ORGANIZING FOR
SOCIAL CHANGE MIDWEST ACADEMY MANUAL FOR ACTIVISTS
Kim Bobo
Jackie Kendall
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ORGANIZING FOR
SOCIAL CHANGE MIDWEST ACADEMY MANUAL FOR ACTIVISTS
Kim Bobo
Jackie Kendall
SEVEN LOCKS PRESS Santa Ana, California Minneapolis, Minnesota Washington, D.C.
Steve Max
© 1 991 , 1 996,200 1 Midwest Academy
First edition 199 1 Third edition 200 1
All rights reserved.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bobo, Kimberley A. Organizing for Social Change: Midwest Academy manual for activistsl Kim Bobo, Jackie Kendall, Steve Max. -3rd ed. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-929765-94-X 1 . Direct action-Handbooks, manuals, etc. L Kendall, Jackie. II. Max, Steve.III.
Midwest Academy. IV. Title.
JC328.3.B632 2001 322.4'3'068-dc2 1 200 1020331
Manufactured in the United States of America Cover design by Kirschner -
Caroff Design, Inc., New York, NY
Seven Locks Press is a formerly Washington-based book publisher of non-fiction works on social, polit ical, and cultural issues. It takes its name from a series of lift locks on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. Seven Locks Press relocated to California in 1 994. For more information, call or write: Seven Locks Press P.O. Box 25689 Santa Ana, CA 92799 800-354-5348
Let me give you a word on the philosophy of reform. The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have been born of earnest struggle. The conflict has been exciting, agitating, all absorbing, and for the time being putting all other tumults to silence. It must do this or it does nothing. If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agi tation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. This struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one; or it may be both moral and phys ical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will. Find out just what people will submit to, and you have found the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them; and these will continue until they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress. -Frederick Douglass Letter to an abolitionist associate, 1849
Dedication This book is dedicated to the founder of the Midwest Academy, Heather Booth. Heather wrote the fIrst Academy curriculum. Others have contributed to the training over the years, but the single most useful tool has been the Strategy Chart. Because the Midwest Academy Strategy Chart is so useful and so much used, we thought it important to emphasize here the role Heather Booth played in developing it. In the years before the Academy started, the conventional organizing wisdom was that leaders could be entrusted to plan tactics, but overall campaign strategy could come only from professional organiz ers. This division, the development of strategy by organizers and of tactics by leaders, had a basis in reality. By virtue of long experience, many organizers had gained an implicit understanding of the ele ments of strategy and how to apply them, but they were unable to make that understanding clear enough to transfer it to leaders. The Strategy Chart solved that problem. It made strategy planning explicit. The steps became obvious, and all could participate on an equal basis. Use of the chart not only continues to lead to better strategy, but it is a great equalizer and democratizer within citizen organizations. Thank you, Heather, for your wisdom, leadership, and vision.
Contents Preface
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ix
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Acknowledgments ................................................. xi
Part I: Di rect Action Organizin g 1.
2001 Edition Introduction
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Developing a Strategy
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A Guide to Tactics
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Organizing Models: The Underlying Structure of Organizations ..............
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Designing Actions
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Choosing an Issue. . .
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T he Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing
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70
Part II: Organizing Ski l ls 8.
Holding Accountability Sessions .
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Building and Joining Coalitions
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10.
Recruiting
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Developing Leadership .
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Planning and Facilitating Meetings
13.
Being a Great Public Speaker
14.
Using the Media .
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Designing and Leading a Workshop
16.
Working with Community Organization Boards
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Working with Religious Organizations
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Working With Local Unions, Central Labor Councils and
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Building Labor-Community Partnerships
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Tactical Investigations
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Part III: Su pport for Organization .
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2 1.
Grassroots Fundraising
22.
Controlling Your Work: Administrative Systems
23.
Supervision
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Financial and Legal Matters
25.
Working for the Long Haul
26.
You Mean You're Not Getting Rich? Economics in the New Millennium
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. 346 .
Part IV: Selected Resou rces Resources for Organizing . . .. .
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380
. '" ................................................ 399
Index .................................................... "
.......... 410
Preface Inspired by years of organizing in the student,
Today, the Academy continues to provide train
Labor, women's, and civil rights movements, and
ing to these multi-issue, statewide organizations
funded by a back-pay award in an unfair labor
(now part of a national organization-US Action)
practice
the
as well as to numerous other groups, ranging
Midwest Academy in 1973. With Steve Max, the
from students to senior citizens and from neigh
Academy's first trainer and current
borhood to national organizations.
suit,
Heather
Booth
founded
Training
Director, Heather developed a curriculum to pass
The common thread connecting all of the
on the lessons learned in these movements, pro
Academy's work is the value placed on develop
vide organizers with a political and economic
ing individuals so that they can build powerful
context, and teach the skills necessary for effec
organizations that work for a more just society.
tive organizing.
In our training sessions it is inspiring to watch a
The Academy was founded on three princi
low-income mother working on school issues in
ples. For people to organize effectively for social
rural Virginia share her experiences and expertise
and economic justice, they must
with
an
environmental
researcher
from
1 . Win real improvements in people's lives
Washington, D.C., and a housing organizer from
2. Get a sense of their own power
Chicago or to hear a New York student deep in conversation with a senior citizen from New
3. Alter the relations of power
Orleans and a trade unionist from Los Angeles. The Academy's program was premised on
The point is not that diverse people get to know
building a network across many different kinds of
each other but that in doing so, they realize that
organizations in which activists could share their
their problems, though different, have common
experiences, develop relationships, and shape a
causes and common solutions. They begin to see
vision not bound by the limitations of any one form
the connections between their issues and the eco
of organizing.
nomic and political system. They recognize that
In its
early years, the Academy trained many
what unites them is greater than what divides
leaders of the women's movement. Here they
them and that indeed trying to divide them is a
found a place where they could be reinforced as
main tactic of their opponents.
organizers. As word of the training spread, both
The vision for which we work must be broad
experienced and would-be organizers came, bring
enough to make small victories significant. As
ing a diversity to each session that has allowed
people participate in our organizations and gain
activists from all parts of the country to benefit
power, self-confidence, and dignity, they must
from each other's experience.
also share a common vision of a country and
Over the years, the Academy has been instru mental
in
helping
to
build
world in which they would like to live. The
statewide
issues on which we organize today may not lead
citizen action organizations in many states.
directly to the achievement of that vision, but building up the power of citizen organizations is
Preface
ix
a necessary step. People can't begin to envision
Paul Booth, Ron Charity, Barry Greever, and
basic social change when the means to achieve it
Karen Thomas, we have conducted thousands of
are lacking. W henever changes for the better
training sessions. We have had the distinct pleas
occur, it is fundamentally because people have
ure of working with some of the best organizers
taken charge of their own lives, transforming
in the country. So many have come through the
society as well as themselves.
Academy and gone on to organize and direct
Although much progress has been made, a
today's major progressive institutions. All have
great deal more remains to be done. Money and
contributed something of themselves to make the
private special interests dominate the way laws
Midwest Academy one of the best progressive
are made. Voter participation is at its lowest in
organizer training centers in the United States.
the history of the United States, indicating a lack
As you read this book, keep in mind that the
of trust in the political process. Yet in the midst
"steps," the "lists," and the "charts" are tools to
of this, we see where people have organized and
help us do a better job. Coupled with a shared
won. The Academy has been a part of many of
progressive vision and values that foster commu
these efforts, training and building organizations
nity, these tools help us develop the strategic
and networks, learning and passing on knowl
framework for successful citizens' organizations
edge to others.
and active participation in a democracy. Use the
It has been my privilege to direct the Midwest
manual well, and organize!
Academy since 1982. Under the leadership of Heather Booth and Steve Max, and with trainers
Jackie Kendall
including David Hunt, Judy Hertz, Juan Carlos
Executive Director
Ruiz, John Cameron, Kim Bobo, Alicia Y barra ,
x
Organizing for Social Change
Acknowledgments Sneiderman, Delores
This manual draws on the experience ofmany
Travis,
Charles
Vestal,
organizers . Many ofthe concepts, principles, and
Therese Volini, David West,and Marc Wetherhom.
charts were fIrst developed by Heather Booth,
It was a pleasure to work with the staff of
the
Midwest
Academy's
founder
and
Seven Locks Press. Wynne Cougill and Roberta
first
Shepherd's meticulous editing greatly improved
Executive Director .
the book's readability. For the third edition we
We are also indebted to Steve Askin and Jane Tactical
would like to thank Bud Sperry for his assistance .
Investigations chapter have made it an extraordi
The enthusiasm of our past and present publishers,
nary tool for online research. Thanks go to the
James Morris and Jim Riordan, encouraged us
many people who commented on all or parts of the
throughout its writing.
Hunter,
whose
revisions
of
the
manual and helped strengthen this and past edi
We thank all of you who have read and rec
tions: Jean Allison, Ira Arlook, Heather Booth,
ommended this manual to activists around the
Regina Botterill, Harry Boyt, Robert Brandon,
world. Portions ofthe book have been translated
Stephen Coats, Rochelle Davis, Mark Dyen, Joan
into several languages.
Paul
Finally, we would like to express our appreci
Lawrence, Joy Marshall, Judy Maslen, Kim Max,
ation to all the fIne community organizers and
Lynn Max, Amy Neill, Donna Parson, Shelby
activists we have worked with over the years,
Pera, Trelinda Pitchford, John Pomerantz, Jamie
particularly our training session participants .
Pullen,
We've learned organizing from those with whom
Flanagan,
Judy
Allan
Hertz,
Jerry
St . John,
Kendall,
Barbara
Samson,
Kim Simmons, Arlette Slachmuylder, Marilyn
we've worked.
Acknowledgments
xi
PART I Direct Action Organizing
1 T
he new millennium began well. First there was New Year's Eve itself, when, for the first time in history, people the world over
participated in one grand televised celebration that added a new dimension to the word "globalization." Then came a series of remarkable events. The
Seattle demonstration against the World Trade Organization, while it marked the end of the 1990s, was very much part of the spirit of a new era in which people of many political persua sions, from militant trade unionists to militant vegetarians, made common cause against a com mon enemy. In South Carolina, mass action for civil rights re-emerged in the victorious demon strations to remove the Confederate flag that had been flying above the State Capitol. During this time, demonstrations and sit-ins and fasts were taking place on many college campuses to end the purchase of school-logo garments made in s weatshops or by child labor, and to support jan itors and cafeteria workers seeking living wages. Tens of tbousands of janitors and building serv ice union members took to the streets of the West Coast, the Midwest, and the East Coast demanding
Becoming a N ational Majority Movement
union contracts. The new wave of union organizing drives is of great long-term importance. These efforts to organize low-wage service workers often
About This Book
2
have broad community and religious support
Organizing for Social Change
2001 Edition Introduction
through
organizations
such
as
the
National
national political arena, either by forcing elected officials and their parties to confront the issues or
Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice. In response to a series of brutal racist murders
by posing an electoral alternative. Three factors
of unarmed citizens by the New York City Police,
seem to be slowing the development of a more uni
people of all races, incomes, and ages and from all
fied social movement.
parts of the city participated in marches, prayer
First, the language of globalization, while it has
vigils, and demonstrations. The events organized
its unifying and mobilizing aspects, can also be dis
by college and high-school students were among
empowering. If we are now held captive to a global
the most dramatic. These events coincided with
economy, then what good is national government,
successful campaigns by anti-death-penalty groups
and is struggling to gain power over it still worth
to win moratoria on executions.
while? In reality, the question now is no different
Also during this time, senior citizen organiza
than it was at the dawn of the commercial revolu
tions and groups such as USAction began
tion: will government be made an ally of working
organizing nationally and state by state to
people or continue to be an arm of international and
demand prescription drug coverage for those
domestic corporate power? Globalization compli
who find that they must choose between buying
cates the matter but does not fundamentally change
medicine and buying food.
our need to organize for control of the democratic
All of these activities show that we are enter ing a period when, for many people, perceived
political structure. Second, the '90s was a decade in which pro
self-interest is moving from narrow issues that
gressive
bring immediate benefits to broader conceptions
particularity of social struggle rather than its uni
of human rights and environmental concerns.
versality. Among the powerless, each group tended
people
tended
to
emphasize
the
to focus on the history and sources of its own partic
Becomi ng a National Majority Movement
ular oppression rather than looking for ways to coalesce and create majorities. We have seen healthy signs that this is changing, and more people are rec
What has been missing, so far, is the emergence
ognizing that social struggle can be both particular
of a strategy to move this new energy into the
and universal at the same time. One need not choose.
2001 Edition I ntroduction
3
T he third and most important factor is that
fierce opposition, Eugene Victor Debs was already
much of the new momentum is not based in
organizing and would eventually assume the lead
national organizations that can sit down and nego
ership of growing national trade union and socialist
tiate a common strategy. Notable exceptions
movements. In the Western states the seeds of pop
include the role of the AFL-CIO (American
ulism, which influenced Debs, were being sown.
Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial
Tum-of-the-century populism, socialism, and trade
Organizations) in the Seattle demonstrations and
unionism shared a common language of economic
the NAACP (National Association for
democracy, and the movements often connected.
the
Advancement of Colored People) in South
4
Many of the generation that had organized with
Carolina, but generally speaking, a major organiz
Debs lived
ing job needs to be done. The Web and e-mail are
Industrial Organizations in the 1 930s. The CIO
fine tools for mobilization, but they can't substitute
strengthened the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt
for building actual self-conscious organizational
and helped to ensure the passage of legislation for
structures that can join together to carry out a cam
the right to organize, the minimum wage, social
paign to win changes in public policy.
security, unemployment compensation, and the
to
see the success of the Congress of
In 1 99 1 the introduction to the first edition of
eight-hour workday. The stalwarts of the 1 930s
this book noted, and it is worth repeating here, that
generation taught and inspired civil rights workers
we Americans have an unbroken history of organ
in the 1 950s, as well as activists of the movements
izing for social, economic, and political justice.
of the 1 960s, and are now part of the senior citi
T he generation following the men and women who
zens' movement Many of those who first joined
had been inspired by the words of Tom Paine, and
the movements for peace and social justice during
who had fought alongside George Washington,
the turbulent sixties went on to become the leaders
made up abolitionist and feminist organizations
of the movements of the next three decades and are
that worked to extend the liberties of the American
now mobilizing women; environmentalists; People
Revolution to the whole population. Often, those
of Color; Labor activists; citizen action activists;
two movements were intertwined and mutually
industrial, social, and agricultural workers; citizens
supportive.Feminist leaders such as Lucretia Mott,
with disabilities; and people struggling for peace,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, and Susan B.
disarmament, social and economic justice, educa
Anthony and abolitionist leaders like Frederick
tion, health, family issues, and the revitalization of
Douglass, Sojourner Truth, Harriet 'lUbman,
the electoral system. Today, many of the children
William Lloyd Garrison, James Birney, and Sarah
of the activists of the sixties are leaders of the
and Angelina Grimke now occupy separate chap
antiglobalization and antisweatshop movements.
ters of the history books. But in life they knew each
As the 1 980s unfolded, a powerful grassroots
other, worked together, and shared the same plat
Right Wmg movement emerged. Cloaking itself in
forms, debates, and sense of mission.
the legitimacy of religion and the flag while carry
After the Civil War, the veterans of Gettysburg
ing out the political program of multinational
and newly arrived immigrants worked as long as
corporations, this movement challenged us for the
sixteen hours a day in the country's factories,
loyalty of Middle America. At the same time,
mines, and mills. Hundreds of thousands of them
many of the progressive forces fragmented, and
joined the 1 886 nationwide strike for the eight
some moved away from majority themes to issues
hour workday. As their movement rose and faced
that addressed the needs of more limited con-
Organizing for Social Change
stituencies, again posing the old problem of how to
country." There is no sense of seizing the moment
defend particular interests while fighting collec
to accomplish something really splendid. If
tively for common goals.
Liberalism is abdicating leadership, then it is cre
Today, it is clear that the Right Wing economic
ating an opening for a new progressive movement.
policies have failed. "Getting government off our
The Right still holds one advantage, however.
backs" and "freeing business to do its job" merely
The Right thinks in tenus of ideology while
intensify the loss of our industries and fanns and
we progressives think in tenus of issues. The
their replacement with new low-wage jobs. While
Right Wing ideology holds that government is
the Right destroys environmental protection, a tide
bad and ought to be done away with to the great
of toxic chemicals, nuclear waste, pesticides,
est extent possible. This leads to a simple,
sewage, and garbage ruins the quality of life in
easy-to-understand program:
communities across the country. Deregulation of
1. Cut the federal budget.
the airlines leads to higher fares, worse service, and
2. Cut the taxes that finance the budget.
unsafe flights. Deregulated banks collapse in huge
3. Privatize government functions.
numbers and require massive bailouts with public
(Vouchers)
money. Unbridled unregulated greed on Wall
4 . Deregulate. (Utilities)
Street brings on an orgy of speculation. Our lead
5. Foster states' rights legal challenges.
ing corporations are allowed to become truly
(School prayer)
transnational, and while they flood our markets with foreign products, they are not required to put
Within this framework Right Wing groups and
back into this economy what they take out. Poverty
individuals can take on whatever issues they like. It
goes
all leads to reducing government and, coinciden
unabated.
Homelessness,
hunger,
and
inequality rise. Drugs and crime reach epidemic
tally, leaving corporate power uncontested.
levels, and indications are that the government
Progressives, on the other hand, have no sin
itself has cooperated with international drug deal
gle overriding objective. Instead, thousands of
ers to promote its foreign policy and even to
non-profit groups compete with each other.
finance unofficial wars.
Some fight for funding for education, others for
The paragraphs above were written as a com
healthcare; electric-car research; clean air, clean
mentary on the 1980s, and it appears that little
water, and toxic material removal; national
changed in the decade that followed. Yet we now
forests; recycling; renewable energy; early child
stand at the start of the new millennium with far
hood education; affordable housing; college
brighter prospects.
scholarships; public transportation; social secu
The tide of the ultra-Right has run out, at least
rity;
Medicaid; Alzheimer's research;
heart
for now, leaving disarray and disillusionment
research; cancer research; research on AIDS,
among many of its followers. While the Right
blindness, deafness, arthritis, and developmental
searches for its next opening, official Liberalism is
disabilities; preservation of endangered species;
just coasting on the high economy. It has no par
law enforcement; and much more. We advocate
ticular plan or direction other than speeding free
for the rights of women, Mlican Amelicans,
trade and deregulation. No talk is heard of a pend
L atinos, gays, workers, Jews, people with dis
ing New Deal or a Great Society. No one is being
abilities, Asians, seniors, Arabs, the poor, the
asked to consider "what you can do for your
2001 Edition I ntroduction
5
adopted, the undocumented, the unskilled, the
About This Book
underpaid, children, the unemployed, the sexu ally harassed, or those in prison. These are fine
This is a handbook on the fundamentals of
things to do, necessary things to do. We are not
direct action organizing. Direct action implies a
suggesting that anyone stop doing them. Indeed,
majority strategy. Much of its power derives from
this book is about how to do them better. We are
the fear haunting all elected officials that they will
saying only that a series of issues is not a social
be defeated at the polls by angry citizens, or a cor
program. They may be the building blocks of a
poration's fear that it will face massive consumer
program, but even taken all together, they are not
pressure. This means that direct action works best
a program.
with issues that a majority of the population would
W hen we compare the program of the Right
or
at
least
not
actively
oppose.
Nonetheless, most of this book's guidelines for
looking at two totally different approaches to
thinking and acting strategically and its recom
organizing and to the larger process of social
mendations on organizing skills are also useful
change. Of course, we understand that certain
for working on other, less popular, justice issues.
values underlie our issues, but we don't organize
We focus on direct action because we believe it
to promote the values; we promote the issues,
is the best method for building local activist
and in so doing we are less than we could be if
based membership organizations as well as
we did both.
larger state and national coalitions.
Today, everyone understands the meaning of
Direct action is not the only form, or the only
slogans such as "shrink government;' "get govern
"correct" form, of organizing. Electoral, union,
ment off our backs;' "fight bureaucracy" "states'
social service, public interest, advocacy, educa
rights," "federal interference;' and the like. The
tional, and legal organizing all play a role in
Right has gotten them into the popular conscious
advancing progressive goals. The principles of
ness.
justice,"
direct action have applications in many other
"environmental justice," or "equality" are more
kinds of organizing, particularly electoral cam
poorly understood if they are heard at all. Although
paigns, advocacy, and union organizing.
Phrases
such
as
"economic
we are close to it, we are not y et expressing what
We have no illusions that community-based
we are for in a way that presents a broad social
organizations alone are sufficient to win lasting
vision uniting the many strands of our organizing
social change, no matter how strong or numerous
work. We need a vision with a name that everyone
they become. However, citizen organizations and
knows and a definition that everyone understands.
electoral coalitions, statewide or national, need
We have yet to develop the organization or politi
community-based strength and vitality at their
cal party that people will join to promote the whole
roots if they are truly to represent their base and
vision, not just its individual parts. These are the
be able to win victories.
tasks for the new millennium.
6
support
to the issues of the progressives, we are clearly
This book will use broadly applicable examples
Let us therefore resolve to focus on what
from different types of direct action organizations
unites us, to tum outward, to build broadly, to
and issues. Readers who don't see their particular
make ourselves the voice of the majority, and to
type of organization or issue mentioned should not
always consider how what we are doing today
assume that our approach does not apply to them.
leads to the next steps.
The sections on strategy, including criteria for
Organizing for Social Change
choosing issues and mapping issue campaigns, can
life. You can treat this volume like a cookbook
be directly applied to a wide range of constituen
and go directly to the chapter that has the recipe
cies, issues, and organizations from the localto the
for whatever you are doing at the moment. We
national level.
urge you not to do this, though, because you will
We treat issue organizing and elections as part
miss the two underlying themes of the book:
of a single process. Although many organizations
First, all aspects of organizing are related, mak
do
not endorse candidates, an election i s
ing an organization the sum total of what it
nonetheless part of the poli tical environmen t i n
actually does, not of what you intended it to be at
which a n issue campaign takes place.
the start, and second, the real goals of organizing
From this manual you will learn a systematic
go beyond the immediate issues; they are to build
approach tothe techniques of organizing, of build
the unity and power of all who want control over
ing and using power, and of creating lasting
their own lives.
institutions that are both self-defense organizations and avenues for citizen participation in public
2001 Edition I ntroduction
August 20, 2000
7
2 H
oW many times have you heard an organizer say something like "People around here are so apathetic, no one
wants to do anything." Yet if you walk around the
block, you will find that everyone is out industri ously doing what they need to do. Most are hard at work or going to school. A few are searching
Understanding Self-Interest
for deposit cans or hustling. Hardly any are apa thetically sitting around waiting for good things
The Importance of Relationships
to come to them. If organizers encounter people who seem apathetic, it is because we haven't
How Direct Action Differs from Other Types of Organizing
been able to convince them that organizing is one way to get what they need. In fact, we usually don't know what they need because we don't
The Three Principles of Direct Action
understand their self-interest. For that reason, this chapter on the fundamentals of organizing starts with a discussion of self-interest.
How a Direct Action Organizing Issue Campaign Works The Use of Power in an Issue Campaign
Understanding Self-Interest An underlying assumption behind direct action organizing is that you, the leader or organizer, are working with people who are primarily motivated
A Tactical Guide to Power
by self-interest. That is, they are making the effort to organize in order to get something out of it for
The Stages of an Issue Campaign
themselves, their families, or their community. The concept of self-interest also includes motivation by
Tricks the Other Side Uses
8
a sense of moral justice or by an ideology that
Organizing for Social Change
The Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing leads people to want to help the poor or to seek
children.
Self-interest, then, applies to what
opportunities to fight racism, curb the power of
makes people feel good about themselves, as
transnational corporations, or protect the environ
well as to what materially benefits them. More broadly still, many people feel a need to
ment, among many other things. Self-interest is one of the most important and
take on the responsibilities of citizenship and to
misunderstood concepts in direct action organiz
play a role in shaping public affairs. People want
ing. It is sometimes thought of in the most
interaction with the larger community and often
narrow sense: people want more "stuff" and will
enjoy working
organize to get it (often to get it away from some
good. Sometimes self-interest is a desire to work
one else). But self-interest is actually a much
with people of a different race or culture in order
broader concept. The word "interest" comes
to broaden one's own perspective or to combat
from the Latin
which means "to be
prejudice. Other people may be drawn to an
among." (There is a similar word in Spanish.) So,
international project, such as fighting foreign
self-interest is self among others. That is, where
sweatshops, because they want to make a global
do my needs fit into those of the larger society?
difference.
inter esse,
collectively for the common
The concept of self-interest applies to an indi
The point here is not to make a list of all the
vidual's material needs, such as better housing,
forms of self-interest and particularly not to imply
education, healthcare, or wages, but it also
that all of them apply to everyone. As an organizer,
applies to the need for friends, for respect, for
you can assume
recognition, for being useful, for feeling impor
interest that isn't actually expressed to you by that
tant, or for feeling part of a larger community.
person. One of the worst mistakes an organizer can
Self-interest generalized is often class interest.
make is to say, "This is an issue about which
Self-interest can mean the good feeling that
everyone must care" or "This is an issue about
comes from getting back at the landlord, stand
which you must care because you are a
ing up to the boss, or knocking an unaccountable
(vegetarian, ballet dancer-fill in the blank)." It is
politician out of office. Self-interest also applies
risky enough to act on what the polls tell you peo
across generational lines as people are motivated
ple care about. Caring is one thing; acting on it is
to fight for what helps their children or grand-
quite another. Understanding self-interest is the
nothing
The Fundamentals of Direct Action Organizing
about a person's self
___
9
key to getting people to take that step. Listening is
tain ways. Develop a reputation as someone
an essential way for an organizer to learn what
who refuses to talk negatively about other
people's self-interest truly is. One-on-one inter
people and other organizations. (It's OK to
views are an excellent way to get to know the
talk negatively about the target of your cam
values
paign; in fact, it's necessary.)
and
concerns
that
motivate
people.
However you do it, organizing is the process of finding out what people want as individuals and
Relationships between organization members
then helping them find collective ways of getting it.
are also critical. The long-term lesson that suc cessful
The Importance of Relationships
direct
action
and Labor organizing
teaches is that everyday people can make their own decisions, manage their own organizations,
The personal is political: Organizing is over
and rely on each other to work for the common
whelmingly about personal relationships. It is
good and that they can do it across lines of race,
about changing the world and changing how
ethnicity, and gender. This is just the opposite of
individuals act together. The relationships organ
the view that we must all be guided by the eco
izers develop are their most important resource
nomic and intellectual elite. All too often, a bad
and forming relationships their most important
organizational experience reinforces the wrong
talent. To form good relationships, an organizer
lesson. Anyone who sets out to organize others
must like people. A good organizer is motivated
should remember that the political implications
by strong feelings of love and caring. This should
go far beyond the immediate issues.
not be forgotten because a good organizer is
All organizing, then, is based on relationships
motivated as well by strong feelings of outrage
and self-interest, broadly defined. With this
and anger at how people are treated. Forming
foundation, we will proceed to the ways in which
relationships with people is based on trust and
direct action organizing differs from other forms
respect. It is based on doing what you commit to
because not only is the personal political, the
do and being honest and straightforward in order
political is also political.
to advance the members' goals through building an organization. One's ability to build relationships reflects
How Direct Action Differs from Other Types of Organizing
one's basic values. In the long term, you will be known by your values. Characteristics that will enable you to build strong relationships include •
•
Different types of organizations are like dif ferent tools. Each tool is best suited to a
Caring about others. People around you can
particular task, although sometimes more than
tell if you really care about them or just view
one tool will do the job. The main types of citi
them as a means to do your job.
zen organizations are shown in the chart:
Treating everyone respectfully, regardless of status or lack thereof. Those who are gracious only to the powerful will be noticed.
•
Judging not. ("Judge not that ye be not judged.") Give everyone the benefit of the doubt. Try to understand why people act cer-
10
Organizing for Sodal Change
Neither the advocacy organization
The
is necessarily made up of the peo ple who actually have the problem,
Challenges Existing Power Relationships
Accepts Existing Power Relationships
2 a
nor the public interest organization
Forms of Community Organizing
but it works on their behalf.
Direct Action. c
(') ....
CJ) Cl) jft
CJ) Cl)
z
�
c;' Cl)
"
m 0.
c
(') IU C!':
0 ::::I
» 0. < 0
(') IU (') '
a way to settle
negotiate a contract. During a strike, workers lose
day-to-day grievances. The ability to strike over
their wages and are ineligible for public benefits,
working conditions-a shop safety violation, for
such as unemployment insurance or food stamps
example-greatly enhances worker power and dig
(unless they were previously eligible).
nity as well as the relevance of the union.
Under U.S. labor law, even though workers have the "right to strike," if the workers go out,
Building Partnerships
they can be permanently replaced. This right to strike and lose your job is one of the oddities of
Building partnersbips between Labor and com
U.S. labor law. No other industrialized nation
munity groups is based on mutual self-interest. It is
allows companies to permanently replace strik
not community folks helping Labor folks just to
ing workers.-Though it is technically legal in the
be nice or the other way around. Both Labor
United States, permanent replacement of striking
organizations and c ommunity groups benefit
workers is not ethical. Most religious bodies in
when workers are organized in the workplace to
the United States have publicly condemned the
advocate for family wages, benefits, and working
practice of permanently replacing striking work
conditions. And community and Labor organiza
ers because it upsets the balance of power
tions can grow with strong support from the
between employees and employers. The passage
other. Tbis statement, however, is too general to
B uilding Labor-Com m unity Partnerships
225
be the foundation of a working alliance. Self
recently formed national organization USAction.
interest is specific as well as generaL Workers at
The SEIU, the American Federation of State,
a specific company may live in this neighbor
County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME),
hood but not that one. They may belong to one
and the CWA also sit on the board of USAction.
congregation but not another. The situation may
Other unions are likely to join.
call for the support of a community group that speaks English or of one that speaks Chinese.
ReIigion-Labor Groups
While effective partnerships are based on mutual
In fifty cities acros s the country, interfaith
self-interest, unions and religious and commu
religion-Labor groups have formed to build part
nity groups will know the others' self-intcrests if
nerships between the religious community and
they talk together and listen to each other.
the Labor community. Interfaith groups are structured in many different ways. Some groups,
What Kind of Partnership Do You Want?
such as the New York City Labor-Religion
Chapter 9 discusses building alliances. All the
Coalition, involve both religious and Labor lead
guidelines in that chapter apply to building Labor
ers. Although called coalitions, they are usually
community and religion partnerships.
not formal coalitions of organizations but rather
Initially, you should have some sense of what sort of partnership you want. Do you want to
informal collections of active leaders from both the religious and Labor communities.
form a coalition, an organization of organiza
Some groups, such as the Las Vegas Interfaith
tions? Or do you want an informal alliance that
Council for Worker Justice, are coalitions of con
forms around particular issues? There is no
gregations, with a structured relationship with
"right" model, but it is helpful to know what you
the Labor leadership. Other groups, such as the
want to build because how you get there varies. A
Chicago Interfaith Committee on Worker Issues
variety of community-Labor partnerships exist
and Clergy and Laity United for Economic
around the country. Below is a brief description of
Justice in Los Angeles, are composed primarily
some of the various formations and their models.
of concerned religious leaders from a diversity of denominations and faiths but with a formal liai
USAction and Other Sta tewide Citizen
son to the Central Labor Council. For the most
Action Orga nizations
up-to-date list of these groups, see the Web site
The organizations with the longest history of uniting Labor and community groups are the
of the National Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice at www.nicwj .org.
statewide citizen action organizations that began in the eighties and nineties as coalitions of com
226
Jobs with Justice Groups
munity groups and unions. They work jointly on
Jobs with Justice is a coalition of Labor, reli
legislative and public policies that unite every
gious, and community groups that work to
one, such as universal healthcare, environmental
support worker issues. There are over thirty Jobs
policies, or insurance reform. In some states,
with Justice local coalitions around the country.
they work on issues of direct concern to Labor
When Jobs with Justice was formed, it focused
groups such as workers compensation, living
primarily on building support within and across
wage, or education. The groups mentioned
individual unions. In recent years, a great deal of
above, and many others, are members of thc
attention has been devoted to building stronger
Organizing for Social Change
ties with the religious commuuity and local
strengthened the organization's ties with the
neighborhood organizations.
Labor community.
Jobs with Justice spearheaded the develop
Following the successful living wage cam
ment of Workers Rights Boards. These boards
paign, BUILD constructed a partnership with
formally and publicly hear workers' cases.
AFSCME to address welfare reform issues and
Although the boards have no legal authority, they
other low-wage worker issues.
do hold moral authority and have helped improve
Other IAF affiliate organizations are building
conditions for many workers . For more informa
partnerships with unions, recruiting them as
tion about forming a board, contact Jobs with
members, and seeking to replicate BUILD's suc
Justice, (202) 434- 1 1 06.
cess in working with unions in ways that build the organization, build the unions, and strengthen the community at large.
ACORN
ACORN is a national membership organiza tion of people in lower income communities.
Immigrant Workers Cen ters
ACORN groups have developed ties with the
A couple dozen immigrant workers centers
S EIU because ACORN found many of its com
around the country help workers understand their
munity members working in low-wage service
rights as workers and organize against abusive
jobs and recognized that to truly help its mem
employers. Most of these workers centers have
bers, many of their workplaces needed to be
developed strong ties with the unions that organ
unionized. Consequently, ACORN affi liates
ize in workplaces employing lots of immigrant
around the nation tend to have connections with
workers.
SEIU locals organizing home-care workers, hotel
As U.S . society becomes increasingly diverse,
workers, nursing home workers, or other low
unions are challenged to organize and serve
wage service workers.
workers who speak many different languages and
ACORN has played leadership roles in about
bring many different cultural attitudes toward
half of the living wage campaigns, which have
unions. Immigrant workers centers have pro
been terrifi c tools for building broad-based part
vided a bridge between the workers and the
nerships
unions, helping both to understand one another.
between
Labor,
religious,
and
community organizations.
The best list of immigrant workers centers is distributed by the Phoenix Fund for Workers and
Industrial A reas Foundation
Communities, c/o The New World Foundation,
BUILD, the IAF affiliate in Baltimore, has developed one of the strongest religion-Labor
1 00 East 85th Street, New York, NY 1 0028, (2 1 2) 249- 1 023.
partnerships in the country. BUILD was formed as an organization of congregations in B altimore
Guidelines for Building Labor-Community
working together to improve conditions for the
Partnerships
congregation's members. After many years of organizing primarily within the religious com munity, the organization embarked on the nation's first living wage campaign, which inspired dozens of communities to follow suit in organizing similar campaigns. The campaign
Build Relationships Now. Don't wait until there is a crisis and you need a community-Labor part nership . Get to know people now. Figure out who in the community and who in Labor is interested in working together.
B u i lding Labor-Comm u nity Partnerships
2 27
Seek Broad Religious Diversity. All religions
ask you
support justice. All faith traditions believe work
President of the local union or District Council
ers should be treated with respect and dignity.
involved, as well as the head of the Central Labor
But few religious leaders have direct experience
Council or the State Federation of Labor. If you
working with unions and intervening for justice
do not communicate initially with the official
in the workplace. Recruit Catholics, Protestants,
leadership, some suspicions and concerns may
Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, Evangelicals, and
be raised that could have been avoided.
anyone else with a large presence in your com munity. Do not allow stereotypes about various groups to hinder your broad outreach. Workers need the active involvement of all denominations and faiths.
Focus on Action, Not Structure. Organizations that come together around concrete needs of workers and concrete educational programs are better off than those that foeus lots of energy on internal structure. Although it is important to
Seek Broad Union Involvement. Some unions
understand your basic structure and to have some
have a great deal more experience working in
leadership structures, don't spend too much time
partnerships than others. Work with those who
on formal items, such as bylaws. Spend the bulk
are willing and able, but invite all the unions in
of your time and energy focusing on action and
the community to be involved.
education.
Seek Broad Community Organization Involvement.
Wait to Formalize Leaders. If you plan to have a
A range of community organizations, including
formal coalition with elected officers, consider
organizing, advocacy, and more mainstream
waiting to confirm all the leaders until you have
social service agencies, may be interested in
a broad diversity of leaders from which to choose
worker issues.
and until you are sure who is really committed to
Seek Broad Racial Diversity. As Dr. Martin
the work.
Luther King Jr. said, "Sunday morning is the
Respect the Different Cultures and Internal
most segregated hour of the week." Indeed, the
Processes. Cultures are widely different between
religious community is even more divided by
unions and most religious or community organi
race than by denomination. It is important to
zations. For example, community and religious
involve a broad diversity of people from the begin
groups think in terms of what is good for the
ning. (Unions, interestingly, are now among the
community as a whole or for working people as
most diverse organizations in America)
a whole, but before taking into account such
Not Everyone Needs to Be Involved. Not all unions, community organizations, or religious groups are ready to work in partnerships . Don't wait for them indefinitely. Work with those who are able and willing.
Work Closely with Existing Labor Structures. Regardless of the structure of your organization, it is important to communicate directly with the official local elected Labor leadership, not just rank-and-file groups or individual members who
228
to become involved. Contact the
broader considerations, unions are required (by law) to represent tlie immediate financial inter ests of the specific individuals who are their dues-paying members. You don't have to fully understand all the differences, but recognize that they exist and must be respected.
Many union staff and leaders
come to
community-Labor partnerships very distrustful of "outsiders." This may be the result of past
Organizing for Social Change
experience or because cooperating in an alliance adds a whole new element to some union staff
•
Give everyone something concrete to do before the next meeting.
person's workload. For many years, unions oper ated in isolation from community groups and
A Good First Project
even found themselves publicly attacked and IS
criticized. Such words sound strange in light of
Sometimes a community-Labor group
recent antiglobalization and sweatshop cam
formed because of a pending Labor problem. In
paigns, which continue to unite unions with so
such cases, it is obvious what the first project
many different groups. However, older trade
should be. In other situations, it is important to
unionists and members of progressive organiza
select some initial projects that build relationships
tions
between the religious and Labor communities and
still
remember
when
they
were
occasionally divided, and unions were divided
broaden the base of involvement.
from each other, on issues regarding race, foreign
One good first project is to host a Labor in the
policy, and the environment, among others. Your
Pulpits program. This program recruits and
group may have to prove itself before you get
trains union people to speak in congregations
much cooperation from Labor. And if you have
over Labor Day weekend. Good materials are
concerns or questions about Labor, do not air
available to help you with this project from the
them publicly. Unions, like citizen organizations, are rightly unwilling to work with people who
National Interfaith Committee for Worker
publicly criticize them.
responsibility for recruiting the Labor speakers,
Justice. Usually, the Central Labor Council takes and the religious community recruits the congre
Holding the First Meeting
gations and trains the speakers. In 1 998, over
The first meeting is important in setting the
thirty cities hosted Labor in the Pulpits pro
right tone and direction. Sometimes groups
grams. Non-religious organizations can invite
decide to have a daylong community-Religion
union speakers to their annual meetings and
Labor workshop on "Shared Values" as a means
other events.
of getting started and identifying interest. Others
Living wage campaigns have jump-started
decide to begin with an organizational and mis
many community-Labor partnerships. The best
sion focus. Either way, the first meeting is
background on living wage campaigns is avail
critical. The first meeting should model your val
able from www.livingwagecampaign.org.
ues and commitments. It should •
Many groups are seeking ways to clean up
Involve diverse faith groups , community
U.S. sweatshops. In addition to being informed
groups, and unions.
consumers, groups may want to work with the
•
Be racially diverse.
local Department of Labor to develop or distrib
•
Involve the central Labor leadership.
ute complaint forms and hold workshops in
•
Start with prayer or a unifying reading.
congregations informing workers of their rights
•
Involve everyone in discussions and plans.
in the workplace.
•
Avoid getting bogged down in boring matters.
•
Have a tight agenda with a good chair or
understand their rights. The Chicago Interfaith
moderator.
Committee on Worker Issues developed a Worker
Many groups develop programs to help workers
B u ilding Labor-Comm u nity Partnerships
229
Rights Manual explaining workers rights and
concerns. Usually, the delegation attempts to
how to complain to appropriate agencies. Both
meet with management. Sometimes they do
Department of Labor staff and union staff help
meet, and occasionally, the meeting in itself
lead the workshops so workers understand their
helps resolve problems. More often, the delega
legal options and their organizing options . The
tion is denied a meeting with management.
manual is available in English, Spanish, and
Whether or not there is a meeting, if there seems
Polish. Workshops are being conducted by Labor
to be no commitment on the company's side to
leaders in congregations to inform workers of
addressing the workers' concerns, the delegation
their rights. For a copy of the manual or infor
then writes a report of its fmdings and recom
mation on workshops, send $3 to the Chicago
mendations. The report is then released publicly.
Interfaith Committee, 1 020 W. Bryn Mawr,
Whatever else citizen and religious organiza tions may achieve, it is hard to imagine
Chicago, IL 60660-4627. One good way to involve religious and com
developing a more just society without creating
munity leaders in particularly difficult worker
more just economic relationships in the work
issues is to form a fact-finding delegation. The
place.
delegation, composed of religious and commu
critical for the twenty-fIrst century.
nity leaders, meet
