve d in a surprisingl y wide range o f activities—i n sharp contras t t o th e experienc e o f th e smal l number s o f blac k me n a t Evander Child s an d Theodor e Roosevelt . Bay Ridge appear s t o hav e pro vided a uniquely mixed environment. Ethnically heterogeneous, th e schoo l provided all groups wit h substantia l access to the activities and encourage d an exposur e o f member s o f differen t group s t o eac h othe r i n th e clubs . It is significan t tha t Ba y Ridg e ha d onl y wome n students . Women , a s w e have seen, tende d t o demonstrat e fewe r sharpl y defined ethni c patterns. I n addition, a t Ba y Ridge the socia l function s o f th e extracurricula r club s in the dating-and-ratin g game s o f adolescenc e wer e missin g and therefor e als o some o f the reason s fo r ethni c associations . The Hig h Schoo l o f Commerce , lik e Bay Ridge, wa s a unise x school . I t had a n even more ethnically balanced population. O f the 113 8 senior men, zo percen t wer e Jewish , 1 8 percen t Italian , 5 percen t black , i z percen t Irish, 7 percent German , an d 1 9 percen t native . Unlik e Bay Ridge, Com merce wa s a vocational school , on e o f the man y located i n Manhattan. I n fact, man y senior s indicate d tha t the y planne d t o g o t o colleg e an d int o the profession s by th e lat e forties , an d som e ha d specifi c plan s t o atten d City College . Still , by emphasizin g business, Commerce' s populatio n wa s more skewed than that of most hig h schools in this sample, and the school gave specifi c termina l trainin g i n commercia l skills . The unusua l propor tion o f Iris h me n an d th e substantia l number o f black s ma y hav e been related t o thi s fact . A s we shal l see, Catholi c student s unabl e to compet e for place s i n Catholi c hig h school s wer e ofte n sen t t o publi c vocational


3

schools (Chapte r 6) . Similarly , blacks ma y hav e foun d th e securit y o f a business educatio n attractive . Th e proportio n o f black s increase d ove r time , from jus t 2 . percent i n 1933 , to 6 percent in 1939 , and finally to 1 3 percen t in 1947 . The Jewish populatio n tren d wa s in the revers e direction, declin ing fro m a hig h o f 3 1 percen t i n 193 3 t o 1 5 percen t i n 1947 . Jews wer e clearly finding the opportunities provide d b y a commercial high school less obvious, whil e black s foun d the m mor e attractive . On e canno t discoun t the strong possibilit y tha t a s blacks increasingly attended high school, the y were directe d int o vocationa l program s lik e the one availabl e at th e Hig h School of Commerce . The extracurricula r patter n a t Commerc e demonstrate s an d amplifie s th e tendency for Jews an d native s to tak e the lea d in student activities . Excep t for sports , the orchestra, an d social activities, Jews were almost alway s the most activ e group . Hal f o f al l th e editor s wer e Jews, an d tw o o f th e nin e presidents, althoug h bot h th e Iris h with thre e an d th e German s wit h tw o did bette r proportionately . Mos t surprisin g was th e Jewis h absenc e fro m the scienc e categories . Th e tin y numbe r o f scienc e club members an d th e business orientatio n o f commercia l student s ar e tw o o f th e possibl e rea sons fo r this . Jewis h student s wit h clea r academi c and professiona l interests probably wen t elsewher e than t o Commerce . Among th e othe r groups , th e Iris h showe d considerabl e activity . I n ad dition t o thei r control of one-third o f the presidencies, the Irish were heavily involve d i n "othe r political " offices , o n th e yearboo k staff , i n othe r news, an d i n al l the sports . Bu t th e Iris h di d poorl y o n variou s measure s of academi c interest—Arista , "othe r academic " clubs , "othe r publica tions." Indeed, Irish interests an d avoidance s in general ar e well illustrated at Commerce . Whereve r th e Iris h attende d i n an y number , the y concen trated i n sports , politics , an d o n th e yearboo k staff , a s wel l a s i n socia l and religiou s clubs . They rarel y took a n interes t i n the science s o r "othe r academic" club s and usuall y made a poor showin g i n Arista. This patter n was related t o the peculiar pattern o f attendance o f Irish Catholics a t public high schools (se e Chapter 6) . The Germans , lik e the Irish , were ver y selectiv e in choosing activitie s a t Commerce, a s they were i n mos t schools , an d the y tende d t o cluste r ver y markedly. Lowes t ranke d o f al l the group s i n genera l activity leve l an d i n service, the y wer e prominen t amon g presidents . Completel y absen t fro m basketball, the y were especially activ e in "other sports." Germans ignore d the orchestra , bu t chos e th e gle e club and especiall y drama . Fo r German s at Commerce , thi s marke d clusterin g seeme d mor e significan t tha n th e choices themselves. Natives joine.l Jews a t Commerc e to tak e th e lea d i n campu s activities. In mos t instance s the y trailed th e Jews i n th e degre e of participation , bu t

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they wer e mor e broadl y active . Jews an d native s were designate d celebri ties t o abou t th e sam e exten t a t Commerce , an d thi s wa s unlike the usual native preeminence i n schools wit h a substantia l native population. Abov e all, native s wer e largel y absent fro m th e newspape r staf f an d ha d n o edi tors and n o presidents. I n these categories o f symbolic prestige, the absence of native s i s curious . Perhaps th e mos t reasonabl e explanatio n fo r thi s anomal y lie s i n th e different ambition s o f student s attendin g th e Hig h Schoo l o f Commerc e from thos e attendin g th e usua l comprehensiv e hig h school . Unlik e mos t high schools , Commerce , a t leas t i n the thirtie s an d earl y forties, ha d fe w students wit h colleg e plans , an d thu s th e extracurricula r worl d di d no t serve a s leverag e fo r colleg e entrance . Thi s raise s question s abou t th e ex tracurricular pattern s i n genera l that deserv e some attention . T o wha t ex tent wer e th e pattern s o f extracurricula r participatio n largel y determine d by differentia l colleg e goals amon g ethni c groups? Certainly, b y the 19x0 5 college extracurricula r enthusiasm s began t o spil l ove r int o th e hig h school , and thos e student s mos t imitativ e of college patterns woul d b e most read ily drawn in . More significantly , a s colleges imposed a variety of restrictive admissions policies , the y bega n to evaluat e students accordin g to nonaca demic o r marginall y academic criteria. 34 Amon g these , th e demonstratio n of initiativ e or leadershi p potential o r specia l talent a s evidenced by extra curricular performance would captur e th e attentio n o f admissions officers . Especially attractiv e therefor e fo r th e college-oriente d wer e th e plum s o f the extracurricula r aren a lik e editor i n chie f o f th e newspape r o r a presidency. I n this context , th e specia l propensity fo r extracurricula r participa tion o f Jewis h student s an d thos e o f nativ e backgroun d become s mor e comprehensible. Thes e student s wer e mos t likel y to hav e colleg e plan s o r ambitions. Thei r prominenc e in the choic e position s o f the extracurricula r world a s well a s their prominenc e o n th e Arist a rolls substantiate s this . It woul d b e a mistake , however , t o attribut e th e comple x pattern s i n extracurricular activitie s t o selectiv e college-goin g ambition s o f differen t ethnic groups alone . These ambition s could intensif y th e pattern an d might explain certai n feature s o f it but woul d b e inadequate t o explai n th e com plex pattern s w e hav e bee n finding. Far mor e student s participate d i n activities tha n coul d o r woul d atten d college . Moreover, th e diversity in schoo l experiences an d th e specificit y o f choice s mad e b y differen t ethni c group s cannot b e understood b y reference t o colleg e ambitions. On e example will suffice. Althoug h bot h editorship s an d presidencie s wer e prominen t an d attractive positions , nativ e me n wer e muc h mor e likel y t o b e presidents , while Jews wer e mor e frequentl y editors . Rather , th e elaborat e patterning of extracurricula r participations i n New Yor k high school s must be under-


5

stood a t leas t i n par t a s th e effect s o f ethni c preferenc e an d evidenc e fo r the continuin g significanc e o f ethnic group associatio n a t school . As the child of immigrants, Leonard Covell o understoo d ho w muc h schoo l life wa s a shared grou p experience . "Whateve r problem s we had a t school or i n th e street , w e neve r too k u p wit h ou r parents . Thes e wer e ou r per sonal problem s t o b e share d onl y b y companion s wh o kne w an d wer e conditioned b y the sam e experience . Ho w coul d parent s understand ? Par ents belonged i n one o f the many separate watertigh t compartment s o f th e many live s we live d in thos e days." 35 Certainl y the experienc e o f the chil dren wa s unlik e that o f their parents , bu t the y shared tha t lif e wit h other s of thei r ow n grou p an d high-schoo l student s still lived in a world strongl y shaped b y ethni c bonds . Eve n a t school , wher e assimilatio n wa s a n edu cational objective , among adolescents wh o coul d b e expected t o view their parents' old-fashioned world wit h disdain or pain, ethnicit y was a palpable experience.

IV The ethni c experience s o f high-school student s were no t th e sam e as thos e of thei r parents . Bu t studen t experience s wer e deepl y influence d b y th e specific feature s of thei r school s an d thei r neighborhoods . A Jew a t Theo dore Roosevel t di d no t hav e th e sam e experienc e a s on e a t Ne w Utrech t or a t Georg e Washington . A n Italia n a t Evande r Child s ha d differen t American experience s tha n a n Italia n a t Ne w Utrecht . Th e specifi c mi x of ethnic groups, th e neighborhood context , th e size of the native population, as well as traditions specifi c to the school's history al l influenced th e natur e of high-schoo l extracurricula r an d socia l life . The evidenc e also suggests tha t ethnicit y ofte n affecte d me n and wome n differently. Tw o thing s are especiall y notable. First , wome n sometime s mad e different choice s tha n thei r ethni c brothers . Italia n wome n place d a heavy emphasis o n academi c clubs , a choic e mor e rarel y mad e b y Italia n men . Jewish wome n chos e literar y activitie s more consistentl y tha n Jewis h me n but hardl y ever joine d Jewish men in the scienc e clubs. Irish women chos e science clubs, while Iris h me n almost neve r made th e sam e decision. Thes e were stron g variations , an d the y remin d u s tha t ethnicity , lik e cultur e i n general, i s not homogeneou s bu t operate s i n a sociall y differentiate d uni verse an d ma y mea n an d impl y differen t thing s t o eac h sex . Whe n con fronted b y th e America n schoo l environment , th e son s an d daughter s o f immigrants responde d t o th e opportunitie s offere d b y thei r ne w environ ment i n differen t ways .

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Second, ethnicit y seem s no t t o hav e bee n a s consistentl y expresse d b y women a s b y men . Tha t i s to say , w e ca n se e the ethni c pattern s acros s schools an d withi n school s muc h mor e clearl y i f w e loo k onl y a t men . Male ethnic s divide d thei r activitie s more regularl y among themselves , a s each grou p emphasize d differen t kind s of interests. Sport s participatio n i s a goo d an d symboli c illustratio n o f this . Certai n ethni c women , suc h a s the Jews an d th e Irish , seemed alway s the mos t activ e wherever they were present i n number , whil e other s participate d les s ofte n an d i n les s varied ways, bu t rarel y was th e sharpl y competitiv e and exclusionar y world visible among mal e ethnics as clear for women. Bay Ridge, an al l female school , illustrated thi s greate r homogeneit y well . Participatio n i n extracurricula r activities an d successfu l competitio n especiall y may hav e had statu s reso nances an d possibl y relationship s t o futur e goal s tha t appea r no t t o hav e influenced wome n t o th e sam e degree a s men. Som e of thi s was probably the resul t o f difference s i n college-goin g plans betwee n me n an d women . The Jews an d th e Irish , women wit h a stron g orientatio n t o teaching, en gaged mor e broadl y i n extracurricula r club s in general , an d thi s tend s t o support thi s conclusion . Bu t wome n ma y hav e bee n mor e acceptin g o f other groups an d les s exclusionary in general . The clas s composition o f a schoo l populatio n als o mattered . Except fo r service activities , th e abilit y of students t o engag e in many extracurricular activities was dependent o n th e time available to student s afte r schoo l hours . Some groups , lik e Italian s an d blacks , probabl y ha d les s leisur e becaus e they wer e poorer . A t a prosperou s school , lik e Georg e Washington , Ital ians an d black s wer e fa r mor e activ e acros s th e boar d tha n a t a lower middle-class school lik e New Utrecht . It i s als o importan t t o remembe r that eve n whe n activitie s were ethni cally stratified , students fro m differen t group s di d meet . Tha t mixin g was most notabl e a t a schoo l lik e Bay Ridge where four year s of the yearboo k staff, fo r example , introduce d fiftee n Jews , thirty-on e Italians , nin e Irish , eight Germans, fifty-three natives and thirty women fro m othe r ethni c groups to eac h other . Bu t i t was tru e almos t everywher e that, excep t fo r blacks , students fro m differen t group s electe d t o participat e widel y in a rang e of activities. Sinc e I have made conclusion s abou t ethni c participation o n th e basis of group disproportions , it is easy to overloo k o r discoun t the degre e to whic h individuals fro m al l th e group s mad e contact s wit h thos e fro m other group s i n th e socia l lif e o f th e school . I n fact , meetin g individual s from othe r group s ma y hav e bee n a n extremel y powerfu l experienc e fo r fifteen-, sixteen-, an d seventeen-year-olds , whos e previou s contact s wit h students fro m othe r background s was probabl y slight. Eve n a t Theodor e Roosevelt, Jews me t Irish , as well as Italians, Germans, and native s on th e yearbook staff . Thes e exchanges were defined b y consideration s o f status ,


7

and eve n hostility, a s well as shared interest s an d friendship , but tha t only meant tha t the activitie s reflecte d th e large r realitie s o f American society . In thi s sense , th e hig h school s an d th e socia l an d extracurricula r activi ties expose d student s t o variou s critica l feature s o f America n socia l an d civic life. Thi s was certainly what theorists an d administrator s ha d i n mind when the y develope d th e activitie s a s allies in socialization an d American ization. Bu t Americanization and assimilatio n were neve r neat or uniform. At differen t schools , student s bega n t o gras p th e comple x feature s o f th e society differently . Whil e they met students fro m othe r groups, the y di d so in way s tha t were mediate d b y ethni c bond s an d variou s kind s o f stratifi cation. Th e prestig e o f natives , th e ambitio n an d driv e towar d succes s of Jews, an d th e exclusio n o f black s wer e variousl y experienced , an d thes e introduced student s t o th e broa d feature s of American urban lif e i n whic h ethnicity was a s much a part a s voting, caucusing , an d th e abilit y to chang e one's name . The cliquishnes s an d selectio n o f friends , the preferenc e amon g activities, an d th e inclinatio n t o attribut e status , popularity , eve n beaut y to som e and no t t o other s wa s a fundamenta l experience o f adolescents i n school an d out . Thos e wh o theorize d abou t th e potentia l o f the extracur ricular activitie s i n socializatio n were correc t t o thi s extent, althoug h the y could no t hav e foresee n all of the consequences . After al l the comple x an d varie d difference s i n students ' experience s ar e considered, on e is left wit h th e sharp an d clea r impression of a high-schoo l society divide d alon g ethni c lines . On th e simples t level , this mean t tha t it was mor e likel y fo r me n an d wome n o f th e sam e grou p t o associat e to gether i n performance clubs and socia l activitie s at individua l schools. Beyond that , groups becam e identified wit h differen t talent s an d characteris tics. Some groups , notabl y th e native s and Jews (an d the Iris h an d German s in politic s an d sports ) usuall y capture d th e limeligh t an d strategi c posts . Certain activities , lik e science , track , an d footbal l fo r me n an d literar y clubs fo r women , wer e disproportionatel y selecte d b y member s o f som e ethnic group s rathe r tha n others . Whereve r female s wer e appointe d edi tors, the y wer e almos t certai n t o b e Jews. I n schools wit h a nativ e popu lation, male s o f thi s backgroun d wer e mos t likel y t o represent th e schoo l and th e senio r class . Religiou s clubs were almos t exclusivel y composed o f the Irish, Italians, an d natives. The track tea m was likely to contain a goo d portion o f th e mal e blac k population. An d almos t everywhere , Jews wer e the academi c achievers, a fac t tha t mus t hav e been repeatedly brough t hom e as th e newspaper s publishe d Arista list s and a s the lon g roster s o f Jewishsounding name s were read i n the common assemblies . The dat a d o no t allo w u s t o speculat e with an y rea l insigh t abou t th e sources fo r th e diversit y among groups . I t woul d b e tempting, bu t unwar ranted, t o ascrib e th e difference s t o cultura l traditions pur e an d simple .

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Certainly th e stron g preference of the Iris h an d Italian s for religious clubs , for example , point s t o th e strength o f Catholicism in even a secular setting . But i t woul d b e a mistak e t o reduc e al l the choice s t o inherite d and tena cious traditions . I t i s als o importan t t o avoi d a to o eas y stereotypin g o f the group s a s the y adapte d t o America n circumstances , stereotype s tha t can b e attache d t o th e Jewis h interes t i n scienc e an d th e Iris h fascination with politics , fo r example . I n thi s context, i t i s usefu l t o remembe r ho w frequently me n an d wome n fro m th e sam e grou p differed , a differenc e especially notabl e betwee n Italia n women , wh o consistentl y joine d aca demic clubs , an d Italia n men , wh o di d not ; bu t als o clea r i n th e choice s registered b y Jewish an d Iris h me n an d women . W e simpl y d o no t kno w the degre e t o whic h thes e patterne d choice s wer e circumstantial , func tional, or traditional . Tha t is to say , it is possible tha t Jewish wome n ini tially chose literar y activities merely because they were imitating what they understood t o b e native patterns rathe r than expressin g in secular form th e long-standing Jewish regar d fo r the boo k hithert o largel y confined t o men . Italian me n who chos e footbal l may have been doin g jus t the same , based on thei r selectiv e perceptions o f native patterns an d th e factor s underlying campus popularity. Onc e th e patterns were established, member s of ethnic groups ma y hav e bee n draw n becaus e o f associationa l reward s an d be cause thes e choice s themselve s ha d becom e traditiona l withi n th e schoo l context rathe r tha n becaus e of som e clear-cu t immigran t o r ethni c prefer ence. The regularit y across schools suggest s a strategic interaction betwee n inherited traditions (possibl y different fo r me n an d women) , which shape d perceptions initially , functional pattern s o f adaptation , an d force s o f imitation in an environmen t which encourage d an d rewarde d certai n kinds of imitation. Obviousl y th e reward s wer e broad , becaus e th e choice s mad e by variou s group s differe d a grea t deal . I f imitation o f native s was impor tant, a s I believe it wa s give n th e extraordinar y popularit y o f native s registered i n celebrit y status , th e dispersa l o f native s amon g almos t th e ful l range o f extracurricular activities suggests that differen t group s coul d an d did attac h themselve s t o differen t area s o f th e schoo l socia l worl d i n th e process of assimilation. What the data describ e is a complex an d pluralistic range o f ethni c expression s whic h poin t t o pattern s o f secon d generatio n accommodation (i.e. , ethnicity ) rather tha n t o som e exac t translatio n o f immigrant traditions . As significantly , th e pattern s i n activitie s permit u s t o observ e a deepl y divided socia l universe . In fact , th e channelin g and clusterin g i s fa r mor e consistent an d mor e strongl y etche d tha n an y specia l se t o f choices . Eth nicity provided an importan t form o f differentiation an d associatio n in th e schools i n th e thirtie s an d forties , an d i t wa s a poten t ingredien t in th e status an d prestig e hierarchy o f mos t schools . Ethnicity seem s to hav e en-


9

dowed student s i n hig h schoo l wit h a continuin g sourc e o f identificatio n within th e mas s cultur e and th e impersonalit y o f the schools . The extracurricular activitie s were neither coextensive with th e students' social worl d no r eve n a ver y larg e par t o f it . Thei r significanc e lie s i n revealing a ver y smal l fragmen t o f a n active , competitiv e cultur e whic h drew heavil y on who student s wer e before they came to the classroom an d affected wh o the y woul d becom e afte r the y left . I n connectin g schoo l ac tivities to ethnicity , th e dat a ar e significan t fa r mor e fo r what the y sugges t than fo r wha t the y say . The school , a s it wa s envisage d by educators an d often imagine d b y historians , wa s neve r a s powerful a n integrator , equal izer, o r socialize r a s i t ha s bee n portrayed . Importan t an d powerfu l a s i t was, i t wa s on e o f man y institution s operatin g consecutivel y an d concur rently o n students ' lives . Th e youn g brough t t o schoo l a s muc h a s the y took away , or rather , what the y brought gave meaning to what the y learned . Ironically, th e high school no t onl y di d no t destro y th e preschool associa tions o f students, i t encouraged, supported , an d thereb y strengthened them . The dat a als o sugges t somethin g abou t th e cultur e of schooling , b y which I mea n les s th e specifi c form s an d more s o f schoo l lif e tha n th e rang e of resources mad e availabl e fo r persona l an d expressiv e development . I t i s hard, i f no t impossible , t o reconstruc t wha t differenc e belongin g t o on e kind o f clu b o r anothe r ma y hav e mean t t o th e youn g wome n an d me n who proudl y announce d thes e affiliations . I t i s als o difficul t t o sa y wha t influence thes e ma y hav e ha d i n late r life , an d i t woul d b e foolis h t o as sume tha t al l thos e wh o belonge d t o scienc e club s wen t o n t o career s i n science an d medicin e o r tha t footbal l player s worke d o n th e docks . Ye t one canno t ignor e altogethe r th e patterned ethni c variation s uncovere d in this study . Clearl y som e student s i n the 1930 5 an d '40 5 had mor e cultural options ope n t o them , mor e avenue s for sel f expression , tha n others . W e can catc h onl y a fleetin g glimps e of thi s fro m th e data , bu t i t i s a lastin g impression. A blac k student , i n eve n th e bes t o f circumstances , foun d a more impoverishe d an d restricte d cultur e a t schoo l tha n a whit e student , especially i f the latte r wa s o f nativ e descent. A Jew, i n mos t places , foun d a richer se t of contexts fo r personal development and mor e social approva l than a n Italian . I n othe r words , th e cultur e of th e school , lik e th e cultur e of whic h i t wa s part , operate d selectivel y on th e group s wh o entere d th e schools, an d i t accorde d succes s more readil y to som e tha n t o others . To sa y thi s i s not , however , t o argu e tha t som e group s wer e mor e o r better assimilate d by the schools than others—fo r example , that Jews were more assimilated than Italian s or Germans, or any variation on that theme . The widesprea d absenc e of black s in man y activities may b e somethin g of an exception , sinc e i t appear s t o hav e registere d som e sor t o f exclusion . But t o stres s bette r or lesse r assimilatio n is, I think, to misunderstan d eth-

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nicity an d certainl y to ignor e th e findings of thi s study . I t i s important t o avoid the progressiv e fallacy tha t i s especially pervasive in educational history an d als o frequentl y th e wol f amon g th e lamb s i n a n analysi s of im migration. I n education , w e ar e al l mor e o r les s progressive, since w e as sume tha t doin g wel l academicall y i s a positiv e objective , an d therefor e anything that inhibit s this—race, sex, class, ethnicity—is an impediment to progress. Th e virtu e o f lookin g outsid e th e classroo m i s that i n chartin g the significanc e of thes e factor s on activitie s they become no t obstacle s t o achievement bu t indicator s o f legitimat e difference s les s easil y defined a s good o r bad . A s such, neithe r th e exten t o f activit y no r an y on e kin d o f activity ca n b e take n a s a measur e o f assimilation . Instead , th e choice s among th e activitie s indicate differen t expression s o f assimilation and rep resent varyin g strategies o f assimilation. By th e tim e the y graduate d fro m hig h schoo l afte r twelv e year s o f schooling, secon d an d thir d generatio n me n and wome n had absorbe d grea t quantities o f America n culture , beliefs , habits , an d attitudes . The y ab sorbed the m i n the classroo m an d fro m eac h other outsid e th e classroom . But th e experience s o f thes e Ne w Yor k Cit y youth s illustrat e jus t ho w complicated assimilatio n was. Fo r th e almos t gothic structure o f extracur ricular participatio n mus t b e understoo d a s th e fin e tracer y o f evolvin g ethnic (no t immigrant) preferences and th e continuin g significance of eth nic grou p associatio n withi n a n assimilationis t environment . Indeed , thi s kind o f associatio n wa s par t o f th e proces s o f assimilatio n as it wa s expe rienced historicall y a t a particula r juncture i n th e developmen t of twentieth century society . The cultur e o f th e schoo l provide d student s wit h differen t option s an d rewards i n that process . Fo r whil e the rang e of activities was wide , i t wa s not infinite , an d ther e wer e clea r hierarchie s o f prestige . B y reinforcing only som e cultura l o r functionall y adaptiv e pattern s an d no t others , th e schools helpe d t o shap e thes e patterns amon g th e groups . Thu s th e high school cultur e acted a s a filter, letting through som e qualitie s from amon g its divers e population an d no t others . I n s o doing , th e schoo l reinforced , even accented , thes e patterns . I n tha t sens e the ver y process o f accultura tion whic h th e schoo l successfull y pursue d i n teachin g student s abou t American manner s an d value s wa s acculturatio n wit h a significan t by product. I n bluntin g the edge s of th e ethni c culture s fro m whic h th e stu dents came , i t se t certai n aspect s o f thos e culture s in hig h relief—accen tuating the Jewish driv e in science and literature , Irish political acumen , or the competitiv e brillianc e o f blac k trac k an d fiel d athletes . I t identifie d certain group s wit h particula r talents an d di d s o i n a sociall y approving manner. It shaped how member s of one group saw members of other groups. What thi s mean t wa s tha t selecte d feature s o f a comple x ethni c culture

"Americanizing" th e High Schools il

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were singled ou t a s all right while others were either ignored o r specificall y disapproved. Thi s re-create d ethnicit y a t th e sam e tim e a s it incorporate d various ethni c talent s int o th e America n mainstream . Th e school s thu s provided differen t group s wit h reward s fo r rememberin g a s wel l a s fo r forgetting aspect s o f their past . Viewed in this way, assimilatio n was not simpl y a one way process, an d it cannot b e easily separate d int o a set of staged progression s i n which th e progeny o f immigrant s become firs t culturall y more an d mor e lik e natives and the n integrate d int o a societ y define d onc e an d fo r al l b y a nativ e majority. Eve n s o finall y texture d a sociologica l theor y a s tha t o f Milto n Gordon misse s the comple x an d dynami c cultural process o f which assim ilation wa s a part. I n an ingenious theoretical insight , Gordon propose d t o divide assimilatio n int o tw o phases , a n initia l acculturatio n an d subse quent assimilation. 36 Bu t Gordon' s hypothesis , b y adoptin g a n Anglo conformist an d largel y middle-class perspective, might be usefu l fo r a schoo l like Georg e Washingto n but meaningles s at Sewar d Par k or eve n New Utrecht. Separatin g cultur e fro m societ y may b e usefu l heuristically , bu t i t has neithe r th e fee l o f realit y no r th e sens e o f history . Th e high-schoo l graduate o f a n immigran t famil y wa s no t lik e his parents, a s Covell o an d his friend s kne w well . Tha t differenc e mus t b e understoo d a s par t o f th e experience o f assimilation which i s not a clearly ascertainable end produc t but a proces s define d b y th e strain s o f cultura l chang e an d adaptation . Having participate d wit h other s lik e himsel f an d unlik e himsel f i n th e classroom an d i n the school , th e high-schoo l graduat e ha d participate d i n a strategicall y assimilativ e environment . Tha t thi s environmen t wa s col ored an d shape d b y ethnicit y mean t tha t i t participate d i n th e comple x realities o f America n urban culture. The student , th e hig h school , an d th e culture of which th e schoo l wa s a part a s well as an anticipatio n ha d bee n changed i n the process .


II Other People , Othe r Schools : Race, Sex , Religion , and America n Educatio n


4 New Da y Coming : The Federa l Governmen t and Blac k Educatio n in th e 1930 5 and '40 5 We hav e seen a liftin g o f th e horizon s o f ou r yout h throug h increase d edu cational an d recreationa l opportunities . Suc h Federa l program s a s studen t aid unde r NYA , Adul t Educatio n unde r WP A an d th e vocationa l trainin g available i n CC C camp s brough t th e ligh t o f trainin g to thousand s o f Ne groes whos e ow n economi c resource s woul d hav e hel d the m i n darkness , ignorance and dependence . MARY McLEO D BETHUN E (1939) l Why, then, does th e Arm y trouble itself wit h th e problem of illiterates? Why not permi t the m t o remai n i n the deferred status? . . . The fac t i s that deferment o n accoun t o f illiteracy has arouse d considerabl e resentmen t i n cer tain section s o f th e country . Ther e ar e town s wher e al l th e physicall y fit literate youn g men without childre n have gone, leavin g the illiterate s to en gage i n thei r usua l occupatio n o r t o engag e i n idleness . T o th e American , this is unjust. "Upgrading th e Illiterat e Registrant For Use By the Army " (i943) 2

Race ha d ofte n bee n a n issue in schoo l discussion s in th e earl y twentiet h century, bu t largel y as this word wa s attache d t o immigrants . The special concerns o f black s ha d rarel y bee n throw n int o th e po t o f problem s tha t schools wer e aske d t o solve . That , a s much as anythin g else, suggest s th e degree t o whic h blac k American s were socia l outsiders . Althoug h educa tors ha d begu n to questio n th e equa l educabilit y o f som e immigrant s i n the 19x05 , the incorporation of the second generation b y the schools, bot h academically an d socially , ha d alway s been a central schoo l objective , and the proble m of the secon d generatio n underwrot e the reconstructio n of secondary educatio n i n th e twentiet h century . Black s ha d no t figure d i n these changes . Blacks , too, attende d hig h school s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d elsewhere, bu t thei r number s were small , and the y wer e treated b y fello w students largel y as the y were treate d b y educationa l policy makers—a s if they hardl y existed. I n fact , nationwid e in th e 1930 5 an d '40 5 the leve l of

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education achieve d by blacks only infrequently brough t them into the pur vue o f th e hig h school . Thi s i s no t surprising , sinc e befor e Worl d Wa r I I three-quarters o f al l black American s lived in the Sout h wher e educationa l facilities wer e segregate d b y law , an d ver y fe w hig h school s wer e estab lished an d maintaine d fo r blac k students . A s a result , nationwide , blac k educational attainmen t lagge d behin d tha t o f second-generatio n immi grants b y thre e t o fou r year s fo r me n an d tw o t o fou r year s fo r women . As man y American s woul d discove r durin g th e war , man y black s wer e totally o r largel y illiterate. Blacks di d no t ente r th e spher e o f educationa l discussio n i n a n impor tant way until the federa l governmen t began to exercise significant author ity i n educationa l matter s durin g Frankli n Roosevelt' s presidency . Eve n then, however , th e proble m o f blac k educatio n di d no t resul t i n con sciously designe d policies . Rather , a ne w awarenes s o f blac k educationa l needs an d thei r socia l implication s cam e i n unexpecte d way s an d throug h nontraditional institutions , a s a resul t o f th e operation s o f relie f organiza tions an d throug h th e arme d forces . A s the crise s in th e econom y an d i n defense expose d th e specia l deficiencie s o f blac k educationa l preparatio n and the social cost s of those deficiencies, the federal government was forced to ac t in limited ways that would hav e fundamental consequence s both for the futur e o f black educational refor m and fo r subsequen t pattern s o f federal interventio n i n matter s o f schooling . The openin g o f school s t o immigrant s ha d neve r resulte d i n a federa l policy o r significantl y disturbe d nationa l politics. 3 Wha t school s ha d achieved, as well as the manne r in which the y had bee n transformed in the context of the masse s o f the secon d generation , wa s a local and stat e con cern. The nationwid e scop e of the change s were monitored b y professional organizations o f teachers , principals , an d superintendent s (increasingl y centered i n th e Nationa l Educatio n Association ) tha t develope d wit h th e extraordinary expansio n o f schooling an d th e heightene d self-awareness of school professionals at al l levels. Indeed, immigration ha d bee n fundamen tal to th e professional development o f education. I n responding t o the new urban population s an d th e pedagogi c challenge s posed b y th e secon d gen eration, educator s ha d fashione d the instrument s an d concept s o f twentieth century education . Progressive s had , o f course , bee n keenl y awar e o f th e political dimension s o f educatio n an d ha d insisted o n th e necessar y rela tionship betwee n educatio n an d socia l reform . But neither progressive s nor educators who sa w themselves above politics envisaged a social policy that required activ e federa l participation . O n th e contrary , federal intervention or a nationa l polic y fo r educatin g minorities , or anyon e else, was actively despised b y mos t educator s a s a n unwarrante d an d illegitimat e intrusion

New Da y Coming 11

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beyond the bounds of the Constitution and in opposition to the democrac y and efficienc y believe d to resid e in local control . When th e federa l governmen t did finally direct it s attention t o the schools , it came a t jus t tha t poin t when optimistic expansio n an d growth—th e fue l of professionalization—coul d n o longe r b e sustained . I n th e 1930 5 an d '405, i n th e mids t o f depressio n an d war , th e federa l government she d a n unflattering bea m o f ligh t o n th e stat e o f America n educatio n tha t pro foundly challenge d the head y self-congratulation s of th e educationa l com munity. As the federa l governmen t move d to remed y the educationa l defi ciencies o f Americans, it directe d it s attention t o thos e who previousl y lay so fa r o n th e socia l peripher y an d s o distan t fro m traditiona l source s o f power tha t the y ha d hardl y provoke d notic e o r attention . I n s o doing , i t created a ne w awarenes s o f the problem o f blac k education, no t a s a pedagogical concern , bu t a s a socia l issue . Th e particula r circumstance s o f federal intervention , centere d a s i t wa s o n issue s associate d wit h povert y and nationa l security, 4 would indelibl y mark futur e federa l polic y o n edu cation. So too, th e depression , th e Ne w Deal , an d th e Secon d World Wa r made the unequa l burden o f educational deprivatio n born e b y blacks visible, problematic, an d unforgettable. I

It is tempting to see the new federal rol e in education durin g the New Dea l as inevitable ; another instanc e o f th e aggressiv e marc h o f stat e influenc e into ne w socia l sphere s fo r whic h th e perio d i s remembered . I n fact , th e New Deal' s unprecedente d educationa l program s wer e no t th e resul t o f policy or o f intention bu t usuall y of fortuitous and partial decision s whos e purpose had littl e if anything to d o with education . Lookin g back, we can see clear patterns , bu t a t th e time , educationa l policy wa s undefined , an d almost al l th e ne w initiative s disappeared afte r th e economi c emergency gave way to war . A t the same time, the particular associatio n create d dur ing th e Ne w Dea l betwee n povert y an d educationa l deprivatio n an d th e specific discover y of blac k exclusion fro m educationa l progress lef t indeli ble menta l blueprint s whic h b y th e 1960 5 create d th e ne w genr e o f edu cational understandin g which underlay a deliberate set of federal activities. On th e ev e of th e Grea t Depression , Herber t Hoove r appointe d a Na tional Advisory Committee on Educatio n whose repor t pinpoint s th e pre — New Dea l understandin g of th e rol e o f th e federa l governmen t i n educa tion. Th e repor t issue d b y th e committe e i n 193 1 provide s a n unusually good framewor k fo r understandin g the departure s the Ne w Dea l woul d

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shortly initiat e an d th e revise d understandin g t o whic h thos e change s woul d lead. I n keepin g with th e self-congratulator y spirit of three decades o f schoo l expansion, th e committe e proclaime d th e America n system of schooling as "without a peer." "In responsivenes s to popular sovereignty , in adaptabil ity to varyin g need an d aspiration , an d i n richness of experimentation con ducive t o flexibilit y an d t o progress , ou r managemen t o f public school s i s without a peer. Certainl y no nationa l syste m of public schools manage d in a highl y centralize d spiri t show s suc h substantia l democratic qualities. " The America n syste m o f educatio n wa s grea t becaus e i t wa s democratic , and it was democrati c becaus e it was responsiv e to loca l needs and fre e of central contro l an d direction . Eve n in the twenties, however , th e increase d financial need s o f school s propelle d educator s t o mak e demand s fo r th e resources o f the centra l government , an d Hoover' s committee, i n line wit h those demands , urge d tha t federa l fund s b e used fo r educational purposes . In larg e part , thi s resulte d fro m th e recognitio n b y committe e members , who wer e overwhelmingl y educators themselves , tha t schoo l fund s wer e unequally distribute d regionall y an d amon g th e states . Thus , whil e th e Hoover committee was thinking in national terms , indeed hoping to equal ize national resource s t o smoot h ou t difference s withi n th e national syste m of education , it s members expected t o preven t centralize d control an d ini tiative an d t o sharpl y circumscrib e the federa l role . "Th e America n people are justifie d i n usin g their federa l ta x syste m to giv e financial ai d t o edu cation i n the States , provide d the y do thi s in a manner that doe s no t dele gate t o th e Federa l Governmen t an y contro l o f th e socia l purpos e an d specific processe s o f education." 5 The cal l fo r federa l ta x dollar s wa s ne w an d woul d becom e loude r a s the depressio n proceede d t o flatte n loca l source s fo r schoo l financing , bu t the Hoove r committe e stoo d b y the fir m belie f i n th e superiorit y of a de centralized educationa l structur e i n whic h th e federa l governmen t played no rol e i n policy o r programs . Th e Hoove r committe e expressed th e over whelming consensu s o f opinio n o f thos e wh o wer e thinkin g seriousl y abou t educational issue s b y proclaiming it s sacre d fait h i n loca l control. The re port too k grea t pain s t o describ e a t length , an d ofte n wit h sentimenta l flourishes, the traditiona l root s of American localism i n education an d th e fundamental contributio n o f localism to democrac y an d citizenship . It also clearly distinguished between legitimate and illegitimat e precedents for federal ai d t o education , rejectin g wha t i t sa w a s the "growin g trend towar d federal centralization, " containe d in legislation lik e the Morril l an d SmithHughes Acts. 6 While th e National Advisor y Committee on Educatio n attempted a nervous balanc e between exclusive local control an d federa l "cooperation " in finances, a fa r les s audibl e plea wa s relegate d to th e las t fe w page s o f th e

New Da y Coming 11

9

report. Her e a minorit y repor t raise d a n issu e whic h ha d bee n largel y ignored b y th e majority . Issue d b y thre e president s o f Negro institution s o f higher education , th e minorit y repor t aske d tha t th e federa l governmen t assume th e "mora l obligatio n whic h bind s a centra l governmen t t o exer cise specia l solicitud e fo r disadvantage d minorities. " Whil e carefull y worde d to as k for assistance "i n ful l accor d wit h th e principle of State autonomy," the ple a b y Presidents John W . Davis, Mordecai W . Johnson, an d Rober t R. Moton fo r "some definite increas e in the per capit a amount s an d i n the percentages o f State support mad e available for Negro education, " was, in fact, a challenge to the report a s a whole.7 Where the majority had locate d educational inequitie s i n stat e an d loca l resources , Davis , Johnson , an d Moton introduce d a wholl y differen t kin d o f educationa l distinctio n int o the discussion , a distinctio n whic h concerne d no t th e provider s o f educa tion bu t th e recipients . Th e majorit y ha d glorie d i n th e democrac y o f American educatio n an d hope d t o remed y its incidental deficiencies, spot s of loca l poverty, unequa l state resources , an d geographicall y unequal eco nomic development . Th e blac k members of the committe e wer e proposin g that American s were bein g unequally educated not onl y becaus e som e lo calities coul d no t affor d th e bes t educatio n bu t als o becaus e group s an d individuals wer e bein g exclude d fro m it s equa l benefits . I n tha t context , the federa l governmen t ha d a n obligatio n t o provid e directe d assistance . Davis, Johnson , an d Moto n mad e clea r tha t i n th e cas e o f blacks , th e historical experienc e o f th e limitation s o f loca l actio n an d th e unequa l stat e of blac k education, apar t fro m regiona l sources o f poverty, demanded federal consideration . The minorit y repor t represente d a fundamenta l challenge t o th e tradi tional perceptions upo n which the report wa s organized. The majority had largely ignore d th e issu e of minority educatio n an d ha d raise d th e matte r of blac k educatio n onl y t o dismis s it a s one o f the "perplexin g problems " whose solutio n "migh t appea r to b e hastened by the Federal Government " but whic h was , i n fact , onl y an "imperfection " resultin g from "th e politi cal, economic , physica l an d socia l condition s ofte n surroundin g the m [blacks]." Private charity, not directe d government action, woul d solv e the problem o f black status an d wit h i t th e issu e o f educational disadvantage . This vie w not onl y protected th e democratic character o f American schooling b y ignoring th e issu e of segregation bu t also , an d a s significantly , sa w educational advancemen t for blacks as the product o f and no t th e stimulus to socia l change . Blac k Americans, the majorit y report noted , had alread y made an "impressiv e advance " an d would continu e to do so. 8 Throughou t the twenties , school s ha d bee n adaptin g to thei r varie d populations , pro viding ne w programs , an d tailorin g curricul a t o th e perceive d need s o f students. Equa l opportunit y mean t largel y th e opportunit y t o ge t th e

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schooling on e needed. I t was in this light that the National Advisory Com mittee o n Educatio n sa w th e issue o f blac k schooling . Blac k educatio n would develo p a s the need s of black peopl e developed . Schoolin g wa s no t a forc e fo r socia l reform , an d equa l opportunit y fo r black s i n educatio n could no t substitut e fo r or produc e socia l equality . Throughout th e 19305 , th e Nationa l Educatio n Associatio n (NEA) , the most powerful, vocal, an d larges t professional association , woul d stan d b y the view s o f th e Hoove r committee . Emergenc y condition s woul d mak e federal dollar s see m all the more necessary as local schoo l resource s diminished o r drie d up , bu t th e NEA never altered its fundamental commitment to unconditiona l ta x dollars , an d th e variou s NE A investigativ e committees, educationa l coalitions , an d it s strategic Educational Policie s Commit tee stoo d fir m o n thi s traditiona l line. 9 Th e educationa l professio n ha d gained it s self-identity during the expansio n o f American education an d i n the absenc e o f federa l involvement . Schoo l reform , no t nationa l reform , had bee n th e issu e fo r educators , an d tha t ha d bee n unsponsore d b y th e government. I t was i n that perio d wit h it s obvious self-satisfyin g successe s and growin g professiona l power tha t th e NE A forme d its views o f schoo l progress an d o f how tha t progress woul d naturall y continue t o evolve. Moreover, NE A officials , lik e th e majorit y o f Hoover's National Advis ory Committe e o n Education , ha d n o specia l interes t i n o r sensitivit y to the educationa l problem s o f blacks . Whe n Joh n Sexon , Chairma n o f th e Educational Policie s Committee , addresse d th e Nationa l Advisor y Com mittee on th e Education o f Negroes, fo r example, he bluntly began his talk by exclaiming , " I fin d i t difficul t t o discus s the subjec t yo u hav e aske d me to tal k upon . I find it difficul t t o thin k of the problems o f Negroes a s being any differen t fro m th e problem s o f an y othe r race. " H e wen t o n t o not e that i n speaking privately "to on e member of your rac e . .. I had this t o say, ' I don' t kno w enoug h abou t i t t o b e prejudice d abou t it. ' An d thi s person sai d 'Wel l yo u have misse d something. ' " Sexon's addres s demon strated hi s lac k o f knowledge , an d h e proceeded a s if he were talkin g t o a white audience , bemoanin g the depression' s effec t o n th e forme r opportu nities o f youth: "Makin g a livin g is the bi g problem o f today. . . . they [youth] ar e learning to accep t position s no w which are not pointin g t o th e Presidency of the United States or some other grea t position."10 Sexon ha d clearly misse d something abou t blac k education . Whateve r relevanc e a ro mantic nostalgi a ha d fo r th e educatio n o f th e majorit y o f whit e youth , i t had non e a t al l fo r blacks . Tha t position , wit h it s yearnin g for th e goo d old days , continue d t o defin e th e NEA' s view s o n th e rol e o f th e federa l government. Certainly, some educators knew of and wer e concerned about the difference s betwee n blacks and whites , but a s a n organizatio n o f educators, th e NE A di d no t voic e their views.

New Da y Coming 12,

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Hoover ha d no t entirel y ignored blacks . Th e Nationa l Advisor y Com mittee o n Educatio n wa s grace d b y the presenc e o f thre e blac k educators , and beyon d that , Hoove r ha d appointe d Ambros e Caliver as a senior spe cialist o n Negr o educatio n t o th e Offic e o f Education . Thus , b y th e tim e Franklin Roosevelt came to office , th e educational status o f blacks, thoug h still a peripheral issue, was alread y perceptibly on the horizon. Bu t as long as the federa l rol e in education was traditionall y defined , a s long as blacks were a n addendu m to a report, o r blac k schooling was relegate d t o sepa rate volume s o f investigation , the proble m o f blac k educatio n coul d no t serve a s a spu r t o federa l policy. 11 Th e ne w understandin g tha t Davis , Johnson, an d Moto n ha d introduce d neede d t o b e brough t fro m th e pe riphery t o th e center, wher e i t coul d redefin e th e potentia l rol e the federa l government could play, before an y real change could take place. That chang e required a n entirel y different se t of perceptions tha n thos e adopte d b y th e Hoover committe e an d thos e tha t underla y NE A policy throughou t th e 19303. I t require d tha t educationa l problems , no t successes , tak e cente r stage an d tha t th e federa l governmen t refashion itsel f int o a n educationa l advocate with specia l responsibility for those slipping through th e existen t educational net . I t moreove r require d tha t th e federa l governmen t no t al locate mone y acros s th e board , a s educator s demanded , bu t direc t fund s selectively t o individual s or groups . There i s no littl e irony i n th e fac t tha t th e Ne w Dea l di d precisel y this. Franklin Roosevel t wa s n o advocat e o f federa l educationa l activity . H e was o n recor d a s opposin g federa l ai d t o education , an d th e initia l an d onetime emergency allocation in 1934—35 to faltering school districts could best b e describe d a s sting y i n th e contex t o f th e massiv e need. Certainly , the Ne w Dea l had n o educationa l polic y a t th e outset , an d i n ligh t o f th e aggressively expanding administrative apparatus i n Washington i n the 19305 , the Offic e o f Educatio n remaine d a n insignifican t backwater , largel y ig nored, frequentl y chastized , and usuall y despise d a s a third-rate organization. Shuttle d between differen t agencie s in the 1930 5 and '405 , the Offic e of Educatio n was hardly part of the dynamic changes introduced in Washington b y the New Deal. 12 Even Caliver, whose presence as black advocat e might hav e bee n expecte d t o elici t som e busines s for thi s putativ e cente r of nationa l educationa l life , wa s largel y relegated t o developin g statistic s and organizin g meetings . Survey s an d conference s were th e raiso n d'etr e of th e Offic e o f Education, but fo r blacks , these held little promise of change . As one blac k educato r note d at a meetin g of the Advisor y Committee on the Educatio n o f Negroe s ove r whic h Caliver , a s usual , presided : "W e have bee n surveyed to deat h i n Arkansas, we know what w e ar e going t o find."13 Serving more as a representative of the Office of Education to blacks tha n th e reverse , Caliver was clearl y hamstrung by th e limitations

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of th e offic e wher e h e wa s a subordinat e i n a n organizatio n wit h littl e understanding o f blac k needs . Moreover , Commissione r John Studebake r often showe d remarkabl e ignorance o f th e particula r concern s o f blacks . In 1935 , he an d other s fro m th e Offic e o f Education met with member s of the Advisor y Committe e o n th e Educatio n o f Negroe s to assur e it s members tha t th e Offic e o f Educatio n woul d tr y t o obtai n federa l financia l support withou t federa l controls fo r Southern states, only to b e told b y his audience tha t "th e member s of the grou p generall y fel t tha t wha t the y d o want i s Federal Control." I t wa s no t th e Offic e o f Education wit h it s traditional attitude s tha t produce d th e Ne w Deal' s fundamenta l educational initiative, an d i t wa s certainl y no t th e office , despit e Caliver' s bes t inten tions, whic h woul d brin g blac k Americans the hel p the y sought fro m th e federal government. 14 The New Dea l entere d the educationa l aren a through th e bac k door , as it were, no t a s an agen t of education, but a s a dispenser of relief. Through out th e thirties , th e Roosevel t administratio n neve r overtly questioned th e local basis of educational polic y or th e autonom y of the state s in decisions about schoolin g and di d not se t out t o establis h a federal responsibilit y for education. Instead , i n th e cours e o f it s relie f efforts , th e Ne w Dea l developed educationa l program s an d facilitie s tha t parallele d thos e o f tradi tional educationa l institutions . Thos e program s wer e federall y adminis tered an d controlle d bu t di d no t technicall y interfer e wit h o r challeng e local an d stat e contro l ove r education. I n devising and administerin g relie f programs, th e federa l governmen t no t onl y becam e a n activ e participan t in al l phase s o f socia l life , includin g education, bu t als o uncovere d basi c inequities, inefficiencies , an d "perplexin g problems " tha t ha d bee n dor mant o r tabo o subjects . In the end , th e Roosevel t administratio n injecte d the federa l governmen t int o th e educationa l aren a i n suc h a wa y tha t i t both expose d educationa l failure s an d define d thei r redres s a s a federa l responsibility. Roosevelt an d th e relie f administrator s most immediatel y involved—Harry Hopkins an d Harol d Ickes—responde d t o th e schoo l emergenc y o f th e depression no t b y assistin g th e school s a s organization s bu t b y assistin g school peopl e an d schoo l plants . The y di d thi s throug h a mixe d ba g o f work relie f programs, work-stud y schemes , supplementary social work enterprises, and public works construction an d repair projects, organized an d administered throug h FDR' s alphabet-sou p agencies—th e Publi c Work s Administration (PWA) , Work s Progres s Administratio n (WPA) , Federa l Emergency Relie f Administratio n (FERA) , Civilia n Conservatio n Corp s (CCC), an d th e Nationa l Yout h Administratio n (NYA). Thes e separatel y run agencies , relying heavily on discretionary administrative policies whose purpose was to provid e maximum individual relief, wer e coordinated wit h

New Da y Coming 1x

3

a variet y of federa l department s bu t almos t neve r responsible t o th e Offic e of Education . Thus , t o spea k o f th e Ne w Deal' s educationa l activitie s i s both to describ e a massive program o f improvements—school constructio n and repair , teache r employment, courses i n literacy and naturalization , vocational trainin g and rehabilitation , nurser y schools , correspondenc e courses , educational radi o programs , an d subvention s t o high-schoo l an d colleg e students—and t o describ e no educationa l polic y a t all . In most cases , (th e NYA wa s i n par t a n exceptio n t o this ) educatio n wa s a by-produc t o f work relief , an d th e educationa l conten t an d purpos e wer e define d i n th e course o f th e agencies ' activitie s b y th e nee d t o fin d appropriat e employ ment fo r teachers , carpenters , masons , students , nurses , an d unskille d laborers. Since many o f its educationa l endeavor s were unfocused , the Ne w Dea l often discovere d it s educationa l commitment s i n th e proces s o f progra m administration. When th e CCC , th e mos t popular o f the New Dea l wor k projects, go t unde r way, th e ai m wa s t o provid e out-of-wor k yout h fro m relief familie s wit h immediat e employment i n conservatio n work . The ex pectation wa s that CCC recruits would pic k u p what the y needed t o lear n in th e process . Despit e resistanc e fro m CC C directo r Rober t Fechner , i t soon becam e clea r tha t explici t instruction , no t onl y i n th e technica l as pects o f conservation bu t als o in basic literacy, wa s ofte n urgentl y needed . Additionally, a s th e official s o f th e CC C sough t t o occup y an d stimulat e camp enrollee s i n thei r nonworkin g hours , the y turne d t o educatio n i n subjects suc h a s Latin , mathematics , an d history , a s well a s i n vocationa l skills and literacy. 15 At first these activitie s were entirely voluntary, bu t th e moral pressur e o n enrollee s t o occup y thei r tim e usefull y mad e the educa tional supplement s almos t a s basic to CC C activitie s as the work regime . By 1938-39 , mor e tha n 9 0 percen t o f th e member s o f th e corp s wer e enrolled i n som e instruction , averagin g fou r hour s pe r week . Two-third s of thes e enrollee s were i n job-related classes, bu t one-thir d wer e in strictl y academic classes . A n educational advise r ha d earl y bee n attache d t o eac h CCC camp , an d i t i s clea r tha t th e camps , b y utilizin g various loca l re sources, helpe d t o educat e thousand s o f young men, providin g man y with basic literac y an d remedia l instructio n an d som e wit h welcom e advance d education. Whe n i t extende d th e lif e o f th e CC C i n 1937 , Congres s for malized the educational activitie s of the CC C by providing each cam p with a school buildin g and b y increasing specifically educationa l appropriations . By 1941 , credi t fo r educationa l wor k complete d i n CC C camp s wa s pro vided b y forty-seve n state s an d th e Distric t o f Columbia . Th e CC C ha d certainly becom e th e cente r o f a federall y administere d educational enter prise, but th e camps were run b y the War Department , with personnel and responsibilities share d wit h th e Department s o f Agriculture , Labor , an d

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Interior and , t o onl y a limite d degree , th e Unite d State s Offic e o f Educa tion.16 The Nationa l Yout h Administration , whil e mor e focuse d i n it s goals , was eve n more administrativel y fragmented. Established i n 193 5 a s an au tonomous divisio n o f the WPA , the NY A ha d a clea r objective : to permi t students i n secondar y school s an d college s t o continu e thei r educatio n b y providing the m wit h part-time , ofte n on-campus , job s a s clerks , janitors , and researc h assistant s o r job s o n constructio n projects , o n playgrounds , and i n nursery schools. Th e NY A also provide d work relie f wit h a prevocational objectiv e to unemployed , out-of-schoo l youth s o f schoo l age . I n 1938, th e NY A channele d its grants throug h 2.6,75 1 college s and second ary school s an d reache d 368,92 1 students . A t th e heigh t o f it s activities, in 1935-36 , NY A provide d almos t hal f a millio n student s wit h variou s kinds o f work-base d financia l assistance. 17 Organizationall y autonomous , though nominall y under the WPA, the NYA, according to the 193 8 Advisory Committe e Staf f Study , "has i n principl e worked i n clos e cooperatio n with local , State , an d othe r Federa l governmental agencie s and numerou s non-governmental agencies. " Thi s clos e cooperatio n wit h traditiona l schoo l authorities wa s strongl y dispute d by some educators wh o fel t the y had , i n fact, bee n ignore d i n bot h th e organizatio n an d administratio n of th e NYA . Moreover, unti l 194 0 the Offic e o f Education ha d n o rol e i n its organization o r operations. 18 Despit e administrativ e complexit y an d professiona l hostility, th e NY A wa s sufficientl y abl e t o enlis t th e cooperatio n o f loca l school official s t o becom e on e o f th e Ne w Deal' s mos t successfu l pro grams, popular wit h student s an d th e public and effectiv e i n terms of Ne w Deal policie s whos e principa l objectiv e wa s t o kee p youn g peopl e ou t o f the labor market . In additio n t o th e CC C an d NYA , th e onl y exclusively youth-oriented programs, the New Deal also provided various educational programs through the WPA . Thes e include d worke r education , nurser y schools , vocationa l retraining, an d parent education . In all these programs, the federal government's state d objectiv e was simpl y to provid e relie f funds . I t chose person nel on th e basi s of relief need s but lef t progra m conten t t o variou s professional group s an d stat e department s o f education . "Unde r th e Work s Progress Administratio n th e emergenc y educatio n progra m i s conducte d on a Stat e basis . This practic e derive s from th e principl e of operatio n un derlying al l Work s Progres s Administratio n policies , whic h assume s tha t the determinatio n o f th e natur e an d conten t o f th e progra m i s essentially a Stat e an d loca l governmen t responsibility. " I n short , accordin g t o th e advisory committe e that issued this statement, the federa l governmen t had no intentio n o f determinin g educational content. Indeed , it ha d n o policy concerning education. 19

New Da y Coming 12.

5

This was no doub t wha t Roosevel t wished t o believ e and wa s probabl y initially als o true. A glance a t th e WPA projects makes clear tha t the pro grams were carefully designe d to provide educational offering s tha t did not conspicuously compet e wit h traditiona l schoo l programs or t o compensat e for cut s mad e necessary by the economic emergency . In fact, however , this was a les s than candi d assessmen t o f th e impac t an d consequences , i f no t the intent , o f Ne w Dea l educationa l endeavors . First , th e Ne w Dea l pro grams, a d hoc and administrativel y derived as they often were , mad e state ments abou t the rol e of educatio n in America n economi c life . The pro grams wer e al l work-coordinated ; tha t is , educatio n i n th e CC C camps , student supports , an d variou s supplementa l program s sponsore d b y th e WPA were heavily job-related . In the proces s o f administerin g relief, Ne w Deal programs uncovere d not only massive illiteracy but als o a populatio n with outdate d an d inadequat e skills . Th e relie f project s becam e activel y involved i n underwritin g a practica l vocationalis m an d helpe d t o defin e this a s a deepl y educational issu e and responsibility . In so doing, the projects helped t o emphasiz e the valu e of education i n job term s an d a s essential t o economi c opportunit y i n America. Secondly, the educationa l program s o f the New Dea l were aime d a t th e poor. As the Advisory Committee Staf f Stud y on th e WPA explained, "Here , perhaps lie s it s greates t contributio n an d it s strength . A n educationa l of fering o f majo r significanc e ha s bee n mad e availabl e to th e poo r an d th e needy. . . . That ther e wa s and i s a deman d fo r th e service s rendered is manifest i n th e persistenc e an d growt h o f enrollments . Th e peopl e ca n learn; the peopl e wan t t o learn ; th e people inten d to learn . What th e reg ular educationa l agencie s hav e faile d t o provid e th e peopl e hav e found — in a relie f program." 20 Th e poin t wa s clear : educatio n fo r al l was a pos sibility an d a n imperative . Only the inattentio n o f traditiona l educationa l institutions ha d faile d t o awake n peopl e t o thei r legitimat e educationa l needs an d t o servic e the need s of al l the people . Th e Ne w Dea l program s were a t onc e a n implici t criticism o f established educationa l offering s an d a demonstratio n tha t th e federa l governmen t coul d d o wha t establishe d agencies had faile d t o do . The criticism implied by an educational agenda for the poor meant more than an extensio n o f education to those previously ignored. Th e New Deal programs encourage d a n awarenes s o f ho w povert y ofte n underla y inequalities i n educationa l attainment . Befor e th e 19305 , equa l educationa l opportunity wa s more often a catc h phras e for providing people wit h only as much education a s they could use than it was a platform for eliminating inequalities i n access to education . But New Dea l programs an d especially the NYA subsidies provided a challenge to this perspective. As Harry Hop kins mad e clear in an informa l addres s to NY A state administrators:

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Well, I think we have started something. It seems to me that what we are starting i s this: that anyon e who ha s capacitie s should be i n colleg e and should ge t a highe r education, and tha t h e i s going to ge t it irrespective of hi s economic status. Tha t is the crux,o f th e thing , to decid e once an d for al l that thi s business of getting an educatio n and goin g to la w school and medica l schoo l and denta l school an d goin g t o colleg e i s not t o b e confined t o the people who have an economic status at home that permits them to do it. ... Al l this about anyone being able to go to school who wants to g o to school is sheer nonsense and alway s has been , in my opinion. I grant you ther e are a fe w exceptional students who ca n d o it , bu t the grea t majorit y o f peopl e cannot; an d anyon e who know s anything about thi s gam e a t al l know s that i n th e goo d ol d day s of '2 8 an d '2 9 tens of thousands of young people were leaving school to g o to wor k for no othe r reaso n than tha t the y wer e poor. The y wer e quit e capabl e of going to college , far mor e so than some of us in this room.21

Hopkins wa s no t alon e i n thi s challeng e to th e educationa l statu s quo , nor i n hi s sla p a t college-bre d egos . Fres h fro m hi s experience s a s chie f o f the N Y A, Aubre y William s cam e t o th e ver y cente r o f elit e education , Harvard University , to giv e the coveted Ingli s Lecture in 1940. His addres s was o n vocationa l education , bu t h e mad e clea r tha t " I a m no t talkin g now o f vocational training . In fact, I think there has bee n an overemphasi s in th e pas t o n a stric t divisio n betwee n vocationa l an d academi c educa tion." He proceeded t o condem n th e ide a tha t educatio n wa s the preserv e of th e gentlema n an d trainin g tha t o f th e laborer . " I d o no t believ e tha t our democrac y ca n affor d t o provid e les s educational opportunit y fo r an y of ou r people. On the contrary, I think it should provide more adequately so that children in all parts o f the country , from al l races, and al l economic groups, ma y hav e th e bes t w e kno w t o giv e them." To d o this , William s insisted, require d tha t "w e fin d a way t o exten d t o the m th e opportunit y to wor k durin g the period o f their schooling. " NYA experienc e helpe d t o fram e Williams' s perceptions abou t practica l solutions t o educationa l inequalities . Tha t experienc e als o resulte d i n something mor e tha n practica l ideas , however . " I ca n imagin e n o wors e menace t o ou r democrati c traditio n tha n th e developmen t of a hereditar y system whereby only the childre n o f the well-to-do migh t ente r the profes sions an d th e childre n of the no w less honored shoul d remai n permanently bound t o follo w in their parents' footsteps. " William s did not offe r a uto pia i n whic h al l woul d becom e doctor s an d lawyers . Instead , "i t follow s inevitably tha t i f there is to b e opportunit y fo r childre n of unskilled, manual worker s t o mov e int o th e skille d an d intellectua l pursuits ther e mus t be a n acceptanc e o f th e fac t tha t ther e i s no traged y whe n th e chil d o f a professional perso n becomes a factory worker. " On e ca n only wonder abou t his audience' s respons e t o a proposa l tha t woul d perhap s tur n thei r ow n offspring int o aut o worker s an d janitors . After thi s soli d slic e o f educa -

New Da y Coming I

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tional radicalism , William s proceeded t o deny , in good New Dea l fashion , that th e federa l governmen t i n it s program s ha d intrude d i n an y wa y i n educational policy : "W e hav e purposel y lef t th e actua l directio n o f th e program i n the hands o f school peopl e themselves . . .. it has eliminated any possibilit y o f a n effort , o r eve n th e appearanc e o f a n effort , o n th e part o f th e federa l agency t o interfer e with th e sacre d are a o f educationa l policy traditionally reserve d to th e state an d local authorities." 22 Williams wa s no t bein g entirel y disingenuous . Th e Ne w Dea l ha d lef t the schoolroom s to th e educators. Bu t it had no t onl y provided educatio n outside th e classroom , i t ha d als o revise d the meanin g of democrati c edu cation a t it s most basi c level. The federal governmen t ha d mad e educatio n available t o thos e wh o ha d previousl y been ignored . Thi s politica l redefi nition ha d onc e agai n mad e educatio n mor e tha n a questio n o f classroo m learning; i t turned educatio n int o a vehicle of reform, indeed into a poten tial instrument o f social reconstruction . Whethe r th e sourc e o f this radical understanding wa s th e eye-openin g experience of a long economi c depres sion durin g which from one-quarte r t o one-thir d o f a normally hard-working population wa s unemployed, or whethe r the depressio n an d th e Roosevel t administration provide d a have n fo r th e expressio n o f radica l idea s tha t could no t hav e been voiced in such high places before , the Ne w Dea l pro vided a context i n whic h a ne w vie w emerged of th e rol e th e federa l government could an d shoul d play in making education availabl e for all . That view adopte d a visio n o f freel y availabl e education tha t wa s vastl y differ ent tha n wha t ha d bee n previousl y understood a s th e America n traditio n of public schooling. The New Deal programs exposed no t onl y educational deficiencies bu t als o th e social condition s tha t explained them . I n this con text, th e federa l governmen t became responsibl e fo r educatio n a s par t of its newfoun d obligation t o eliminat e gross inequalitie s and socia l depriva tions o f al l kinds . Onc e again , educatio n becam e par t o f a muc h large r national picture , to o larg e in fac t t o remai n exclusivel y in th e jurisdiction of th e state s o r i n th e car e o f thos e professional s whos e concern s wer e largely pedagogical. Finally, th e Ne w Deal' s educationa l programs expose d an d wer e atten tive t o th e educationa l need s o f blac k American s i n a wholl y unprece dented way . Much o f this attentio n wa s th e resul t simply of the discover y of blac k poverty— a povert y long born e bu t deepl y exacerbate d b y th e depression. Bu t a good par t o f it was more pointe d an d explici t a s various New Dea l official s an d member s o f th e blac k communit y seize d o n th e opportunity implici t i n ne w federall y directe d program s an d sympatheti c government personnel. Roosevelt initially had n o plans or policies to dea l with th e specia l needs of blac k Americans in educatio n o r i n anythin g else , and hi s closes t advi-

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sors were , a s Nanc y Weis s ha s shown , ofte n racis t an d hostil e t o blac k entreaties. B y the mid-thirties , however , ofte n throug h th e intercessio n of his wife Eleano r an d i n response to th e aggressive advocacy of Mary McLeo d Bethune, presiden t o f th e Nationa l Counci l o f Negr o Wome n (appointe d to serv e as head o f the Negr o Affair s Offic e i n the Nationa l Yout h Administration b y Harol d Ickes) , a s wel l a s b y th e activis t hea d o f th e NYA , Aubrey Williams, Roosevel t bega n to tak e not e o f and mak e provision fo r the need s o f blacks. While blacks had receive d far less than thei r fai r shar e of relie f i n th e earl y phase s o f th e Ne w Deal , the y bega n t o b e employe d in larger number s on constructio n project s and i n other relie f program s by mid-decade.23 Mor e significantl y fo r ou r purposes , blac k school s an d col leges receive d significan t federal appropriations , som e o f the m specificall y earmarked fo r Negr o college s i n th e South . Black s responded enthusiasti cally to New Dea l offerings. Turnin g eagerly to th e many opportunities fo r instruction offere d throug h th e WPA , the y benefitte d especiall y from skille d manpower program s and literacy classes. One hundred thousand blac k adults were reporte d t o hav e learned to rea d an d writ e becaus e o f the WPA pro gram.24 The experienc e o f black s wit h th e NY A an d CC C i s especially instructive becaus e i t reveal s somethin g o f th e manne r i n whic h Ne w Dea l pro grams operated an d th e possibilitie s o f federall y sponsore d programs . A t NYA, Williams , attacke d a s a "nigge r lover, " sa w progres s i n blac k peo ple's educationa l an d economi c statu s a s on e o f hi s to p priorities . An d Bethune pu t he r considerabl e energie s an d keen ey e fo r advancin g black interests t o work . NY A regulation s specificall y forbad e discriminatio n i n student selectio n an d pai d blac k student s exactl y wha t wa s paid t o white s for doin g their jobs . As the Fina l Report o f the Negr o Affairs Offic e o f th e NYA made clear : "The relativ e extent t o which Negr o yout h share d in the student wor k progra m i s indicative of th e 'equalit y o f opportunity ' polic y of th e agency . . . . the numbe r of young men and women o f any minority racial grou p give n aid shal l not represen t a smaller proportion t o th e total number aide d tha n th e rati o whic h thi s racia l grou p bear s t o th e tota l population o f th e school district o r state." B y the tim e th e NY A wa s dis mantled, 300,00 0 blac k yout h ha d participate d i n it s varie d programs. 25 The NYA als o had a special fund t o ai d "eligible [black ] graduate student s who canno t b e cared fo r withi n th e quot a fo r graduat e ai d o f a particular institution, afte r i t has mad e a just allocation fo r Negro graduate s from it s regular quota." Set aside for us e by blacks only and carefull y cultivate d by Bethune, this fun d wa s specificall y aime d at overcomin g the lac k of oppor tunity fo r professiona l educatio n fo r black s t o mee t th e grea t nee d fo r professionals withi n th e blac k community. 26 Th e specia l fun d benefitte d over 400 0 blac k graduate an d colleg e students.

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At th e CC C camps , black s wh o ha d initiall y been vastl y underenrolle d despite state d Labo r Departmen t polic y barrin g discriminatio n wer e b y mid-decade enrolle d nea r thei r 1 0 percen t quota , an d zoo,oo o blac k men eventually participated . A t th e sam e time , th e CC C program , usefu l a s i t was fo r individuals, had les s to commend i t as an advance for black equality sinc e black s wer e sequestere d i n segregate d camp s wher e educationa l advisers, but no t other supervisory personnel, wer e black. Black CCC units constantly provoke d loca l opposition, an d accordin g t o on e studen t o f the camps, "i n respons e to an y slight pressure CC C camps for Negro enrollees were cancelle d o r moved." 27 Blac k leaders consistently supporte d th e camp s despite thei r shortcoming s bu t als o expressed thei r dismay at "th e practic e of establishin g separate CC C camp s i n state s wher e there i s no legislatio n prohibiting interracia l groups." 28 This paradox—an apparently aggressive program t o provide blacks wit h their du e an d a progra m tha t continue d traditiona l socia l policies—wa s thoroughly i n line with th e Ne w Deal' s recor d i n general. The explanatio n has a s much t o d o with th e fragmente d wa y the New Dea l program s wer e organized an d run a s with Democrati c party politics , wit h it s strong south ern base , t o whic h th e ambivalen t polic y towar d black s i s usuall y at tributed. Sinc e each agenc y had broa d discretionar y power , individual s wit h strong commitments , like Williams and Bethun e at NY A, could mak e special provision s fo r black s withou t forcin g a genera l administrativ e polic y position tha t woul d hav e antagonize d th e souther n blo c crucia l to Roose velt's congressiona l coalition . Becaus e the agencie s provide d a wid e bert h for discretion , positiv e leadershi p a s wel l a s stand-pa t policie s wer e pos sible. The CCC, ru n b y a War Departmen t accustome d t o segregate d unit s and heade d b y a conservative , foun d i t difficul t t o giv e black s eve n thei r due; th e NYA , ru n b y William s an d Ickes , bot h sympatheti c t o blacks , sought t o d o more . A goo d par t o f th e achievemen t a t NY A o n behal f o f black s resulte d from Mar y Bethune' s incessan t effort s t o defen d an d exten d blac k inter ests. I n th e annua l repor t fo r th e Divisio n o f Negr o Affair s i n 1937 , sh e defined th e responsibilitie s of he r office : "T o m y mind th e onl y reason fo r the existenc e o f a Divisio n of Negr o Affair s an d fo r suc h a Repor t i s th e recognition o f th e specia l natur e o f th e problem s an d difficultie s face d b y a minorit y group o f twelve million who see k integration into the American program. W e believ e intensel y i n th e adherenc e o f th e Nationa l Yout h Administration t o th e Democrati c principl e o f integratin g th e member s of minority group s a s completel y a s possibl e int o th e war p an d woo f o f it s program." The repor t wen t o n t o lis t the considerabl e achievements of the previous year: "The results , generally speaking, have been highly gratifying and hav e profoundly influenced th e promotion o f educational opportunity

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for Negr o youth i n all sections of the country." Especially noteworthy wa s the assistanc e provided t o high-schoo l and colleg e students . O f the specia l graduate fun d sh e observed , i t "mad e i t possibl e fo r th e fe w universities for Negroe s t o hav e strong graduate groups . Thi s fun d represente d a veri table God-send t o Negr o graduat e students an d schools. " In Bethune's usual style, th e repor t wa s hardheade d an d hortatory . I t use d statistic s no t jus t to infor m (a s was th e usua l cas e a t th e Offic e o f Education ) bu t als o t o encourage directe d federal involvement. 29 Little wonder then that whe n black educators gathered to discuss federal relief programs , the y wer e eage r fo r mor e tha n fla t grant s t o state s an d sought th e very controls an d string s that white professional s abhored an d the Offic e o f Education disdained . "N o development s have occurred sinc e the las t conferenc e to caus e thi s Committe e t o chang e fro m th e attitud e expressed a t tha t tim e o n th e matte r o f federa l vs . stat e contro l o f wor k projects an d relie f administrations, " member s of the Second National Con ference o n Problem s of th e Negr o an d Negr o Yout h concluded . "O n th e contrary, experienc e has shown us that relie f administrator s i n many states and municipalitie s either lac k sympatheti c understandin g of th e problem s of minorit y groups , o r ar e desirou s o f preventing Negroes fro m equitabl y sharing the benefit s o f relie f programs . Under these conditions, i t is apparent tha t federa l contro l o f relie f fund s furnishe s th e mos t practica l safe guard fo r th e protectio n o f minorit y groups."30 Les s wonde r stil l that blac k educators an d leader s mad e strenuous , an d a t NY A ofte n successful , efforts t o hav e black s represente d o n stat e advisor y committee s whic h dis tributed fund s an d ra n programs o n the local level. Williams had promise d such appointments , an d Bethun e worked t o se e that promis e fulfilled . Ac cording t o th e Fina l Repor t o f th e Divisio n o f Negr o Affairs , "Fro m th e period 1935—43 , State Supervisors of Negr o Affair s functione d in twenty seven states , an d whe n i n 1942 . th e progra m wa s administere d o n a re gional basis , Regiona l Negro Affair s Representative s served i n nin e of th e eleven regiona l structures." 31 Bethune an d th e Offic e o f Negr o Affair s coul d rightl y clai m credi t fo r the majo r advance s for black youth a s the NYA, in Bethune's words, "tun neled it s wa y int o th e rura l an d urba n condition s o f ou r country , awak ening an d inspirin g thousands an d thousand s o f youths, openin g doors of opportunity." Bethun e wa s alway s carefu l t o shar e tha t credi t wit h th e various local an d stat e officials. A s she put i t in addressin g one conference of colleg e an d NY A officials, " I a m expressing my gratitude. . . . What ever ha s happene d to th e Negr o i n the forty-eigh t states, we ar e responsi ble. We together hav e worked." Nevertheless, Bethune did not preten d t o an unwarrante d modesty: "I hav e worked an d fough t wit h m y sleeves rolled up nigh t an d day. " An d sh e acknowledge d he r influenc e wit h Williams ,

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"They prett y muc h fel t u p there tha t whatever I wanted . . . let her have what sh e wants."32 Williams was not her only resource, however . " I hav e taken th e tim e to g o into th e President' s offic e whe n nobod y bu t th e President and Go d and mysel f wer e present, an d to pour int o hi s ears the cries , the needs , th e desire s an d th e possibilitie s o f th e masse s o f Negroes , shu t up i n Texas , i n Florida , i n Mississippi , i n Sout h Carolina , an d i n man y other states. " Whil e Bethun e ple d he r cas e i n Washington , sh e kep t a n eagle ey e on wha t wa s happenin g a t th e loca l level , an d sh e warne d on e group o f NYA state representatives , "Don't think I don't know when your Negro progra m i s not adequate . Don't think that I don't know whe n ther e is jus t a littl e makeshif t ove r her e an d ove r there . I d o know . I a m no t being fooled a t all." 33 Bethune's broa d reac h u p towar d th e presiden t an d dow n towar d loca l officials certainl y facilitated blac k progress, an d th e succes s o f NY A pro grams fo r black s woul d no t hav e taken plac e withou t it. Bu t that succes s was mad e possibl e b y th e ver y structur e o f th e relie f program , b y it s a d hoc an d experimenta l nature , an d b y the fac t tha t i t operate d apar t fro m more traditiona l view s of educatio n an d thei r professiona l defenders . Thus, at on e poin t Bethun e admonished blac k colleg e administrator s no t t o b e overly suspiciou s o f thei r student s no r sting y whe n applyin g relie f stan dards. "Ben d backwards, " sh e urged, t o includ e all forms of potential tal ent, eve n athleti c ability , i n their assessment s o f academi c merit : " I neve r see a chil d upo n a stree t withou t thinking , 'Tha t migh t hav e bee n Mar y McLeod Bethune. ' Sometime s you sa y you wil l not giv e a preacher's chil d help. Yo u canno t alway s tel l b y outsid e appearances . Le t us continu e t o dig deeply . I want thi s Committe e t o think . . .. Sit down t o you r desk s and creat e things . Mak e u p job s an d put the m int o motion . Get as man y students a s you ca n give jobs to o r mak e jobs for." 34 The NY A i n Georgi a ha d a n especiall y goo d an d broa d progra m fo r educational assistanc e t o blacks . Wit h eleve n blacks employed at th e stat e level an d a sympatheti c stat e administrator , D . B . Lasseter , th e Georgi a NYA pu t innovativ e programs—lik e a n educationa l foru m fo r blacks — into effect . Th e forum provided a symposium format with lecture s open t o the publi c on a wide rang e o f subjects: "Negro Health," "The Negr o an d the Church, " a s wel l a s mor e genera l academi c an d publi c affair s ad dresses, lik e "Th e Britis h Empire, " "Worl d Peace, " an d "Citizenshi p an d Voting."35 Georgi a als o promote d informationa l conference s an d studie s pertaining t o blac k life , an d stat e NY A publications provide d a variety of practical guide s to vocationa l fields for blac k youth. I n a mor e traditiona l vein, Georgi a ha d a highl y successfu l schoo l progra m tha t assiste d eve n black yout h wh o ha d neve r reached high school (a s many blacks had not ) but "ha d droppe d ou t o f schoo l a t th e secon d an d thir d grad e level , and

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many [who ] ha d neve r attende d school. " "Wit h th e passin g o f th e Na tional Yout h Administration, " th e fina l repor t o f th e Georgi a NY A aptl y observed, "ther e passe d on e o f th e greates t friend s o f Negr o yout h i n Georgia."36 Georgia's effort s o n behal f o f blac k yout h wer e appropriatel y greete d with enthusias m an d gratitud e by students, principals , and other s involved in th e programs. C . L . Harper, principa l of Booker Washington Hig h Schoo l in Atlanta, note d tha t "It i s impossible to estimat e the value that NY A aid has bee n t o student s i n a larg e public high schoo l suc h a s Booke r Wash ington i n Atlanta. Hundreds o f our bes t students woul d no t hav e been able to continu e thei r hig h schoo l educatio n withou t thes e grants . . . . Thes e grants hav e create d confidenc e and hop e i n th e heart s o f thes e youth an d brought succes s wher e failur e threatened . . . . It is to b e hoped tha t the NYA ai d ma y b e continued [so ] that th e doo r o f opportunity ma y remain open t o thousand s o f American youth who , otherwise , woul d no t b e abl e to continu e their preparatio n i n school." D. D. Hubert o f Morehouse Col lege expresse d simila r sentiments : "Ha d i t no t bee n fo r thi s assistance , more tha n one-thir d o f ou r studen t bod y woul d hav e foun d i t impossibl e to remai n i n school . . . . A continuation o f thi s kin d o f help i s not onl y desirable, bu t a n urgen t necessity. " An d th e presiden t o f Morri s Brow n College i n Atlanta adde d tha t "M y onl y regret i s that the financial consideration grante d student s wa s no t larg e enoug h t o accommodat e mor e deserving students." 37 In lin e wit h Bethune' s advic e that the y thin k har d abou t findin g thing s for student s t o do , Georgi a schoo l official s an d NY A administrator s se t black student s t o wor k o n a rang e o f activitie s to ear n thei r stipends—i n nursery schools , churche s an d Ys , libraries , an d laboratories . The y gar dened fo r th e poor, collecte d historica l data , an d create d musi c bibliographies. Georgi a als o ha d a n effectiv e residen t trainin g progra m wher e stu dents studie d hal f th e da y an d worke d o n grou p project s th e othe r half . The schoo l wa s entirel y vocational in emphasis and house d 42, 1 black youths who engage d i n agricultural, trade, craft , an d homemakin g projects. 38 While Georgia's programs were especially effective and alert to black needs on al l levels, black student s throughou t th e Sout h wer e give n new oppor tunities t o atten d o r remai n i n schoo l o r t o lear n ne w skills . Durin g th e decade, blac k high-schoo l enrollment s ros e 12. 6 percent . "Th e Nationa l Youth Administration," th e final report o f the NYA proclaimed, "i n giving youth a fai r shar e of it s benefits , blaze d a new trai l of federa l procedure — it gav e Negr o yout h thei r firs t rea l slic e o f America n democracy. " NY A publications were , o f course , eage r t o presen t th e administration' s pro grams i n th e bes t light possible, but studen t responses clearly demonstrat e the degre e t o whic h somethin g ne w ha d take n place . " I a m a poo r bo y

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with n o on e t o hel p m e to g o to school, " on e studen t noted , "th e NY A has mad e i t possibl e fo r m e t o remai n i n school. " Anothe r offere d th e suggestion tha t "Th e NY A should continu e always , becaus e it i s so much help to the students tha t ar e receiving it."39 Beyond th e specifi c program s an d enterprise s o f th e NYA , th e CCC , an d the WP A la y a significan t chang e i n blac k self-awareness , aggressiveness , and visibility . The blac k appointment s a t th e nationa l an d loca l leve l an d the larg e and voca l conference s which no t onl y applauded Ne w Dea l pro grams bu t als o issue d complaint s abou t insufficien t effort s an d mad e de mands fo r fulle r opportunitie s provide d black s wit h a politica l educatio n in th e broades t sense . "Thes e conferences, " th e Fina l Report o f the Offic e of Negr o Affairs explained , "represente d th e first time in the histor y of th e government tha t Negroes from man y fields were calle d together to discus s and mak e suggestion s fo r problem s affectin g Negroe s an d Negr o youth , and t o gai n informatio n o n ho w federa l agencie s serve d th e need s thes e problems represented." 40 Thes e experience s inaugurate d a ne w spiri t o f expectation an d propelle d black s towar d demand s fo r justice . The y als o provided black s on al l levels—students, teachers, principals, as well as leaders in th e state s an d i n Washington—with lesson s o n ho w th e federa l govern ment worke d an d ho w black s could benefi t fro m it s operations. Th e Ne w Deal programs , i n thei r redefinitio n o f federa l responsibilit y and th e ne w meaning attached t o equal educational opportunity, a s well as in their pos ture o f receptivit y t o blac k demand s an d interests , provide d black s wit h new hope s a s wel l a s ne w opportunities ; wit h ne w confidenc e as wel l a s new tools. Above all , th e Ne w Dea l provide d black s with ne w visibility . "We ar e people wit h a grievance , and w e hav e bee n invite d t o th e ver y capita l o f the Natio n an d requeste d t o expres s tha t grievance, " Charle s S . Johnson observed in an address to the most successfu l of the organized conferences, whose roste r o f attendanc e wa s a who's wh o o f leadin g black Americans. "If ther e i s anybod y here toda y o r yesterda y o r th e da y befor e wh o ha s not expressed hi s opinions, i t was his own fault. . .. I don't kno w whe n I hav e fel t free r tha n I hav e her e i n th e Departmen t o f Labo r unde r th e Administration of this meeting." Eleanor Roosevelt was a n invited speaker at thi s Secon d Nationa l Conferenc e o n th e Problem s o f th e Negr o an d Negro Yout h (a s she was a t th e first) , an d th e conferenc e report wa s ad dressed an d delivere d directl y t o Frankli n Roosevelt . A s Mar y Bethun e observed i n he r lette r o f transmitta l to Roosevel t o f th e recommendation s of th e firs t suc h meeting , "W e fee l no w tha t thi s i s th e on e tim e i n th e history of ou r rac e that th e Negroe s o f America hav e felt fre e t o reduc e to

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writing thei r problem s an d thei r plan s fo r meetin g the m wit h th e knowl edge o f sympatheti c understandin g an d interpretations." 41 Bot h confer ences had , no t coincidentally , bee n centere d o n th e problem s o f blac k yout h and wer e heavil y base d o n a n assessmen t o f Ne w Dea l programs . Th e educational concern s o f black s ha d com e ou t o f th e shadows , t o whic h they ha d bee n relegate d i n th e past , int o th e ligh t o f federa l attention. I n good part , becaus e Ne w Dea l programs ha d delivere d i n th e are a o f edu cation, educatio n becam e onc e mor e a pivota l issu e fo r black s i n thei r pursuit o f justic e an d ne w opportunities . Fo r blac k Americans , th e Ne w Deal ha d helpe d t o confir m th e belief , initiate d durin g Reconstruction an d present i n tempered tone s i n the 193 1 National Advisor y Committee, tha t salvation migh t li e with th e Lord , bu t educationa l opportunit y woul d com e at th e hand s o f the federa l government .

II The New Dea l relie f program s di d not surviv e America's entrance int o th e war. B y 1940 the NYA , which ha d bee n mos t innovativ e and effectiv e fo r blacks, wa s bein g rapidl y transforme d int o a war-industrie s trainin g pro gram increasingl y unde r th e auspice s o f th e Offic e o f Education , an d th e CCC wa s bein g linke d t o militar y training . Blac k leader s a t conference s repeatedly asserte d thei r interes t in th e continuanc e of federal , school-relate d programs, bu t thos e aspiration s wer e no t t o b e realized . FDR' s progra m had bee n a d hoc and emergenc y related, an d his own visions had no t gon e beyond that . Bethun e had , a t leas t once , demonstrate d he r profoun d un derstanding tha t a soli d institutiona l settin g for th e ne w experiment s wa s needed, an d sh e sought t o "cooperat e with Dr . Caliver " because "i t seem s to m e very important t o work wit h som e permanent agenc y of the government i n a n endeavo r t o buil d a permanent yout h program." 42 Th e Offic e of Educatio n wa s hostil e t o an y suc h effort , an d it s ow n traditiona l con cerns ha d remaine d largel y unaffected b y New Dea l experience . Most ed ucators an d thei r mos t prominen t organization , th e NEA, foun d th e Ne w Deal program s repugnan t t o democrati c tradition s and , becaus e FD R had largely ignore d the m i n hi s efforts , a threa t t o thei r powe r an d contro l over th e directio n o f American education. Bu t the Ne w Deal , in operatin g apart fro m th e institution s wit h whic h educator s identified , had no t really prepared th e soi l for any future growth . Thi s was in part becaus e the fram ers o f th e Ne w Dea l ha d operate d withou t a sens e o f th e future , an d i n part becaus e their bol d ne w effort s coul d no t hav e succeede d i f they ha d been force d to compromise with existing institutions and those whose ow n power wa s define d throug h them . The Ne w Dea l programs had bee n just

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that, a se t o f uncoordinate d program s withou t explici t polic y directives . Beyond that , Roosevelt' s ow n conservativ e bia s predispose d hi m t o loo k forward t o a retur n t o th e norma l functionin g o f traditiona l America n institutions onc e th e economy recovered . As we hav e seen, Ne w Dea l program s coul d reac h ou t t o black s i n un precedented way s becaus e the y were no t boun d t o traditiona l institution s with thei r vested professional interests an d antiqu e conceptions o f the rol e of th e federa l government. The program s wer e effectiv e becaus e they were directed fro m Washingto n where , i n som e agencie s a t least , broadenin g black opportunit y mattered . Aubre y Williams mad e thi s plai n i n a state ment t o th e Chicag o Urba n Leagu e in 1936 , "I t i s only b y havin g a na tional administratio n . . . tha t i t ha s bee n possibl e t o brea k dow n an d overcome . . . attitudes an d provide a program i n which al l men are treate d as equal s . . . their nee d an d not thei r birt h no r thei r colo r th e onl y criterion for their treatment." 43 Whether it would have been possible for th e federal governmen t to overcom e th e biase s an d self-interes t o f the profes sion an d it s allie s i n th e stat e department s o f educatio n an d th e Unite d States Offic e o f Education in orde r trul y to institutionaliz e their program s is a matte r o f speculation . Wha t i s clear i s that th e Ne w Dea l ha d raise d hopes i n the blac k communit y that it coul d no t satisfy . Moreover, becaus e the y acquiesced i n segregation, Ne w Dea l effort s o n behalf o f blac k educatio n ha d probabl y reached their limit . Those efforts , at their best , ca n be summed up in the phrase, "separat e an d equal." Thi s sounds incongruou s t o ou r post-195 4 ears , bu t i t ha d meanin g in light of the manifestl y deprive d condition i n which black school s wer e kept in segregated state s b y stat e appropriations— a conditio n plainl y revealed by Ne w Deal investigations. Nevertheless, the retention o f segregated school s i n the context o f a developin g ideology of equalit y meant tha t Ne w Dea l activi ties wer e bot h ultimatel y limited an d fundamentall y distinguishabl e fro m the issue s that defin e equa l opportunity today . Becaus e of segregation an d because o f a failur e broadl y to defen d blac k interest s a s such , th e Roose velt administratio n coul d neithe r articulat e a thoroughgoin g polic y o f ed ucational equalit y nor establis h goals for blac k educatio n tha t coul d mov e substantially beyon d th e remedia l advance s achieved by relief efforts . The change s i n conceptio n create d b y Ne w Dea l experience , a s well a s its polic y limitations , are tellingl y revealed in the repor t issue d by Roose velt's ow n Advisor y Committe e o n Educatio n i n 1938 . Th e compositio n of th e 193 8 committe e was ver y different tha n Hoover's . Significantly , ed ucators wer e no w i n th e minority , thei r place s take n b y a kin d o f Roos eveltian coalitio n amon g labor , government , agriculture , and industry. 44 This personne l profil e anticipate d th e new , more comprehensiv e view of education as a necessary part of a functioning societ y that th e report would

136 Other


adopt. Th e committe e repor t an d it s twenty-on e staf f studie s wer e base d on a n exhaustiv e se t o f investigation s geare d t o definin g th e lega l prece dents fo r federa l ai d an d possibl e financia l ai d formulas . These wer e con ducted b y a staff o f ninety-nine researchers and advisers . A number of staf f reports summarize d th e educationa l result s an d implication s o f severa l Ne w Deal relie f agencies , thu s a t onc e evaluatin g an d legitimatin g thes e ne w educational endeavors . Blac k concerns wer e n o longe r relegate d t o a n ap pendix bu t wer e fundamenta l t o th e repor t a s a whole . Th e Secon d Na tional Conferenc e o n th e Proble m o f Negroe s an d Negr o Youth , whic h met afte r th e repor t wa s issued , applaude d "th e techniqu e o f th e Presi dent's Advisor y Committe e o n Educatio n i n includin g th e Negr o a s a n integral par t o f th e repor t rathe r tha n i n a separat e minorit y statement , and i n stipulating definite legislativ e guarantees fo r equitable Negro partic ipation i n th e expenditur e o f federa l fund s fo r education." 45 From th e outset , th e committe e repor t adopte d a broa d perspectiv e o n education, notin g tha t th e school s ha d becom e th e centra l socializin g agency in moder n urba n society , eclipsin g community , church , an d family . Ac cording t o th e report, childre n neede d an d the schools ha d t o provid e new social an d welfar e service s that woul d assum e th e burde n o f socializatio n once carrie d b y a n integrate d networ k o f famil y an d communit y agencies. The Hoove r committe e ha d describe d th e school s a s par t o f th e richl y functioning lif e o f small communities and a n extension o f local democracy . Roosevelt's committe e propose d tha t educatio n provide a means for bringing tha t democrac y about . Th e repor t too k not e o f th e man y ne w socia l services provided throug h variou s agencies of the Ne w Dea l an d declared , "The committe e i s convinced tha t th e Federa l Government mus t continu e and expan d it s efforts t o improv e and enlarg e the socia l services, including education, an d tha t i t mus t exercis e a larg e measur e o f constructiv e na tional leadership , becaus e i n n o othe r agenc y ca n representativ e nationa l leadership b e vested." Th e benefit s o f localis m a s th e primar y contex t fo r democratic schoolin g had give n way to a new imperative for national goal s for th e educatio n o f al l America' s children : "I f th e educationa l program s of loca l communitie s an d State s coul d an d woul d accomplis h al l o f th e purposes tha t ar e vita l t o th e natio n a s a whole, th e Federa l Governmen t would no t nee d t o participat e i n education . Pas t Federa l participation i n education ha s bee n necessitated b y the fac t tha t loca l programs neve r have been adequat e t o accomplis h al l vita l nationa l purposes. " Education , newl y revitalized, coul d becom e a forc e fo r socia l change . "Educatio n ca n b e made a forc e t o equaliz e th e condition s o f men . I t i s n o les s tru e tha t i t may b e a forc e t o creat e class , race , an d sectiona l distinctions. " Finally , the repor t no t onl y urged tha t educatio n become a forc e fo r greater social justice bu t als o proposed tha t educatio n wa s a n entitlemen t and tha t th e

New Da y Coming 13

7

federal governmen t had a n obligation t o provide an d protect th e legitimate rights o f its citizens to a n education . "Th e America n people ar e committed to th e principl e tha t al l o f th e childre n o f thi s country , regardless o f eco nomic status , race , o r plac e o f residence , ar e entitle d t o a n equitabl e op portunity t o obtain a suitable education. . . . The principle has never been fully realize d in practice. Ther e i s now n o reaso n wh y i t canno t be , an d i t is time that it should be." 46 And yet , the report shows th e strain s of the mixed New Dea l experienc e whose innovation s were a t onc e radica l and limited . Those limitations make the repor t a les s than completel y convincing document o f th e possibilities of federa l leadershi p in education . In the end , the repor t short-circuit s its radical new vision by concluding not tha t the schools were inadequate bu t that thei r financia l structure s wer e inefficient : "Th e majo r reaso n fo r th e great inequalit y i n educationa l opportunit y i s the manne r in whic h finan cial suppor t i s provide d fo r th e publi c schools." "I f ever y localit y wer e equally provided wit h taxabl e resources in education, ther e would b e little need fo r Federa l participatio n i n th e financia l suppor t o f education." 47 The spirit, the y implied, was willing, but th e purse was weak . In fact , thi s conclusio n fle w i n th e fac e o f som e o f th e evidence , espe cially that provided by Doxey Wilkerso n in a detailed study of the stat e of black educatio n i n segregated schoo l systems . The inequalitie s in facilities, the disparitie s i n fundin g an d teachers ' salaries , the blatan t discriminatio n against black s an d blac k schools i n segregated state s coul d no t b e define d as good fait h inefficientl y underwritten . An d th e Ne w Dea l programs ha d uncovered th e specia l needs of black s in ways that coul d no t b e ignored if the federa l governmen t wer e t o exercis e rea l leadership . Th e respons e o f the committee , however , was not t o cal l for special aid for black educatio n or fo r ne w federall y administere d programs ; i t wa s t o mak e eac h o f th e elements o f th e federa l fundin g progra m (divide d b y goal s suc h a s teache r education, adul t education , vocationa l education , apprenticeshi p training , etc.) contingen t o n "a n equitabl e distributio n o f th e Federa l grant s be tween whit e an d negr o schools." 48 Thi s provis o wa s repeate d throughou t the recommendation s mad e b y the committe e which, b y prohibiting a reduction i n stat e an d loca l fundin g whe n federa l fund s wer e received , further protected black schools. Th e recommendations of the committee wer e much mor e far-reachin g and muc h mor e specifi c tha n thos e o f th e 193 1 report, defining a host of target area s fo r appropriations i n addition t o th e general fun d an d makin g each o f them contingen t o n equitabl e allocation s to blac k schools. I t is in the contex t o f this much expanded vie w of federal obligation tha t the statements about equa l opportunity fo r blacks must be placed. Black s wer e t o ge t thei r fai r shar e o f eac h o f th e allocate d funds , but th e repor t di d no t cal l fo r equa l education fo r black s (whic h wa s ob -

138 Other


vious fro m it s acceptanc e o f segregate d schools ) an d no t eve n fo r equa l though separat e facilities . The demand was restricted to equa l distribution of federa l fund s an d a maintenanc e o f contemporar y level s o f stat e an d local appropriations . I n othe r words , th e federa l governmen t wa s no t t o correct th e fundamenta l inequalities, but i t woul d assis t i n improvin g education fo r black s commensurat e wit h th e improvement s offered t o edu cation i n general. The Ne w Deal' s mixe d legacy for black s is nowhere cleare r tha n i n thi s report, which wa s s o muc h a produc t o f New Dea l experience . Th e Roo sevelt administratio n raise d th e issue of inequalit y to nationa l conscious ness and mad e it central to an y federal ai d to education , bu t i t never challenged th e traditiona l institutiona l matri x withi n whic h thi s inequalit y functioned. Th e Ne w Dea l ha d no t questione d segregate d schools , a s i t had no t challenge d segregate d CC C units . Certainl y thi s wa s based , i n part, on political considerations, since Roosevelt ha d alway s to ac t with a careful ey e t o th e suppor t o f souther n Democrats . Bu t th e limitation s of New Dea l activit y also resulted fro m th e pragmatic manner in which Ne w Deal perspective s had evolve d and th e fac t tha t th e Ne w Dea l experience had generate d principle s without policies , goal s withou t long-ter m implementing procedures . It s goal s fo r educatio n a s par t o f a n enlarge d com mitment t o socia l welfar e wer e large , bu t it s procedure s wer e limite d t o measures suc h a s a n "equitabl e distribution " o f federa l funds . I n on e in stance, th e repor t suggeste d ho w Ne w Dea l experience s coul d b e institutionalized. I n urging that th e CC C an d NY A be retained an d newl y coordinated i n a National Yout h Service s Administration to b e run a s a separate agency under a new department o f health, education an d welfare, th e com mittee hope d to tur n the specia l lessons of the New Dea l int o an effectiv e government instrument . Ultimately, however, th e report of Roosevelt's ad visory committe e fel l bac k o n th e goo d will an d cooperatio n o f local schoo l districts whose segregationis t an d discriminator y policies had bee n the sourc e of inequitie s i n the firs t place . The advisory committe e repor t wa s neve r adopte d b y eithe r Roosevel t or his immediate successors . Th e experiments in education wer e effectivel y over whe n on e b y on e betwee n 193 9 an d 194 3 th e depressio n agencie s were reduced an d disbanded . The war, the accompanyin g renewal of prosperity, a n increasingl y recalcitrant Congress , an d th e strengthenin g oppo sition o f the NBA an d th e Offic e o f Education t o program s operatin g out side o f "normal " channel s togethe r turne d th e Ne w Dea l program s int o temporary experiment s of an emergin g welfare state. But, while New Dea l education ha d com e an d gone , it left a significan t legac y to blacks . Having raised thei r sens e o f th e potentia l fo r federa l activit y i n education , i t ha d also brough t th e peculia r fact s o f blac k schoolin g int o th e limeligh t of

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public attentio n wher e the y woul d serv e a s a reminde r o f federa l respon sibility. Ironically, th e Offic e o f Education , whos e activitie s ha d bee n largel y confined t o collectin g statistic s an d callin g conferences , playe d a par t i n that process. Well befor e Roosevelt' s advisor y committee documente d th e poverty o f souther n schools , Calive r ha d bee n conscientiously accumulat ing th e statistic s fo r a basi c indictment of segregationis t policies . Som e of those statistic s di d mor e tha n accumulat e dus t o n th e shelve s o f govern ment agencies . Throughou t th e Ne w Deal , pamphlets , leaflets , radio , an d news releases were bringing the realities of black education t o public attention. One of those pamphlet s graphicall y presented th e fact s i n "black an d white"—and di d s o wit h wi t an d insight . Afte r showin g th e enormou s discrepancies betwee n pe r pupi l allocations , buildin g capitalization , teache r salaries, lengt h o f term , an d othe r feature s o f th e schoolin g o f blac k an d white childre n i n segregate d schools , th e pamphle t mad e its point: "I f w e assume th e democrati c principl e o f equa l educationa l opportunit y fo r al l children, it woul d appea r tha t it take s seve n time s as muc h to teac h a white chil d a s a Negro. As Booker Washington use d to say , it i s too grea t a complimen t t o th e Negr o t o suppos e h e ca n lear n seve n time s a s easily as hi s whit e neighbor. " Th e pamphle t an d it s messag e woul d hav e bee n inconceivable befor e th e depressio n an d th e New Deal. 49

Ill The implications of black educational disadvantage were exposed with grea t clarity i n th e bruta l ligh t o f war. Ne w Dea l educationa l enterprise s disappeared wit h th e war, bu t th e educationa l need s o f Americans did not sim ilarly vanish . O n th e contrary , th e total effor t require d b y America n entrance into world wa r mad e the education of the nation a strategic concer n and th e specia l handicap s of blacks a national dilemma . During th e war , th e federa l government , throug h th e Departmen t o f Wa r and th e various arm s and services , entered th e educational field with forc e and determination . Federa l fund s underwrot e a massiv e instructional ap paratus i n which vast numbers of Americans learned to become radio men , engineers, mechanics , airplan e pilots , an d medic s (amon g othe r things) , and a n equall y larg e numbe r wer e traine d i n skille d civilia n tasks . Th e government als o sen t 2.35,00 0 especiall y capabl e youn g me n t o 35 0 col leges an d universitie s across th e countr y i n it s effor t t o provid e American forces wit h specialize d skills.50 I f the Ne w Dea l bega n to defin e educatio n as a matte r o f equity , th e wa r mad e i t a n urgen t necessity , no t fo r som e time i n th e future , no t a s par t o f a long-ter m refor m agenda , bu t a s a

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matter o f immediat e socia l survival . The wa r pu t a n emphasi s o n imme diate payoff s tha t mad e th e issu e o f justic e see m les s importan t tha n th e training o f th e bes t an d mos t easil y educable . Bu t i t als o brough t t o th e army an d int o th e glar e o f nervou s publicity the peculia r educationa l dis advantages o f blac k me n who , a s potentia l soldier s an d a necessary par t of th e nation' s wa r effort , wer e simpl y unusable becaus e they wer e eithe r badly educate d o r entirel y illiterate . The comple x an d problemati c experience o f black s i n th e arme d force s has bee n th e subjec t o f considerabl e attention , an d i t i s not m y intentio n to repea t tha t stor y here. 51 My concer n i s with th e mor e limite d and spe cific issue of how th e War Departmen t an d especiall y the arm y were forced to devis e a program o f instruction whos e primary , though unstated , objec tive wa s t o provid e remedia l literac y trainin g fo r blac k soldiers . Th e ar my's educationa l progra m fo r illiterate s was a n unexpecte d by-produc t o f its large r strategi c objectives , and i t wa s fa r mor e single-minde d and pur sued even more pragmatically than New Dea l programs. Nevertheless , tha t program wa s effectiv e i n both illuminating and correctin g wha t traditiona l schools had ignored . From th e beginnin g of wa r mobilization , bu t especiall y afte r America' s full-scale entr y int o arme d conflict , th e blac k soldie r presente d th e arm y with specia l problems. 52 Th e numbe r o f black s rejecte d an d classifie d 4- ? was abou t twic e tha t o f whites , an d th e differenc e wa s almos t entirel y "attributable t o the Negroes' relativ e failure t o mee t minimum educational requirements," sinc e fewe r black s tha n white s wer e rejecte d o n physica l grounds (wit h th e exceptio n o f venerea l infection) . "Moreover , th e pro portion inducte d wa s substantiall y lowe r amon g Souther n Negroe s tha n among urba n Negroes." 53 Since inductions wer e local an d selectiv e service set quotas fo r localities , the hig h leve l o f illiterac y among souther n black s would hav e a particular significanc e i n that region as whites were inducted and black s lef t behind , especiall y a s call-up s wer e accelerate d an d large r and large r pool s o f potential recruit s tapped. Rejections kep t blac k participant s belo w thei r populatio n proportio n throughout th e firs t tw o year s of th e draft , despit e executiv e order s man dating proportionat e participation . Beyon d that , th e "lo w quality " o f blac k draftees mean t tha t mos t blac k soldiers woun d u p i n supportive, unskilled service command s rathe r tha n i n comba t roles . Thi s proble m wa s furthe r exacerbated b y th e deart h o f adequatel y traine d blac k officers . I n th e word s of a postwar confidentia l study of black performance during the war, "Th e most importan t non-militar y factor s affectin g th e aptitud e o f th e Negr o for wa r wer e the lo w educationa l level an d th e meage r administrative an d technical experienc e of th e overwhelmin g majorit y o f Negr o trainees." 54 During th e Secon d Worl d War , th e arm y mad e it s selection s an d assign -

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TABLE 5. Educationa l Attainments of Blacks and White s in the Army , 1941-45 Black White High school—graduates 17 High school—non-graduate 26 Grade school—graduate and non-graduate 57

% 41 % 29 % 30

% % %

Source: "Th e Trainin g of Negr o Troops, " Stud y #36 , Historica l Section , Arm y Ground Forces , 1946 , p . ii.

ments largel y o n th e basi s o f a batter y o f menta l test s whic h classifie d recruits into five categories of mental alertness and training potential. I will have occasio n to retur n to thes e test s and the meanin g attache d to the m later. Fo r now , i t i s sufficien t t o realiz e tha t th e vas t majorit y o f blac k draftees were , no t surprisingly , classifie d ver y low i n thes e examinations , overwhelmingly i n th e botto m tw o categories . Becaus e th e arm y wa s throughout th e wa r a segregate d organization , th e difficultie s o f th e indi vidual blac k soldier were translated an d magnifie d int o a problem of black units. "Abou t 8 0 percent o f the enliste d personnel o f typical colore d unit s were in classe s IV and V of the Arm y General Classification Test (AGCT) , as against 30—4 0 percent i n white units." One postwar secre t repor t mad e the discrepancie s betwee n whit e an d blac k educationa l preparatio n espe cially vivi d when i t se t th e figure s fo r educationa l attainmen t o f blac k re cruits "wit h som e schooling" alongsid e those o f whites (se e Table 5) . Thes e figures, i n fact , exaggerate d th e degre e of schoolin g amon g blac k soldier s by includin g onl y thos e "wit h som e schooling, " an d b y treatin g grade school graduate s and nongraduate s a s a single entity. I n addition, a s note d by th e report , "Thes e figures understate th e educationa l handicap s o f th e Negroes becaus e they do no t tak e int o consideratio n suc h factors a s shorte r school terms , inferio r teachers , an d les s adequat e facilities . The disparit y in educationa l opportunitie s wa s greates t i n the Sout h whenc e came thre e out of every four colore d registrants . "ss Those educationa l handicaps , the report noted , wer e directl y related t o th e lo w AGC T score s o f blac k sol diers. Tabl e 6 gives the distributio n o f those score s for th e perio d Januar y i, 194 3 t o June 30 , I943- 56 Precisely becaus e the arm y was organized into separate blac k and whit e units an d low-scorin g black soldier s coul d no t b e disperse d an d scattere d thinly among higher-scoring white soldiers, the glaring deficiencies became prominent an d infinitel y troublesome . Committe d t o th e view that "i t wa s not clearl y the province or the responsibilit y of the Army Ground Forc e t o change th e patter n o f society, " Lieutenan t General Lesley J. McNair , th e commanding office r o f th e Arm y Groun d Forces , too k " a strictl y military

142 Other


TABLE 6 . AGC T Scores for Blac k an d Whit e Soldiers in the U.S . Army (January 1 , 1943 to June 30, 1943) AGCT Grade Number I II III IV V Total 1,593,51

White Black % 102,143 480,330 532,215 413,006 65,818 2 100.

Number

6.4 30.1 33.5 25.9 4.1 0 173,93

% 419 5991 23,402 83,104 61,023 9 100.

0.2 3.4 13.5 47.8 35.1 1

Source: "Comman d of Negro Troops," Wa r Departmen t Pamphlet No. 20—6, February 29 , 1944.

and therefor e pragmati c view, " o f th e proble m o f "makin g effectiv e sol diers o f th e materia l give n him." 57 No t abou t t o refor m societ y throug h an attack o n segregation, th e army was forced to take short-ter m measure s whose objectiv e was to rais e the qualit y of black performance . In the lon g run, th e army's problems an d its pragmatic remedie s resulted in more tha n the educatio n o f vast number s of black soldiers . The y als o illuminate d th e inequalities in black educational preparatio n and helped to set the strategi c stage fo r futur e pragmati c decisions , includin g desegregation o f th e arme d forces. The consequence s for comba t succes s of the educationa l handicap s of black s exposed durin g World Wa r I I contributed t o the agenda fo r army desegregation, a decision wit h far-rangin g social implications . In the meantime , faced wit h the poverty o f black preparation, the arm y had t o choos e amon g a numbe r o f practica l solutions , includin g partia l integration o f comba t units , rejectio n of perhaps one-hal f o f al l black reg istrants, o r restrictio n o f black s almos t entirel y t o suppor t function s an d menial jobs in service commands. Non e o f these was politically acceptable . The most direc t an d least objectionabl e alternativ e was for the army to tr y to mak e u p fo r th e deficiencie s wit h whic h i t wa s presented . Th e arm y finally moved i n thi s direction , bu t ver y reluctantly an d onl y afte r th e po litical situation, th e strategic necessities of a manpower crisis , and the mag nitude o f the educationa l proble m force d its hand . The army made no provision fo r remedial literacy training when recruit ment bega n i n 1940 . Selectiv e service policy wa s t o rejec t al l registrant s who coul d not demonstrat e readin g and writin g skill s at the fourth-grad e level. According to selectiv e service director Joh n Hershey , "America n ed ucation wa s s o genera l tha t surel y ther e wer e n o person s wh o ha d no t attained th e equivalen t of a fourth-grade education." Th e arm y was nevertheless awar e tha t th e fourth-grad e standard migh t provoke advers e reac-

New Da y Coming 14

3

tion i n th e Fourt h an d Eight h Corp s Area s whic h covere d th e souther n region fro m whic h mos t black s coul d b e expecte d t o b e inducted. 58 B y mid-1941, arm y regulation s an d selectiv e servic e polic y bega n t o allo w recruitment o f illiterate s a t th e leve l o f 1 0 percen t o f al l blac k an d 1 0 percent o f al l whit e registrant s o n an y on e day . Th e arm y als o bega n t o establish remedial literacy centers a s the need arose a t various replacemen t training center s al l ove r th e country . Mos t o f thes e wer e attache d t o th e services of supply to whic h less desirable men were normally sent. Hershe y also change d hi s min d an d hi s tune . I n Septembe r 1941 , h e said , "W e believe tha t n o ma n shoul d b e permitted t o avoi d militar y training whe n his onl y groun d fo r defermen t i s a remedia l one, " an d h e calle d o n th e War Departmen t t o "cosponso r wit h thi s headquarter s a projec t tha t ha s as it s objective the correctio n o f illiteracy. " H e adde d ominousl y that "som e communities ar e very definitely feelin g th e effect s o f deferment due t o illit eracy."59 The Wa r Departmen t waffle d bac k an d fort h o n it s policie s concernin g the draftin g o f illiterate s durin g th e firs t tw o year s o f recruitment , firs t reducing th e numbe r o f illiterate s drafte d t o 5 percen t o f induction s o n any on e da y an d the n onc e agai n returnin g to th e figur e o f 1 0 percen t o f black and 1 0 percent of white registrants. The army's parallel literacy training program remaine d unfocuse d an d undirected . Variou s voluntary , prein duction literac y programs wer e also i n operation. These were ru n cooper atively betwee n selectiv e servic e offices an d eithe r loca l schoo l district s o r branch WPAs . While effective, the y were rarely able to reac h larg e enoug h numbers o f illiterate s t o b e sufficientl y usefu l fo r th e expandin g need s o f the army. 60 By th e summe r of 1942, , a s th e America n wa r machin e wen t int o hig h gear, a conference called to examine the issue of recruitment estimated tha t there wer e approximatel y 433,00 0 illiterate s i n th e recruitabl e ag e grou p (20-44) o f whom almos t two-thirds (247,000 ) were black. The figure was dramatically revise d upwar d t o 900,00 0 b y Dea n William Russel l of Col umbia's Teacher s Colleg e wh o wa s calle d i n a s a specia l consultant . I n January 1943 , Russel l issue d a repor t base d on an analysi s of selectiv e service records . B y eliminating men wit h children , those ove r thirty-eight , and thos e wit h subnorma l intelligence , Russel l conclude d "wit h confi dence" that there were 500,00 0 illiterate but otherwis e draftabl e me n and that thi s estimat e wa s "conservative." 61 Th e repor t an d it s recommenda tions fo r a n immediat e program o f postinductio n remedia l instructio n cam e in th e mids t of a new recruitmen t campaign an d growin g socia l an d polit ical difficultie s tha t included well-publicized and violen t racial disturbances within blac k unit s and betwee n blac k soldier s an d whit e civilians . Southerners wer e als o becomin g increasingly vociferou s i n thei r expression s o f

144 Other


outrage a t blac k deferments . A s Senato r Theodor e Bilb o o f Mississipp i testified a t a Congressiona l hearin g i n the fal l o f I94Z , "I n m y State, wit h a populatio n o f on e hal f Negr o an d on e hal f whit e . . . th e syste m tha t you ar e usin g now ha s resulte d i n taking all the white s t o mee t th e quot a and leaving the great majorit y o f the Negroes a t home. . .. I [am] anxious that you develop th e reservoir of the illiterate class . .. so that ther e woul d be a n equa l distribution. " B y 194 3 also , blac k resentmen t a t th e lac k of combat opportunitie s wa s beginnin g t o moun t wit h th e accompanyin g problem o f lo w moral e i n blac k units , an d th e concentratio n o f les s desirable, ofte n black , illiterate s i n servic e command s wa s creatin g additiona l difficulties.62 In thi s context , th e arm y committed itsel f t o a majo r effor t t o upgrad e the educatio n o f blac k recruits b y institutin g a revise d plan fo r siftin g an d selecting enliste d me n accompanie d b y a large, ne w instructional program . As officiall y establishe d i n Jun e 1943 , tha t progra m wa s aime d a t illiter ates, th e mor e capabl e grad e V men, an d non-Englis h speaking recruits. 63 It i s important t o remembe r tha t th e Specia l Training Units , a s they wer e called, wer e no t organize d exclusivel y fo r blacks . O n th e contrary , the y were t o provid e instructio n i n basi c literac y fo r al l salvageabl e recruit s whose "menta l capacities " wer e judged adequate fo r militar y training. Army directives concernin g th e Specia l Trainin g Unit s neve r admitte d tha t th e program wa s aime d a t solvin g specia l racia l difficulties . Nevertheless , th e most pressing issue facing the arm y was not salvagin g any and all potential soldiers, althoug h thi s wa s obviousl y desirable , bu t ho w t o salvag e an d raise th e leve l of blac k recruit s specifically, and th e initia l expectation wa s that abou t two-third s o f th e member s o f th e newl y reorganize d Specia l Training Unit s woul d b e black . I n fact , tha t estimat e prove d incorrect , a s the liftin g o f literacy restrictions reveale d the degre e to which white as well as blac k American s ha d faile d t o b e schoole d t o eve n a minima l level of competency. Moreover , selectiv e servic e continue d t o rejec t black s wh o appeared a t inductio n station s t o a much greate r degre e than the y rejected whites.64 Still , i t i s clea r tha t th e progra m wa s institute d wit h a specia l view t o blac k servic e performance . A candi d repor t o n personne l utiliza tion, commissioned afte r th e war , mad e explicit what wa s usuall y left un said: "Experienc e indicate d tha t [combat ] units could no t absor b men classified i n Grad e V i n exces s o f 1 5 percen t withou t materia l reductio n i n efficiency. Despit e this , fro m Marc h 194 1 to Decembe r 1942. , 8 1/2 , per cent o f white s an d ove r 4 9 percen t o f Negroe s inducte d wer e i n Grad e V on th e basi s o f th e Arm y Genera l Classificatio n Test. Th e percentag e of grade V s i n whit e unit s wa s smal l enoug h t o presen t n o particula r problem, bu t th e percentag e of grad e V s i n Negr o unit s wa s s o hig h a s t o b e serious. Th e Wa r Departmen t coul d no t affor d t o sen d Negro unit s over-

New Da y Coming 14

5

seas in proper rati o t o whit e units if the forme r were inferio r to th e latter, because shippin g ha d t o b e reserve d fo r th e bes t units . Thi s i n th e en d would hav e resulted i n a denial to th e Negro race of its fai r shar e of battle honors a s well a s losses. . . . Because of this situation , i t was decided t o make menta l capacity , rathe r tha n literacy , th e criterio n fo r inductio n o f all personnel . Thi s offere d a mean s o f developin g better Negr o unit s an d enabled them to b e employed more profitably overseas. " In light of federa l policy, selectiv e servic e regulation s whic h require d tha t "th e strengt h o f Negroes i n the armed force s . .. be maintained on a general basis of their share o f th e population, " an d Roosevelt' s insistenc e that black s b e use d proportionately i n al l parts o f th e service , the proble m o f blac k education had finall y force d th e arm y into a thoroughgoin g strateg y o f remedia l instruction.65 In June 1943 , al l previous limits on th e inductio n of illiterates were lifted . In lin e with thi s new policy , th e arm y institute d a massiv e new effor t whic h involved sophisticate d examinatio n procedure s an d follow-up s aime d a t distinguishing the uneducated from th e truly deficient.66 The Russel l report had recommende d tha t remedia l trainin g be compulsory but under civilian control an d administere d a s a sub-basi c trainin g program . Th e arm y re jected thi s proposa l an d mad e th e literac y progra m par t o f it s militar y operations, t o b e run , supervised , an d manne d b y militar y personne l i n tandem wit h militar y drill. Between June i, 1943 and September 30, 1945, during whic h tim e al l potentiall y educabl e illiterate s wer e accepte d int o the army , ove r z 17,000 me n define d a s strictl y illiterat e wer e inducted . Almost one-hal f of these were black. The addition o f men with salvageable scores on th e AGCT, thos e fro m th e top two-fifth s o f Category V , brough t the tota l i n Specia l Trainin g Unit s t o wel l ove r 3oo,ooo. 67 Despit e th e army's ne w elaborat e testin g procedure , a good many , if not all , o f thos e recruited fro m Categor y V AGC T wer e probabl y illiterat e rathe r tha n mentally deficient . "Undoubtedly, " on e stud y noted, "som e wh o faile d wer e truly mentall y retarded . Bu t bot h theor y an d fac t indicat e tha t mos t o f those wh o fai l hav e simpl y been deprive d o f reasonabl e educationa l an d cultural opportunities." 68 I n all , 139,05 4 o f a total o f 32,1,04 9 blac k in ductees wer e i n on e o f thes e tw o groups , eithe r illiterat e o r illiterat e and / or Categor y V on the AGCT . The grea t majorit y of thes e wer e in the Fourth an d Eight h Service Commands (befor e 1942 , known a s Fourth an d Eighth Corp s Areas) , tha t i s t o sa y fro m th e souther n o r southwester n districts, on e hal f o f the m fro m th e Fourth , dee p Sout h region , alone . Al though th e proportio n o f black s wh o wer e illiterat e wa s highe r tha n th e proportion o f white s wh o wer e illiterat e in ever y servic e command , th e discrepancy i n th e Fourt h an d Eight h was th e widest . Thes e ha d propor tionately mor e whit e illiterate s a s well , bu t whil e 11. 7 percen t o f whit e

146 Other


inductees i n th e Fourt h Servic e Command, fo r example , wer e illiterate, a whopping 45. 3 percent o f th e blac k inductee s wer e illiterate . I n additio n to thos e strictl y define d a s illiterate , 43. 3 percen t o f al l blac k inductee s during thi s period , a s oppose d t o 6. 6 percen t o f whit e inductees , wer e classified a s either illiterat e or Grad e V. This wa s tru e for 16. 1 percent o f all whites i n the Fourth Servic e Command an d 61. 1 percent of all blacks.69 It wa s towar d thes e men , blac k an d white , tha t th e arm y now turne d it s attention, a s the earlier makeshift policy was transformed in the early summer o f 194 3 int o a n integrate d an d efficien t effor t t o teac h America n soldiers to rea d an d write . After Jun e 1943 , th e army' s effort s becam e clear , well-organized , an d centrally supervise d as the Specia l Training Unit s were "transforme d int o an efficien t schoo l system. " Th e centra l comman d kep t clos e watc h ove r all aspects o f instruction, including supplying satisfactory instructional ma terials. Tha t system , lik e th e army , was racially segregated. 70 Twenty-four units wer e organize d an d consolidate d fro m th e previousl y scattered 2,3 9 units, six each in the Fourth an d Eighth Service Commands. Al l the Special Training Unit s were attached t o reception center s where soldiers were first organized. Th e Specia l Trainin g Unit s enliste d th e effort s o f 5,2,9 1 arm y instructors, 1,2,7 1 of them black . A few civilians were also used , an d thei r numbers grew a s the wa r progresse d i n order t o releas e military personnel for mor e immediat e war duties . B y June 1944 , ther e wer e 3,86 1 civilian instructors "carefull y traine d i n army methods an d regularl y supervised by responsible militar y personnel." Mos t o f th e teachers , bot h militar y an d civilian, wer e wel l suite d t o thei r task s an d extremel y well-educated. Th e Special Trainin g Unit s varie d i n siz e fro m 30 9 trainee s i n For t Devens , Massachusetts, t o 3,80 9 me n at For t Benning , Georgia, an d despit e som e unevenness o f performanc e an d procedure , th e unit s wer e usuall y rate d successful o r excellen t i n th e regula r an d repeate d inspection s mad e fro m June 194 3 t o Septembe r 1945 . Th e overwhelmin g majority o f me n wer e educated t o perfor m in reading and writin g at th e fourth-grad e level, an d over 2,50,00 0 me n lef t th e Specia l Training Units to assum e regular army service.71 Among these men were illiterate black and white soldiers , literate but non-Englis h speakin g Chinese , Hispanics, an d Italians , a s well a s illiterate Nativ e Americans. 72 Pamphlets of instruction for teachers an d texts used in the Special Training Unit s underscore d th e goal s an d objective s of schoolin g i n th e units . These wer e modest : th e abilit y t o rea d signs , understan d comman d lan guage, writ e letter s home , spea k clearly , to calculat e sufficientl y t o us e a clock an d a timetable, and to participat e in timed drill. The methods were, however, ofte n innovativ e an d sophisticated , an d the y incorporate d th e most advance d technique s fo r adul t educatio n available . In addition , re-

New Day Coming

147

cruits were to learn something about America n war objective s in the broades t civic terms. Instructiona l techniques, though sometimes individualized , emphasized thos e grou p activitie s mos t necessar y fo r succes s i n arm y life . Group game s an d device s were, i n th e word s o f on e pamphle t outlinin g procedure, "especiall y worthwhile . . . . They hel p to establish confidence , gratification an d succes s i n activities involvin g other persons . . . . More over, suc h exercise s ofte n provid e a mean s of developin g skill in coopera tive participation. Well-planne d activitie s of these kinds will not onl y make learning a pleasurabl e an d worthwhil e experience , the y wil l contribute , also, t o th e practic e o f teamwor k which , i n th e Army , i s th e pervadin g ideal."73 Member s o f Specia l Training Unit s staye d i n schoo l fo r a maxi mum o f twelv e weeks , o r i n exceptiona l case s sixtee n weeks , an d wer e transferred t o regula r servic e i f the y achieve d th e fourth-grad e standar d before tha t time , whic h man y did . Failure s wer e dismisse d wit h a n hon orable discharge. 74 In evaluatin g the succes s of the program, i t is important no t t o exagger ate ho w muc h schoolin g th e arm y undertoo k an d ho w muc h soldier s ac tually learned . Althoug h army regulations abou t proficienc y at th e fourthgrade leve l wer e take n seriousl y an d attempt s t o circumven t th e purpose s were denounced an d promptly stopped , th e fourth-grade standar d wa s not very high , an d soldier s wer e no t quickl y schoole d t o grea t comman d o f literate skills . Nevertheless , th e testimon y o f soldier s an d observer s abou t the progra m wa s immensel y enthusiastic , a s muc h a n indicatio n o f ho w little had previousl y been don e fo r thes e necessar y components o f the wa r machine, a s of the efforts no w bein g expended o n their behalf. 75 On e grad uate of a Special Training Unit announced, " I a m prou d o f what I learned in school . . .. I a m ou t her e an d I mad e Corpora l firs t an d now I hav e made Seargent . Tel l al l of the Boy s the mor e they learn there, th e Bette r it will b e fo r the m a t th e nex t Camp . . . . I sur e d o appreciat e wha t you taught me down there , it is helping me in many ways."76 When questione d after th e war , soldier s testifie d t o th e benefit s the y received . On e noted , "Yes, th e classe s hel p m e i n lot s o f way s an d I al l s o kno w o f boy s tha t came ther e tha t couldn' t writ e thei r nam e di d befor e w e lef t there. " Another testified , "I f I hadn' t gon e t o schoo l I wouldn' t hav e bee n abl e t o write home. " Most o f th e complaint s wer e directe d towar d th e brevit y of instruction. "Yes , the y helpe d m e to rea d an d writ e a littl e Bu t not muc h because I didn't ge t enough . I liked the classe s I would lik e to ge t mor e o f them i f possible." On e forme r soldie r wa s mor e specific , " I believ e it woul d have been better i f the School woul d hav e last al l way through training. " 77 The army' s instructiona l progra m ha d a n effec t bac k hom e a s soldier s were encourage d t o writ e letters . On e mothe r wrote : " I than k yo u al l Because My child did not know nothing . . .. I did not have the time to send

148 Other


him t o schoo l I did no t hav e no husban d I raised hi m fro m a Baby By my self." Anothe r mother , no t abl e t o writ e herself , conveye d he r thought s through he r husband , "Mothe r wa s s o proud t o ge t your letter , t o thin k you coul d writ e a lette r yourself . I will alway s keep i t a s a remembrance . God bles s th e ma n tha t taugh t you. " Som e relative s bac k hom e ma y no t have bee n quit e a s charme d b y th e ne w skill s an d boldnes s tha t literac y brought: " I as k m y wife fo r a divorce and I think I will get it. I appreciat e what yo u don e fo r me . I take a shoar ever y day an d shav e every day. I am proud o f my uniform. . .. I am not a messup any more."78 Although th e arm y wa s neve r reall y satisfie d wit h th e militar y perfor mance o f graduates o f Special Training Units , and "th e consensu s was that the Army' s investmen t i n thi s grou p wa s no t repaid, " evidenc e gathere d after th e wa r b y Eli Ginzberg and Dougla s Bra y lead s to differen t conclu sions. Onl y 1 0 percen t o f th e student s wer e actua l failure s i n school , an d their militar y performance , judge d b y variou s criteria , wa s adequate , a s good a s that o f comparabl e soldier s wh o ha d no t require d instructio n i n literacy.79 Certainly, the brief period o f instruction coul d no t overcom e th e vast deficiencie s commo n amon g blac k soldiers , an d black s wer e neve r able to catc h u p t o white s i n AGC T score s o r t o develo p al l th e variou s spe cialized skill s which woul d hav e mad e the m equa l t o white s i n the man y capacities require d b y the army . Ulysses Lee, who wrot e th e mos t compre hensive stud y o f black s i n th e Worl d Wa r I I army, observed , "Negr o troop s often ha d t o b e instructe d . . . i n th e bar e rudiment s o f existenc e i n a machine age. " Whateve r th e payof f t o th e army , however , th e schoolin g provided t o ove r 384,00 0 illiterate s durin g th e entir e perio d o f th e wa r (and t o anothe r 35,00 0 i n th e navy) , o f who m abou t 4 5 percen t wer e black, ha d a positiv e effec t o n th e soldier s themselves . On e soldie r wa s very specific : "No w sinc e I learned t o rea d an d writ e I can kee p m y far m record an d d o al l my writing." Anothe r put i t more simply : "I woo d no t have bee n an y goo d a t al l becaus e I coul d no t writ e m y nam e befor e I went i n the army . .. it learn me how to write and spell Just a s I wont to no mor e abou t Thos e Things—which I did not hav e a chance to get in my groing u p days." 80 Many other s als o wante d t o kno w mor e an d t o mak e u p fo r th e defi ciencies of their "growin g up days." In a sample study conducted i n 1951 , Ginzberg an d Bra y found that one-hal f o f th e graduate s o f Specia l Train ing Units sought furthe r instructio n afte r th e war unde r the G I Bill. Blacks were equa l t o white s i n thei r postwa r pursui t o f education . Tha t pursui t for black s fa r mor e ofte n tha n fo r white s was a n attemp t t o mov e in ne w directions an d awa y fro m th e enterprise s o f prewar days . Thus , whil e white men sough t far m training , black s hope d t o pu t thei r educationa l benefit s to us e in providing them wit h nonagricultura l skills. Southern blacks were

New Da y Coming 14

9

the mos t eage r o f al l t o mov e beyon d th e bound s o f thei r forme r lives . "The grou p tha t ha d th e highes t percentage entering furthe r trainin g wa s the Southern Negroes . At the opposite extreme wer e th e Northern whites . About 7 0 percent o f the Souther n Negroes too k additiona l training , wherea s this wa s tru e o f onl y 3 5 percen t o f th e Norther n whites. " Fo r souther n blacks, s o lon g deprive d o f opportunities , eve n th e minimu m training of fered b y th e arm y raise d expectation s an d desires . On e soldie r specifie d this ne w interest: "Ye s th e clas s did help me. I enjoyed them , a t tha t tim e i ha d begi n to se e where i needed mor e Education , an d I put everythin g I had i n it. . . . 1 started t o Perr y Business School, January 3 , 1950 , an d I finished zot h Centur y Accountin g an d Clerica l course , an d the n I go t a chance to take a G.E.D. tes t an d passed it . I then got a High Schoo l Equivalency Certificate." 81 Not al l blacks had entere d th e army as illiterates, and certainl y most di d not subsequentl y receive high-school equivalenc y certificates. Nevertheless , almost one-hal f o f al l black s who entere d th e arm y had bee n subliterate , and almos t al l o f thes e lef t thei r stin t wit h ne w knowledg e an d a muc h expanded sens e of postwar possibilities . Th e federa l governmen t had onc e again, willy-nilly , take n a han d i n blac k schoolin g an d ha d onc e agai n demonstrated it s potential, no t only for black soldiers but also to the white world. The significanc e o f th e schoolin g provide d blac k soldier s i n th e Special Training Unit s was large r than th e instructio n i t provided. Th e undertak ing required tha t th e arm y an d th e federa l governmen t adop t a ne w per spective on their own screening examination, a perspective with important , socially revisionis t implications. Befor e th e summe r of 1943 , the arm y ha d administered th e AGC T menta l aptitud e examinatio n t o al l potential re cruits. Th e findings on black-whit e difference s wer e immense. As the arm y removed barrier s t o th e inductio n o f illiterate recruits and bega n seriously to educat e the m a s wel l a s me n i n Categor y V o f th e AGCT , i t ha d t o admit tha t th e test s registere d achievemen t and tha t tes t performanc e incorported educationa l circumstance s a s muc h a s the y reflecte d som e pur e native abilit y o r intellectua l aptitude . I t continue d t o use , indee d t o de pend, o n thes e examinations , bu t i t di d s o wit h a ne w vie w whic h in formed all interna l publication s as wel l as publi c relation s instruments . Thus, i n a bookle t directe d t o commandin g officers o f Negro troop s (1944) , the subjec t cam e up ver y early in the discussion . "Th e ver y material differ ences betwee n whit e an d Negr o soldier s i n term s o f knowledg e an d skill s important t o th e Arm y is illustrated b y their comparativ e performanc e on the Arm y Genera l Classificatio n Test . Th e tes t . . . is a roughl y accurate measure of what the ne w soldie r knows, what skill s he commands, an d of his aptitud e i n solvin g problems . I t i s no t a test o f inborn intelligence.

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Assignment t o clas s IV or V on th e basi s o f a soli d AGC T scor e i s not t o be accepted as evidence that a man is unteachable, bu t i t does indicate that his training requires extra patience , skill , and understandin g on the part of the instructor." 82 Another booklet , issue d b y the Arm y Service Forces, wen t t o grea t lengths to discus s th e educationa l implication s o f difference s i n blac k an d whit e scores and took specia l care to questio n the testing conclusion s of the First World War . O f blac k performanc e on thos e earlie r tests , i t asserted , "whe n the conclusion s wit h regar d t o th e Negro-whit e difference s wer e ques tioned . . . i t was shown tha t Negr o an d white me n of the same schoo l grade ha d no t bee n provide d wit h equa l educationa l opportunity . . . . group comparison s o n th e basi s o f intelligenc e tests ar e vali d onl y whe n backgrounds o f equa l opportunit y hav e bee n assured. " I t concluded , fur ther, tha t th e army' s genera l classificatio n test s "wer e no t develope d t o measure a man' s nativ e intelligenc e and the y shoul d no t b e interpreted i n that way. " Th e pamphle t als o containe d a lon g an d elaborat e discussio n of th e unequa l opportunitie s fo r black s i n education , a discussio n tha t in cluded man y o f the finding s o n disadvantag e and discriminatio n collecte d by Calive r an d th e Offic e o f Educatio n an d variou s Ne w Dea l agencie s throughout th e thirties . Amon g othe r conclusions , i t note d tha t "Compe tent scholar s i n th e field of racia l differences ar e almos t unanimou s in th e opinion tha t race 'superiority' and 'inferiority' hav e not been demonstrate d despite th e existenc e o f clearl y defined an d teste d difference s betwee n in dividuals within ever y race." "It i s agreed also that mos t of the difference s revealed b y intelligenc e test s an d othe r device s ca n b e accounte d fo r i n terms of differences i n opportunity an d background. . . . It is true that in certain area s Negroe s sho w relativ e inferiority , but thi s i s not necessaril y inherent inferiority. There is always the deadenin g differences o f inequality of backgroun d an d opportunity." 83 Wher e subnorma l mentalit y wa s th e bombshell of the First World Wa r draft , illiterac y and unequa l educationa l opportunity becam e the equivalen t shocker o f th e Second . Bu t while mental deficiency , define d strictl y as a genetic trait, wa s a n irremediabl e threat to th e nation , illiterac y was both remediabl e and a telling commentary o n the muc h vaunte d traditio n o f American democratic schooling . Although thes e arm y pamphlet s wer e intende d fo r arm y personne l an d marked fo r restricte d access , this revolution in the meanin g of mental test s and thei r revelation s abou t unequa l opportunit y quickl y sprea d beyon d the confine s o f arm y life . I n 1944 , a pamphle t base d o n a conferenc e on th e postwa r educatio n o f blacks , hoste d b y Ambros e Caliver , note d that th e difference s betwee n black an d whit e scores were "no t du e wholly to inbor n difference s o f native intelligence . They reflec t bot h inbor n an d acquired capacities . Parents , ancestors , an d th e rac e hav e contribute d

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something" but , "b y th e tim e a ma n come s int o th e arm y hi s abilit y t o learn what the army has to teach him is largely determined by ... many environmental factor s whic h hav e modifie d fo r bette r o r fo r wors e th e native intelligenc e with whic h h e was originally endowed."84 The effor t t o salvag e th e teachabl e blac k recrui t thu s mean t a n accep tance b y the arm y of the limitation s of its tests a s merely expedient instru ments o f selectio n fo r practica l arm y needs . Th e tes t result s wer e usefu l and necessar y bu t deepl y tainted b y the educational an d othe r experience s of recruits . "Man y Negroe s mak e lo w score s o n th e Arm y General Clas sification Test . Thi s i s consisten t wit h previou s studie s whic h sho w tha t Negroes d o poorl y o n thi s typ e o f tes t whic h stresse s academi c achieve ment," a n arm y pamphle t o n instructio n i n Specia l Training Unit s noted . "This i s probabl y a furthe r confirmatio n o f th e fac t tha t man y Negroe s have no t ha d sufficien t academi c training . However , Negroe s appreciat e the opportunit y t o learn . The y ar e eage r student s i n th e Specia l Trainin g Units. ... . With adequat e opportunitie s fo r academic learning , their use fulness wil l increase considerably." 85 By th e en d o f th e war , th e arm y had pu t itsel f o n recor d a s supportin g the teachabilit y o f blacks . I t ha d furthermor e acknowledge d tha t whil e intelligence an d aptitud e wer e importan t t o it s technologica l an d highl y differentiated operations , tes t result s shoul d no t b e confuse d wit h defini tions o f individua l intelligenc e an d certainl y not b e associate d wit h racia l distinctions i n intelligence . These views , officially adopte d an d publicized , were critica l fo r black s an d white s alike . While th e forme r migh t tur n t o them wit h relie f an d th e latte r dismis s the m an d clin g t o othe r les s en lightened opinion , officia l view s ha d registere d a profound redirectio n be tween th e tw o wars . Whateve r alar m th e Secon d Worl d Wa r ran g abou t black attainment s an d performance , th e arm y had carefull y mad e it s offi cial charge s agains t blac k educatio n an d thei r unequa l an d inadequat e schools, not agains t black s themselves. 86 The arm y als o use d th e evidenc e o f blac k performanc e in th e Specia l Training Unit s as documentar y evidenc e for thi s ne w position . O f th e blac k trainees between June and December 1943, f°r example, only 9.3 percent were discharge d a s unteachable , whil e 90. 3 percen t wer e assigne d t o reg ular arm y units . This recor d beste d tha t o f white s i n Specia l Training Units , since 15. 5 percen t o f whit e recruit s wer e discharged . Black s also too k n o more tim e to reac h th e require d fourth-grad e leve l tha n white s did . "Th e colored grou p a s a whole , tend s t o mak e bette r progres s tha n th e whit e group," on e repor t durin g th e wa r concluded. 87 "Th e results, " o f thi s training, a trainin g pamphlet observed , d o "muc h t o refut e th e theor y of innate Negr o inferiority. " "The fac t tha t Negroe s hav e succeede d full y a s well a s whit e trainee s in Specia l Trainin g Units suggests significan t impli -

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cations fo r th e furthe r trainin g and utilizatio n of Negroes i n th e Army . It certainly tend s to sho w th e Negro need s only the chance to learn." 88 The army had give n blacks a chance to learn . It was no more tha n that . Recruits wer e no t taugh t mor e tha n the y neede d to know , an d the y were taught i n segregate d classes , largely by arm y personnel. Efficienc y no t justice had bee n the purpose. Yet , limited and narrow a s that instruction was , it wa s mor e o f a chanc e an d a mor e equa l chanc e tha n mos t o f thes e soldiers ha d bee n give n before . The army' s progra m ha d bee n a respons e to thre e sometime s conflictin g and no t altogethe r strategi c demands : th e desire fo r mor e an d bette r manpower ; publi c resentmen t a t th e under utilization o f physicall y fit but uneducate d personnel—largel y black ; an d executive policy requiring that blacks be proportionately represented i n the war effort . Th e arm y had neve r operate d i n a strictl y technologica l man ner—using onl y thos e wh o mos t efficientl y fi t it s high-powere d wa r ma chine. I n response , th e arm y bega n t o educat e blacks , an d jus t a s tha t decision wa s neve r strictl y a militar y one, s o the result s had consequence s beyond educatio n fo r th e military. H. D . Bond , presiden t o f For t Valle y Stat e College , a blac k schoo l i n Georgia, visite d a Specia l Training Uni t a t For t Bennin g and wa s bound lessly optimisti c abou t th e possibilitie s this schoolin g provide d fo r blac k soldiers. I n a letter t o th e adjutan t general, he wrote, "M y observatio n is that th e wor k ther e constitute s on e o f the mos t astonishin g contribution s to th e theor y an d practic e o f educational method o n record , i n any histor ical period , o r in any country. . . . This trul y wonderful work wa s called again t o m y attentio n b y a visi t t o th e Receptio n Cente r an d th e Special Training Units, recently made by a group o f Negro public school teachers from Columbus , Georgia . . . . Thi s visi t was the bes t educatio n thes e teachers ha d eve r received. The main point of this letter is , respectfully, to inquire a s t o th e possibilit y o f givin g wider publi c notic e t o th e devices , methods, an d th e philosoph y of education develope d b y the Specia l Training Units . . . . What i s being done a t For t Bennin g has significance , not only fo r th e educatio n o f Negroes , bu t fo r th e educatio n o f people , chil dren, an d adults , everywher e in this countr y an d al l over the world." 89 By the tim e Bond wrote hi s letter, th e wa r an d it s experiment in specia l education wa s comin g t o a n end , bu t th e messag e Bon d ha d foun d i n th e Special Trainin g Unit s would be broadcast for som e time to come . The mos t immediat e resul t wa s i n th e arm y itself . Althoug h th e arm y stopped inductin g illiterates in 1945 , it continued a variety of experiments to elevat e th e skill s o f blac k soldiers . I n 1946 , a n educationa l progra m organized a t For t Bennin g fo r th e blac k 2.5t h Comba t Regimen t sought t o raise th e educationa l leve l o f blac k soldier s t o th e eighth-grad e level. A wider effor t wa s institute d in the Fa r Eas t command for "al l soldier s lack-

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ing th e equivalen t o f a fift h grad e education. " Bu t th e mos t radica l an d innovative attemp t wa s mad e i n 194 7 amon g blac k soldier s statione d i n postwar Germany . In that program , accordin g t o Morri s MacGrego r wh o has writte n abou t arm y integration , "thousand s o f blac k soldier s [were ] examined, counselled , an d trained. " Convince d tha t " a progra m coul d b e devised t o rais e th e statu s o f th e blac k soldier, " th e officer s i n charge , including Marcus Ray , a black lieutenant colonel, hope d t o "la y th e foun dation fo r a command-wide educationa l progra m fo r all black units." The experiment the y started i n Grafenwohr Training Center wa s adjudge d successful i n ligh t o f th e "improve d militar y bearin g an d efficienc y o f blac k trainees an d th e subsequen t impressive performance o f tw o ne w infantry battalions." Th e result s o f th e experimen t le d t o th e establishmen t o f a permanent trainin g cente r a t Kitzinge n Air Bas e through whic h al l blac k troops were to be rotated. Eac h blac k soldier wa s "required t o participat e in th e educationa l progra m unti l he passe d th e genera l educational devel opment tes t fo r hig h schoo l leve l o r unti l he clearly demonstrate d tha t h e could not profi t fro m furthe r instruction. " The program wa s a success and at it s pea k i n 195 0 traine d "mor e tha n 62 , percen t o f al l Negroe s i n th e command." Finally , the experiment allowed men to raise their average AGCT scores b y twenty points . Accordin g to MacGregor , th e program provoke d jealousy amon g whit e soldier s "wh o claime d tha t th e educationa l oppor tunities offere d Negroe s discriminate d agains t them, " bu t spokesme n fo r the arm y justifie d i t becaus e "Negroe s o n th e whol e ha d receive d fewe r educational opportunities in the United States. " In its attempts to produce better blac k soldier s an d i n ligh t o f it s assessmen t o f th e deficiencie s underlying blac k performanc e i n Worl d Wa r II , th e arm y ha d a t las t pro duced a thoroughgoin g an d successfu l progra m aime d specifically and ex clusively a t blacks . Th e arm y reveale d bot h ho w educatio n affecte d performance an d ho w thes e deficiencie s coul d b e remedied . Fo r a n orga nization whos e ow n goal s wer e always limited to militar y payoffs, th e army had made quite a considerable contribution t o black schooling—one which perhaps, i n MacGregor's words , "althoug h rarel y so recognized . . . qualified i t a s one o f the nation' s major social engineers." 90 The word abou t th e arm y experience in World Wa r I I that Bon d hope d would g o forth als o wen t beyond th e walls of arm y headquarters an d sol diers' barracks . Afte r th e war , th e Specia l Trainin g Unit s serve d a s th e basis fo r discussion s o n adul t education programs , lik e those propose d b y the American Council on Education. 91 Even more grandly, the educationa l experiences o f the Special Training Units informed the materials and policy initiatives o f th e Unite d State s Offic e o f Education , whic h afte r th e wa r directed it s effort s a t providin g bot h educationa l information about adul t education an d repeatedl y sponsore d attempt s t o enlis t federa l fund s fo r

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adult educatio n programs . No t surprisingly , Ambrose Caliver, who ha d so long reside d a t th e Offic e o f Educatio n a s a n exper t o n blac k affairs , pre sided over these efforts an d amasse d the supportin g documentatio n fo r the educational deficiencie s o f s o man y Americans—especiall y bu t no t exclusively black—which th e war ha d mad e manifest . Caliver was a t th e Offic e of Educatio n fo r thre e decades , an d hi s various assignments , from collect ing separat e statistic s o n blac k school s t o promotin g adul t education pro grams fro m whic h black s woul d benefit , i n man y way s reflec t upo n th e story I have tried to tel l in these pages. Always marginal to th e real action, he nevertheles s live d throug h an d participate d i n a transformatio n in whic h blacks moved fro m th e peripher y of national concern s abou t educatio n t o the cente r o f concern s abou t th e rol e o f educatio n fo r nationa l security . But th e earl y 19505 , durin g whic h tim e th e Offic e o f Educatio n trie d t o stimulate Congres s t o appropriat e fund s fo r adul t educationa l endeavor s that woul d compensat e fo r th e deficiencie s o f America n schools , wa s no t a goo d time fo r thes e efforts . American s were certainl y worried abou t ed ucation an d it s role in manpower developmen t a s a national securit y issue, but th e unequa l distributio n o f educationa l deficienc y amon g adult s seeme d less significan t than othe r schoo l relate d issues , especiall y America's com petitive technologica l positio n i n a worl d onc e mor e threatene d b y large r and futur e wars. 92 During the war, th e army, unlike the New Dea l programs, ha d provide d no aren a fo r the expressio n o f radical ideas about justice . Yet, the practica l experiments o f th e wa r an d o f arm y life offere d significan t lesson s beyon d the ver y sizabl e instructio n i t provide d blac k soldiers . Thos e lesson s ar e best graspe d i n th e for m o f a question: How , i n th e contex t of a nationa l life dependen t o n literac y an d specialize d skills , could th e federa l govern ment affor d t o ignor e th e educationa l need s o f a n enormou s grou p o f it s most disadvantage d citizens , a grou p almos t entirel y define d b y race ? All through th e 1930 8 an d '40 5 th e answe r t o tha t questio n la y beyon d th e locked doo r o f officia l segregationis t polic y that FD R had manage d t o avoi d confronting i n peace an d i n war. Th e Roosevel t year s were alway s limited by tha t fact . An d yet , withou t the m th e questio n itsel f migh t neve r hav e been asked . IV

"It seem s strange, " El i Ginzberg and Dougla s Bra y wrot e i n 195 3 o n th e eve o f th e Suprem e Court' s decision s o n schoo l desegregation , "that th e serious shortcoming s inheren t in th e populatio n reveale d by thes e examinations [AGCT ] ha d gon e unnoticed i n previou s years, o r i f noticed, ha d

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failed t o lea d t o remedia l action . . . . Th e Unite d State s ha s lon g bee n recognized a s on e o f th e riches t countrie s i n th e worl d a s wel l a s on e o f the mos t democratic . On e reflectio n o f this economic well-being, and dem ocratic orientation , ha s bee n th e emphasi s tha t has bee n placed fo r many generations on education, particularl y free educatio n fo r every boy and girl in th e country . Ye t a t th e outbrea k o f Worl d Wa r I I more tha n 4 million men i n th e labo r forc e ha d les s tha n fiv e year s o f schooling ; abou t 1. 5 million wer e totall y illiterate. " "Althoug h th e America n effort t o provid e an ever-highe r level o f educatio n fo r th e mas s of th e populatio n wa s uniqu e and largely successful," they continued, "relativel y little attention wa s paid to condition s whic h indicated that in certain parts o f the countr y an d par ticularly wit h referenc e t o certai n groups , ther e was littl e or n o participa tion o f the local population i n the expanding educational effort s tha t char acterized th e countr y a t large." 93 Fo r Ginzber g and Bray , socia l planner s and policy analysts , American disregard for the uneducated and the undereducated—disproportionately blac k Americans—wa s bot h strang e an d ir responsible. Fro m a historica l poin t o f view , i t wa s neithe r strang e no r unexpected. Indeed , the discover y of this larg e and geographicall y concen trated minorit y cam e onl y a s nationa l concern s cam e t o th e forefron t o f attention, largel y th e resul t o f depressio n an d war . Educatio n ha d neve r been mor e tha n marginall y a nationa l concern , an d i t wa s no t directl y a federal concer n eve n durin g the Ne w Dea l an d th e war . Educationa l mat ters ha d emerge d incidentally , unexpectedly, an d unintentionall y a s a na tional economic crisis and nationa l securit y consideration s eclipsed the visions of a more parochial past. I t was onl y then that th e failure s o f American education became prominent an d replace d the euphoria of educators abou t democratic progress . An d i t wa s onl y the n tha t th e blac k chil d i n th e American mids t an d th e uneducate d blac k adul t h e woul d soo n becom e became visible. Neither Roosevel t no r th e commandin g officers o f the arme d forces ha d se t out t o find the blac k American ; neithe r ha d the y se t out t o educate him . The y had , i n fact , i n goo d pragmati c fashio n proceeded t o do bot h a s th e occasio n calle d fo r it . I n s o doing , the y onc e mor e linke d education t o socia l refor m an d inaugurate d a traditio n o f federa l respon sibility fo r blac k educatio n tha t encourage d black s t o loo k fo r federa l re dress. Tha t traditio n woul d strongl y inform , perhaps eve n define , th e federal thrus t i n education fo r th e res t o f the century. 94 In 1965 , in the mids t o f yet anothe r war , Lyndo n Johnson woul d redis cover the Ne w Deal, poverty, an d th e blac k child. An d he would d o so, in lingo appropriat e t o th e time , b y waging a wa r o n povert y fro m th e bat tlements of th e schools .

5 The Femal e Paradox : Higher Educatio n for Women , 1945—6 3 The parado x o f wome n wh o ar e educate d lik e me n an d ca n d o mos t o f th e things me n do , bu t ar e stil l taugh t t o prefe r marriag e to an y othe r wa y of life, cause s most o f the confusio n tha t exists fo r women today . MARGARET MEAD 1 One o f th e paradoxe s whic h plagu e thoughtful persons wh o ar e activel y interested i n matchin g educational pattern s t o th e specia l need s o f wome n i n today's world i s that a n overwhelmin g majority of the young women in whos e behalf s o muc h pioneerin g an d sou l searchin g ha s gon e forwar d appea r t o be unwillin g to believ e or b e intereste d i n the variet y of role s tha t changin g times offe r an d require of them. . . . they drop out of college an d rush int o early marriage s and announc e firml y tha t the y have no interes t beyond hom e and family . Commission o n the Educatio n o f Women (i958) 2 A well-adjuste d individua l wh o ha s majore d i n Gree k archaeology , i n m y opinion, i s much bette r prepare d fo r marriag e an d motherhoo d tha n th e illadjusted gir l wh o ha s spen t he r tim e i n specia l course s an d doin g specia l reading. MlLLICENT MdNTOSH (l949) 3

Women occup y a peculia r positio n i n th e histor y o f twentieth-centur y schooling. Unlik e immigrants, aroun d who m schoo l boundarie s ha d bee n redrawn, o r blacks , wh o force d a n entirel y ne w leve l of governmen t par ticipation, wome n easil y assume d their place s i n publi c school s alongsid e men i n a largel y untrouble d an d uneventfu l manner . Wome n a s a distinc t group wer e no t a n importan t concer n fo r educator s i n the elementar y an d secondary schools . O n the contrary , wome n wer e usuall y better, mor e dil igent student s tha n men . The y wen t t o schoo l mor e regularly , staye d t o graduate mor e often , an d provide d fewe r instance s o f proble m behavior . They playe d n o significan t par t i n th e discussion s o f I Q an d grou p differ ences i n intelligenc e in th e 19x05 . N o educator s seriousl y challenge d th e long-standing traditio n o f coeducatio n i n America n publi c schools , an d apart fro m sexuall y linke d vocationa l programs , mos t secondary-schoo l

The Female Paradox 15

7

academic curricul a wer e entirel y blin d t o th e sexua l make-u p o f th e stu dent body . Wome n mad e distinction s amon g academi c subjects, mor e ofte n choosing languag e rathe r tha n scienc e an d mathematic s courses , bu t thi s did no t fundamentall y challeng e thei r equa l opportunit y fo r educatio n i n the public schools.4 Indeed, had wome n politely graduated fro m hig h school s and quietl y retreated int o th e urba n apartment s an d suburba n bungalow s and split-level s o f America , the y would hav e merited onl y occasiona l aside s in most educationa l discussions . Instea d o f withdrawing afte r hig h school , however, women bega n i n the middl e of the nineteenth centur y vocall y t o demand an d graduall y t o receiv e place s i n institution s o f highe r educa tion—to which, b y the twentieth century, they aspired i n ever larger numbers. An d i t wa s i n th e real m o f voluntar y education , i n th e college s an d universities, that normally quiet women create d a considerable ruckus . The nois e surroundin g women' s schoolin g wa s lou d i n th e lat e nine teenth centur y when the pioneer women's college s opened thei r doors, and state universities provided a variety of back-door entrie s into academia . By the first third o f the twentieth century , most of it had subside d to th e hu m usually noticeabl e o n footbal l fields at halftime . Victor y i n the battl e ove r women's educatio n seeme d certai n b y the earl y twentieth century , an d al though opponent s wer e no t completel y subdued , America n wome n wer e now attendin g college s an d universitie s in larg e numbers . B y 1920 , the y represented almos t one-hal f o f al l colleg e enrollments , an d i n th e forties , in th e contex t o f war-deplete d mal e enrollments , th e majorit y o f al l stu dents i n school s o f highe r learnin g wer e women. 5 I t wa s a t thi s point , however, that th e nois e tha t ha d subside d fo r hal f a centur y became onc e more audible , an d i n th e 19508 , aroun d th e issu e of wome n a t college , i t became clamorous . The 1950 5 sa w a particularl y significant an d heightene d expressio n o f what ca n bes t b e describe d a s th e femal e paradox : th e fac t tha t wome n were receiving more educatio n tha n the y seemed to need . Th e femal e par adox wa s alway s laten t i n th e natur e o f women' s highe r educatio n i n a society whic h continue d t o ascribe , thoug h not entirel y to confine , femal e roles t o th e family . Afte r th e war , a s issue s o f effectiv e manpowe r utiliza tion an d th e us e o f educationa l resource s fo r th e mos t efficien t nationa l purposes surfaced , th e parado x burs t int o th e publi c medi a an d becam e the subjec t o f innumerabl e scholarl y conferences , th e matte r o f learne d investigations, an d th e cente r o f publi c debate. 6 B y 1950, th e proportio n of wome n i n institution s o f higher learnin g plummeted to 3 0 percent, lowe r than a t an y poin t i n th e twentiet h century , an d th e parado x o f women' s higher educatio n penetrated t o th e ver y cor e o f studen t cultur e as women students increasingl y complained abou t th e dissonanc e betwee n thei r fu ture live s an d thei r studies . In thi s context , educator s produce d th e firs t

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significant challeng e to women's equal educatio n i n the twentiet h century . For some , th e remed y wa s t o provid e wome n wit h a n educatio n mor e appropriate t o thei r specific need s in the family . Other s sough t remedie s in a stricte r attentio n t o occupationa l preparation . Bu t most educator s urge d that th e libera l arts continue d t o provid e th e mos t judiciou s education fo r the man y contingencie s o f women's lives . This vie w became the dominan t ideology of the time, but i t involved a crucial reinterpretation o f the liberal arts a s a form o f utilitarian education wit h uncertain implication s fo r wome n as well as fo r traditiona l education . The debat e abou t women' s highe r educatio n wa s a particularly pointe d instance o f th e pervasiv e dilemma of democratic schoolin g a s educationa l institutions attempte d t o apprais e th e need s o f thei r divers e constituent s and t o fashio n a mor e relevan t cours e of instruction. I n the end , th e mos t pertinent resul t o f the debate s had littl e to d o with thei r intention s bu t lay in th e fac t tha t the y helpe d t o creat e th e basi s fo r a massiv e renewa l o f feminist aspirations . I

Our memorie s o f women' s educatio n i n th e 1950 5 hav e bee n indelibl y marked b y Lynn White's condemnatio n o f traditional male-centere d stud ies and hi s encomia t o th e culinar y arts as the bes t possible womanl y con tribution t o th e futur e o f wester n civilization. 7 Womanl y gifts , Whit e be lieved, ough t fittingl y t o b e honore d i n th e colleg e curriculu m alongside , and perhap s eve n in preferenc e to, th e mor e traditiona l subjects . In fact , the discussion s o f women' s educatio n tha t bega n afte r th e wa r wer e con siderably mor e complex , an d White' s perspectiv e wa s onl y on e o f man y competing views . Nevertheless , White hi t a sensitiv e nerve and helpe d t o set th e limit s o f th e discussio n b y his extrem e statemen t o f a popula r po sition. White' s view s could b e seriousl y engaged in th e 1950 5 because his search fo r a mor e suitabl e educatio n fo r wome n appeare d t o gro w natu rally fro m accumulatin g and well-publicize d observations abou t th e desire of America n wome n fo r self-fulfillmen t throug h matrimon y an d child bearing. From that perspective, White's proposal s seeme d both democrati c and "progressive. " They wer e als o distinctly anti-feminist. At a time when most position s o n women' s highe r educatio n containe d som e ope n dis avowal o f feminism , White' s perspectiv e wa s firml y withi n th e popula r consensus. The beginning s of higher education for women in the nineteent h century were no t quit e s o completel y a n expressio n o f feminis t sentimen t a s w e sometimes assume . A s Hele n Lefkowit z Horowit z ha s recentl y shown i n


9

an excellen t stud y of th e "Seve n Sisters, " the school s varie d among them selves, an d th e source s fo r th e developmen t an d growt h o f th e school s most ofte n associate d wit h women' s educatio n wer e no t exclusivel y feminist. Founders , faculty , and student s ha d differen t an d ofte n comple x visions o f wha t th e settin g o f highe r educatio n fo r wome n ough t t o b e an d the purpose s i t woul d serve . Nevertheless , b y th e earl y twentiet h centur y women's highe r education wa s closel y associated wit h ideals o f equality of intellect, i f not necessaril y of socia l opportunity , an d women' s school s especially stood their ground on providing an education equa l in quality and in conten t t o tha t o f men. 8 Thi s insistenc e wa s transforme d durin g th e twentieth centur y fro m a previous emphasis on a Latin-based classical curriculum augmente d b y th e science s t o wha t w e normall y refe r t o a s th e liberal arts— a broadl y nonutilitarian educatio n whos e state d purpos e i s a lively familiarit y wit h th e ful l rang e of civilized thought an d activit y in th e sciences, th e arts , the humanities , an d mos t recentl y the socia l sciences . I t was thi s libera l arts educatio n tha t cam e t o b e th e touchston e o f femal e equal education . College curricul a fo r wome n ha d no t remaine d exclusivel y liberal, bu t neither th e substitutio n o f teacher s college s fo r norma l school s wit h thei r self-conscious utilitaria n thrust no r th e stron g infusio n o f home economic s courses an d curricula , a t stat e universitie s especially, seriousl y displace d the libera l arts colleg e and curriculu m as th e standar d beare r o f women' s equal education . Th e mos t seriou s challenge to th e libera l arts cam e fro m an entirel y different directio n tha n th e professiona l training which under lay th e schoolin g o f teacher s an d th e increasingl y professional orientatio n of home-economic s departments. Durin g the lat e 1920 5 an d '305 , experi ments i n women' s educatio n bega n t o sugges t tha t wome n neede d an d colleges ough t t o provid e specifi c instructio n i n th e mor e exclusivel y "female" interests o f their students . These program s wer e mos t ofte n define d as "progressive " an d frequentl y identifie d wit h th e ne w progressiv e col leges like Sarah Lawrence an d Bennington. 9 Designed to educat e their students more adequately according to thei r needs and requirements, the pro gressive program s i n highe r education , lik e "progressive " secondar y education, wer e mean t t o individualiz e instructio n t o mak e i t mor e full y relevant t o students ' live s an d aptitudes . An d lik e the mor e individualized instruction i n publi c schools , progressiv e college s emphasize d th e fulles t education o f eac h studen t rathe r tha n th e mos t proficien t exposur e t o a predefined se t o f disciplines . Progressiv e colleges, lik e progressiv e educa tion i n general , usuall y als o emphasize d hands-o n learnin g an d stresse d active, creativ e expression i n th e arts , a n are a i n whic h wome n wer e be lieved t o b e especially interested or adept . Constance Warren , presiden t o f Sara h Lawrence , define d th e guidin g

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criteria o f thi s kin d o f educatio n a s flexibilit y an d attentio n t o students ' development rathe r tha n concer n wit h subjec t matter an d subjec t content. "The libera l art s college, " sh e advised, "woul d d o wel l to hee d th e hand writing o n th e wal l an d mak e it s program confor m to th e changin g need s of yout h i n the modern world . . . . Young people gladly study abou t thing s which hav e meaning for them—whic h li e within their ow n experienc e an d cast ligh t upo n familia r problems. " Thi s adjustmen t o f th e schoo l curric ulum t o th e need s o f student s ha d ver y specifi c implication s fo r women . At Sarah Lawrence , fo r example , "whil e the emphasi s is on individualized education, w e find a predominantly feminin e overtone." This, Warre n added , had nothin g t o d o wit h "th e aggressiv e feminism" of the earl y pioneers of women's education . Instead , student s coul d experienc e a "natura l preoc cupation" wit h marriag e an d preparatio n fo r thei r futur e role s i n life . "Th e constant desir e i s expresse d i n ever y aren a o f th e curriculu m fo r mor e guidance, preparatio n an d emphasi s o n famil y relationship s an d adjust ments, o n marriage , huma n biology , housing , woman' s par t i n th e eco nomic world, o n understandin g oneself, children, and othe r people." 10 Sarah Lawrenc e was a n exclusive school, founde d as a progressive alternative t o traditiona l women' s schools , an d it s attentio n t o th e individua l came a t a hig h cos t t o student s an d thei r parents . Bu t it s expensiv e edu cation was costl y in anothe r way as well , as the progressiv e alternative s provided pressure s for other school s t o become more attentive to the needs of thei r students . A traditional "feminist " schoo l lik e Vassar, fo r example , introduced a majo r i n euthenic s tha t followe d o n it s earlier establishmen t of a n Institut e of Euthenics in 192.6 . Euthenics, or rac e development, heavily emphasized th e responsibilitie s of women fo r huma n surviva l and con tinuity with instructio n o n chil d development, human relations, an d famil y concerns. "Th e origina l purpose, " accordin g t o th e Vassa r Colleg e cata logue, wa s "t o educat e wome n fo r thei r responsibilitie s a s homemakers." Many school s i n the late twenties, an d especially in the thirties, moderatel y adapted t o thes e pressure s b y introducing course s o n th e family , commu nity relations , an d chil d psychology , usuall y i n mor e traditiona l depart ments lik e sociology , psychology , o r educatio n or , sinc e these wer e them selves ne w field s an d no t everywher e available , i n olde r discipline s lik e economics o r philosophy . B y the 19505 , th e leave n o f progressivis m ha d influenced eve n th e mos t traditiona l schools . Th e Vassa r Colleg e cata logue, fo r example , declare d tha t "certai n course s ar e organize d aroun d the need s o f the individua l student. The y hel p her t o uncove r wha t sh e is, and t o sa y i t honestly , an d effectively , i n whateve r wa y sh e i s bes t abl e to."11 The fermen t o f progressive education in the 1930 5 was, no t surprisingly, often directe d a t women' s education , sinc e th e questio n underlyin g worn-


1

en's highe r learnin g had bee n laten t fo r som e time—what , afte r all , wer e women bein g educate d for ? Th e pioneer s o f women' s educatio n ha d al ways assume d tha t to be equally educated wit h men was its own reward , a manifes t declaration o f equalit y of ability . But b y th e 19303 , a s Warre n noted, student s too k "thi s fo r granted. " A s th e smal l bu t innovativ e pioneer generation s o f the tur n o f the centur y gave way t o a flood of femal e college student s i n th e 19x0 5 and '305 , the answe r t o th e questio n wa s n o longer clear . The earlie r "spinster " generations wer e increasingly replaced by wome n wh o marrie d afte r college , an d afte r Worl d Wa r I I this marrying propensity woul d b e exaggerated a s the interruption s o f social life—o f a protracte d wa r followin g on th e heel s of a devastatin g depression—sent American women of all levels of education flockin g t o th e altar . I n the lat e forties, America n marriage rates wer e a t thei r highes t poin t i n th e twen tieth century , an d colleg e women a s wel l as colleg e me n wer e leading th e trend.12 By the early fifties, th e bab y boom was in ful l swing . While college women continue d to hav e babies later and less frequently tha n othe r women , they too wer e having them mor e ofte n an d earlie r than a t an y time in the twentieth century . America n college wome n ha d joine d a tren d tha t wa s making twenty a median marriage age for women fo r the first time in their recent memory . The marita l aspiration s o f America n colleg e wome n wer e alread y clea r during th e war , an d tha t fac t togethe r wit h ne w progressiv e view s pro vided th e contex t fo r a reexamination o f the valu e of higher educatio n fo r women. Anticipating the crest of the debate by more than a decade, Rob ert Foste r an d Paulin e Par k Wilso n publishe d Women After College, in 19421. Th e boo k woul d subsequentl y be interprete d a s a n unrelieve d la ment o n women' s miseducation . I n a n intensiv e stud y o f on e hundre d women, Foste r an d Wilso n foun d tha t "th e majorit y of these young women pursue a caree r fo r onl y a brie f period , an d the n marry. " By emphasizing not knowledg e gaine d bu t th e progressiv e objectiv e o f bein g a "well adjusted membe r o f society, " th e author s coul d onl y repor t tha t th e tra ditional colleg e curriculu m had been entirel y inadequate . "Whe n . . . the average girl fro m Mai n Stree t or a metropoli s goe s t o th e averag e o r above average university , she is confronted wit h th e tas k o f selecting a course of study which ha s been made, tried, and teste d b y its adequacy in contribut ing to th e successful technica l an d professional trainin g o f men. . . . One would suppos e tha t a n institutio n designe d primaril y t o offe r educatio n for wome n i n America n life migh t take a s its starting point a n analysi s of the cultura l framewor k withi n whic h woman' s lif e i s lived ; tha t suc h a n institution woul d bas e it s curriculu m upon a n analysi s of th e need s an d problems confrontin g women withi n ou r contemporar y world. " B y educating wome n lik e men, th e liberal-art s colleges and universitie s had no t

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produced well-adjuste d women bu t wive s an d mother s wh o wer e unpre pared t o cop e realistically with th e many twists an d turn s of their marrie d lives. "The finding s o f this stud y leave no doub t tha t educatio n di d littl e if anything to prepar e . . . the women o f the group t o mee t thei r actua l lif e problems."13 By focusing on th e averag e girl and urgin g that a realistic curriculum be based o n th e actua l cultura l framewor k of women's lives , Foster an d Wil son potently se t the term s of the debat e o f the 19505 . Democratically alert schooling ha s alway s t o bea r in min d som e normativ e view of it s population. As women's highe r educatio n becam e a mor e norma l experience , n o longer th e preserv e o f th e exceptionall y strong-minde d o r eccentri c stu dent, i t to o becam e concerne d t o defin e th e requirement s o f th e norm . Even a t Sara h Lawrence , wher e wome n coul d affor d t o b e singula r an d unique, tha t nor m wa s increasingl y define d i n grou p term s b y th e mos t salient characteristi c o f th e grou p involved—thei r femininity . I t wa s pre dictable tha t the nor m woul d b e defined t o som e degree not onl y by what women were , bu t b y what Foste r an d Wilso n calle d th e cultura l context , that is , b y what the y coul d b e expected t o d o onc e the y graduated . "Th e higher educatio n o f thes e wome n faile d t o prepar e the m fo r househol d responsibilities. I t could , b y orientatio n o f viewpoin t fo r certai n courses , by havin g a n adequat e euthenic s program , an d b y basin g it s curriculu m upon a study o f women rathe r tha n upo n sacre d tradition , mak e a contri bution t o woman , a s a perso n and , particularl y in he r famil y househol d experience." Foste r an d Wilso n use d th e increasingl y "progressive " defi nition o f th e libera l art s a s preparation fo r "living " agains t th e substanc e of tha t curriculum . "Th e art s an d scienc e course s whic h ar e suppose d t o contribute to personalit y development and to improve human relationships did no t perfor m thei r functio n i n th e live s o f thes e women. " Th e libera l arts ha d no t prepare d wome n "fo r certai n inevitabilitie s of thei r lives." 14 Women After College had raise d a powerfu l combination o f issue s whic h would explod e i n th e 1950 5 t o defin e th e discussio n o f women' s highe r education: th e educationa l requirement s of the averag e woman; th e prob lem o f adjustmen t to th e cultura l context ; an d th e irrelevanc e o f a tradi tional curriculu m as a fossi l o f a n earlier , male-centered an d feminis t edu cation. By becoming more available and democratic, higher education i n general became subjec t to thi s kin d o f critique. Lik e other segment s o f the American educationa l enterprise , college s an d universitie s i n th e twentiet h cen tury ha d becom e par t o f a n aggressiv e growt h industr y whic h ofte n cal culated successe s i n term s o f expandin g enrollmen t statistics . Colleg e enrollments and graduation s increased in each decade of the twentieth century, excep t fo r a brie f declin e durin g Worl d Wa r II . Tha t growt h wa s


3

often extraordinary , an d a goo d par t o f i t wa s du e t o th e rapi d normali zation o f higher educatio n fo r women. Betwee n 19x0 an d 1940 , there wa s a four-fol d increas e i n th e numbe r o f bachelo r an d firs t professiona l de grees awarde d t o America n youth. Durin g these twent y years , th e propor tion o f me n receivin g degree s t o al l me n twenty-tw o year s o f ag e i n th e population ros e fro m 3. 5 t o 9. 7 percent . Fo r women , th e ris e wa s eve n more dramatic—fro m 1. 7 t o 6. 6 percent . Th e numbe r attendin g college s at an y on e tim e wa s fa r greate r an d usuall y more tha n twic e a s larg e a s the numbe r wh o graduated , an d wome n especiall y ofte n wen t t o colleg e without obtainin g a degree. 15 Thus , colleg e an d universit y official s an d policymakers became ever more aler t t o popular perceptions, an d th e issue of educatin g th e nor m or th e average , heretofore largely a problem fo r th e lower schools , becam e increasingl y als o a matte r o f concer n fo r colleg e and universit y officials . So too, highe r education became vulnerabl e t o the fixations of pollsters. Fortune magazine, for example, ha d begu n to poll public opinion o n issues of highe r educatio n i n the 19305 . In 1949 Fortune provided educator s wit h some worrie s a s the man-on-the-stree t no t onl y expresse d hi s stron g pref erence for a n educatio n tha t wa s highl y utilitarian bu t als o fundamentally distinguished betwee n th e usefulnes s o f colleg e fo r me n an d women . Par ents wer e muc h mor e eage r to sen d sons t o colleg e tha n daughters , an d of those wh o di d want thei r offsprin g t o attend , 5 7 percent wante d thei r son s above al l to receiv e professional preparation, whil e the larges t proportio n of respondent s (4 6 percent) believe d training fo r marriag e an d famil y lif e should be the college' s primar y objectiv e for daughters . Whe n aske d if "a college educatio n i s just as important fo r a gir l who want s t o ge t marrie d right afte r graduatio n a s fo r a gir l wh o want s a career, " 41 percent indi cated tha t thi s statemen t wa s mor e fals e tha n true . A s Kar l A . Bigelow , one of the educators aske d t o commen t o n th e results, noted , "Th e Amer ican peopl e hav e a fait h i n highe r educatio n tha t shoul d b e soberin g t o those o f u s who ar e engage d i n purveying that commodity—especiall y whe n we conside r th e highl y practical result s tha t ar e desired: trainin g for a jo b first o f al l fo r boys , an d tha t plu s trainin g fo r wif e an d motherhoo d fo r girls. Ca n we produce? Are we willing to produce?" 16 Not everyon e found the pol l results equall y compelling, but i t certainly provided foo d fo r though t and muc h fue l fo r th e emergin g discussions o n women' s education . This vot e fo r a utilitaria n educatio n b y th e payin g parent s an d stat e taxpayers cam e in th e wak e o f an eve n mor e alarmin g poll take n b y Time magazine i n 1947 . Time wa s abl e to elici t som e damnin g indictment s of traditional liberal-art s educatio n fro m forme r coeds . On e colleg e woma n noted, "Man y colleg e women, lik e myself , mak e the mistak e o f not train ing fo r th e mos t importan t career , marriage. " Anothe r echoe d th e senti -

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merit: "A s t o m y career, tha t of housewife and mother , colleg e trained me ill. Whe n I married , I ha d n o trainin g fo r copin g wit h eithe r a hous e o r children. Thes e thing s I have had t o lear n th e har d way—an d believ e me, it ha s bee n hard. " Th e criticis m thes e wome n mad e wen t considerabl y beyond Sara h Lawrence' s adjustmen t of th e curriculu m t o studen t lives . That, afte r all , emphasize d ne w area s fo r investigatio n an d a n adequat e consideration o f emotiona l expressio n an d activ e participation i n various creative activities , mostl y th e legitimat e arts . Wha t forme r coed s seeme d to b e sayin g wa s tha t colleg e ha d som e responsibilit y fo r trainin g i n th e nitty-gritty component s o f househol d skills . "Colleg e coul d hav e helpe d me more in preparation fo r marriage and hom e management," on e former coed insisted . "Som e o f m y interest s an d attitude s wer e s o ver y academic that I didn't take t o th e routin e o f a homemake r fo r quit e a while." Even one woman who expresse d genera l satisfaction with her academi c training admitted, "I' d trad e Histor y o f Civilizatio n fo r a practica l cookin g an d nutrition course." 17 By 1950, a total picture of the America n college woman to replac e th e olde r imag e o f th e bluestockin g was clearl y in sight . Eage r for husban d an d children , disguste d wit h angr y feminists , an d kne e dee p in diaper s an d dirt y dishes , America n women seeme d eage r t o trad e thei r much vaunte d academi c heritage of th e enlightene d bes t i n Western civili zation fo r a mes s of pottage. It wa s thi s undefine d ste w tha t Lyn n White hope d t o transfor m int o a beautifully prepare d an d exquisitel y presented dinner party, fo r which students a t Mill s Colleg e and elsewher e should b e properly trained. As a historian, White had pai d special attention t o the contribution o f small, seemingly insignifican t an d usuall y unhonore d technique s an d inventions . T o these h e attribute d grea t consequence s a s fundamenta l instrument s o f evolving civilizations.18 It was this perspective that White brought to women's potentials . Turnin g traditiona l values upside-down an d investin g academic studie s wit h hi s own progressiv e education values , White hope d t o endow women' s ordinar y endeavor s wit h significanc e an d sav e women' s contributions fro m th e real m o f th e trivia l an d despised . Hi s boo k was , in fact , a shar p rebuk e t o th e directio n an d value s o f male-centere d an d success-driven American culture, whose beligeren t and desperat e futur e h e hoped t o forestal l throug h a n appreciatio n an d reevaluatio n o f the wom anly arts. Genteel an d learned , Educating Ou r Daughters (1950 ) place d women' s education i n a lon g an d broa d contex t o f th e Wester n an d non-Wester n past, an d it s wide eruditio n an d romanti c visionar y qualit y provide d a n ironic, but no t altogether unsuitable, beginning to what would be a knockdown-drag-out fight over the directio n and goal s o f women's educatio n in the 19505 . Whit e believe d wome n coul d provid e a balanc e whee l t o th e

The Female Paradox *^

5

increasingly insensitive , technical, an d hurrie d societ y o f the lat e twentiet h century. B y cultivating th e finer , smal l art s o f pleasure , women' s educa tion, White believed , could sto p a n onslaught o f incivility. 19 That basically conservative vision , in th e guis e of a mor e progressiv e an d democraticall y responsive education , mad e Educating Ou r Daughters, wit h it s explicitly paternal title , a n appropriat e openin g t o a decad e i n whic h conservativ e visions ofte n becam e radica l an d progressiv e ideal s too k a n unexpecte d turn. Abov e all, White ha d bee n alert t o th e developin g waves o f dissatis faction an d especially attentive to the democratic and populist source s that seemed t o li e in popular representation s o f the voic e of the ne w woman .

II The directio n o f women' s voice s i s not alway s th e sam e a s tha t o f thei r feet. Th e expression s o f interes t i n mor e adequat e househol d preparatio n that Time magazin e had discovere d immediatel y after th e wa r an d t o which White hope d school s woul d respon d seeme d t o challeng e th e traditiona l liberal art s an d especiall y the concept o f equal offerings t o me n an d women . But th e wa r ha d als o sen t wome n i n unprecedente d number s int o th e workshops an d laboratories o f the nation. Wome n als o continue d t o go to college, where during the war the y outnumbered men for the first and only time i n th e twentiet h century , representin g 5 5 t o 5 7 percen t o f al l thos e earning a colleg e degre e betwee n 194 4 an d 1946 . Thi s wa s obviousl y a statistical fluk e an d th e resul t o f war-deplete d mal e enrollments . Bu t th e conclusion o f th e wa r di d no t fundamentall y chang e the long-ter m ris e in attendance o f wome n a t college s an d universities . After th e war , despit e additional competitio n fo r enrollment s fro m me n benefittin g fro m th e G I Bill, women pursue d college degree s in ever larger numbers. An d while th e proportion of women's enrollment s declined relative to men between 194 7 and th e en d o f th e 19505 , th e increas e i n th e numbe r o f wome n degre e recipients kep t pace wit h th e increase among men. 20 As significantly, while men returned to American industries after th e wa r and mor e wome n tha n eve r married , wome n di d no t retrea t fro m th e workplace. O n th e contrary , women' s participatio n i n pai d employmen t increased steadil y afte r th e war . B y 1957 , 2,2 . millio n women wer e i n th e paid wor k force , an d the y comprise d one-thir d o f th e tota l numbe r o f American workers. Ove r one-hal f of thes e were married women , a higher proportion than a t an y time in the past. Singl e women wer e represented i n the workin g population t o th e sam e degree as single men . Althoug h only a smal l proportio n o f wome n wit h childre n unde r si x worke d fo r pay , nearly one-quarte r o f al l wome n i n th e wor k forc e wer e widowed , di -

166 Other


vorced, or separate d fro m thei r husbands . Th e configuratio n o f women i n paid employmen t was beginnin g to sugges t a pattern o f working fo r wome n and a lif e cycl e o f wor k tha t woul d exercis e a powerfu l influence o n th e debates ove r women's education. 21 The meanin g o f th e statistic s o n workin g wome n wa s strengthene d b y the specifi c fact s o n th e colleg e educated. In 1950 , college women worke d more ofte n an d staye d i n the labo r forc e longe r tha n noncolleg e educate d women, an d thi s wa s tru e fo r marrie d women a s well a s those wh o wer e single. O f women betwee n twent y an d sixty-four , fully 4 7 percen t of thos e with colleg e degree s were employe d outsid e th e hom e a s oppose d t o onl y 30 percen t o f those wh o ha d finishe d onl y th e elementar y grades. Par t of this differenc e wa s th e resul t o f the fac t tha t one-fifth o f all college women were stil l singl e b y thei r earl y thirties ; an d another , th e consequenc e o f longer delay s i n inceptio n o f childbearin g among th e college-educated . B y the 19505 , however, younger college-educated wome n were les s frequentl y delaying childbearin g and wer e mor e ofte n marrie d tha n i n earlie r gener ations. Mor e significan t t o th e statistic s o n th e highe r labor-forc e partici pation o f th e college-educate d wer e the fact s tha t colleg e women wer e mor e likely to reente r the job market in their middle thirties than thos e wit h less education an d tha t the y wer e muc h mor e likel y t o remai n a t wor k int o their sixties . Whil e pai d employmen t figures for wome n increase d i n eac h year o f th e twentiet h century , th e increas e afte r 194 0 wa s muc h stronge r and steadie r tha n before . A s th e volum e Womanpower (1957 ) issue d b y the American Manpower Council , observed, "The ne w significance o f paid work i n th e live s o f America n women i s largely a developmen t o f th e las t fifteen years." Increasingly , observers o f th e labo r forc e wer e seein g women who ha d seemingl y fled work fo r the securit y of husband, home , an d chil dren i n thei r earl y twentie s retur n t o wor k i n thei r thirties . "Th e mos t spectacular developmen t o f recen t years, " th e author s o f Womanpower noted, "ha s bee n i n th e employmen t o f wome n ove r 30 , mos t o f who m are wives and mothers." 22 In th e 19508 , thi s patter n o f employmen t strongl y informed the discus sions o f women's highe r education an d bega n to provid e a bridge between those wh o propose d tha t college s shoul d provid e women wit h a distinctl y female curriculu m an d thos e wh o stoo d fir m o n a n educatio n altogethe r the sam e a s that fo r men . Tha t bridg e di d no t diminis h th e scop e o f th e debate or blen d the theoretical difference s i n the positions. I t did, however, create a ne w an d increasingl y hegemonic positio n i n th e discussions , on e that focuse d on th e lif e patter n o f women rathe r tha n o n th e ol d dilemma of caree r versus marriage. This new mode l of the educate d woman as mother and worke r a t differen t point s i n he r lif e distinguishe d most o f th e discus sions o f women' s educatio n amon g professiona l educator s fro m th e per -


7

spective that dominate d th e popular press . Whil e magazines still purveyed a vie w of the "fifties " woman a s stable, firmly rooted i n a suburban home, patiently tendin g he r thre e o r fou r children , educator s wer e discoverin g women i n motion an d a woman's lif e a s a moving curve. In hi s initiatio n addres s a s chancello r o f th e Women' s Colleg e o f th e University o f Nort h Carolina , Gordo n C . Blackwel l caugh t th e sens e o f this discussio n well : "Determinatio n o f th e objective s o f educatio n fo r women i s more comple x tha n fo r men . Th e educationa l need s o f wome n relate to her potential role s as homemaker, mother , citizen , worker an d an attractively intelligen t person . I f a caree r become s a realit y fo r a woman , it ma y b e o f th e spli t type occupying only a brie f perio d befor e marriage , then a longer period afte r th e children are of school age . Also many college women experienc e th e tw o wa y stretc h o f hom e an d jo b o r home an d college i n tandem . Thes e ar e th e complexitie s o f th e educationa l need s of women." Robert L . Sutherland emphasize d anothe r featur e o f thi s discov ery of women i n motion—thei r ofte n interrupte d studies : "Educationa l need s of wome n d o diffe r fro m thos e o f men , bu t the y don' t diffe r i n th e sens e that the y nee d a differen t curriculum . The y diffe r i n th e sens e tha t yo u have to educat e the m when you can catch them." The Commissio n on th e Education o f Wome n o f th e America n Council o n Educatio n becam e th e most significan t an d influentia l educationa l body to adopt and develop thi s view i n it s man y conferences and publications . A s Althea K . Hottel, a di rector o f the commission , note d i n one suc h publication, "Preparatio n fo r different responsibilitie s and fo r th e dramati c changes which take plac e in women's live s require s a long-rang e vie w of lif e an d a n awarenes s o f th e opportunities fo r personal growt h a t differen t stage s in the lif e cycle . . . . The future task s of education ar e to brin g to each woman that understand ing whic h wil l hel p he r a s sh e progressively make s crucia l choices . . . . One ca n scarcel y den y th e nee d fo r a broa d backgroun d o f knowledg e coupled wit h specia l skills." 23 At th e Universit y o f Minnesota , th e mode l o f wome n i n motio n pro vided th e basi s for th e Minnesot a Pla n in whic h wome n wer e encourage d to retur n t o schoo l afte r the y had forme d thei r families , an d younge r women were provided wit h guidanc e to thin k o f their live s a s a whole. Th e presi dent o f th e Universit y o f Minnesota observed , "Th e place , then, fo r mod ifying program s fo r th e educatio n o f women is neither in the natur e of th e materials no r i n their content ; i t i s in recognizing that there i s a tentativeness abou t women' s commitment s t o intellectua l life durin g the tim e the y are twent y t o twenty-fiv e year s old. . . . The nee d i s for counselin g and guidance i n th e perio d prior t o thi s tim e o f tentativenes s an d detachmen t that wil l mak e mor e certai n a late r retur n t o th e worl d o f inquir y an d academic life. " Th e Minnesot a Pla n wa s probabl y the mos t explici t effor t

168 Other


to adop t college education to th e ne w model of womanhood a s a lif e live d in stages . Bu t othe r programs , includin g the Cente r fo r Continuin g Edu cation a t Sara h Lawrence, mathematic s retraining at Rutgers , programs i n adult educatio n a t Brookly n College, an d th e Radcliff e Institut e fo r Inde pendent Study , were als o geare d t o th e need s of women wh o returne d t o school afte r marriag e and childbearing. 24 Other school s als o made various adjustments to th e emerging consensu s that women's need s were unique , dependin g on wha t aspec t o f this multirole woma n the y chos e t o emphasize . In a wide-rangin g surve y of wha t American school s were doing t o adjus t to th e new understanding of women's requirements , the America n Council o n Educatio n foun d a variety of experimental program s an d courses . Barnar d College , on e o f th e tradi tional "Seve n Sisters, " ha d introduce d a cours e o n women' s role s i n th e modern world . Th e Universit y of Michiga n an d Syracus e Universit y ha d devised simila r course s oriented to locatin g the role s an d contribution s o f women i n Western cultur e and history. Though largel y traditional conten t courses, wit h a slan t towar d wha t w e would toda y cal l women' s studie s and wer e the n par t o f th e genera l educatio n movement , thes e addition s often ha d a stron g interdisciplinar y dimension. Othe r school s wer e mor e ambitious. Students at th e University of Illinois could take a minor in family an d communit y affairs , whil e the Universit y of Florid a se t u p a whol e department o n famil y life . A t Earlham College a "New Progra m of Hom e Arts an d Famil y Life Studies, " was announce d fo r 1958—59 , designed pri marily fo r "th e mor e tha n 8 0 percen t o f th e wome n student s wh o wil l become wive s and mothers." 25 While Earlham College wa s clearly following White's lea d and designing a specifi c se t o f course s t o educat e wome n fo r homemaking , mos t o f th e program innovation s o f th e fiftie s were , i n fact , largel y a continuatio n o f progressive addition s o f th e thirties , a s students foun d i t possible t o mak e their studie s mor e relevan t wit h a potpourr i o f course s i n psycholog y o r sociology o n th e famil y an d childhood . B y 1962. , abou t one-thir d o f al l colleges an d universitie s made such studie s available to women. 26 Most of these wer e a fa r cr y fro m th e cooking , hom e decorating , an d flowe r ar rangement course s Whit e ha d advocated , bu t the y di d permi t school s t o see themselves as adapting to th e multi-purpos e woman . The mos t radica l innovations i n course offering s wer e not i n the liberalarts college s an d universitie s and di d no t lea d i n th e directio n o f greate r preparation fo r hom e an d family , thoug h the y implicitl y addresse d life course concerns . A t technical college s and junio r college s acros s th e coun try, school s wit h littl e resistanc e by discipline-boun d faculties committe d to olde r tradition s o f libera l education , a variet y o f offering s wer e being designed to mee t women's specific need s in the labor market. In the 19508 ,


69

these school s wer e expandin g an d providin g classes o f student s wh o ha d hitherto no t gone beyond high school wit h new opportunities fo r life preparation. Place s lik e Broom e Count y Technica l Institute , Vermon t Junio r College, an d Georgetow n Visitatio n Junior Colleg e wer e offerin g wome n courses i n semi-professiona l pursuit s that we have come t o associat e wit h the dua l labo r market—medica l records , stenotypy , denta l hygiene , busi ness arts , an d a hos t o f simila r subjects. 27 Whil e makin g a n obviou s play for student s oriente d t o acquirin g specifi c skills , thes e effort s di d not , i n fact, challeng e traditional institution s o f highe r educatio n an d thei r clien tele. Nevertheless , the junio r college s wer e in thei r own way effectivel y appraising a situatio n i n whic h wome n woul d requir e skill s t o ente r an d subsequently reente r th e workplace . Directe d i n a way that th e libera l arts could neve r be , th e ne w rang e o f college-linke d courses spok e directl y t o the ne w mode l o f women' s fragmente d roles. In s o doing , o f course , the y not onl y prepare d wome n fo r th e realitie s o f th e dua l labo r marke t bu t also expose d the m to it s intrinsic hazards and limitations . In a mor e limite d way , liberal-art s institution s als o mad e selectiv e pro visions o f thi s kind . Smal l Agne s Scot t Colleg e i n Georgia , fo r example , with it s limite d facult y an d resource s bu t long-standin g liberal-art s tradi tion, permitted it s students t o enrol l in business economics a t Emory University. Connecticu t Colleg e fo r Women provide d its students wit h oppor tunities to take courses in marketing and management as well as secretarial skills.28 Mos t schools , o f course , provide d student s wit h som e course s i f not whol e program s geare d t o obtainin g teachin g credentials . Larg e uni versities were bes t able to diversif y an d provid e these kinds of offerings t o both me n an d women . Predictably , wome n usuall y chose differen t kind s of practical courses tha n me n as they realistically assesse d which would b e most immediatel y useful, jus t as the y did i n hig h school . Som e schoo l of ficials wer e acutel y aware o f th e dange r o f thi s differentiatio n o f curricu lum. Th e assistan t dea n o f th e facult y a t Indian a University observed tha t there had bee n a trend, mor e marked for women than for men, to establis h "dead-end programs , offerin g n o basi s for jo b advancement. " A t Indiana, "there has been a decrease of English majors . . . and an increase o f majors i n suc h field s a s medica l records , librarianship , medica l technology , and denta l hygiene. This has been going on long enough so that no w som e of thes e girl s ar e comin g bac k an d wantin g t o d o graduat e stud y in suc h fields as biology an d chemistry, but ofte n the y find they are not admissibl e to graduat e school s withou t takin g mor e undergraduat e courses . Let' s b e sure we don't go too fa r in this."29 In fact , th e overwhelmin g consequence of the mode l of women's live s as a movin g pattern wa s t o shor e u p argument s for th e utilit y of th e libera l arts. Despit e some experiments like those at Earlha m College and th e strictly

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utilitarian offering s o f junior colleges and technica l schools, th e debates o n women's educatio n an d th e growin g hegemony of the life-cycl e mode l con firmed rathe r tha n undermine d th e libera l art s a s th e preferre d for m o f women's highe r education. Mos t modifications in the 1950 5 were just that, small additions i n course s on famil y o r i n secretarial skills, or specia l seminars attache d t o regula r courses o f instructio n whic h addresse d women' s lives i n th e moder n world , thei r prospects an d dilemmas . I n fragmentin g women's live s int o a panopl y o f role s an d a long-ter m interrupte d cycle , those involve d i n highe r educatio n mad e th e broad , netlik e construc t o f the libera l art s th e almos t necessar y preparation fo r wome n whos e live s could a t an y poin t tak e a n unexpecte d turn ; fro m wor k t o rearin g chil dren; from famil y t o communit y service; from marriag e to divorc e or widowhood. The Vassar catalogue, a s befitting a school wit h a strong feminis t past, note d tha t "mos t professiona l school s advis e a studen t t o obtai n a sound foundation i n the libera l art s as the bes t preparatio n for admission. This holds true of architecture, law, medicine, social service and teaching." But durin g th e sam e decade , Vassa r increasingly made provisio n fo r mar ried student s t o continu e thei r attendanc e a t th e college . Thus, whil e Vassar's catalogu e becam e increasingl y rich in description s o f preprofessiona l preparation i n expande d section s o n graduat e education , th e sam e cata logue explicitl y addresse d th e concern s o f it s student s fo r matrimony : "Th e college i s prepared t o assis t student s wh o marr y during their undergradu ate career s i n makin g appropriat e plan s fo r continuin g thei r education . Permission to complet e wor k fo r the degre e at Vassar is given only i f plans are reasonabl e i n terms of a sound marriag e and a sound educationa l pro gram." Barnard Colleg e alway s expected t o graduat e mor e women tha n i t admitted a s freshmen, since its junior and senio r ranks were augmented by women wh o too k thei r fina l yea r i n ; absentia o r transferre d fro m othe r "Seven Sister " school s a s the y followe d thei r young , career-minde d hus bands t o Ne w York . Liberal-art s college s wer e thu s addressin g th e ne w "stretched" vie w o f women' s lives , eage r t o pleas e th e career-oriente d a s well a s the marrie d coed. 30 The Commissio n o n th e Educatio n o f Women o f the America n Counci l on Education , whic h wa s heavil y invested i n th e life-cycl e mode l o f wo manhood, se t the pace fo r the majority of opinion o n th e question o f what kind o f educatio n wa s bes t suite d fo r women' s needs . "Afte r a carefu l review of all evidence," th e council conclude d that "programs of educatio n should provid e broa d an d differentia l opportunities , the y shoul d no t b e limited b y any stereotyped idea s of women an d thei r roles. " As the decad e of th e fiftie s progressed , th e growin g hegemony of th e life-cycl e vie w an d the educatio n appropriat e t o tha t complex model became manifest a s conference afte r conferenc e identified th e libera l art s a s th e strategi c prepara -


1

tion fo r women' s multipl e aims . I n 1955 , th e America n Associatio n o f University Wome n (AAUW ) hel d a majo r conferenc e geare d t o definin g the "Goal s o f Women i n Highe r Education. " I n line with th e spiri t o f th e time, th e goal s wer e divide d into thre e parts . Doroth y Woodwar d define d these i n he r keynot e address (a s summarized in th e journa l of th e associa tion): "A caree r being part (an d she underlined the word part) o f this tripl e goal, togethe r wit h a happ y hom e an d servic e t o he r fello w men. " Th e more than fifty college presidents, deans , an d othe r intereste d educator s i n attendance unanimousl y agreed tha t onl y a broa d educatio n suite d thes e purposes: "Libera l educatio n i s the bes t mean s t o hel p wome n attai n th e three goals. " Like most educator s i n the fifties, participants quickl y zeroe d in on th e particular uniqueness of women's live s and concluded tha t "Wome n must regar d th e so-calle d interruptio n o f th e homemakin g period, no t a s lamentable, bu t a s a dignifie d an d desirabl e phas e o f thei r lives . . . . Homemaking o n thes e term s i s as muc h a caree r a s an y other. . . . The home-versus-career dichotom y is false. The hom e make s a contributio n as great a s an y other , greate r tha n most. " Finall y the conferenc e elaborate d the consequence s o f th e life-cycl e vie w b y notin g tha t "Th e thre e goals — career, homemaking , communit y service—ar e sequential , no t simulta neous. . . . We must see that i n the pursuit o f her aims , sh e sees tha t al l must b e don e decentl y an d i n order. " Th e AAU W conferenc e ha d effec tively highlighte d th e consensu s o f opinio n o n women' s educatio n i n th e fifties. Having adopte d th e complex , interrupte d life-cycl e analysis , it bot h defined libera l educatio n a s the mos t effectiv e preparatio n an d linke d that education t o th e traditiona l femal e concer n fo r famil y lif e an d communit y service.31 The libera l art s increasingl y becam e th e solutio n t o al l women' s con cerns, meetin g the need s of women whos e "educationa l interest s ma y be, " in th e word s o f psychiatrist Kare m J. Monsour , "mor e o f a hobb y tha n a life an d deat h matter " or , sinc e fe w who spok e t o th e matte r o f women' s education wer e willin g to tak e quit e so severe a position, no t "a s compre hensive a s a man's. " I n th e word s o f C . Easton Rothwell , wh o succeede d White a t Mills , "le t u s think no t onl y o f he r repreparatio n fo r a plac e i n the labo r forc e o r i n th e real m of volunteer activities , bu t als o o f continu ing educatio n t o expan d th e rang e o f knowledg e possesse d b y bot h th e wife an d he r husband." 32 The libera l art s wer e presented a s a kind o f investmen t in famil y intelli gence, providin g wome n wit h preparatio n fo r contingencie s a s well a s re sources fo r he r multipl e roles i n the famil y an d i n the community . Pu t thi s way, th e libera l arts, wit h perhap s a fe w course s o n th e famil y an d chil d development an d som e education , courses geare d to primar y school teach ing, provided no t onl y the breadt h t o fulfil l al l of a woman's requirement s

172. Other


but als o th e ver y foundatio n fo r famil y togetherness . Esthe r Peterson , di rector o f th e Woman' s Bureau , put i t thi s way: "Th e significan t influenc e of wome n i n ou r societ y i s fel t firs t i n th e home . Wome n constitut e th e nucleus o f famil y life . The y ar e th e firs t teacher s o f ou r children . Fo r thi s reason alone , potential mother s shoul d be educated to thei r highest capacities. I t i s staggerin g to thin k abou t th e resource s o f knowledge , wisdo m and patienc e neede d t o answe r truthfull y an d effectively , hou r afte r hour , and da y afte r day , th e stead y flo w o f question s whic h pour s fort h fro m little children. " Staggerin g indeed , bu t i t i s mor e staggerin g perhap s t o contemplate wome n patientl y marshalling their knowledg e o f Gree k phi losophy, musi c history , an d organi c chemistr y t o tha t task . B y th e lat e 19508, however , Peterson' s vie w wa s hear d mor e an d mor e ofte n a s th e defense rathe r tha n th e basi s o f a n attac k o n th e libera l arts . Mar y H . Donlon, fo r example , declared, "We nee d to educat e women , s o that they may educat e th e young. . . . This i s to sa y that w e must ceas e shieldin g girls fro m har d courses . . . . We must recognize th e foll y o f denying girls serious cultura l education becaus e they will marry , while at th e sam e time entrusting childre n t o thei r rearing . We mus t wip e ou t th e craz y notion , that, in the adul t world o f ideas and o f reason, women d o no t reall y count." The defens e o f th e libera l art s i n th e lat e fiftie s remind s u s o f nothin g s o much a s the argument s used i n the earl y republic to provid e wome n wit h the rudiment s o f literacy. 33 Wha t ha d bee n introduce d i n th e earl y nine teenth centur y to promote republica n motherhood wa s replayed in the middle of th e twentiet h centur y i n higher-educatio n circle s a s a for m o f broad based, responsibl e femal e citizenship . It wa s ironi c tha t th e libera l art s curriculum , which wa s a banne r o f woman's equa l intellectual attainment in the first half o f the twentieth century, becam e b y th e 1950 5 th e broa d banne r t o wra p aroun d th e wid e expanse o f he r lif e cours e an d anothe r for m o f the matronl y girdle. It ha d not bee n predictabl e when Lyn n White launche d his attack s o n th e traditional libera l art s fo r wome n tha t thos e sam e libera l art s woul d becom e the stron g ar m o f the han d rockin g the cradle . I n part, of course, b y being put o n th e defensive , the proponent s o f traditiona l educatio n foun d it effective to use the very weapons use d agains t them. But more tha n thi s was involved. Onc e th e life-cours e analysis became dominant , i t wa s difficul t to resis t rationalizing the libera l arts a s a fitting form o f utilitarian educa tion. Since the life-course model emphasized woman's uniquenes s and took as its central phase woman's involvemen t in motherhood, th e appropriate ness o f th e broa d educatio n provide d b y th e libera l arts became , i n goo d part, an educatio n fo r motherhood . The stretche d and slice d view of women's lives had b y the late fifties and early sixtie s become nearly universa l and increasingl y define d no t onl y th e


3

relevance o f th e libera l art s bu t als o th e ver y substance o f women' s live s in America. B y 1963, it was embodie d a t th e highes t levels of governmen t policy i n th e repor t o n educatio n b y President Kennedy' s Commission o n the Statu s o f Women. Th e commissio n repor t summarize d the perspectiv e developed i n th e cours e o f th e educationa l discussion s o f th e fiftie s an d noted tha t th e "specia l responsibilitie s an d lif e patter n o f wome n impos e special educationa l requirements. " The report bega n not b y looking a t th e situation o f th e youn g gir l but a t tha t o f the matur e woman , an d th e life pattern analysi s guided th e volume as a whole. Amon g its conclusions, th e commission note d tha t "th e developmen t o f individua l capabilitie s fo r effective participation a t al l levels of society is increasingly and continuousl y dependent o n education. . . . It is especially true of women who bear such a larg e responsibilit y fo r th e nex t generatio n i n th e Nation's homes , school s and communities." 34 The decad e o f th e fiftie s ha d begu n wit h Lyn n White' s "progressive " assault o n th e libera l art s a s insufficien t fo r women' s needs . B y the earl y 19605, women's need s had bee n so broadly defined tha t nothing bu t a new version o f th e libera l art s woul d do . A s a result , th e libera l arts , no t i n content bu t i n purpose , ha d bee n s o cruciall y redefine d tha t instea d o f being th e beginnin g of learning , the y had , i n effect , becom e th e substanc e of learning . Abov e all, they had becom e the badg e of an all-purpos e prep aration fo r lif e adjustmen t for women . Traine d i n th e libera l arts , wome n would b e fortifie d t o fulfil l th e man y role s an d portion s o f thei r lives . I t was altogether fitting , therefore , that in his 1964 inaugural address a s president o f Vassar College , Ala n Simpson announced t o th e latterda y descen dents o f feminist s tha t "I t i s no t a choic e o f marriag e o r a career , o r o f marriage an d a career , bu t o f a lif e live d in phases, wit h it s opportunitie s for fulfillment." 35

Ill The discussion s abou t th e highe r education o f women i n the 1950 5 generated muc h fruitfu l research , ofte n illuminatin g panel discussions and a new vision o f th e lif e cycl e o f women . Wha t the y di d no t d o wa s eliminat e women's socia l rol e a s a significan t issu e i n th e kin d o f educatio n the y should receive . Instead , th e dominan t vie w splintere d woman' s role s int o worker, citizen , housewife , an d mothe r an d slice d u p he r lif e ove r time . This allowe d variou s schools , administrators , an d investigator s t o empha size one rol e o r a set of women's role s as paramount, and i t allowe d equa l education i n th e for m o f th e libera l art s t o survive . But , instead o f elimi nating th e confusio n abou t women' s education , i t ofte n magnifie d th e

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problem fo r colleg e women , an d i t sometime s le d investigator s t o blam e their subject s for no t carin g abou t thei r ow n future . I n a n essa y entitle d "The Uncommitte d Majority, " Pau l Heis t summarize d thi s position : " 'Young women , yo u stan d accused—hel d accountabl e fo r the day s an d years tha t ar e ye t t o come . Whil e plague d wit h indecision , confusio n and frustrations , man y o f yo u wil l no t b e meetin g th e essentia l socia l responsibilities no r satisfactoril y resolving th e demand s o f hom e an d ca reer; an d perhap s mor e important , yo u will not attai n acceptabl e levels of self-realization.' Word s somethin g t o tha t effec t ma y b e inferred , i f no t directly borrowed , fro m th e comment s an d apprehensiv e statements com ing fro m numerou s sources." 36 Some o f th e mor e perceptive observers were keenl y aware o f the degre e to whic h th e educational discussion s had no t resolve d but merel y replayed the confusion s wome n experience d i n college . M . Eunic e Hilton, dea n of the Colleg e o f Hom e Economic s a t Syracus e University , note d tha t th e endless discussion s suggeste d ho w littl e had reall y been solved : "Thi s un solved conflic t causes continuin g unrest fo r bot h me n an d women , an d s o there ar e endles s attempt s t o solv e i t mos t o f whic h seeme d t o dea l wit h solutions t o problem s cause d b y the basi c conflic t rathe r tha n th e resolu tion of the basic conflict itself . Resolving the basi c conflict call s for changes in th e rea l world , o r change s i n ideologie s an d mores. " Hilto n believe d that the colleges needed to reconceive of their role , to challenge rather tha n to adap t t o cultura l cues : "I t i s the jo b o f th e educator s t o interpre t th e value o f educatio n fo r women , t o brin g realisti c thinking int o th e educa tional plannin g o f parent s an d students . . . . T o chang e lon g habit s of thought an d actio n i s no eas y task ; i t is , in fact , a n attemp t t o chang e a culture itself." 37 Kate Hevne r Mueller , a professo r o f educatio n a t Indian a University , was mor e specific . Th e colleges , sh e maintained, ha d no t directe d wome n to th e liberatin g resources a t thei r command : "Wome n hav e no t capital ized i n thei r curricul a on th e valu e of professiona l training a s a liberating force i n their education. . .. to hol d tha t an y kind of education fo r women is goo d i n itsel f i s a supercilious , debutant e poin t o f view , misleadin g t o students an d t o society . Th e woma n o f the futur e wil l work, an d onl y a n education whic h fits her fo r thi s lif e wor k ca n fre e he r fro m th e cripplin g pressures o f her surroundin g culture."38 Mueller urge d the schools to pro vide women wit h a clea r direction , a wa y ou t o f th e confine s o f a confus ing culture with it s mixed signals , a means to resolv e and overcom e dilemmas, an d ultimatel y wit h a forc e fo r persona l integratio n throug h professional self-definition . Muelle r was beginning to voic e what w e might term th e "ne w feminism " that sometime s struggled out o f th e confine s o f the debate s of the 19505 , and he r anticipatio n of the value s of the seventies


5

and beyon d i s a significan t reminde r o f th e peculiarl y muddle d contex t from whic h a renewe d feminis t vie w o f women' s equa l educatio n woul d emerge. But Mueller wa s willing to d o what fe w other participant s i n the discus sions o f th e fiftie s wer e willin g t o do , t o dismis s th e issu e o f woman' s family rol e a s irrelevan t t o th e directio n an d conten t o f women' s school ing. Sh e did no t dismis s a woman's nee d fo r family , fo r sh e hoped wome n would "demonstrat e t o thei r mal e colleague s tha t wome n ca n b e happ y and usefu l i n bot h roles , jus t as the bes t men, " bu t sh e dismissed th e rele vance o f thi s rol e fo r issue s o f highe r education . Moreover , Muelle r wa s willing to d o what other s almost never did, to tur n he r gaze from bot h th e average gir l an d th e cultur e int o whic h sh e graduated. I n tha t sense , she , like Hilton, propose d tha t colleg e education becom e a force fo r social change, not a reinforcemen t o f th e statu s quo . "Togetherness , tha t conspirac y o f publishers, advertisers , an d manufacturers , ha s ha d it s day; bu t ther e wil l be othe r conspirator s an d wome n wil l fal l fo r the m becaus e they , wit h their husbands , ar e spendin g thei r menta l live s i n th e cut e littl e prefabri cated hous e whic h societ y hold s ou t t o them." 39 Th e forc e o f Mueller' s argument was o f another orde r entirel y than th e one that confined th e life cycle analysi s to viewin g schooling a s a preparatio n fo r women' s inevita bilities. Unlike Mueller, o r eve n White who ha d challenge d th e dominant values of th e existent culture , most educator s wh o participate d i n discussions an d investigations o n women's highe r education i n the 1950 5 were mesmerized by th e societ y a s it was. An d th e mos t fundamenta l feature of that societ y and it s cultur e a s i t concerne d wome n wa s matrimon y an d motherhood . Most commentators believe d that they were taking their cue s entirely fro m female student s themselves . Thu s i n 1950 , Bancrof t Beatley , presiden t o f Simmons College, which had a highly developed prevocational program fo r women, note d tha t i t wa s "obviou s tha t th e typica l colleg e woma n look s forward t o marriage , a hom e o f he r own , an d children. " H e adde d tha t despite th e "pernicious " influenc e o f th e feminis t movement , "fortunatel y for th e characte r o f America n home life , th e grea t majorit y of th e curren t generation o f colleg e wome n readil y acknowledg e tha t thei r goa l i s mar riage an d childre n an d se e no conflic t betwee n accomplishin g tha t objec tive and livin g a rich life." Beatley' s appraisal, wit h it s rebuke of feminis m and it s encomiu m t o th e satisfaction s o f famil y life , echoe d throug h th e decade. S o did th e repeate d assertion s tha t educator s wer e merel y takin g women a t thei r word . A t mid-decade , Mervi n B . Freedman reporte d tha t at Vassar , "Marriag e a t graduatio n o r withi n a fe w year s thereafte r i s anticipated b y almos t all students : th e percentag e who stat e tha t the y ar e not likel y t o marry , o r wh o ar e quit e uncertain about it , i s negligible." By

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the earl y 19608 , the refrai n wa s still strong. Car l Binger, a psychiatric consultant a t Harvard, reporte d tha t college women were "interested, first and foremost, i n findin g a mate, " althoug h h e adde d significantl y tha t "the y do no t shou t thi s fro m th e housetop . The y ofte n spen d a goo d dea l o f their tim e an d energ y i n tryin g t o concea l i t fro m themselve s an d oth ers."40 Investigations o f wome n student s i n the fifties and sixtie s wen t t o grea t pains to documen t ho w deepl y women were invested in marriage goals an d organized thei r researche s aroun d thi s premise . I n on e study , Jan e Berr y surveyed 67 7 colleg e wome n fro m fiftee n college s an d universitie s acros s the country . Sh e foun d tha t mos t wome n ideall y expecte d t o hav e thei r first child befor e twenty-fiv e an d that two-thirds o f al l women interviewed wanted a t leas t thre e children . Th e degre e t o whic h th e governin g belief s of the perio d guide d the investigatio n itsel f is suggested by Berry's opening statement: "A s migh t b e anticipated , marriag e occupie s th e mos t promi nent place i n the lif e plan s of the young women cooperating i n the study. " The governin g beliefs wer e als o evident in Berry's summary of th e reason s why wome n wen t t o colleg e a t all : "T o b e a mor e well-rounde d perso n and a bette r wif e an d mother ; t o occup y m y tim e unti l marriage ; t o b e prepared i n case I have to ear n m y living; to mee t men that hav e the sam e interests, an d would b e good husband s and fathers." 41 Other investigator s mad e th e sam e assumption s abou t women' s goal s but wer e no t quit e s o sanguine as Berry abou t th e results . At a time whe n the discover y of talen t was a nationa l securit y issue , a variet y of investi gators wer e keen to discove r which college women were able to swi m against the tide . A t th e Universit y o f Californi a a t Berkeley , the Cente r fo r th e Study o f Highe r Educatio n wa s concerne d t o locat e th e source s fo r inde pendence o f though t an d sponsore d a large-scal e assessment o f th e moti vations o f college students. O n th e basi s of these investigations, Pau l Heist concluded tha t "I t i s apparentl y difficul t fo r mos t colleg e wome n t o em phasize, let alone substitut e for matrimony, . . . maximum education an d preparation fo r meaningful career s an d contributing citizenship. . . . The opprobrium o f no t bein g engage d a s a colleg e senio r i s almos t stigmati c on man y campuses." "Most girls," of superior ability, Heist found , "were giving seriou s though t t o thei r educationa l an d professiona l futures a t th e freshman an d sophomor e level , bu t the y expresse d les s intensit y o f com mitment fo r furthe r educatio n b y th e tim e the y wer e interviewe d a s se niors." I n anothe r article , Heis t mad e thi s poin t eve n mor e emphatically : "Among thes e student s o f th e highes t calibre , an d ofte n th e mos t impres sive potentiality , i t wa s surprisingl y infrequen t t o fin d a youn g woma n genuinely committed to a discipline, a professional future , o r a career. . . . For thos e senio r wome n interviewed , not alread y married , al l sa w mar riage a s a culminatin g goal o f great i f not firs t importance." 42


7

Heist brough t considerabl e insight to his discussion o f the major source s of thi s lac k o f professional motivatio n amon g colleg e women : th e lac k of role models , fear s abou t demonstratin g "masculine " characteristics , feel ings o f femal e inadequacy , and th e genera l cultural assumptions tha t con fined wome n t o positions o f passivity. Despite Heist's clear and ofte n acut e discussion o f th e larg e cultura l inhibition s o n women' s succes s i n colleg e and after , he , lik e s o man y others , note d tha t "curriculu m an d facult y perspectives mus t allo w examinatio n o f an d preparatio n fo r th e realitie s of living . . . . Highe r educatio n shoul d accep t greate r responsibilit y fo r providing a mor e adequat e foundatio n fo r combinin g intelligen t mother hood, homemaking, citizenship, and the achievement of a meaningful life. " Heist mad e thi s poin t agai n i n anothe r plac e wtje n h e observe d tha t "a n education outsid e o f th e contex t o f th e cultur e an d lif e o f th e particula r person i s no t a n education." 43 Thus , despit e hi s ow n regre t a t th e out come, Heis t fel t compelle d t o accep t th e democrati c position tha t highe r education shoul d addres s students ' need s and, therefore , reinforce the life cycle inevitabilities of women . At Vassar , a large-scal e investigatio n o f colleg e wome n wa s als o unde r way tha t documente d th e specifi c intra-campu s source s fo r th e goals , ob jectives, an d self-definition s adopte d b y most wome n students . Unde r th e direction o f Nevit t Sanford , th e Vassa r study , lik e that a t Berkeley , rein forced th e imag e of marriage-hungry undergraduate women . Th e peer cul ture a t Vassa r se t "concret e limitation s a s t o permissabl e life-style s an d life-work ambitions . Vassa r girls , b y an d large , d o no t expec t t o achiev e fame, mak e a n endurin g contributio n t o society , pionee r an y frontiers , or otherwis e creat e ripple s i n th e placi d orde r o f things . Futur e husband s should mar k ou t an d wor k directl y toward a niche in the busines s or pro fessional world. " The Vassar pee r cultur e strongly enforced larger cultura l norms. "No t t o marry is almost inconceivable and even the strongly career oriented gir l full y expect s tha t someda y sh e wil l b e a wif e an d mother . Not onl y i s spinsterhoo d viewe d a s a persona l traged y bu t offsprin g ar e considered essentia l t o th e ful l life . . . . I n shor t he r futur e identit y i s largely encompassed b y the projected role of wife-mother." Joh n H . Bush nell conclude d hi s discussio n b y notin g tha t "i t i s no t surprisin g t o dis cover tha t Vassa r student s vie w th e suffragett e movemen t an d th e whol e issue of Women's Right s wit h indifference . . . . For these youn g women , the 'togetherness ' vogue is definitely a n integral theme of future famil y life , with an y opportunitie s fo r independen t actio n attachin g t o a n Iv y League degree bein g willingl y passed ove r i n favo r o f th e anticipate d reward s o f close-knit companionshi p withi n the home-that-is-to-be." 44 Many investigators traced colleg e women's absorptio n in marriage goals back t o thei r precolleg e experience s wher e wome n preferre d som e studies to others, an d college-goin g was less urgently desired by them than b y men

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People, Other Schools 45

of th e sam e background. Som e investigator s move d i n th e othe r direc tion, however , awa y fro m th e cultura l contex t t o locat e th e source s o f women's choice s i n thei r daydreams , fantasies , an d inne r selves . I n on e especially influential study , Elizabeth Douvan and Caro l Kay e did not loo k at the culture at large or the subculture of the schools, bu t a t the prevailing differences i n male and femal e "identities " for th e source s of college wom en's marriag e orientations. "Th e identit y issued for the bo y is primarily an occupational-vocational question , while self-definition fo r th e gir l depends more directl y on marriage." As a result, "Boys ofte n phras e college aspirations a s vocational aspirations . . . . For many girls , colleg e obviousl y is an en d i n itself , onl y diml y conceived i n a n instrumenta l light. " Douva n and Kay e concluded tha t "Girls ' phantasie s abou t colleg e ar e no t simpl e in content. The dominant them e is a social-sexual one, bu t othe r themes — travel an d geographi c mobility , transformation o f th e self , socia l mobility, and a genera l sensuou s longin g fo r experienc e an d th e exotic—figur e i n their thought s a s well . . . . The drea m o f colleg e apparentl y serve s a s a substitute fo r mor e direc t preoccupatio n wit h marriage ; girl s who d o no t plan t o g o to colleg e are more explicit i n their desir e to marry , and hav e a more develope d sens e o f thei r ow n se x role . The y ar e mor e awar e an d more frankl y concerne d wit h sexuality . . . . Since we find nothing to indicate tha t girl s wh o pla n t o g o t o colleg e ar e lat e developer s sociall y o r sexually, w e infe r tha t thei r sexua l interest s tak e som e alternativ e form — and ou r gues s is that they infor m th e colleg e dream." 46 Douvan an d Kaye thus attribute d colleg e women' s marita l preoccupation s t o thei r natura l identity formation. While noncollege women could b e more direc t and bla tant, college women ha d t o sublimat e their needs. I n this analysis , collegegoing itsel f becam e a marriag e substitute , a sociall y induced dela y whic h quite understandabl y becam e suffused wit h marita l fantasies. There was a way i n which th e discussion s o f the 1950 5 and earl y 1960 5 became a case of the dog chasing its own tail. The more educators believe d women undergraduate s to b e directed towar d marriage , th e mor e wome n undergraduates seeme d to want nothin g mor e than marriage . In fact, there was n o reaso n no t t o expec t th e result s the y found . Women , lik e men , wished t o marr y and rea r families . That was obvious in the fifties and was disturbing onl y i f investigators eithe r questione d th e utilit y of highe r edu cation fo r wome n o r sough t t o rationaliz e th e course s th e college s wer e offering. A fe w sa w clearl y pas t th e tempes t t o asser t tha t th e colleges ' concern wa s not with wha t wome n wante d bu t wit h wha t school s ha d a n obligation t o provide . Margare t Clapp , presiden t o f Wellesley College, came quickly t o thi s point a t on e o f the organize d conferences o n women' s highe r education: " I thin k i t i s important t o stud y the motives , interests and op portunities, an d problem s of women, an d o f individuals, but whe n w e talk


9

about institution s o f highe r learning , it seem s t o m e w e hav e t o conside r not onl y th e student s wh o ar e ther e . . . bu t als o th e responsibilit y of these institutions , a s th e custodian s o f a ver y painfull y acquire d bod y o f knowledge ove r the centuries , t o transmi t tha t knowledg e an d t o advanc e the knowledg e an d truth s ove r time . Thes e ar e th e centra l responsibilitie s of institution s o f higher learning." 47 Clap p wa s standin g o n th e ver y high — and unprogressive—groun d o f traditiona l educatio n i n whic h student s wer e taught wha t other s believe d they needed t o kno w fo r th e sake o f the con tinuity o f learning, no t th e developmen t o f th e student . I n the fifties , wit h issues o f lif e adjustmen t an d personalit y developmen t al l around , i t wa s difficult t o appreciat e th e degre e to whic h Clapp' s old-fashione d positio n provided th e ver y vantag e fo r th e futur e progres s an d advancemen t o f women. Mirra Komarovsk y wa s almos t alon e amon g researcher s t o gras p th e crucial contributio n tha t thi s traditional perspectiv e would mak e for wom en's futur e liberation . Bu t Komarovsk y refuse d t o accep t th e traditiona l perspective fo r it s ow n sake . Sh e brough t greate r flexibilit y an d a mor e reformist spiri t t o he r inquiries . In Women i n th e Modern World (1953) , Komarovsky's answe r to White's Educating Ou r Daughters, sh e was eager to provide students wit h a n updated educatio n that spoke directl y to wom en's concern s an d thei r role s i n th e moder n world . Bu t Komarovsk y wa s interested in enlightenment, not practice, an d sh e knew a red herring whe n she saw one . Sh e disavowed a strictly functionalist educatio n a s misguided and weak . "Ever y educato r wort h hi s sal t want s a n educatio n whic h wil l function i n th e futur e lif e o f th e student , bu t functio n o n wha t plane ? Is deepening o f intellectua l awarenes s t o b e dismisse d a s nonfunctional? " "Whether or no t i t is an intrinsic feature o f the 'practical' courses , th e fac t remains tha t the y sometime s ten d t o stres s adjustmen t to th e existin g in stitutions rathe r tha n thei r critica l appraisal." 48 In a stud y that touche d al l the base s and wen t ou t o f its way no t t o fal l into an y pre-existin g pattern , Komarovsk y use d he r extraordinar y insigh t and material s draw n fro m teachin g a t Barnar d College to expos e the futil ity of a debate over a n education specificall y appropriat e t o women , whethe r it was narrowly or liberally defined . "Th e ver y education whic h i s to mak e the colleg e housewif e a cultura l leave n o f he r famil y an d he r communit y may develop i n her interests whic h ar e frustrated by other phases of housewifery. . . . We want ou r daughter s t o b e able, if the need arises , t o ear n a livin g a t som e worthwhil e occupation . I n doin g so , w e ru n th e ris k o f awakening interest s an d abilitie s which, again , ru n counte r t o th e presen t definition of femininity." Women in the Modern World was a brilliant and tolerant bu t ofte n angr y defense o f th e libera l arts, no t a s th e protecto r o f past tradition , no t a s th e onl y solutio n t o th e fragmente d lif e cours e o f

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women, bu t a s the crucia l basi s fo r the developmen t o f human potentials . Above all , Women i n th e Modern World wa s a defens e o f education — equal education—a s an independen t cultura l force . Komarovsky rejecte d a strictly old-fashione d curriculum , a s she rejected on e whose onl y relevanc e was fo r th e statu s quo . Sh e sa w intellectua l substanc e i n course s o n th e family an d famil y relationships . Sh e full y aire d th e man y complaint s o f former alumna e bore d b y housework an d frustrate d b y childrearing , wh o felt untraine d fo r thei r tasks , an d sh e explored i n dept h th e confusion s of undergraduates whos e goal s for the time being seemed limited to marriage . But Komarovsky , unlik e mos t o f thos e wh o discusse d th e educatio n o f women i n th e fifties , sa w tha t th e solution s t o thes e problem s di d no t li e in fundamenta l change s i n the colleg e curriculu m o r i n the rationalizatio n of th e libera l art s a s a packag e dea l fo r fragmente d womanhood ; th e so lution, i f it existed , la y i n th e societ y an d no t i n th e schools . Th e school s could stimulat e thought , they migh t even promote dissatisfactio n an d con fusion, bu t the y coul d no t solv e th e dilemma s of women's lives . "I t i s the job o f th e colleg e t o provid e a soi l fo r th e fulles t fruitio n o f intellectua l gifts." I t wa s th e responsibilit y o f th e societ y t o provid e wome n wit h th e opportunity t o permi t these gift s t o flowe r i n an y direction wome n migh t choose to us e them.49 For Komarovsky , women' s dilemma s wer e no t th e resul t o f to o man y choices bu t o f too few , of too man y inevitabilities and too man y traumati c transitions. Komarovsk y observe d th e "shar p discontinuities " tha t "char acterized th e whole patter n o f their lives . . . . The incentives and the psychological adaptation s a t on e stag e o f he r lif e cycl e di d no t mak e fo r a smooth transitio n t o th e nex t one." 50 Komarovsk y refuse d t o accep t any easy solutio n t o women' s plight . Whil e sh e urgently sought socia l an d cul tural reforms , he r stud y o f wome n remaine d largel y unresolve d an d ver y unlike the tidy package deal that was offere d t o young undergraduate wome n in th e for m o f the liberal-art s curriculum o f the 1950 5 and '6os .

IV Komarovsky's insigh t an d sensitivit y to women' s dilemma s were no t widel y shared i n th e fiftie s an d earl y sixties . An d man y researcher s foun d them selves blamin g student s fo r th e confusion s tha t surge d aroun d the m an d their education . Sinc e the y believe d themselves t o b e merel y observin g wha t women themselve s wanted , investigator s an d educator s alik e seeme d un aware of the degree to which they contributed to the choices women made . "The perceptua l horizons," o f senior women, Pau l Heist asserted , "did no t extend muc h beyon d th e romanc e o f matrimony, " an d the y wer e largel y


1

unconcerned abou t wha t la y beyond . " A grea t majorit y o f colleg e girls , both freshme n an d senior s . . . eithe r profes s o r see m t o b e generall y unaware o f th e problem s portraye d b y so many . . . . the grea t majority live i n a n anticipator y haze , with romanti c notions abou t matrimon y an d home, soo n t o follow. " Jan e Berr y foun d tha t ver y fe w undergraduate s had don e an y readin g "o n th e subjec t o f marriage-motherhood-career relationships."51 Havin g disdaine d plannin g fo r th e futur e beyon d mar riage, women were themselves to blame when they felt unhappy, frustrated, unprepared, o r unfulfille d late r in life . In fact , educator s provide d wome n wit h littl e fir m groun d fro m whic h they coul d mov e beyon d th e colleg e haze . A t a tim e whe n Eri k Erikso n was developin g a stron g mal e model o f th e lif e cycl e that emphasize d in ternal integratio n an d linea r progres s culminatin g in psychi c health, edu cators concerne d wit h wome n wer e proposin g tha t wome n hel d variou s roles a t differen t time s i n a fragmented life cours e whic h wa s someho w t o provide self-fulfillmen t a t eac h separate an d unique juncture. I do not wan t to diminis h the contributio n t o a more realistic appraisal o f women's live s that emerge d fro m th e discussion s o f th e fifties, nor t o underestimat e th e potential confusion s for mal e students wh o wer e required to resolv e wor k commitments during the vulnerable period o f adolescence . Nevertheless , i t is usefu l t o compar e th e model s o f manhoo d an d womanhoo d tha t coex isted in the fifties. For men , schoolin g was perceive d as fundamenta l in defining futur e an d lifelon g direction s i n the wor k spher e with th e accom panying ego strengths tha t came as work choice s helped to defin e selfhood. Erikson als o sa w th e colleg e perio d a s ful l o f confusio n for men , bu t th e successful emergenc e fro m adolescenc e int o adulthoo d promise d fir m res olutions throug h wor k choice s tha t issue d i n lifelon g self-definitions . Fo r women, schoolin g wa s a partia l preparatio n fo r wor k befor e childbirt h and afte r childre n matured. Bu t early adulthood woul d b e filled with family centered concern s t o whic h schoolin g migh t o r migh t no t contribute , depending o n ho w wis e a woma n wa s i n usin g he r broad , all-purpos e education. I n this schema , colleg e provided wome n wit h neithe r a context for fir m lifelon g commitment s no r th e occasio n fo r workin g throug h per sonal conflicts. 52 Instead , the college period generate d conflicts in roles an d self-conceptions. Women, i n fact , seeme d t o suffe r fro m jus t suc h dee p conflict s i n self conception i n college , an d neithe r the life-cycl e mode l no r colleg e life generally provide d muc h guidance . A t Vassar , fo r example , "man y senior s . . . experience a sense of conflict betwee n wha t the y hav e been educate d for an d wha t await s them. They seldo m ca n defin e thi s conflic t fo r themselves o r elaborat e it s details , bu t i t i s presen t nevertheless , an d i t ofte n contributes t o th e perturbation s and doubt s of th e senio r year." An d "man y

18 2 Other


seniors rus h int o marriag e . . . as a way of resolving the dilemma s thrus t upon the m b y graduation." Komarovsk y provided th e mos t detaile d doc umentation o f thi s conflic t fro m memoir s o f an d interview s wit h student s and alumnae . On e senio r wrote : " I ge t a lette r fro m m y mothe r a t leas t three time s a week . On e wee k he r lette r wil l sa y 'Remembe r tha t thi s i s your las t yea r at college . Subordinate everything to your studies. Yo u must have a goo d recor d t o secur e a job.' Th e nex t wee k he r letter s ar e ful l o f wedding news . Thi s frien d o f min e go t married ; tha t on e i s engaged ; m y young cousin' s weddin g i s onl y a wee k off . When, m y mothe r wonders , will I mak e u p m y mind ? I wouldn't wan t t o b e th e onl y unmarrie d on e in m y group . I t is high time, sh e feels , tha t I give som e though t t o it." 53 The conflic t betwee n studie s a t colleg e an d th e marriag e goal s o f stu dents wa s laten t throughou t th e discussion s of the fifties , despit e th e ofte n glib denial s b y educators wh o believe d that, unlik e earlier belligeren t feminists, wome n n o longe r sa w a conflic t betwee n caree r an d marriage . In deed, Komarovsk y documente d th e degre e to whic h thi s perceived conflic t often le d undergraduat e wome n t o mas k thei r achievement s and discoun t their abilities . A transfe r fro m a coeducationa l institutio n note d tha t "everyone kne w tha t o n tha t campu s a reputation o f a 'brain ' kille d a girl socially. I wa s alway s fearfu l les t I sa y to o muc h i n clas s o r answe r a question whic h th e boy s I dated couldn' t answer. " Anothe r noted , "Quite frankly, I am afrai d t o g o int o som e kin d o f business career because I have a feelin g tha t I would chea t mysel f ou t o f marriage. . . . This fea r ha s led me t o revol t mentall y agains t th e sor t o f lif e towar d whic h m y chose n subjects her e a t schoo l ar e leadin g me. " Komarovsk y reporte d tha t "6 5 percent o f th e coed s a t a larg e Western campu s thought i t wa s damagin g to th e girls ' chance s fo r date s t o b e outstandin g i n academi c work. " A t Berkeley, Paul Heist foun d tha t "eve n th e young femal e intellectuals , scholars and creativ e students alike , wil l foreg o th e satisfaction s of thei r academi c pursuits i n orde r no t t o jeopardiz e their opportunit y fo r marriage. " An d David Riesma n observe d tha t "I n th e bette r institutions , the y scor n dilet tantism whil e ye t understandabl y regarding dee p intellectua l involvement as a potentia l threat ; lookin g perhap s a t som e o f th e unmarrie d wome n on th e faculty , the y ma y fea r tha t suc h involvemen t would cu t the m of f from th e lif e o f a normal , averag e woman, an d the y ar e persuade d that i t is more importan t t o b e a woman tha n to becom e some kind of specialist. " At Vassar, th e "emphasi s o n combinin g good mark s with a reasonably ful l social lif e i s s o stron g tha t som e student s who , i n reality , have t o wor k hard t o maintai n a n impressiv e grade-point rati o wil l devot e considerabl e effort t o presentin g an appearanc e of competenc y and freedo m fro m aca demic harassment. " Th e grin d was n o mor e popular i n th e fifties than i n the twenties , bu t fo r wome n i t wa s no t merel y th e overachiever s bu t achievement itsel f tha t seeme d to b e th e threat. 54


3

It is striking ho w muc h hiding an d dissemblin g emerges fro m th e discus sions o f women's conflict s ove r academi c succes s versu s popularity, caree r versus marriage. Thi s nee d t o distanc e themselve s fro m th e implication s of their studie s suggest s th e degre e t o whic h th e "academi c line " tha t th e liberal art s provide d an excellen t overall preparation for marriage and famil y was no t assimilate d t o colleg e women' s sens e o f themselve s o r int o thei r own subcultures . Indeed , perhap s th e rea l them e o f women's educatio n o f the perio d wa s no t th e fragmente d lif e cours e bu t th e divide d sel f whic h i t enforced. Wome n foun d th e signal s emanating fro m mos t school s confus ing, an d the y wer e apatheti c t o th e large r debate s aroun d them , no t be cause the y wer e uninterested , bu t becaus e the y provide d littl e help . T o advise wome n tha t thei r live s woul d b e repeatedl y interrupte d coul d hav e had littl e meanin g t o wome n i n thei r lat e teen s an d earl y twentie s whos e own vision s o f th e futur e wer e culture-boun d an d rosy . Wome n under graduates wer e littl e differen t i n tha t sens e tha n men . I n examinin g th e personality characteristic s o f mal e an d femal e students , on e grou p o f in vestigators foun d tha t "fe w student s hav e the kin d of personal autonomy , or independence , o r even , perhaps , socia l alienatio n whic h permit s the m to defe r fo r long their vocational o r marita l aims , in the interests of following othe r pursuits . Th e majorit y o f student s soo n foreg o experimentatio n with roles , an d an y questionin g of basi c values, in orde r t o secur e a s soon as possible a relativel y definite pla n fo r th e wor k o f th e future." 55 It wa s not , therefore , surprisin g that th e Universit y of Minnesota coul d only interes t 10 0 youn g wome n i n a pla n aime d a t assistin g wome n t o a more realisti c preparatio n fo r thei r long-ter m lif e course . "Ou r bigges t problem i s to ge t young women wh o ar e undergraduate s t o concer n them selves wit h plannin g fo r continuin g education." Recen t Vassa r graduate s were als o unintereste d i n "th e matte r o f what lif e wil l be lik e in 1 5 o r z o years." Lik e thei r mal e peers , wome n accepte d th e value s o f th e cultur e and directe d thei r undergraduate lives accordingly. Unlik e male undergrad uates, however , fo r who m a colleg e educatio n mad e professiona l sense , women's colleg e career s offere d n o momentu m towar d th e future . Davi d Riesman, in his usual perceptive way, graspe d thi s fac t clearly , noting tha t women i n goo d liberal-art s schools "hav e a har d tim e thinkin g o f them selves a s pursuing a caree r (rathe r than a job) after th e childre n are grown . . . . Instea d the y pursu e th e libera l art s wit h th e thought—an d the y d o think abou t it—tha t o n graduatio n the y wil l ge t th e sor t o f jo b ope n t o any reasonabl y intelligen t an d attractiv e A.B . . . . eve n ver y gifte d an d creative young women ar e satisfie d t o assum e that o n graduatio n the y will get underpaid ancillary positions." 56 Women undergraduate s were absorbe d i n the here an d no w wher e dates and futur e marriag e forme d th e mos t urgen t par t o f thei r self-imag e a s women, a n imag e defined b y thei r cultur e and strongl y supporte d b y stu-

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dent subculture . I n tha t contex t th e skiddin g ag e o f marriag e fo r wome n proved a rea l threa t an d cause d senior s wh o wer e no t ye t engage d t o b e married t o experienc e wha t wa s popularly know n a s "the panic. " Colleg e women di d no t nee d sociologist s t o tel l the m tha t i n a cultur e wher e "the individua l man' s equipmen t fo r achievin g succes s i n mos t semi professional an d professiona l occupation s increase s i n effectivenes s ove r the post-colleg e year s towar d a high poin t durin g middl e ag e or later . Th e individual woman' s success , however , i s culturally declared t o b e at a maximum ver y early i n life—durin g th e year s covered b y college careers , t o b e exact." I n thu s clearl y pinpointing th e difference s i n th e goal s o f me n an d women i n college , Walte r Wallac e ha d describe d th e sourc e o f women' s fear, bu t non e o f th e availabl e theorie s coul d effectivel y alla y eithe r tha t fear o r th e conflic t implici t in women's attendanc e a t college . The empha sis on th e libera l arts shielde d th e colleges , no t th e women , fro m tha t fact . To hav e expecte d wome n t o find a means psychologically to integrat e that fear wit h thei r involvemen t i n day-to-da y academi c activitie s was t o de mand o f th e student s wha t thei r teacher s coul d no t achiev e i n thei r theo ries. A s anthropologis t Florenc e Kluckhol n reported , "Tim e an d agai n whe n young wome n o f colleg e ag e or younge r ar e aske d wha t the y kno w abou t household management , chil d rearing or cooking , th e answe r immediatel y given is , 'I'l l d o tha t whe n I have to.' An d wit h th e matte r brushe d of f in this indifferen t phras e the y turn bac k t o book s o n economics, socia l organ ization, Italia n literature , o r nuclea r physics." 57 The conflictin g signals of which s o man y undergraduat e wome n complaine d le d to a spli t attentio n rather tha n a fundamenta l integratio n o f purpos e o r t o th e devisin g of long-term plans . Certainly, som e wome n studie d hom e economic s o r denta l hygiene , an d very many too k a t least some educatio n course s i n the expectatio n o f hold ing th e job s that Riesma n recognize d t o b e part o f thei r acceptanc e o f th e limits o f opportunity. 58 Bu t fo r mos t wome n i n liberal-art s programs , th e split response , scurryin g for a date an d readin g Dante, wa s th e bette r par t of wisdom , sinc e the y neede d t o succee d o n th e term s th e societ y ha d se t for them , an d ver y few , eve n colleg e presidents , seeme d abl e t o provid e alternative visions . Eve n th e woma n wit h a Radcliff e Ph.D . expresse d a deep conflic t betwee n professiona l an d marita l goal s an d "th e majorit y of married Ph.D. s [gave ] up full-tim e wor k t o pursu e their professiona l interest on a part-time basis , intermittently, o r not a t all." Fo r most th e conflict had "invariabl y bee n resolve d i n favo r o f famil y an d especiall y chil dren."59 It was smal l wonder the n tha t the average undergraduat e woma n saw littl e point i n thinkin g to o har d abou t th e problem s of he r ow n frag mented future . Colleg e wome n preferre d no t t o anticipat e th e degre e t o which thei r famil y chore s woul d remai n isolate d fro m th e academi c pur -


5

suits of their youth . I t was no t unti l later, isolate d i n suburban tracts, that so man y well-educate d wome n woul d questio n th e waste d resource s o f their colleg e days . I t wa s tha t sens e o f unfulfille d possibilities , o f studie s once seriousl y and equall y pursued wit h me n bu t no w largel y a matter o f nostalgia, that Bett y Friedan would resurrec t into the basi s of female ange r and rebellion. History offer s u s th e deliciou s dessert of hindsight, and lookin g back fro m a perio d whe n women' s education , i n the seventie s and eighties , seem s t o have settle d int o a n aggressiv e patter n o f equa l right s fo r professiona l preparation, i t woul d b e easy to dismis s the concern s abou t highe r education fo r wome n i n the fifties as a tempest i n a teapot. But the issue s raised and th e failur e t o resolv e them b y educators an d student s alik e are i n fac t of considerabl e consequence. In the earl y fifties, women's highe r educatio n seemed genuinel y threatened initiall y by competition fo r place that defined the postwa r educationa l worl d an d i n whic h th e allocatio n o f preciou s educational resource s seeme d to b e best spen t o n men . Thi s wa s n o mer e illusion since women were often passe d ove r in favo r o f men fo r admission to coeducationa l schools. 60 The hard-fough t battle fo r equa l education fo r women als o seeme d threatened b y attempts a t fundamenta l curriculum restructuring lik e thos e propose d b y White . Abov e all, cultura l perception s about women' s live s fundamentall y challenge d the utilit y of highe r education fo r women , an d i n s o doin g the y challenge d th e meanin g o f highe r education itself . Schools exis t withi n a specifi c cultura l context tha t define s th e problem s they ar e aske d t o addres s an d usuall y set s th e limit s of thei r effectiv e ac tion. Th e highe r education o f women wa s a n almos t pur e instanc e o f thi s relationship. I n a societ y tha t ha d liberate d wome n sufficientl y t o pursu e higher studie s bu t ha d no t activel y encouraged the m t o us e those studies , the laten t proble m o f wha t thei r studie s wer e fo r coul d no t long b e ig nored; certainl y no t afte r college-goin g became a popular, eve n a normal , experience for middle-class women. I f that society, moreover , continued t o define womanhoo d b y distinctl y family-linke d attribute s an d rewarde d women wh o demonstrate d thos e attribute s wit h earl y marriage, th e issu e became cleare r yet . Why , afte r all , shoul d wome n g o t o colleg e when al l they reall y wanted wa s motherhood ? I f the college s sa w themselve s as mer e functional appendage s o f th e existin g culture—a s becam e increasingl y th e case i n the twentiet h century—th e questio n almos t necessaril y led to Lynn White's answer , o r i t resulte d in a rationalizatio n of th e libera l art s a s a n all-purpose education , goo d fo r mothers , citizens , and workers . What prevente d White's answe r from guidin g the futur e developmen t of

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American colleg e educatio n fo r wome n ha d les s to d o wit h th e leadershi p of th e college s o r thei r foresigh t i n preparin g wome n fo r a contingen t fu ture tha n i t di d wit h th e conservativ e orientatio n o f th e college s an d th e vested interest s o f thei r faculties . Th e liberal-art s colleg e i s a s muc h a n expression o f th e researc h universit y a s i t i s the well-conceive d an d artic ulate bastio n o f liberal learning it pretends t o be . Drawing it s faculty fro m research-oriented universit y departments define d b y disciplines, the colleg e could no t easil y acquiesc e i n a heav y reinvestmen t an d reorientatio n o f purpose. Thi s i s not entirel y t o disparag e th e sincer e commitment tha t man y (especially th e olde r women' s schools ) ha d develope d t o th e liberatin g tra ditions associate d wit h thei r broad , sexuall y neutra l offering . I t i s rathe r to sugges t tha t th e histor y o f ho w th e libera l art s becam e centra l t o th e curriculum, rathe r tha n eithe r functio n o r utility , explains thei r persistenc e and dominanc e ove r time . Afte r all , me n a s wel l a s wome n i n th e fiftie s were tol d tha t th e libera l art s provide d th e bes t preparatio n fo r thei r fu tures (whic h i n thei r cas e mean t th e profession s o r business) , a s indee d they did . Bu t this wa s no t s o because they were th e onl y or necessaril y th e most effectiv e preparatio n bu t becaus e b y th e 1950 5 an d '6o s graduat e school requirement s wer e buil t aroun d th e assumptio n tha t onl y liberal arts student s qualifie d fo r admission . Th e libera l art s wer e th e bes t prepa ration, no t becaus e the y were intrinsicall y useful o r wise , bu t becaus e the y fulfilled professional-schoo l requirement s that had grow n u p in the context of th e specifi c histor y o f America n highe r educatio n an d becaus e b y th e mid-twentieth centur y the libera l arts had becom e the curriculu m of choice among th e leadin g institutions. The libera l art s ha d becom e suc h a fac t o f lif e b y th e 1950 5 tha t the y could b e used t o cove r al l the bases, a s they were when the y wer e mad e t o fit th e multi-purpose s o f women' s fracture d lif e cycle . But , i n adoptin g a moderately progressive , student-oriente d aur a t o thei r historicall y derive d curriculum, b y emphasizing that th e libera l arts provide d a n educatio n fo r living, th e college s wer e largel y deceivin g themselves , no t thei r students . As on e youn g woma n brilliantl y assesse d th e situation : "I t seem s t o m e college prepare d m e to b e anothe r femal e colleg e professor." 61 In tha t sense , th e fifties proved t o b e a holdin g perio d fo r women' s ed ucation. Despit e som e modification s in curriculum an d som e broa d exper imentation i n semi-professional as well as in explicitly family-centered curricula, th e preservatio n o f th e libera l arts a s suitable fo r wome n a s well a s for me n prove d t o b e a godsen d t o a femal e minority . I t permitte d som e women, at least, t o us e the broa d bas e o f the liberal arts to ente r the maledominated professions . Fro m these , the y began to sti r the caldro n fo r wome n in genera l wit h notabl e consequence s fo r futur e effort s a t equalit y o f op portunity i n th e society . An d i t allowe d som e wome n t o becom e colleg e


7

professors wh o woul d continu e t o defen d th e libera l art s an d women' s equal righ t t o th e socia l access—a s wel l a s th e enlightenment—the y pro vide. In th e 19508 , however , th e focu s o f educationa l discussio n wa s o n th e majority, o n th e averag e girl an d he r inevitabl y average culture. That con cern canno t b e altogethe r dismisse d i n a societ y wher e education , eve n higher education , i s aimed at th e mass . Here th e libera l arts were les s successful, providin g mos t wome n wit h littl e guidanc e o r direction , encour aging conflic t an d eve n a fals e sens e o f passivity . I t i s doubtfu l tha t th e majority o f wome n eve r sa w i n their liberal-art s education th e all-purpos e relevance wit h whic h educator s investe d it . Instead , th e majorit y accepte d training in the libera l arts a s the price of attending college. The liberal-arts program provide d the m wit h a sens e o f immediat e purposefulness while they pursue d th e goa l o f findin g a marriag e partner . A s Walte r Wallac e concluded i n hi s study of student socialization at a midwestern liberal-arts college, "th e strictl y academic side of college life . .. is likely to b e viewed by wome n a s a se t of bothersom e regulation s which has t o b e put u p wit h while on e get s o n wit h th e rea l purpos e o f college. " Douva n an d Kay e were undoubtedl y correct whe n the y describe d college lif e a s infuse d wit h glamour tha t wa s th e deflecte d haz e o f romanti c ambition s fo r marriage . American college s i n th e 1950 5 an d earl y '6o s provide d wome n wit h th e glamour o f independence without th e immediat e urgency of decision. A s a result, the utilit y of attendance in a liberal-arts program fo r women prove d to b e a li e sinc e i t close d rathe r tha n opene d options . B y providing th e illusion o f trainin g withou t th e substanc e o f direction , i t allowe d wome n to inves t all their eage r expectatio n i n marriage because their studies, good in themselves , bore n o clea r frui t i n long-ter m preparation . I n th e absenc e of goal s othe r tha n marriage , women foun d thei r educatio n not useles s bu t unusable. I t wa s n o smal l wonde r tha t wome n panicke d i n thei r senio r year. Withou t th e immediat e prospect o f marriage , th e liberal-art s degre e in itsel f directe d wome n afte r colleg e onl y t o thei r traditiona l outlets — teaching or th e typewriter. 62 The liberal-art s program s o f mos t undergraduate s als o strongl y under wrote th e existin g culture, no t becaus e they prepare d wome n fo r th e many faceted role s the y woul d soo n pla y (a s educator s wishe d t o believe) , bu t because they gave women tim e and roo m t o devot e themselve s to th e tas k of findin g a mat e a s th e fina l diplom a o f graduation . Wome n i n colleg e were surrounded b y a romantic haze which educator s di d littl e to dispe l in insisting tha t th e libera l art s were , afte r all , a fin e preparatio n fo r moth erhood. Millicen t Mclntosh's assertio n tha t Gree k archaeolog y was goo d for mother s onl y reassured wome n tha t the y shoul d b e good mother s no t good archaeologists . I n s o thoroughl y shorin g u p th e vie w tha t mother -

188 Other


hood was , afte r all , th e bes t gam e i n town , mos t educationa l defense s of the libera l art s i n th e fiftie s an d earl y sixtie s succeede d i n reinforcin g th e status qu o a s thoroughl y a s a mor e specificall y family-oriente d educatio n would have , al l th e whil e encouragin g conflict s not i n orientatio n bu t i n self-perception base d o n self-deception . Unresolved , thos e conflict s i n col lege provide d th e fertil e sourc e fo r angr y feeling s o f betraya l tha t ulti mately issue d i n revolt . A fe w wome n struggle d ou t o f th e illusion s t o gras p a t th e essenc e of their genuinel y equa l education , bu t tha t minorit y di d s o a t a cos t no t unlike tha t o f th e origina l pioneers o f women's educatio n wh o wer e viewed as personally eccentri c an d sociall y maladroit. Unlik e those earl y pioneers , however, th e minorit y i n th e fiftie s an d sixtie s coul d expec t littl e socia l support fro m thei r peer s a t schoo l an d n o reinforcemen t fro m th e schoo l culture. An d lik e them, the y wer e i n th e lon g ru n force d t o questio n th e cultural assumption s an d socia l categorie s wit h th e genuinel y liberatin g vantage tha t a liberal-art s educatio n had , i n fact , provide d them . I n th e end, the libera l arts ha d provided th e few with the wherewithal to questio n the conditio n o f the many , and th e traditio n o f equal education resulte d in demands fo r a wider equalit y in which that educatio n woul d mak e sense . In a societ y whic h ha d com e t o valu e education fo r th e solution s i t of fered t o th e problem s o f th e individua l an d fo r it s specifi c utility , fo r th e manner i n whic h i t help s t o defin e an d suppor t th e culture , a s wel l a s fo r promoting excellenc e an d critica l thought, i t i s perhaps a n inevitabl e con sequence o f a n open-ende d educatio n tha t i t shoul d encourag e confusio n as well a s enlightenment. In the 1950 5 it allowed wome n t o bide their tim e as well a s to striv e for self-realization . By the twentiet h century , th e American fait h i n educatio n ha d becom e s o broad—and s o demanding—tha t i t could n o longe r (i f it eve r could ) satisf y th e man y elements whose need s i t sought t o meet . I n that sens e the parado x o f women's highe r educatio n i n the 1950 5 is an instanc e of the muc h wider parado x o f democratic school ing i n th e Unite d States , wher e rea l change s ma y issue fro m th e peculia r dialectics o f educationa l institution s oriente d t o protectin g cultura l ar rangements an d socia l hierarchie s whil e they educat e th e mass .

6 Imitation an d Autonomy: Catholic Educatio n in th e Twentiet h Centur y The fundamenta l theor y o f liberty upon whic h all governments i n this Union repose excludes an y general power o f the Stat e t o standardiz e its children b y forcing the m to accep t instructio n fro m publi c teachers only . The child is not the mere creatur e of the State ; thos e wh o nurtur e him an d direct hi s destiny have the right , couple d wit h th e hig h duty , t o recogniz e and t o prepar e hi m for additiona l obligations . Pierce v. Society o f Sisters (I92.5) 1 The firs t ste p fo r successfu l Catholi c teachin g is to convinc e ever y Catholi c teacher an d hav e he r treasur e thi s convictio n i n th e ver y cor e o f he r heart : that wha t w e have done , wha t w e are doing , the wa y we have done it , an d the wa y we ar e doin g i t has no t bee n an d i s not inferio r t o wha t th e public schools hav e don e an d ar e doing , th e wa y the y hav e don e it , an d th e wa y they ar e doin g it . We have great roo m fo r improvement , bu t w e have by n o means bee n failures.

MONSIGNOR JOHN J. FALLO N (i936) 2

Whatever els e the y hav e achieved , school s i n th e twentiet h centur y hav e succeeded i n interposin g betwee n parent s an d thei r children , fo r longe r and longe r periods , th e authorit y o f a publi c an d state-controlle d agency . In th e nineteent h century , whe n publi c schooling first becam e a prominen t form o f democrati c reform , i t wa s clothe d i n th e languag e o f republican ism and citizenship , since these ideas exemplified the governing perception s of th e public interest i n childhood nurture. 3 By the earl y twentieth century , when wha t wa s calle d th e crisi s o f childhoo d bega n t o haun t progressiv e reformers an d othe r observer s o f th e genera l socia l crisi s create d b y immigrant-fed citie s an d industries , i t was logical , indee d predictable , tha t the publi c authorit y availabl e throug h th e school s woul d b e expanded . Health, vocationalism , sexua l behavior , socia l adjustment , Americaniza tion, al l fel l unde r th e widenin g umbrell a o f th e school . Whil e historian s have recentl y bee n attracte d t o th e belie f tha t publi c lif e ha s bee n o n th e decline sinc e the earl y nineteenth century , a clos e loo k a t th e school s woul d suggest a n equall y potent an d paralle l trend a s mor e an d mor e aspect s of private life—an d amon g the m som e o f th e mos t intimate—hav e increas -

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ingly becom e a matter o f public and stat e interest . On e o f the mos t signif icant o f thes e ha s bee n childhood , ove r which parenta l authorit y ha s been systematically erode d durin g the past century. The Catholi c churc h wa s earl y an d anxiousl y awar e o f thes e develop ments. Eage r t o protec t it s floc k fro m th e allurement s o f a secula r an d alien cultur e an d th e spiritua l hazard s o f exposur e t o school s controlle d by a Protestan t (an d usuall y hostile) majority , th e Catholi c churc h too k decisive step s t o shor e u p it s ow n authority . I n s o doing , th e churc h be lieved i t als o strengthene d th e authorit y o f parents ove r wha t i n the twen tieth centur y becam e th e million s of youn g Catholic s wh o i n th e absenc e of alternative s would necessaril y have gon e t o th e publi c schools. Th e al ternative school s create d b y th e churc h certainl y expressed a publi c interest, thoug h th e intereste d publi c wa s th e mor e discret e an d identifiabl e minority community . A s such , th e Catholi c schools , whil e unde r ecclesi astical jurisdictio n and control , provided a school alternativ e more closely related t o th e specifi c concern s o f parent s an d th e Catholi c community . Thus, Catholi c school s provid e a usefu l an d necessar y perspective fo r un derstanding schoo l developmen t i n th e twentiet h century . A s significan t alternatives fo r ethni c Catholics , the y hel p t o describ e bot h th e rang e of possibilities availabl e t o outsider s i n th e twentiet h centur y an d th e rea l boundaries of thos e choices . Catholic school s were established in the nineteenth century , shortly afte r initial move s t o provid e a commo n schoolin g fo r al l Americans. The early struggles t o provid e a separat e educatio n fo r a self-conscious minority figure prominentl y i n th e publi c debate s o f th e nineteent h century . B y th e early twentiet h century , th e church' s righ t t o retai n contro l ove r Catholi c children and t o maintain schools fo r them was a n established fact an d part of th e America n self-definition o f how minorit y rights, a t leas t i n religion , were constitutionall y provide d for . Tha t fac t (despit e repeated challenge s and clos e calls) , als o suggest s th e degre e t o whic h th e exercis e o f public authority ove r childhoo d i n moder n Americ a has bee n neithe r monolithi c nor completel y successful . A t th e sam e time , the growt h o f Catholi c school s in th e twentiet h centur y ha s no t bee n entirel y self-generating . While th e Catholic school s flourishe d o n th e basi s of th e huge , early twentieth-century migrations, th e enormou s scop e an d exten t o f the schoo l syste m eventually created unde r churc h auspices was fa r mor e tha n a simple response t o th e numbers of Eastern an d Souther n European , French-Canadian , Irish, German, and Mexican immigrants . On the contrary, th e church's school s grew because th e publi c schools grew . Ever y expansion o f publi c authority; ever y extension o f th e compulsor y school age ; ever y addition o f programs , services, an d activitie s t o schoo l offering s expande d th e effort s o f Catholi c educators o n behal f o f thei r ow n an d th e complexit y of Catholi c schools .

Imitation and Autonomy 19

1

Had th e public schools no t expande d aggressivel y in the twentieth century , it i s safe t o sa y that th e Catholi c schools woul d hav e remained what they were i n th e nineteent h century—a n importan t bu t limite d expressio n o f community autonomy . Instead , the y becam e a n enormou s an d comple x alternative schoo l syste m which , b y th e middl e o f th e twentiet h century , enrolled aroun d 1 4 percen t o f al l childre n o f schoo l ag e an d include d i n i96>z almos t five and one-hal f millio n children. 4 Throughout th e twentiet h century , parochia l school s parallele d an d imitated change s i n the public schools, bu t wit h a n importan t difference : th e Catholic school s hav e never succeede d i n providin g enoug h place s fo r al l Catholic childre n o r eve n al l Catholi c childre n who wishe d t o attend . Despite th e ofte n repeate d slogan , "Ever y Catholi c Chil d in a Catholi c School," the universalis m o f Catholi c doctrin e coul d no t full y compet e wit h th e powerful America n tendenc y toward universa l education, an d o f al l Cath olic children , th e numbe r o f those wh o attende d Catholi c schools ha s rarel y exceeded 5 0 percent throughou t th e twentieth century . As a result, despit e the explici t driv e t o autonom y an d th e les s openl y avowe d competitio n with th e public schools, th e Catholi c school s hav e always bee n dependen t on th e existence of the public schools t o achiev e their goal s and objectives. Ironically, th e succes s o f th e Catholi c schools—thei r abilit y t o maintai n academic standard s an d t o ope n line s o f socia l mobilit y t o graduates — would hav e been impossible without th e safet y ne t provided b y the public schools. Th e histor y of Catholi c school s i n th e twentiet h centur y is there fore ver y much part o f the stor y of modern publi c schooling. No t onl y did Catholic school s serv e an enormou s publi c and respon d t o th e sam e social pressures a s publi c schools , bu t the y als o wer e manifestl y dependen t o n public school authorit y i n order t o maintai n their own autonomy .

I The Catholi c viewpoin t o n education , wit h it s stron g Christocentri c em phasis, roots i n Thomist rationalis t psychology , an d dependenc e o n papa l pronouncements an d concilia r decisions , provide d a strongl y conservativ e center o f gravity for educationa l goal s an d practice . Th e churc h schools — parish-based parochia l schools , centra l diocesa n schools , an d privat e school s owned b y religiou s orders—al l share d self-consciou s an d well-articulate d traditional objectives . These serve d as the firm basi s of all teaching , not only i n matter s o f religion . Catholi c school s hav e heavil y emphasize d throughout th e twentiet h centur y issue s o f characte r formation , self discipline, th e unit y o f learning , and hig h level s o f academi c proficiency . And Catholi c educationa l value s continue d t o emphasiz e subject-matter

192. Other


mastery, especiall y on th e secondary-schoo l level , long afte r publi c schools redirected thei r visio n from th e subject to the child. As William McGucke n observed, "Fo r th e Catholi c secondar y school , developmen t o f th e Chris tian virtue s i s obviousl y o f greate r wort h tha n learnin g o r anythin g else . . . . But if the school doe s not atten d t o intellectua l trainin g a t all , is not concerned wit h th e fac t tha t it s student s ar e no t masterin g gramma r o r reading o r whateve r ma y constitut e th e high-schoo l curriculum , the n i t is not merel y a poor school ; i t forfeit s th e righ t t o b e calle d a schoo l a t all , even thoug h i t ma y b e successfu l i n developin g th e virtue s o f a Christia n character. Th e Catholi c secondar y schoo l ha s th e specifi c functio n of training for intellectua l virtues." 5 While publi c school s increasingl y emphasize d persona l adjustmen t an d group socialization , th e Catholi c school s hav e throughou t mos t o f th e twentieth centur y resiste d th e implications , thoug h no t alway s th e forms , of "progressive " educationa l practice . I n on e area , however , th e Catholi c schools foun d tha t the publi c school s wer e increasingl y i n agreement wit h their ow n long-standin g commitments—schoolin g was to provid e training for living . Education fo r livin g had becom e fo r educator s i n th e twentiet h century a highl y ambiguous , no t t o sa y slippery , term . Citizenship , per sonal adjustment , vocationa l trainin g ha d al l bee n subsume d in th e idea , and Catholi c educators , lik e thei r secula r peers , wer e no t immun e t o th e enticements ^ f tha t ambiguity . Nevertheless , th e Catholi c school s coul d and di d alway s clai m tha t wha t distinguishe d the m first , last , an d alway s from th e publi c school s wa s th e Catholi c emphasi s o n Christianit y a s th e central cor e o f living . It s lesson s abou t thi s lif e a s wel l a s th e nex t stoo d at th e cente r o f th e schoo l curriculu m an d provide d th e integrativ e forc e for everythin g else the school s migh t offer . Catholi c educator s mos t ofte n defined th e distinctio n betwee n their school s an d th e public schools a s the difference betwee n idealis m and materialism . Thi s crucia l distinctio n wa s the governin g rational e fo r Catholic-schoo l separatis m an d wa s mad e i n every comparison, laten t o r manifest, between Catholi c an d public schools. One o f th e bes t an d leas t polemica l o f suc h description s wa s containe d i n a statemen t b y the Notre Dame Stud y of Catholic Elementar y and Second ary School s i n th e Unite d State s issue d i n 1966 : "Ever y Catholi c schoo l teaches religion . . .. In all, symbols associated wit h th e liturgy and prayer are intimatel y associate d wit h th e schoo l day . Th e ver y presenc e o f th e religious i s i n itsel f a dominant , unforgettabl e symbol . Her e ar e person s set apart fro m th e world remindin g that worl d no t merel y of sin, of justice, and o f judgment, but als o o f the unavoidable choice betwee n the holy an d the unholy , betwee n th e thing s tha t ar e o f tim e an d th e thing s tha t tran scend time." 6 Educatio n fo r livin g fo r Catholi c educator s inhere d i n th e


3

lessons o f tha t choic e an d th e meaningfulnes s of th e supernatura l a s par t of life . Yet, throughou t th e twentiet h century , th e issue s an d dilemma s wit h which th e churc h school s ha d t o conten d cam e fro m withi n th e real m of time an d fro m th e ver y materia l force s agains t whic h th e churc h school s provided, i n their view , th e greates t resistance . Thos e condition s include d issues o f ethnicit y an d language , enrollmen t an d curriculum , academi c evaluation and professiona l success, schoo l finance , an d abov e all the competition an d imitatio n force d upo n th e religiou s schools b y the publi c au thority exercise d throug h th e publicl y supporte d schools . Tha t i s t o say , whatever th e strengt h o f the church' s conservativ e and traditiona l commit ments, th e churc h school s ha d t o operat e withi n a univers e of problem s common t o Catholi c an d secula r school s an d on e i n whic h mor e ofte n than no t thes e problems ha d first been addresse d b y the public schools . These socia l constraint s operatin g o n Catholi c educatio n wer e cleares t in th e are a o f secondar y education , o n whic h s o muc h educationa l energy was expende d i n th e firs t hal f o f th e twentiet h century . Whil e American high school s ha d becom e independen t institution s b y th e lat e nineteent h century an d wer e b y th e earl y twentieth centur y educatin g larg e number s of boy s and girl s whose schoolin g woul d en d befor e college, th e liberatio n of th e Catholi c hig h schoo l fro m it s elit e connectio n t o th e college s an d seminaries di d no t reall y com e unti l th e 19305 . Unti l tha t time , Catholi c secondary education wa s limite d to th e few students eligibl e for the specifi c classical subject s deeme d essentia l preparatio n fo r college-leve l work. Th e reason wa s partl y organizational . Mos t Catholi c elementar y schools wer e based o n th e parish . Small , homogeneous , an d locall y financed , th e ele mentary schoo l an d it s paris h coul d provid e onl y limite d resource s an d limited deman d (especiall y in th e ne w immigran t communities ) fo r high school enrollment . I t was th e college s and universitie s run b y the religious orders, no t th e parishes , tha t provide d th e academi c instruction , ofte n o n a boardin g plan , whic h absorbe d th e ambitiou s and talente d student s whos e sights wer e se t o n furthe r education. 7 Paris h school s coul d an d ofte n di d attach som e additiona l instructio n beyon d th e sixt h grade , bu t thi s wa s usually limite d i n th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centurie s an d rarely provide d mor e tha n a fe w year s o f trainin g beyon d th e primar y grades. Mos t parishe s simpl y could no t affor d th e full-fledge d progra m of an accredite d hig h schoo l wit h it s comple x curriculu m an d costl y variety of specialize d subjects. The initia l impuls e fo r high-schoo l developmen t cam e i n 188 4 a t th e Third Plenar y Counci l o f th e Catholi c Churc h o f Americ a in Baltimore. The counci l issue d stron g an d obligator y injunction s tha t require d al l

194 Other


Catholic childre n t o b e educated i n Catholi c schools . Tha t requiremen t in the contex t o f the impendin g upward-age revision of th e compulsor y school attendance law s mean t tha t Catholic s woul d hav e t o provid e school s fo r those wh o ha d passe d beyon d th e elementar y grades . Indeed , th e Thir d Plenary Counci l expresse d it s hope s an d approva l fo r th e creatio n o f central hig h school s unde r diocesa n control . B y authorizing diocesan schools , the counci l facilitate d th e eventua l appearanc e o f publicl y a s oppose d t o privately ru n Catholi c hig h schools. * Suc h school s woul d no t depen d o n the loca l paris h an d it s limite d enrollmen t an d financia l possibilities , bu t would cove r large r area s unde r th e supervisio n of th e bisho p an d benefi t from hi s acces s t o muc h wide r resources . Th e centra l hig h schoo l woul d be connecte d t o th e paris h elementar y school, no t th e college , and woul d connect high schools t o parish schoolin g jus t as had happened t o American secular school s whe n hig h school s wer e cut loos e fro m colleg e and univer sity auspices . Th e ne w diocesa n for m o f organizatio n als o mad e th e hig h school, a s translocal institution, a context fo r vastl y expanded inter-ethni c contacts whic h woul d eventuall y facilitat e th e assimilatio n forestalle d b y parish school s wit h singl e nationalities . I n 1904 , a committe e o f th e Na tional Catholi c Education Associatio n presente d a set of resolutions specif ically addressin g thi s issue. "Th e tim e seems opportune fo r a more general effort o n th e par t o f Catholic s fo r th e establishmen t o f Catholi c hig h schools." Bu t th e resolution s als o note d tha t "whil e th e hig h schoo l i s intended mainl y for pupil s wh o d o no t g o t o college , i t woul d fai l o f a n essential purpos e di d i t not als o provid e a suitable preparatory curriculum for thos e o f it s students wh o eithe r desir e to prepar e fo r college , or woul d be le d t o d o so , wer e suc h preparator y curriculu m offered." 8 Tha t las t provision would exer t a powerful an d continuin g influence ove r the nature of th e diocesa n schools , bu t i t too k th e churc h a lon g tim e t o implement effectively th e resolutio n i n general. By th e earl y 19205 , ther e wer e stil l onl y thirty-fiv e diocesa n hig h schools , and mos t o f th e 130,00 0 Catholi c secondary-schoo l student s i n 1,50 0 in stitutions attende d privat e schools. B y that fairl y lat e dat e i n the histor y of the America n publi c hig h school , "I n Catholi c circle s . . . th e statu s of the parochia l an d eve n o f th e centra l hig h school s wa s [still ] dubious." 9 Not unti l th e perio d betwee n th e war s wer e th e possibilitie s o f Catholi c secondary educatio n firs t realize d i n a rea l expansio n o f enrollments . The impulse for this expansion cam e fro m source s outsid e th e church, fro m th e political an d socia l event s i n th e wide r society . Thes e ca n b e summarized as th e pus h provide d b y th e enforcemen t o f child-labo r an d compulsor y *As use d throughou t thi s chapter , "private school " refer s t o school s ru n b y religiou s order s rather tha n b y the Catholi c churc h throug h th e paris h o r diocese .

Imitation an d Autonomy 19

5

education law s and th e pul l increasingly exerted b y the Catholi c public as prosperity an d permanenc e mad e th e Catholi c immigrant s o f th e nine teenth centur y (Irish and German) , and increasingly also those of the twen tieth century , eager fo r th e social and professiona l advantages of advanced schooling.10 Th e maturatio n o f th e hug e Catholi c immigran t community in th e contex t of enforced compulsor y education law s require d the churc h to provid e institutions for the adolescen t childre n of the native-bor n Cath olics an d th e youn g immigrants who ha d com e a t th e tur n o f the century . In thi s wa y th e churc h coul d fulfil l it s ow n objective s by providin g every Catholic chil d wit h Catholi c schoolin g an d preven t thos e childre n fro m seeking place s i n th e secular , materialistic schools provide d a t publi c expense. By th e middl e o f th e twentiet h century , th e churc h ha d succeede d i n those goal s t o a larg e extent . I n 1949 , nearl y one-hal f millio n student s attended Catholi c hig h schools , an d tha t numbe r grew t o ove r a millio n by th e earl y 19605 . Th e Catholi c respons e t o th e socia l an d cultura l de mands fo r secondar y education was vigorous an d especiall y notable i n th e expansion o f th e ne w "democratic " diocesa n hig h schools , mos t o f the m in larg e cities . Thes e gre w fro m 3 5 i n 192.2 , t o 15 0 i n 194 7 an d the n t o 344 i n 1962. . Th e centra l diocesa n hig h school , i n lin e wit h it s origina l objectives, wa s able to offe r mor e varied programs t o a more comple x an d heterogeneous mi x of students than ha d bee n possible either in the parish based schoo l o r i n th e privatel y ru n academies . As the Reveren d John P . Breheny, assistan t superintenden t o f th e Archdioces e o f Ne w York , ob served i n th e 19408 , "Th e centra l schoo l ca n bette r provid e th e typ e of secondary educatio n neede d today , becaus e i t i s i n a positio n t o offe r a more varie d progra m o f study . Wher e academi c hig h school s conducte d by religiou s communitie s exist , th e centra l schoo l shoul d b e mor e con cerned with meetin g the needs of the student wh o lack s the finances or th e scholastic intelligenc e to atten d suc h a school." 11 Nevertheless, the church's success in opening its high schools to the multitude o f its parishioners was limited. Catholic secondar y education , muc h more tha n America n secular schools , remaine d heavily dependent o n pri vate schools. I n 1947, more than one-thir d of the Catholic secondar y school s were stil l owne d an d operate d b y private religiou s orders. B y i96z, dio cesan school s stil l accounted fo r onl y 16. 6 percent o f al l high schools . A t that point, parish high school s accounte d fo r 3 7 percent an d privat e school s for anothe r 3 7 percent. Moreover , almost one-half of the diocesa n school s in 1962 , wer e les s tha n te n year s old . Th e diocesa n school s tende d t o b e much large r tha n th e other s an d therefor e enrolle d nearly one-thir d o f al l secondary-school students, but 3 8 percent of al l Catholic secondary-school students continue d to atten d privat e high schools. 12

196 Other


The heavy dependence o n private schools throughou t th e twentieth cen tury ha d ver y significan t implication s fo r Catholi c secondar y education , and continue d t o distinguis h Catholi c high-schoo l experienc e fro m tha t of the publi c schools . Whil e th e overwhelmin g majority o f America n high school student s attende d distric t publi c schools i n th e grea t perio d o f ex panded enrollment s (19x 0 t o 1960) , Catholi c secondary-schoo l student s attended a t leas t fou r differen t kind s o f schools—Catholi c centra l hig h schools (diocesan) , local paris h schools wit h high-schoo l departments , pri vate academies ru n b y religious orders , an d publi c secular schools. I n fact , despite th e bes t effort s o f Catholi c officials , mos t Catholi c secondar y stu dents have throughout th e twentieth centur y attended public , non-Catholi c schools. I n i96z-63 , onl y one-third o f al l eligible Catholic student s wen t to Catholi c hig h schools. B y contrast, ove r one-half of al l eligible Catholic elementary-school student s wen t t o Catholi c schools. 13 Twic e a s many highschool-age Catholic s wen t t o publi c schools a s went t o Catholi c schools , and o f thos e wh o di d atten d sectaria n institutions , a t leas t one-thir d at tended privately owned school s which were largely untouched b y the mor e democratic orientation o f central diocesan schools o r the public high schools . The failur e o f larg e number s o f Catholi c secondary-schoo l student s t o attend Catholi c school s wa s onl y marginall y the resul t o f choice . Andre w Greeley an d Pete r Ross i foun d i n thei r investigatio n o f forme r Catholi c school student s tha t man y o f those wh o di d no t atten d Catholi c schools , even afte r Worl d Wa r II , had n o schoo l whic h the y coul d attend . Greele y and Ross i conclude d tha t "wit h th e singl e exception o f respondent s fro m the West, approximately 7 0 percent of those fo r whom school s wer e available di d i n fac t atten d them. " Despit e som e continuin g variatio n amon g ethnic groups, th e majorit y o f Catholic s b y th e middl e o f th e twentiet h century wanted to fulfil l churc h directives and canon la w requirements and send thei r childre n to Catholi c schools . Tha t many could not was not usually the resul t of financial considerations. Catholi c school s hav e never been technically fre e o f cost . I n fact , however , unti l recentl y cost s hav e bee n low, an d th e churc h ofte n provide d schoolin g fre e o f charg e t o thos e wh o could no t affor d wha t i n the cas e o f mos t diocesa n an d parochia l school s were ver y modest tuitio n charges. 14 Instead , th e inabilit y of man y Catho lics t o atten d Catholi c hig h school s resulte d fro m tw o relate d factors — lack o f sufficien t facilitie s an d selectiv e admission s an d promotio n poli cies.15 It was paradoxicall y thes e sam e conditions tha t provided Catholi c school s and their students with a n advantage not availabl e to those i n public schools. Lack o f sufficien t place s i n secondar y schools allowe d Catholi c hig h school s to remai n firmly , thoug h no t entirely , academi c i n orientation , an d pro vided greate r acces s t o socia l mobilit y fo r Catholi c schoo l students . Th e Catholic hig h school s were , i n fact , abl e t o provid e some curriculu m dif-


7

ferentiation withou t investin g heavil y i n vocationa l educatio n o r funda mentally alterin g thei r commitmen t t o a fa r mor e uniforml y academi c program tha n wa s possibl e i n publi c schools , becaus e Catholi c school s could selec t thei r student s an d expec t th e publi c school s t o tak e car e o f the rest. As Catholi c secondar y educatio n expanded , i t wa s confronte d b y th e same problems tha t beset public schools, problem s usuall y associated wit h divergent studen t aptitude s an d objectives . Catholic schools , especiall y th e large, heterogeneous, an d usually urban schools, coul d not altogethe r resis t the pressure t o modif y th e onc e sacrosanct , Latin-based , classica l curriculum. And beginning in the 19305 , but especiall y after Worl d Wa r II , Cath olic secondary school s bega n t o offe r a wider choic e an d mor e opportuni ties fo r student s no t oriente d t o college . Th e scientifi c cours e an d th e commercial course , a s wel l a s th e genera l cours e too k thei r plac e besid e the Latin , college-preparator y curriculu m i n th e comprehensiv e high school . By th e earl y 19505 , one-hal f o f al l large diocesan hig h school s ha d suc h a four-course arrangement . Bu t a vocational curriculu m established b y public schools fo r thei r leas t abl e student s wa s a n extremel y unusua l offerin g in Catholi c schools . Moreover, whil e th e majorit y o f centra l school s calle d themselve s com prehensive, a careful examinatio n o f the structure of the availabl e curricula reveals tha t mos t o f th e alternative s wer e largel y variation s o n th e aca demic curriculum, the most significan t alteratio n bein g a reduction o r elimination o f Lati n requirements . I n 1940 , a surve y o f Catholi c secondar y schools showe d tha t three-fourth s o f al l subjec t offering s wer e i n th e tra ditional "fiv e academi c fields: English , socia l studies , foreig n languages , math an d science, " an d tha t "Th e subject s require d o f al l pupils are , a s a rule, those demande d b y colleges for entrance." As Brother Willia m Mang , the autho r o f the survey , also noted , "Industria l art s an d graphi c art s ar e generally neglected." I n 1951, a comprehensive surve y of central hig h school s by th e Reveren d Edwar d F . Spier s demonstrate d th e rathe r narro w rang e of alternative s provided b y the parallel curricul a in most schools . Th e ma jor differenc e wa s th e modificatio n in th e Lati n requirement . I n fact , onl y students i n th e watered-dow n genera l curriculu m ha d n o Lati n require ment an d considerabl y reduce d requirement s i n mat h an d scienc e (onl y one yea r o f each) . Eve n student s i n th e commercia l curriculu m wer e re quired t o tak e tw o year s o f Latin , an d student s i n th e scientifi c cours e a s well a s th e classica l cours e (bot h college-oriented ) continue d t o pursu e a full four-yea r Latin sequence . Comprehensiv e schools ha d broadene d thei r offerings, bu t thes e wer e overwhelmingl y in th e additio n o f moder n lan guages, the fine arts, an d commercia l subjects lik e typewriting, shorthand , and bookkeeping . O f th e vocationa l subjects, onl y mechanica l drawin g wa s available i n eve n one-third o f th e schools . I n 1980 , whe n Jame s Colema n

198 Other


and hi s associate s compare d public - an d parochial-schoo l students , the y found tha t senior s i n Catholi c school s ha d take n mor e semester s o f math , science, English , and foreig n languag e than public-schoo l students. 16 In part , th e failur e t o provid e vocationa l an d technica l course s wa s th e result of financial restriction s and the heav y dependence on religiou s orders fo r teachers . Bu t Catholi c educator s als o offere d philosophica l an d ideological resistanc e t o rea l waterin g dow n o f academi c subjects . In emphasizing "solid instructio n an d vigorous mental discipline," Catholi c school s often too k thei r stan d o n olde r psychologica l ground s tha n th e prevailin g child-centered an d utilitaria n value s dominant i n th e publi c schools, an d they insiste d o n th e unity of learning rather tha n pragmati c responsivenes s to th e goal s of learners. "I n strivin g to mak e the school mee t present needs, " George Johnso n note d i n 1919 , "ther e i s a dange r o f becomin g to o prac tical an d utilitarian . Secula r educatio n i s prone t o despis e cultura l values . . . . The doctrin e o f forma l disciplin e i s being generally scouted an d the cry i s for specifi c education . . . . Though th e effect s o f forma l disciplin e have bee n exaggerate d i n th e past , the fac t ha s ye t to b e conclusively disproven. Culture , o r th e buildin g up o f individual character , i s best accom plished b y mean s o f genera l and no t specifi c training. " I n 1936 , th e Rev erend Joh n F . Dwye r asserted , "N o bette r wa y o f impartin g thes e skill s [mental discipline] has ye t bee n foun d tha n th e ol d classica l course . Cer tainly i t i s no t i n thos e school s an d system s wher e a fals e theor y o f de mocracy dictate s th e curriculum , and make s the slowes t bo y of the slowes t class th e nor m o f th e group' s achievement ; an d wher e th e curriculu m is solicitously fitte d t o tak e i n th e laz y dullar d wh o belong s i n schoo l onl y by th e fia t o f America n educatio n law." 17 I t was , o f course , th e fia t o f American la w that force d th e Catholi c secondar y schools t o expan d i n the first plac e an d t o adopt , i f onl y moderately , ne w academi c subject s an d objectives. Bu t fo r man y Catholi c educators , tha t la w wa s alway s a n ex ternal constraint , no t somethin g voluntaril y chosen o r preferabl e t o older , more elit e perspectives. 18 Dwyer's view s wer e no t unchallenge d durin g th e perio d o f greates t Catholic secondary-schoo l expansion . Bu t he was also not alon e in his firm and reasone d stand . Catholi c educator s lik e Dwyer provide d a n articulat e opposition t o th e pressure s fo r extrem e curriculu m differentiatio n an d di lution o f academi c standards tha t overwhelme d publi c education . An d eve n when Catholi c hig h school s ben t t o necessity , they continue d t o requir e a heavy dos e o f har d academi c subjects of thei r students . A s Monsignor Joh n J. Falle n explaine d i n 1937 : "Withi n th e pas t fe w years . .. a feveris h desire t o giv e pupil s somethin g t o d o an d t o expres s physica l activit y in the sam e credi t term s a s menta l activit y ha s le d t o ou r presen t stat e o f chaos." But , "Ou r hig h school s stan d a s an exampl e o f tha t uni t offerin g


9

a soli d intellectua l training . . .. If high school s offerin g a genera l multi plicity o f course s wit h comple x curricula , differentiate d fo r numerou s types of student s ar e required, w e cannot hop e t o compete." 19 Similarly, the heav y dependence o f Catholic secondar y education o n private school s mean t tha t th e academi c curriculu m wa s ofte n th e onl y cur riculum availabl e to a larg e proportio n o f students . Mos t privat e school s continued i n the older, college-preparatory traditio n an d provided student s with n o alternative s t o th e classica l sequence . I n additio n t o intellectua l resistance an d organizationa l realities , th e lac k o f adequat e high-schoo l facilities alway s mean t tha t Catholi c schools , eve n thos e organize d alon g parish an d diocesa n lines , coul d selec t an d exclud e student s wh o di d no t fit the preferred school norm s and academi c values. Even though th e selec tion process was never based exclusively on academic criteria, the potentia l for succes s i n old-fashione d academi c course s wa s alway s a t leas t par t of the evaluatio n process . I n a broa d surve y o f high-schoo l admission s poli cies, Sister Mary Janet conclude d that "It i s generally known an d regrette d that toda y ther e ar e not enoug h Catholi c school s t o accommodat e al l the boys an d girls seekin g admission t o them . . . . Some schools refus e boy s and girl s o f lo w scholasti c standin g i n th e elementar y school , o r o f lo w mental abilit y as determine d b y intelligence tests administere d i n th e hig h school o r i n th e elementar y school." I n fact , onl y one-half o f al l the hig h schools sh e surveye d admitted student s o f belo w normal IQ . Othe r inves tigators foun d simila r results. Siste r Mary Degan , afte r conductin g he r ow n survey o f admission s policies, observe d that "Childre n wit h a 'lo w IQ ' o r 'low ability students' appea r t o present a n almost insurmountable problem for man y administrators . . . . 'Low ability ' certainl y puts it s possessor i n the unenviabl e position o f bein g a 'proble m child ' i n th e eye s o f many. " When th e Reveren d Thoma s Frai n conducte d hi s surve y o f a ver y large number o f Catholi c hig h schools , h e discovere d tha t th e I Q o f Catholic school student s di d no t a t al l approximat e a n expecte d norma l curv e of abilities. Instead , o n th e basi s o f th e record s o f 141,61 8 student s (zz. i percent o f al l Catholi c high-schoo l enrollment s fo r 1954-55 ) " tne per centage of rapid learner s exceed s greatly the percentage o f slo w learners. " Not unexpectedly , "Th e percentag e o f rapi d learner s wa s greates t a t pri vate Catholi c hig h schools." 20 A decad e late r an d i n th e wak e o f enormou s schoo l expansio n an d a doubling o f Catholi c high-schoo l enrollments , selectiv e admission s wer e still firml y i n place . Th e stud y conducte d b y Notr e Dam e Universit y in 1962,—63 reveale d tha t al l secondar y school s wer e force d t o rejec t appli cants becaus e of space limitations and tha t th e numbe r rejected wa s equal to 3 0 percen t o f al l ninth-grad e enrollments. Fifty-three percen t o f al l secondary school s imposed academi c criteria when filling their limited places;

ZOO Other


68 percen t use d admission s tests . Privat e schools wer e th e mos t academi cally selective, wit h 7 0 percent imposin g academic standards fo r admissio n and 8 0 percent requirin g entranc e tests . Diocesa n an d paris h school s wer e less academically demandin g bu t almos t one-hal f o f these school s als o ha d academic standard s fo r admission , an d mor e tha n hal f require d entranc e examinations. Th e media n I Q for twelft h grader s in this hug e sampl e wa s in th e seventy-fourt h percentile. 21 In additio n t o initial selection procedures , Catholi c school s als o droppe d students wh o faile d t o demonstrat e th e necessary ability, competence , an d social conformity . On e stud y foun d tha t i n larg e diocesa n hig h school s over one-thir d o f th e school s investigate d dismisse d student s fo r failure . Those who di d not , admitte d tha t "the y usuall y leave themselves. We advise them t o d o s o but d o not requir e it." Certainl y all Catholic hig h school s did no t requir e thei r student s t o demonstrat e extraordinar y academi c po tential, and many had no restrictive admissions, but taken al l together, the Catholic hig h schools , unlik e publi c schools , coul d maintai n academi c standards by developing a more uniform student body tha n public schools . Again and again , Catholic-schoo l administrator s admitte d tha t student s of low abilit y (usuall y judged b y I Q and/o r performance ) were urge d t o g o to publi c vocationa l schools . "Th e policy, " accordin g t o on e o f Siste r Mar y Degan's respondents, "ha s bee n t o encourag e thos e wit h failin g grade s t o attend th e publi c hig h schoo l t o tak e u p manua l art s courses. " Anothe r testified tha t "student s showin g indifferenc e i n elementar y grades ar e no t urged t o attend . Usuall y they ar e advise d t o follo w vocational trainin g by eighth grad e teachers. " The prevailin g hierarchy amon g Catholi c secondary school educator s wa s wel l defined b y one studen t o f the centra l high schools , "Students wh o d o no t sho w aptitud e fo r colleg e preparator y wor k ar e advised t o tr y th e commercia l course . I f unabl e t o follo w eithe r course , they are advised to transfer to a public school which offers Industria l Arts."22 Catholic hig h school s wer e selectiv e in other way s as well. Although th e data ar e spotty , the y indicat e tha t ethni c backgroun d playe d som e rol e i n the abilit y o f student s t o ente r an d t o graduat e fro m parochia l hig h schools , at leas t i n the firs t hal f o f the twentiet h century . For mal e students, atten dance a t Catholi c hig h school s befor e Worl d Wa r I I was overwhelmingly a phenomeno n o f boy s o f Iris h an d Germa n descen t whos e parent s wer e native-born. Thus, i n a study of twenty-one Catholi c hig h schools fo r boy s in 1936-37 , Brother Willia m Mang foun d tha t mor e tha n one-hal f o f the students wer e fro m on e o f these tw o groups—thre e i n ten wer e Irish , tw o in te n wer e German . O f th e rest , anothe r tw o i n te n wer e "American, " while only 1 0 percent were Polish with other new immigrant groups fallin g behind tha t percentage . Moreover , a t a tim e whe n th e larg e majorit y o f Catholic parent s wer e immigrants, almost three-quarters of the father s an d

Imitation an d Autonomy 2,0

1

more than three-quarter s of the mother s o f all students i n the sampl e were American-born. Onl y 17. 5 percent o f the parent s o f al l boys were bor n i n foreign countries , an d onl y 1 0 percen t wer e bor n i n countrie s wher e En glish wa s no t th e mothe r tongue . Thi s patter n o f attendanc e coul d no t b e explained b y economi c factor s alone , sinc e almost one-hal f o f th e father s were i n occupation s o n th e lo w en d o f th e scale . Fewe r Catholic-schoo l boys cam e fro m home s wher e father s wer e professional s an d proprietor s than public-schoo l boys , an d considerabl y more came from familie s i n which fathers wer e i n th e building , machine, an d printin g trades o r i n transpor tation service . Whil e graduatio n rate s wer e slante d towar d th e mor e eco nomically advantaged , admission s were more ethnicall y selective. 23 Language, economics , an d ambitio n undoubtedl y played a significan t par t in th e abilit y o f Catholic s t o atten d Catholi c hig h schools . An d al l thes e factors worke d agains t th e attendanc e o f thos e fro m th e newe r Catholi c immigrant groups . A s Bernard J. Weis s ha s observe d abou t newe r immi grants a t Catholi c colleges , "feelin g even more alienate d fro m thei r large r society tha n thei r predecessor s becaus e o f languag e differenc e an d expo sure t o a radicall y differen t environment , Southern an d Easter n Europea n immigrants mad e a conscious effor t t o preserv e their traditiona l rura l values centering on the famil y an d th e promotion o f ethnic group solidarity." To thi s end, ethnic parochial schools centere d o n the parish were an asset , while hig h school s an d college s wer e not . "Thi s tende d t o creat e inhibi tions amon g their youth regarding higher education, sinc e it could produc e an eventual break " fro m thei r ethni c root s and milieu . Ther e is also some evidence tha t yout h fro m poo r foreig n home s ma y have been .discouraged from developin g ambition s fo r high-schoo l attendanc e b y sister s an d priests , some of whom were eager to preserve ethnic boundaries. Thus in Chicago , few Polis h parochial-schoo l girl s wer e t o b e foun d i n th e norma l school . While 6 5 percen t o f th e graduate s o f English-speakin g parishes attende d high schools , les s tha n 3 5 percen t o f thos e fro m Slavi c parishe s (Polish , Lithuanian, Slovak) went t o hig h school . Th e forme r superintenden t of the Chicago parochial school s observe d about this situation in 192. 5 that "Th e pastors o f these place s do no t encourag e it."24 The reluctanc e of newer immigrant groups to atten d Catholi c high schools coincided wit h th e stron g tendenc y fo r parochial hig h school s t o b e selective, excludin g al l bu t thos e wh o wer e highl y motivated , ambitious , tal ented, an d ha d th e languag e and socia l advantage s o f native-born parents to prope l the m furthe r alon g th e Catholic-schoo l path . Ethni c grou p self selection an d schoo l admission s criteria allowe d th e Catholi c hig h schoo l both t o functio n a s a meritocracy , by recruitin g the mos t talente d (an d most Americanized ) fro m amon g th e newe r immigran t parishes, an d t o respond t o th e ambition s of olde r ethni c groups, especiall y the Irish , fo r

2.O2. Other


social an d economi c mobilit y throug h Catholi c highe r education . I t als o made the Catholi c hig h school s int o extremel y effective agent s of a specif ically Catholi c for m o f Americanization , sinc e the dominanc e o f th e Iris h (and t o a lesse r exten t th e Germans ) provided a particula r socia l contex t in th e secondar y schools . I f the divers e paths o f assimilatio n describe d i n Chapter 3 may be generalized to th e parochial high-schoo l case , th e dom inance o f Iris h Catholic s i n man y easter n school s ma y hav e create d a n environment similar to tha t of New Utrech t Hig h Schoo l in Brooklyn, where Jews provide d a mode l o f assimilatio n fo r othe r ethni c groups becaus e of their numbe r an d powe r i n strategi c campu s affairs . Afte r Worl d Wa r II , the greatl y expande d facilitie s an d increase d attendanc e o f newe r immi grant group s i n Catholi c hig h school s probabl y diminishe d thi s patter n and eclipse d Iris h control, althoug h i t never entirely overcame the patterns that th e Iris h ha d establishe d durin g a critica l perio d o f immigran t expe rience.25 Whether th e resul t o f choice or necessity , the lac k of available places for all who migh t wish to atten d permitte d Catholi c secondar y schools t o benefit certai n ethni c group s especiall y an d t o maintai n a muc h mor e uni formly academi c progra m an d highe r standard s o f performanc e than th e public school . Bu t thi s greate r uniformit y di d no t mea n tha t al l Catholi c secondary-school childre n had simila r experiences. On th e contrary, Cath olic-school differentiatio n wa s a s powerfu l a s tha t i n th e publi c school , and eve n more sharpl y hierarchical. While comprehensive public high school s channeled students into separate curricula, Catholic students often wound up i n differen t schools . I n a somewha t exaggerate d schema , w e coul d de scribe th e socia l structur e o f Catholi c secondary-schoo l childre n a s a n elongated pyramid . A t the to p wer e thos e wh o attende d elite , an d almos t exclusively college-oriented, privat e schools. Below them were the students in diocesa n an d parish hig h school s who wer e themselves divided betwee n those i n the prestigious classica l run an d other s i n the genera l or commer cial curricula . Finally , a t th e bottom , pushe d ou t o f th e Catholi c trac k entirely, wer e th e majorit y o f Catholi c student s wh o fo r on e reaso n o r another chos e t o atten d publi c schools o r coul d no t ge t into o r remai n a t the Catholi c schools . Thes e latte r ma y hav e bee n exclude d fo r academi c or disciplinar y reasons , because thei r IQ s wer e lo w o r grade s inadequate , or becaus e the y wer e considere d uncooperativ e o r undisciplined . I n th e first hal f o f th e twentiet h century , man y of thes e wer e fro m newe r immigrant group s wh o ma y have chose n no t t o atten d o r coul d no t mak e th e grade becaus e o f socia l o r languag e difficulties . Man y o f thes e las t ma y have droppe d ou t o f schoo l entirel y or , i f the y di d atten d hig h school , remained i n vocationa l o r genera l tracks i n th e publi c school s unti l they graduated o r left . I n either case, they were failure s b y Catholic-schoo l cri -

Imitation an d Autonomy 2.0

3

teria and , i f the y judge d themselve s i n thos e terms , mus t certainl y hav e considered themselve s inferior t o the Catholic secondary-school students. 26 This i s a n obviousl y exaggerated diagra m whic h pay s n o attentio n t o th e many differen t factor s involved , bu t i t doe s sugges t th e ambiguou s cost s and benefit s o f a n educationa l philosoph y tha t clun g tenaciousl y t o a n older vie w of high-schoo l education. Thos e cost s wer e individua l and so cial, becaus e those lef t ou t o f Catholi c hig h school s wer e throughou t th e first half o f the twentieth century mostly the poorer an d newe r ethnic groups. This tende d t o suppor t an d t o confir m wha t is usually not talke d about in Catholic literature , th e ethnic hierarchy within Catholi c education . Catholic hig h schools were forced t o becom e more democratic b y public policies whic h require d tha t American s stay a t schoo l longer , bu t i t wa s always onl y a partia l democratization . A s a result , Catholic s i n Catholi c high school s ha d a mor e unifor m educatio n tha n non-Catholic s received , and Catholi c school s used th e safet y ne t of the public schools t o catc h th e less desirabl e fallout . Ironically, Catholic-school autonom y an d th e ability of Catholi c school s t o retai n thei r mor e traditiona l emphasi s cam e a t th e expense of the public schools which, b y providing vocational and watered down curricul a and lower standards , wer e forced to educate those students the Catholi c school s coul d not o r chos e no t to teach . In th e lon g term , th e particula r nature o f Catholi c differentiate d educa tion pai d of f i n socia l success . A s Andrew Greele y an d Pete r Ross i (an d others) hav e foun d Catholi c high-schoo l student s o f al l socia l level s hav e gone o n t o colleg e a t highe r rate s tha n comparabl e non-Catholic s an d Catholics wh o di d no t atten d Catholi c hig h schools . Greele y an d Ross i also foun d that "Catholi c school Catholic s ha d increase d thei r socia l class margin ove r other Catholics. " Although Greeley and Ross i do no t explai n this phenomenon o f Catholic schoo l "overachievers " as the resul t o f selective admissions policies, i t is difficult t o conclud e otherwise. 27 Throughou t the twentiet h century , th e churc h ha s bee n committe d t o th e school s a s levers o f Catholi c achievemen t and especiall y as creators o f Catholi c lead ership. The school s sough t out thos e wit h potential . Eve n the committe e of th e Nationa l Catholi c Educatio n Association , whic h i n 190 4 ha d ad vocated diocesa n school s fo r th e multitude , was carefu l t o retai n th e clas sical curriculu m for thos e wh o desire d i t o r "woul d b e led to d o so. " A s one educator observe d in at once defending Catholic school academic stan dards an d observin g tha t thi s neglecte d th e need s o f many , "W e nee d Catholic leadershi p an d th e onl y place t o recrui t it i s among the bes t minds. . . . It would simplif y matter s tremendousl y if we could confin e ourselve s safely t o th e academi c high school . However , i t does not see m that we can do s o i n conscience. " In fact , Catholi c high-school students hav e been as sisted u p th e social ladder through a concerted, thoug h not entirel y prede-

2.O4 Other


signed, program i n which academi c success is encouraged, potentia l achiever s sought out , an d academic s i n general emphasized in a far mor e traditiona l school environmen t than tha t availabl e to th e public-school student. 28 II

The traditionalis m o f Catholi c school s di d no t g o unchallenged . Catholi c educators als o participate d i n a cultur e tha t emphasize d th e righ t o f al l children an d adolescent s t o extende d education . Th e democratizatio n o f the publi c high school s an d th e attendan t philosoph y tha t emphasized th e unique potential o f each child exerted a considerable influence o n Catholi c educational discussion s an d practic e startin g i n th e 19308 , becomin g es pecially stron g afte r Worl d Wa r II . That influenc e i s clea r i n th e organi zational meeting s o f th e Nationa l Catholi c Educatio n Associatio n an d i n the larg e number o f dissertation s i n education sponsore d b y The Catholi c University of America. Many doctora l student s absorbed th e "progressive" spirit o f al l education school s an d condemne d wha t the y saw a s the retro grade emphasi s o n th e college-preparator y curriculum . Moreover , al though mos t Catholi c thinker s an d educator s rarel y spoke Joh n Dewey' s name withou t venom , progressiv e educatio n lef t it s mark s o n Catholic school practice . The greatest kinshi p between Catholi c educational though t an d progres sive ideal s la y i n th e diffus e are a whic h Catholi c educator s sometime s re ferred t o a s th e educatio n o f th e whol e child—o r mor e simply , characte r education. Thi s vie w of education cam e close to th e heart of Catholic ped agogy. "I f th e proces s o f education . . . is to fulfil l it s function o f developing th e whol e person , a principle which has universa l approval," Siste r Mary Jane t Mille r insisted , "th e Catholi c educato r consider s tha t task in completely performed unless knowledge of God an d our dutie s t o Hi m ar e included i n th e educationa l program. " I n addition , "School s conside r i t their dut y t o ai d parent s i n ever y other phas e o f the developmen t of children—in matter s o f health , o f hom e life , o f leisur e pursuits, a s wel l a s i n intellectual skill s and habits." "Character," George Johnson observed , "mus t reveal itsel f in the mids t of tangibl e circumstances . . . . The functio n of the Catholi c schoo l shoul d b e understoo d i n th e ful l ligh t o f the Church' s mission. I t i s not merel y a preparation fo r highe r education , bu t a prepa ration fo r Christia n living." 29 Indeed , th e educatio n o f th e whol e child , long articulate d a s an idea l of progressive education, wa s the fundamental purpose behin d Catholic-schoo l separatism . Ha d Catholic s believe d tha t schools merel y taugh t academi c skills , th e threa t o f publi c education woul d have been greatly reduced. It was precisely because Catholic educators hope d

Imitation and Autonom

205

to maintai n contro l ove r thi s muc h broade r an d mor e basi c educationa l socialization tha t Catholi c school s wer e necessary. By controlling th e edu cation o f the whole person , Catholi c school s hope d tha t Catholi c childre n would remai n part o f the minorit y subcommunity. Catholic educatio n insiste d o n th e fundamenta l unit y of the huma n personality, values, purposes, an d thei r profound relationshi p to God . I t was , therefore, Go d wh o ha d t o b e place d a t th e cente r o f al l instruction . I n this, o f course, the y differed fro m th e secula r schools, which , bound dow n by what Catholi c educator s called naturalism and materialism , had place d the chil d an d hi s growt h a t th e cente r o f moder n instruction . Still , what ever th e intellectua l distinctions , Catholi c educator s coul d an d di d ac knowledge th e potentia l kinshi p between thei r expansiv e definition of ed ucation an d the progressives' equall y broad objectives . This agreemen t was implicit in th e officia l "Objective s o f th e Catholi c Hig h School, " issued by the National Catholi c Education Associatio n i n 1944 . Catholic secondary schools ha d seve n objectives : "T o develo p intelligen t Catholics . T o de velop spiritually vigorous Catholics. To develop cultured Catholics. To develop health y Catholics . T o develo p vocationall y prepare d Catholics . T o develop social-minde d Catholics . T o develo p America n Catholics." 30 Whil e the objectives gave priority o f place to intellectual and spiritual factors , the inclusion o f citizenship , vocational , social , an d healt h concern s wa s ver y much in line with the view s of the large r education communit y of the midtwentieth century . Many Catholi c educator s als o acknowledge d i n theor y th e desirability of greate r democrac y i n education . Catholi c universalis m did no t onl y in sist o n th e spiritua l equalit y of Christian s an d th e church' s responsibilit y for thei r instruction , America n Catholic s als o participate d i n th e demo cratic culture and ideology of their society. "Now th e day is past," Mothe r M. Juliana declare d in 1931 , "whe n th e elementar y education i s sufficien t equipment with whic h the boy or girl can face th e world. . .. A Catholi c high-school educatio n i s essential fo r the Catholi c adolescent . . . . Let us all, priests, Religious , and loya l laity be up an d doin g t o provid e fre e hig h schools whereve r possibl e t o giv e our boy s an d girl s their rightfu l du e i n this ag e o f th e hig h schoo l an d college. " Thi s perspectiv e becam e mor e insistent b y th e fortie s an d fifties . I n th e postwa r period , th e failur e t o provide adequatel y fo r Catholi c student s o f al l intellectua l levels increasingly became a matter of discontent fo r Catholi c educators. A s Sister Mary Janet pu t i t i n 1949 , "Ther e i s no principl e of Christia n socia l justice which can justif y a passiv e acceptance " o f th e failur e t o suppl y a ful l educatio n to al l Catholic s includin g the academicall y deficient. "Ther e is , however, fundamental Christia n truth i n th e idea l of respectin g all type s o f human abilities, talents , an d interest s an d i n helpin g to educat e yout h fo r Chris -

2,o6 Other


tian famil y lif e an d Christia n occupation s o f al l kind s i n additio n t o edu cating the potential scholars." 31 The Catholic secondar y school s never succeeded i n developin g t o th e poin t wher e al l Catholic s coul d fin d a place . Nevertheless, th e Catholi c school s di d diversif y thei r offerings , an d exclu sionary policies were described apologetically o r condemne d b y the secon d half o f th e century . As thei r school s bega n t o provid e place s t o a wider variet y of students, Catholic educators participate d i n the larger educationa l discussion s abou t individual difference s an d individualize d instruction, an d the y wer e quit e as eager a s public school official s t o embrace the greater instructiona l spec ificity an d efficienc y promise d through menta l tests. I n 1948 , Brother Louis J. Faerbe r dedicate d hi s doctora l dissertatio n o n th e provisio n fo r low ability pupil s i n Catholi c hig h school s t o "Mary , Heavenl y Shephardess , God's Provision for Individua l Differences." Basing his strong advocac y of Catholic secondar y educatio n fo r th e remedia l studen t o n th e America n concept of democracy as well as the Catholi c belief in the equality of souls , Faerber note d tha t "Basi c equalit y of educational opportunit y . . . means that i n secondar y schoo l eac h pupi l b e give n equal chance t o gain that kind o f education from which h e ca n best profit. I t doe s no t mea n giving all pupils a n identica l education. " Faerber went o n t o urg e just the differ entiation i n curriculum—an d i n the sam e terms—as was commo n practic e in th e public schools. H e abhorre d th e "humiliation" to whic h low-ability students wer e subjecte d when "tryin g to cop e with a program o f abstrac t academic subjects fa r beyon d th e reac h o f their minds, " an d "th e practic e . . . of shunting off those pupil s who fail t o the public schools." Faerber's thesis, an d man y others whic h appeare d thereafter , suggests bot h th e de gree t o whic h th e Catholi c hig h school s ha d s o fa r avoide d th e wors t di lemmas o f th e publi c school s an d th e penetratio n o f secula r educationa l beliefs i n al l thei r detail s int o th e idea s o f man y Catholi c educators . Th e extent o f that penetration is indicated i n the results of a workshop at Cath olic Universit y in 1948 . Th e conferee s concluded tha t "I t i s the responsi bility o f Catholi c secondar y school s t o tak e al l th e childre n o f secondar y school ag e who appl y fo r admission, " an d tha t th e Catholi c school s ha d the obligatio n t o "hel p the m t o gro w an d develo p t o thei r maximu m capacity, spiritually , mentally , physically , emotionally , an d socially. " Per haps eve n more pointedly, th e Reveren d Michael J. McKeoug h noted , "On e of the gratifyin g development s in recen t educationa l thinkin g is the evi dence that teacher s realiz e that the y ar e teaching children rather tha n sub jects." I n respondin g t o studen t differences , Catholi c high school s ha d take n a lon g step i n th e progressiv e direction. "Today," h e continued , "ther e is more genera l agreement that th e rea l test o f ou r educationa l efforts i s th e


7

effect w e have on the whole child, and no t merel y on his mastery of certain segments o f knowledge." 32 The studie s o f individua l difference s als o sugges t th e exten t t o whic h Catholic school s ha d alread y been influenced b y democratic conditions . A s a resul t o f the "fantastic " increas e in high-school enrollments, Faerbe r ob served, "more and mor e student bodie s o f Catholic hig h schools hav e been found t o b e compose d o f a widel y heterogeneou s group , i n man y case s representing th e greate r par t o f the rang e o f individua l differences amon g pupils, goin g al l th e wa y fro m 7 0 t o 7 5 I Q t o 15 0 I Q o r more. " Siste r Mary Bega n mad e a simila r observation : "I n spit e o f limite d an d over crowded facilities , w e ar e no w receivin g into ou r regiona l Catholi c hig h schools pupil s o f varyin g abilities, needs, backgrounds , an d prospects . Eac h school ha s th e responsibilit y o f givin g to it s pupil s th e educatio n whic h will be most usefu l t o them." 33 By the lat e fortie s an d fifties , th e I Q ha d becom e a s muc h a par t o f th e administration o f Catholi c a s publi c schools . Indeed , i t wa s a n essentia l ingredient i n th e conceptualizatio n o f differin g aptitude s a s wel l a s pro posals fo r progra m differentiation . Like th e publi c schools, Catholi c school s used menta l test s a s diagnosti c tools . Eve n mor e tha n i n publi c schools , Catholic administrator s use d the m t o separat e students , channelin g som e toward furthe r advancemen t in the Catholi c schoo l hierarch y an d depriv ing others o f furthe r religiou s education. I n 1949 , Sister Mary Janet foun d that les s tha n one-hal f (4 8 percent ) of al l secondar y school s denie d usin g the I Q a s a measure o f admissability. When makin g assignment s to differ ent curricula , i n th e large r school s especially , th e tes t wa s use d almos t mechanically. Faerber als o note d tha t "Sometime s th e I.Q . carries such an exaggerated importanc e fo r teacher s tha t the y tend t o accep t i t a s the sin gle index fo r discoverin g the child' s complet e statu s i n hi s process o f growt h and development." Most investigators of admissions and tracking similarly discovered thi s heavy dependence on th e result s of IQ testing . Siste r Mary Degan foun d tha t onl y 2,2 , percen t o f th e larg e diocesa n hig h school s sh e surveyed di d no t giv e I Q test s t o thei r student s fo r placemen t purposes . Indeed, th e I Q tes t ha d becom e s o ubiquitou s an d essentia l tha t man y eighth grader s were "drille d i n the variou s types of the test." 34 As th e Catholi c hig h schoo l becam e mor e complex , I Q testin g becam e the mos t commonl y employe d mean s fo r providin g mor e homogeneou s groups and bette r calibrated instruction, but i t was not th e only technique adopted fro m secula r thought an d progressiv e practice.35 Vocational guid ance an d extracurricula r activitie s als o becam e standar d i n Catholi c a s well as public high schools. A s early as th e 19305 , th e Nationa l Catholi c Education Association devoted considerable attention to issue s of school guid-

ZO8 Other


ance. Thi s wa s i n lin e with th e increasin g pressure fo r diversifie d course s and bette r tailore d instruction . "Educationa l guidanc e of th e future, " th e Reverend Pau l E . Campbel l observe d a t a meetin g o f th e associatio n i n 1935, "must concern itsel f wit h fitting subjects to persons rathe r tha n wit h fitting persons t o subjects. " Although Catholic educator s resisted pressures for extrem e progra m diversification , more modes t effort s t o provid e stu dents wit h a degre e o f personalized directio n di d no t provok e simila r op position. "Vocationa l guidanc e ca n wel l b e importe d withou t vocationa l education," th e Reveren d Kilia n J . Heinric h observed . "Th e forme r doe s not nee d special buildings, shops, and establishments." Catholi c secondar y schools coul d oppos e fad s i n new course s and stil l adopt progressiv e techniques tha t seeme d t o mak e instruction mor e usefu l an d effective . B y the late forties , on e stud y note d tha t "well-organize d guidanc e programs ar e considered essentia l to th e proper functionin g o f the modern high school." 36 Despite a commitment t o a continuous traditio n an d belief in unvarying truth, Catholi c educator s readil y appropriated "scientific " technique s useful t o pedagogica l efficiency . "W e frequentl y emphasize the fac t tha t ou r educational positio n i s conservative, " th e Reveren d Georg e Johnso n o f Catholic Universit y noted. "W e mus t recognize that ther e ar e certain eter nal truth s an d firs t principle s tha t neve r change , certai n value s that ar e ageless, certai n element s in ou r socia l heritag e to whic h childre n i n every generation hav e a n inalienabl e right." At th e sam e time, "i t i s our sacre d obligation t o d o al l i n ou r powe r t o promot e th e scientifi c stud y o f edu cation an d t o utiliz e the finding s o f scientifi c pedagogica l experiment , fo r the purpos e o f increasin g th e effectivenes s o f ou r work." 37 Tha t flexible traditionalism, a s i t were , wa s a functiona l an d practica l necessit y fo r Catholic educators . Throughou t muc h o f th e twentiet h century , Catholi c educators wer e defensiv e about Catholi c schools . Thi s wa s no t onl y be cause the school s wer e an expression o f minority status and therefor e conspicuous o r becaus e they were ofte n overcrowde d an d underfinanced , but also becaus e thei r manifestl y conservativ e positions o n educatio n looke d more an d mor e old-fashione d i n th e contex t o f th e ever-changin g educational scene . Catholi c educators an d school s tried har d t o selec t fro m amon g the multitud e o f ne w trend s thos e tha t seeme d t o fi t thei r need s withou t compromising thei r ow n specifi c objectives . Homogeneous grouping , I Q testing, guidance , an d extracurricula r activitie s were easil y mad e to fi t thes e requirements. Extracurricular activitie s were a n especiall y good exampl e of th e fi t be tween certai n progressiv e practice s an d th e Catholi c searc h fo r update d forms o f schooling , an d the y wer e eagerl y embrace d b y th e school s o n both th e elementar y and secondar y levels . The y fi t th e Catholi c vie w of education o f th e whol e person an d wer e an effectiv e instrumen t for regis -


9

tering the differin g interest s of students without forcin g a heavy investment in alternativ e curricula . On e studen t o f parochia l schoolin g note d tha t "Various extracurricula r activitie s are no w considere d almos t a n integra l part of the whol e proces s o f elementary schooling," even though Catholi c schools ofte n ha d t o "g o t o th e people " fo r th e extr a fund s tha t wer e required t o ru n thes e programs. 38 Another studen t o f the activities put th e issue bluntly: "Catholic school s are directed by Americans and teac h chil dren fo r lif e i n contemporar y society , an d s o ar e boun d t o b e influence d by th e sam e sociological trend s a s public schools. Accordingly , extracurri cular activitie s ar e par t o f th e schoo l lif e o f nearl y ever y Catholi c hig h school i n America . Catholic education , however , i s developed, philosoph ically fro m a n unchangin g set of principles which, whil e no t preventin g it from bein g sensitiv e t o change s i n th e societ y i n whic h th e schoo l func tions, shoul d preven t Catholic educator s fro m succumbin g to fad s o r eve n to extreme s tha t ten d t o eviscerat e th e basi c purpose s o f th e schools. " Sister Mar y Margarit a Geartt s proceede d t o demonstrat e ho w extracurri cular activitie s were justifie d b y th e principal s o f th e 30 0 hig h school s i n her survey. While most of the justification s wer e not a t al l specific t o Cath olic education, Geartt s manage d t o rationalize their relationship t o eterna l Catholic truth s b y referrin g to "th e whol e Child " a s "th e subjec t o f al l Christian education , withi n an d beyon d the school." No outrigh t progres sive proponen t o f studen t interes t an d chil d psychology coul d hav e don e better. Indeed , Geartts' s dissertatio n i s a stud y in how Catholi c educator s could ben d almos t an y instrument to thei r purpose s an d find ample Cath olic theory t o cove r th e stretc h marks . Most of the principals o f the Cath olic schools i n Geartts's stud y agreed with her, an d the overwhelming majority (2.z y o f 2.62.) sai d tha t extracurricula r activitie s were "essential " t o secondary education . Geartt s conclude d tha t "Th e majo r objective s of the activities ar e i n harmon y wit h bot h th e genera l Catholi c philosoph y o f education an d th e explici t objective s of Catholic schools." 39 There i s n o reaso n t o questio n Geartts' s conclusion , bu t i t migh t b e useful t o indicat e tha t othe r factor s beside s Catholi c philosoph y ofte n un derlay th e absorptio n o f technique s develope d i n publi c educatio n b y Catholic schools . Th e most importan t o f these wa s the laten t competitio n that Catholi c school s experience d fro m publi c schools. A s the publi c schools grew int o modern , youth-centere d institutions , the y developed , mor e o r less successfully , mean s fo r maintainin g student interes t an d involvement . Although Catholic school s could depend on their unique program t o maintain parenta l allegiance , the sam e wa s no t alway s tru e fo r adolescent s o r children. Geartts was wel l aware of this and note d in passing, "Today, th e entire America n educationa l scen e i s dominate d b y th e polic y o f making school lif e a s interesting and attractiv e as possible, in order t o kee p young

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people in high school unti l they graduate." Catholic secondary school s ha d to provid e at leas t som e of the thing s availabl e in publi c schools , eve n though "th e publi c school ha s mor e an d greate r variety," i f they hoped t o keep thei r population. 40 Pride, too , wa s a poten t facto r i n Catholic-schoo l education . Catholi c educators di d not wan t thei r school s t o b e just good enough , bu t t o b e at least a s goo d a s thos e attende d b y non-Catholi c youth . Fo r mos t o f th e twentieth century , educator s ha d goo d reaso n t o b e defensiv e abou t th e nature of the educatio n provide d b y church schools. A s professionalization and centralizatio n proceede d i n publi c school s wit h thei r relianc e o n de grees an d certifications , Catholi c school s lagge d behind . Th e dependenc e on religiou s orders whos e sister s ofte n ha d briefe r an d mor e informa l pe riods o f preparatio n an d th e fragmentatio n of contro l b y parishes , ethni c groups, an d teaching orders i n the early twentieth centur y provided a basis for criticis m b y public-school advocate s a s well a s by Catholic s concerne d about th e schoolin g o f thei r children . I n Chicag o (whic h had th e larges t parochial schoo l syste m in the world), fo r example , historia n Jame s Sanders note s tha t "th e evidenc e more tha n suggest s that eac h religiou s orde r thought o f it s school s a s a syste m i n itself. " Anothe r proble m wa s th e often overcrowde d an d underfinance d facilities o f many schools wher e up to-date equipmen t was missin g and classroom s sometime s burs t a t th e seams and overflowe d int o basement s an d cafeterias . So too, lo w pa y scale s un dermined th e Catholi c schools ' abilit y to compet e for competent la y teachers. A s early as 1884 , the Third Plenar y Council ha d note d "I f hitherto , i n some places, ou r people hav e acted o n the principle that i t is better to have an imperfec t Catholi c schoo l tha n t o hav e none, le t them no w pus h thei r praiseworthy ambitio n stil l further , an d no t rela x thei r effort s til l thei r schools b e elevate d t o th e highes t educationa l excellence. " An d i n 19x2 , Joseph Hamil l observe d tha t "I f ou r school s ar e t o survive , Catholic chil dren mus t b e given, in addition t o thei r religiou s training, as good a prep aration fo r thei r live s here belo w a s they ca n obtai n i n the stat e schools." That refrai n woul d ech o throug h th e firs t hal f o f th e century . B y 1959 , Neil McCluske y stil l betraye d a n acut e sensitivit y in defendin g parochia l schools. "Local conditions man y times justify temporar y compromises tha t may no t b e i n perfec t accor d wit h eithe r th e Catholi c idea l o f educatio n or standar d academi c practices." 41 Catholic educator s chafe d a t mor e tha n financia l stringenc y an d lo w levels o f teache r preparation . Catholic educator s live d withi n a large r so cial univers e and a n educationa l worl d i n which revision, updating , an d a dependence o n "scientifi c principles" wer e considere d necessar y and ben eficial. Sinc e mos t educationa l researc h wa s conducte d o n an d abou t th e public schools , i t i s not surprisin g that th e directio n o f influenc e fo r mos t

Imitation and Autonomy 2,1

1

of the twentieth centur y was from th e secular to the Catholic schools . Thi s trend wa s observed by the Notre Dame study of Catholic educatio n a s late as 1966 : "At presen t th e stud y of administration, curricular , and guidanc e problems b y persons servin g th e publi c school s o fa r outstrip s tha t unde r Catholic auspice s tha t th e influence o f the first is dominant. . . . The inevitable resul t i s tha t i n severa l area s ther e i s n o recognizabl e differenc e between th e tw o systems." 42 Catholi c school s revise d their programs , adde d various services, and mad e their school s mor e attractiv e a s well as effectiv e for al l th e reason s th e publi c schools did—becaus e the y wer e confronte d by th e nee d t o adap t t o large r an d mor e varie d studen t population s an d because educationa l developmen t i n thi s centur y ha s bee n rapi d a s re search, professiona l development , an d revise d educationa l concept s hav e made change a bywor d o f schooling. Catholi c school s face d a n additiona l reality, however: the public schools wit h whic h Catholic school s compare d themselves an d competed . The enforce d balancin g ac t o f Catholi c education—betwee n conserva tive and unvaryin g philosophical commitment s and technica l innovation — was capture d i n a n unusuall y effectiv e wa y i n a smal l book b y the Rever end Laurenc e J . O'Connel l entitle d Ar e Catholic Schools Progressive? O'Connell se t the tone an d directio n o f his discussion i n the preface: "Pro gressive education, a product o f the twentieth century , poses a problem fo r Catholic educators . Undoubtedly , many of its methods ar e superior t o th e methods o f th e traditiona l Catholi c schools , an d ye t Catholi c educatio n must not , eve n i n th e nam e o f technica l progress , compromis e th e philo sophical an d theologica l principle s on which it is established." Havin g said that, O'Connel l proceede d t o harmoniz e most progressive technique s with Catholic principles , a s Geartts ha d don e wit h extracurricula r activities . A t the sam e time , h e tor e unmercifull y int o Joh n Dewey , th e bet e noir e o f Catholic education . Dewey' s naturalis m bor e th e brun t o f the attack . But O'Connell attacke d alon g a wid e front—th e denia l o f si n an d depravity , the denia l o f th e dualit y of man' s nature , th e denia l t o th e teache r o f a n effective rol e i n shapin g th e child' s min d an d will , th e denia l o f rea l end s and purposes t o education. O'Connel l conclude d that "Fro m a philosophy which i s a s naturalisti c a s tha t o f John Dewe y an d o f th e othe r philoso phers o f progressiv e education , i t i s difficul t t o se e ho w anythin g coul d come which is good an d acceptabl e to th e orthodox Catholic teacher . An d yet the philosophy which ha s prompted an d stimulated growt h i n progres sive educatio n can at time s be divorced fro m the practices to whic h it has given rise . Thu s i t i s possibl e t o accep t improvemen t i n technique s an d methods whil e continuing to rejec t uncompromisingl y the philosophies which have give n the m birth. " I t was mor e than possible , sinc e O'Connel l showe d how muc h thos e change s ha d alread y been firmly incorporated int o Cath -

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olic pedagogy. He probably did not appreciat e the degree to which the use of progressiv e technique s ha d lon g ag o bee n divorce d fro m genuin e pro gressive philosoph y i n th e publi c as wel l a s th e Catholi c schools . It i s significant, nevertheless , tha t Catholi c educator s stil l fel t impelle d t o g o t o considerable lengt h b y the middl e of the twentieth centur y to disavo w progressive philosopher s an d philosophy . N o mate r ho w pragmati c Catholi c schools wer e i n using the technique s of the publi c schools, the y fel t deepl y uncomfortable i n the presenc e o f progressivism's origina l beliefs. 43 The "Americanization " o f Catholi c schoolin g wa s manifes t b y th e 19505 , and i t was perhap s bes t enunciate d i n a public-relations instrumen t issue d by the Departmen t o f Superintendent s of the National Catholi c Educatio n Association i n 1950 . In a large pictoral album, These Young Lives, studen t experiences a t al l level s o f Catholi c educatio n wer e examine d an d illus trated. Catholic s wer e shown i n their own elementary schools an d colleges , in program s fo r adult s an d th e handicapped , i n kindergarten s an d semi naries. The Catholi c school s ha d indee d come a long way fro m thei r scrapp y beginnings. Firml y in th e cente r o f th e volum e was a section o n "Lif e Adjustment Education. " Lif e adjustment , the volum e announced , wa s a nec essary par t o f Catholi c educatio n becaus e "Despit e compulsor y educatio n laws an d th e fac t tha t th e Unite d State s i s committe d t o th e principl e of secondary educatio n fo r all , les s than 80 % o f th e elementar y school chil dren entere d hig h school . Mor e tha n 40 % o f thos e wh o di d ente r qui t before graduation . . .. A program of Life Adjustment Educatio n may supply what thes e student s fel t wa s lackin g an d ma y hel p t o kee p student s i n school muc h longer. " Despit e thei r initia l hesitation, th e Catholi c school s had firmly entered th e worl d o f twentieth-century America n education. 44

Ill The vulnerability of Catholic educator s t o th e broa d current s o f American educational developmen t ofte n ha d paradoxica l effects , an d th e flurr y o f studies i n th e 1950 5 tha t advocate d greate r attentio n t o women' s house hold role s i n Catholi c college s fo r wome n ar e interestin g fo r wha t the y suggest abou t th e boundarie s betwee n Catholic-schoo l autonom y an d American educationa l ideals . Clearl y derive d fro m secula r idea s tha t ha d penetrated school s o f education , thes e studie s see m no t s o muc h incon gruous wit h Catholi c practic e a s redundan t an d inappropriate . Catholi c education i n the Unite d State s ha s alway s been especiall y sensitive to gen der differences , an d Catholi c school s have , a s a result , historicall y at tracted mor e girls than boys . It is not clea r whether parents chose the more traditional mora l an d religiou s instruction o f th e parochia l school s fo r thei r

Imitation and Autonomy 213 daughters becaus e wome n ar e usuall y assigne d a strategi c rol e i n famil y and cultura l maintenance . I t i s likely , however, tha t traditiona l Catholi c families wer e draw n t o th e church' s commitmen t to separat e instructio n for boy s an d girls , especiall y during the vulnerabl e adolescent period . As we have seen i n Chapte r 3 , a secula r women's hig h schoo l lik e Bay Ridge in Ne w Yor k Cit y dre w heavil y o n th e femal e Catholi c populatio n o f Brooklyn fo r it s students . Th e Catholi c churc h trie d whereve r possible , and especiall y at th e secondary-schoo l level , to provid e me n an d wome n with separat e schools . On e Catholic educator observed , "The idea l . .. is separate schools ; a lesse r idea l i s separate classe s in the sam e school ; an d full coeducatio n i s tolerate d onl y whe n circumstance s leav e n o alterna tive." I n 1949 , wome n mad e u p 5 6 percen t o f th e Catholi c high-schoo l population, an d th e majorit y o f Catholic high-school students wen t to single-sex schools. That proportion change d onl y slightly, declining to 5 5 percent i n 1962—63 . O f thes e women , almos t one-hal f o f al l thos e headin g for colleg e were bound fo r Catholi c colleges. 45 Separate instructio n fo r youn g Catholi c me n an d wome n mean t tha t most Catholi c wome n woul d b e full y introduce d t o th e guidin g Catholi c perspective o n women' s matrimonia l obligations. Indeed , the fundamental role o f religion an d religiou s instruction gav e Catholic educator s a central focus fo r socializatio n t o separat e se x role s largel y missin g fro m publi c high school s wher e academi c course s wer e bot h coeducationa l an d no t explicitly geare d to instructio n in values and morals . Fo r Catholi c women not oriente d to religiou s vocations , marriage an d family served a s the sure basis fo r mora l instructio n i n Catholi c doctrine s an d viewpoints . N o doubt , this partly explains why college was less attractive to Catholi c women tha n men. I n 1963 , on e surve y foun d tha t 6 4 percen t o f high-schoo l me n i n Catholic school s bu t onl y 47 percen t o f the wome n planne d t o g o to col lege. Th e disparit y also existe d betwee n th e goal s 'of Catholi c an d Protes tant women. Fa r more non-Catholic than Catholi c women persisted in college for fou r years , an d a higher proportion o f Protestant tha n o f Catholi c graduates wer e women . One Catholi c woma n observed , "A man reall y needs a colleg e educatio n fo r a job . A woma n doe s too , bu t i f sh e get s married, that is usually the end of it. She usually doesn't us e her education , and i f sh e doesn' t I thin k i t wa s a wast e o f money." 46 Whil e suc h views may wel l have reflected ethni c o r eve n prevailing American distinctions in comparative educationa l utility , the y wer e strongl y enforced b y Catholi c beliefs abou t th e separat e socia l destinies of men an d women . At the college level, Catholic institutions did not s o much devalue women's learning as provide it with a firm and unambiguou s context. In 1961 , Sister M . Madelv a trie d t o answe r thos e wh o questione d th e utilit y of educating Catholi c wome n b y insistin g that Catholi c wome n wer e edu -

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cated fo r "intelligence , courage , charit y i n a militan t Christia n minority. " "Our daughters, " sh e noted , "throug h thei r Christia n education , kno w that th e perfectio n of lov e is service: i n the norma l vocatio n o f woman a s a wife , a mother ; i n th e stat e o f greate r perfectio n a s a religious ; bu t al ways, always as a teacher, a compassionate, merciful , norma l woman find ing th e fulfillmen t o f lif e an d o f educatio n i n selfles s understandin g an d love and car e of others." Mother Grac e Dammann was more direct : "Th e most far-reachin g result of a really Catholic education must be the training of th e wive s and mother s o f the nex t generatio n to understan d exactly th e part tha t hom e training and hom e life pla y in the upbuilding of a Catholic conscience an d a 'new order.' "47 Catholic women' s college s are the largest single constituent o f American Catholic highe r educatio n and , i n th e word s o f Rober t Hassenger , "thei r growth ha s bee n th e mos t conspicuou s featur e o f Catholi c colleg e development i n thi s century. " Roote d i n olde r conven t tradition s wit h thei r ideals o f piet y an d chastity , Catholi c highe r educatio n fo r wome n i n th e United States also participated in the dynamic flowering of women's higher education in genera l and was deepl y influenced by thos e development s in the lat e nineteent h and earl y twentieth centuries . The majorit y o f Catholi c women's college s were founded i n the wak e of the pionee r secula r institutions. Ninetee n were established between 189 9 an d 1915 , an d fifty-six more by 1930 . B y then th e libera l art s prevailed in mos t women' s schools , an d Catholic educators , full y awar e tha t youn g Catholi c wome n fro m ambi tious familie s wer e being drawn to th e education availabl e at secular schools, and respondin g t o th e growin g demand for lay teachers at Catholi c schools , modeled th e Catholi c college s on these . A s a result , Catholi c college s fo r women bot h inherite d th e secula r ideal s o f comparabl e women' s school s and reste d securel y o n th e Catholic emphasi s on th e difference s betwee n the sexes . For bot h sexes , the classica l curriculum and the libera l arts rep resented "the unit y of truth an d the hierarchy of truths."48 Thus, the Catholi c colleges fo r women were like secular schools an d different—strongl y plante d in the liberal arts, yet not roote d i n a tradition o f equality but i n the Cath olic view of distinc t goal s an d responsibilitie s for eac h sex . Although Catholi c college s fo r wome n differe d amon g themselves , they imitated secula r institution s throughou t th e twentiet h century . By the forties, in their "endeavo r t o kee p pace with th e state universities,"many col leges ha d introduce d a wide variety of course s no t clearl y part o f the tra ditional libera l arts—secretaria l science , socia l service , librar y science , nutrition, finance, and the by then traditional offering s fo r women in home economics, nursing , and teaching . These, Mothe r Grac e Dammann noted, were i n respons e to th e "acut e job-consciousnes s in the mind s of students and parents. " I n mos t cases , Catholi c educator s hoped t o kee p thes e i n


5

balance wit h a broad , liberal-art s education , bu t colleg e brochure s an d bulletins als o clearl y appeale d t o th e practical , vocationa l goal s o f thei r students. On e announce d i n bol d capitals , "LEARNIN G FO R LEADER SHIP, i n science , i n education , i n libera l arts . Unusua l leadershi p oppor tunities will be yours." In another, potentia l student s wer e told, "Your day is here, Catholic wome n an d girls . Publi c life need s you." I n so advertisin g themselves, th e Catholic school s ha d move d with thei r young women quit e consciously int o th e moder n worl d o f work . I n on e surve y o f Catholic college personnel services , eighty-fou r of ninety respondin g institution s re ported makin g som e form s o f vocationa l guidanc e availabl e t o students . These include d caree r days , facilitie s for interviews , letter s o f recommen dation, investigations o f jobs, and othe r placemen t services. 49 Catholic colleges for women wer e responding to the changes in women' s lives afte r th e Secon d Worl d Wa r an d wer e providin g Catholi c wome n with som e o f th e caree r opportunitie s availabl e t o thei r secula r counter parts. I t was in this context that in the 1950 5 and early '6os discussions of the highe r educatio n o f Catholi c women , ver y like thos e tha t bese t wom en's highe r educatio n i n general , too k place . Th e flutte r o f studie s i n th e 19505 tha t focuse d o n bette r an d mor e explici t preparatio n fo r women' s household dutie s suggest s ho w closel y boun d Catholi c educatio n wa s t o the large r current s o f educationa l developmen t i n th e twentiet h century . The criticis m o f Catholi c college s fo r wome n ofte n echoe d tha t o f secula r schools. On e stud y noted , "Colleges , particularl y fo r women , hav e ofte n been reproache d fo r placin g undu e emphasi s o n a caree r rathe r tha n o n the art o f becoming a well-instructed an d successfu l parent. " Another student o f women' s college s observed , "Catholi c college s fo r women , ver y much like their non-sectarian counterparts , hav e followed colleges for men too closel y especially in their intellectua l phases. Sufficien t importanc e ha s not bee n attache d t o th e principl e tha t th e highe r educatio n o f me n an d women mus t diffe r i n certai n fundamenta l respects."50 By the 1950 5 and earl y '6os, Catholic college s fo r women wer e attacke d for bein g both to o professionall y oriented an d to o muc h lik e men' s schools . As Sister Mary Audre y Bourgeois noted, "Fo r th e majority of the girl s 'the lives the y lead ' mean s a lif e spen t i n a famil y group . Professiona l lif e i s usually only th e interlude betwee n th e scholasti c year s of the student s an d the years centered i n the famil y group. " In fact, Catholi c women' s school s often ha d extensiv e offering s relate d t o issue s of marriage an d famil y life , but jus t a s i n secula r institutions , thes e wer e presente d i n th e usua l aca demic manner . Suc h instruction wa s offere d unde r th e rubri c of Christia n marriage, family , o r introductor y sociolog y courses . Ver y fe w concerne d household instructio n o r practice , an d on e critic , Siste r Mar y McGrath , complained tha t som e topics wer e scarcely treate d a t all , "suc h a s Sewing,

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Meal Planning , Hom e Nursing. " Indeed , most o f th e instructio n cam e fro m within th e traditiona l framewor k o f Catholi c course s i n theology , philos ophy, o r religiou s practic e an d focuse d o n conventiona l Catholi c con cerns—abortion, birt h control , th e churc h an d th e family , divorce , mixe d marriage. Student s di d no t see m especiall y intereste d i n th e course s tha t were available . "I n on e woman' s college , wit h a n enrollmen t o f 770 , th e total numbe r o f student s takin g th e thre e marriag e courses offered , Chil d Care, Hom e Management , an d th e Famil y i s fifty-two." 51 I n estimatin g general interest , McGrat h conclude d tha t not mor e than on e student in ten enrolled i n a t leas t on e o f these marriage-relate d courses . Catholic colleges provided thei r students with ampl e opportunity t o con sider th e importanc e o f thei r futur e famil y lives . Conferences , extracurri cular activities , religiou s instruction, and th e peer cultur e bound graduate s of Catholi c college s int o th e mainstrea m o f Catholi c value s and American culture. Fa r mor e tha n wa s tru e a t secula r colleges , th e objective s and goal s of Catholi c institution s wer e ful l o f the concer n t o provid e "adequate an d proper preparatio n fo r marriag e an d famil y life. " Indeed , th e aim s wer e usually "s o fundamenta l in th e entir e purposes o f th e governin g religious community's philosoph y tha t i t wa s no t considere d essentia l to mak e i t a particular poin t o f issue." 52 Well befor e th e libera l art s wer e rationalize d at secula r school s a s a n excellen t preparatio n fo r motherhood , Catholi c colleges had assimilate d them to their purposes. A fundamental liberal-art s education, Grac e Damman n observe d i n 1942. , wa s mean t "t o ar m he r with a n intelligen t idealism regarding the detail s of her lif e an d a san e an d balanced outloo k wil l enable he r t o avoi d decision s reache d b y emotiona l paths rathe r tha n b y reason an d b y faith. Wome n s o educated wil l be able to creat e i n their home s a n atmospher e permeate d wit h goo d taste, soun d evaluations, an d fundamenta l faith. Nothin g shor t o f suc h liberal training will enabl e thos e wit h God-give n influenc e an d opportunit y t o hav e tha t impact upon the general social lif e o f the countr y which will raise its moral standard an d hel p to sav e it fro m th e materialis m which engulf s it." 53 The Catholi c college s had thu s evolve d a precariously balance d environment i n whic h stron g academi c goal s mean t t o provid e Catholi c wome n with a n educatio n equa l i n qualit y t o tha t o f secula r school s wer e sur rounded b y a traditiona l Catholi c culture . I n tha t context , i t seeme d pe culiar tha t student s o f education , lik e McGrath , shoul d hav e foun d th e colleges fo r wome n insufficientl y oriente d t o famil y values . McGrath, fo r example, woul d b e satisfie d wit h nothin g les s than a fundamenta l reorganization of the curriculum and a commitment by all subject-matter instructors "whethe r i t b e literature , history , economics , o r an y othe r subject, " to renderin g their course s relevan t to th e futur e wifel y role s o f thei r stu dents. "I t mean s settin g u p a curriculu m that wil l impres s upo n youn g

Imitation and Autonomy ^-^-7 women th e dignit y and worth o f homemaking, and, a t the sam e time, pre pare the m fo r bot h th e joy s an d th e difficultie s o f their vocatio n t o famil y life."54 Yet, i n many ways, McGrath' s complaint s wer e no t peculia r a t all . Despite the broad orientatio n t o marriag e and family , man y Catholic college s for women , lik e thei r secula r counterparts , ha d provide d wome n wit h a strong an d sexuall y neutra l liberal-art s education . A s McGrat h wa s wel l aware, "administrators , i n thei r anxiet y t o kee p th e curriculu m strictl y conformed t o the liberal arts pattern," chose not to provid e practical course s as alternatives . Ofte n i n orde r t o protec t "th e academi c dignity " o f thei r programs, eve n hom e economic s department s wer e "hidde n awa y i n a n obscure sectio n of the building." 55 The dignity and academi c respectability of Catholi c colleges , lik e othe r part s o f th e parochia l schoo l system , ha d been hard fough t an d dearl y bought, an d th e Catholi c college s fo r wome n were no t eage r fo r a Lyn n White-lik e invasion o f thei r programs . More over, th e Catholi c oppositio n t o th e intellectua l dilution implie d i n a vo cational progra m fo r women , lik e that o f vocational educatio n i n second ary schools, made a successful incorporatio n o f McGrath's proposal highl y unlikely. Many o f the bes t Catholi c college s were carefull y balanced , pro viding o n th e on e han d a distinc t atmospher e i n which women' s separat e destiny an d religiou s purposes wer e ampl y promoted an d o n th e othe r a n academic rigo r base d o n a classica l foundation whic h resiste d intrusion s from mor e practical curricula . I n addition, Catholi c school s alway s had t o be awar e o f their secula r counterparts . A t a tim e when mos t secula r school s for wome n wer e becomin g mor e lik e th e Catholi c college s i n thei r pro motion o f a generally female atmospher e aroun d a hard cor e o f soli d aca demic courses, th e Catholi c college s maintaine d their precariou s balance .

IV In on e area , Catholi c school s followe d the American pattern onl y too well and i n direc t oppositio n t o basi c doctrinal commitment s t o th e equality of Christian souls . Throughou t mos t o f thi s century , Catholi c school s hav e been racially homogeneous. Indeed , before the 1960 5 Catholic school s usu ally followe d a clearly segregationist policy that serve d th e aim s and prej udices of white parishioner s but no t thos e of black students an d thei r families. I n 1949 , Siste r Mar y Jane t foun d tha t 4 0 percen t o f al l high-schoo l principals di d no t answe r whe n aske d whethe r the y admitte d blac k stu dents t o thei r schools , an d 2.2 . percen t admitte d tha t they di d not . Onl y one-third o f al l respondent s claime d t o admi t blacks . A t tha t tim e ther e were over 300,00 0 blac k Catholic s i n th e Unite d States , bu t onl y 5,6z o

218 Other


blacks i n Catholi c hig h schools . O f these , full y 8 0 percen t wer e i n "4 z schools i n which Negroe s forme d th e majo r par t o f the student body." 56 The Catholi c church' s officia l doctrin e was , o f course , highl y inclusive and a papa l encyclica l in 193 9 ha d expresse d th e church' s "specia l pater nal affection , whic h i s certainly inspired b y heaven, fo r th e Negr o peopl e . . . for in the field of religion an d education . . . they nee d specia l car e and comfort. " Bu t th e churc h ha d no t succeede d i n effectivel y providin g for th e educational needs of black Catholics o r in breaking down the racial barriers that underlay American social practice. At a time when little mor e than a handful o f blacks were attending Catholic hig h schools, 13-1 4 percent o f th e student s i n thos e sam e schools wer e non-Catholics . I n on e stud y of admissions , Siste r Mar y Dega n foun d tha t o f th e fifty-five high school s that openl y barre d blacks , forty-si x admitted non-Catholi c students . On e Catholic administrator , withou t bein g specificall y aske d abou t thi s issue , volunteered i n answer t o th e question "D o yo u admit t o you r high schoo l all Catholi c student s wh o appl y i f the y hol d a n eighth-grad e diploma? " "Yes, i f white and w e have room." In another case , a school administrato r noted tha t "loca l prejudic e would exclud e Negroes. " I n 1971 , accordin g to the Nationa l Catholi c Educationa l Association, 5 percent of all student s in Catholi c elementar y schools wer e black and 85. 5 percent o f all elementary-school student s were in all-white schools. Minority teacher s never taught in all-whit e schools. 57 In fact, th e Catholic record i n matters of racial justice in the schools wa s weak unti l wel l int o th e 1960 5 whe n federa l polic y enforce d complianc e to equal-right s rules . Despit e attempts t o proselytiz e an d som e specia l efforts t o reac h ou t t o disadvantage d black s in both th e South an d norther n cities, the Catholic school s remaine d overwhelmingly white, and the American Catholi c churc h wa s securel y anchored i n th e view s of the surround ing culture. A s Father Emerso n Moore, a blac k New Yor k priest, note d i n 1974, "To a great extent , th e church today has remained a silent spectato r in th e caus e o f socia l chang e fo r blac k America . . .. A s a firs t step , i t must loo k t o th e need s an d abilitie s of its ow n blac k members. " Catholi c schools wer e generall y hostile t o industria l education , but , excep t fo r dependent childre n in institutional schools , it s few vocational program s were often aime d at school s attende d b y blacks. One o f the only industrial school s established b y the churc h was fo r blac k girls in Chicago . I n that same city well int o th e 19305 , th e childre n o f th e growing blac k communit y coul d attend only one specially designated school , a policy that provoked consid erable ange r amon g Chicago' s blac k Catholics . A t St . Elizabeth's , estab lished i n 192.2. , where "the pupil s were all Negroes," a high-school curriculum wa s attache d t o th e paris h school , an d i t gav e specia l attentio n t o "shorthand, commercia l drawing , radio , music , art s an d crafts , publi c

Imitation an d Autonomy 2.1

9

speaking." Student s a t St . Elizabeth' s wer e als o "taugh t t o b e rac e con scious—conscious o f th e contributio n of the Negr o t o cultur e and o f their obligations i n meetin g th e eve r presen t prejudic e towar d hi m withou t hatred." Similarly, at St . Malachy's, which opene d a two-year high-schoo l department i n 194 1 and was overwhelmingly black, students gav e "specia l attention" t o "th e stud y of Negro histor y an d Negr o culture." 58 Unquestionably, thi s emphasis o n blac k pride was a positive ste p b y the Catholi c church, bu t i t existe d i n th e contex t o f a schoo l syste m tha t wa s over whelmingly segregate d an d wher e blac k childre n were specificall y barre d from attendin g local territoria l school s an d whit e high schools . In Raleigh , Nort h Carolina , a ver y differen t archdiocese , mos t o f th e students a t sixtee n blac k Catholi c school s wer e no t Catholic , an d thei r schooling b y the churc h was par t o f its effor t t o conver t blacks—a n effor t begun after th e Civi l War. I n North Carolina, school s buil t for blacks even after 195 4 continue d t o follo w a segregationist policy . Durin g th e lat e fifties, th e churc h bega n openly to oppos e segregation , an d th e school s were officially "ope n t o integration, " bu t a s lat e a s 1957 , a schoo l specificall y designated fo r black s opened its doors. 59 It was i n Louisiana, i n the diocese s of Lafayette an d Ne w Orlean s where about one-thir d o f al l black Catholics lived , that th e greates t effor t b y th e church o n behal f o f black s migh t hav e bee n undertaken . Bu t th e failur e there wa s representativ e o f th e recor d o f th e Catholi c churc h i n general . In 1867 , immediatel y afte r th e Civi l War , th e churc h move d quickl y t o open th e firs t schoo l fo r black s i n Lafayette . Bu t by 1893 , tne Catholi c hierarchy had firmly established a policy of separate churche s an d prohib ited mixe d congregations . A committe e o f blac k citizen s issue d a stron g denunciation of this action as a "positive violation of Catholic principles," but th e protest proved futile. Throughout th e first one-half of the twentieth century, th e Catholi c churc h i n Louisian a continue d t o maintai n segre gated facilities . In 1941 , th e dioces e o f Lafayett e had th e larges t numbe r of Catholi c grad e schools fo r black s in the Unite d States. Al l thirty-two of the school s wer e segregated , an d al l were elementar y schools only . Segregation mad e it difficul t t o provid e an educatio n t o black s beyond the eight h grade becaus e black s coul d no t effectivel y commut e t o school s a t a dis tance. Whe n Hol y Rosar y School becam e (an d long remained) the centra l black hig h school i n Lafayette, it not surprisingl y offered industria l art s a s well a s th e mor e standar d college-preparatory , business , an d genera l cur ricula.60 As wa s th e cas e elsewhere , blac k Catholi c schoolin g i n Louisian a wa s hampered b y financia l problems . Sinc e s o muc h Catholi c educatio n wa s dependent o n voluntar y contributions, the lac k o f suppor t fo r black s among the mor e affluen t whit e Catholi c community imposed severe limits on blac k

2.2.O Other


education. A s Lorett a Butle r observe d i n he r stud y o f Lafayett e schools , "officials recognize d tha t i n operatin g separat e school s th e presenc e o f deep seated prejudice s made securin g fund s fo r thei r maintenanc e difficult . No t only wa s i t difficul t t o secur e funds , bu t i t was als o difficul t t o recrui t th e needed personnel. " The orde r o f black nuns in Louisiana, th e Holy Family Congregation, coul d not find colleges willing to train them, and as a result , Catholic school s fo r black s had persisten t staffin g problems . I n most ways , Catholic school s fo r black s paralleled publi c schools fo r black s i n Louisi ana—underfinanced, overenrolled , an d inadequatel y staffed. B y 1960, th e situation i n Louisian a ha d change d ver y little , an d segregatio n stil l pre vailed i n th e Catholi c schools . I n that year , Butle r concluded, "ther e have been limite d effort s throughou t th e histor y o f th e are a t o educat e th e Ne gro Catholics . Th e effort s hav e bee n to o littl e an d to o late . Th e school s are inadequat e an d unabl e to provid e fo r the need s of the community." 61 In Louisiana , a s i n North Carolina , th e schoo l policie s o f th e universa l Catholic churc h ha d bee n largel y a n America n product . A s wa s tru e fo r public schools , loca l condition s o f racia l prejudic e inhibite d an y impuls e to mov e beyon d the inheren t restriction s of a raciall y separatis t society . Significantly, i n the Catholic school s o f Chicago where segregation wa s no t legally mandated , separat e educatio n als o prevaile d for a good par t of th e twentieth century . B y the forties , i n th e word s o f James W. Sanders , wh o has written th e best and mos t complet e stud y of that city' s parochial schools , "The Archdioces e mad e considerabl e progres s i n openin g th e Catholi c churches an d school s t o Negroes , thoug h n o trul y integrate d parishe s de veloped, an d resistanc e remained intense." As black migratio n to Chicag o increased afte r Worl d Wa r II , "change s i n racial compositio n o f a neigh borhood almos t invariabl y lef t th e Catholi c school s wit h empt y class rooms." On e blac k mother , educate d a t St . Elizabeth' s Hig h Schoo l ( a black school) , trie d t o enrol l he r daughte r i n five different hig h school s i n 1946, but complaine d tha t "the y al l turn me down sayin g they don't tak e Negroes." Eve n i n 1960 , whe n a hig h schoo l fo r boy s wa s opene d an d was advertise d a s "withou t regar d t o race , cree d o r color, " i t was clearly exclusively a blac k school. 62 In mos t bi g cities, th e Catholi c church' s policie s durin g th e earl y twen tieth centur y wer e base d o n th e ethni c parish , a s churche s an d school s were reserve d fo r distinc t subcommunities . I n mos t cases , thes e separat e schools fo r whit e ethnic s wer e define d a s expedient an d conforme d t o th e demands o f various national group s to maintai n languag e and cultura l tie s through th e generations . The y wer e a positiv e forc e fo r grou p cohesio n and intergenerationa l continuity. In the late nineteenth and earl y twentieth centuries, childre n wer e ofte n taugh t exclusivel y i n th e languag e o f thei r homes. An d wel l int o th e twentie s an d thirties , Catholic childre n were being

Imitation an d Autonomy 2,2.

1

taught religio n i n Polish , French , Lithuanian , Italian , Magyar , an d othe r languages by sisters familia r with those languages. 63 The schools fo r blacks followed th e logi c o f tha t development . I n Chicago , fo r example , blac k Catholics were taught black history and pride in black culture. At the same time, ther e wer e certainl y n o obviou s linguisti c reason s fo r maintainin g national parishe s for blacks, an d the separat e school s wer e not establishe d in respons e t o blac k nationalis t demands . I n contras t t o whit e ethnics , mos t black Catholic s resente d and abhore d the polic y of separatism impose d by the church. Moreover, blacks , unlike other national groups, were not given the optio n o f choosing a territorial paris h until muc h late r tha n an y other group. An d th e inabilit y of blacks to atten d th e mor e ethnicall y heteroge neous hig h school s wa s a clea r indicatio n o f the fac t tha t black s were no t treated lik e othe r ethni c groups . Separat e school s wer e provide d t o kee p blacks fro m whit e school s an d no t t o provid e the m wit h a mor e efficien t pathway t o Americanization. In th e Unite d States , th e Catholi c churc h alway s moved alon g a thi n lin e between universalism and the complex cultural and historical background s of it s parishioners . Servin g a n extraordinaril y heterogeneou s communit y whose loyaltie s were ofte n t o th e distinc t Catholi c churche s o f thei r past , the churc h hierarch y frequently compromise d it s larger visions to politica l expediency. Whil e ideally , "every Catholi c chil d belong s to Christ' s Mys tical Body, " immigrant children als o belonge d t o distinc t communities , t o which thei r parent s hope d t o bin d thei r children' s loyalty . It was throug h the form s o f ethnicity that parental authorit y wa s expresse d an d enforced. The churc h an d it s schools pragmaticall y supported tha t loyalty and throug h it helped t o bin d futur e generation s to itself. 64 The ethni c paris h an d it s associate d schoo l cam e int o bein g i n th e lat e nineteenth centur y in response to th e demands of various groups (firs t Ger man an d late r Easter n European ) fo r self-directio n and languag e continu ity. Ethni c conflic t withi n th e churc h an d resentment s abou t Iris h contro l of th e hierarch y force d th e America n church t o a d e fact o fragmentatio n of parishe s b y ethnicity . I n th e church' s effort s t o maintai n th e loyalt y of the ne w immigran t groups, th e Catholi c school s becam e critica l allie s and were especiall y attractiv e t o parishioner s becaus e the y offere d instructio n in divers e native languages . Th e Catholi c hierarch y ofte n oppose d th e in troduction o f foreig n languages , lik e Germa n an d Polish , int o th e publi c schools i n orde r t o highligh t the distinc t advantag e o f the parochia l schools . As James Sander s notes, "Catholi c leaders understood ful l wel l that many children were sent to parochial school s not onl y for religious reasons," but in orde r t o maintai n ethni c solidarit y an d t o permi t parent s t o exercis e

2.2,2, Other


some contro l ove r th e futur e o f thei r children . I n Chicago , whic h b y th e late nineteent h centur y had becom e a grea t ethni c city , parochia l school s were overwhelmingl y ethnicall y isolated , s o muc h s o that th e schoo l sys tem wa s irrational—som e school s wer e largel y empt y whil e other s burs t with exces s students . Man y neighborhood s experience d a situatio n lik e tha t of th e Back-of-the-Yard s district : "Thoug h the Iris h school los t three-fifth s of it s pupil s betwee n 190 0 an d 1910 , th e nearb y Eastern Europea n institutions struggle d t o provid e fo r 4500 more . Yet , fo r a Pol e or Lithuanian or Slova k t o atten d St . Rose befor e th e las t Iris h chil d departe d wa s un thinkable. A s on e schoo l stoo d almos t empty , anothe r stoo d a-buildin g just across th e street o r down th e block." 65 This situation , th e resul t o f pride an d first-generatio n conflict , also mean t that th e schoolin g o f Catholi c childre n coul d b e ver y uneven, wit h som e schools well-financed , furnished, and staffed , whil e others wer e poor in all those ways . The local autonom y tha t inhered in the d e facto ethnic parish had bot h benefit s an d costs . I t als o le d t o interna l conflict, when, fo r ex ample, Polis h sister s wer e engage d t o staf f a Lithuania n school an d wer e accused b y parents o f instructin g their childre n in Polis h ways . "Many o f the conflict s betwee n Catholic s o f differen t nationalities, " Jame s Hennes sey concluded , "revolve d aroun d contro l o f parochia l schools." 66 Th e founding an d maintenanc e of schools i n this context wa s neve r smooth o r easy, bu t th e paris h school s succeede d i n supportin g ethnicit y an d lan guage in ways that the publi c schools neve r could, howeve r ethnically homogeneous thei r population s might be. In man y ways , parochia l school s i n th e earl y twentiet h centur y wer e transitional institutions , providin g a n effectiv e passag e fo r immigran t parents and thei r childre n as they adapte d to the America n environment. In allowing fo r languag e continuity especially , but als o fo r specifi c form s o f ethnic ritual and fo r nationalist sentiment , parochial school s permitte d immigrant communitie s t o educat e thei r childre n withou t losin g a sens e o f the past . A t th e sam e time , th e church' s succes s amon g differen t ethni c groups wa s no t uniform , an d it s school s wer e likewis e differentially sup ported. Among the newer immigrant groups, Poles , for example, expresse d their religiou s piet y an d ferven t nationalis m b y sendin g thei r childre n t o parochial schools , a t leas t o n th e elementar y level , whil e Italians , a t th e other extreme , wer e highl y reluctant t o d o so . Most Italia n childre n wen t to public rather tha n t o parochial schools . Differen t group s responded differently t o parochia l schools , a s they did t o th e Catholi c churc h i n America, base d o n variou s view s o f th e church' s authorit y an d it s guidance , views lodge d i n th e pas t an d i n th e ofte n tens e contemporar y relation s among groups . Fo r some , th e parochia l schools were an eagerl y accepte d

Imitation an d Autonomy 2.2.

3

compromise betwee n th e past an d th e future , whil e for others the y repre sented a choice wit h n o obviou s benefits . The intens e ethnicity of the tur n o f the century tha t church school s ha d expressed an d helped to defin e bega n to subside by the interwar years, an d by the mid-twentiet h centur y it had recede d s o that Catholic-school attendance wa s onl y marginall y relate d t o ethni c concerns . I n th e 192.0 5 an d '305, a perio d coextensiv e wit h high-schoo l expansion , Catholic s move d out fro m poo r city centers to more middle-class areas, bot h insid e the cities and i n the suburbs , where ethnicit y became less important an d th e opportunities fo r economi c an d socia l succes s mor e so . An d withi n olde r cit y districts, the constan t movemen t of population erode d strongl y etche d eth nic parish boundarie s and le d to compromise s and alliances. Althoug h ethnicity did not by any means disappear, the parochial schools ' rol e as ethnic reinforcers declined . Increasingly , th e origina l ethni c appea l o f parochia l schools wa s replace d b y othe r factors , includin g locality , religiou s senti ment, an d mobility . B y the middl e of the century , ethnicit y wa s n o longe r central t o Catholic-schoo l attendance . Som e groups, lik e the Irish , continued t o suppor t Catholi c school s i n disproportionat e numbers , and some , like th e Italian s and Hispanics , wer e stil l no t sendin g their childre n to th e church school s i n proportio n t o thei r significan t number . Bu t longer resi dence, eve n fo r th e Italians , appear s t o hav e enhance d th e chance s tha t children woul d atten d Catholi c schools , probabl y becaus e thes e groups , like th e Iris h befor e them , bega n t o appreciat e th e schools ' othe r advan tages. By the 19605 , parents of parochial-school student s wer e overwhelmingly native-bor n an d ove r one-hal f ha d native-bor n parents . Languag e maintenance as well a s memories of the European churches were now largel y a thin g o f th e past . Whil e ethnicit y canno t b e altogethe r discounte d a s a stimulant t o continue d parochial-schoo l support , it s centra l significanc e ha d been eclipsed b y other issues. 67 In 1955 , sociologist s Pete r and Alic e Ross i foun d a correlation betwee n aspirations fo r mobility and Catholic-schoo l attendance . Catholi c high-school students wer e les s likel y t o expres s value s an d ideal s o f famil y cohesio n and loyalt y tha n Catholi c student s i n publi c hig h schools . Student s i n Catholic hig h school s adopte d a whole rang e o f attitude s associate d wit h upward mobilit y more frequentl y tha n thos e i n non-Catholic schools , an d these difference s supersede d difference s i n socia l an d economi c back ground. Ross i an d Ross i conclude d tha t "I f thes e dat a ar e t o b e taken a s indicative o f Catholi c secondar y school s i n general , i t woul d appea r tha t the mor e mobility-consciou s Catholic s ar e to b e foun d withi n such schools." In anothe r study , Andrew Greeley an d Pete r Ross i foun d tha t overall , "those who wen t t o Catholi c high schools . . . were more likel y t o g o to college

ZZ4 Other


than were those (Protestan t o r Catholic ) who went to public schools, wit h the exceptio n o f Protestant s attendin g publi c school s whos e fathe r ha d gone to college." 68 Rossi an d Rossi' s suggestion s hav e foun d suppor t elsewhere . Although most survey s o f parents ' reason s fo r sendin g thei r childre n t o Catholi c schools confirm tha t the stated reason s are heavily religious, not academic , the educationa l background s o f parent s wit h childre n in Catholi c school s tend t o b e highe r than Catholic s whos e childre n wen t t o publi c schools , and mor e parent s o f Catholic-schoo l childre n were committe d t o sendin g their childre n t o college. 69 Although the difference s wer e rarely very large, they fall int o a pattern. By the mid-fifties , parochia l schools were ethnically complex, an d th e parent s o f student s were ofte n themselve s of mixed eth nic background. Instead of ethnicity, parental decisions to send childre n to parochial school s ha d becom e an expression o f Catholic middle-clas s identification an d a sign of aspiration s fo r children. 70 By the fifties and sixties , as Wil l Herber g argue d som e tim e ago , ethni c subcommunitie s had bee n Americanized a s they emphasized religious identification over ethnicity and merged int o wha t h e calle d th e tripl e meltin g pot (Catholic , Protestant , Jewish). Catholic universalis m thus overshadowed olde r loyalties . Herberg may hav e exaggerate d th e evanescenc e o f ethnicit y a s mor e recen t litera ture ha s suggested , bu t Catholi c schools , a t least , n o longe r playe d thei r earlier strategic rol e in maintaining ethnic loyalty. Where Catholi c school s had onc e expediently permitted themselve s to serv e as an arm o f the ethnic community and o f the poor, they had becom e in the mid-twentieth century an expedien t condui t for th e expressio n o f mobility aspirations. 71 It is , no doubt , i n thi s fashio n tha t th e Catholi c school s hav e begu n t o function fo r black s as well. By the early sixties, St. Clair Drake and Horac e R. Cayto n ha d conclude d tha t fo r man y blacks , "on e o f th e primar y at tractions o f the Catholic Church is its educational institutions. . . . Many parents fel t tha t th e parochia l schoo l offere d a mor e thoroug h educatio n in a quiete r atmospher e wit h adequat e discipline and persona l attention. " As sociologis t Jame s Coleman' s recen t compariso n betwee n publi c an d parochial school s ha s suggested , blac k childre n i n Catholi c school s wer e closer i n colleg e aspirations to white s than thos e black s in public schools . By th e lat e 19705 , whe n Colema n conducte d hi s study , th e revolutio n i n the schoolin g o f black s of th e post-196 5 perio d affecte d Catholi c school s just a s it affecte d publi c schools, an d Catholi c school s wer e integrate d in stitutions, indeed , better integrate d than publi c schools. A s with th e prog eny of European immigrants , so too wit h blacks ; the Catholi c school s ha d become channels for upwar d mobility and a n expressio n of aspirations for middle-class status . Andre w Greeley cam e t o thi s conclusio n in studying the achievement s and caree r path s o f minorit y student s i n Catholi c an d

Imitation an d Autonomy 2.Z

5

public schools : "Perhap s th e principa l reaso n fo r choosing a Catholi c ed ucation fo r one's child if one i s a minority famil y i s that th e child' s chance s of graduatin g fro m colleg e ar e perceive d a s bein g enhance d b y suc h a n educational experience." 72 It i s perhaps ironi c tha t a schoo l syste m base d o n separatis t principle s that embraced eve n more discret e separatis t policie s early i n the twentiet h century shoul d serv e a hal f centur y late r a s a mean s fo r assimilatio n an d social mobility . Yet the churc h ha d neve r proposed tha t it s schools woul d be anythin g less than American . The Catholi c parochia l schoo l ha d alway s been a blen d o f ideal s an d expedienc y a s i t maintaine d Catholi c identit y while acceding to th e demand s of its constituents fo r the typ e of education they desired. A t the sam e time, and unlike the public schools, th e Catholi c schools ha d alway s assumed that Catholi c educatio n was somethin g mor e than a complet e adaptatio n t o it s constituency . Th e churc h ha d a n obli gation to teach along certain lines, and it had the responsibility to raise up the childre n o f Catholic s t o b e practicin g Catholic s an d leader s i n th e American Catholi c community . I n thi s sense , th e churc h school s ha d al ways anticipate d thei r recen t successes , bot h i n subsumin g ethnic identity to Catholi c universalism and i n the socia l success o f their students . The Catholi c schools ' abilit y t o adap t t o America n circumstances gave them a peculia r advantage over secula r schools. A s I have suggested, tha t advantage, especiall y as it operated throug h th e hig h schools, wa s i n goo d part the resul t of admissions standards. Bu t the advantag e was a s much in the ey e of the beholde r a s in anything specific t o th e schools . Th e Catholi c schools, a s alternativ e schools , tende d t o attrac t mor e like-minde d at tenders tha n th e publi c schools. A s a result , thei r selectivit y existed eve n before examination s o r applican t screenin g procedures . Th e parent s o f Catholic-school students , including blacks, had t o b e previously motivated to choos e th e Catholi c ove r the publi c schools. Early in the centur y thos e objectives wer e ofte n ethnic ; i n the middl e to lat e twentiet h century , they are frequentl y academi c an d social . Althoug h th e state d objective s fo r choosing Catholi c school s usuall y emphasized mora l an d religiou s aims , academic an d vocationa l motivation s figure d i n those choice s b y the mid 1960s, an d ma y actuall y hav e subsume d religiou s aim s b y th e 19705 . By that point , th e "old-fashioned " mor e academi c emphasis of Catholic school s had becom e a distinc t advantag e to mobility-consciou s parents. I n 1966 , when parent s o f Catholic-schoo l student s wer e aske d t o evaluat e th e im portance o f variou s factor s i n schooling , 9 0 percen t o f almos t 2.5,00 0 re spondents believe d that trainin g childre n i n self-disciplin e and har d wor k was either the most important or a very important reaso n for sendin g their children t o Catholi c schools.73 By the secon d half o f the twentieth century, the ver y traditionalis m of the Catholi c schools, which twenty year s befor e

2.2,6 Other


had bee n a sourc e o f defensiveness , ha d becom e a sourc e o f strength . I n the highl y competitive schoo l situatio n i n whic h goin g t o colleg e ha s be come th e commo n denominato r o f middle-clas s life, th e selectivit y o f th e Catholic school s an d thei r mor e unifor m high-schoo l curriculu m had be come a n importan t advantage . An d man y o f th e descendent s o f immi grants an d black s fo r who m th e churc h school s ha d n o plac e an d ha d made no provisio n were clamoring for th e admissio n o f their children .

V Local contro l o f America n schools ha s historicall y aimed t o provid e par ents wit h a measur e o f authorit y ove r th e conten t an d directio n o f th e education provided to their childre n by the state. That ideal has never been entirely realisti c o r realize d a s Michae l Kat z an d othe r historian s hav e demonstrated. Lon g befor e th e comple x urba n realitie s an d th e profes sional self-consciousnes s of th e twentiet h centur y rendered th e concep t o f local contro l increasingl y anachronisti c an d largel y rhetorical, loca l com munities were torn apar t over issues of schooling. Class , religion , and cul ture hav e throughou t th e America n past create d fissure s i n communities which translate d int o differentia l acces s an d varyin g influenc e ove r th e schools.74 American Catholics mor e conspicuousl y an d effectivel y tha n othe r groups hav e withdraw n thei r childre n fro m thi s politicall y charge d envi ronment. I n establishing alternativ e schools , Catholic s acte d o n th e im plicit principl e o f communit y control , althoug h tha t communit y wa s de fined not onl y territorially bu t als o ideologicall y and culturall y and o n th e basis o f th e America n constitutional protectio n o f religiou s freedom. The Catholi c syste m o f educatio n tha t wa s eventuall y erected o n thos e grounds ha s become an enormous enterprise, comparabl e in many ways to the publi c school system . And like that system, it has bee n buffeted b y the ideas, practica l concerns , an d dilemma s of mass education . Ethnicity , ra cial division s an d hostilities , financia l worries , issue s o f administration , an d scientific pedagogy hav e affected th e Catholi c schools n o less than th e public schools . Bu t Catholi c school s hav e operate d i n thi s contex t wit h tw o essential differences . First , they could depend o n the existence of the public school syste m to provide solution s t o problems the Catholi c school s chos e to ignor e o r faile d t o resolve . Second , the y coul d depen d o n th e explici t consent o f the familie s wh o sen t thei r childre n to Catholi c schools . The firs t o f these differences resulte d in a large measure of defensiveness for Catholi c educators throughout much of the twentieth century. Catholic schools wer e neve r a s full y innovativ e as publi c schools ; no r wer e the y ever as fully democratic . Certainly , the Catholic schools became both mor e democratic an d mor e innovativ e as th e centur y progressed , bu t Catholi c

Imitation an d Autonomy 2.2.

7

philosophy a s wel l a s limite d resource s alway s provided brake s o n thes e forces. I n a n educationa l worl d wher e progres s an d expansio n wer e by words of success, Catholic educators were always looking over their shoul ders a t wha t th e publi c schools were doin g an d ho w thei r ow n program s were perceived an d evaluate d by Catholic s an d th e large r American com munity. Prid e as wel l a s minorit y self-consciousness forced Catholi c school s to operat e i n ways that wer e never entirely autonomous and , indeed , ofte n heavily derivative. At th e sam e time, publi c policy allowe d Catholic s a fundamenta l mea sure o f minorit y autonomy . Thi s wa s bot h becaus e th e democrati c com mitment t o religiou s pluralism permitted th e school s t o exis t an d becaus e the public schools' mor e expansiv e policies allowed the alternativ e school s to exis t o n thei r ow n terms . By providing an educatio n t o Catholic s wh o elected not to atten d Catholi c schools or to those whom the Catholic schools rejected, th e publi c schools allowe d Catholi c school s t o remai n fa r mor e homogeneous tha n thei r integrate d philosoph y alon e woul d hav e mad e possible. This strengthene d th e overal l effec t o f th e parenta l consen t availabl e to Catholic schools . Catholic-schoo l selectivit y and th e explici t consen t o f parents protecte d Catholi c school s fro m man y of th e mos t difficul t issue s of democrati c education . This wa s furthe r effecte d b y th e hierarch y of in stitutional comman d an d authority , fo r which Catholi c school s coul d cal l upon th e lon g traditio n o f Catholi c belie f an d practice . I n othe r words , Catholic school s ha d al l th e advantage s of loca l contro l withou t mos t o f its disadvantages . Th e Catholi c hierarch y an d a unifor m an d continuou s Catholic philosoph y permitte d Catholi c educatio n t o develo p systemati cally while still being connected t o Catholi c consensus and parental assent . By subscribin g t o Catholi c schools , parent s a t onc e exercise d thei r ow n authority ove r thei r children' s educatio n an d voluntaril y submitte d tha t education t o the hierarchy and structure increasingly necessary to the complex institutiona l situatio n o f twentieth-centur y schools . Th e parent s o f children i n Catholi c school s supporte d thos e school s financially , morally , and willingly . And thei r attitud e provide d th e school s wit h a muc h fulle r measure of authority over the children under their jurisdiction. It also, an d not inconsequentially , strengthened the students ' ow n sens e of satisfaction with th e schools an d their disciplinar y expectations, sinc e parental suppor t enhanced students ' confidenc e in th e excellenc e and valu e of thei r educa tion.75 This doe s no t mea n tha t al l Catholi c parent s wer e completel y satisfie d with their children's education.76 It does mean that extrem e dissatisfaction would forc e parent s to tak e their children to another , usually public, school, an optio n no t easil y availabl e to th e parents of children in publi c schools . That actio n would onl y minimally affec t th e Catholi c school. Catholi c au-

2,2,8 Other


thorities alway s ha d th e powe r o f churc h doctrin e t o inhibi t mas s with drawals an d usuall y forestalled widespread dissatisfactio n by seeking ways to imitat e th e publi c school s an d t o provid e Catholi c childre n wit h th e more obviou s advantage s o f publi c schooling . Throughou t th e century , Catholic school s diffuse d som e o f the positive threat o f public-school competition throug h selectiv e imitation. In th e lon g run , thes e difference s provide d a dua l advantag e fo r th e Catholic schoo l system . It s abilit y t o exercis e th e democrati c optio n o f alternative schoolin g b y providin g a les s full y democratize d educatio n re sulted i n considerabl e socia l success . A s James Coleman' s repor t compar ing publi c an d parochia l school s ha s demonstrated , Catholic-schoo l chil dren performed better tha n public-school children on al l measures, regardless of clas s and ethni c background. Indeed , the Catholi c schools hav e allowed their student s t o transcen d i n thei r performanc e many o f th e socia l divi sions of class, race, an d ethnicit y whil e th e academi c performance o f public school childre n usuall y echo these . Tha t i s to say , Catholi c educatio n ha s homogenized the backgrounds of its students, performing the functio n tha t public school s wer e intende d bu t hav e ofte n faile d t o achieve . Ironically, the les s democrati c Catholi c school s hav e registere d greate r democrati c gains.77 It would b e easy and tempting to ascribe these gains to the specifi c form s of Catholi c instruction , an d th e Colema n repor t ha s initiate d a tren d i n just thi s direction. 78 Th e recen t emphasi s o n standards , basics , an d aca demics ha s a t leas t i n part adopte d th e Catholi c schools a s a latent model. 79 Certainly, th e parochial schools ' emphasi s on a mor e uniforml y academi c training, o n standards , an d o n disciplin e have contributed t o thei r instruc tional successes . Bu t othe r factor s hav e provide d Catholi c school s wit h advantages largel y absen t i n publi c schools—parenta l trus t an d consent , mobility aspirations , selectiv e admissions an d promotions , an d a willing ness t o ignor e th e requirement s o f thos e les s abl e or submissive . Coleman has i n fac t use d th e resul t o f hi s stud y t o sugges t tha t th e publi c schoo l system an d idea b e fundamentall y restructured t o allo w parent s greate r options in selecting schools fo r their children , s o as to provide th e consen t and homogeneit y o f interes t no w largel y absen t fro m territoriall y define d schools.80 As so often in the histor y o f American education, th e historica l dialecti c between outsider s an d th e publi c schools ha s entere d a ne w phase. A s the Catholic school s leav e behind a long perio d o f defensiv e imitatio n o f th e public schools , thos e concerne d wit h publi c educatio n hav e discovere d ne w ways o f learnin g from th e minoritie s in thei r midst . Th e influenc e o f out siders o n America n education may hav e just begun.

Conclusion

Since th e mid-nineteent h century , educatio n ha s serve d th e man y house hold god s o f America n society—citizenship , morality , mobility , assimila tion. I n th e twentiet h century , thos e god s hav e sometime s change d thei r form an d fo r man y have become justic e and equality , bu t th e secula r religion o f education ha s remained both a n ar m o f the stat e and a meaningfu l part o f genera l culture . Th e demand s tha t American s hav e mad e o f edu cation an d thei r fait h i n it s efficac y rende r th e religiou s analog y no t a t al l far-fetched o r trivial . I n th e absenc e o f a commo n o r state-supporte d reli gion, th e school s hav e taken th e place o f the churc h a s a means o f control and a s institution s throug h whic h th e populatio n ha s sough t it s variously defined road s to salvation. Indeed , the emotional an d even evangelical tone adopted b y critic s o f schoo l development s ofte n make s th e languag e o f school refor m fa r more volatile than tha t attache d t o othe r institution s an d this lend s credenc e t o th e analogy . A s institutions wit h ecclesiastica l role s in th e society , th e school s hav e aime d t o unif y an d integrat e th e natio n and t o direct th e behavio r an d belief s o f its complex populatio n i n regular and sociall y acceptabl e ways . Sinc e th e lat e nineteent h century , fe w have questioned th e logica l consequenc e o f th e schools ' ecclesiastica l func tions—that al l shoul d b e expose d t o it s teaching ; an d b y th e earl y twen tieth century , this view was enforced through law s requiring and enforcin g attendance. At th e sam e time, however , th e America n school ha s becom e a quintes sentially libera l institution , embodyin g the traditiona l libera l belie f i n freel y available opportunit y an d th e potentia l fo r individua l self-realization withi n broad socia l bounds . An d th e schoo l represent s th e libera l confidenc e in

230 Outside

In

the possibilit y o f individua l improvement an d socia l progress . Liberalis m has alway s assumed as well that individuals and th e group s t o whic h the y belong woul d hav e differin g interest s an d need s tha t coul d b e accommo dated, or at least negotiated , throug h effectivel y operatin g institutions . Th e liberal traditio n o f America n schoolin g ha s organize d it s religiou s func tions i n very specifi c ways . For , i f the churc h attempt s t o prepar e it s wor shippers fo r th e glorie s o f th e nex t worl d an d t o contemplat e somethin g larger tha n themselves , th e libera l tradition o f American schooling ha s al ways maintaine d a stead y gaz e o n thi s worl d an d o n it s ver y human re wards. As a result , America n schoolin g ha s alway s been a t th e crossroad s of potentia l conflict—conflic t amon g groups, conflic t i n aims, and th e con flict between socia l reality and social ideals. Above all, American education has neve r been abl e to fre e itsel f o f th e conflict s inheren t i n a liberal institution servin g an enormousl y divers e population . The progressive s stoo d a t th e junctur e of th e tw o traditions , an d the y shaped thei r moder n form . Progressiv e reformer s understoo d a t onc e th e power of the public school's enforcemen t potential, and they naturally and unhesitatingly drew o n it s promise of unity and th e b y then alread y stron g faith i n the promis e o f education . The y expande d th e publi c school's powe r by extendin g an d intensifyin g it s realm . A s liberals , however , the y ex pected schoolin g no t onl y to defin e an d maintai n socia l good s bu t als o t o encourage individua l achievement, an d the y expecte d th e school s t o serv e the need s of their divers e constituencies. The y were als o caught i n the rea l restraints o f thei r ow n tim e a s the y attempte d t o re-creat e a coheren t so ciety throug h revitalize d education , turnin g ofte n bac k t o a remembere d past, bu t als o forwar d t o th e threat s an d possibilitie s that diversit y might bring. I n their attemp t t o balanc e the libera l and ecclesiastica l dimension s of schooling , the y expresse d an d shape d th e dilemm a tha t ha s bee n par t of schoolin g i n America ever since. Nowhere perhap s i s th e dilemm a of schoolin g cleare r tha n i n th e edu cation o f outsiders. I n man y ways , i t i s th e presenc e o f outsider s i n th e schools tha t has brough t th e conflic t t o th e surfac e i n schoo l history , a s it did fo r socia l progressives . Bu t th e proble m o f schoolin g outsider s wa s more tha n the occasion for the emergence of conflict between the aims and functions o f schooling . Outsider s bot h define d th e cultura l landscap e withi n which school s operate d an d force d th e school s t o develo p an d t o defin e themselves i n tha t context . I n other words , cultura l pluralism i s inseparable fro m th e histor y withi n which th e dua l tradition s o f America n education too k shape , an d th e problem s associate d wit h pluralis m permit u s t o examine the evolvin g tension of those traditions . In th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries , the socia l problem of immigration became the preeminent issue for the schools . It was, in fact ,

Conclusion 2,3

1

a proble m tha t th e school s wer e i n th e bes t positio n t o handl e becaus e they coul d offe r bot h th e experienc e o f contro l whic h seeme d necessar y and becaus e the y base d thei r appea l i n the languag e o f socia l opportunit y to which immigrant s and thei r childre n would respond . B y the second an d third decade s o f the twentiet h century , the magnitud e o f immigration an d its diversit y ha d stimulate d th e school s t o see k ou t way s t o refin e thei r mechanisms o f incorporation . Th e I Q an d it s man y associate d conse quences were the result. Th e IQ did two thing s that seemed to balanc e the public school's ecclesiastica l an d liberal functions. First, it allowed th e school s to functio n pedagogically i n the proces s o f expanding—and t o d o s o with minimal strain . I t allowe d school s t o includ e masses o f ver y differen t stu dents an d t o regulat e thei r program s simpl y and efficiently . Concurrently , it allowed th e publi c school no t onl y to defin e itsel f a s a bulwark of liberal opportunity a t a tim e whe n schoolin g becam e mor e strategi c t o success , but als o t o prid e itsel f o n its growing fulfillmen t o f this ideal, especially i n escalating high-schoo l enrollments . Becaus e the I Q allowe d educator s t o reify thei r master y of individual differences b y clothing tha t concept i n th e language an d technolog y o f a science , i t seeme d fo r al l intent s an d pur poses th e very perfection of the liberal ideal. Each studen t coul d realiz e his or he r ful l potential , no w n o longe r a matter o f guesswork o r approxima tion, throug h th e variou s opportunitie s provide d b y th e schools . I hav e suggested tha t th e cost s o f thi s schem a wer e grea t becaus e individua l potential was carelessl y enumerated an d becaus e it was grounded i n a limited and sting y conceptio n o f grou p abilities . Bu t i t woul d b e a mistak e t o underestimate the genuine effort a t meritocratic standard s thi s involved. In a libera l society , an d throug h th e channel s o f it s libera l institutions , th e problem o f locatin g an d providin g fo r divers e talents wa s an d remain s a challenge, on e tha t Jefferso n pinpointe d lon g ag o a s a legitimat e par t o f social policy . In th e socia l spher e o f the hig h school , th e tensio n betwee n contro l an d diversity had ver y different result s since students continued t o defin e them selves accordin g t o ethni c criteri a whic h ha d n o role t o pla y i n schoo l policy. Th e comple x an d bustlin g worl d o f high-schoo l activitie s wa s i n fact a liberal's dream, since choice and inclinatio n define d association s an d commitments. Whateve r contro l wa s exercise d wa s no t lodge d i n the ho mogenizing intentions o f educators, bu t i n the demandin g and differentiating criteri a o f peers . Howeve r educator s ma y hav e predefined students i n order t o structur e thei r classroo m learning , an d n o doub t thi s ha d som e effect eve n o n socia l life—o n ho w student s sa w themselve s and eac h other — this provided onl y the ver y wides t limits on socia l relationships. Schooling could g o onl y s o fa r i n Americ a i n determinin g associations an d prefer ences. As the street s spille d into the schools , so the school s woul d hel p to

2-3 2. Outside

In

encourage certai n kind s o f stratification s alon g ethni c lines , an d provide d students wit h differen t experience s o f assimilatio n an d imitation . Thus , if the churc h analog y i s correct, American high school s wer e fa r mor e Prot estant tha n Catholic , sinc e the y provided enormousl y divers e social expe riences tha t reflecte d a variet y o f factor s includin g clas s an d loca l condi tions. If America n schools hav e enforced controls i n exchange for opportunity , this was , unti l recently, hardly a bargain blacks were encouraged t o make . While the 1920 5 saw som e easin g of th e customar y America n belie f i n th e possibility tha t al l coul d b e commonl y educated , tha t belie f ha d scarcel y at al l bee n applie d t o blacks . Black s hav e bee n mor e tha n outsider s i n America; the y hav e al l to o ofte n bee n define d a s th e archetypica l other , embodying thos e qualitie s fro m whic h w e dissociat e ourselves . Sinc e education ha s bee n essentia l t o ou r self-identit y as a people , bot h th e denia l of educatio n t o black s an d th e commo n assumptio n tha t the y wer e inca pable of benefittin g fro m schoolin g helped t o confir m thei r position . I n the South, o f course , rac e control s wer e lodge d i n laws , customs , an d percep tions tha t kep t black s awa y from th e resources an d fellowshi p of the whit e community, an d th e school s wer e symboli c of the emphati c separatio n o f races. Bu t blacks in the South, a s elsewhere, had lon g registered their fait h in th e America n religio n o f educatio n an d eagerl y embrace d it s libera l promise. Durin g Reconstructio n an d int o th e earl y twentieth century , black s enthusiastically availe d themselve s o f school s whe n thes e wer e provided . They di d s o again durin g the New Dea l when the federa l governmen t pro vided a variety of mean s fo r blac k education . Despite it s unorthodo x forms , th e crisi s educatio n o f th e Ne w Dea l agencies an d o f th e arm y tende d t o confir m th e ecclesiastica l an d libera l nature o f educatio n i n th e Unite d States , especiall y for blacks . I n th e firs t place, i t encourage d black s t o rene w thei r ques t fo r admissio n int o wha t Mary Bethune and man y of her contemporarie s calle d "the America n program." Educatio n wa s bot h a pat h t o an d a sig n o f tha t admission , an d nowhere wa s th e signa l concer n fo r incorporatio n mor e forcefull y ex pressed tha n whe n hundred s o f thousand s o f black s sough t literac y an d other form s o f schooling. Fo r blacks , th e possibility of schooling resonate d with issue s of citizenship, and th e Ne w Deal , by defining th e government' s obligation t o it s citizen s i n broadl y socia l terms , encourage d thos e reso nances. I f Roosevel t an d hi s adviser s woul d d o nothin g abou t lynchings , segregation, o r pol l taxes , the y held ou t t o black s th e possibilit y o f edu cation an d employment . Thi s was , o f course , liberalis m a t it s best . Th e New Dea l agencie s in man y instances proclaimed tha t the y wer e offerin g opportunities t o all—irrespectiv e o f color . An d the y use d federa l regula tions t o remov e barrier s which ha d blocke d acces s t o federa l programs .

Conclusion 23

3

They rarel y wen t beyon d tha t libera l ideal , bu t eve n tha t wa s fa r mor e than black s ha d bee n offere d before . Becaus e th e Ne w Dea l proclaime d equal access in its regulations an d because it included blacks in its account ing, i t offere d th e hop e o f genuin e change . Thi s proces s o f ecclesiastica l inclusion wa s quit e a s significan t as th e libera l goods tha t wer e offered . The wa r an d th e arm y complete d th e process , no t becaus e the y offere d reform o r encourage d opportunity , bu t becaus e th e experienc e mad e th e societal cost s o f black exclusion fro m educatio n clear . The army also made clear tha t black s coul d b e educate d lik e whites, and , i n s o doing , i t rede fined th e meanin g o f menta l aptitud e an d it s measurement . B y th e lat e 19405 and earl y 19505 , in the contex t of growing anxieties abou t nationa l security, th e exclusio n o f black s fro m America n education wa s n o longe r tenable, an d i n 195 4 ecclesiastica l inclusio n wa s enshrine d a s a nationa l philosophy. Afte r that , the issu e for blacks would becom e very like that of immigrants in the earl y twentiet h centur y whos e special problem s becam e matters o f concer n fo r th e school s a s wel l a s fo r th e society . Afte r that , too, issue s o f acces s gav e wa y t o question s abou t libera l outcomes , al though th e proble m of inclusio n has hardl y been laid to rest . The wa r als o ha d a n enormou s impac t o n women , an d i t was no t sur prising tha t th e school s woul d registe r women' s confuse d status . Th e ecclesiastical functio n o f America n schooling wa s alway s clea r fo r women . Women's inclusio n i n th e school s wa s rarel y questione d afte r th e school s became firml y establishe d i n th e socia l landscape . Ther e wa s n o reaso n why i t shoul d be . As fundamental constituents o f the societ y an d essentia l to it s orderl y functioning , especiall y t o it s mora l life , wome n ha d bee n schooled besid e me n fo r 10 0 year s b y th e tim e th e wa r brough t th e di lemma o f women's educatio n t o th e surfac e i n th e 19508 . But while women operated easil y in the schools , thei r position i n the societ y was mor e com plex an d conflict-ridden . In man y ways an d fo r a long tim e they had hardl y any rol e to pla y in the libera l ideology of America n lif e becaus e liberalism and its commitment to opportunity wa s a marketplace ideal. While women held a variet y o f job s an d ha d economi c functions , opportunit y fo r self realization apar t fro m th e privat e spher e o f th e famil y ha d neve r bee n designed t o includ e women . Th e commo n assumptio n wa s no t tha t the y were incapable of public success (although this always lingered on th e fringe s of popula r a s wel l a s seriou s thought) bu t tha t the y wer e unintereste d i n it an d tha t i t was unbecoming. During an d afte r Worl d Wa r II , however, women's marketplac e partic ipation gre w enormously, an d b y the 1950 5 the libera l function of educa tion fo r wome n became the subjec t o f extensive discussion i n college s and universities. I n th e 19505 , institution s of highe r educatio n a s interpreters and enforcer s o f culture articulated the usua l conceptions of women's role.

234 Outside

In

But the y introduce d a ne w liberal-utilitaria n issue into th e discussions . Some educators, lik e Lynn White, hope d t o us e the college s a s a settin g for spe cific women' s concerns . Fo r White , th e ver y liberalis m of th e school s re quired tha t the y adap t t o th e specifi c need s o f wome n b y redefining their educational offering s an d thei r aims . Others , more awar e of the increasin g role wome n wer e playing in the econom y an d committe d t o improvemen t in women's socia l role, hoped to balanc e the older assignments of marriage and motherhoo d wit h a ne w appreciatio n o f women' s rol e i n th e work place. I n enforcin g that balance , the y sought t o aler t an d prepar e wome n for th e inevitabl e problem s thi s woul d bring . Neithe r grou p eve r ques tioned women' s legitimat e plac e i n highe r education , althoug h i n th e 1950 5 there were some fain t voice s willing to d o eve n this and thu s dismiss women altogether fro m th e fellowshi p of educationa l salvation . O n th e contrary , most educator s wh o considere d th e problem hoped t o mak e education mor e useful an d usabl e than i t was. In fact, the discussions were soon t o collaps e of thei r ow n weigh t a s som e wome n capitalize d o n th e rea l opportunitie s the school s offere d t o challeng e th e ver y concep t o f a define d women' s interest. I n tha t sense , th e liberalis m o f th e school s operate d i n a ver y different wa y than th e discussions about it , since higher education allowe d women t o b e schoole d largel y equall y t o me n an d underwrot e eventua l social access . If the school s tried to contro l wome n b y continuing to defin e motherhood a s women' s dominan t goal , th e schools ' offerin g apar t fro m their value s had encourage d som e wome n to rejec t thos e ideal s and had forced other s t o confron t th e ver y conflicts inherent in their education . It i s ironic , bu t appropriate , tha t America n educationa l liberalis m ha s permitted th e developmen t o f a n alternativ e t o th e publi c school s tha t i s deliberately ecclesiastical and which in no smal l way opposed liberalism as a tene t o f education. I n fact , th e legitimat e existence o f alternative school s has bee n an emble m of liberalism in education. Th e Catholi c school s hav e operated apar t fro m America n publi c school s fo r almos t 15 0 years , an d during th e twentiet h centur y the y have become , a s a group , a flourishing and importan t institutio n which , i n a final irony, hav e often allowe d thei r students t o garne r th e reward s o f libera l societ y t o a greate r exten t tha n their publicl y educated peers . Thi s i s largel y because parochial school s hav e been better abl e than publi c schools to monitor thei r student s by providing rewards onl y to thos e whos e conformit y to the ecclesiastica l demands and the homogeneou s program s o f th e churc h school s ha s bee n greatest . I n other words , parochial schools , althoug h heir s of the Catholi c traditio n o f universalism, hav e b y n o mean s allowe d thei r charge s th e equa l acces s available i n th e publi c schools . Indeed , i t i s th e publi c schools ' greate r pluralism that ha s permitted parochial schools their greater exclusivity and homogeneity. I n th e parochia l schools , th e pric e of succes s has bee n a fa r

Conclusio35

235

more stringent an d confinin g conformity . At the same time, even the Cath olic school s hav e adopte d som e o f th e libera l technique s o f publi c educa tion, which the y describ e a s progressive, despit e the usua l disdain for progressivism's philosophical underpinnings expressed b y Catholic educators . Like public schools, parochia l school s hav e accommodated a s well a s prescribed, adaptin g no t onl y t o th e America n pedagogical environmen t bu t also t o a n America n population whos e desire s hav e bee n directe d t o thi s world's goods a s much as to th e reward s o f the next . Critics o f public schools an d th e school s themselve s have recently adopte d various lesson s fro m th e succes s o f th e parochia l schools , especiall y thei r emphasis o n regularity , uniformity , discipline , an d control . I n s o doing , they hav e begu n t o mov e towar d a muc h mor e deliberatel y ecclesiastica l model tha n ha s generall y been th e cas e i n the twentiet h century . Tha t thi s may com e a t th e expens e o f educationa l liberalis m i s i n man y way s to o bad. Despit e it s man y infelicities an d clumsiness—sometime s eve n stupid ity—the America n libera l traditio n o f education , whic h i n th e twentiet h century i s inseparable fro m th e progressiv e tradition, ha s allowe d Ameri can school s t o ope n thei r door s wid e a t al l level s t o th e populatio n a s a whole an d a t it s bes t t o admi t tha t talen t come s i n man y shapes . I t ha s also proclaime d tha t the individual' s goals ar e quite a s important a s those of th e society . Tha t this democrati c idea l has ofte n bee n deraile d (because it operate s togethe r wit h th e ecclesiastica l functio n o f ou r school s an d i s culturally configured ) ough t no t t o depriv e us or ou r childre n o f the hop e it hold s ou t no w an d i n th e future . Fo r Dewey , libera l goals require d lib eral means , an d educationa l progressivis m involve d both . Th e histor y of education i n th e twentiet h centur y ha s mad e u s awar e o f ho w comple x and contradictor y bot h thes e ideal s can b e and that neither ca n guarante e the equality that has become a modern commitment. But an enforced equality which operate s withi n the stron g ecclesiastical tradition o f the school s ha s its own costs . As American schools continu e to operat e withi n the shiftin g balance of their libera l and ecclesiastica l traditions an d a s new groups an d issues help to defin e thei r meaning , it is clear that despite our criticis m and discontents th e America n fait h i n educatio n wil l continue—possibl y be cause w e hav e n o alternatives , probabl y (on e hopes) becaus e i t stil l offer s the bes t mean s toward a humane future. Fo r al l of u s who car e abou t th e schools an d th e societ y the y create, tha t fait h wil l almost certainl y requir e that w e confron t th e man y continuin g dilemma s of America n democrati c schooling.


Appendix i : Data Collection , Samplin g and Analysis

The sample for Chapte r 3 was create d an d compose d i n the following manner: 1. On th e basi s of information derived from "Nationalitie s o f Students 1931 — 47," Studen t Nationalit y File , Burea u of Reference , Research, an d Statistics , Teachers Colleg e Library , Columbia University , I composed a lis t of Ne w Yor k high school s an d thei r nationality profiles fo r the year s 1931—47 . These statistics had bee n based o n th e nativit y of students' parents . I then mad e a shorte r list o f school s wit h variou s ethnic configuration s tha t woul d illustrat e the rang e of ethnicit y pattern s i n th e thre e mos t significan t boroughs , Manhattan , Brooklyn, an d th e Bronx . Wit h th e approva l o f th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d of Education and th e Offic e o f Borough Superintendents, I contacted each school , usually th e assistan t principal' s office , an d ascertaine d th e locatio n an d availability o f yearbooks . I n severa l cases , th e yearbook s coul d no t b e foun d o r were no t mad e availabl e fo r th e year s o f inquiry . Th e seve n school s chose n were, therefore , thos e whic h ha d th e followin g characteristics: (a ) demographically interesting , geographicall y dispersed ; (b ) a t leas t tw o fro m eac h bor ough; (c ) yearbook s extant ; (d ) I wa s abl e t o obtai n acces s t o th e year books. 2. I n eac h o f th e selecte d schools , I use d onl y th e yearbook s fo r th e Jun e graduating class . Mos t school s als o ha d Januar y graduates , pupil s wh o wer e held bac k o r mor e rapidl y advance d towar d graduation . I decided agains t thes e as les s representativ e o f th e cros s sectio n o f graduatin g seniors . I collecte d complete informatio n fo r th e Jun e graduate s o f ever y othe r graduatin g clas s between 193 1 an d 194 7 fo r eac h school . Where ther e wer e gap s i n the year book holdings , a s was sometime s th e case , I chose th e nex t availabl e year. In preparing the materials for transfer to compute r tape, it became clear that the numbe r o f th e student s for who m I had informatio n was large r tha n tim e or mone y woul d allo w m e t o analyze , and I decide d t o divid e the sampl e in

2-3 8 Appendix

i

half, choosin g fou r year s fo r eac h schoo l instea d o f eight. The fou r year s were chosen t o captur e the experienc e i n each schoo l ove r th e longes t possible tim e period. Wheneve r possibl e th e year s wer e th e sam e fo r al l schools. Whe n thi s was not possible , the next closes t yea r was chosen . Following i s a list of the school s (wit h the nam e of the principal whose kin d permission mad e the research possible) , yearbook titles , an d years used for th e sample: George Washingto n Hig h School , 54 9 Audubo n Avenue, Manhattan (Samue l Kostman, principal) , Th e Hatchet, 1934 , 1939 , 1941 , 1947 ; Seward Par k High School , 35 0 Grand Street , Manhattan (Noe l Kriftcher , prin cipal), Th e Almanac, 1933 , i939 > J94 1 ) *947 ; New Utrech t Hig h School , 160 1 8ot h Street , Brookly n (Michael Russo , prin cipal), The Comet, 1933 , 1939 , 1941 , 1947 ; Evander Child s Hig h School , 80 0 Eas t Gunhil l Road , Bron x (Joh n McCann , principal) Th e Oriole, 1933 , 1937 , 1941 , 1945 ; Theodore Roosevelt High School , 50 0 East Fordham Road , Bron x (Philli p Lefton, principal) , Senior Saga, 1933 , 1939 , 1941 , 1947 ; Bay Ridg e Hig h School , 35 0 67t h Street , Brookly n (Joa n Leonard , principal) , Maroon'and White, 1933 , 1935 , 1941 , 1947 ; High Schoo l o f Commerc e (no w Loui s D . Brandei s Hig h School) , 14 5 Wes t 84th Street , Manhatta n (Murra y A . Cohn , principal) , Commercial Caravel, Caravel, Commerce, 1931 , 1933 , 1939 , 1941 , 1947 In th e cas e o f th e Hig h Schoo l o f Commerce , five years were chose n i n orde r to ge t on e coe d class . I t turne d ou t no t t o b e large enoug h t o b e usabl e a s a female sampl e fo r th e school . 3. After th e school s an d year s were selected an d th e data collected , the sample was compose d o f all students whos e name s appeared i n these issues of th e yearbook. Ever y activit y o f eac h o f thes e student s wa s categorize d accordin g to on e o f twenty-fiv e categories : n o activity , football , basketball , track , other sports, presiden t o f studen t bod y o r senio r class , othe r politica l office , edito r in chie f o f th e studen t newspaper , othe r newspape r staff , othe r publications , physics, chemistry , other science , othe r academic , program committee , Arista , debate, celebrity , socia l activities , service , gle e club , orchestra , drama , year book, religion, othe r activities . O f these activities, program committe e and de bate hav e no t bee n use d becaus e the y wer e no t usabl e indicators—eithe r th e numbers wer e to o smal l overall , o r th e activitie s wer e no t sufficientl y wide spread amon g schools . 4. Activit y information , the ethnicit y of th e studen t (a s determined b y name), the se x o f th e student , an d th e variou s detail s o f th e schoo l affiliatio n wer e entered o n a n IB M computer a t th e Universit y of California , Berkeley. All the computations wer e performe d usin g th e SPS S (Standar d Progra m fo r Socia l Science) program .

Appendix i 2,39 5. The computation s wer e mad e i n aggregate d for m acros s al l schools , ag gregating th e classe s i n eac h school , an d b y year i n eac h school . Becaus e the numbers wer e to o smal l i n thi s las t se t o f calculations , n o conclusion s wer e possible abou t change s over tim e within each school.

Appendix 2 TABLE A . Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Men b y Ethnic Grou p and Activit y ALL SCHOOLS Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(2369) 46.7

(834) 16.4

(98) 2.0

(216) 4.3

(246) 4.9

(679) 13.4

(427) 8.4

(206) 4.1

(5075) 100.2

(68) 37.8

(38) 21.1

(2) 1.1

(10) 5.6

(12) 6.7

(31) 17.2

(14) 7.8

W 2.8

(180) 100.1

Basketball

(100) 51.5

(10) 5.1

(13) 6.7

(12) 6.2

(5) 2.6

(26) 13.4

(19) 9.8

(9) 4.6

(194) 99.9

Track

(144) 41.3

(56) 16.0

(30) 8.6

(24) 6.9

(23) 6.6

(30) 8.6

(30) 8.6

(12) 3.4

(349) 100.0

Other spor t

(323) 45.5

(91) 12.8

(8) 1.1

(40) 5.6

(39) 5.5

(111) 15.6

(71) 10.0

(27) 3.8

(710) 99.9

(16) 41.0

7.7

(3)

(0) 0.0

(4) 10.3

(4) 10.3

(9) 23.1

(3) 7.7

(0) 0.0

(39) 100.1

(310) 46.1

(97) 14.4

(10) 1.5

(43) 6.4

(37) 5.5

(94) 14.0

(54) 8.0

(27) 4.0

(672) 99.9

Yearbook

(93) 49.5

(23) 12.2

(0) 0.0

(10) 5.3

(8) 4.3

(39) 20.7

(8) 4.3

(7) 3.7

(188) 100.0

Editor i n chief

(13) 59.1

(3) 13.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 4.5

(4) 18.2

(1) 4.5

(0) 0.0

(22) 99.9

Other new s

(127) 57.7

(15) 6.8

(2) 0.9

(8) 3.6

(13) 5.9

(35) 15.9

(9) 4.1

(11) 5.0

(220) 99.9

Other publications

(85) 53.4

(20) 12.6

(1) 0.6

(6) 3.8

(8) 5.0

(27) 17.0

(7) 4.4

(5) 3.1

(159) 99.9

Physics

(30) 60.0

(3) 6.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 4.0

(8) 16.0

(4) 8.0

(3) 6.0

(50) 100.0

Chemistry

(46) 54.8

(6) 7.1

(0) 0.0

(2) 2.4

(4) 4.8

(14) 16.7

(5) 5.9

(7) 8.3

(84) 100.0

Other scienc e

(58) 52.7

(11) 10.0

0.9

(0) 0.0

(5) 4.5

(17) 15.4

(7) 6.4

(11) 10.0

(110) 99.9

Other academic

(288) 52.7

(81) 14.8

(4) 0.7

(10) 1.8

(22) 4.0

(72) 13.2

(47) 8.6

(22) 4.0

(546) 99.8

Arista

(273) 56.4

(59) 12.2

(3) 0.6

(11) 2.3

(16) 3.3

(62) 12.8

(42) 8.7

(18) 3.7

(484) 100.0

Glee club

(69) 37.7

(35) 19.1

(5) 2.7

(10) 5.5

(9) 4.9

(38) 20.8

(15) 8.2

(2) 1.1

(183) 100.0

Orchestra

(76) 53.9

(24) 17.0

(3) 2.1

(1) 0.7

(5) 3.5

(16) 11.3

(10) 7.1

(6) 4.2

(141) 99.8

Drama

(64) 59.2

(13) 12.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 1.8

(7) 6.5

(16) 14.8

(2) 1.8

(5) 4.6

(109) 99.9

Social

(150) 51.5

(34) 11.7

(4) 1.4

(10) 3.4

(14) 4.8

(46) 15.8

(23) 7.9

(10) 3.4

(291) 99.9

Service

(1792) 47.6

(651) 17.3

(78) 2.1

(172) 4.6

(183) 4.9

(404) 10.7

(332) 8.8

(152) 4.0

(3764) 100.0

(9) 10.2

(19) 21.6

(0) 0.0

(15) 17.0

(6) 6.8

(26) 29.5

(12) 13.6

(1) 1.1

(88) 99.8

(454) 41.9

(173) 16.0

(20) 1.8

(50) 4.6

(69) 6.4

(174) 16.1

(98) 9.0

(45) 4.2

(1083) 100.0

(44) 40.4

(14) 12.8

(2) 1.8

(2) 1.8

(7) 6.4

(32) 29.3

(6) 5.5

(2) 1.8

(109) 99.8

(2947)

(1141)

(132)

(289)

(349)

(878)

(552)

(280)

(6568)

44.9

17.4

2.0

4.4

5.3

13.4

8.4

4.2

100.0

Some activity Football

President Other politica l

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # i n each grou p % mal e population

(1)

J activity . The percentag e repr e senrs th e Note: Th e figur e i n par e mheses give s t h e numbe r of me n o f eac ri ethni c g r o u p involve d proportion o f al l mal e St iin th e dc s ignated a c t i v i t y re member s o f e ach ethni c grou p

Appendix z 2.4

1

TABLE B . Extracurricula r Participatio n by Women by Ethni c Group and Activit y ALL SCHOOLS Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other Undecided

(3305) 45.3

(1119) 15.3

(125) 1.8

(199) 2.7

(318) 4.4

(1227) 16.8

(657) 9.0

(349) 4.8

Football

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Basketball

(130) 33.7

(68) 17.6

(9) 2.3

(21) 5.4

(18) 4.7

(73) 18.9

(44) 11.4

(23) 5.9

(386) 99.9

(2) 40.0

(2) 40.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 20.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(5) 100.0

(332) 47.6

(107) 15.3

(17) 2.4

(25) 3.6

(20) 2.9

(106) 15.2

(58) 8.3

(33) 4.7

(698) 100.0

(9) 60.0

(2) 13.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 20.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 6.7

(15) 100.0

Other politica l

(332) 47.6

(107) 15.3

(17) 2.4

(25) 3.6

(20) 2.9

(106) 15.2

(58) 8.3

(33) 4.7

(698) 100.0

Yearbook

(171) 39.5

(52) 12.0

(3) 0.7

(18) 4.2

(22) 5.1

(99) 22.9

(47) 10.8

(21) 4.8

(433) 100.0

(9) 60.0

(2) 13.3

(0) 0.0

(1) 6.7

(1) 6.7

(2) 13.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(15) 100.0

(173) 56.0

(23) 7.4

0.3

(4) 1.3

(18) 5.8

(57) 18.4

(22) 7.1

3.6

(309) 99.9

Other publications

(86) 63.2

(10) 7.4

(1) 0.7

(2) 1.5

(4) 2.9

(24) 17.6

(4) 2.9

(5) 3.7

(136) 99.9

Physics

(2) 28.6

(3) 42.9

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 28.6

(0) 0.0

(7) 100.1

Chemistry

(16) 25.0

(7) 10.9

1.6

(6) 9.4

(3) 4.7

(16) 25.0

(9) 14.1

(6) 9.4

(64) 100.1

Other scienc e

(76) 34.9

(37) 17.0

(2) 0.9

(9) 4.1

(7) 3.2

(40) 18.3

(26) 11.9

(21) 9.6

(218) 99.9

Other academic

(573) 44.5

(246) 19.1

(15) 1.2

(29) 2.2

(55) 4.3

(189) 14.7

(129) 10.0

(50) 3.9

(1286) 99.9

Arista

(519) 55.0

(89) 9.4

(5) 0.5

(23) 2.4

(32) 3.4

(157) 16.6

(81) 8.6

(37) 3.9

(943) 99.8

Glee club

(176) 39.7

(55) 12.4

(23) 5.2

(12) 2.7

(12) 2.7

(94) 21.2

(50) 11.3

(21) 4.7

(443) 99.9

Orchestra

(44) 33.8

(25) 19.2

(5) 3.8

(2) 1.5

(3) 2.3

(28) 21.5

(14) 10.8

(9) 6.9

(130) 99.8

Drama

(133) 46.8

(20) 7.0

(1) 0.4

(7) 2.5

(14) 4.9

(64) 22.5

(29) 10.2

(16) 5.6

(284) 99.9

Social

(430) 38.8

(211) 19.0

(12) 1.1

(45) 4.1

(46) 4.1

(199) 17.9

(109) 9.8

(57) 5.1

(1109) 99.9

Service

(2494) 47.4

(789) 15.0

(90) 1.7

(126) 2.4

(222) 4.2

(866) 16.5

(432) 8.2

(244) 4.7

(5263) 100.1

(17) 11.1

(67) 43.8

(1) 0.6

(18) 11.8

(4) 2.6

(31) 20.3

(11) 7.2

(4) 2.6

(153) 100.0

(979) 33.6

(585) 20.1

(31) 1.1

(129) 4.4

(137) 4.7

(554) 19.0

(341) 11.7

(155) 5.3

(2911) 99.9

(20) 29.4

(5) 7.3

(0) 0.0

(7) 10.3

(5) 7.3

(20) 29.4

(5) 7.3

(6) 8.8

(68) 99.8

(3842)

(1363)

(163)

(228)

(387)

(1407)

(771)

(429)

(8598)

44.8

15.9

1.9

2.7

4.5

16.4

8.9

4.9

100.0

Some activity

Track Other spor t President

Editor i n chief Other new s

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # in each grou p % femal e population

(1)

(1)

(11)

Total (7299) 100.1

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e number of wome n o f eac h ethnic grou p involve d i n th e designated activity. Th e percentag e represents th e proportio n o f al ! female student s in 'volved i n th e desig nlated activit y who wer e member s of eac h ethnic group .

2.42, Appendix

z

TABLE C . Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Men b y Ethnic Group an d Activity GEORGE WASHINGTON HIGH SCHOOL Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(58) 8.5

(148) 21.8

(68) 10.0

(34) 5.0

(679) 100.0

(4) 15.4

(2) 7.7

(7) 26.9

(3) 11.5

(1) 3.8

(26) 99.9

(8) 19.5

(3) 7.3

(D 2.4

(6) 14.6

(4) 9.8

(1) 2.4

(41) 99.9

(5) 10.9

(11) 23.9

(3) 6.5

(4) 8.7

(7) 15.2

(1) 2.2

(2) 4.3

(46) 100.0

(43) 38.4

(7) 6.3

(5) 4.5

(8) 7.1

(6) 5.4

(26) 23.2

(11) 9.8

(6) 5.4

(112) 100.1

President

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 66.7

(D 16.7

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.1

Other political

(41) 54.7

1.3

J.3

1.3

(9) 12.0

(14) 18.7

(6) 8.0

(2) 2.7

(75) 100.0

Yearbook

(17) 37.8

(4) 8.9

(0) 0.0

(2) 4.4

(2) 4.4

(13) 28.9

(4) 8.9

(3) 6.7

(45) 100.0

Editor i n chief

(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 50.0

(D 25.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

Other new s

(16) 43.2

(0) 0.0

2.7

(2) 5.4

(4) 10.8

(9) 24.3

(3) 8.1

(2) 5.4

(37) 99.9

Other publications

(3) 37.5

(0) 0.0

(1) 12.5

(0) 0.0

(D 12.5

(2) 25.0

(1) 12.5

(0) 0.0

(8) 100.0

Physics

(22) 56.4

(2) 5.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 5.1

(7) 17.9

(3) 7.7

(3) 7.7

(39) 99.9

Chemistry

(11) 37.9

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 6.9

(1) 3.4

(9) 31.0

(4) 13.8

(2) 6.9

(29) 99.9

Other scienc e

(21) 51.2

(0) 0.0

2.4

(0) 0.0

(1) 2.4

(8) 19.5

(3) 7.3

(7) 17.1

(41) 99.9

Other academi c

(79) 56,0

(2) 1.4

(2) 1.4

(3) 2.1

(8) 5.7

(26) 18.4

(9) 6.4

(12) 8.5

(141) 99.9

Arista

(40) 54.8

(1) 1.4

(0) 0.0

(D 1.4

(3) 4.1

(14) 19.2

(10) 13.7

(4) 5.5

(73) 100.1

Glee clu b

(12) 32.4

(2) 5.4

(3) 8.1

(2) 5.4

(0) 0.0

(11) 29.7

(6) 16.2

(D 2.7

(37) 99.9

Orchestra

(15) 50.0

(2) 6.7

(1) 3.3

(0) 0.0

(2) 6.7

(6) 20.0

(2) 6.7

(2) 6.7

(30) 100.1

Drama

(H) 64.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 5.9

(5) 29.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(17) 100.0

Social

(19) 39.6

(4) 8.3

(2) 4.2

2.1

(2) 4.2

(10) 20.8

(8) 16.7

(2) 4.2

(48) 100.1

Service

(182) 42.2

(19) 4.4

(19) 4.4

(19) 4.4

(38) 8.8

(91) 21.1

(47) 10.9

(16) 3.7

(431) 99.9

(0) 0.0

(1) 12.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 25.0

(3) 37.5

(1) 12.5

(1) 12.5

(8) 100.0

Other activity

(69) 39.9

(6) 3.5

(7) 4.0

(5) 2.9

(20) 11.6

(37) 21 .4

(19) 11.0

(10) 5.8

(173) 100.1

Celebrity

(9) 40.9

(1) 4.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(10) 45.5

(2) 9.1

(0) 0.0

(22) 100.0

(371)

(38)

(44)

(45)

(92)

(199)

(102)

(55)

(946)

39.2

4.0

4.7

4.8

9.7

21.0

10.8

5.8

100.0

Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

(289) 42.6

(27) 4.0

(27) 4.0

(28) 4.1

Football

(8) 30.8

(0) 0.0

(D 3.8

Basketball

(17) 41.5

2.4

Track

(13) 28.3

Other spor t

Some activity

Religious

# i n each grou p % mal e population

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f me n o f eac h ethni c grou p involve d i n th e designate d activity . Th e percentag e represents th e proportio n o f al l male student s involve d in th e designate d activit y wh o wer e member s of eac h ethni c group.

Appendix 2

2-43

TABLE D . Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Women b y Ethnic Grou p an d Activit y GEORGE WASHINGTON HIGH SCHOOL Jewish Some activity Football

(425) 41.7

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(26) 2.6

(69) 6.8

(208) 20.4

(131) 12.9

(66) 6.5

(1018) 100.0

—

—

—

—

—

(6) 14.6

(4) 9.8

(41) 99.9

(40) 3.9 _

(53) 5.2

(1) 2.4

(8) 19.5

— (3) 7.3

—

Basketball

— (17) 41.5

Track

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Other spor t

(82) 40.8

(6) 3.0

(10) 5.0

(3) 1.5

(11) 5.5

(49) 24.3

(22) 10.9

(18) 9.0

(201) 100.0

(D 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Other politica l

(41) 38.3

(3) 2.8

(3) 2.8

5.6

(9) 8.4

(31) 29.0

(9) 8.4

(5) 4.7

(107) 100.0

Yearbook

(9) 20.0

(2) 4.4

(D 2.2

(4) 8.9

(8) 17.8

(12) 26.7

(5) 11.1

(4) 8.9

(45) 100.0

(2) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 100.0

Other new s

(19) 38.8

2.0

2.0

2.0

(9) 18.4

(15) 30.6

(2) 4.1

2.0

(49) 99.9

Other publications

(4) 80.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(D 20.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(5) 100.0

Physics

(D 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

50.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 100.0

Chemistry

(2) 40.0

(0) 0.0

20.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

20.0

(D 20.0

(0) 0.0

(5) 100.0

Other scienc e

(21) 50.0

2.4

(2) 4.8

2.4

(3) 7.1

(3) 7.1

(8) 19.0

(3) 7.1

(42) 99.9

(122) 51.0

(3) 1.3

(7) 2.9

(4) 1.7

(18) 7.5

(35) 14.6

(38) 15.9

(12) 5.0

(239) 99.9

Arista

(86) 51.2

(5) 3.0

(2) 1.2

(8) 4.8

(11) 6.5

(27) 16.1

(19) 11.3

(10) 6.0

(168) 100.1

Glee club

(34) 34.0

(1) 1.0

(17) 17.0

(2) 2.0

(3) 3.0

(20) 20.0

(15) 15.0

(8) 8.0

(100) 100.0

Orchestra

(8) 72.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 18.2

(D 9.1

(11) 100.0

Drama

(20) 48.8

2.4

2.4

(0) 0.0

(2) 4.9

(9) 22.0

(6) 14.6

(2) 4.9

(41) 100.0

Social

(74) 40.4

(8) 4.4

(4) 2.2

(6) 3.3

(13) 7.1

(43) 23.5

(22) 12.0

(13) 7.1

(183) 100.0

Service

(289) 41.4

(33) 4.7

(38) 5.4

(20) 2.9

(46) 6.6

(133) 19.1

(94) 13.5

(45) 6.4

(698) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 15.4

(1) 7.7

(4) 30.8

(0) 0.0

(2) 15.4

(4) 30.8

(0) 0.0

(13) 100.1

(107) 42.5

(10) 4.0

(12) 4.8

(2) 0.8

(20) 8.0

(51) 20.2

(32) 12.7

(18) 7.1

(252) 100.1

(6) 27.3

(2) 9.1

(0) 0.0

(5) 22.7

(2) 9.1

(4) 18.2

(0) 0.0

(3) 13.6

(22) 100.0

(525)

(56)

(76)

(36)

(93)

(262)

(164)

(89)

(1301)

40.4

4.3

5.8

2.8

7.1

20.1

12.6

6.8

99.9

President

Editor i n chief

Other academic

Religious Other activity Celebrity # i n each grou p % femal e population

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(6)

(1)

(1)

(D 2.4

(1) 2.4

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

Note; Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f wome n o f eac h ethni c grou p involve d i n th e designate d activity . The percentage represents th e proportio n o f al l femal e student s involved i n the designate d activit y wh o wer e members of eac h ethni c group.

244

Appendix 2 TABLE E . Extracurricula r Participation b y Men b y Ethnic Group and Activity EVANDER CHILDS HIGH SCHOOL Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(382) 41.4

(171) 18.5

(11) 1.2

(42) 4.6

(61) 6.6

(154) 16.7

(67) 7.3

(34) 3.7

(922) 100.0

Football

(9) 25.7

(6) 17.1

(0) 0.0

(3) 8.6

(3) 8.6

(12) 34.3

(1) 2.9

(1) 2.9

(35) 100.1

Basketball

(17) 50.0

(2) 5.9

(0) 0.0

(2) 5.9

(3) 8.8

(4) 11.8

(3) 8.8

(3) 8.8

(34) 100.0

Track

(33) 36.3

(22) 24.2

(6) 6.6

(5) 5.5

(9) 9.9

(7) 7.7

(6) 6.6

(3) 3.3

(91) 100.1

Other spor t

(66) 50.4

(14) 10.6

(0) 0.0

(5) 3.8

(8) 6.1

(26) 19.8

(10) 7.6

(2) 1.5

(131) 99.8

16.7

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 33.3

(2) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.0

Other politica l

(7) 30.4

(2) 8.7

(0) 0.0

(2) 8.7

(2) 8.7

(9) 39.1

(0) 0.0

4.4

(23) 100.0

Yearbook

(8) 44.4

(4) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 5.6

(4) 22.2

5.6

(0) 0.0

(18) 100.0

Editor i n chie f

(1) 33.3

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 99.9

Other new s

(24) 68.6

(1) 2.8

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(8) 22.9

(0) 0.0

(2) 5.7

(35) 100.0

Other publications

(14) 58.3

(4) 16.7

(0) 0.0

4.2

(0) 0.0

(5) 20.8

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(24) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Chemistry

(9) 75.0

8.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

8.3

(0) 0.0

8.3

(12) 99.9

Other scienc e

(5) 55.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 11.1

(2) 22.2

(1) 11.1

(9) 100.0

Other academic

(21) 44.7

23.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

2.1

(9) 19.1

(5) 10.6

(0) 0.0

(47) 99.9

Arista

(33) 62.3

(5) 9.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(11) 20.8

(1) 1.9

(3) 5.7

(53) 100.1

Glee club

(17) 54.8

(6)

19.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

3.2

(5) 16.1

(1) 3.2

(1) 3.2

(31) 99.9

Orchestra

(14) 63.6

(2) 9.1

4.5

(0) 0.0

(1) 4.5

(1) 4.5

(2) 9.1

(1) 4.5

(22) 99.8

Drama

(17) 77.3

(4) 18.2

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 4.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(22) 100.0

Social

(23) 38.3

(13) 21.7

(0) 0.0

(2) 3.3

1.7

(11) 18.3

(5) 8.3

(5) 8.3

(60) 99.9

Service

(325) 41.8

(143) 18.4

(9) 1.2

(37) 4.8

(52) 6.7

(126) 16.2

(57) 7.3

(29) 3.7

(778) 100.1

Religious

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

Other activity

(40) 41.7

(15) 15.6

(2) 2.1

(5) 5.2

(5) 5.2

(18) 18.7

(5) 5.2

(6) 6.2

(96) 99.9

Celebrity

(2) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

(430)

(211)

(12)

(52)

(77)

(181)

(73)

(46)

(1082)

39.7

19.5

1.1

4.8

7.1

16.7

6.7

4.3

99.9

Some activity

President

Physics

# in each grou p % mal e population

m

(1)

(11)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

Note: Th e figur e i n par e ntheses give s rh e nu m ber o f me n of eac h ethnic grou p inv ialved i n th e designate d activity. Th e percentage represents th e proportio n of al l mal e student s i rivolved i n t h e design sited activit y wh o were memher s o f eac h e thmc group .

Appendix 2 2.4

5

TABLE F . Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Women b y Ethnic Group an d Activity EVANDER CHILDS HIGH SCHOOL Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Other

Undecided

Total

(336) 20.5

(71) 4.3

(70) 4.3

(1637) 100.0

Native

(786) 48.0

(229) 14.0

(21) 1.3

(23) 1.4

(101) 6.2

Football

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Basketball

(2) 33.3

(1) 16.7

(1) 16.7

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.1

Track

(1) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 100.0

Other sport

(11) 40.7

(4) 14.8

(0) 0.0

(2) 7.4

(1) 3.7

(8) 29.6

3.7

(0) 0.0

(27) 99.9

Some activit y

President Other political

— (10) 37.0

(1)

(1)

—

—

—

—

—

(1) 3.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(15) 55.5

(0) 0.0

(1)

3.7

— (27) 99.9

—

—

(1)

Yearbook

(31) 57.4

(5) 9.3

(0) 0.0

(2) 3.7

(2) 3.7

(11) 20.4

1.9

(2) 3.7

(54) 100.1

Editor i n chie f

(2) 66.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 100.0

Other new s

(23) 57.5

2.5

(0) 0.0

2.5

(0) 0.0

(10) 25.0

(3) 7.5

(2) 5.0

(40) 100.0

Other publications

(20) 58.8

(3) 8.8

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 5.9

(8) 23.5

(0) 0.0

(1) 2.9

(34) 99.9

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

(13) 59.1

(3) 13.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

4.5

(4) 18.2

4.5

(0) 0.0

(22) 99.9

Other academic

(122) 55.7

(41) 18.7

(0) 0.0

0.4

(11) 5.0

(32) 14.6

(7) 3.2

(5) 2.3

(219) 99.9

Arista

(162) 61.1

(16) 6.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 0.7

(7) 2.6

(59) 22.3

(12) 4.6

(7) 2.6

(265) 99.9

Glee clu b

(72) 51.8

(16) 11.5

0.7

(3) 2.2

(4) 2.9

(35) 25.2

(3) 2.2

(5) 3.6

(139) 100.1

Orchestra

(6) 30.0

(3) 15.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 10.0

(6) 30.0

(2) 10.0

(1) 5.0

(20) 100.0

Drama

(14) 48.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

3.4

(2) 6.9

(10) 34.5

(0) 0.0

(2) 6.9

(29) 100.0

Social

(89) 61.0

7.5

(0) 0.0

(2) 1.4

(6) 4.1

(29) 19.9

(2) 1.4

(7) 4.8

(146) 100.1

Service

(689) 47.9

(196) 13.6

(17) 1.2

(19) 1.3

(91) 6.3

(303) 21.1

(61) 4.2

(61) 4.2

(1437) 99.8

(4) 44.4

(5) 55.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(9) 100.0

(162) 52.6

(28) 9.1

(6) 1.9

(6) 1.9

(20) 6.5

(57) 18.5

(12) 3.9

(17) 5.5

(308) 99.9

(1) 14.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 57.1

(2) 28.6

(0) 0.0

(7) 100.0

(858)

(276)

(24)

(27)

(122)

(366)

(79)

(80)

(1832)

46.8

15.1

1.3

1.5

6.7

20.0

4.3

4.4

100.1

Physics Chemistry Other scienc e

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # i n each group % femal e population

(1)

(1)

(11)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s gives the numbe r o f wome n o f eac h ethnic group involve d i n th e designate d activity. The percentag e represents th e proportio n of al l femal e student s involved i n the designated activity wh o wer e members of eac h ethni c group.

2.46 Appendix

z

TABLE G . Extracurricula r Participation by Men b y Ethnic Group and Activit y SEWARD PARK HIGH SCHOOL Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(626) 71.6

(106) 12.1

(11) 1.3

(2) 0.2

(9) 1.0

(35) 4.0

(60) 6.9

(25) 2.9

(874) 100.0

Football

(21) 61.8

(7) 20.6

(1) 2.9

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 2.9

(3) 8.8

(1) 2.9

(34) 99.9

Basketball

(36) 75.0

(1) 2.1

(3) 6.2

(0) 0.0

2.1

(2) 4.2

(3) 6.2

(2) 4.2

(48) 100.0

Track

(22) 71.0

(1) 3.2

(3) 9.7

(0) 0.0

(1) 3.2

(1) 3.2

(3) 9.7

(0) 0.0

(31) 100.0

Other spor t

(76) 70.4

(8) 7.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 1.0

(8) 7.4

(12) 11.1

(3) 2.8

(108) 100.1

President

(4) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

Other politica l

(117) 75.5

(17) 11.0

0.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 2.5

7.1

(5) 3.2

(155) 99.9

Yearbook

(16) 76.2

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

4.8

(2) 9.5

(1) 4.8

(1) 4.8

(21) 100.1

Editor i n chie f

(2) 66.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 100.0

Other new s

(26) 81.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 6.3

(2) 6.3

3.1

3.1

(32) 100.1

Other publications

(26) 78.8

(2) 6.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 3.0

(1) 3.0

(2) 6.1

(1) 3.0

(33) 100.0

Physics

(8) 80.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 10.0

(1) 10.0

(0) 0.0

(10) 100.0

(12) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(12) 100.0

Other scienc e

(5) 55.6

(2) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 11.1

(0) 0.0

Other academic

(75) 73.5

(13) 12.7

(2) 2.0

1.0

(0) 0.0

Arista

(57) 85.1

(1) 1.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

Glee clu b

(5) 83.3

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

Orchestra

(22) 71.0

(5) 16.1

Drama

(15) 75.0

Social Service

Some activit y

Chemistry

(1)

(1)

(1)

(11)

(1)

(1)

(0) 0.0

(1) 11.1

(4) 4.0

(6) 5.9

1.0

(102) 100.1

1.5

(4) 6.0

(3) 4.5

1.5

(67) 100.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

3.2

3.2

(2) 6.5

(0) 0.0

(31) 100.0

(3) 15.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 10.0

(20) 100.0

(80) 76.9

(10) 9.6

1.0

1.0

1.0

(5) 4.8

(6) 5.8

(0) 0.0

(104) 100.1

(443) 70.5

(86) 13.7

(8) 1.3

(2) 0.3

(6) 0.9

(25) 4.0

(41) 6.5

(17) 2.7

(628) 99.9

Religious

(5) 83.3

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.0

Other activit y

(76) 76.8

(9) 9.1

(4) 4.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 3.0

(5) 5.0

(2) 2.0

(99) 99.9

Celebrity # i n each grou p % mal e population

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1) (1)

(9) 100.0

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

(810)

(147)

(13)

(3)

(10)

(41)

(75)

(31)

(1130)

71.7

13.0

1.2

0.3

0.9

3.6

6.6

2.7

100.0

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f me n o f eac h ethni c grou p involve d i n th e designate d activity . Th e percentage represents th e proportion of al l mal e student s involve d i n th e designate d activit y wh o wer e members o f eac h ethni c group .

Appendix 2 2-4

7

TABLE H . Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Women b y Ethnic Group an d Activity SEWARD PARK HIGH SCHOOL Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(1) 0.1

(39) 4.5

(50) 5.8

(23) 2.6

(865) 100.0

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

(1) 2.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 2.0

(8) 15.7

(2) 3.9

Italian

Black

(658) 76.1

(52) 6.0

(32) 3.7

Football

—

—

Basketball

(35) 68.6

(4) 7.8

—

Some activit y

s

(10) 1.2

Jewish

•Irish

German

(51) 100.0

—

—

—

—

—

—-

—

—

Other spor t

(Ill) 72.1

(9) 5.8

(5) 3.2

(0) 0.0

0.6

(H) 7.1

(13) 8.4

(4) 2.6

(154) 99.8

President

(5) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(5) 100.0

Other politica l

(149) 76.4

(12) 6.1

(12) 6.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(9) 4.6

(10) 5.1

(3) 1.6

(195) 99.9

(20) 76.9 —

(1) 3.8 —

(1) 3.8

(0) 0.0

(1) 3.8

(1) 3.8

(1) 3.8

(26) 99.7

—

—

3.8 —

Other news

(29) 85.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 2.9

— (3) 8.8

— (1) 2.9

— (0) 0.0

— (34) 99.9

Other publications

(25) 86.2

3.4

3.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(29) 99.9

—

—

—

(2) 6.9

—

—

(0) 0.0

Physics

—

(0) 0.0

—

—

Chemistry

(5) 71.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

14.3

(0) 0.0

(1) 14.3

(7) 100.0

Other scienc e

(12) 75.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 12.5

(2) 12.5

(16) 100.0

Other academic

(99) 69.7

(17) 12.0

(3) 2.1

(0) 0.0

0.7

(10) 7.0

(8) 5.6

(4) 2.8

(142) 99.9

Arista

(67) 84.8

(1) 1.3

(1) 1.3

(0) 0.0

(1) 1.3

(6) 7.6

(3) 3.8

(0) 0.0

(79) 100.1

Glee clu b

(18) 90.0

(1) 5.0

(1) 5.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(20) 100.0

Orchestra

(14) 66.7

(1) 4.8

(4) 19.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

4.8

4.8

(21) 100.1

Drama

(20) 80.0

(1) 4.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 8.0

(1) 4.0

(1) 4.0

(25) 100.0

Social

(143) 79.0

(13) 7.2

(5) 2.8

(0) 0.0

(4) 2.2

(7) 3.9

(8) 4.4

(1) 0.6

(181) 100.1

Service

(478) 76.7

(37) 5.9

(21) 3.4

0.2

(8) 1.3

(27) 4.3

(34) 5.4

(17) 2.7

(623) 99.9

Religious

(7) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(7) 100.0

Other activity

(232) 78.1

(18) 6.1

(4) 1.3

0.3

(3) 1.0

(14) 4.7

(15) 5.0

(10) 3.4

(297) 99.9

Track

Yearbook Editor i n chie f

Celebrity # in each grou p % femal e population

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

—

(1)

(1)

(1)

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

(770)

(62)

(35)

(2)

(12)

(46)

(59)

(28)

(1014)

75.9

6.1

3.5

0.2

1.2

4.5

5.8

2.8

100.0

'Numbers too small to b e meaningful . Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f wome n o f eac h ethnic group involved i n th e designate d activity . The percentag e represents the proportion of al l femal e student s involved i n the designate d activity wh o wer e members of each ethni c group.

Z48 Appendix

z

TABLE I. Extracurricular Participation by Men by Ethnic Group and Activity THEODORE ROOSEVELT HIGH SCHOOL Black

Irish

German

(68) 19.7

(2) 0.6

(20) 5.8

(1) 12.5

(2) 25.0

(0) 0.0

Basketball

(3) 30.0

(1) 10.0

Track

(4) 33.3

Other sport

Jewish

Italian

(116) 33.5

Football

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(26) 7.5

(68) 19.7

(30) 8.7

(16) 4.6

(346) 100.1

(0) 0.0

(1) 12.5

(3) 37.5

(0) 0.0

(1) 12.5

(8) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 30.0

10.0

(2) 20.0

(10) 100.0

8.3

(0) 0.0

(2) 16.7

8.3

(4) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(12) 99.9

(11) 26.8

(4) 9.8

(0) 0.0

(4) 9.8

(4) 9.8

(16) 39.0

2.4

2.4

(41) 100.0

President

(1) 16.7

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(3) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.1

Other politica l

(19) 33.9

(8) 14.3

(0) 0.0

(4) 7.1

(2) 3.6

(17) 30.4

(3) 5.3

(3) 5.3

(56) 99.9

Yearbook

(8) 33.3

(4) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(2) 8.3

(1) 4.2

(7) 29.2

(1) 4.2

(1) 4.2

(24) 100.1

Editor i n chief

(2) 66.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 100.0

Other new s

(2) 20.0

(2) 20.0

(0) 0.0

10.0

(1) 10.0

(2) 20.0

(2) 20.0

(0) 0.0

(10) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Some activit y

Other publications

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1) (1)

(1)

(1)

Physics

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

Chemistry

(8) 47.1

(2) 11.8

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 17.6

(2) 11.8

5.9

5.9

(17) 100.1

Other scienc e

(8) 53.3

(1) 6.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 26.7

(2) 13.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(15) 100.0

Other academic

(17) 32.7

(15) 28.9

(0) 0.0

2.0

(4) 7.7

(8) 15.4

(5) 9.6

(2) 3.8

(52) 100.1

Arista

(16) 34.8

(14) 30.4

2.2

2.2

(2) 4.3

(5) 10.9

(6) 13.0

(1) 2.2

(46) 100.0

Glee club

(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 25.0

(2) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

Orchestra

(4) 66.7

16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.1

Drama

(2) 15.4

(4) 30.8

(0) 0.0

(2) 15.4

(2) 15.4

(3) 23.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(13) 100.1

Social

(19) 44.2

(3) 7.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 4.7

(5) 11.6

(12) 27.9

(0) 0.0

(2) 4.7

(43) 100.1

Service

(69) 34.3

(33) 16.4

0.4

(11) 5.5

(16) 8.0

(42) 20.9

(20) 9.9

(9) 4.5

(201) 99.9

(2) 6.1

(2) 6.1

(0) 0.0

(8) 24.2

(2) 6.1

(13) 39.4

(6) 18.2

(0) 0.0

(33) 100.1

Other activit y

(53) •32.1

(32) 19.4

0.6

(4) 2.4

(16) 9.7

(38) 23.0

(19) 11.5

(2) 1.2

(165) 99.9

Celebrity

(7) 31.8

(3) 13.6

(0) 0.0

(1) 4.5

(1) 4.5

(10) 45.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(22) 99.9

(236)

(167)

(3)

(38)

(52)

(124)

(62)

(35)

(717)

32.9

23.3

0.4

5.3

7.3

17.3

8.6

4.9

100.0

Religious


(1)

(1)

(1) (1)

(1) (1)

(1)

(1)

—

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f me n o f eac h ethni c grou p involve d i n th e designate d activity . Th e percentag e represents th e proportion o f al l mal e students involve d i n th e designate d activit y who wer e members of eac h ethni c group.

Appendix 2 2.4

9

TABLE J. Extracurricula r Participatio n b y Women b y Ethnic Grou p an d Activity THEODORE ROOSEVELT HIGH SCHOOL Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(4) 0.5

(25) 3.1

(33) 4.1

(120) 14.9

(53) 6.6

(48) 6.0

(805) 100.1

—

—

—

—

—

—

(4) 9.5

(3) 7.1

(7) 16.7

(4) 9.5

(3) 7.1

(42) 99.9

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(17) 17.2

(0) 0.0

(3) 3.0

(7) 7.1

(15) 15.2

(9) 9.1

(7) 7.1

(99) 100.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Other political

(37) 37.4

(20) 20.2

1.0

(8) 8.1

(3) 3.0

(14) 14.1

(9) 9.1

(7) 7.1

(99) 100.0

Yearbook

(41) 50.0

(10) 12.2

1.2

(3) 3.6

(2) 2.4

(15) 18.3

(6) 7.3

(4) 4.9

(82) 99.9

(3) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 100.0

(21) 63.7

(3) 9.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

3.0

(5) 15.2

(2) 6.1

3.0

(33) 100.1

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Jewish

Italian

(379) 47.1

(143) 17.8

Football

—

—

Basketball

(15) 35.7

(5) 11.9

(1) 2.4

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(41) 41.4

Some activit y

Track Other spor t President

Editor i n chief Other new s Other publications

—

(1) (1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

(1)

—

—

—

—

5.6

(2) 11.1

(2) 11.1

(2) 11.1

(18) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 5.6

(5) 27.8

(1) 5.6

(2) 11.1

(18) 100.1

(2) 0.9

(5) 2.4

(10) 4.7

(35) 16.5

(9) 4.2

(12) 5.7

(212) 100.0

(21) 23.9

(0) 0.0

(2) 2.3

(4) 4.5

(10) 11.4

(7) 8.0

(3) 3.4

(88) 100.1

(7) 38.9

(2) 11.1

(0) 0.0

(2) 11.1

(1) 5.6

(2) 11.1

(2) 11.1

(2) 11.1

(18) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 66.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 100.0

Drama

(19) 57.6

(3) 9.1

(0) 0.0

3.0

(3) 9.1

(3) 9.1

(2) 6.1

(2) 6.1

(33) 100.1

Social

(56) 46.7

(17) 14.2

(0) 0.0

(2) 1.7

(6) 5.0

(19) 15.8

(6) 5.0

(14) 11.7

(120) 100.1

Service

(245) 48.0

(84) 16.5

(0) 0.0

(17) 3.3

(19) 3.7

(82) 16.1

(34) 6.7

(29) 5.7

(510) 100.0

(4) 4.3

(35) 38.0

(0) 0.0

(13) 14.1

(4) 4.3

(25) 27.2

(7) 7.6

(4) 4.3

(92) 99.8

(212) 54.9

(47) 12.2

(2) 0.5

(12) 3.1

(17) 4.4

(58) 15.0

(18) 4.7

(20) 5.2

(386) 100.0

(4) 20.0

(1) 5.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 15.0

(6) 30.0

(2) 10.0

(2) 10.0

(20) 100.0

(575)

(271)

(11)

(2) 10.0

(39)

(51)

(192)

(102)

(83)

(1324)

43.4

20.5

0.8

2.9

3.9

14.5

7.7

6.3

100.0

—

—

Physics

—

—

Chemistry

(6) 33.3

(2) 11.1

(0) 0.0

(3) 16.7

Other scienc e

(7) 38.9

(2) 11.1

(0) 0.0

Other academic

(96) 45.3

(43) 20.3

Arista

(41) 46.6

Glee club Orchestra

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # in each grou p % femal e population

(1)

—

(1)

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f wome n of eac h ethnic group involve d i n the designate d activity. The percentage represents the proportio n of al l femal e student s involve d i n the designate d activit y wh o wer e members of each ethni c group.

2.50

Appendix 2 TABLE K. Extracurricular Participation by Men by Ethnic Group and Activity NEW UTRECHT HIGH SCHOOL Other

Undecided

Total

) 1.2

(31) 2.4

(95) 7.3

(63) 4.9

(49) 3.8

(1297) 100.0

(15) 29.4

- (0 ) 0.0

(3) 5.9

(2) 3.9

(5) 9.8

(1) 2.0

(51) 100.0

(22) 78.6

(0) 0.0

3.6

(0) 0.0

(4) 14.3

(1) 3.6

(0) 0.0

(28) 100.1

(63) 64.9

(14) 14.4

— (1

) 1.0

(2) 2.1

(5)

5.2

(8) 8.2

(4) 4.1

(97) 99.9

(102) 55.4

(34) 18.5

— (4

) 2.2

(8) 4.3

(13) 7.1

(15) 8.1

(8) 4.3

(184) 99.9

President

(7) 87.5

(1) 12.5

- (0 ) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(8) 100.0

Other politica l

(62) 57.4

(24) 22.2

0.9

(4) 3.7

(5) 4.6

(6) 5.6

(6) 5.6

(108) 100.0

Yearbook

(40) 67.8

(6) 10.2

- (1 ) 1.7

(2) 3.4

(7) 11.9

(1) 1.7

(2) 3.4

(59) 100.1

(5) 100.0

(0) 0.0

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(5) 100.0

Other new s

(48) 73.8

(3) 4.6

— (0

) 0.0

(4) 6.2

(7) 10.8

1.5

(2) 3.1

(65) 100.0

Other publications

(16) 44.4

(7) 19.4

2.8

(2) 5.6

(5) 13.9

(2) 5.6

(3) 8.3

(36) 100.0

Physics

—

—

——

—

—

—

—-

—

Chemistry

(6) 46.2

(3) 23.1

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 15.4

(0) 0.0

(2) 15.4

(13) 100.1

Other scienc e

(18) 62.1

(5) 17.2

- (0 ) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 10.3

3.5

(2) 6.9

(29) 100.0

Other academic

(61) 56.5

(27) 25.0

— (2

) 1.9

(4) 3.7

(7) 6.5

(6) 5.6

(1) 0.9

(108) 100.1

Arista

(93) 69.4

(21) 15.7

— (0

) 0.0

(3) 2.2

(6) 4.5

(6) 4.5

(5) 3.7

(134) 100.0

Glee club

(15) 40.5

(16) 43.2

2.7

(1) 2.7

(3) 8.1

(1) 2.7

(0) 0.0

(37) 99.9

Orchestra

(20) 57.1

(9) 25.7

- (0 ) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 8.6

(1) 2.9

(2) 5.7

(35) 100.0

Drama

(17) 58.6

(2) 6.9

- (0 ) 0.0

(2) 6.9

(5) 17.2

(1) 3.4

(2) 6.9

(29) 99.9

Social

(4) 66.7

(0) 0.0

- (0 ) 0.0

(1) 16.7

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.1

Service

(582) 59.0

(228) 23.1

— (10

) 1.0

(22) 2.2

(64) 6.5

(43) 4.3

(38) 3.8

(987) 99.9

(1) 4.5

(11) 50.0

- (2 ) 9.1

(1) 4.5

(3) 13.6

(4) 18.2

(0) 0.0

(22) 99.9

(144) 57.6

(60) 24.0

— (2

) 0.8

(4) 1.6

(17) 6.8

(10) 4.0

(13) 5.2

(250) 100.0

(14) 73.7

(4) 21.1

- (0 ) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 5.3

(19) 100.1

(870)

(376)

55.9

24.2

Jewish

Italian

Black Irish

(747) 57.6

(296) 22.8

— (16

Football

(25) 49.0

Basketball Track

Some activit y

Other spor t

Editor i n chief

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # i n each grou p % mal e population

— (1

— (1

— (1

German

)

)

)

- (1 )

Native

(1)

(1)

— (18

)

(40)

(121)

(78)

(52)

(1555)

— 1.

2

2.6

7.8

5.0

3.3

100.0

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f me n o f eac h ethni c grou p involve d in th e designate d activity . The percentag e represents th e proportio n o f ai l male student s involve d in th e designate d activity who wer e member s of eac h ethni c group.

Appendix 2 Z5

I

TABLE L . Extracurricula r Participation b y Women b y Ethnic Group an d Activit y NEW UTRECHT HIGH SCHOOL German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(31) 2.0

(160) 10.3

(106) 6.8

(1557) 100.1

—

—

—

(60) 3.9 —

(4) 5.6

(3) 4.2

(71) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 100.0

0.6

(22) 12.1

(15) 8.3

(0) 0.0

(181) 100.0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

— (0

) 0.0

(3) 2.2

(17) 12.3

(7) 5.1

(7) 5.1

(138) 100.0

(3) 4.2

— (0

) 0.0

(1) 1.4

(7) 9.7

(4) 5.6

(2) 2.8

(72) 100.1

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

100.0

Other new s

(73) 79.3

(2) 2.2

— (0

) 0.0

(2) 2.2

(9) 9.8

(1) 1.1

(0) 0.0 (5) 5.4

(92) 100.0

Other publications

(33) 73.3

(2) 4.4

— (0

) 0.0

(2) 4.4

(4) 8.9

(3) 6.7

(1) 2.2

(45) 99.9

Physics

—

—

—

Jewish

Italian

Elack Irish

(961) 61.7 —

(227) 14.6 —

- (12

Basketball

(45) 63.4

(12) 16.9

— (0

) 0.0

(1) 1.4

(6) 8.5

Track

(1) 50.0

(1) 50.0

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

Other spor t

(96) 53.0

(46) 25.4

0.6

President

(3) 75.0

(1) 25.0

— (0

Other politica l

(86) 62.3

(18) 13.0

Yearbook

(55) 76.4

Some activit y Football

Editor i n chie f

Chemistry

—

) 0.8

—_

- (1 )

——

(1)

—

—

—

—

(1)

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 100.0

(9) 64.3

(2) 14.3

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

7.1

(2) 14.3

(14) 100.0

Other academic

(113) 54.6

(56) 27.1

— (0

) 0.0

0.5

(14) 6.8

(15) 7.2

(8) 3.9

(207) 100.1

Arista

(148) 72.2

(15) 7.3

0.5

(3) 1.5

(18) 8.8

(13) 6.3

(7) 3.4

(205) 100.0

Glee clu b

(35) 53.0

(13) 19.7

- (0 ) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(9) 13.6

(9) 13.6

(0) 0.0

(66) 99.9

Orchestra

(12) 75.0

(1) 6.3

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 12.5

(1) 6.3

(0) 0.0

(16) 100.1

Drama

(48) 66.7

(6) 8.3

— (0

) 0.0

1.4

(8) 11.1

(5) 6.9

(4) 5.5

(72) 99.9

Social

(50) 62.5

(7) 8.7

— (0

) 0.0

(1) 1.2

(12) 15.0

(7) 8.7

(3) 3.8

(80) 99.9

Service

(744) 61.7

(168) 13.9

— (12

(25) 2.1

(131) 10.9

(77) 6.4

(49) 4.1

(1206) 100.1

(2) 6.3

(25) 78.1

— (1

) 1.0 3.1

(0) 0.0

(4) 12.5

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(32) 100.0

(182) 55.0

(62) 18.7

- (2

) 0.6

(6) 1.8

(32) 9.7

(35) 10.6

(12) 3.6

(331) 100.0

(9) 47.4

(2) 10.5

— (0

) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 31.6

(1) 5.3

(1) 5.3

(19) 100.1

(1026)

(265)

— (12

)

(34)

(168)

(119)

(66)

(1690)

60.7

15.7

0.7

2.0

9.9

7.0

3.9

99.9

Other scienc e

Religious Other activit y Celebrity # i n each grou p % femal e population

— (1

)

)

(1)

(1)

(1)

Note: The figure in parentheses gives the number of women of each ethnic group involved in the designated activity. The percentage represents th e proportio n o f al l femal e student s involve d in th e designate d activit y who wer e member s o f eac h ethni c group.

Appendix 2

Z52-

TABLE M . Extracurricula r Participation b y Men b y Ethnic Group an d Activity HIGH SCHOOL OF COMMERCE Total

Jewish

Italian

Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

(209) 21.8

(166) 17.3

(47) 4.9

(108) 11.3

(61) 6.4

(179) 18.7

(139) 14.5

(48) 5.0

(957) 99.9

Football

(4) 15.4

(8) 30.8

(0) 0.0

(3) 11.5

(3) 11.5

(6) 23.1

(2) 7.7

(0) 0.0

(26) 100.0

Basketball

(6) 17.1

(5) 14.3

(2) 5.7

(6) 17.1

(0) 0.0

(8) 22.9

(7) 20.0

2.9

(35) 100.0

12.5

(9)

(13) 18.1

(10) 13.9

(13) 18.1

(6) 8.3

(6) 8.3

(12) 16.7

(3) 4.2

(72) 100.1

Other spor t

(25) 18.7

(24) 17.9

(3) 2.2

(19) 14.2

(12) 8.9

(22) 16.4

(22) 16.4

(7) 5.2

(134) 99.9

President

(2) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(3) 33.3

(2) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(2) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(9) 99.9

Other politica l

(64) 25.2

(45) 17.7

(8) 3.1

(35) 13.8

(20) 7.9

(44) 17.3

(28) 11.0

(10) 3.9

(254) 99.9

Yearbook

(4) 19.0

(5) 23.8

(0) 0.0

(5) 23.8

(1) 4.8

(6) 28.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(21) 100.0

Editor i n chief

(2) 50.0

(2) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

Other new s

(11) 26.8

(9) 21.9

2.4

(5) 12.2

(2) 4.9

(7) 17.1

(2) 4.9

(4) 9.7

(41) 99.9

Other publications

(26) 46.4

(7) 12.5

(0) 0.0

(4) 7.1

(12) 21.4

(2) 3.6

(1) 1.9

(56) 100.0

Physics

—

—

(4) 7.1 _

—

—

—

—

—

—

Chemistry

—

—

—

—

(0) 0.0

(3) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 33.3

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

100.0

Other academic

(35) 37.2

(13) 13.8

(0) 0.0

(3) 3.2

(5) 5.3

(18) 19.1

(14) 14.9

(6) 6.4

(94) 99.9

Arista

(34) 30.6

(17) 15.3

(2) 1.8

(9) 8.1

(7) 6.3

(22) 19.8

(16) 14.4

(4) 3.6

(111) 99.9

Glee club

(19) 27.9

(10) 14.7

(2) 2.9

(7) 10.3

(6) 8.8

(17) 25.0

(7) 10.3

(0) 0.0

(68) 99.9

Orchestra

(1) 5.9

(5) 29.4

(1) 5.9

(1) 5.9

(0) 0.0

(5) 29.4

(3) 17.6

5.9

(17) 100.0

Drama

(2) 28.6

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 28.6

(1) 14.3

(1) 14.3

(1) 14.3

(7) 100.1

Social

(5) 17.2

(4) 13.8

3.4

(4) 13.8

(3) 10.3

(7) 24.1

(4) 13.8

(1) 3.4

(29) 99.8

Service

(185) 22.6

(140) 17.1

(40) 4.9

(90) 11.0

(49) 6.0

(153) 18.7

(120) 14.6

(42) 5.1

(819) 100.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 22.2

(0) 0.0

(5) 27.8

(1) 5.6

(7) 38.9

(1) 5.6

(0) 0.0

(18) 100.1

Other activity

(71) 24.1

(51) 17.3

(6) 2.0

(33) 11.2

(23) 7.8

(61) 20.7

(38) 12.9

(12) 4.1

(295) 100.1

Celebrity

(12) 29.3

(6) 14.6

(1) 2.4

(1) 2.4

(5) 12.2

(12) 29.3

(3) 7.3

(1) 2.4

(41) 99.9

(230)

(202)

(60)

(133)

(78)

(212)

(162)

(61)

(1138)

20.2

17.8

5.3

11.7

6.9

18.6

14.2

5.4

100.1

Some activity

Track

Other scienc e

Religious


(1)

—

(1)

— —

(1)

(1)

— __ (6)

Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f me n ooff eac h ethni c grou p involve d i n th e designate d activity activity .. Th Thee percentag percentagee ethnicc group group.. design s d activity wh o wer e member s of eac h ethni represents th e proportio propo n o f al l mal e student s involved i n thec designate

Appendix 2

2-53

TABLE N . Extracurricula r Participation b y Women b y Ethnic Group an d Activity BAY RIDGE HIGH SCHOOL Jewish

Italian

•Black

Irish

German

Native

Other

Undecided

Total

(88) 6.4

(4) 0.3 —

(109) 8.0

(73) 5.3

(358) 26.2

(234) 17.1

(79) 5.8

(1369) 100.1

—

—

—

—

—

—

(13) 9.0 —

(10) 6.9 —

(40) 27.6

(23) 15.9

(8) 5.5

(145) 100.1

—

—

—

—

(30) 8.2

(23) 6.3

(98) 26.7

(59) 16.1

(17) 4.6

(367) 100.1

Football

—

(424) 31.0 —

Basketball

(7) 4.8

(43) 29.7

(1) 0.7

Some activity

Track

—

Other spor t

(28) 7.7

— (Ill) 30.2

— (1) 0.3

President

(0) 0.0

(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 50.0

(0) 0.0

(1) 25.0

(4) 100.0

Other politica l

(8) 5.8

(53) 38.7

(0) 0.0

(11) 8.0

(5) 3.6

(29) 21.2

(21) 15.3

(10) 7.3

(137) 99.9

Yearbook

(15) 9.7

(31) 20.1

(0) 0.0

(9) 5.8

(8) 5.2

(53) 34.4

(30) 19.5

(8) 5.2

(154) 99.9

Editor i n chief

(1) 16.7

(2) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(1) 16.7

(0) 0.0

(2) 33.3

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(6) 100.0

Other new s

(8) 13.3

(15) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(2) 3.3

(5) 8.3

(15) 25.0

(13) 21.7

(2) 3.3

(60) 99.9

Other publications

(4) 18.2

(4) 18.2

(0) 0.0

(2) 9.1

(0) 0.0

(10) 45.4

(1) 4.5

(1) 4.5

(22) 99.9

Physics

(0) 0.0

(3) 75.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

(0) 0.0

'(1) 25.0

(0) 0.0

(4) 100.0

Chemistry

(2) 6.3

(5) 15.6

(0) 0.0

(3) 9.4

(2) 6.3

(12) 37.5

(5) 15.6

(3) 9.4

(32) 100.1

Other scienc e

(14) 13.2

(29) 27.3

(0) 0.0

(8) 7.5

(2) 1.9

(28) 26.4

(13) 12.3

(12) 11.3

(106) 99.9

Other academic

(20) 7.4

(86) 31.7

(2) 0.7

(19) 7.0

(14) 5.2

(72) 26.6

(50) 18.5

(8) 2.9

(271) 100.0

Arista

(11) 8.6

(30) 23.4

(0) 0.0

(6) 4.7

(37) 28.9

(26) 20.3

(9) 7.0

(128) 99.9

Glee club

(9) 9.7

(22) 23.7

(1) 1.1

(9) 7.0 (5) 5.4

(4) 4.3

(28) 30.1

(19) 20.4

(5) 5.4

(93) 100.1

Orchestra

(4) 6.8

(18) 30.5

1.7

(2) 3.4

(1) 1.7

(19) 32.2

(8) 13.6

(6) 10.2

(59) 100.1

Drama

(12) 14.3

(9) 10.7

(0) 0.0

(5) 6.0

(6) 7.1

(32) 38.1

(15) 17.9

(5) 6.0

(84) 100.1

Social

(18) 4.5

(155) 38.9

(3) 0.7

(35) 8.8

(16) 4.0

(89) 22.3

(64) 16.0

(19) 4.8

(399) 100.0

Service

(38) 5.1

(264) 35.7

(4) 0.5

(54) 7.3

(32) 4.3

(186) 25.2

(122) 16.5

(39) 5.3

(739) 99.9

(1)

Religious

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

•—

Other activit y

(80) 6.1

(416) 31.5

(4) 0.3

(106) 8.0

(71) 5.4

(339) 25.7

(225) 17.0

(78) 5.9

(1319) 99.9

Celebrity

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

(88)

(427)

(4)

(109)

(74)

(365)

— (235)

—

# i n each grou p % femal e population

(80)

(1382)

6.4

30.9

0.3

7.9

5.4

26.4

17.0

5.8

100.1

* Number too smal l to b e meaningful . Note: Th e figur e i n parenthese s give s th e numbe r o f wome n o f eac h ethni c group involved i n th e designate d activity. The percentag e represents the proportio n o f ail female students involved in the designated activity who wer e members of each ethnic group.


Notes

I: TH E PROGRESSIVE , TH E IMMIGRANT , AN D THE SCHOO L

i. Th e quot e i s take n fro m Car l F . Kaestle , Pillars o f th e Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780—1860 (Ne w York: Hil l and Wang, 1983) , 98 . Kaestle's boo k i s a model o f historical synthesis and explication . Se e also Lawrence A. Cremin , American Education: Th e National Experience 1783—1876 (Ne w York : Harper an d Row, 1980), especially 103-145 . z. Th e historiograph y o f progressiv e educatio n ha s gon e throug h severa l revi sionist assaults . I t bega n wit h th e vie w tha t progressiv e educatio n wa s a n en lightened an d laudabl e respons e t o th e problem s facin g American educatio n an d society. Cremin' s book , stil l th e bes t introductio n t o progressiv e education , wa s very muc h a n expressio n o f the earl y dominant optimism ; se e The Transformation of th e School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876-1957 (Ne w York : Alfre d A. Knopf , 1961) . Als o withi n thi s traditio n an d stil l useful i s Sol Cohen, Progressives and Urban School Reform: The Public Education Association of New York City, 1895—195 4 (Ne w York : Bureau of Publications, Teacher s College , Columbi a University, 1964) ; Timoth y Smith , "Progressivis m i n America n Education, 1880 — 1900," Harvard Educational Review, 31 (Spring 1961): 168—193 ; Osca r Handlin , John Dewey's Challenge to Education: Historical Perspectives on the Cultural Context (Westport , Connecticut : Greenwoo d Press , 1959) ; Rus h Welter , Public Education an d Democratic Thought i n America (Ne w York: Columbi a University Press, 1962) . By the lat e 1960 8 and earl y 'yos, progressive education wa s beginnin g to elici t a very different respons e fro m historians , a s they became more critica l of the motive s of reformer s and th e effect s o f th e reforms . The mos t importan t reevaluation s ar e Marvin Lazerson , Origins o f th e Urban School: Public Education i n Massachusetts, 1870—191 5 (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1971) ; Davi d B . Tyack, The On e Best System: A History o f American Urban Education (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1974) ; Patrici a A. Graham, Community an d Class in Urban

Zj6 Notes

t o page 14

Education (Ne w York : John Wile y & Sons , 1974) . Thes e provid e critical but ju dicious reappraisals . Progressive educatio n als o cam e i n fo r fa r mor e corrosiv e criticism which con demned th e whol e progressiv e experimen t an d th e reformer s as consciousl y eager to us e th e school s i n the interes t o f social an d clas s control. Se e Colin Greer , Th e Great School Legend: A Revisionist Interpretation of American Public Education (New York : Basi c Books, 1972.) ; Clarenc e Karier , Shaping th e American Educational State (Ne w York: Fre e Press, 1975) ; Paul Violas, Th e Training of th e Urban Working Class (Chicago : Ran d McNally , 1978) ; Joe l Spring , Education an d th e Rise o f th e Corporate Liberal State (Boston : Beaco n Press, 1972.) ; Samue l Bowles and Herber t Gintis , Schooling i n Capitalist America: Educational Reform an d th e Contradictions o f Economic Life (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1976) . The most recen t addition t o thi s tradition , thoug h i n somewha t modifie d form , i s David John Ho gan, Class and Reform: School an d Society i n Chicago, 1880—1930 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvani a Press, 1985) . In th e 19808 , progressiv e education i s onc e mor e bein g reappraised. Th e histo riography ha s move d beyon d socia l control t o a new appreciation o f the complex ity o f differen t force s operatin g o n th e school s an d a ne w awarenes s o f ho w var ious parts o f the democrati c constituency contributed t o reform , each fo r differen t motives an d reasons . Amon g th e bes t o f th e recen t studie s i s Willia m J. Reese , Power and the Promise of School Reform: Grassroots Movements during the Progressive Er a (London : Routledg e an d Kega n Paul, 1985) . I n Reese' s account , pro gressive educatio n onc e mor e become s a popula r movemen t t o wres t th e school s from elit e control . Se e also Pau l Peterson , The Politics o f School Reform, 1870 — 1940 (Chicago : University of Chicag o Press , 1985) ; Julia Wrigley , Class, Politics and Public Schools 1900—1930 (Ne w Brunswick , N.J.: Rutger s Universit y Press, 1982). Ir a Katznelso n and Margare t Weir , Schooling fo r All: Class, Race and th e Decline of th e Democratic Ideal (New York: Basi c Books, 1985) , althoug h critical of th e progressives , als o adop t a similar model fo r America n educational development. While far more sophisticated tha n th e examination based o n social and class control, thes e book s ofte n fai l t o captur e th e cultura l construct tha t progressiv e education represented . Wha t i s most ofte n missin g from th e most recent reapprais als—but ampl y presen t i n bot h th e olde r positiv e view s an d th e seventies ' cri tiques—is a n understandin g of th e vita l link between refor m values for th e societ y as a whole an d th e refor m of the schools . Rees e is an exception sinc e he places th e various group s i n th e progressive coalition i n a rich contex t o f ideology an d socia l objectives. But th e anti-progressiv e view s continue. Perhaps their mos t articulat e and intel ligent spokesperso n ha s bee n Dian e Ravitch , whos e view s are ver y different tha n those wh o hav e adopte d a clas s o r socia l contro l perspective . Se e The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945—1980 (Ne w York: Basi c Books, 1983) . Ravitch's perspective is perhaps th e mos t faithfu l t o th e view adopted by Richard Hof stadter i n Anti-Intellectualism i n American Life (Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1962). Hofstadter wa s th e firs t t o challeng e effectivel y th e optimisti c progressivist values which informe d th e earl y historiography . Lik e Hofstadter, Ravitc h challenge s th e educational an d intellectual , rather tha n th e social , implication s of progressive education. For John Dewey' s views see School and Society (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1915 ; reprinte d 1971) ; The Child and th e Curriculum (Chicago : University

Notes t o pages 15—17 2.5

7

of Chicag o Press , 1901 ; reprinte d 1971) ; an d especiall y Democracy an d Education: A n Introduction t o th e Philosophy o f Education (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1916) in which Dewey most completel y set forth his views. For the nature of Dew ey's philosophy, se e Morton White, Social Thought i n America: The Revolt Against Formalism (Ne w York : Viking , 1949) . Cremi n deal t sensitivel y wit h Dewe y throughout The Transformation of the School and addresse d the questio n of his influence ther e an d i n "Joh n Dewe y an d th e Progressiv e Educatio n Movement , 1915—1952.," School Review, 67(Summe r 1959): 160-173 . Richar d Hofstadter' s discussion o f progressive education an d Dewe y in Anti-Intellectualism i n American Life is bruising; see pp. 323—390. 3. I n Origins of th e Urban School, Marvin Lazerson presents an important analysis of thi s dua l sourc e o f reform . Another effor t t o captur e th e comple x an d contra dictory natur e o f refor m i s made b y Ronal d D . Cohe n an d Raymon d A . Mohl in The Paradox o f Progressive Education: Th e Gary Plan and Urban Schooling (Port Washington, N.Y. : Kennika t Press, 1979) . Fo r a discussio n o f th e contemporar y issues involve d in discussion s of school history , se e Michael B . Katz , Reconstructing American Education (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1987) , 111-159. 4. Nile s Carpenter , Immigrants an d Their Children, 1920 , Censu s Monograp h VII (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1927) . I hav e use d th e Arno Press reprint (Ne w York, 1969) , 24—27 . For a discussio n o f som e o f th e industria l problem s introduce d b y continuou s immigration, se e Herbert H . Gutman , "Work , Cultur e an d Societ y in Industrializing America , 1815—1919, " i n hi s Work, Culture an d Society i n Industrializing America (Ne w York : Vintage ; 1977) , 3-78 . Th e genera l proble m o f ho w immi grants wer e perceive d i s discusse d i n Joh n Higham' s classi c stud y o f nativism , Strangers i n th e Land: Patterns o f American Nativism, 1860—192 5 (Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutger s University Press, 1955) . 5. Bernar d J. Weiss gives a good introductio n t o the social context within which the educatio n o f immigrant s wa s see n a s a socia l necessit y in , Bernar d J. Weis s (ed.), American Education an d th e European Immigrant: 1840-194 0 (Urbana : University o f Illinoi s Press, 1982) , xi—xxviii . 6. Rober t H . Bremner , From th e Depths: The Discovery o f Poverty i n America (New York: New Yor k University Press, 1956 ) remain s a good introduction t o th e broad respons e t o povert y and industrialization. One o f th e ver y best discussion s o f ho w industrializatio n threatene d American ideas an d value s i s Danie l T . Rodgers , The Work Ethic i n Industrial America, 1850—1920 (Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1978) . 7. Fo r American ideology i n the middl e of the nineteent h century, see Eric Foner, Free Labor, Free Soil, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil Wa r (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1970) . Fo r th e specifi c issu e of how immigrant s were envisage d i n America n ideology , se e als o th e illuminating discussion i n Arthur Mann, Th e On e an d th e Many: Reflections o n th e American Identity (Chicago : University of Chicag o Press , 1979) , especially 46—96. 8. Joh n R . Commons , Races and Immigrants i n America (Ne w York : Macmil lan, 1930) , 167—168 . A similar, though mor e romantic , vie w was adopte d b y Jacob Riis . "Th e ideal , alway s i n m y mind, i s that o f a ma n wit h hi s fee t upo n th e soil, an d hi s children growing up there . S o it seems to me , we should have responsible citizenship by the sures t road." Peril an d Preservation of th e Home (London : Alexander Moring , 1903) , 24 . A n excellen t discussio n o f Riis' s romanticis m can

2.58 Note

s to pages 17-22

be foun d i n Ro y Lubove , Th e Progressives and th e Slums (Pittsburgh : University of Pittsburg h Press , 1962) , 66—80 . Fo r criticis m o f th e immigrants ' failure t o see k out th e farms , see Jeremiah W . Jencks an d W . Jett Lauck , The Immigration Problem: A Study o f American Immigration Conditions an d Needs (Ne w York: Fun k and Wagnals , 1913) , 81-103. Ronald Cohe n an d Raymond Mohl discuss William Win's rural background an d commitments i n Th e Paradox o f Progressive Education, pp . 11—22, . Wirt wa s th e principle architec t o f th e mode l progressiv e schoo l syste m o f Gary , Indiana , an d an influentia l proponen t o f progressiv e education . I n fact , thi s rura l romanticism and it s firm links with traditiona l value s and ideolog y pervades progressive socia l thinkers' sentiments . 9. Mar y Kingsbur y Simkovitch, The City Worker's World i n America (New York: Macmillan, 1917) , 53 . 10. Margare t Byington , Homestead: Th e Households o f a Mill Town (1910 ; reprinted b y Universit y Center fo r Internationa l Studies , Universit y of Pittsburgh, 1974). Se e Samuel P. Hayes's excellen t introduction i n thi s edition calle d "Home stead Revisited, " xvii-xxxiv . 11. Simkovitch , City Worker's, pp . 81-82 . 12. Feli x Adler, Ou r Part in this World (Ne w York: King's Crown Press , 1946) , 27. Fo r Adle r and progressivism , see Robert H . Beck , "Progressiv e Educatio n an d American Progressivism: Felix Adler," Teachers College Record, 6o(November 1958): 77-89. 13. Davi d J . Rothman , "Th e Stat e a s Parent," in , Willar d Gaylin , Ira Glasser , Steven Marcus , an d Davi d J. Rothman , Doing Good: Th e Limits o f Benevolence (New York: Pantheon, 1978) ; see also Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1978) . 14. Jaco b A . Riis , Th e Children o f th e Poor (Ne w York : Charle s Scribner' s Sons, 1892 ; reprinte d b y Arno Press , 1971) , i. 15. Fran k T . Carlton , "Schoo l a s a Facto r i n Industria l and Socia l Problems, " Education, 24(Septembe r 1903-June 1904) : 74 . 16. Fo r a discussio n o f th e theorie s abou t famil y chang e an d industrialization see Paul a S. Pass, Th e Damned an d th e Beautiful: American "Youth i n th e lyzo's (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1977) , 95—118 . 17. Sophonisb a P . Breckinridg e and Edit h Abbott , Th e Delinquent Child an d the Home (Ne w York : Surve y Associates , 1912.) , 176-177 . 18. Davi d J. Rothman , Conscience and Convenience: Th e Asylum and Its Alternatives i n Progressive America (Boston : Littl e Brown, 1980) , 46—53 . 19. Davi d Tyack , "Educatio n an d Socia l Unrest , 1873-1878, " Harvard Educational Review, 3i(Sprin g 1961) : 194—212 . For th e broad-base d suppor t fo r schools , se e especiall y Reese, Th e Promise o f School Reform, passim ; Peterson, Politics of School Reform, pp . 7-51 . Katznelson and Wei r have recently argued for the important ways in which schooling in America wa s democratize d becaus e of th e wide-base d suffrage ; Schooling fo r All, espe cially pp. 28-85 . 2.0. Peterson , Politics of School Reform, pp . 11—12 . The high-schoo l enrollment figures ar e fro m Leonar d V . Koos, Th e American Secondary School (Boston : Ginn and Co. , 1927) , 5 , 10, 33 . 21. Rober t Hunter , Poverty (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1904), 261; Riis , Children of th e Poor, p . 2 ; Simkovitch , City Worker's, p . 5 .

Notes t o pages 23-25 25

9

22. Se e Dorothy Ross , G . Stanley Hall: Th e Psychologist a s Prophet (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1972) . 23. See , for example, Kaestle , Pillars of th e Republic, pp. 136-181 ; Reese, Promise of School Reform, pp . 12-18 ; Peterson, Politics of School Reform, pp . 52—71 . 24. Se e especially Higham, Strangers i n th e Land, pp . 131—157 ; also , Barbar a Miller Solomon , Ancestors an d Immigrants: A Changing Ne w England Tradition (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press, 1956) . 25. Fo r th e politica l danger s inheren t i n portrayal s o f immigran t separateness , see France s Kellor , Immigration an d th e Future (Ne w York : Georg e H . Doran , 1920). Se e also Higham' s brie f biograph y o f Kello r i n Strangers i n th e Land, pp . 239-249. 26. Thi s confusio n i s especiall y apparent i n th e cas e o f Rober t Hunter , whos e attempts t o distinguis h pauperism, " a diseas e o f character, " fro m poverty , th e result of economic exploitation , wa s extremely confusing. Pauperism, Hunter argued , was "analogou s t o parasitis m i n biologica l science, " (p . 69 ) an d wa s a t onc e in heritable an d sociall y induced. Hi s confusio n wa s no t helpe d b y hi s constan t ref erence to th e infamous Jukes famil y an d th e Trib e o f Ishmael, cases that wer e use d at th e tim e t o demonstrat e th e effect s o f ba d heredit y i n chartin g generation s o f crime, feeblemindedness , an d immorality . Se e Hunter, Poverty, pp . 69 , 72 , 80 , 327. John R . Commons' s study , Races and Immigrants i n America, als o suffer s fro m these confusions . Common s believe d that immigrant s wer e geneticall y inferio r t o native Anglo-Saxon s whos e missio n wa s to conque r th e world, a n explicitly racis t theory. Bu t Commons rejecte d the ide a o f race purity and man y of the stereotype s of Chines e an d blac k worker s commo n a t th e time . Moreover , Commons' s view s may b e bes t summarize d in his statemen t tha t "Rac e an d heredit y ma y be beyond our organize d control , bu t th e instrumen t o f a commo n languag e i s a t han d fo r conscious improvemen t throug h educatio n an d socia l environment. " (p . 21) Tha t statement perhap s bes t represent s th e consensu s o f progressive reformers ' beliefs a t a tim e whe n heredit y an d environmen t wer e tangle d issue s in immigratio n discussions. For a n informe d discussio n o f th e heredity-environmen t controversy, se e Ham ilton Cravens , Th e Triumph o f Evolution: American Scientists an d th e HeredityEnvironment Controversy, 1900—194 1 (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvani a Press, 1978) . 2.7. Simkovitch , City Worker's, p . 7 . For racial stereotypes, se e especially Robert A. Woods (ed.) , Americans i n Process: A Settlement Study b y th e Residents o f th e South En d House (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1902) ; Jacob A . Riis, How th e Other Half Lives (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1957 ; orignally published in 1890) . 28. Hunter , Poverty, p . 264 ; Kellor , Immigration an d th e Future, p . 65 ; Riis Children o f th e Poor, p . 173 ; Edwar d Hal e Bierstadt , Aspects o f Americanization (Cincinnati: Stewar d Kidd , i92z) , 30 . For th e Americanization attempt s tha t bega n wit h th e outbreak o f World Wa r I see John McClymer , "Th e Americanization Movement," i n Weiss (ed.) , American Education an d the European Immigrant, pp . 96-116. For some contemporary def initions o f Americanization , se e Howar d C . Hill , "Th e Americanization Move ment," American Journal o f Sociology, 24(Ma y 1919) : 609—642 ; Carol Aronovici, "Americanization: It s Meanin g an d Function, " American Journal o f Sociology, 25(May 1920) : 695—730 . A dated, bu t stil l useful , histor y is Edward Georg e Hart -

260

Notes to pages 25—32

mann, Th e Movement t o Americanize th e Immigrant (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1948) . 29. Hunter , Poverty, p . 219 . For Dewey, se e Robert L . McCaul, "Dewey' s Chicago," Th e School Review, 67(1959): 258-280. 30. Hunter , Poverty, p . 201 . 31. Man y reformers understood th e strengths provided by ethnic culture, strengths that wer e especiall y necessary given the atomizatio n o f industria l society. See , for example, Joh n Daniels , America vi a th e Neighborhoods (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers, 1920) ; Grac e Abbott , Th e Immigrant an d th e Community (Ne w York : Century Co. , 1917); an d man y o f th e article s in The Immigrants i n America Re view, vol . I (Marc h 1915—Marc h 1916 ) publishe d b y th e Committe e fo r Immi grants i n America. The effort s t o maintai n immigran t cultur e an d communit y integrity continue d after th e war . See Raymond Mohl , "Th e International Institute s an d Immigran t Education, 1910—1940, " i n Weis s (ed.) , American Education an d th e European Immigrant, pp . 117—141 ; als o Nichola s V . Montalto , "Th e Intercultural Educa tion Movement , 1924-41 : Th e Growt h o f Toleranc e a s a For m o f Intolerance, " pp. 142—16 0 i n the sam e volume. 32. Dewey , School and Society, p . 29 . 33. Charle s Horto n Cooley , " A Primar y Culture for Democracy, " Publications of th e American Sociological Society, 13(1918) : 2 ; Simkovitch , City Worker's, p . 50. Se e als o Mar y Simkovitch , "Th e Enlarged Functio n o f th e Publi c School, " Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, 3 ist Annual Session, 1904. For man y reformers, th e school s wer e t o functio n like settlements. See Morris Isaia h Berger, "The Settlement, The Immigrant and th e Publi c School," (Ph.D. dissertation, Teacher s College , Columbi a University, 1959). 34. Marvi n Lazerso n discusse s this in Origins o f th e Urban School, pp . 77-8 0 and passim. 35. Simkovitch, City Worker's, pp. 50, 67. 36. Commons, Race and Immigrants, p. 38. 37. Lillia n D. Wald , "Qualification s an d Trainin g fo r Servic e with Childre n i n a Crowde d Cit y Neighborhood, " i n Sophonisb a P . Breckinridg e (ed.) , The Child in th e City (Chicago : Th e Holliste r Press , 1912) , 256 ; Henry Moskowitz , "Th e Place of th e Immigran t Child i n th e Socia l Program," i n the sam e volume, p. 265. 38. Simkovitch , City 'Worker's, p . 63 ; Edwar d Divine , "Discussion, " Publications o f th e American Sociological Society, 12(1918) : 105 . 39. Abbott, Immigrant and the Community, pp. 224, 225; Simkovitch, City Worker's, p . 61. For a discussion o f the limitations on th e attendance of immigrant children, see Selma Berrol , "Public School s and Immigrants, " i n Weiss (ed.) , American Education an d the European Immigrant, pp . 39-41 . 40. Wald , "Childre n i n a Crowde d Cit y Neighborhood, " p . 253 ; Moskowitz , "Immigrant Child, " p. 257. 41. Simkovitch , City Worker's, p . 64 ; Abbott , Immigrant an d th e Community, p. 236. 42. O n thi s matter, se e Lazerson, Origins of th e Urban School, pp. 76—154 . 43. Hunter , Poverty, pp . 211 , 213 . 44. Hunter , Poverty, p . 214. 45. Rober t A . Woods , "Th e Basis o f a n Efficien t Education , Culture or Voca tion," Th e School Review, i5(Ma y 1907) : 337-338 .

Notes to pages 32-40 2.6

1

46. See , for example , Hutchin s Hapgood' s classi c serie s o n Jew s i n New York , reprinted a s Th e Spirit o f th e Ghetto: Studies o f th e Jewish Quarter o f Ne w York (New York : Schocken Books , 1966) . 2: EDUCATION , DEMOCRAC Y AN D TH E SCIENC E OF INDIVIDUA L DIFFERENCE S

1. W . I. Thomas, "Rac e Psychology: Standpoin t an d Questionnair e with Particular Referenc e to th e Immigran t an d th e Negro," American Journal o f Sociology, i7(May 1912) : 725. 2. Holli s L . Caswel l an d Doa k S . Campbell , Curriculum Development (New York: America n Book Co., 1935), 35 . 3. Thomas , "Rac e Psychology," p . 753. 4. Newto n Edward s and Herma n G . Richey, Th e School i n the American Social Order: The Dynamics o f American Education (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1947) , 682. 5. Historian s wh o discus s th e variou s group s an d conflict s whic h marke d nineteenth-century educationa l developmen t include : Michae l B . Katz , Th e Irony of Early School Reform: Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1968) ; Dian e Ravitch , The Great School Wars, New York City, 1805—1973: A History of the Public Schools As Battlefields of Social Change (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1974) ; Selwy n K. Troen, Th e Public and the Schools: Shaping th e St . Louis System, 1838—192 0 (Columbia : University of Missouri Press , 1975) ; Patrici a Albjer g Graham , Community an d Class in American Education, 1865—191 8 (Ne w York : Joh n Wile y & C Sons , 1974) ; Marvin Lazerson, Origins o f th e Urban School: Public Education i n Massachusetts, 1870 — 1915 (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1971) ; David John Hogan , Class and Reform: School an d Society i n Chicago, 1880-193 0 (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985) ; Carl F . Kaestle, Pillars o f th e Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780—186 0 (Ne w York: Hil l an d Wang , 1983) , especially Chapter 7 ; Pau l Peterson , Th e Politics o f School Reform, 1870—194 0 (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press, 1985) ; William Reese, Power and th e Promise of School Reform: Grassroots Movements during th e Progressive Era (London : Routledg e and Kega n Paul, 1986) . 6. Davi d B . Tyack, Th e On e Best System: A History o f American Urban Education (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1974) . Fo r th e centralizatio n o f th e New Yor k Cit y schoo l system , se e David Hammack , "Th e Centralization o f Ne w York City' s Publi c School System , 1896 : A Social Analysi s of a Decision, " (Mas ters thesis , Columbi a University , 1969). For schoo l surveys , see , for example , Jame s H . Va n Sickle , Leonar d P . Ayres, Calvin N . Kendall , an d Willia m H . Maxwell , "A n Investigatio n o f th e Efficienc y of School s an d Schoo l Systems, " Nationa l Educatio n Association , Proceedings, 1915 (Bloomington, 111.: Publi c School Publishin g Co., 1915), 379-402. For a discussio n of th e schoo l surve y movement , se e Holli s L . Caswell , City School Surveys: A n Interpretation an d Appraisal, Contribution s t o Education , Teacher s Colleg e (New York: Columbi a University, 1919) . 7. Caswell , City School Surveys, p. 20 . 8. Graham , Community an d Class, pp. 15—17 , discusse s age segregation . Th e

2.6z Notes

t o pages 41-44

quote i s from Fran k Fores t Bunker , "Reorganization o f the Publi c School System, " U.S. Office o f Education Bulletin 1916 # 8 (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printing Office , 1916) , 116 . 9. I n 1870 , 2 0 percen t o f thos e te n year s o f ag e o r olde r wer e illiterate ; se e Graham, Community an d Class, p . 13 . This , o f course , include d immigrants . By 1940, 3. 7 percen t o f the whol e populatio n reporte d havin g completed n o year s of schooling an d ca n b e considere d illiterate ; see , Henr y S . Shyrock, Jr., "194 0 Cen sus Dat a o n Numbe r o f Year s o f Schoo l Completed, " Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, 2o(Octobe r I94z) : 368 . Fo r th e proble m o f illiterac y and th e imprecision o f its meanings, see Patricia Albjer g Graham , "Literacy : A Goal for Secondary Schools," Daedelus, iio(Summe r 1981) : 119—134 . 10. Fo r the community context o f mobility, see Paul E. Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millenium: Society an d Revivals i n Rochester, Ne w York, 1815-183 7 (New York: Hill an d Wang , 1978) ; an d Mar y Ryan , Cradle o f th e Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, Ne w York, 1790—1865 (Cambridge , England: Cambridge Uni versity Press , 1981) . The bes t genera l introductio n t o th e natur e o f adolescenc e i n th e nineteent h century i s Josep h Kett , Rites o f Passage: Adolescence i n America, 1790 t o th e Present (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1977) , especially n—108 . 11. Fo r th e hig h schoo l i n th e earl y twentiet h century , se e Theodore R . Sizer , Secondary Schools a t th e Turn o f th e Century (Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press, 1964); Edward A . Krug, Th e Shaping o f th e American High School, z vols . (Mad ison, Wis. , Universit y of Wisconsi n Press , 1969 , 1972.) ; Alexande r J. Inglis , "Sec ondary Education, " i n I . L . Kande l (ed.) , Twenty-Five Years o f American Education (Ne w York : Macmillan , 192.4) , 251—269 ; John Elber t Stout , Th e Development of High School Curricula in the North Central States from 1860 to 1918 (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 192.1) . 12. U.S . Immigration Commissio n (Dillingha m Commission) , "Th e Childre n of Immigrants i n Schools," Reports o f th e Immigration Commission, vol . I (Washington, B.C. : U.S. Governmen t Printin g Office , 1911) , 15 , 23 , 47, 95 . 13. Fo r th e significanc e of child-labo r law s an d progressiv e reform , se e Rober t Bremner, From th e Depths: Th e Discovery o f Poverty i n th e United States (Ne w York: Ne w Yor k Universit y Press, 1956) , 212—229 . My statistic s o n schoo l enrollmen t ar e draw n fro m Edward s an d Richey , The School i n th e American Social Order, pp . 671 , 683 . Se e also Michae l Olnec k an d Marvin Lazerson , "Th e Schoo l Achievemen t of Immigrant Children , 1900—1930, " History o f Education Quarterly, i4(Winte r 1974) : 453-482. By 1920 , 94. 1 percen t o f th e children , seve n t o thirtee n year s o f age , whos e parents wer e foreign-born , wer e i n school, whil e only 92. 2 percen t of those whos e parents wer e native-bor n wer e i n school . Onl y th e childre n wh o wer e themselves immigrants lagge d behin d wit h 84. 1 percen t i n school . B y 1930 , 97. 5 percen t o f even thi s grou p wa s i n school . I n 1920 , o f thos e fourtee n and fiftee n year s of age , the children of native parents ha d th e edg e over those whos e parent s wer e foreignborn. Eighty-thre e percen t o f th e forme r an d 77. 9 percen t o f th e latte r wer e i n school i n 1920 . B y 1930 , th e differenc e betwee n thos e o f nativ e parentag e an d foreign parentag e wh o wer e fourteen an d fifteen years of age had disappeared . See , T. J . Woofter , Jr. , Races an d Ethnic Groups i n American Life (Ne w York : Mc Graw Hill , 1933) , 166 . 14. Fo r progressivism , science, an d expertise , se e Robert H . Wiebe , Th e Search


3

for Order, 1877-192 0 (Ne w York : Hil l an d Wang , 1967) , 111—195 ; Davi d J . Rothman, Conscience an d Convenience: Th e Asylum an d It s Alternatives i n Progressive America (Boston : Littl e Brown, 1980) , 43—61; David Tyack and Elizabeth Hansot, Managers o f Virtue: Public School Leadership i n America, 1820-1980 (New York : Basi c Books, 1981) , 105-167 . John Dewey , o f course, use d scientifi c method a s the basi s of hi s philosophy of knowledge an d action . 15. Fo r a discussion of the historica l antecedents of IQ testing, see Kimball Young, "The Histor y o f Menta l Testing, " Pedagogical Seminar, 3i(Marc h 19x3) : 1-48 ; Frank N . Freeman , Mental Tests: Their History, Principles and Applications, rev . ed. (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1939) ; Josep h Peterson , Early Conceptions an d Tests o f Intelligence (Yonkers , N.Y.: Worl d Boo k Co., 1915) . 16. Peterson , Early Conceptions, pp . 78-83 , 93-94; Young , "History o f Men tal Testing," pp. 30—33 . The quotes ar e from Young , "History of Mental Testing," p. i; and Harlan Camero n Hines , Measuring Intelligence (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 192.3) , 59 . 17. Peterson , Early Conceptions, p . 230 . Othe r testers , notabl y H. H. Goddard , had use d th e test s a s Bine t had t o measur e feeblemindedness ; see Peterson, Early Conceptions, pp . 2.2.6—2.2.9 . 18. Lewi s Terman , Th e Measurement o f Intelligence (Boston : Houghto n Mif flin, 1916) , 41; Terma n quote d i n Peterson , Early Conceptions, p . 231 ; Cubberly introduction t o Terman, Measurement, vii . 19. "I t canno t b e to o strongl y emphasize d that n o one , whateve r hi s previous training ma y hav e been ; ca n mak e prope r us e o f th e scal e unles s he i s willing t o learn th e metho d o f procedure an d scalin g down t o th e minutes t detail"; Terman, Measurement, xi . Se e also Peterson , Early Conceptions, pp . 232-233 ; Hines, Measuring Intelligence, p . 70 . 2.0. Se e Franz Samuelson , "Worl d Wa r I Intelligenc e Testing an d th e Develop ment o f Psychology, " Journal o f th e History o f th e Behavioral Sciences, 1 3 (July 1977): 274-288 ; Danie l J. Kevles , "Testing the Army's Intelligence: Psychologists and th e Militar y i n Worl d Wa r I, " Journal o f American History, 5 5 (December 1968): 565-581 . 21. I Q testin g wa s constantl y compare d wit h othe r "simple, " "exact, " an d "useful" scientifi c measurements , lik e th e Babcoc k tes t fo r measurin g th e crea m content o f mil k (Terman, Measurement, p . 35 ) an d th e bloo d coun t (Cubberl y in Measurement, viii) . 22. Th e quot e is from Freeman , Mental Tests, p. 3 . Lippmann's essays and Ter man's repl y ar e reprinte d i n N . J . Bloc k an d Geral d Dworki n (eds.) , IQ Controversy (Ne w York: Pantheon , 1976) , 4—44 . On th e furo r ove r early test results , see, for example , Freeman , Mental Tests, p. 127 . 23. Se e Robert M . Yerkes , "Psychological Examinin g in the Unite d States Army," Memoirs o f th e National Academy o f Sciences, vol. 1 5 (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1921) ; C . C . Brigham , A Study o f American Intelligence (Princeton , N.J.: Princeto n University Press, 1923) . For discussion of the test results, se e Freeman, Mental Tests, pp. 404—430 . 2.4. A s one tester , Rudolp h Pintner , noted , "Tha t ther e ar e difference s i n intel ligence an d i n othe r characteristic s betwee n race s ha s bee n assume d b y man y an thropologists and psychologists. " He the n proceede d to describ e test s designe d to elucidate and thu s confirm thos e differences . Rudolp h Pintner, Intelligence Testing: Methods an d Results, rev . ed. (Ne w York: Holt 8 c Co. , 1931) , 448-457.

2.64 Note

s to pages 47—48

25. Peterson , Early Conceptions, pp . 2.74—2.75 ; E . J . Varon , "Alfre d Binet' s Concept o f Intelligence, " Psychological Review, 43(1936) : 31—58 ; Young , "His tory of Mental Testing, " pp. 19—2,4 . 2.6. Throughou t Europe , researcher s usin g th e Bine t test s wer e findin g stron g correlations betwee n performanc e and sociocultura l factors—lik e class—an d note d the marke d academi c inclinatio n o f th e tests . On e grou p o f Italia n psychologist s particularly attacke d th e vie w tha t Binet' s scal e coul d eve r measur e "pure intelligence" outside o f a specifi c socia l milieu , an d other s emphasize d tha t th e validity of th e tes t result s coul d neve r b e mor e tha n grou p specific . American s tended t o draw opposit e conclusions fro m th e clas s correlation s foun d b y European investi gators. Terman, fo r example , i n discussin g th e Europea n studie s bot h underplay s their significanc e an d concludes , "th e commo n opinio n tha t th e chil d fro m a cul tured hom e doe s bette r i n test s solel y b y reaso n o f hi s superio r hom e advantage s is an entirely gratuitous assumption . Practicall y all of the investigations which have been mad e o f th e influenc e o f natur e an d nurtur e on menta l performance agree in attributing fa r more t o origina l endowment tha n t o environment . Common obser vation woul d itsel f sugges t .tha t th e socia l clas s t o whic h th e famil y belong s de pends les s o n chanc e tha n o n th e parents ' nativ e qualitie s of intellec t an d charac ter." (Terman , Measurement, p . 115) . Terman, despit e his "scientific" veneer , often depended o n "commo n observations " whic h wer e elevate d int o principle s o f na ture. C . C . Brigham, in reporting o n an d analyzin g the arm y results, used precisely the sam e words t o den y the significanc e o f environmental factors (Brigham , American Intelligence, p . 182,) . Eve n a carefu l an d judiciou s investigator lik e Cliffor d Kirkpatrick, afte r firs t noticin g that "natur e neve r exists apar t fro m nurture, " explained tha t heredit y wa s a facto r tha t coul d b e separately investigate d b y carefu l research designe d t o eliminat e or kee p environmen t constan t an d tha t ultimately , "high ger m plas m ofte n lead s t o bette r result s tha n hig h pe r capit a schoo l expen diture. Definit e limit s ar e se t b y heredity , an d immigrants o f lo w innate ability cannot by any amount of Americanization be made into intelligent American citizens capable o f approximating an d advancing a complex culture" (m y emphasis). Clifford Kirkpatrick , Intelligence an d Immigration, Menta l Monograph s #2,(Baltimore: The William s and Wilkin s Co. , 1916) , 2 . See also Rudolp h Pintne r and Rut h Keller , "Intelligenc e Test s of Foreig n Children, " Journal o f Educational Psychology, 13(1912) : 2.14—2.22. ; Stephe n S . Colvin , "Principle s Underlyin g th e Construction an d Us e o f Intelligenc e Tests, " Th e Twenty-First Yearbook o f th e National Society fo r th e Study o f Education (Bloomington , 111.: Public School Publishing, 1912) , 11—25 . (Th e Yearbook s o f th e Nationa l Societ y fo r th e Stud y of Education wil l hereafter be cited a s Yearbook, NSSE.) 27. As Frank Freema n explained , "Whethe r they be mental tests or educationa l tests, bot h ar e relative . That is, the score which result s fro m th e applicatio n o f the test ha s significanc e only i n compariso n wit h score s whic h ar e mad e b y othe r in dividuals. Th e scor e serve s a s a comparatively exac t numerica l method o f indicat ing th e ran k o f th e individua l in a group." Freeman, Mental Tests, p . 19 . Usually the nor m o f performance wa s th e fac t tha t 7 5 percent o f childre n of a certai n ag e could b e expected t o answe r variou s kind s o f question s correctly ; se e Pintner, In telligence Testing, pp . 448-467. 28. Fo r th e growin g interes t i n hereditaria n explanations i n th e lat e nineteenth and earl y twentieth centuries , see Charles E . Rosenberg, "Th e Bitte r Fruit : Heredity, Diseas e and Socia l Though t i n i9t h Centur y America," Perspectives in Amer-

Notes to pages 49-51 2,6

5

ican History, 8(1974) : 187—235 . Fo r eugenics , Willia m H . Haller, Eugenics: He reditarian Attitudes i n American Thought (Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1963) ; Kennet h M. Ludmeier , Genetics and American Society: A Historical Appraisal (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press, 1972.) . 2.9. "Th e scientific problem," Kimbal l Young observed , "i s tha t o f eliminatin g from th e test s use d a s measurin g instruments thos e particula r test s whic h demon strably measur e nurture , an d t o measur e with genuin e test s o f nativ e intelligenc e random o r impartia l sample s o f eac h rac e throughou t th e entir e rang e o f it s geographical an d institutiona l distribution. " Testers no t onl y insiste d o n th e validit y of th e test s bu t als o sough t t o measur e wha t the y assume d coul d b e measured , nature alon e an d apar t fro m nurture . Se e Kimball Young, "Menta l Difference s i n Certain Immigran t Groups," University o f Oregon Publications (Jul y 1911), 194195; and Kirkpatrick, Intelligence and Immigration, pp . 7-14. 30. Young , "History of Mental Testing, " p. 45 . 31. Fo r example , Brigham , American Intelligence, pp . 110—117 , an d th e forward b y Rober t M . Yerkes . Brigham also acknowledge d hi s debt t o th e two mos t potent racia l analyst s o f th e period , Madiso n Gran t an d Willia m Z . Riple y (pp. xvii—xviii). Se e also Young , "Menta l Differences, " pp . 3 , 72—84 ; Pintner , Intelligence Testing, pp . 466—467 ; Kirkpatrick , Intelligence and Immigration, pp . 105 — 116. 32.. Bulletin o f High Points i n th e Work o f th e High Schools of Ne w York City, vol. I, November 1919 , February 1920 , April 192,0 , November 1920 , and th e December 192 0 review of Terman's The Intelligence of School Children. Fo r Detroit, see Warren K . Layton, "Grou p Intelligence Testing Progra m a t th e Detroi t Publi c Schools," Twenty-First Yearbook, NSSE; fo r Mt . Vernon , Georg e S . Counts, Th e Selective Character of American Secondary Education (Chicago : University of Chi cago Press , 1922) , 5 . I n hi s autobiography , Leonar d Covell o note s tha t thi s wa s the perio d o f "intelligenc e test s insanity" ; Th e Heart i s th e Teacher (Ne w York : McGraw Hill , 1958) , 149 . Se e also Pau l Chapman , "School s a s Sorters : Testin g and Trackin g i n California , 1910—1925, " Journal o f Social History, i4(Summe r 1981): 701-718 . Th e quot e i s fro m Layton , "Grou p Intelligenc e Testin g Program," p. 123 . 33. Freeman , Mental Tests, p. 3 ; Guy M. Whipple, "An Annotate d Lis t of Grou p Intelligence Tests," Twenty-First Yearbook, NSSE, p . 199 . Thorndike i s quote d i n Hines , Measuring Intelligence, p . 113 . Fo r Thorndike , see Geraldin e Joncic h Clifford , Th e Sane Positivist: A Biography o f Edward L . Thorndike (Middleton , Conn. : Wesleya n Universit y Press, 1968) . O n th e careles s nature o f earl y tests, se e Peterson, Early Conceptions, pp . 232-233 ; Hines , Measuring Intelligence, pp. 60 , 108 ; Freeman, Mental Tests, pp. 14—16 . 34. Josephin e Chase , Ne w York a t School: A Description o f th e Activities an d Administration o f th e Public Schools o f Ne w York (Ne w York : Publi c Educatio n Association o f the Cit y o f New York , 1927) , 2 . 35. Cubberl y introduction t o Terman , Measurement, vii—viii . Hollis Caswel l note s th e effec t o f I Q testin g o n th e schoo l survey s afte r 1919 : "A new note bega n t o cree p int o th e reports o n classification and programs. . . . In th e Boise , Idaho , survey , fo r example , 'Individua l Differences ' amon g childre n was adde d to th e report." According to Caswell , the later surveys which coul d rely on test s wer e "fa r more exactin g i n thei r demand s on schoo l accommodatio n i n curricula an d programs to 'individua l differences. ' " "The testing movement," Ca-

2.66 Notes

t o pages 52—57

swell concludes, "ha s contributed i n a major way to th e survey movement an d th e survey movemen t ha s reciprocated b y spreading an d encouragin g th e testing movement." Caswell , City School Survey, p . 96 . Thus , measuremen t encourage d measurement a s eac h seeme d t o promis e mor e precisio n i n th e developmen t o f th e science o f education, o r a s Caswel l observe s "Statistical method s wer e everywhere being applied t o schoo l problems." (p . 104). 36. Freeman , Mental Tests, p . 345. 37. Carleto n W . Washburne, Twenty-Fourth Yearbook, NSSE (1925) , p. xiii . 38. Fo r what was teste d b y IQ, see, for example, Hines , Measuring Intelligence, pp. 53, in; Pintner, Intelligence Testing, pp . 45-71. 39. Young , "Immigran t Groups, " 65 ; Hines , Measuring Intelligence, p . 134 ; but se e also Hines' s defens e of instructio n organize d t o suitabl e vocational aims , pp. 93—97 . For vocationa l channelin g of immigrants, se e Marvin Lazerson and W . Norton Grub b (eds.) , American Education an d Vocationalism: A Documentary History 1870-197 0 (Ne w York: Teacher s Colleg e Press , 1974) , 38 ; Graham , Community an d Class, pp. 2.0 , 163 . For th e relationshi p betwee n educatio n an d mobilit y in th e twentiet h century , see Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley: Universit y of Californi a Press , 1980) , 214-215 , 331—331 , 354-359. 40. O n overcrowdin g i n Ne w Yor k schools , se e Selma Berrol , "Immigrant s a t School: Ne w Yor k City , 1900—1910, " Urban Education, 4(Octobe r 1969) : 220 — 130. O n clas s size , se e P. R . Stevenson , Class-Size in th e Elementary School, Bureau o f Educational Research, monograph #3(Columbus : Ohi o Stat e University, 1925). 41. Carleto n W . Washburne, "Adaptin g th e Schools t o Individua l Differences," Twenty-Fourth Yearbook, NSSE, p . 31 ; Allen Raymond , "A Stud y of New York' s Public School System, " Ne w York Herald Tribune, Marc h 6 , 193 1 (th e series ra n from Februar y 23 , 1931 , to Marc h 6 , 1931) . See also Charle s Judd, Measuring th e Work o f th e Public Schools, vol . 10 o f Th e Clevelan d School Surve y (Cleveland: The Surve y Committe e o f th e Clevelan d Foundation, 1917) , who note s that tradi tional subject s are wrong for th e foreig n populatio n (p . 48) . 42. Peise r i s quote d i n Morri s Isaia h Berger , "The Settlement, Th e Immigrant , and th e Publi c School: A Stud y o f th e Influenc e o f th e Settlemen t Movemen t an d the Ne w Migratio n Upo n Publi c Education , 1890—1924 " (Ph.D . dissertation , Teachers College , Columbi a University, 1959), 12.0 . See Berger generally for a discussion o f th e influenc e o f th e settlement s o n th e publi c schools. Fo r th e incorpo ration of variou s service s into New Yor k Cit y schools , see Ravitch, School Wars, pp. 168—169 , 176 , 234 ; also So l Cohen, The Progressives and Urban School Re form: The Public Education Association o f Ne w York City, 1595-195 4 (New York: Burea u of Publications , Teacher s College , Columbi a University ; 1964). Fo r the socia l center movement , se e Reese, Power an d Promise, pp. 177—208 . 43. Fo r a discussion of the growth o f services in Chicago high schools, see Thomas W. Gutowski , "Th e High Schoo l a s a n Adolescent-Raisin g Institution : A n Inne r History o f Chicag o Publi c Secondar y Education , 1856—1940 " (Ph.D . dissertation , University o f Chicago , 1978) , 64—119 . 44. Franci s T . Spaulding , O. I . Frederick, an d Leonar d V . Koos, "Th e Reorganization o f Secondar y Education, " U.S. Office o f Education Bulletin 1932, #17(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Governmen t Printing Office , 1933) : 305-350 . 45. Leonar d Covello , " A Hig h Schoo l an d It s Immigran t Community: A Chal-


7

lenge an d a n Opportunity, " journal o f Educational Sociology, 9(Februar y 1936) : 331—346; Covello , Heart i s the Teacher, passim. 46. Angel o Petri , A Schoolmaster o f th e Great City (Ne w York: Macmillan , 1917), 213 . 47. Juliu s Joh n Oppenheimer , The Visiting Teacher Movement: With Special Reference t o Administrative Relationships (Ne w York: Joint Committe e o n Meth ods of Preventing Delinquency, 192.5), zo, z6. 48. Oppenheimer , Visiting Teacher Movement, pp . xvii, 199, zoi. On the effor t to us e visitin g teachers familia r wit h th e neighborhoo d an d cultur e whic h the y serviced, see Paulin e V. Young , "Socia l Problem s in the Educatio n of the Immigrant Child, " American Sociological Review, 1(1936) : 414. 49. Willia m H . Maxwell , A Quarter Century o f Public School Development (New York : American Book Co. , 1912.), 190 , 191 . 50. Fran k W . Thompson , Schooling o f th e Immigrant (Ne w York: Harpe r & Brothers, 192,0) , 73 . 51. Se e Graham, Class and Community, p . 160 ; Rober t A . F. McDonald , Ad justment o f School Organization t o Various Population Groups, Contribution s t o Education (Ne w York : Teacher s College , Columbi a University , 1915), 74 ; Fran cesco Cordasco , Immigrant Children i n American Schools: A Classified an d An notated Bibliography o f Selected Source Documents (Fairfield , N.J. : A. M . Kelly , 1976), 33-34 5Z. Ne w Yor k Cit y Circular # 6 (Februar y 1918) , Teacher s Colleg e Archives, New York ; also Frederic k Martin , "Defect s o f Speech," Bulletin o f High Points i n the Work o f th e High Schools o f Ne w York City (Ma y 1919) , 2,2, . 53. Fo r th e ne w attentio n t o secondar y schooling , se e Alexander Inglis , "Secondary Education, " pp . Z5i-z69 ; Leonar d V. Koos, Trends i n American Secondary Education (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, I9Z7) ; Charles Judd, "Secondary Education, " Unite d States President's Committee on Socia l Trends, American Civilization Today: A Summary o f Recent Social Trends, ed . b y John T . Greena n (New York : McGraw Hill , 1934) , 3Z5-38i ; Sizer, Secondary Schools at th e Turn of th e Century; Lawrenc e Cremin , "Th e Revolution in America n Secondary Education, 1893-1918, " Teachers College Record, 56(Marc h 1955) : Z95~3o8 . Th e quote abou t Jordan i s from Spaulding , et al. , "Reorganizatio n o f Secondar y Edu cation," p. 310 . 54. Riverd a Hardin g Jordan , Nationality an d School Progress: A Study o f Americanization (Bloomington , 111.: Public School Publishing Co., i9Zi), xoz , 101 ; Chase, Ne w York a t School, p . 61 . 55. Covello , Heart i s the Teacher, p. 181 . Fo r th e relationshi p between I Q an d curriculum choices, see Mary E. Roberts, "Elimination From the Publi c High Schools of Ne w Jersey " (Ph.D . dissertation , Universit y o f Pennsylvania , 1930), zzi—zzz ; Emily G . Palmer , Pupils Wh o Leave School, Divisio n of Vocationa l Educatio n o f the Universit y of Californi a and th e Stat e Department o f Education , University of California, Part-Tim e Educatio n Series , no. 17 , divisio n bulleti n no . Z 4 (Berkeley, Calif., Januar y 1930) , especiall y 18 . Se e also Davi d K . Cohen , "Immigrant s an d the Schools, " Review o f Educational Research, 4o(February 1970): I3-Z7 . 56. Georg e Sylveste r Counts, Th e Selective Character o f American Secondary Education (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, i9zz) ; Roberts , Schools o f Ne w Jersey, pp . 141-151 , 165 ; Palmer , Pupils Wh o Leave School, pp . 18 , 3z , 4Z , Z5. 57. Everet t B. Sackett, Situations Affecting School Persistence: The Regents' In-

2.68 Notes

to pages 64—69

quiry into the Character and Cost of Public Education in the State of New York (New York : Charle s Brunin g Co., 1938), 14 . 58. Accordin g t o Edwar d Sackett , th e solutio n t o high-schoo l leavin g was fo r the school s t o provid e "suc h variet y an d vitalit y tha t student s o f ever y normal ability an d interes t ca n fin d a progra m givin g a schoo l experienc e whic h i s interesting and satisfying. " Sackett, School Persistence, p. 15 . 59. See , fo r example , Judd, Measuring th e Work o f th e Public Schools, p. 196 Roberts, Schools o f Ne w Jersey, p. 129 . Th e quot e i s from Fran k W . Thompson, "Commercial Hig h School s and Commercia l Courses i n High School, " Committee on Schoo l Inquiry , Report o n Educational Aspects o f th e Public School System o f the City of New York to the Committee on School Inquiry of the Board of Estimate an d Apportionment, par t II , subdivision III, Hig h Schools , section B. (City o New York : 1911—11) , a. 60. Josep h Kin g Van Denburg , Causes of th e Elimination o f Students i n Public Secondary Schools o f Ne w York City, Contribution s t o Educatio n (Ne w York : Bureau o f Publications, Teachers College , Columbi a University, 1911), 35 , 80 , 47 . 61. Se e Sackett, School Persistence, pp. 5 , 17 . 62.. Thompson , "Commercia l Hig h Schools, " p. 35 ; John L . Tildsley, "The Reorganization o f th e Hig h Schoo l fo r th e Servic e of Democracy, " addres s delivered at a meetin g o f th e Nationa l Educatio n Association , Jul y i , 1919 , Milwaukee , Wisconsin, reprinte d i n Bulletin o f High Points i n th e Work o f th e High Schools of Ne w York City, I(Octobe r 1919) : 13 ; Sackett, School Persistence, p. 16. 63. Alexande r Inglis, "The High Schoo l i n Evolution," Ne w Republic (Novem ber 7, 192.3) , 2 . For the qualit y of vocational education , se e John D . Russell, et al., Vocational Education, prepare d fo r th e Advisor y Committee o n Education , staf f study no . 8 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Governmen t Printing Office, 1938) . 64. So l Cohen, "Th e Industrial Educatio n Movement , 1906-1917, " American Quarterly, 20(1968) : 95—110 ; Lazerson , Origins o f th e Urban School; Lazerso n and Grubb , "Introduction," pp. 7—10 , 26—27 . 65. Caswel l an d Campbell , Curriculum Development, p . 5 . Accordin g t o Jose phine Chase , "Thi s plan o f groupin g hig h schoo l pupil s accordin g t o thei r capacities to do varied types of work allow s to the slow pupils, for whom academic work is hard , a chanc e t o substitut e suc h subject s as typewriting , shop work , modifie d science, extr a Englis h o r eve n supervise d stud y period s i n plac e o f language s o r mathematics." Chase , Ne w York a t School, pp. 61-62. 66. Thompson , "Commercial Hig h Schools," p. 20 ; Covello, Heart is the Teacher, p. 181 . See also Judd, Measuring th e Work o f th e Public Schools, p. 194 . 67. Chase , Ne w York a t School, pp. 54—55 . 68. Palmer , Pupils Wh o Leave School, p . 20 . Patrici a Graha m describe d th e educational innovation s in Marquett e County , Michigan , in a simila r fashion: "The concern fo r kindergartens , fo r th e chil d stud y movement , fo r geograph y i n th e grammar grades , fo r vocationa l educatio n i n th e hig h school—al l wer e indicative of Marquette' s effort s t o follo w what wa s considere d ne w an d best , o r th e wor d that wa s often used as a synonym for new an d bes t in national pedagogical circles , 'progressive.' " Graham, Class and Community, p . 85. 69. Palmer , Pupils Wh o Leave School, p. 49 . Se e Dewey's denunciatio n of test ing an d stratification , "Mediocrity an d Individuality, " The New Republic (December 6 , 1922) , 35—37 ; "Individuality , Equality, and Superiority, " Th e Ne w Republic (Decembe r 13, 1922) , 61—63 .

Notes t o pages 69-74 2-^

9

70. Tildsley , "Reorganizatio n o f the High School, " pp. 10-11. 71. Inglis , "The High Schoo l i n Evolution," p . 2, . 72. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-lntellectualism in American Life (New York: Knopf, 1962.), 33Z-358 .

3: "AMERICANIZING " TH E HIGH SCHOOLS i. Amon g the important assessment s of school enrollments , se e Bernard D. Karpinos an d Herber t J . Sommers , "Educationa l Attainmen t o f Urba n Yout h i n Var ious Income Classes," parts I & II , The Elementary School Journal, 4z(May 1942) : 677—687 and (Jun e 1942): 766-774; Michael Olnec k an d Marvin Lazerson, "The School Achievemen t o f Immigran t Children , 1890-1930, " History o f Education Quarterly, i4(Winte r 1974) : 453— 482; David Hogan, "Education an d the Making of the Chicag o Working Class , 1880—1930, " History o f Education Quarterly i8(Fall 1978): 227-270 ; Michael Katz , "Wh o Went t o School? " History o f Education Quarterly, i2(Fal l 1972) : 432-454 ; Car l F . Kaestle an d Mari s A . Vinovskis, Ed ucation and Social Change in Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (Cambridge , England: Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1980) ; Carl F . Kaestle, Pillars o f th e Republic: Common Schools an d American Society, 1780—1860 (Ne w York: Hil l an d Wang, 1983). According t o th e 196 0 census , second-generatio n male s fro m Sout h an d Eas t European countrie s (th e largest par t o f the early twentieth-century migration ) who were thirty-five t o forty-fou r year s of age (therefore of high-school ag e in the 1930 5 and '405 ) ha d achieve d th e followin g average numbe r of year s o f schooling : Austria, 12.2 ; Poland , 11.5 ; Czechoslovakia, 11.9 ; Hungary , 12.0 ; Yugoslavia , 12.0 ; Lithuania, 12.3 ; Finland, 12.3 ; U.S.S.R., 12.7 ; Italy, 11.4 . The comparable figures for wome n were : Austria , 12.2. ; Poland , 11.3 ; Czechoslovakia , 11.8 ; Hungary , 12.0; Yugoslavia, 12.1 ; Lithuania, 12.2 ; Finland, 12.3 ; U.S.S.R., 12.4 ; Italy, 11.3. These figures are adapte d fro m Tabl e 6. 4 i n Stanley Lieberson, A Piece of th e Pie: Blacks an d White Immigrants Since 1880 (Berkeley : University of Californi a Press, 1980), 130. Without exception , thi s meant that the average child of second-generation Eastern o r Souther n Europea n immigrant s had a t leas t entere d hig h school an d i n many cases ha d graduated . For the educationa l aspiration s o f these immigrants, see Timothy L . Smith, "Immigrant Socia l Aspiration s an d America n Education , 1880—1930, " American Quarterly, 21(1969) : 523—543 . Fo r th e hig h achievemen t that immigrant s associ ated wit h high-schoo l attendance , se e Thomas W . Gutowski , "The High Schoo l as an Adolescent-Raisin g Institution : A n Inne r Histor y o f Chicag o Publi c Secondary Education, 1856-1940 " (Ph.D . dissertation, Universit y of Chicago, 1978) , 9-18. The developmen t o f the hig h school i s discussed i n Edwar d A . Krug , Th e Shaping o f th e American High School, 2 vols. (Madison , Wis.: Universit y of Wisconsi Press, 1969 , 1972) ; Theodore R . Sizer, Secondary Schools at the Turn o f th e Century (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1964) ; Lawrenc e Cremin , "Th e Revolution i n America n Secondar y Education , 1893—1918, " Teachers College Record, 56(March 1955) : 295—308 ; Alexande r J . Inglis , "Secondar y Education, " i n I . L. Kandel (ed.) , Twenty-Five Years o f American Secondary Education (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1921) . For ho w th e college s responded t o th e ne w onslaught , se e Harold S . Wechsler,

2,70 Notes

t o pages 74—76

The Qualified Student: A History of Selective College Admissions in America (New York: Joh n Wile y an d Sons , 1977) ; Davi d O . Levine , The American College and the Culture of Aspiration, 1915—1940 (Ithaca , N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1986) . Niccola Sacco' s quot e appear s i n Herber t Ehrmann , Th e Case That Will No t Die: Commonwealth vs. Sacco and Vanzetti (Boston: Little Brown, 1969), 315; Leonard Covell o (wit h Guid o D'Agostino) , Th e Heart i s the Teacher (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill, 1958) , 39 . 2.. Elwoo d Cubberly , editor's introductio n t o Elber t K. Fretwell, Extra-Curricular Activities i n Secondary Schools (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1931) , vi . Se e als o Thomas H . Briggs , Secondary Education (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1934) , 138—19 1 and passim . 3. I t was common observatio n i n the teens, twenties , and thirtie s that Jews wer e the mos t eage r fo r education . Thus , Alexande r Dushki n observe d "I t ha s bee n ascertained tha t the Russia n Jews, i n spite o f their comparative poverty, sen d mor e of thei r childre n t o th e hig h school s o f thi s city , an d permi t the m t o sta y ther e longer tha n an y othe r ethni c group. " Quote d i n Rober t E . Par k an d Herber t H . Miller, Ol d World Traits Transplanted (Ne w York: Harpe r & Brothers , 192,1) , 37. Se e als o Thoma s Ressner , Th e Golden Door: Italian an d Jewish Immigrant Mobility i n New York City 1880—191 5 (Ne w York: Oxfor d University Press, 1977), 95—99; Lazerso n and Olneck , "Th e School Achievemen t of Immigran t Children" ; Ronald H . Bayor , Neighbors i n Conflict, Th e Irish, Germans, Jews, an d Italians of New York City, 1929-194 1 (Baltimore : Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press, 1978) , 15—16. For differen t averag e years of school attainmen t se e above note i . As earl y a s 1911 , almos t 5 0 percen t o f th e student s o f secondar y school s o f thirty-seven o f th e larges t citie s wer e o f foreign-bor n parentage; Francesc o Cordasco, Immigrant Children i n American Schools: A Classified an d Annotated Bibliography with Selected Source Documents (Fairfield , N.J.: A. M. Kelly , 1976) , 2.7 . For th e Protestan t value s of th e common-schoo l movement , se e Kaestle, Pillars o f the Republic, pp . 75-103 an d passim . 4. I n Rites o f Passage: Adolescence i n America, 1790 t o the Present (New York: Basic Books , 1977), Josep h F . Ket t note s tha t behin d th e growin g emphasi s o n adolescence amon g thos e wh o worke d wit h boy s la y "th e authenti c enthusias m . . . i n th e earl y 1900* 5 fo r a psychologica l syste m tha t subordinate d clas s an d religious difference s t o a principle of biologica l maturation." (p . 2x3) 5. Earl e Rugg , "Specia l Type s o f Activities : Studen t Participatio n i n Schoo l Government," Twenty-Fifth Yearbook o f th e National Society fo r th e Study o f Education (Bloomington , 111. : Public School Publishing Co., 192.6), 131 , (hereafter , Twenty-Fifth Yearbook, NSSE). 6. Accordin g t o Elber t Fretwell , th e premie r exponen t o f extracurricula r activities, th e 192.0 5 sa w a continuou s buzzin g of interes t i n thei r possibilities : "I n na tional an d stat e educationa l meetings, i n sectiona l an d i n loca l conferences , in college and universit y classes, and i n book an d magazin e publications, ther e ha s been, and ther e i s continuing to be , discussion of the theories an d plan s of extra-curricular activities." Fretwell , Extra-Curricular Activities, p . 5 . Fo r a brie f histor y o f th e activities, se e Galen Jones, Extra-Curricular Activities i n Relation t o th e Curriculum, Contribution s t o Educatio n (Ne w York: Burea u o f Publications , Teacher s College, Columbi a University , 1935), 13—2.9 . 7. Cubberl y i n Fretwell , Extra-Curricular Activities, p . v ; Charle s R . Foster ,

Notes t o pages 76—81

271

Extra-Curricular Activities i n the High School (Richmond , Va.: Johnson Publishing Co., 1915) , 4. 8. Leonar d V . Koos , "Analysi s o f th e Genera l Literatur e o n Extra-Curricula r Activities," Twenty-Fifth Yearbook, NSSE (192.6), 10—n . 9. Foster , Activities i n High School, p . 5 ; Thomas Brigg s quote d i n Foster , Ac tivities in High School, p. 5 ; Koos, "Analysis," p. 17 . 10. Fretwell , Extra-Curricular Activities, pp . ix , 10 ; Foster , Activities i n High School, p . 6 . 11. Gutowsk i argue s tha t b y th e 1910 5 th e ai m an d realit y o f extracurricula r activities wa s towar d maximu m control, se e Gutowski, "Hig h Schoo l a s a n Ado lescent Raisin g Institution," pp . 2,2.1—238 . 12,. Fo r surveys , see , fo r example , Gale n Jones , Activities i n Relation t o th e Curriculum; Willia m C. Reavi s an d Georg e E . Van Dyke , Nonathletic Extracurricular Activities, Bulleti n 1932, , no . 17 , Nationa l Surve y o f Secondar y Education , monograph no . z6(Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Printin g Office , 1933) . The quot e i s from Fretwell , Extra-Curricular Activities, p . 116 . 13. Nativ e whit e wa s define d fo r th e purpose s o f thi s stud y t o includ e al l stu dents whos e surname s were either British (exclusiv e of Ireland), Dutch, o r French . I hav e included thes e non-British group s i n this categor y because historically bot h the French and Dutc h were long settle d i n New York . It is certainly true that som e Germans, Jews, an d Iris h were als o lon g established in the city , but thei r numbers were smal l compared t o th e larg e migrations of the late nineteenth an d early twentieth centuries . Obviously , thos e student s o f Frenc h o r Dutc h ancestr y wh o wer e part o f the newe r immigratio n would hav e been include d among the natives. Because man y individual s of Iris h descen t hav e native-soundin g names (fo r example, White), there was probably some undercounting of Irish students. This wa s probably greates t a t Theodor e Roosevel t Hig h Schoo l wher e th e proportio n o f Irish wa s lowe r tha n migh t hav e bee n expecte d fro m th e demographic s o f th e neighborhood. All Germa n surname d individuals , except thos e wh o wer e mos t probabl y Jews, were include d a s Germans . Th e "other " categor y wa s compose d o f a ver y large variety o f individuals , including Hispanics, Scandinavians , Russians an d Pole s (wh o were probably no t Jews), Chinese , Japanese , an d thos e fro m th e Middle East . 14. Gutowsk i argue s that i n Chicag o extracurricula r participatio n ha d becom e almost a requirement by the 1930 5 because it was a critical part o f the whol e wa y in whic h high-schoo l educatio n wa s conceive d b y educators. Moreover , som e ex tracurricular participatio n wa s necessar y fo r electio n t o th e hono r societies . Se e Gutowski, "Hig h Schoo l a s an Adolescent Raisin g Institution," pp . 2,11-2.21 . While participation i n Ne w Yor k wa s generall y ver y high , i t wa s no t unifor m acros s schools and , therefore , doe s no t appea r t o hav e reflecte d across-the-board policy . At the same time, individual school principal s may have made participation almos t obligatory. 15. Thes e were : som e activity, football, basketball, track, other sports , president of th e studen t bod y o r senio r class , yearboo k staff , edito r i n chie f o f th e studen t newspaper, othe r new s staff , othe r publication , physics , chemistry , other science , other academi c clubs , Arista , gle e club , orchestra , dram a societies , socia l clubs , service, religious clubs, other activity , celebrit y status. Two othe r organization s originally included in th e tabulations , debat e an d pro -

272. Note

s to pages 81-97

gram committee , turne d ou t t o b e unusabl e because participatio n wa s eithe r to o low or th e activity was not commo n amon g enough o f the schools . 16. I n som e case s th e categorie s turne d ou t t o b e no t a s comprehensiv e a s i n others. A t Ba y Ridge, th e ver y large numbe r of student s engage d in "othe r activities" suggest s tha t th e liste d activitie s onl y accounte d fo r abou t one-hal f o f al l student participations . 17. Th e reade r shoul d not e tha t smal l populatio n groups , lik e black s and Irish , may b e absen t fro m som e activitie s withi n a schoo l mor e commonl y tha n large r population groups , lik e the Jews o r Italians . 18. Onl y a t Sewar d Par k wer e blac k wome n overrepresente d i n "othe r publi cations," bu t thi s wa s a statistica l fluk e sinc e onl y on e blac k woma n wa s i n fac t involved (se e Appendix z , Tabl e z) . 19. Jewis h me n wer e hardl y mor e conspicuou s tha n nativ e men. This i s bes t seen b y lookin g a t th e editors . O f twenty-on e mal e editors , thirtee n wer e Jews , although Jew s wer e onl y 4 5 percen t o f th e mal e population. Bu t native me n held four o f th e twenty-on e editorial chair s an d wer e mor e disproportionatel y repre sented (1 3 percen t o f th e mal e population). Indeed , th e apparen t succes s of Jewish men in becoming editors wa s inflate d becaus e of their control o f the editoria l post s at Ne w Utrecht , wher e al l editors , an d man y othe r position s o f powe r wer e i n Jewish hands . zo. Fo r th e attitude s o f Italians toward women , se e Virginia Yans McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Universit y Press, 1977) , 147 , 149-151 , an d passim ; Kessner , Golden Door, pp. 84-85. zi. Bayor , Neighbors i n Conflict, pp . 17—18 . zz. Lieberso n observe s tha t conclusion s whic h emphasiz e th e degre e t o whic h differences amon g group s ar e cultura l often suffe r fro m som e kin d of circula r rea soning: "Wh y are two or mor e groups differen t wit h respec t t o some characteristic or dependen t variable ? Presumably , they diffe r i n thei r value s o r norms . Th e ar gument the n frequentl y involve s usin g th e behaviora l attribut e on e i s tryin g t o explain a s the indicato r o f the normativ e o r valu e difference on e is trying to us e as the explanation . A pure cas e o f circula r reasoning!" Lieberson , A Piece of th e Pie, p. 8. Z3- Student s wer e admitte d t o hig h schools i n New Yor k in th e 1930 5 and '40 5 technically o n th e basi s o f ope n admission ; tha t is , student s coul d choos e wha t school the y wishe d t o attend . I n practice , however , excep t fo r thos e wh o electe d to g o t o th e academicall y exclusiv e school s lik e Stuyvesan t Hig h Schoo l wher e admission wa s b y test, mos t student s attende d hig h school s i n their area . Z4- Debora h Das h Moore , At Home i n America: Second Generation Ne w York Jews (Ne w York: Columbi a Universit y Press , 1981) , 19—58 . Moor e emphasize s the rol e o f Jewish builder s in the creatio n o f apartment house s an d th e importanc e of th e apartmen t hous e i n th e cultur e of th e second-generatio n Jew . But a loo k a t the second-generation neighborhood s in many of the satellite communitie s suggests that a goo d man y Italian s an d Jew s als o chos e t o ow n income-producing , twofamily, properties . Se e also Moore, p. 36 . Z5. I n a memoi r o f depression-er a Evande r Childs , Shirle y Jacob y Pari s note s that blac k student s wer e hardl y notice d a t Evande r Child s becaus e "The y wer e students, integrate d wit h th e rest , meetin g the sam e standard s a s th e whites , an d given neithe r advers e no r preferentia l treatment. " Jacoby , "Evande r Child s Hig h

Notes t o pages 97—115 27

3

School," The Bronx County Historical Society Journal, zi(Sprin g 1984) : 5 . In fact, whatever thei r equalit y i n th e classroom , black s wer e unnotice d i n th e bus y club and activit y lif e becaus e they wer e s o largely absent fro m these . 2.6. Th e Irish appear t o hav e bested th e Jews o n th e news staff accordin g t o Appendix z , Tabl e F , but i n fact , th e Iris h presence wa s restricte d t o on e individual. 2.7. Moore , At Home i n America, pp . Z4 , 66. 2.8. Bayor , Neighbors i n Conflict, p . i6z . O n th e neighborhoo d conflict s generally an d th e rol e o f the churches , see pp. 150-163 . Z9. Som e of th e native s ma y i n fac t hav e been Irish with Englis h surnames. Th e high proportio n o f native s i n religiou s club s make s thi s likel y a s doe s th e lo w number o f Irish a t th e school . 30. Th e lo w leve l of servic e participation, especiall y by men, a t Theodore Roo sevelt ma y b e a sig n o f lo w moral e an d a by-produc t o f a straine d socia l atmo sphere. 31. I used th e June 194 7 clas s a t Commerc e (whic h was coed ) t o ge t a glimpse of pattern s whe n th e schoo l containe d women , bu t th e number s wer e simpl y to o small an d th e rang e o f activitie s women joine d too limite d to b e very useful . 3Z. A t Ba y Ridge, the secretarie s i n the principal' s office , wh o ha d attende d th e school themselve s i n th e forties , mad e i t clea r tha t parent s usuall y chos e t o sen d their daughter s t o Ba y Ridge because it was a n exclusivel y female schoo l an d con sidered safe . This , the y tol d me , wa s especiall y tru e fo r Italians . Man y Catholi c families ma y have used Ba y Ridge as a substitut e fo r parochia l schools . (Se e Chapter 6. ) 33. Ther e i s some reaso n t o believ e that religiou s club s ma y hav e bee n hidde n behind secula r name s an d tha t therefor e th e table s underestimat e th e degre e t o which certai n groups , lik e the Iris h and Italians , joine d religious groups. Th e bes t evidence come s fro m a glanc e a t th e proportio n o f Iris h an d Italia n wome n en gaged i n "othe r activities " (Appendi x z , Tabl e N) . I f a clu b coul d no t b e catego rized because its name was obscure, it wound u p in the "other activities" category . 34. Se e Wechsler, Qualified Student, pp . 131—185 . Wechsle r argues , convinc ingly, tha t man y o f th e newe r criteri a fo r admission s wer e designe d a t school s like Columbi a t o "repe l th e invasion " o f Jewis h students . Fo r th e infectious ness o f collegiat e cultur e i n th e 'zos , se e Paul a S . Pass , The Damned an d th e Beautiful: American Youth i n th e 1920'$ (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , I977)35. Covello , Heart i s the Teacher, p. 47 . 36. Milto n M . Gordon , Assimilation i n American Life: Th e Role o f Race, Re ligion and National Origins (Ne w York: Oxford University Press, 1964) , and "As similation in America: Theory an d Reality, " Daedelus, 90(1961): z63~z85 4: NE W DAY COMING

i. "Proceedings , Th e Second National Conferenc e on the Problems of the Negr o and Negr o Youth, " January iz, 13 , 14 , 1939 , National Archives , Judicial, Social , and Fiscal Branch, RG 119 , Records o f the National Yout h Administration (NYA), series 75 , Workin g an d Dat a File s of a n NY A Histor y Project , 1935-4 3 (Admin istrative Histor y Material) , Negro Programs , p. 3 1 (hereafter , cite d a s "Proceed ings, Secon d Conference Negro Youth, " NYA) . All documents fro m th e Nationa l

2.74 Note

s to pages 115-120

Archives, Record s o f th e Nationa l Yout h Administratio n wil l b e cite d a s NA— NYA. 2. Willia m F. Russell, "Upgrading th e Illiterate Registrant for use by the Army," January 12., 1943, p. 4 , attache d t o "Memorandu m fo r the Chief of Staff: Subject: Request fo r Permissio n t o Procee d wit h Immediat e Operatio n o f Plan for Upgrad ing Illiterates, " 1 8 Januar y 1943 , Nationa l Archives , Military Referenc e Branch, RG 160, Records of Headquarters Army Service Forces, 130.5 (1-1-43 to 11-3043), entr y 153 , Director o f Military Training , Centra l Decima l File 1942-46 (Box 2.77). All documents fro m th e Militar y Referenc e Branch of the Nationa l Archive s will b e cite d a s NA-MRB . Russell' s stud y wil l hereafte r b e cite d a s Russel l Re port. 3. Harr y Zeitli n give s a good , brie f introductio n t o educationa l activitie s of th e federal governmen t befor e th e Ne w Dea l i n "Federa l Relation s in America n Education, 1933-43 : A Study of New Dea l Effort s an d Innovations, " (Ph.D . disserta tion, Teacher s College , Columbi a University, 1958), Chapter i . Zeitlin's is also the best an d mos t thoroug h stud y o f New Dea l educationa l efforts . 4. Recently , Car l F . Kaestl e and Marshal l S . Smith have denied th e significanc e of nationa l crise s fo r th e expansio n o f federa l educationa l activities . I tak e issu e with thi s perspectiv e an d rejec t thei r vie w o f th e inevitabilit y of thi s process . See Kaestle an d Smith , "Th e Federa l Rol e i n Elementar y and Secondar y Education , 1940—1980," Harvard Educational Review, 52(Novembe r 1981) : 384—408 . See also th e response s t o Kaestl e and Smit h b y Marvin Lazerson , Dian e Ravitch , an d James Q . Wilso n i n the sam e issue, pp. 409-418. 5. Unite d States National Advisor y Committee o n Education , Federal Relations to Education: Report o f th e National Advisory Committee o n Education, par t I , Committee Findings and Recommendations (Washington , D.C.: U.S . Governmen t Printing Office , 1931) , 18 , 3 0 (m y emphasis). Hereafter, thi s volum e will be cite d as USNACE part I. See also par t II , Basic Facts. 6. USNACE , part I, pp. 12-13 . 7. USNACE , part I , pp. 108 , no . 8. USNACE , part I , p. 25 . 9. Se e Paul a S . Pass , "Withou t Design : Educatio n Polic y i n th e Ne w Deal, " American Journal o f Education, 9i(Novembe r 1982) : 51—55 ; also , Davi d Tyack , Robert Low e an d Elizabet h Hansot , Public Schools i n Hard Times: Th e Great Depression an d Recent Years (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1984) . By 1942 , th e Nationa l Educatio n Associatio n (NEA ) ha d com e t o acknowledg e that th e emergenc y revealed problem s tha t loca l control ha d faile d t o address , bu t its respons e wa s a half-hearte d acceptance o f relie f an d a cal l fo r a retur n t o nor mal schooling . B y then , o f course , i t scarcel y mattered . Se e Frank N . Freeman , "Federal Yout h Agencie s and th e Public Schools," School and Society, 55(Jun e 2,0 , 1942): 702—704 . A s late a s 1964 , th e NE A hel d t o it s traditiona l commitmen t t o local control. A t its annual convention, the NEA adopted severa l resolutions. Among them were the following: "That the general federal-support funds be allocated without federal contro l t o stat e schoo l authoritie s t o b e commingle d wit h stat e publi c education funds. " "Tha t expenditure s o f th e federa l fund s b e onl y fo r th e purpose s for whic h th e state s an d localities , unde r thei r constitution s an d statutes , ma y expend thei r ow n publi c funds." Quote d i n Sidney W. Tiedt, The Role o f th e Federal Government i n Education (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1966) , 38 . 10. "Addres s b y John Sexo n t o th e Advisor y Committee [Advisor y Committee

Notes t o pages 121—122 2,7

5

on th e Educatio n o f Negroes] , Februar y 2.8 , 1938, " Nationa l Archives , Judicial, Social, an d Fisca l Branch, RG 12, , Record s o f th e Offic e o f Education , inventor y item 17 , Offic e Fil e of Ambros e Caliver. Material fro m thi s fil e will hereafte r b e cited a s Calive r Papers. ii. Se e the heate d discussio n amon g blac k educator s concernin g the collectin g of separat e statistic s o n blac k hig h school s fo r th e Offic e o f Educatio n surve y o f secondary schools, in "National Advisory Committee on the Education of Negroes, Howard University , July 2.9, 1931," in Calive r Papers. ix. Fo r Roosevelt' s attitud e towar d th e Offic e o f Educatio n an d th e educatio n profession, se e Zeitlin, "Federa l Relation s i n American Education," pp. 188—314 ; for th e emergency grant to schools , se e Floyd W. Reeves , "Purposes an d Functions of th e Advisor y Committe e o n Education, " i n Nationa l Educatio n Association , Proceedings o f th e Seventy-Fifth Annual Meeting, 75(Washington , D.C.: Nationa l Education Association , 1937) , 3 8 (hereafter , Proceedings, NEA); an d Georg e F . Zook, "Federa l Ai d t o Education, " i n Proceedings, NEA, 71 (1934) , p . 40 . I n 1950, th e Brooking s Institution issued a report whic h condemned th e Ne w Deal' s relegation o f th e Offic e o f Educatio n t o a n insignifican t status, ye t noted through out tha t th e Offic e wa s a third-rat e agency . Se e the complet e report , Holli s P . Allen, The Federal Government and Education: The Original and Complete Study of Education fo r th e Hoover Commission Task Force o n Public Welfare (Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1950) , especially 2,09-111. 13. "Advisor y Committe e o n th e Educatio n o f Negroes, 194 0 meeting , St. Louis, February 17 , 1940, " in Caliver Papers. 14. Th e statemen t o f sentiment s b y black s i s foun d i n "Nint h Meetin g o f th e National Educatio n Committee , Atlanti c City, Februar y 17, 1935, " i n Calive r Papers. Caliver's liaso n rol e is clearl y see n i n th e controvers y ove r th e collectio n o f statistics o n blac k secondar y school s whic h emerge d a t th e Nationa l Advisor y Com mittee on th e Educatio n of Negroes meetin g in 193 1 at Howar d University ; see p. 4 o f th e minutes , "Nationa l Advisor y Committee, Howar d University, " in Calive r Papers. Whe n Presiden t John P . Davi s deplored th e proposa l fo r a separat e stud y of blac k land-gran t college s a s " a jok e an d travesty, " h e aske d pointedly , "jus t how fa r ar e we going to len d our influence , etc . toward a thing like that?" Caliver, as representativ e of th e Offic e o f Education , woul d no t le t himsel f b e goade d int o taking an y more than a n expository position . When th e Offic e o f Educatio n assume d a large r shar e o f responsibilit y fo r th e National Yout h Administratio n afte r 1940 , i t wa s frequentl y take n t o tas k b y interested blacks , lik e Rober t Weaver , i n the Roosevel t administration . A t one poin t the Offic e an d Commissione r Studebake r wer e strongl y condemne d a t a hearin g on fai r employmen t practices fo r thei r inactivit y in providing black s a fai r shar e of NYA war-related training . The hearing came to a fitting climax when it was noted, "The Committe e has foun d tha t ther e is sometimes a correlation between a Federal agency's employment policy in regard to discriminatio n an d it s administrative policy i n takin g effectiv e measure s t o eliminat e discriminatio n i n area s subjec t to it s control." Th e hirin g polic y a t th e Offic e o f Educatio n provide d a les s tha n ade quate effort , sinc e o f it s 69 3 employees , "32 . o r les s tha n 5 % ar e Negroes , 2 0 of whom ar e i n custodia l positions, with onl y on e in sub-professiona l and i in professional positions. " Se e "Summary o f th e Hearin g o n Fai r Employmen t Practice on Discriminatio n in Defens e Trainin g wit h Finding s and Direction s Hel d Apri l

2.j6 Notes

t o pages 123—12 7

13, I94Z, " attache d t o a lette r t o Commissione r John W . Studebake r fro m Lau rence N. Cramer, July 3,1942., National Archives, Judicial, Social, and Fiscal Branch, RG iz , Records o f the Offic e o f Education, 90 1 Historical File , Negro Education . This file will hereafter be cite d a s Offic e o f Education , Historica l File-Negro . 15. Se e C. S . Marsh , "Th e Educational Progra m o f th e Civilia n Conservatio n Corps," Bulletin o f th e Department o f Secondary School Principals of th e National Education Association, 50(1934) : zi6—2.17 . Fo r th e CC C generally , see Georg e Philip Rawick , "The Ne w Dea l an d Youth : Th e Civilia n Conservatio n Corps , th National Yout h Administration an d th e American Youth Congress, " (Ph.D. dissertation, Universit y of Wisconsin , 1957) ; John A . Salmond, Th e Civilian Conservation Corps, 15)33—1942 : A Ne w Deal Case Study (Durham , N.C.: Duk e University Press, 1967) . Salmon d discusses the educationa l effort s o n pp . 47—54 . 16. Se e Zeitlin, "Federa l Relation s i n American Education," pp . 92, 95 ; Amer ican Counci l o n Education , Th e Civilian Conservation Corps: Recommendations of th e American Youth Commission o f th e American Council on Education (Wash ington, D.C. : America n Council on Education , 1941) , 18 , zo ; Unite d States Advisory Committe e o n Education , Report o f th e Advisory Committee (Washington , D.C.: U.S . Government Printing Office, 1938) , ii5-i3z (hereafter , cite d a s USAGE, 1938); Allen, Federal Government and Education, pp . 93—94 . 17. Fo r th e numbe r o f yout h reache d b y NYA , se e Charles H . Judd , "Federa l Aid t o Education, " NA-NYA-Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , Offic e o f th e Director , series 115 , "Files, Address—NYA an d General, " p. 3 . See also Palmer O. Johnso n and Oswal d L . Harvey, The National Youth Administration, Staf f Stud y #13, prepared fo r the Advisor y Committee on Educatio n (Washington , D.C.: U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1938) , 7 ; Reeves , "Purposes an d Function s o f th e Advisory Committee," p . z8 . 18. Th e quot e i s fro m Johnso n an d Harvey , Th e National Youth Administration, p. iz . For complaint s abou t th e bypassin g of traditional institutions , see Lotus D . Coffman , "Federa l Suppor t an d Socia l Responsibilit y for Education, " Na tional Educatio n Association , Proceedings, NEA, 74(i936):4i3—42.1 . The Offic e o f Education wa s activel y hostile to th e NY A an d b y 193 8 was campaigning t o destro y th e agency . I n 1940 , th e Offic e wa s give n a rol e i n NYA' s vocational educatio n progra m an d ver y soo n thereafte r it absorbe d large portion s of NYA' s defens e industr y trainin g program, t o whic h NY A effort s wer e largel y directed by 1941 . By this time, NYA was effectivel y finishe d a s a New Dea l agency. See Rawick, "The Ne w Dea l an d Youth, " pp. Z5Z—z6i . 19. Th e quot e i s fro m Doa k S . Campbell , Frederic k H . Bair , an d Oswal d L . Harvey, Educational Activities o f th e Works Progress Administration, Staf f Stud y #14, prepared fo r the Advisor y Committee on Educatio n (Washington , D.C.: U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1939) , zo—zi . The Brookings Institution made an elaborate critique of New Deal programs an d argued tha t th e relie f program s di d deepl y intrud e o n traditiona l educationa l territory; se e Allen, The Federal Government an d Education, pp . 91-99. zo. Campbell , et al. , Works Progress Administration, p. 157 . zi. Hopkins' s speec h i s reprinted i n Zeitlin , "Federa l Relation s in Education, " pp. 348-35Z ; th e quoted passag e appears o n p. 349 . zz. "Addres s by Aubre y Williams, text of Inglis Lectur e give n t o Graduat e School of Education , Thursday, February 15, 1940, " NA—NYA—Offic e o f Negr o Affairs ,


7

series 11 5 "Correspondence , Reports , Informatio n File, 1938-41," pp. 3, 6, 9, n, 12. 13. Nanc y J. Weiss , Farewell to th e Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in th e Ag e of FD R (Princeton , N.J. : Princeto n Universit y Press, 1983) , discusse s th e initia l indifference o f New Dealer s t o black s (pp. 34—59) an d Eleano r Roosevelt's impor tant rol e i n changin g thi s situatio n (pp . 110-135). Se e also Harvar d Sitkoff , A New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as A National Issue —The Depression Decade (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1978), 34-57. 24. "Proceedings , Secon d Conferenc e Negro Youth, " NYA , p. 2.7 . 2.5. Th e descriptio n o f William s i s fro m Sitkoff , Ne w Deal fo r Blacks, p . 73 . The quot e i s from "Fina l Repor t 1943, " NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , entr y 118, p . 100 ; th e figure s o n blac k participatio n ar e o n p . 21 2 o f thi s report . Fo r Harold Ickes' s rol e an d significance , se e John B . Kirby , Black Americans i n th e Roosevelt Era: Liberalism and Race (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1980), 17-352.6. Th e quotatio n i s from Johnso n an d Harvey , Th e National Youth Administration, pp . 17—28 . Th e figure s o n graduate-studen t ai d ar e fro m "Fina l Repor t 1943," NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , entr y 118, p. 102 . For Bethune' s specia l commitmen t t o th e graduate-studen t fund , see , for ex ample, "Minutes , Regiona l Conferenc e College an d NY A Official s o f th e Colleg e Work Program , Septembe r 6 , 1940, " NA—NYA—Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , serie s 117, Negr o Conferences , p . 6 . Bethun e kep t a shar p ey e on thi s fund . I n he r in structions to he r assistant , sh e is recorded a s saying, "Go ove r with Dr . Judd very carefully th e applicatio n o f th e Specia l Fund. I don't wan t anything done s o far a s allocations ar e concerne d unles s I have had a chance to se e it. We must b e carefu l in the handling of this fun d thi s year." "Long Distance Call—Mrs . Bethune to Mr . Lanier, Augus t 12 , 10:3 0 A.M . (1940), " NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , serie s 116, "File of early 'inactive' correspondenc e 1935-1938. " 27. Th e quot e i s fro m Rawick , "The New Dea l an d Youth, " p . 148 . Se e also Salmond, Th e Civilian Conservation Corps, pp. 91—96 . For CC C enrollments , see Zeitlin, "Federa l Relations i n Education, " p . 10 7 an d Edga r G . Brown , "Civilia n Conservation Corps , Summary—Th e Progra m i n Action, " NA—NYA—Offic e o f Negro Affairs , serie s 115, "Correspondence , Reports , Informatio n File 1938—1941— Addresses NY A an d General. " Fo r segregatio n an d personne l i n CC C camps , American Counci l o n Education , Th e Civilian Conservation Corps, p . 18 . For th e experience o f blacks in the CC C generally , see Salmond, The Civilian Conservation Corps, pp . 88—101 . 28. "Proceedings , Secon d Conferenc e Negro Youth, " NYA, p. 62 . 29. "Annua l Repor t o f th e Divisio n o f Negr o Affairs , Jul y i , 1936—Jun e 30 , I 937>" (Jun e 3° , !937) > NA-NYA—Offic e o f Negro Affairs , serie s 115 , pp. 2 , 8 , 9. For Bethune' s role , se e Kirby, Black Americans i n the Roosevelt Era, pp . 110 121; Weiss , Farewell to th e Party o f Lincoln, pp . 137—148 . Fo r a critica l assessment o f Bethune's role an d views , se e B. Joyce Ross , "Mar y McLeod Bethun e an d the Nationa l Yout h Administration : A Cas e Stud y o f Powe r Relationship s i n th e Black Cabine t o f Franklin D. Roosevelt, " Th e Journal o f Negro History, 6o ( January 1975): 1-28 . 30. "Proceedings , Secon d Conferenc e Negr o Youth, " NYA , p. 2 . 31. "Fina l Repor t 1943, " NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , entr y 118, p. 38 .

2,78 Note

s to pages 131-133

At a meeting in 1935 , Aubrey Williams declared that h e hoped "t o hav e a Negr o in eac h stat e a s part o f th e staff . Canno t guarante e this, bu t wil l wor k o n it; " see "Meeting of Negr o Leaders, " August 8 , 1935 , entr y 11 8 i n th e sam e file with th e final report. Bethun e worked t o hol d William s to hi s word: " I hav e been promise d a strong stalwar t Negr o assistan t i n every State where we had a n appreciable number o f Negroes. I am holdin g m y executives t o tha t promise; " see Bethune address in "Th e Conferenc e of the National Yout h Administration, September 9—10, 1938 , Hay-Adams House, " par t I , p. 6 , NA-NYA , serie s 75 , Workin g an d Dat a File s of A n NYA History Project , 1935-43 (Administrativ e History Material) , Advisory Committees. (Hereafte r cited a s "Conference, Hay-Adam s House," NYA.) 32,. "Minutes , Regiona l Conference s Colleg e an d NYA , Official s o f th e Colleg e Work Program , Septembe r 6 , 1940, " NA—NYA—Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , serie s 117, pp. 4, 6 . 33. "Conference , Hay-Adam s House," NYA, pp. 2 , 5. Bethune kep t i n touc h wit h loca l officers , throug h letters , calls , an d visits . See, for example , "Mrs . Bethune' s Propose d Tri p t o th e Wes t Coast, " NA-NYA-Offic e of Negr o Affairs , serie s 116 , "Fil e o f earl y 'inactive ' correspondence. " Fo r Be thune's styl e an d influence , se e Weiss, Farewell to th e Party o f Lincoln, pp . 139 — 148. 34. "Minutes , Regiona l Conferenc e Colleg e an d NYA , Official s o f th e Colleg e Work Program , Septembe r 6 , 1940, " NA-NYA-Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , serie s 117, Negro Conferences , p. n. 35. "Fina l Repor t 1943, " NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , entr y 118 , p. 39 . For the Foru m Projec t in Georgia , se e Nathaniel P . Tillman, "The Statewid e Public Forum Project : A n Experimen t i n Civi c Educatio n Amon g Negroe s i n Georgia, " part I , NA-NYA—Publications, Georgia . Lasseter wa s brough t t o Washingto n b y William s afte r a n extremel y successfu l period a s a Georgi a administrator . A t on e conferenc e he was honore d b y Bethune and others . " I wan t t o than k Georgi a fo r whatever i t did in helping to inspir e Mr . Lasseter t o loo k wit h a straigh t ey e int o th e problem s o f Negr o yout h i n thi s country. I hav e bee n wit h th e Nationa l Yout h Administratio n sinc e it s inception , and w e hav e neve r ha d i n tha t offic e a ma n wh o ha d th e kee n insigh t int o th e problems o f the Negro an d wh o ha s been mor e willing , a s the Deput y Assistant t o Mr. Aubre y Williams, to carr y on i n a fai r an d jus t way the program fo r Negroes, Chinese, Japanese , an d everybod y tha t ha s to b e encountered tha n Mr . Lasseter. " "Minutes, Regiona l Conferenc e Colleg e an d NY A Official s o f th e Colleg e Wor k Program, Septembe r 6 , 1940," NA-NYA-Office o f Negro Affairs , serie s 117 , Negro Conferences, p . 20 . 36. Ine z F . Oliveros , "Fina l Repor t o f th e Nationa l Yout h Administratio n fo r the Stat e o f Georgia," NA—NYA—Fina l Stat e Reports , Florida—Georgia . 37. Willia m H . Shell , "Th e Negr o an d th e Nationa l Yout h Administratio n i n Georgia," prepare d fo r the National Conferenc e on the Problems of the Negro an d Negro Youth," NA-NYA-Publications, Georgia , pp . 19 , 2.0 , 2,2, . 38. Shell , "The Negr o an d th e National Yout h Administratio n i n Georgia," pp. 30-31. 39. Th e quotatio n abou t th e NY A i s fro m "Fina l Repor t 1943, " NA-NYA Office o f Negr o Affairs , entr y 118 , p . 214 . Th e student s ar e quote d i n Negro Youth i n Kentucky, NA-NYA-Publications , Kentucky . The statisti c o n high-schoo l attendanc e i s fro m Davi d T . Blos e an d Ambros e

Notes t o pages 133-141 2.7

9

Caliver, "Statistic s o f th e Educatio n o f Negroes, " Circula r #2.15 , Offic e o f Edu cation, Historica l File—Negro . 40. "Fina l Repor t 1943, " NA-NYA—Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , entr y 118 , pp . 116—117. 41. Johnson i s quoted i n "Proceedings , Secon d Conferenc e Negro Youth, " N Y A, p. n. Bethune's lette r o f transmitta l appear s i n "Repor t o f the National Confer ence o n th e Problem s o f th e Negr o an d Negr o Youth, " hel d i n th e governmen t auditorium, Department o f Labor, January 6—8 , 1937 , NA—NY A—Office o f Negr o Affairs, serie s 116 , "Fil e o f 'inactive ' correspondence , 1935-38. " John Kirb y dis cusses th e dissatisfactio n that accompanie d thes e successe s in Black Americans i n the Roosevelt Era, pp. 224-225 • 42. "Repor t Concernin g Firs t Si x Months o f th e Wor k o f th e Offic e o f Negr o Affairs," n o date , NA-NYA-Offic e o f Negr o Affairs , serie s 116 , "Fil e o f earl y 'inactive' correspondence. " 43. Quote d i n Zeitlin, "Federa l Relation s i n Education," p . 20 5 note 36 . 44. Reeve s make s thi s poin t i n "Purpose s an d Function s o f the Advisor y Committee," p . 29. 45. "Proceedings , Secon d Conferenc e Negro Youth, " NY A, p. 32 . 46. USAGE, 1938, pp. 4-5, 33, 38, 4. 47. USAGE, 1938, pp. 19, 39. 48. Doxe y A . Wilkerson, Special Problems of Negro Education, Staf f Stud y #12, prepared fo r th e Advisor y Committee o n Educatio n (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1939) ; USAGE , 1938 , p. 49 . 49. I foun d School Money i n Black an d White, i n NA-NYA-Offic e o f Negr o Affairs, serie s 120—Miscellaneous. The pamphle t was base d "Upo n statistica l ma terial assemble d by the Committe e o n Financ e of the National Conferenc e on Fundamental Problem s i n th e Educatio n o f Negroes , Ma y 9—10 , 1934. " The confer ence wa s organize d b y Calive r wh o als o recruite d th e Juliu s Rosenwal d Fun d t o finance the publication. 50. Se e the lette r fro m Secretar y of War Henr y Stimson to Congressma n Franci s D. Brow n wit h th e attache d lis t of participating college s an d universities , September 30 , 1944 , NA-MRB , R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General's Office , 35 3 Training, (9-16-4 4 t o 9-20-44 ) (Bo x 2656); "History o f Military Training ASF, " 5 September 1944 , NA—MRB , R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General's Office , AG 35 3 AST P (formerl y classified ) (Bo x 2204). The arm y was deluge d wit h request s b y young men an d thei r parents seekin g to participate in thes e benefits . See, for example , lette r t o th e Adjutan t Genera l fro m William A . R. Hawley, 6 May 1943 , NA—MRB , RG 407, Record s o f the Adjutant General's Office , A G 35 3 (5-6-4 3 t o 5-7-43 ) (Box 2670 ) an d th e lette r addresse d to Presiden t Roosevelt ("Dea r Uncl e Sam"), n Ma y 1943 i n the same box. Thes e were bu t tw o o f hundreds of simila r requests. 51. Se e especially Ulysses Lee, Th e Employment o f Negro Troops, i n the special studies serie s b y th e Offic e o f th e Chie f o f Militar y History , Unite d State s Army , United States Army i n World Wa r I I (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Governmen t Print ing Office , 1966) ; Samue l A . Stouffer , e t al. , Th e American Soldier: Adjustment During Army Life, vol . I (Princeton, N.J.: Princeto n University Press, 1949) , Chap ter 10 . 52. Durin g the earl y phases o f recruitment , the nav y was insulate d fro m thes e problems b y th e fac t tha t it s quota s wer e filled largely throug h volunteer s rather

2.8o Notes

t o pages 141-144

than throug h selectiv e service. Blacks were largel y absent fro m th e nav y except a s messmen. See Lee, Employment o f Negro Troops, p . 89 . Afte r Februar y 1943, th e recruitment for various services was integrated, an d al l men were inducted throug h selective service ; see Lee, Employment o f Negro Troops, pp . 406-407 . 53. Stouffer , e t al. , The American Soldier, p . 494 ; Lee , Employment o f Negro Troops, p . 240 . 54. "Th e Trainin g o f Negr o Troops, " Stud y #36 , Historica l Section , Arm y Ground Forces , 1946 , p. ii , available at th e U.S. Center o f Military History, Wash ington, D.C . 55. "Th e Trainin g of Negro Troops, " pp. iii , 7. 56. Th e tabl e i s draw n fro m "Comman d o f Negr o Troops, " Wa r Departmen t Pamphlet No. zo-6 , February 29, 1944 , as reprinted i n Morris J. MacGrego r an d Bernard C . Nalt y (eds.) , Blacks i n th e United States Armed Forces: Basic Documents, vol . V , Black Soldiers i n World Wa r I I (Wilmington , Del. : Scholarl y Resources, Inc. , 1977) , 311 . 57. "Th e Trainin g o f Negro Troops," p. ii. 58. Samue l Goldberg, Army Training o f Illiterates i n World War II , Contribu tions t o Educatio n (Ne w York : Burea u of Publications, Teacher s College , Colum bia University , 1951), 12 . Hershey i s quoted o n p. ii. The Fourt h Cor p are a (Servic e Command ) wa s composed o f Alabama , Florida, Mississippi, North Carolina , Sout h Carolin a an d Tennessee. Th e Eighth Corp con sisted o f Arkansas, Louisiana, New Mexico , Oklahoma , an d Texas . 59. Lewi s B. Hershey t o Secretar y of War, i i Septembe r 1941 , NA—MRB , RG 407, Record s o f th e Adjutan t General' s Office , 350. 5 "Illiterac y i n th e Army " (1-1-40 to 12-31-41 ) (Bo x 2613). 60. Arm y Service Forces, Offic e o f th e Directo r o f Militar y Training, "Histor y of Training , Specia l Trainin g Units , Octobe r 1940—Decembe r 194 4 wit h Supple ment t o 3 1 Decembe r 1945, " typescrip t i n th e U.S . Cente r o f Militar y History , Washington, D.C . Se e als o "Personne l Utilization : Selection , Classification , an d Assignment o f Militar y Personne l in th e Arm y of th e Unite d States Durin g Worl d War II, " b y th e staf f o f th e Classificatio n and Replacemen t Branch, th e Adjutant General's Office , Septembe r 1947 , NA-MRB, RG 319 , Records o f the Army Staff , ACMH Historica l Manuscrip t File , 4-1. 4 BA . Hereafter , thi s file is cited a s "Per sonnel Utilization. " The voluntar y programs ar e briefl y describe d an d evaluate d i n th e Russel l Re port, pp. 5-9 . 61. Russel l Report, p . 2 ; Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, p . 14 . 62. Bilb o is quoted i n El i Ginzberg and Dougla s W. Bray , The Uneducated (New York: Columbi a University Press, 1953) , 65 . Fo r th e violenc e i n the sprin g of 1943 , see Lee, Employment o f Negro Troops, pp . 366—379 . For complaints abou t dumping o f les s desirabl e personne l i n suppl y unit s an d it s consequences , see , fo r ex ample, the lette r t o Directo r o f Training, Service s of Supply from Brigadier General William R . Dear , 2 7 Octobe r 1942 , NA-MRB, R G 407 , Record s o f the Adjutant General's Office , 35 3 (formerly , Classifie d Decimal File 1940—42 ) (Bo x 501) which notes, "Th e continue d an d increase d rat e o f receipt o f Grade I V and V individuals in th e Medica l Replacemen t Trainin g Center s togethe r wit h wha t i s a n apparen t dumping o f limite d service personnel . . . wil l seriousl y impai r training and wil l eventually mak e the tas k o f adequatel y maintaining the healt h of the Arm y impossible."

Notes t o pages 144—146 2.8

1

63. Se e "Memorandum fo r the Adjutant General, Subject : Specia l Training Units, " 10 June 1943 , NA-MRB, R G 407 , Record s o f the Adjutan t General' s Office , 35 3 (6-10-43 to 6-12-43) (Box 2.669). 64. Fo r estimat e o n black s i n Special Training Units , see "Establishment o f Special Trainin g Units, " 2, 8 Ma y 1943 , NA-MRB, R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutant General's Office , 35 3 Trainin g (5-14-43 ) (Bo x 1665) , p . z ; Lee , Employment o f Negro Troops, pp . 411—41 3 discusse s blac k rejections . 65. Th e quot e o n federa l policy i s fro m Lee , Employment o f Negro Troops, p . 76; th e discussio n o f Negr o unit s i s i n "Personne l Utilization, " p . 246 . Le e dis cusses th e proportiona l quot a issu e an d th e problem s wit h it s implementatio n i n Employment o f Negro Troops, pp . 111—178 . 66. I n it s effort s t o sif t an d plac e draftees , th e arm y bega n t o us e mor e an d more examination s an d a variet y o f intervie w procedures t o determin e menta l ap titude a s well as particular talents . The test s wer e o f both th e literat e an d nonliter ate variet y an d administere d individually . These exam s wer e fa r mor e exactin g than th e arm y Alphas and Beta s of World Wa r I . Far more tha n i n the First Worl d War, th e arm y ha d com e t o depen d o n th e expertis e o f psychologists an d psychi atrists wh o had , i n the meantime, develope d fa r more sophisticate d tests . The army had, i n turn , becom e fa r mor e sophisticate d i n thei r administratio n an d i n the use of follow-up s a s th e occasio n required . Inductio n procedure s no w require d per sonal interviews , a n assessmen t o f pas t schooling , a n appraisa l o f literac y wher e schooling wa s deficient , and th e administratio n o f divers e testin g instrument s de pending o n tha t appraisal . Beyon d th e initia l induction , "Th e Arm y Classification system," wa s i n the word s o f one of its students, a "continuou s proces s durin g the entire period of a n enliste d man' s activ e service." Goldberg, Training o f Illiterates, p. 41 . A descriptio n o f a n individual' s qualification s "accompanied eac h enlisted man throughout hi s Army career and provide d the data for entries on hi s discharge certificate." Se e also Lieutenan t Colone l Leonar d Lerwill , "Personnel Replacemen t System o f th e Unite d State s Army, " Departmen t o f th e Arm y Pamphlet #2.0-2.11 , August 1954 , U.S. Center o f Military History , Washington , D.C . 67. Th e figures are from Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, Table III , p. 65 . Ther e were a t leas t 100,00 0 me n inducte d befor e Jun e 194 3 wh o als o receive d literacy training; se e "Memo fo r Assistan t o f Staff, Illiterate s in th e Army, " 2. 1 April 1944, NA—MRB, RG 407 , Record s o f the Adjutan t General's Office , 32.7. 1 Induction (4 1-44 t o 4-30-44) . Ginzber g an d Bra y estimat e tha t approximatel y 384,00 0 illiter ates wer e inducte d int o th e arm y durin g th e entir e cours e o f th e war . O f these , 164,000 were black . Se e Ginzberg and Bray , The Uneducated, p . 73 . 68. Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, p . 2.44 . See , also , Stouffer , e t al. , Th e American Soldier, pp. 492—493 . 69. Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, Tabl e III , p . 65 , Tabl e Ilia , p . 66 , Tabl e Ilk, p. 67. 70. Th e quot e i s from Ginzber g and Bray , The Uneducated, p . 68 . For th e clos e supervisio n o f Specia l Trainin g Units , see , fo r example , "Metho d of Trainin g i n Specia l Trainin g Units, " NA—MRB , R G 160 , Record s o f th e Army Service Forces , entr y 153 , 350.3 , 3 1 Octobe r 1943 ; also, th e directiv e from Briga dier Genera l W . L . Weibl e t o Commandin g Genera l Firs t Servic e Command , "Methods o f Training i n Specia l Trainin g Units," 3 August 1943, NA—MRB , R G 407, Record s o f th e Adjutan t General' s Office , 35 7 Responsibilit y fo r Trainin g (Box 319) .

2,82. Notes

t o pages 146—147

For segregatio n o f units , se e the not e attache d t o a draf t mem o "Establishmen t of Specia l Trainin g Unit s i n Receptio n Centers, " 1 0 Ma y 1943 , NA—MRB , R G 160, Record s o f th e Arm y Servic e Forces , entr y 153 , 350. 5 whic h notes , "I t i s desired tha t provisio n b e mad e t o house , mess , trai n whit e an d colore d troop s separately, althoug h the y may occup y adjacen t barrack s in the sam e reception cen ter." Th e arm y had problem s providing enoug h Specia l Training Uni t facilitie s for blacks whe n the y wer e firs t reorganized , se e "Special Trainin g Units, " 2 7 September 1943 , NA—MRB , R G 160 , Record s o f th e Arm y Servic e Forces , entr y 153 , 350.5. 71. Arm y Servic e Forces, Offic e o f th e Directo r o f Militar y Training , "Histor y of Training , Specia l Trainin g Units, " p . 26 ; Goldberg, Training o f Illiterates, pp . 169, 174-175 , 232 . 72. On e repor t note d tha t "Spanis h i s th e leadin g foreig n tongu e wit h Italia n and Chines e i n secon d an d thir d places . Th e thre e accoun t fo r 7 0 percen t o f th e language problem. However , i t i s only i n the Frenc h (Acadians ) and th e America n Indian group s tha t w e fin d a hig h percentag e o f me n wh o ar e illiterat e i n thei r native tongu e a s wel l a s English. " "Summar y o f Repor t o f Specia l Training Units and Literac y Schools o f the Army—Perio d January 1 6 to Februar y 15 , 194 3 inclusive," 3 Apri l 1943 , NA—MRB , R G 160 , Record s o f th e Arm y Servic e Forces , entry 153 , 350.5. 73. See , fo r example , "Teachin g Device s for Specia l Trainin g Units, " Wa r De partment Pamphle t #2.0.2., 3 0 Decembe r 1943 , Nationa l Archive s Publications ; "Publication o f W. D . Pamphlet 'Instructio n i n Special Trainin g Units, ' " January 28, 1944 , NA-MRB, R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General's Office , 35 3 (i 26-44 to 1-31-44) (B°x 2662), which includes War Department Pamphlet #20.8, 10 Apri l 1944 ; an d R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General's Office , A G 300. 7 EM 16 0 (2 8 Augus t 1944 ) whic h include s the widel y use d reader , "Mee t Privat e Pete" wit h specification s fo r distributio n t o Specia l Trainin g Units . Th e quot e i s from "Teachin g Devices for Specia l Training Units, " p . 3 . 74. Eight y percent o f al l me n require d sixt y days or less ; Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, p. 274 . Fo r honorable discharges of failures, se e "Memorandum For the Adjutant General : Subject : Procedure Regardin g Illiterates and Grad e V Men," 2 9 September 1943 , NA-MRB , R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General's Office , 353 (9-26-4 3 to 9-27-43 ) (Bo x 2665) . In a t leas t on e instance , th e arm y se t u p a school fo r failure s o f th e Specia l Training Units , se e "Report o n Specia l Trainin g School Se t Up at Indiantow n Gap , Pennsylvania, " 2 March 1944 , NA-MRB, RG 160, Record s o f the Arm y Service Forces, entr y 153 , 350.5 . Th e mem o include s a report o n th e schoo l b y Dunba r S . McLaure n date d 9 Februar y 1944 . Probabl y these failure s wer e thos e judge d to hav e "unusual capacitie s an d civilia n skills which the Arm y needs. " Se e War Departmen t Circula r #127 , Apri l 1944 , U.S . Arm y Center o f Military History , HR C 350.5 . 75. Fo r clos e adherenc e t o regulations , se e the lette r condemnin g attempt s a t subterfuge b y Brigadie r General R . B . Lovett, Directo r o f Militar y Training Division, 2 4 Septembe r 1943 , NA—MRB , R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General' s Office, 35 3 (5-7-43 ) (Box 2671) . Th e specifi c proble m wa s th e attemp t t o artifi cially rais e AGC T score s b y repeated administratio n o f the sam e test . For appraisal s by observers see the report by the American Council on Education by Alonz o G . Grace , Educational Lessons from Wartime Training: Th e General


3

Report of the Commission on Implications of Armed Services Educational Programs (Washington , D.C. : America n Counci l o n Education, 1948) . 76. Quote d i n Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, p. 2,69 . 77. Quote d i n Ginzberg and Bray , The Uneducated, pp . 129 , 130 . 78. Quote d i n Goldberg , Training o f Illiterates, pp. 2.70 , 2.69-2.70 . 79. Ginzberg and Bray, The Uneducated, pp. 88—89; tne quote is on page 79. 80. Lee , Employment o f Negro Troops, p . 267 . Th e soldie r i s quoted i n Ginz berg and Bray , The Uneducated, p . 130 . 81. Ginzber g and Bray , The Uneducated, pp . 12,5 , 131 . Sz. "Comman d o f Negro Troops, " Wa r Departmen t Pamphle t No . 2,0-6 , Feb ruary 2.9 , 1944 , in MacGregor and Nalt y (eds.) , Blacks i n the United States Armed Forces, p. 31 1 (m y emphasis). 83. "Leadershi p an d the Negro Soldier, " Arm y Service Forces Manual, M5 , Oc tober 1944 , pp. 29—30 , 32 . (available in U.S. Center o f Military History, Washing ton, D.C.) . 84. Ambros e Caliver, "Postwar Education o f Negroes, Educationa l Implication s of Arm y Data an d Experience s o f Negro Veteran s an d Wa r Workers, " report o f a conference sponsore d b y th e Unite d State s Offic e o f Education , Offic e o f Educa tion, Historica l File—Negro, p. 2 5 (italic s i n original). 85. "Instructio n i n Specia l Trainin g Units, " War Departmen t Pamphle t #20-8 , April 10 , 1944 , NA-MRB , R G 407 , Record s o f th e Adjutan t General' s Office , 353 (1-26-4 4 to I -3 I -44) (Bo x 2662,), p. 6. 86. I t shoul d b e note d tha t despit e officia l disclaimers , th e army' s ver y heavy dependence o n th e AGC T score s o f soldier s ofte n le d t o a rationalizatio n o f th e inadequacy o f blac k unit s a s officer s blame d th e lo w "intelligence " o f blac k re cruits fo r a variet y of problems. Thi s wa s alway s exacerbated b y th e lac k o f suffi cient blac k soldier s t o fil l office r ranks . Sinc e almos t al l specialis t rank s wer e se lected from soldier s scoring fairl y hig h on the AGCT, black s were frequently excluded from training . Le e discusses the problem s an d th e rationalization s in detai l i n Em ployment o f Negro Troops, pp . 265—274 . Th e dependenc e on menta l testin g con tinued t o defin e th e army' s endeavor s an d reflecte d the infatuatio n o f American s with wha t the y interprete d as th e significanc e o f th e capacitie s teste d b y thes e exams. A s Le e observes, "I n man y unit s th e AGC T scor e becam e th e refrai n fo r a continuous jeremia d used a s a fraterna l greetin g for inspectors. . . . It would b e a little sill y t o assum e tha t al l Germa n soldier s ar e o f Clas s H I or bette r i n spit e of their claim s o f superiority . Th e Russian s migh t los e som e o f thei r confidenc e if they kne w th e dreadfu l trut h abou t thei r menta l gradations . . . . Man y o f our officers ar e givin g th e result s o f thes e test s mor e weigh t tha n wa s eve r intended." (pp. 2.73-274 ) 87. Th e figure s ar e fro m Arm y Servic e Forces Manual , M5 , "Leadershi p an d the Negr o Soldier, " p . 33 ; th e quot e i s fro m " A Stud y o f th e Progres s Mad e b y 375 Trainee s Separate d fro m Specia l Training Units," 6 August 1943 , NA—MRB , RG 160 , Record s o f the Arm y Service Forces, entr y 153 , 350.5 , p. 10 . 88. Arm y Servic e Force s Manual , M5 , "Leadershi p an d th e Negr o Soldier, " P- 33 89. H . D . Bond , "T o Genera l Breho n B. Somervell, Army Service Forces, " 3 0 June 1945 , NA—MRB , R G 160 , Record s o f th e Arm y Servic e Forces , entr y 153 , 350.5, Centra l Decimal File 1941—4 6 (Bo x 2,77). (Italic s i n original.)

2,84 Note

s to pages 1:53-157

90. Morri s J . MacGregor , Jr., Integration o f th e Armed Forces, Defense Studies Series, Cente r o f Militar y History , Unite d State s Arm y (Washington , D.C. : U.S . Government Printin g Office , 1981) , 217 , 218-219, 216 . Grafenwohr i s also briefl y discusse d in " A Surve y o f Training in th e Occupatio n Forces, i July 1946—3 0 June 1947," Occupation i n Europe Serie s 1946—47 , NA — MRB, R G 319 , Records o f the Army Staff, 8-3.i/cb3/ci , pp. 21-22 . 91. See , Alonz o Grace , Lessons from Wartime Training, passi m an d th e articl e submitted fo r approva l t o th e Arm y Service Forces, b y Paul A. Witty an d A . G. D. Golda Va n Buskirk , "Th e Soldie r Learn s t o Read, " 1 9 Novembe r 1943 , NA— MRB, RG 160, Records of the Army Service Forces, 350.5 (1-1-43 to I][~3O~43)The articl e was t o appea r i n National Parent-Teacher Magazine. 92. See , for example , Caliver' s article , "Illiterac y an d Manpowe r Mobilizatio n Needs i n th e Presen t Emergency, " School Life, Jun e 1951 , i n th e Calive r Papers. See also th e variou s effort s b y Calive r an d th e Offic e o f Educatio n fo r wha t the y called "fundamenta l education, " among them , "Propose d Projec t on Fundamental Education," with table s an d budge t proposals an d "Som e Problem s of Fundamental Educatio n i n th e Unite d State s o f America, " prepare d fo r th e Inter-American Cultural Counci l a t it s firs t meetin g i n Mexic o City , Septembe r 10—25 , 1951 , al l in Calive r Papers. Caliver wa s als o involve d i n preparin g th e Offic e o f Education' s positio n o n desegregation fo r the Suprem e Court; se e "Education o f Negroes: Segregatio n Issue Before th e Suprem e Court," reprinted fro m School Life, Februar y 1954, in Caliver Papers, an d th e draft implementing "a possibl e Suprem e Court decisio n abolishing segregation i n schools," part II , in Calive r Papers. 93. Ginzber g and Bray , The Uneducated, pp . 4 , 12 . 94. Se e the discussio n o f method s o f proceedin g wit h educationa l grant s proposed b y Johnson' s Tas k Forc e o n Education , a s wel l a s th e earlie r proposa l b y President Kennedy' s Burea u of th e Budge t in Hugh Davi s Graham , The Uncertain Triumph: Federal Education Policy i n th e Kennedy an d Johnson Years (Chape l Hill: Universit y of Nort h Carolin a Press , 1984) , 39-79 ; als o Tiedt , Th e Federal Government i n Education, pp . 158-160 .

5: THE FEMALE PARADOX

1. Margare t Mead , quote d i n Anna L. Rose Hawkins , "Developin g Community Leaders," in Leo C. Muller an d Ouid a G . Muller (eds.) , New Horizons fo r College Women (Washington , D.C.: Public Affairs Press , 1960) , 61 . 2. "Wome n in A Changin g World, " The Education of Women: Information and Research Notes, issued by the Commissio n o n th e Educatio n o f Women o f the American Counci l o n Education , # 3 (Octobe r 1958) : 2 . 3. Millicen t Care y Mclntos h (Presiden t o f Barnar d College , 1951—63) , "The Education o f Wome n i n th e Moder n World, " Education fo r th e Preservation o f Democracy, America n Council on Educatio n Studies , series I, no. 3 5 (Apri l 1949) : 80, quoted i n George D . Stoddard, O n th e Education o f Women, Kapp a Delta Phi Lecture Series (New York : Macmillan , 1950) , 53 . 4. See , fo r example , National Manpowe r Council , Womanpower: A Statement by th e National Manpower Council (Ne w York: Columbia University Press, 1957), 168-188.


5

5. Mabe l Newcomer , A Century o f Higher Education fo r American Women (New York : Harpe r an d Bros. , 1959) , 10-36 ; Barbar a Mille r Solomon , I n th e Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (Ne w Haven: Yal e Universit y Press, 1985) , 43-61 . Fo r a discussio n of the views on women' s highe r education i n the late nineteenth century , se e Rosalind Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres: Intellectual Roots of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yal e University Press, 1982.) , 1—27 . Fo r statistic s o n enrollment , see Newcomer, Higher Education, Tabl e z , p . 46. 6. Fo r a discussion of the concer n t o maximiz e national resources b y developing women's gifts , se e National Manpowe r Council , Womanpower, pp . 3—39 . Newcomer, Higher Education, ha s the bes t genera l introduction t o th e paradox . 7. Lyn n White, Jr., Educating Ou r Daughters: A Challenge t o th e Colleges (New York: Harpe r an d Bros. , 1950) , especially 78. 8. Helen Lefkowit z Horowitz, Alma Mater: Design and Experience i n Women's Colleges From Their Nineteenth-Century Beginnings to the 19305 (New York: Knopf, 1984), especially 9—142. Newcomer, Higher Education, pp . 87 , 91. It is important to remembe r tha t eve n i n th e earl y twentieth century , some women believe d tha t women's educatio n shoul d prepar e wome n bette r fo r th e realitie s o f thei r lives , especially fo r homemakin g tasks , a s wel l a s fo r occupationa l roles . Se e Mario n Talbot, The Education o f Women (Chicago : Universit y of Chicag o Press , 1910) . This view was fro m th e start associate d wit h "progressive " educational values and sought t o brin g to women' s househol d dutie s the influenc e o f science. See Talbot's approval o f James H. Tufts' s (th e progressive philosopher) view s in a footnote o n p. Z42, . Se e also Solomon , Company o f Educated Women, pp . 78—93 . 9. Se e Newcomer , Higher Education, pp . 89—90 ; Horowitz , Alma Mater, pp. 319-350. 10. Constanc e Warren , A Ne w Design fo r Women's Education (Ne w York: Frederick A . Stokes , 1940) , 2 , 6—7 . Fo r a discussio n o f th e fermen t of ne w idea s of femal e roles , a s wel l a s th e oppositio n t o thes e views , se e Solomon, Company of Educated Women, pp . 149-150 . 11. Vassa r Colleg e Catalogue, vol . 40, 1950—51 , p. 48 . Catholic college s fo r wome n wer e als o adoptin g th e ne w "progressive " view s but assimilate d the m t o olde r concerns . Se e Mar y Evodin e McGrath , "Rol e o f Catholic College s i n Preparing for Marriag e and Famil y Life," (Ph.D . dissertation , Catholic University , 1952), 17 . McGrat h foun d tha t course s "relatin g t o marriag e and famil y lif e preparatio n mad e thei r greates t gain s i n Catholi c College s i n th e Midwest" i n th e decad e 1930-40 . Se e also m y discussio n belo w i n Chapte r 6 , pp. 2,12.—2.17 . 12,. Warren , Ne w Design, p. 6 . Ernest Havemann and Patrici a Salter West, They Went t o College: The College Graduate i n America Today, base d o n a surve y of U.S. colleg e graduate s mad e b y Time magazin e an d analyze d b y th e Columbi a University Burea u of Applied Social Research (Ne w York: Harcourt , Brac e & Co., 1952), 61 . 13. Rober t G . Foste r an d Paulin e Park Wilson, Women After College: A Study of th e Effectiveness o f Their Education (Ne w York: Th e Merrill-Palme r School , Columbia University , 1942,), 93 , 113 , zzo . 14. Foste r an d Wilson , Women After College, pp. 252 , 2.60, 186 . 15. Nationa l Manpowe r Council , Education an d Manpower, edite d b y Henry David (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1960) , Table 8 , p. 2.67 .

2,86 Notes

to pages 163—168

16. "Highe r Education : Th e Fortune Survey, " conducte d b y Elm o Roper , Fortune (Septembe r 1949), 6 , 7, iz, 15 . 17. Haveman n and West , They Went t o College, pp. 64—65 . In a ver y larg e poll conducte d b y the America n Association o f Universit y Women, most o f th e 30,00 0 respondent s complaine d abou t th e lac k of practica l educatio n in thei r colleg e experience . Mos t wome n aske d fo r mor e actua l practice . I n th e words o f Margare t Mead , wh o presente d a n initia l analysis of th e poll , "Mos t of the expressed wishes are for ... practice in homemaking, in child care, in publi speaking, i n teachin g liv e childre n rathe r tha n merel y learnin g the histor y o f edu cation ou t o f a book , mor e chanc e to spea k th e foreig n languages which ar e stud ied. . . . There i s a stron g expression , i n thes e replies , that al l women shoul d be prepared t o marr y and brin g u p children , t o participat e i n th e community , to use leisure well." See Margaret Mead , "Th e Highe r Educatio n Survey , A First Repor t of Findings from the Questionnaire," Journal of the American Association of Uni versity Women, 43(Fal l 1949) : 8-12. , the quot e i s on p . 10 . 18. Se e Lynn White, Jr. , Medieval Technology an d Social Change (London: Ox ford Universit y Press; i96z) . 19. Se e also Georg e D . Stoddard , O n th e Education o f Women. Stoddard , pres ident of th e Universit y of Illinois, noted, "A t thi s critical time, women shoul d star t to restor e th e balance . Th e thing s withi n thei r spher e o f interes t an d competenc e are th e startin g poin t o f a ne w culture . The genera l run o f men , havin g done th e work the y like best to do , see m incapable of progress i n new directions . Th e mas culine componen t multiplie s an d run s t o th e groun d everythin g connected wit h technology. Uncontrolle d technolog y goe s th e wa y o f th e Mussolinis , Hitlers , an d Stalins. . . . Instead o f fretting abou t th e disinterest o f women i n the mechanical, we should b e thankfu l fo r thi s saving part o f ou r culture. " (p . 51 ) zo. Davi d (ed.) , Education an d Manpower, Tabl e 8 , p. 267 . 2.1. National Manpower Council, Womanpower, pp. 46, 65—70. For the pattern, see , fo r example, Marguerit e W. Zapoleon , "Th e Myt h o f the Marriage-Caree r Conflict," i n Muller an d Mulle r (eds.) , New Horizons, pp . 79—87 . zz. Nationa l Manpowe r Council , Womanpower, pp . 74 , 75 ; th e quotes ar e on pp. 12.5 , 132 . Z3- Bot h me n ar e quote d i n Commissio n o n th e Educatio n of Women, Th e Ed ucation o f Women, #i(Marc h 1958) : 5 , 7; Althea K . Hottel, Ho w Fare American Women? A Report of the Commission on the Education of Women of the American Council o n Education (Washington , B.C. : America n Counci l o n Education , 1955), zo . Relate d publications sponsore d b y the Commissio n o n th e Education of Women o f the American Council on Educatio n and published by that organizatio n include: Th e Span o f a Woman's Life an d Learning: A Statement o f th e Commission o n th e Education o f Women o f th e American Council o n Education (Wash ington, D.C. , 1960) ; Lawrenc e E . Denni s (ed.) , Education an d a Woman's Life (Washington, D.C. , 1963) ; Opa l D . Davi d (ed.) , Th e Education o f Women: Signs for th e Future (Washington , D.C. , 1959) ; Th e Education o f Women, Information and Research Notes o f th e Commission o n th e Education of Women, #1-1 3 (Marc h 1958-September 1961) . 24. O . Meredith Wilson , " A Woman i s a Woman i s a Woman," in Dennis (ed.), Education an d a Woman's Life, p . 7 . Fo r th e variou s program s see , pp . 93-IZ 4 in th e sam e volume. 25. Hottel , Ho w Fare American Women?, pp . 30—36 ; "Th e Multipl e Roles of Women," Th e Education o f Women, #i(Marc h 1958) : 6 .

Notes to pages 168-176287

2877

z6. "Youn g Wives," Newsweek (Marc h 7, 1960) , 59 . 2.7. Hottel , How Fare American Women?, p. 36. z8. Agne s Scot t Colleg e Catalogue , 1957 , p . 32 ; Bulleti n o f Connecticu t Col lege, New London, Connecticut , Marc h 1951 , pp. 47, in. 29. Fo r women' s choice s o f courses , se e National Manpowe r Council , Womanpower, pp . 174—182 . Th e quot e i s fro m Eunic e C . Roberts , "Comment, " i n David (ed.) , The Education o f Women, p . 118 . 30. Vassa r College Catalogue, 1955-56 , p. 46 ; Vassar College Catalogue, 1958 59, P - 145 31. Th e conclusion s o f th e Commissio n o n th e Educatio n o f Wome n ca n b e found i n Esther Lloyd-Jones, "Wome n Toda y an d Their Education, " Teachers College Record, 57(Apri l 1956) : 434 ; Doroth y Woodwar d i s quote d i n "Goal s o f Women i n Highe r Education, " Journal o f th e American Association o f University Women, 48(Marc h 1955) : 161 , 162. , 163 . 3i. Kare m J. Monsour , "Educatio n an d a Woman' s Life, " i n Dennis (ed.) , Ed ucation an d A Woman's Life, p . 19 ; Felic e Schwartz , "Discussion, " i n th e sam e volume, p. Z3 ; C . Easto n Rothwell , "The Milie u o f the Educate d Women," i n th e same volume, p. 37 . 33. Esthe r Peterson, "Need s and Opportunitie s in Our Societ y for the Educated Woman," i n Denni s (ed.), Education an d A Woman's Life,, p. 55 ; Mar y H . Don Ion, "Th e Scop e of th e Problem, " i n David (ed.) ,The Education o f Women, p. 13 . See als o Mar y H . Donlon , "Women' s Educatio n Today, " Educational Record, 39(July 1958) : 246—25z . For th e argument s supportin g women' s educatio n i n th e early republic, see Linda K. Kerber, Women o f th e Republic: Intellect an d Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chape l Hill: Universit y of North Carolina Press, 1980) , 189—231, an d Lind a K. Kerber , "Daughter s o f Columbia : Educatin g Women fo r the Republic , 1787—1805, " i n Stanle y Elkins and Eri c McKitrick (eds.) , The Hofstadter Aegis: A MemorialNew York: Knopf, 1974), 36-59. 34. Th e President' s Commissio n o n th e Statu s o f Women,Report o f th e Committee on Education, October 1963 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1963) , z , 41 . Se e also th e discussio n o f th e Kenned y Commission i n Cyn thia E . Harrison, " A 'Ne w Frontier' for Women: Th e Publi c Policy of the Kennedy Administration," i n Jean E . Friedman and Willia m G. Shad e (eds.), Ou r American Sister : Women in American Life and Thought (Lexingtrton, Mass.: D. C. Heath,

1982), 541-562 . 35. Ala n Simpson is quoted i n Th e Vassarian, 1965 , no page . 36. Pau l Heist, "Th e Uncommitte d Majority, " Sprin g 1961, p. i (pape r on file at th e Cente r fo r Studie s in Highe r Education , Universit y of California , Berkeley; formerly, Cente r fo r th e Stud y of Highe r Education) . 37. M . Eunic e Hilton , "Wha t Change s Shoul d Ther e B e i n Ou r Educationa l Programs t o Mee t th e Specia l Needs an d Interest s o f Women Mor e Adequately? " in G . Kerr y Smit h (ed.) , Current Issues in Higher Education, 1955, Proceedings of the Tent h Annua l Nationa l Conferenc e o n Highe r Education , Chicago , Illinois , February 28—Marc h 2 , 195 5 (Washington , D.C. : Associatio n fo r Highe r Educa tion, 1955) , 118 , izi—izz . 38. Kat e Hevner Mueller , "What' s I t Al l About?" i n Muller an d Mulle r (eds.) , New Horizons fo r College Girls, p. 9 . 39. Mueller , "What's It All About?" pp . 9 , 14 . 40. Bancrof t Beatley , "Another Loo k A t Women' s Education, " i n What Education fo r Women?, Bevie r Lectur e Series 195 0 (Universit y o f Illinois , 1950) , 25 ,

z88 Note

s to pages 176-181

2.6; Mervin B. Freedman, "Th e Passag e Through College, " Journal o f Social Issues, 11(1956): 15 ; Car l Binger , "Th e Pressur e o n Colleg e Girl s Today, " Atlantic, 207(February 1961) : 40 . Simmons wa s establishe d in 190 2 with th e specifi c goa l o f providin g vocational education fo r women . Accordin g t o th e 1922—2 3 Simmon s Colleg e Bulletin , instruction a t Simmon s wa s t o b e i n "art , science , an d industr y bes t calculate d t o enable th e scholar s t o acquir e a n independen t livelihood. " Simmon s gave a n edu cation t o wome n i n area s o f wor k suitabl e t o women , a s secretaries , librarians , dieticians, busines s accountants, laborator y assistants , teacher s of home economics , social workers , an d publi c health nurses . 41. Jan e Berry , "Lif e Plan s o f Colleg e Women, " journal o f th e National Association o f Women Deans an d Counselors, i8(Januar y 1955) : 77 . 42. Pau l Heist, "Th e Motivatio n o f College Wome n Today, " pp. i , 3 , 4 (paper on fil e a t th e Cente r fo r Studie s i n Highe r Education , Universit y o f California , Berkeley); Heist , " A Commentar y o n th e Motivatio n an d Educatio n o f Colleg e Women," journal o f th e National Association o f Women Deans an d Counselors, 25(January 1962) : 56 . 43. Heist , "Th e Motivatio n o f Colleg e Students, " p . 7 ; Heist , " A Commentar y on th e Motivatio n o f Colleg e Women, " p . 59 . Fo r th e interes t o f th e Berkele y center t o locat e th e motivationa l force s tha t woul d impe l talented wome n t o con tinue thei r education , se e Paul A. Heist, "Researc h o n Talente d Women : Problem s of Appropriat e an d Adequat e Source s o f Data, " 196 4 (pape r o n file at th e Cente r for Studie s in Highe r Education , Berkeley) . 44. Joh n H . Bushnell , "Student Cultur e at Vassar," in Nevitt Sanfor d (ed.) , The American College: A Psychological an d Social Interpretation (Ne w York : Joh n Wiley an d Sons , 1962) , 509 , 510 . 45. Th e Educationa l Testin g Servic e (ETS ) conducte d a stud y o f high-schoo l seniors i n 1954—5 5 whic h foun d tha t 3 5 percen t o f girl s pursue d a commercia l program an d anothe r 6 percen t wer e i n a vocationa l curriculum , a fa r large r pro portion tha n boys . Th e stud y also suggested tha t wome n staye d awa y fro m scienc e and mathematic s courses . Th e ET S study foun d tha t me n wer e fa r mor e likel y t o have college-goin g plan s tha n high-schoo l wome n o f equal ability . Women seeme d to prepar e themselve s muc h mor e frequentl y fo r direc t entr y int o th e workplac e than men , not , however , becaus e their goals were t o work bu t becaus e "Th e antic ipation o f becomin g wives, mothers an d homemaker s appear s t o b e strong enoug h to tur n the m awa y fro m investin g in mor e education. " See , Nationa l Manpowe r Council, Womanpower, pp . 174-182 . The quot e i s on p. 180 . 46. Elizabet h Douva n an d Caro l Kaye , "Motivationa l Factor s i n Colleg e En trance," in Sanfor d (ed.) , Th e American College, pp. 202 , 204 , 205 , 206 . Se e also Elizabeth M . Douvan , "Adolescen t Girls : Thei r Attitude s Towar d Education, " i n David (ed.) , Th e Education o f Women, pp . 23—29 . 47. Margare t Clapp , "Comment, " i n Davi d (ed.) , Th e Education o f Women, p. 121 . 48. Mirr a Komarovsky , Women i n th e Modern World: Their Education an d Dilemmas (Ne w York : Littl e Brown , 1953) , 214 , 216 . 49. Komarovsky , Women i n the Modern World, pp . 66—67 , 2 88. 50. Komarovsky , Women i n the Modern World, p . 105 . 51. Heist , "A Commentar y on the Motivatio n and Education of College Women, " p. 56 ; Heist , "Th e Uncommitte d Majority, " p . 2 ; Berry , "Lif e Pla n o f Colleg e Women," p . 79.

Notes to pages 181—184 289 52. See , fo r example , Eri k H. Erikson , "Eigh t Age s of Man," i n his Childhood and Society (Ne w York : Norton , 1950 ; revised edition 1963) , 2.47—165 . In 1966 , sociologis t Walte r Wallac e presente d a n interestin g variatio n o n thi s difference. Base d o n th e Parsonia n differentiatio n betwee n men' s orientatio n t o manipulating thing s an d women' s attentio n t o persons , Wallac e argue d tha t fo r women, choice s mad e i n colleg e (o f futur e mates ) wer e mor e singula r an d status determining than thos e mad e by men. " A woman's selectio n o f a husband can thu s be a more significant , because more singular , rite of passage t o adul t status tha n is a man' s selectio n o f occupation. " I n thi s sense , colleg e fo r wome n wa s a turnin g point rathe r tha n a preparation . Thi s vie w also support s th e mor e jagged sens e of women's lif e cours e whic h i s punctuate d b y significan t event s rathe r tha n inte grated throug h linea r progressions. Se e Walter L . Wallace, Student Culture: Social Structure an d Continuity i n a Liberal Arts College, Nationa l Opinio n Researc h Center Monograph s i n Socia l Researc h (Chicago : Aldin e Publishin g Co., 1966) , 132. 53. Freedman , "Th e Passag e Through College, " pp . 26 , 27; Komarovsky, Women in th e Modern World, p . 56 . 54. Komarovsky , Women i n th e Modern World, pp . 78 , 92 , 82 ; Pau l Heist , "Motivation o f Colleg e Wome n Today : A Close r Look, " 196 2 (pape r o n fil e a t the Cente r fo r Studies in Higher Education , Berkeley) , p. 6 ; David Riesman, "Tw o Generations," in Robert Jay Lifton (ed.), The Woman in America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964) , 91; Bushnell, "Student Cultur e at Vassar," p. 508 . In a n essa y comparing wome n colleg e student s i n the fifties and sixtie s t o thos e of th e previous generation , Davi d Riesma n observed, "I n a woman's colleg e today , the student s ar e consciou s simultaneousl y of th e futur e an d o f the boy s they hop e to marry , even if the boy s are no t physicall y present, an d o f what sorts o f intellectuality these boys ma y welcome o r resent. As a teacher i n coeducational settings , I have watche d som e o f th e way s i n which wome n student s presentl y cop e wit h th e dilemma o f bein g a t onc e wome n an d students . Fo r some , t o hav e men aroun d i s a liberation an d provide s a n impetus to a more dialectica l and les s docile approac h than migh t b e th e cas e i f they attende d colleg e onl y wit h thei r ow n sex . Bu t per haps th e greate r number , trained t o b e socially conscious since childhood, ar e intensely aware of how their class performance is viewed both by boys and by their own sex; facin g a doubl e audience , the y ar e inhibite d fro m expressin g themselves as rambunctiousl y o r spiritedl y a s the y migh t d o i n a single-se x setting. " "Tw o Generations," p. 90 (my emphases). 55. Harol d Webster , Mervi n Freedman , an d Pau l Heist , "Personalit y Change s in Colleg e Students, " i n Sanford (ed.) , The American College, p. 839 . 56. Ver a Schletzer , "Th e Minnesot a Plan, " i n Denni s (ed.) , Education an d A Woman's Life, pp . 12,1 , 122 ; Mervi n B . Freedman, "Studie s o f Colleg e Alumni, " in Sanfor d (ed.) , Th e American College, p . 873 ; Riesman , "Tw o Generations, " pp. 9i-9z. 57. Wallace , Student Culture, p . 133 ; Florenc e Kluckholn , "Wome n i n Amer ica," i n What Education Fo r Women?, Bevie r Lecture Serie s 195 0 (Universit y of Illinois, 1950) , 12 . 58. O f wome n colleg e graduate s i n Jun e 1955 , 6 0 percen t receive d a teaching certificate an d anothe r 1 3 percen t had take n som e educatio n courses . A very large majority o f thos e wh o wer e employe d a s teacher s taugh t i n elementar y schools . Jean A . Wells, "Employmen t o f June 195 5 Wome n Colleg e Graduates, " Monthly Labor Review, 79, no. 9(Septembe r 1956) : 1060 .

2.90 Notes

t o pages 184—192

59. Th e Radcliff e Committe e on Graduate Education for Women, Graduate Education for Women: The Radcliffe Ph.D., A Report by a Faculty-Trustee Committee (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1956) , 58 , 59 . 60. Newcomer , Higher Education, p . 3 . ' 61. Quote d i n Komarovsky, Women i n the Modern World, p . 14 . 62. Wallace , Student Culture, p. 135 . In 1956 , for example, 8 0 percent of all June 1955 women college graduates were employed. O f these , 6 1 percent wer e employe d as teachers, while 1 5 percen t were clerical workers . Thus , full y three-quarter s wer e i n on e o f thes e tw o occupations . It i s also wort h notin g that 3 5 percent of the graduate s had bee n education major s in school , whil e 2. 0 percen t ha d majore d in humanitie s and art ; and anothe r n percent i n th e socia l sciences . A s noted b y Jean A . Wells o f th e Women' s Burea u who issue d the repor t i n which thes e conclusion s wer e presented, "Relativel y fe w of th e wome n graduate s othe r tha n teacher s traine d i n fields of manpowe r short ages i n 1955. " Wells , "Employmen t o f Jun e 195 5 Wome n Colleg e Graduates, " pp. 1057 , 1058 . 6: IMITATIO N AND AUTONOM Y

i. Supreme Court decision on Oregon law, 2.68 U.S. 510, p. 535 (192.5). 2.. Joh n J . Falle n (Monsignor) , "Multi-Grad e Classrooms, " Bulletin, Nationa l Catholic Education Association , 33(Novembe r 1936): 398 . Thi s journal will hereifter b e cited a s Bulletin, NCEA . 3. Th e bes t general discussions of these issue s are Car l F . Kaestle, Pillars o f th e Republic: Common Schools an d American Society, 1780—1860 (Ne w York: Hil l and Wang, 1983), 62-135; and Lawrence A. Cremin, American Education: The National Experience, 1783—1876 (Ne w York: Harper an d Row , 1980), 103—147 . 4. Fo r the earl y battles , se e Cremin, American Education, pp . 166-170 ; Diane Ravitch, The Great School Wars: Ne w York City, 1805—197 3 (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1974) , 20—76 . A n excellen t discussion o f Catholic-schoo l developmen t fo cusing o n Chicago , whic h ha d th e larges t parochia l schoo l system , i s James W . Sanders, Th e Education o f a n Urban Minority: Catholics i n Chicago, 1833—1965 (New York: Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1977) , especially 18—39. My figures for Catholic-schoo l enrollmen t are derive d from Andre w M. Greeley and Pete r H . Rossi , Th e Education o f Catholic Americans (Chicago : Aldine Pub lishing Co. , 1966) , i ; an d Th e Notr e Dam e Stud y o f Catholi c Elementar y and Secondary School s i n th e Unite d States, Catholic Schools i n Action, edited b y Reginald A. Neuwien (Notre Dame, Ind. : Universit y of Notre Dame Press; 1966), 33 . Catholic school s wer e mos t importan t i n those citie s that ha d draw n the stronges t current o f Europea n immigration—Ne w York , Chicago , Detroit , Pittsburgh , Buf falo, Boston , Milwaukee , Cincinnati—wher e the y enrolle d fro m on e quarte r t o nearly one-half of all school children . See Neil G. McCluskey (S.J.), Catholic Viewpoint on Education (Garde n City, N.J.: Hanover House , 1959) , 46. 5. See, for example, McCluskey, Catholic Viewpoint, pp. 59-79; James Michael Lee, "Catholic Education i n the Unite d States," in Lee (ed.), Catholic Education i n the Western World (Notr e Darne , Ind.: Universit y o f Notr e Dam e Press , 1967) , 257—311. Th e quot e i s fro m Willia m McGucke n (S.J.) , "Th e Philosophy of Cath olic Education, " i n Nationa l Societ y for th e Stud y o f Education , Philosophies o f

Notes t o pages 192—19 6 Z9

I

Education, th e 413 1 Yearbook, par t I (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1942.) , z68. 6. Notr e Dame Study, Catholic Schools i n Action, p. 17 . 7. McCluskey , Catholic Viewpoint, p . 81 ; Edwar d F . Spier s (Reverend) , Th e Central Catholic High School: A Survey of their History and Status in the United States (Washington , D.C. : Catholi c Universit y of America Press , 1951) , 18 . 8. Spiers , Central Catholic High School, pp . 2.0 , 21 ; Mar y Janet (Sister) , Catholic Secondary Education: A National Survey (Washington, D.C. : Nationa l Cath olic Welfare Conference, 1949) , 7 . 9. Mar y Janet , Catholic Secondary Education, pp . zo , 13 . Th e quot e i s fro m Mary Jane t Mille r (Sister) , "General Educatio n i n the America n Catholic Second ary School" (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University , 1952), n. 10. Sanders , Education o f a n Urban Minority, p . 91 . Se e also Georg e Johnso n (Reverend), "Th e Catholi c Churc h an d Secondar y Education, " in Roy J. Deferrari (ed.), Vital Problems o f Catholic Education (Washington , D.C. : Catholi c Univer sity o f America Press , 1939) , 76 . 11. Mar y Janet, Secondary Education, pp . 13 , zo ; Notr e Dame Study, Catholic Schools i n Action, pp. 33 , 46 ; Th e Reveren d John P . Breheny is quoted i n Spiers , Central Catholic High School, p . 142 . 12. Mar y Janet, Secondary Education, p. 19 ; Notre Dam e Study, Catholic Schools in Action, pp. 46, 47. 13. Notr e Dame Study , Catholic Schools in Action, p. 33 . 14. Greele y an d Rossi , Education o f Catholic Americans, pp . 27 , 36—37 ; th e quote i s on p . 34 . Cano n la w 137 4 o f the revise d code, 1918 , makes th e require ment; se e McCluskey, Catholic Viewpoint, p . 100 . Tuition costs i n Catholic schools varied widely, but unti l recently they were quite modest. I n 1949 , Siste r Mar y Jane t foun d tha t parenta l contribution s towar d secondary-school tuitio n (publi c an d private ) ranged fro m nothin g t o $400 , wit h the prevailin g range fro m $2. 0 t o $4 0 yearly . "Students ar e no t rejected , however , because of inability to mee t the request," Secondary Education, p . 21 . At on e schoo l i n th e 19508 , probabl y les s expensiv e tha n most , th e "cos t pe r family (no t per child ) is ten dollar s a year. Adde d to thi s is the boo k renta l o f five dollars," and variou s lesse r an d ver y small fees. Th e tota l tuitio n fo r th e first child was $17.2 5 pe r year , wit h $7.2 5 fo r eac h additiona l child ; Joseph Henr y Fichte r (S.J.), Parochial School: A Sociological Study (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1958) , 351 . A larg e survey of secondar y school s i n th e 1950 5 found that i n "46. 3 percen t of the larg e diocesa n hig h schools , ther e i s no tuitio n charg e t o th e pupils. " Fo r th e rest, tuitio n range d fro m $1 0 t o $17 5 pe r year , with th e media n a t $50 . I n small, diocesan hig h schools , 37. 9 percen t ha d n o tuition , while th e media n fo r th e res t was $4 0 pe r year ; Mar y Paulin e Degan (Sister) , "Studen t Admittanc e an d Place ment i n Regiona l Catholic Hig h Schools " (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University, 1:950), 17 In th e mid-1960s , Greele y an d Ross i reporte d tha t 62 . percen t o f respondent s spent les s than $10 0 a year i n tuition an d onl y 2 0 percent spen t mor e tha n $200 ; Education o f Catholic Americans, p . 2,06 . B y the mid-1970s , however , th e cos t o f tuition ha d becom e fa r mor e o f a grievanc e to parent s an d mor e frequentl y cite d as a reaso n fo r nonattendanc e at Catholi c schools. B y 1974, th e averag e cost wa s $373 pe r year . Se e Andre w M . Greeley , Willia m C . McCready , an d Kathlee n

2,92. Notes

t o pages 196—201

McCourt, Catholic Schools i n a Declining Church (Kansa s City , Kans.: Shee d an d Ward, 1976) , 37 , M715. Durin g the 19705 , th e shar p declin e in Catholic-schoo l enrollment s appear s to hav e been the resul t of two factors : the migration of Catholics to suburb s where no churc h school s existe d an d th e decisio n b y the Catholi c hierarch y to disinvest their resource s fro m parochia l schools . Andre w Greeley argues tha t la y Catholic s still strongl y supporte d th e school s an d woul d hav e like d t o hav e thei r childre n attend. Se e Andrew M . Greeley , Th e American Catholic: A Social Portrait (New York: Basi c Books, 1977) , 167-170 , 173 , 185 . In fact , tw o othe r issue s may also have influence d enrollments : th e disarra y i n th e churc h followin g Vatica n I I an d the declinin g importance o f ethnicity . 16. Se e McCluskey, Catholic Viewpoint, p . 83 ; Degan , "Studen t Admittanc e and Placement, " p . 43 . The surveys cited are: William Mang (Brother) , "The Curriculum o f th e Catholi c Hig h Schoo l fo r Boys " (Ph.D . dissertation, Universit y of Chicago, 1940) , 51 ; Spiers , Central Catholic High School, p . 130 , 12.7 ; James S. Coleman, Thoma s Hoffer , an d Sall y Kilgore , High School Achievement: Public, Catholic, an d Private Schools Compared (Ne w York: Basi c Books, 1981) , 90-94. See also Thoma s Josep h Frai n (Reverend) , "Administrative and Instructiona l Pro visions for Rapi d an d Slo w Learners in Catholic Secondary Schools" (Ph.D. dissertation, Catholi c University , 1956), passim. For th e lac k o f vocationa l courses , see , among others , Thoma s F . Jordan, "The Problem o f Vocational Educatio n an d th e Catholi c Secondar y School" (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University , 1941) ; Degan , "Studen t Admittanc e an d Place ment," pp . 77 , 104 , 148 , an d passim ; Mar y Jane t Miller , "Genera l Education, " p. 44 ; Spiers , Central Catholic High School, pp. 169—170 ; Mary Janet, Secondary Education, p . 89. 17. Georg e Johnson , "Th e Curriculum of th e Catholi c Elementar y School : A Discussion o f Its Psychological an d Socia l Foundations " (Ph.D . dissertation, Cath olic University , 1919) , viii ; Joh n F . O'Dwye r (Reverend) , "An Evaluatio n o f th e Catholic High-Schoo l Curriculu m in th e Ligh t of Practica l Lif e Situations, " Bulletin, NCE A 33(Novembe r 1936): 2.83 . 18. See , for example , John T . O'Dow d (Reverend) , Standardization an d Its In fluence o n Catholic Secondary Education i n th e United States, Catholic University of America , Educational Researc h Monographs, vol . 9 #i(January z , 1936) . 19. Joh n J . Falle n (Monsignor) , "Th e Instructional Proble m o f Individua l Differences o f Students in Our Schools, " Bulletin, NCEA , 33(Augus t 1937) : 2,90,2.97 . 2.0. O n th e colleg e preparator y curriculu m in privat e schools , se e McCluskey , Catholic Viewpoint, p . 83 . Fo r selectivity , see Mary Janet , Secondary Education, p. 54 ; quot e i s on p. 53 ; Degan, "Studen t Admittanc e and Placement," pp . 9-10; quote i s on p. loz ; Frain, "Rapi d an d Slow Learners " p . 16 . 2.1. Notr e Dame Study , Catholic Schools i n Action, pp. 40—41 , 38 , 78 . 2.2.. Degan , "Studen t Admittanc e and Placement, " pp . 14 , 13 , 60 . 23. Mang , "Catholi c High Schoo l fo r Boys, " pp . 89—90 . The dominanc e o f th e Iris h a t highe r levels of Catholi c educatio n continue d a t the colleg e level . At the tim e o f the investigation s of the United States Immigration Commission i n 1908 , 59. 8 percent o f al l student s i n Catholi c college s surveyed were Iris h an d anothe r 19. 1 percen t wer e Germa n i n background . I n 1928 , a t Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, a large center for new immigran t Catholics, the

Notes to pages 201-203 2-9

3

Irish wer e stil l dominan t wit h German s i n secon d place . Se e Bernard J . Weiss , "Duquesne University : A Cas e Stud y o f th e Catholi c Universit y an d th e Urba n Ethnic, 1878—1928 " in Weis s (ed.) , American Education and the European Immigrant 1840-1940 (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1982) , 179-180 . 24. Weiss , "Duquesn e University, " p . 180 ; Sanders, Education o f a n Urban Mi nority, p . 155 . 25. Catholi c secondar y educatio n di d indee d permi t th e Iris h t o realiz e thei r social and economi c ambitions , since the Iris h have in the twentiet h centur y equalled and even beste d othe r group s i n realizin g economic an d educationa l mobilit y an d in achievin g financia l success . Se e Andrew M . Greeley , Ethnicity, Denomination, and Inequality (Beverl y Hills : Sag e Publications, 1976) , 17 , 45-56, 70 , an d Gree ley, American Catholic, pp . 50—67 . According to data assemble d by the National Opinio n Researc h Center i n 196364, ther e continue d t o b e considerabl e difference s i n th e attendanc e a t Catholi c high school s by Catholic youth o f different ethnic backgrounds, althoug h fa r more now cam e fro m newe r immigran t groups . Th e followin g tabl e i s adapte d fro m Table 25 , p . 9 1 i n Harol d J . Abramson , Ethnic Diversity i n Catholic America (New York : John Wile y & Sons , 1973) . See table. Percent Attendin g Catholi c Hig h School b y Age and Ethnicity Ethnic Background

Age in 1963-64 Total 20s to 30s (High schoo l after WWII ) 3 40s to 50s (High schoo l between WW I &c WWII) 2

Irish

FrenchCanadian German Polish

East European Italian Spanish

55

7

53

42 3

3

25

14 6

03

4

21

30 2

1

16

60

26. Th e sens e o f failur e ma y hav e bee n especiall y kee n fo r th e Iris h wh o se t great stor e by Catholic high-school attendanc e an d probably no t grea t fo r the Ital ians wh o chos e no t t o atten d eve n lower-leve l Catholi c schools . Se e Abramson, Ethnic Diversity, pp . 89—90 . According to Abramson, the possibility o f graduatin g and/or goin g to colleg e wa s ver y significantly highe r for th e Iris h i f they attende d Catholic hig h schools rathe r tha n publi c high schools . Althoug h other groups , lik e the Germans , French-Canadians , an d Pole s als o showe d som e measurabl e differ ence, th e differenc e wa s muc h greate r fo r th e Irish . Fo r them , goin g t o Catholi c high school s o r no t literall y meant th e differenc e betwee n succeedin g and no t succeeding educationally . Abramso n observes , "Clearl y . . . th e merge r o f educa tional succes s and parochia l schoo l involvemen t is a distinctly Iris h phenomenon. " (P- 89 ) 27. Greele y and Rossi , Education o f Catholic Americans, p . 192 , quote i s on p . 48; als o Greeley , McCready, an d McCourt , Catholic Schools i n a Declining Church, pp. 196-198 . See, however, th e attac k o n Catholi c educatio n a s anti-intellectual

2.94 Notes

t o pages 204-210

and inhibitin g to genuin e achievement and creativit y in James W. Trent, wit h Jenette Golds , Catholics in College: Religious Commitment and th e Intellectual Life (Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press , 1967) . 28. Georg e Johnson , "Catholi c Churc h an d Secondar y Education," p . 82.. For success o f Catholi c high-school graduates , se e Greeley, Ethnicity, p . 40 . I n 1968 , Greeley foun d tha t o f al l Catholi c colleg e graduates , thos e wit h bot h a Catholi c primary- an d secondary-schoo l educatio n had th e highest proportion (4 5 percent), earning more than $11,00 0 a year. 2.9. Mar y Janet, Secondary Education, p . 9 ; Johnson, "Curriculu m of the Cath olic Elementary School," pp. 107 , 115 . 30. Policie s Committee, Secondar y School Department, Nationa l Catholi c Education Association, "The Objective s of Catholic Secondary Education in the United States," Catholic High School Quarterly Bulletin, 2.(Apri l 1944) : 21 . 31. M . Juliana (Mother), "Provision fo r the Poor in the Catholic High School," Bulletin, NCEA , 2.8(Novembe r 1931) : 344—345 ; Mar y Janet , Secondary Education, pp. 131 , 133 . 32.. Loui s J. Faerbe r (Brother) , "Provision s fo r Low-Abilit y Pupils in Catholi c High Schools " (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University , 1948) , xxiii , xxi v (italic s in original) ; the workshop i s quoted i n Miller, General Education, p . 60 ; Michae l J. McKeough, "Th e Curriculum—It s Nature an d Philosophy, " i n McKeough (ed.) , The Curriculum o f th e Catholic Secondary School, proceeding s of th e worksho p on the curriculum of the Catholi c secondary schoo l conducte d a t the Catholic University o f Americ a fro m Jun e n t o Jun e 2,2, , 194 8 (Washington , D.C.: Catholi c University, 1949) , 3 . 33. Faerber , "Low-Abilit y Pupils, " p . 3 ; Degan , "Studen t Admittanc e an d Placement," p . xii. 34. Mar y Janet , Secondary Education, pp . 54 , 56 ; Faerber , "Lo w Abilit y Pu pils," pp. 11-12 ; Degan, "Studen t Admittanc e and Placement," pp . 36 , 37. 35. See , for example, Spiers, Central Catholic High School, p. 126 ; Mary Janet, Secondary Education, pp . 60—64 . 36. Pau l E. Campbell (Reverend), "What o f th e Hig h School, " Bulletin NCEA, 32,(November 1935) : 209; Kilian J. Heinrich (Reverend) , "The Plac e of Vocational Guidance in the Whole Guidance Program: Ways and Mean s t o Promote It," Bulletin NCEA, 29(November 1932): 2.2.6—2.2.7; Faerber , "Low-Ability Pupils," p. 79 . 37. Georg e Johnso n (Reverend) , "Equalizin g Educationa l Opportunit y fo r Whom?" Bulletin NCEA, 35(Augus t 1938): 69 , 70 . 38. Fichter , Parochial School, p . 387 . Se e also Edwar d Riley , "Extracurricula r Activities Program s i n th e Catholi c Hig h Schools " (Ph.D . dissertation , Catholi c University, 1954) . 39. Mar y Margarit a Geartt s (Sister) , " A Critica l Analysi s o f th e Objective s of Extracurricular Activitie s Programs in Catholi c Hig h Schools, " abstrac t of a dis sertation (Catholi c University, 1960), pp. 2 , 14, 21. 40. Geartts , "Extracurricula r Activitie s Programs," p . i ; th e secon d quot e i s from Fichter , Parochial School, p. 387 . 41. Sanders , Education o f a n Urban Minority, p . 145 ; th e Third Plenar y Council i s quoted i n McCluskey , Catholic Viewpoint, not e 7 , pp . 103-104 ; Joseph E . Hamill, "Th e Junio r Hig h School : It s Feasibilit y i n th e Catholi c Educational System" (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholic University, 1922) , p . 96 ; McCluskey , Catholic Viewpoint, p . 109 .

Notes t o pages 211—217 2-9

5

42. Notr e Dame Study , Catholic Schools in Action, pp. 16-17 . 43. Laurenc e J. O'Connell, Ar e Catholic Schools Progressive? (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Co. , 1946) , vii-viii, 134 . For an eve n more vociferous attack o n Dewey , see McCluskey, Catholic Viewpoint, pp . 47—51 . Most studies merely stopped momen tarily t o disassociat e themselve s from Dewey' s philosophy. See, for example, Faerber, "Low-Abilit y Students, " p . 75 . B y the lat e 19605 , Catholi c educatio n becam e more comfortable with the ideas of progressive education, and even Dewey became marginally acceptable . Se e Notre Dam e Study, Catholic Schools in Action, pp . 146 — 15344. Do n Sharkey , These Young Lives: A Review o f Catholic Education i n th e United States, sponsore d b y th e Departmen t o f Superintendent s o f th e Nationa l Catholic Educatio n Associatio n (Chicago : W. H . Sadlier , 1950) , 41. 45. McCluskey , Catholic Viewpoint, p . 96 ; quot e i s on p. 97 . Mar y Janet, Secondary Education, p . 23 ; Notre Dame Study, Catholic Schools i n Action, p. 62. . 46. Cite d i n Trent, Catholics i n College, p. 53 ; quote o n p. 53 . 47. M . Madelev a (Sister) , Conversations with Cassandra: Who Believes in Ed ucation? (Ne w York: Macmillan , 1961) , 25 , 22; Grace Damman n (Mother) , "Th e American Catholi c Colleg e fo r Women," in Deferrar i (ed.), Essays in Catholic Ed ucation, p . 187 . 48. Rober t Hassenger , "Portrai t of a Catholi c Women's College, " in Hassenge r (ed.), Th e Shape o f Catholic Higher Education (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1967) , 83 ; Mar y Rosali a Flahert y (Sister) , "Patterns o f Administratio n in Catholic College s fo r Wome n i n th e Unite d States " (Ph.D . dissertation , Catholi c University, 1960) , 4; Dammann , "Catholic College fo r Women," p. 181 ; quote i n Dammann, p. 47. 49. Dammann , "Catholi c Colleg e for Women," p. 189 ; th e brochures an d bulletins ar e quote d i n Hele n B . McMurray, Personnel Services in Catholic Four Year Colleges fo r Women, Catholi c Universit y of America, Educational Researc h Mon ographs, 2 4 #4(June i , 1957) : 41 , see also 105 , 108 . 50. Mar y Evodin e McGrath (Sister) , "Th e Rol e of th e Catholi c Colleg e i n Pre paring for Marriage an d Famil y Life" (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University, 1952), 17; M. Redempt a Prose , "Th e Libera l Arts Idea l in Catholi c College s fo r Wome n in the Unite d States" (Ph.D . dissertation, Catholi c University , 1943) , 159 . 51. Mar y Audre y Bourgeois (Sister) , "A Stud y o f th e Preparatio n fo r th e Rol e of Parent-As-Educato r in Selected Catholic Women' s Colleges " (Ph.D . dissertation , Catholic University , 1961), 24 ; McGrath, "Preparin g fo r Marriage an d Famil y Life," pp. 17 , 22—24 , 4 2! in—118 . Fo r religio n course s an d famil y preparation , se e McGrath, p . 1 7 and Bourgeois , p . 34 . 52. Bourgeois , "Parent-As-Educator, " pp . 26 , 31; for conferences on famil y life , see, pp. 91-9353. Dammann , "Catholi c Colleg e fo r Women, " p . 193 . Th e objective s wer e present throughou t th e twentieth century . I n 1932 , Sister Eveline observed, "Ever y college-bred woma n ha s a t he r comman d rich intellectua l resource s i n science, lit erature, an d art . Thes e sh e ca n reorganize , an d thu s adjus t hersel f i n lif e t o an y social o r economi c statu s i n whic h sh e ma y b e placed . Thi s statu s wil l b e th e measuring instrument of society whic h canno t hop e t o reac h a higher level than it s mothers." "Objective s o f Catholi c College s fo r Women, " Bulletin NCEA , 29 (November 1932) : 139 . 54. McGrath , "Preparin g fo r Marriage an d Family, " pp. 124 , 127 .

Z 2-33 . 262 n. 9 , 26 4 n. 2 6 (see also Ethnicity ; names o f individual groups); i n Catholi c Schools, 20O-2OI, 202, 222, 226, 293 n.

25 (see also Catholic schools , an d ethnic ity); childre n of (secon d generation) , 6, 8 , 16, 17 , 22 , 24, 25 , 28 , 29, 30 , 32 , 42 43, 52- , 53 , 54 , 55-63, 65, 66-72, 96 , 108, 222 , 231-32, 262 n. 13 , 26 9 n. i, 270 n . 3 ; in high school, 73—111 , 116 , 270 n . 3 ; an d schooling , 116 , 15 6 Immigration, 5 , 16 , 36 , 39 , 43, 49 , 52 , 54 , 55, 62 , no, 116 , 189 , 190 , 230-31, 259 n. 26 , 271 n. 13 , 29 0 n. 4; policies, 45 ; quotas, 33 ; restriction , 4 9 Indiana University , 169 , 17 4 Indians. See Native Americans Individual differences, 31 , 47, 48 , 51 , 55 , 58, 59-60 , 69, 71-72, 76, 231, 26 5 n. 35, 26 8 n. 65 ; a t Catholi c schools, 206— 8 Individualized instruction , 51 , 53 , 61-62 Industrial education, 18 , 20 , 27—28 , 31 , 66 , 197, 200 , 218 , 219 ; curriculum , 61, 62 Industrialization, 5 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17—19 , 21, 22 , 23 , 27, 41, 56 , 66 Inglis, Alexander, 66, 67-70, 72 Inglis Lecture (Harvar d University), 126 Intelligence, 47, 49 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 63 , 70 , 149 , 150—51, 26 3 n . 14 , 26 4 n. 26 , 26 5 n . 29 ; group difference s in , 31-32, 36-37, 46 47, 48-49, 53-54, 55-56 , 61-63, 67 72, 156 , 231 , 26 3 n. 24 , 27 9 n. 2 9 Intelligence Quotient. Se e IQ. Intelligence testing, 46-47 , 48, 49, 69 , 150 . See also IQ; Menta l test s IQ (Intelligenc e Quotient), 37 , 39 , 45-54, 62, 64, 67 , 68 , 69, 77 , 156 , 231 , 26 3 n. 19, 26 3 n . 11 ; in Catholic schools, 199 , 200, 202 , 206 , 20 7 Irish, 79 , 8 0 Table i, 80 , 82 , 83, 85 , 88, 90, 93, 96 , 98 , 99 , 100 , 103 , 106 , 107 ,

303

108, no , 27 1 n. 13 , 27 1 n. 17 , 27 3 n. 26, 273 n. 29 ; and Catholi c church , 221; in Catholi c schools , 190 , 195 , 200 , 201 , 222, 223 , 292-93 n . 23 , 29 3 n. 25 , 293 n. 2 6 Irish me n i n New Yor k Cit y high schools , 80 Table i, 81 , 83 , 85, 86, 87 Table 3, 87, 88 Table 4 , 88 , 91, 99, 102 , 105 , 108, 24 0 Table A , 242 Table C , 24 4 Ta ble E, 246 Table G , 24 8 Table I , 25 0 Table K, 252 Table M Irish wome n i n New Yor k Cit y high schools, 65 , 8 0 Table i, 83, 85, 86, 87 Table 3 , 87, 91, 99, 100 , 101 , 105 , 106 , 108, 24 1 Table B, 243 Tabl e D, 24 5 Ta ble F, 247 Table H , 24 9 Table J, 25 1 Table L , 253 Table N Italian me n in New Yor k Cit y high schools, 80 Table i , 83, 86 , 87 Table 3 , 87, 88, 89, 9i, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 10°, 102 , 105, 108 , 24 0 Table A, 242 Table C, 244 Table E , 246 Table G, 24 8 Table I , 25 0 Table K , 252 Table M Italian wome n i n New Yor k Cit y high schools, 8 0 Table i , 83 , 86, 87 Table 3, 87, 88 , 89, 91, 95, 96 , 100 , 101 , 102 , 105, 108 , 24 1 Table B, 243 Table D, 24 5 Table F , 247 Table H , 24 9 Table J, 25 1 Table L , 253 Table N Italians, 46, 57 , 74, 8 0 Table i , 80 , 82, 83, 85, 86 , 88 Table 4 , 88 , 89 , 90, 92, 93 , 95, 96 , 97, 98, 99, ioo , 102 , 105 , 106 , 107, 108 , 109 , 146 , 27 2 n. 17 , 27 2 n. 24, 27 3 n. 32 , 27 3 n . 33 , 28 2 n . 72 ; in Catholic schools , 221 , 222 , 223 , 29 3 n. 2-5

Janet, Mar y (Sister) , 199, 205-6, 207 , 21 7 Japanese, 27 1 n. 13 , 27 8 n . 35 . See also Asian-Americans Jefferson, Thomas , 23 1 Jewish me n in New Yor k City hig h schools , 65, 8 0 Table I , 83 , 85 , 86, 8 7 Table 3 , 87, 8 8 Table 4 , 88 , 89 , 90, 91, 94, 95 , 97> 98 , 99 , ioo , 102 , 105 , 108 , 24 0 Table A , 24 2 Tabl e C , 24 4 Tabl e E, 24 6 Table G , 24 8 Tabl e I , 25 0 Tabl e K , 25 2 •Table M, 27 2 n . 1 9 Jewish wome n i n New Yor k City high schools, 8 0 Table i , 80 , 82, 83, 84 Table 2, 84 , 85 , 86 , 8 7 Table 3 , 87, 88 , 89 , 90 , 9i, 94, 97, 98, 101 , 103 , 106 , 107 , 108 , 241 Table B , 243 Table D , 24 5 Table F, 247 Table H , 24 9 Table J, 25 1 Table L, 253 Table N Jews, 62 , 74, 79, 80 Table i, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85 , 86 , 90, 92 , 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 , 97 , 98, 99 , ioo , 101 , 103 , 104 , 106 , 107 , 109, no , 202 , 224 , 27 0 n. 3 , 271 n. 13 , 272 n . 17 , 27 2 n . 24 , 27 3 n . 3 2

3

I

Johnson, Charle s S. , 13 3 Johnson, George (Reverend) , 198, 2.04, 208 Johnson, Lyndo n B. , 15 5 Johnson, Mordeca i W. , 119 , iz i Jordan, Riverda , 61—6 z Jordan Hig h Schoo l (Lo s Angeles), 56-57, 61, 64 Judd, Charles , 27 7 n. z 6 Juliana, M . (Mother) , 20 5 Junior college , 168—69 , I 7° Junior hig h school , 43 , 6 8 Juvenile delinquency, 51, 5 7 Kaestle, Carl , 1 3 Katz, Michael , 38—39 , 2.2. 6 Kaye, Carol, 178 , 18 7 Kellor, Frances, 2. 4 Kirkpatrick, Clifford , 26 4 n . z 6 Kitzengen Ai r Base, 15 3 Kluckholn, Florence , 18 4 Komarovsky, Mirra, 179 , 180 , i8 z Koos, Leonar d V. , 76 , 7 7 Lasseter, D . B. , 131 , 27 8 n . 3 5 Latinos, 4 . See also Hispanic s Lazerson, Marvin , 5 , 6 6 Lee, Ulysses, 148, z8 3 n . 8 6 Liberal arts , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , i6z , 163 , 165, 168 , 169—73 , 179—80 , 183 , 184 , 185, 186 , 187 , 188 , zi6; in Catholic colleges, ZI4-2I5 , zi6, zi7 , 29 5 n . 53 Liberalism an d education , zz9—3 6 Lieberson, Stanley , 27 2 n. z z Life adjustment , 70, ziz; education , 173 , i?9 Life-cycle analysis , 167-73, *75 , I 77> T 79~ 80, 181 , 183 , 186 . Se e also Women, i n college; Women , famil y educatio n fo r Lippmann, Walter, 4 6 Literacy, zi, 3Z , 33, 40, 41, 123 , iz8 , 154 , 23z (see also Illiteracy); training in U.S. army, 142 , 143-49 , I5J-53 , 154-55 ; training in U.S. navy , 148 , z8 z n . 7z ; an d women, 17 2 Literary activities , i n high school , 8z , 83 , 90, 91, 93, loz, 107, no (see also Editor in chief; "Other news"; Publications; Student newspaper; Yearbooks) ; Jewish women in , 82—83 , 8 4 Tabl e 4 , 90 , 91 , 100, 101 , 105 , 10 8 Local contro l o f schools, 117 , 118 , izz , IZ4-Z5, IZ7 , 136, 138 , 226, 227, 27 4 n. 9 Louisiana, Catholic schools in , zi9 McCluskey, Neil , zi o McGrath, Mar y (Sister) , 215-1 7 MacGregor, Morris , 15 3 Mclntosh, Millicent , 156 , 18 7 McKeough, Michael J. (Reverend) , zo6- 7

McNair, Lesle y J. (Lieutenan t General), I4I-4Z Madelva, M . (Sister) , 213 Managerial reform , 37 , 4 0 Mang, Willia m (Brother) , 197, zo o Manual education , manua l arts, 27 , 28 , 29, 66, 67 , zo o Marriage age, for women , 161 , 184 , 18 5 Maxwell, Willia m H., 5 9 Mead, Margaret, 156 , z8 6 n . 1 7 The Measurement o f Intelligence, 5 1 Mental ability/capacity , 36 , 37 , 39 , 44 , 54 , 145, 149. See also Intelligence; IQ Mental discipline , z6 , 198—9 9 Mental hygiene , 38 Mental tests , 32 , 33 , 43, 44-47, 48, 63, zo6 (see also Intelligence testing; IQ) ; in U.S. army , 45-47, 141, 145-46 , M 8 , 149-52, 153 , 154 , 233 , 26 4 n . 27 , 283 n. 8 6 Mexicans, 190. See also Hispanics Miller, Mar y Janet (Sister) , 20 4 Mills College , 164 , 17 1 Minnesota Pla n (Universit y of Minnesota) , 167-68 Minorities, 8 , 9, 116 , 119 , IZ9 , 130 , 190 , 205, 208 , 214, 224—25 , 227 , 228, 297 n . 7z. See also Race; names of individual groups Monsour, Kare m J., 17 1 Moore, Deborah Dash, 272 n. 23 Moore, Emerson (Reverend), 218 Morehouse College , 13 2 Morrill Act , 118 Morris Brow n College , 13 2 Moskowitz, Henry , 28-29, 3 ° Moton, Rober t R. , 119 , 12 1 Mueller, Kat e Hevner , 174 , 17 5 Musical activities , i n hig h school , 89—90 . See also Glee Club; Orchestra; Performance clubs National Advisor y Committee o n Educatio n (1931), 117-2.0 , izi , 135 , 13 6 National Advisor y Committee o n th e Education of Negroes, 120, 121, 122, 275 n. 14 National Catholi c Educatio n Association , 194, 203 , zo4, zo5, 207, 208, 212, 21 8 National Counci l of Negro Women , 12 8 National Educatio n Association (NEA) , 65 , 69, 116 , 120 , 121 , 134 , 138 , 27 4 n . 9 National Hono r Society . Se e Arista National Intelligenc e Test, 5 0 National Societ y fo r th e Stud y of Education , 5°, 53 , 75 National Yout h Administratio n (NYA), 115, 122 , 123 , 124 , 125 , 126 , 128 , 129 , 130, 131 , i3z , 133 , 134 , 138 , 27 5 n. 14 , 276 n . 18 , 27 8 n . 35 ; Divisio n of Negr o

Index Affairs of , 129 , 130 ; in Georgia , 131-32 , 278 n. 3 5 National Yout h Service s Administration, 138 Native Americans , 13 , 146 , 28 2 n . 7 2 Native whit e me n in New Yor k Cit y high schools, 8 0 Table i , 82, 83, 85, 86, 87 Table 3 , 87, 88 , 94 , 95 , 97 , 98 , 99 , 102 , 103, 107 , 24 0 Table A , 24 2 Table C , 24 4 Table E , 24 6 Tabl e G , 24 8 Tabl e I , 25 0 Table K , 25 2 Table M , 27 2 n . 1 9 Native whit e women i n New Yor k Cit y high schools , 8 0 Table i , 82 , 83, 85, 86, 87 Table 3 , 87, 88 , 89 , 91, 94, 95 , 97 , 98, 100 , 101 , 102 , 24 1 Table B , 243 Table D , 24 5 Table F , 24 7 Table H , 24 9 Table J, 25 1 Table L , 253 Table N Native whites , 79 , 8 0 Table i , 82 , 85 , 87 Table 3 , 93, 95 , 96 , 97 , 98, 99 , 100 , 101 , 102, 103 , 104 , 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , in, 146, 200, 201 , 223 , 27 1 n. 13 , 27 3 n. 29 Navy, U.S. , 148 , 279-80 n. 52 NEA. See National Educatio n Associatio n Negro. Se e Blacks Negro Affair s Office . Se e National Yout h Administration New Dea l (administratio n of Franklin D. Roosevelt), 7 , 8 , 116 , 117 , 121-39 , 140 , 154, 155 , 232 , 23 3 (see also Federal government and education) ; and blacks , 115 , 116, 117 , 121-22 , 127-39 , 154 . 155 , 275 n . 1 4 New Utrech t Hig h Schoo l (Brooklyn) , 79, 80 Table i , 84 Table 2 , 85, 87 Table 3 , 9*>, 97 , 98, 100 , 105 , 106 , in, 202 , 25 0 Table K , 25 1 Table L , 27 2 n . 1 9 New Yor k City, 92 , 96 , 202 , 213 , 217 , 237-38, 27 1 n. 13 ; high schools in , 6, 79-111, 213 , 27 1 n. 14 , 27 2 n. 23 New Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Education, 6 0 New Yor k Educational Alliance, 56 New Yor k Public Education Association , 5 8

New York Tribune, 55-5 6

North Carolina , Catholi c school s in , 21 9 Notre Dame University, Study of Catholi c Elementary an d Secondar y Schools , 192 , 199—200, 21 1 Numbers, 43 , 44 , 46 , 49, 6 2 Nursery schools , i n New Dea l programs , 123, 124 , 13 2 O'Connell, Laurence J. (Reverend) , 211 Office o f Education , U.S., 121 , 122 , 123 , 124, 130 , 134 , 135 , 138 , 139 , 150 , 153 54, 27 5 n. n, 27 5 n. 12 , 27 5 n. 14 , 276 n. 18 , 28 4 n. 9 2 Orchestra, i n high school, 81 , 89 , 91, 94 , 95, 100 , 103 , 238 , 240-54 Table s A-N , 271 n . 15 . See also Performanc e clubs

305

"Other academic " clubs . See Academic clubs "Other activities, " 238 , 240-5 4 Table s A— N, 27 1 n. 15 , 27 3 n. 33 "Other news, " 8 4 Table 2 , 238, 240-5 4 Tables A—N , 27 1 n. 15 . See also Student newspaper "Other political" activities, 85 , 94, 99 , 103 , 238, 240—5 4 Tables A—N , 27 1 n. 15 . See also Politic s "Other publications, " 8 4 Table 2 , 97, 101 , 103, 238 , 240—5 4 Tables A—N , 27 1 n . 15, 27 2 n . 18 . See also Literary activities; Publications "Other science " clubs , 94 , 97, 100 , 238 , 240-54 Tables A-N , 27 1 n. 15 . See also Chemistry club ; Physics club; Science clubs "Other sports," 81, 82 , 95, 96, 97, 238 , 240-54 Table s A-N , 27 1 n. 15 . See also Athletics; Sports; names o f individual sports Palmer, Emily , 6 3 Parish school s (Catholic) , 191, 193 , 194 , 195, 196 , 199 , 200 , 201 , 202 , 210 , 218 , 221, 222 . Se e also Catholic school s Parochial schools . Se e Catholic school s Patri, Angelo , 5 7 Pearson, Karl , 44 Pedagogy, 23 , 28 , 39 , 41, 42, 43 , 51 , 55 , 58, 59 , 60, 61 , 66 , 71, 76 , 77 , 78, 116 , 117, 127 , 204 , 208 , 211-12 , 231 , 235, 268 n. 68 Peers, 85 , 86 , 90, 177 , 188 , 231 . See also Extracurricular activities Peiser, Nathan, 5 6 Performance clubs , in high school , 89 , 91 , 93, 102 , 107 . See also Dramatics; Gle e Club; Musica l activities ; Orchestr a Peterson, Esther , 17 2 Physics club , in high school, 8 8 Table 4 , 88 , 238, 240—5 4 Table s A—N , 27 1 n. 15 . See also Scienc e clubs Pierce v . Society o f Sisters, 18 9 Pluralism, 3—9 , 14 , 15 , 22 , 72 , 227 , 230 , 234 Poles, 200, 201, 221, 222, 271 n. 13, 293

n. 2 5 Politics, in high school, 83 , 85 , 86 , 90 , 91 , 93, 97 , 99, 101 , 103 , 107 , no . Se e also "Other political" activities; Presidents Populists, 2 1 Positivism, 20 , 21 Poverty an d educationa l deprivation , 117 , 119, 125 , 126 , 127 , 155 . See also Social class an d education Presidents, studen t bod y or senio r class , 83 , 85. 9i > 94, 97, 98, 99, i°°, 101 , 102 ,

306

Index

Presidents (continued) 104, 138, 240 — 54 Tables A—N , 27 1 n. 15 Primary school , 4 , 42, 19 3 Private schools , 4, 7 (se e a/so Catholi c schools); Catholic , 191 , 193 , 194 , 195 96, 199 , 200, 202 Professional education , 4 , 2.9 , 34 , 88 , 103 , 12.6, 12.8 , 159 , 161 , 186 ; for women , 163, 168-69 , i?° > 173 , J 74, *75 > I 76~ 77, 183 , 184 , 185 , 186 , 214 , 2.15 , 18 8 n . 40 Professionalization o f education , 39—40 , 44 , 116, 120 , 134 , 135 , 210 , 211 , 226. Se e a/so Nationa l Educatio n Associatio n Progressive colleges , 159-6 0 Progressive education , 5 , 14-15 , 2.7 , 34 , 35 , 40, 42 , 51 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 58 , 68, 69 , 70 , 7i, 76 , 77-78, 235, 255-56 n. 2 , 258 n. 8, 26 8 n. 68 ; i n Catholi c schools , 192 , 204—12, 235 , 295 n. 43 ; an d women , 158, 159-61 , 162 , 164 , 168 , 179 , 186 , 255 n . 2 , 28 5 n . 8 Progressive socia l reformers , 5 , 9, 15—35 , 36, 37 , 39, 40, 43, 44, 4^, 48, 62-63, 116, 189 , 230, 259 n. 26 , 26 0 n. 3 1 Progressives an d schools , 20 , 21 , 22 , 26 , 27, 29 , 30, 32-35, 36 , 37 , 38, 39, 40, 42, 44 , 56 , 59 , 60 , 68 , 71, 116 , 189 , 23 0 Protestants, 16 , 190 , 213 , 224 , 232 . Se e also Nativ e whit e me n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y high schools ; Native whit e wome n i n New Yor k Cit y hig h schools ; Nativ e whites Psychology, 44-45 , 46, 48, 49 , 50 , 59; measurement, 37 ; a s profession, 44 , 4 5 Public schools , 4 , 8 , 22 , 27 , 32 , 33 , 39 , 189, 190 , 191 , 192 , 193 , 195 , 197 , 198 , 2O2, 2O3, 2O4,

206,

207,

209,

210, 211,

220, 221 , 222, 234, 235; and Catholi c schools, 223-25 , 227-28, 29 8 n. 75, 298 n. 79 Public Works Administratio n (PWA) , 12 2 Publications, activitie s in hig h school, 83 , 96, 97 . Se e also Literar y activities ; "Other news"; "Other publications" ; Student newspaper ; Yearbook s Race, 3 , 8 , 9, 17 , 24 , 31 , 32 , 36 , 37 , 39 , 46, 48, 49, 52 , 54 , 55, 56-57, 62 , 63, 76, 97, no, 115 , 126 , 128 , 136 , 137 , 139—55, 160 , 217—20 , 226 , 228, 232 — 33, 2-5 9 n . 26 , 26 3 n . 24 , 26 5 n . 29 , 26 5 n. 31 . See also Blacks ; Immigrants; Mi norities "Race traits," 23, 24 Racism, 23—24 , 4 9 Radcliffe College , 168 , 18 4 Ravitch, Diane , 39 , 25 6 n . 2 Ray, Marcu s (Lieutenan t Colonel) , 15 3

Reconstruction, 134 , 23 2 Reese, William , 25 6 n . 2 Relief programs , i n Ne w Deal , 116 , 12.2 — 23, 128 , 130 , 131 , 134 , 135 , 136 , 27 6 n. 19. Se e also Civilia n Conservatio n Corps ; National Yout h Administration ; Ne w Deal; Work s Progres s Administratio n Religion, 4 , 22 9 (see also Fait h i n educa tion); i n Catholic schools , 191 , 192-93 , 204, 2O5, 207, 212, 213, 214, 2l6, 22O—

21, 224, 225. See also Catholi c church ; Catholic school s Religious clubs, i n high school , 81 , 90, 91 , 96, 99 , 102 , 103 , 107 , 108 , 238, 240-54 Tables A-N , 27 1 n. 15 , 27 3 n. 3 3 Republican motherhood , 17 2 Republicanism, 19 , 23 ; an d commo n schools, 13 , 1 4 Retardation, 42—43 , 51 , 55 , 62. , 67 , 68 , 6 9 Riesman, David , 182 , 183 , 184 , 28 9 n . 5 4 Riis, Jacob, 19 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 30 , 257—5 8 n . 8 Roberts, Mary , 6 3 Robeson, Paul , Jr., 92 Roosevelt, Eleanor , 128 , 133 , 27 7 n. 2 3 Roosevelt, Frankli n D., 74 , 116 , 121 , 122 , 127, 128 , 129 , 131 , 133 , 134 , 135 , 138 , 145, 154 , 155 , 232 . Se e also New Dea l Rossi, Alice , 223, 224 Rossi, Peter , 196 , 203, 223—24 Rothman, David , 2 1 Roth well, C . Easton , 17 1 Rugg, Earle , 75 Russell, William, 143 , 14 5 Russians, 27 1 n. 1 3 Rutgers University , 168 Sacco, Niccola , 74 Sackett, Edward , 63-64 , 65-6 6 Sanders, James W. , 210 , 220, 221 Sanford, Nevitt , 17 7 Sarah Lawrenc e College , 159 , 160 , 163 , 164, 16 8 Scandinavians, 101 , 27 1 n. 1 3 School an d Society (b y John Dewey) , 26 School a s social center , 20 , 21 , 22 , 29 , 38 , 56-58 School surveys , 39-40, 43 , 265-6 6 n . 35 School system , 9 , 37 , 39 , 40, 45 , 53 , 54, 58, 68 , 69 , 146 , 226; Catholic, 190—91 , 2IO, 222,

226,

228

Schooling: an d characte r formation , 13 , 19 ; and citizenship , 4 , 27 , 28 , 118 ; as religion, 229-36 ; an d social change , 4-10, 14, 24-25, 26 , 27, 34-35, 44 , 68, 71, 256 n . 2 ; an d socia l mobility , 8—9 , 17 , 28, 33 , 40, 41 , 53 , 65, 66 , 71 , 74 , 109 ; and socia l mobility in Catholi c schools , 191, 196 , 201—2 , 203—4 , 223—25 , 228, 229, 29 3 n . 25 ; an d work , 53 , 61 , 6 3 —

Index 65. Se e also Vocational education; Vocationalism; Women , famil y educatio n fo r Science, 39 , 40, 42 , 43 , 44, 49 , 54 , 58-59, 7i) 72 . Science clubs, in high schools, 81 , 86 , 8 8 Table 4 , 88 , 90 , 91, 93, 103 , 10 7 (see also Chemistr y club; "Other science " clubs; Physics club); Jews in , 86—88 , 90 , 91, 103 , 105 , 108 , 109 , n o Science of education, 40 , 62. , 77 , 208 , no — n, 2.2.6 , 26 6 n. 35 Secondary education , 4 , 6, 11-22,, 29 , 41, 61, 67 , 70 , 76 , 7 7 (see also High school) ; and blacks , 73-111, 218-19, 220 , 27 5 n. n, 27 5 n. 14 ; at Catholic schools , 192 , 193—204, 205—8 , 209—10 , 212 , 213 , 223, 29 3 n . 25 , 29 3 n . 26 , 29 8 n . 75 ; and immigrants , 61—70, 72 , 73—111 , 27 0 n. 3 ; and Ne w Deal , 12 4 Segregation, 7, 116 , 119 , 135 , 137-38 , 139, 154 , 232 , 284 n . 9 2 (see also Blacks; Race) ; at Catholi c schools , 217 20; a t CC C camps, 129 , 138 ; in Worl d War I I army, 141-42, 146 , 152 , 154 , 282 n . 7 0 The Selective Nature of American Secondary Education, 6 3 Senior class activities , 83. See also Yearbooks Service activities, in high school, 90 , 91 , 93 , 97, 238 , 240-5 4 Table s A-N, 27 1 n. 15 , 273 n . 3 0 Seven Siste r colleges, 158-59, 168 , 17 0 Seward Par k Hig h Schoo l (Ne w York), 79, 80 Table i , 80 , 8 4 Table 2 , 8 7 Table 3, 90, 92—94, 95—96 , in, 24 6 Table G, 247 Table H , 27 2 n . 1 8 Sexon, John, 12 0 Simkovitch, Mary, 17—18 , 22 , 23—24 , 27 , 28, 30 , 3 1 Simmons College, 175 , 28 8 n. 4 0 Simpson, Alan , 173 Smith-Hughes Act, 11 8 Social activities , in high school, 90 , 91, 93 , 95, 97 , 102 , 103 , 107 , 238 , 240-5 4 Tables A—N , 27 1 n. 1 5 Social clas s and education, 8 , 28 , 31, no , 136 (see also Povert y and educationa l de privation; Schooling , an d socia l mobility); in Catholi c schools , 228 , 29 7 n . 70 ; i n high school , 63-70 , 85 , 94, 95, 96, 98, 106, 232 , 27 0 n. 4; an d menta l testing , 264 n . 2 6 Social lif e i n high school, 96-97 , 98, 105 , 106, 108 , 109 , 23 1 Social settlements , 20 , 23 , 28 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 260 n . 3 3 Social surveys , 19, 3 9 Socialism/socialists, 14 , 20 , 21 , 23 , 2 8 Socialization, 5, 13 , 19 , 20, 23, 25, 33, 34,

307

51, 56 , 75, 76, 77 , 187 ; and Catholi c schools, 204—5 , 1I3; civic, 13 , 16 ; remedial, 22 , 34 ; and schooling , 20 , 22 , 25 , 3i» 33 . 34 . 37. 38, 74, 75 , 7&, I °7, i°9 > 136, 192 , 21 3 "Some activity," 238 , 240—5 4 Table s A—N , 271 n. 1 5 Spanish. See Hispanics Spaulding, Francis T., 5 7 Spearman, Charles, 44 Special Trainin g Units , in U.S. army, 14447, 148 , 149 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 28 2 n. 70 , 282 n . 73 , 28 2 n. 74 . Se e also Literacy , training i n U.S. army Speech therapy , 56 , 60-61 Spiers, Edwar d F., 19 7 Sports, i n high school, 81 , 82 , 86 , 90 , 103 , 106, 107 . See also Athletics; Basketball; Football; "Othe r sports"; Trac k Statistics, 46 , 47 , 49 , 55 ; and statistica l methods, 4 4 Steamer classes, 3 0 Studebaker, John, 122 , 27 5 n . 1 4 Student culture , in college , 157, 177 , 178 , 182, 183-84 , 188 , 216 . See also Extracurricular activities ; Peers Student newspaper, i n high school, 82 , 83 , 84 Tabl e 2 , 94, 97 , 98 , 99 , 101 , 103 , 104. See also Edito r i n chief; "Othe r news" Stuyvesant High Schoo l (Ne w York), 272 n . 23 Suffragette movement , 177 . See also Femi nism Summer classes , 56 , 6 0 Supreme Court , desegregation decisions , !35, 15 4 Sutherland, Robert L. , 16 7 Syracuse University, 168, 17 4 Teaching, 22 , 106 , 187 , 28 9 n. 58 , 290 n. 62; a t Catholi c schools , 210 , 214 , 220 ; teachers colleges, 159; preparation, 169 , 171 Terman, Lewis , 45, 47 , 48 , 50 , 51, 63 , 264 n. 26 Testing, 5 . See also Intelligence testing; Mental test s Theodore Roosevelt Hig h Schoo l (Bronx), 79, 8 0 Table i , 82, 8 4 Table 2 , 85, 87 Table 3 , 89, 90, 98 , 99 , 100 , 102 , 105 , 106, 24 8 Table I , 24 9 Table J, 27 1 n. 13 , 273 n . 3 0 Third Plenar y Council of th e Catholi c Church i n America, 193, 194 , 21 0 Thomas, William I., 36 , 47, 4 8 Thomist psychology , 19 1 Thompson, Frank , 60 Thorndike, Edward , 5 0 Tildsley, John, 6 9

308

Index

Time, 163 , 16 5 Track (sport) , in high school, 81 , 8z , 91, 93, 95, 97, i°7 > JI °, *3 8> 24°-54 Tables A-N, 27 1 n. 1 5 Tracks (curriculum) , 5, 5Z , 53, 64 , 65 , 67 , 68, 207 . See also Curriculum ; Individual differences; Vocationa l educatio n The Transformation o f th e School, 1 4 Truancy, zo , 67 ; laws, z z Tuition, a t Catholic schools , 196 , zji n . 14, 29 7 n . 7Z Tyack, David , zi , 39

Woman's Bureau, 172 Women, 4 , 7 , 8, 9, 14 , 22 , 42, 58 , 67 , 233; in Catholi c school s and colleges , 212—17 ; and citizenship , 176 , 177 , 185 ; in college , 7, 8, 156-88, 233, 234, 28 6 n. 19 , 289 n. 52 ; degrees for , 163, 165 , 28 9 n . 58 , 290 n. 62 ; and family , 157-88 , 212-13, 215, 216 , 234, 288 n. 45 , 29 5 n. 53 ; family educatio n for , 158, 160 , 161-62 , 163—65, 168 , 177 , 212 , 213—17 , 28 5 n . 8, 285 n. n , 28 6 n. 77; in high school , 73—74, 79—80 , 80 Table i , 87 Table 3, 88, 89 , loi—2 , 116 , 24 1 Table B , 243 U.S. Immigratio n Commissio n (Dillingha m Table D , 24 5 Tabl e F , 247 Tabl e H , 24 9 Table J, 25 1 Table L , Z53 Table N, z8 8 Commission), 4Z—43 , zg z n . z 6 University of Californi a at Berkeley , 176, n. 4 5 (see also Bay Ridge High School) ; 177, i8z ; Cente r fo r the Stud y o f Highe r home-career conflict , 167 , 171 , 174 , 181—84, z8 g n . 54 ; i n junior college, Education, 17 6 168-69; revolt of , 7 , 185 , 18 8 (see also University o f Chicago , 3 6 University o f Florida , 16 8 Feminism); and sexuality , 178 ; and work, 158, 165-69, 170 , 171 , 173 , 174 , 176 , University o f Illinois, 16 8 179, 181 , 183 , 184 , ZI4-I5 , Z34 , 288 n. University o f Michigan , 16 8 40 University o f Minnesota, 167 , 18 3 Women After College, 161 , i6 z Women i n the Modern World, 179 , 18 0 Vacation schools , z o Van Denberg , Josep h King , 64, 6 5 Women's Colleg e o f th e Universit y of Nort h Carolina, 16 7 Vassar College , 160 , 170 , 173 , 175 , 177 , Women's colleges , 157 , 159 , 186 , 213-217 . 181, i8z , 18 3 See also Seven Sister colleges; names o f Vermont Junior College , 16 9 individual schools Visiting teacher movement , 58-59 Woods, Robert , 3 1 Visiting teachers, 56 , 58-59, 60 Woodward, Dorothy , 17 1 Vocational education , 27 , Z9 , 31, 32 , 54 , Work, 5 , 16—18 , 20 , 22 , 23 , 26 , 28 , 31 , 40 , 6z, 64 , 65—68 , 92 , 101 , 102—3 , 192 , 42, 66 ; an d character , 27 ; childre n at, 30 , zoo, 202, 203, 268 n. 65 , 26 8 n. 68 ; a t 33, 43 ; an d citizenship , 41; an d educaCatholic schools , 197 , 198 , 208 , 217, tion, 31 , 32 ; and socialization, 17-19 . 218-19; and gender , 156 , z8 8 n . 45 (see See also Vocational education ; Vocation also Women , famil y educatio n for) ; an d New Deal, iZ3 , IZ4 , iz5, iz6 , 131 , I3Z , alism; Women, an d wor k Workers education , 28-29 137 Vocational guidance , 38, 51 , 56 , ZO7 , zo8 , Working class , 17—18 , 19 , 21 , 22 , 25 , 28 , 2,11, Z I 5 *9, 33 > 43, 56 , 57 , 9*- , 93, 2-01 . See also Poverty an d educationa l deprivation ; Vocationalism, 3z , 77 , 18 9 Schooling, an d socia l mobility Works Progres s Administration (WPA) , Wald, Lillian, z8, 3 0 115, 122 , 124 , 125 , iz8 , 133 , 14 3 Wallace, Walter , 184 , 187 , 28 9 n. 5 2 Work-study, i n National Yout h AdministraWarren, Constance , 159-60 , 16 1 tion programs , izz , 123 , 124 , 12 5 Washburne, Carleto n W. , 5 3 World Wa r I , 23, Z4 , 45, 75 , 15 0 Washington, Booke r T., 13 9 World Wa r II, 7, 116, 117 , 134 , 138 , 139 Weaver, Robert , 27 5 n . 1 4 55, 196 , 197 , zoo, zoz, zo4, zzo; and Wechsler, Harold , 27 3 n. 34 blacks, 7 , 139-55 , Z 33! colleges an d uniWeiss, Bernar d J., 20 1 versities in, 139 , i6z , Z7 9 n. 50 ; and Weiss, Nancy , 12 8 women, 7 , 157 , 161 , i6z , 165 , 215 , 233. Wellesley College , 17 8 See also Army, U.S . White, Lynn , 158 , 164-65 , 168 , 171 , 172 , Wundtian psychology , 4 4 i/3, *75 , J 79, 185 , 2-17 , 2-3 4 Wilkerson, Doxey , 13 7 Williams, Aubrey , 126, 127 , 128 , izg , 130 , Yearbooks, i n hig h school, 82 , 83 , 8 4 Tabl e z, 86 , 90, 91 , 9Z, 94, 95 , 96, 97 , 98, 99 , 131, 135 , 27 8 n . 31 , 27 8 n . 3 5 101, 103 , 106 , Z38 , Z4o—54 Table s A— Wilson, Paulin e Park, 161 , 16 2 N, 27 1 n. 15 ; a s sources, 79, 237—3 8 Wirt, William , 272 n . 8 Young, Kimball , 49 , 5 4 Womanpower, 16 6

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