Opening the doors: immigration, ethnicity, and globalization in Japan

EDITED BY EDWARD BEAUCHAMP Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody MODERN EDUCATION, TEXTBOOI-lbe~iiiiiiiig,the Residents' C...

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EDITED

BY

EDWARD BEAUCHAMP

Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody

MODERN EDUCATION, TEXTBOOI<S, AND IMAGE OF THE NATION Politics and Modernization and Nationalism in Korean Education: 1880-1910 Yoonmi Lee

THE

PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIZATION I N CHINA Thomas G. Lum CULTURAL REVOLUTION THEUNI-lbe~iiiiiiiig,the Residents' Couiicil \\-as 'I\\-are of the problein m d n-mted to stop it.4" Copyright 2002 by Betsy Brody

This phenomenon is most common in the K6ddil (ildtioildlly sponsored) h o ~ ~ s i n g units nhich are rented priirimly to single morkers Thus, these "dorm" style living arrangements often hale sel era1 single m k k c ~Brazilian inen lir ing together and rotating O L I ~as their jobs are teririinated or they iriol e to other jobs. Coiriiriunity leaders at the Toyota Internatiorlal Associdtion fmiiliar xx it11 the probleiri point out S the drairidtic differences betmeen the integrdtion of fmiilies d i d singles. S ~ the director of the Toyotd Iilterilatioilal Associdtion, Brazilians x i t h Onlilies tend to try to adapt . . . I inem obey rules about garbage and things like that. Just like if you are single and you do not know many people . . . only people at work, right? Well, if you are x i t h your finlilj; you ha\-e more interaction x i t h people because of that . . . I think single Brazilians are excluded and isolated."

At Homi Danchi, the Residents' Couilcil has iridde several attempts to deal nith this probleiri Their first strategy for soh ing this problem of the lack of dccountability oil the part of h n k c ~ lgal& d i d their employees In ing in the K6dan apartments \x7ds to rent the dpartirieilts directly to the m k k c ~Brazilian norkers theiriselves, in their on11 ilairies. H o w e ~ er, this did not prove to be an adequate solution to the probleiri. n hen coiriplaints emerged or duthorities dtteiripted to recoup money for property dairidge, the langudge barrier as nell as m k k c ~norkers' claiiris that they had no money to pay dmiages reportedly qudshed efforts to correct the problem. Bmcall7; the Housing Authority and the Residents' Couilcil found theiriselves uilable to effectively enforce rules within the Dailchi Many Braziliails who nere inter\ iened for this study expressed frustration at the lack of concrete enforcement of the rules. I n-is11 t h x the housiiig ofice ~ o u l d strictly puiiish the fen- people n-ho do riot l or some obey the rules and do b ~ dthiiigs. O r the police or the I ~ k e i gnislio '~uthorities.Somebody should be strict about the rules. It should come fro~il ~bove.Theyshould not tell US to take c x e ofproble~ilso u r s e l ~ sPeople . ~ - h do o b ~ thirigs d disturb ~ l of l us."

In an effort to deal with this problem, the Housing Autllority and Residents' Council recently i~nplenlenteda new policy putting the responsibility for property datl~ageon /zcdm g&/zcl. According to one conlnlunity leader, There are still co111p~iiyreritals, but 1 i o ~the ~ - coliq~riies~ilusttdke respoiisibility i bemeell some liokeii gnislin m d the iri cdse of trouble.This is due to ~ i dgreelnerit riatiorial housiiig corporatiori [n-hich admillisters the ICodari ap~rtmeiits]. . . If colllpanies refuse to take responsibility they are expelled f?om the system. So, we hn-e gone through three phases x i t h this problem . . . First, the coirlpanies were renting out the apartments and them gking them to the i l i k k c i Brazilians. That system led to many problems so the responsibility n-as transferred to the i i i k k c i Brazilians thenlselx-es during the second phase. This also had its drn~backs because hen there xere problems, i i i k k c i Brazilians \ ~ o u l dsay that they didn't ~mderstaildor that they didn't hn-e money [to repair danlage]. Nox, x i t h the new agreement, the i l n k r i l p i s l l n are responsible for any trouble."


Though it is too soon to gauge the effectir eness of this nen polic7; it is being lauded by local coiriiriuility leaders as at least step in the right direction, iridkiilg 11akcr1 q a / h accountdble for at least one aspect of the problem. Honever, the director of the Toyotd Interilatioilal Association points O L I ~that even this step is limited in its e f i c tiveness n ithout some ildtioildl level c hmge in lam. The Housing Authority changed their policy to ban company rentals starting on August 1, 1999. Also, they now hn-e -el Portuguese speaking Brazilian staff m e n ber at the housing office in Hoini Danchi. The Housing Corporation is now much more cooperative t h a n they used to be . . . but no law has changed.There hn-e only been scattered local efforts to open up."

The August policy also raises some questions about the appropriateness of employers regulating the prir ate actir ities of eiriployees The mechanisiri through which this nem7policy is irieant to nork is that the hakcr~g a d l a , no\\ responsible for dairiages, n 111 be able to hold rukkcl Brazilian xx orkers dccountable (in xx dy that the Housing Authority and Residents' C o ~ ~ i l cci lo ~ l dnot) due to their control oler the norkers'job security and \\ages This added measure of poner over the In es of rukkcl Brdzilidils on the part of l l a k c ~ lq a l t h is probleiridtic given the already uilequdl relatioilship between the two. Absence of Policy A7ikkci Brazilians in Japan are residentially segregated, living prinlarily in public

housing developnletlts or separate company dormitories. As discussed above, this by circunlsta~~ce is a result of the lack of access to other types of acconlnlodatio~~s foreigners in Japan. One mqor factor contributing to this situation is the absence of ally Japanese laws protecting Brazilians, or other foreigners, from discrinlitlation in the housing market. Japanese landlords are legally free to turn prospective tellants away on tlle basis of nationality. One Japanese staff member of tlle Nagoya Itlternational Center, which is run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, explains tlut this practice is acceptable because it is not etlsllrined in lm; O f course ~ v ehave discri~niii~~tiori iri J ~ p a i i. . . but one thiiig I call be proud of iri Jlpm is t h ~ TT-e t discri~niii~~te or1 the persoii~ll e d m d not ill the Ian: Iii Europe~riand Alilericm history there is 1' ver>-lxld record of discri~niii~~tiori ill the Ian- . . . Here, there is rio history; of legal discrimiriatioii . . . O f course, the Korem situxiori is diiiererit . . .But, ill terms ofhousirig, it is 1' private x7ersuspublic issue. If the OTT-iier h ~ 1's b ~ ililage d of foreigners, then he c m refuse to relit to foreigiier~.~~

In essence, Japanese law offers little protection to foreigners from discrinlitlation in the housing market.Tllis absence of policy contributes to the isolation of rlikkci Brazilians and thus stands in the n-ay of the group's stnootll integration. A7ikkci Brazilians, like other foreigners in Japan, are not protected by lm- from ethnic, cultural, or racial discrimination. As explained by another Japanese staff metnber of the Nagoya Internatiotlal Center


Here in Japan, we do not have m y actil-e protection of foreigners . . . Here, we can live -e~itthoutthe law to clean up problems and set up systems. Our society is based on a code. O u r code society is different than America's litigious systen~.~"

A iriember of the Toyotd Iilterilatioildl Association chdracterizes the probleiri as lack of societal risioil. Japan is a 1-ery equal society . . . In the lax, el-erybody is equal. But the interpretation of the law is not equal . . . T h e big problem is that people are living here in@pan xithout any sense of protection or belonging.This society does not foster looking into the future or thinking about the "big picture."'-

A Japanese jourrldlist wl1o nrites d b o ~ ~mkkcl t Brdzilidils both 111 Japan and 111 Brdzil elriphasizes the interaction betneen protecting foreigners' rights and promotiilg integrdtion, based oil the exairiple ofWestern societies In Camda or Englmd, the minority is taught the basic aspects of the culture of the host society.Along n-ith that, their hunlan rights are protected and respected. In Japan, x e do not do

Xlkkc~Brazilians interriewed described many situations 111 wl-hich they ha\-e been barred from renting dpdrtinents because ofbeing Brdzilidil.Tl1is respondent, third generation mkkcl Brazilian, currently lives 111 coi~ipmyapdrtineilt TX ith 111s sister, but is trying to get ail apartirient for himself since he mould like to stay in Japan. He describes his difficulties in fillding his 0x1 11 dpdrtirient I would like my own apartment, but I 11x1-e n1my problems finding one because I am Brazilian. That is because there were . . . problems n-ith a snlall group of Brazilians destroying apartments. Nox, when other Brazilians try to rent apartments, we are suspected. This is true for all foreigners I think. We must depend on Japanese people for an apartnlent.@pmese people only care that you are a foreigner . . . ev31 if you have the money. I think there is a problem of trust. Brazilians hn-e -el bad image here.'"

Langudge proficiency does not appear to open the door for mkkc~Brazilians in the housing iridrket.' Many respoildents, TX ho, like the prel ious respondent, are bilingual, describe experiences of being turned n d y by ldildlords thdt are identicdl to the stories ofnon-Jdpmese spedking Brdzilians In dddition to being restricted from prirate accommod~tionoil the basis of ilatioilalit7; mkkc~Brazilian respondents also related stories of being barred from some shops d i d restdurdilts for the same reason. Sel era1 described experiences 111 xx hich, upon their entry into a shop or superiridrket, an ailnouncement rids broadcast 01er the loudspeaker cd~tioiliilgclerks to " P q dttention because Brazilians are 111 the store "There is one notable case ofd Brdzilian noiridil (noil-mkkcl) n ho mas not permitted to enter jemelry store in Hmiairidtsu because of her nationality. Aiter disco\ ering thdt no Japanese Ian s exist to protect foreigners fioiri that type of discriiriination, she sued the shop ox\ ner under internatioilal la\, citing the Coinentioil on the Eliiriiilation ofAll Foriris of Racial Discrimin~tion,to xx hich Japan is signatory. Her subsequent ~ i c t o r yin the Japanese legal system 111 October 1999 is lmdiridrk decision 111 Japan, d i d ~mderscoresthe need for


Japanese la\\ to adapt to the nen realities of foreigners noriris upholding their human rights (French 1999)

111 Japan d i d

interildtioildl

NIKKEIJIN AND EDUCATION The tlutnber of rlikkci Brazilians making education related inquiries at the Nikkeijin Ad~isoryCenter of the Kaigai Nikkeijin Kyokai l~asincreased sllarply since the early 1990s (Figure 6). Indeed, education l~asemerged as the most serious and controversial issue concerning the nligration of rzikkci Brazilians to Japan. The Ministry of Education reports tl~ato x r 3,000 Japanese public schools lm-e special Japanese language classes to serve about 17,300 foreign students (Table 9). Aichi prefecture has the highest tlumber of schools n-it11 such Japanese classrooms, with 466 schools creating classrootns for about 2,000 foreign students (Table 10). Portuguese is the first language of the tnajority of foreign students in elementary and middle schools, n-ith the number of Portuguese speakers filling sharply in high schools. This is consistent n-ith the demographic data regarding the age and family characteristics of rzikkci Brazilians in Japan: most rlikkci Brazilians are betn-een twenty and forty years old and those with children have mostly eleme11tary or junior high school aged children. Also, tl~anyyoung rlikkci Brazilians n-110 are not within the age range of compulsory education and do not have the Japanese language ability to attend high school find few alternatives other than taking jobs in factories or engaging in gang activity" Figure 6: Education and Language Concerns among rzikkcijirz in Japan 1995)

Source: KNK 1998 The issue of the education of rlikkci Brazilian children is strongly contested both within the rzikkci Brazilian connnunity and n-ithin Japanese society at large.


Within the rukkcl Brazilian commuility, there are strong feelings about parents' decisions to bring children fioiri Brazil to Japan Many wkkc~Brdzilidils interviened disapproved of rukkcl Brazilian parents n h o came to Japan to make irioney and brought their children dlong xx ithout m y clear idea of the length of their stay. The follov ing respondent, a non-mkkc~Brdzilian dccoiripmied 111 Japan by his second generation rukkcl Brazilian n lie, for instmce, left his children in Brazil n ith his parents rather than keep the fairiily together in Japan. He described this decision as diffic~ltone, made nit11 the hope that he xx 111 return to Brdzil d i d that his children xx 111 also remain there. My children are x i t h my parents in Brazil. They are in a good school there. We don't n-ant to bring them here at all because they n-ill lose their chances in life. We belie\-e that we are sacrificing for the sake of our children . . . I thought of my plans and goals before I came to Japan . . . Some ~iikkriBrazilians make money here to use in Brazil, others ~ 1 n tot stay in Japan and they bring their kids and Omilies.''

In contrast, the following respondent, a second generation r~ikkciBrazilian, having brought his children to Japan, non- finds it difficult into conceive of leaving Japan hiiriself, given his children's assiiriilation to Japanese society. I had ah-ays planned on returning to Brazil in my fifties, but now I am not sure. I am half and half on this subject. By that time, my kids n-ill be done x i t h high school and they can decide whether they ~ 1 n tot stay in Japan or not . . . T h e kids are not proficient in Portuguese . . .The reason I stayed is because of my children. I think people should know before they come to Japan that their kids xi11 not learn Portuguese in Japan. They should be prepared to put their kids in the Japanese educational system . . . If they intend for the kids to be in Brazil as adults, they should leave them in the Brazilian schools where they can get the best education for that purpose . . . My children think that they are Japanese."

This issue also causes rifts nithin fairiilies. One third generation mkkc~Brdzilidn who came to Japan nit11 her parents when she m7ds 111 eleirientary school d i d is nom7 l-~tteildiilg a Japanese high school, describes her fmiily's dilemma. I n-ant to go to university in Japan and x o r k here after that, but my parents n-ant to go back to Brazil. If my parents go back, I n-ill work here and send 111011ey.'~

Other fairiilies face another decision-whether the child should pursue her education in Japan aiter junior high school or nhether she should begin contributirlg to the fairiily finances. One young mkkc~Brdzilidn girl, good student, m71-dstorn betneen desire to attend Japanese high school and her parents' wishes for her to help financially. She coiripromised, and nit11 the help of her junior high school, is nom7 atterlding high school classes part-time and norking part-tiirie 111 a factory. One j ~ m i o rhigh school teacher of internatioilal students expldins the problem. Sometimes the children try to do well and go to high school, but Onlily pressures nuke that road illlpossible for them. If their parents have jobs and are doing \yell, the child can study hard and ad\-ance to the nest step or lex-el."


Efforts to address the educdtion probleiri are focused primarily at the local ler el. Schools, like those in Toyotd ~ 1 % that have high numbers of rukkcl Brdzilidn students, hare taken the initidtire, O L I ~of ilecessitf; 111 creating interilatioildl classrooms d i d atteilipting to keep Brdzilidn youngsters 111 school. In ddditioil, both the Toyota city gor ernment d i d the Aichi prefectural goverilment have agreed to pay the salary of one Portuguese spedking part-tiirie dssistdilt teacher for schools 1~1th illany m k k c ~Brazilian children. Some local officials, irlcluding the follov ing local goverilirieilt leader, expressed desire for cooperation from the Brazilian gor ernment 111 dddressing this probleiri Right now it seems that all the efforts are at the local 1e1-el.The national go\-ermnent needs to pay attention to education. We should do something about drop-outs . . . that is a long-term problem, but there is no action or inclination for any action now. I think ilikkri Brazilians should be taught Japanese. I also think that there should be a role for the Brazilian go\-ernment in creating Brazilian education in Japan. Both sides need to make efforts regarding education and this is a perfect time.The main problem is education 11ere.The schools need Brazilian staff members. We should do something for the sake of the children. The cooperation of the Brazilian go\-ernment is questionable. These children's situation is ~mclear. . . they ill lose opportunities in both countries if no decision is nude about whether they will stay in Japan or not.'"

There are noxr ser era1 private Portuguese schools 111Japan The Pythagords school has opened in G~miridPrefecture d i d there is some discussion of branch opening 111 Aic11i. 111 addition, second prirate school, EAS, operates in Toyota These schools are for-profit iilstitutioils a i d are quite expensive giren rukkcl Brdzilidn \\-age ler els I11 addition, they are regarded 1~1thsuspicion by many 111 the m k k c ~ Brdzilidn c o i m n ~ ~ i l iseen t ~ ; as money-iridkiilg ventures by the or~nersrather than as educatiorlal irlstitutioils Also, rukkcl Brdzilidils TT ho plan on only a teiripordry stay 111 Japan to earn irioney are generdlly uimilliilg to sacrifice the irioney required for tuition at the Portuguese schools. 0 1 1 the other hand, rukkcl Brdzilidn parents, like this m k k c ~Brdzilidn father oftmo, r~ho intend oil ail extended s t q 111 Japan, are concerned xr ith iiriproving their children's Japanese langudge dbility. I do not think it is good to build a Brazilian school here in Japan. The goals of that kind of school can be acconlplished in the regular Japanese school. My son came here x h e n he is in kindergarten and he xvas ah-ays in the Japanese school . . . Now he speaks ody@panese. But, his &end has been in the Portuguese class and learns only Portuguese, and he can't speak Japanese.'-

Homever, there is not, as yet, ildtioildl lerel support fioiri the Ministry ofEducation or any discussion of ofiring special training or support to those teachers ledding "iiltern~tional"classrooiris.The transition from teaching classes of all Japanese students to teaching classes of foreign students can be d difficult one. According to this eleirientary school teacher 111 Toyota city, We took it for granted that kids xould sit and study as usual. But, x h e n \ye got foreign students here, \ye realized that the \my that we teach would ha\-e to change too. With foreign students, the teachers 11x1-e a one-o~~-one relationship with students. I had culture shock when I started teaching foreign students . . .


When I tried to start class, the students wouldn't come. I needed to h x e one011-one relationships first . . .This is so different from regular Japanese students. It is easier to teach Japanese students, but you know that they are not listening just because it is interesting. They do it because their parents nlake them."

Clearl); some support or dssistdilce in making this transition is necessary The absence of such support and training eirierged as major concern of teachers, adiriinistr~tors,parents, d i d xol~mteersquestioned on the subject for this study. In addition to the issue of teacher training, severdl other iri,yor subjects eirierged 111 discussior~sabout educdtion xx it11 Japanese d i d w k k c ~Brdzilidils iin 017 ed xx it11 this issue. The relianc e on ~olunteergroups to fill in xx here irimpoxx er d i d tedc her expertise f,llls short emerged as problematic aspect of the educdtion of m k k c ~ Brdzilidils 111 Japan Also, the ddxeilt of an apparent "glass ceiling" for w k k c ~ Brdzilidn cllildren poses major obstacle to the long-teriri integrdtion of this group

Lack o f teacher training and support The interxiexxs conducted for this study focused oil the sit~dtionof w k k c ~ Brdzilidils 111Toyota city Witllin Toyota cit); Higashi Homi Eleirientary school and Homi Junior High school have the highest population of mkkcl Brazilian students. In fact, Higdslu Hoirii Elelllentdry school xx as the first school 111 all ofJapan to hax e the experience of large iluiribers of foreign students enrolled. In 1992-93, the Millistry of Ed~cdtioilnamed it a "research site" ledding to mmy xisits by obseners, Table 9: Students Requiring Special Japanese Lmguage Clmrooms: 1991-1997 Elementary School Mlddle School High School Total

1991 3,978 1,485

1993 7,369 2,881

-

3,463

-

10,450

1993 8,192 3,350 264 11,806

1997 12,302 4,533 46 1 17,296

Source: Ministry of Education 1998

Table 10: Special Jdpmese Language Cl~ssrooms,Selected Prefectures: 1997 Ilrmllgrant Students All Japan Alch Shlzuoka Kmagan ,I G~mlna Saltama

17,296 2,192 1,525 1,633 740 848

Source: Ministry of Education 1998


Schools \I lth S p e c d Language Classrooms 3,209 466 319 418 139 314

from both Japanese researchers and researchers fioiri abroad In all of Japan, Higashi Homi Eleirientdry is supposed to be the model for progrmis mned at educating foreign students Higds11i Holm Elementary has an "internatioilal" section nith three f~d1time teachers for eightyone students, sixtyeight of xx hoiri are from Brazil Prii1cipd1 Nuuse expldiils that We still have 111any problems, but the administration and teachers are committed to trying to solve them and to help the children.'"

Because of the large nuiriber of foreign students, the school is entitled to one Portuguese spedking assistant teacher, paid by the cit7; mho helps students nit11 no Japanese lmgudge ability. At the elementary school, as at Hoirii Junior High School, the teachers 111 charge of the iilterildtioilal students are not specifically trained 111 bilingual or iriulticultural educdtion In f x t , these positlolls are filled by teachers n 110 either volunteer for the task or n 110 are dssigned to the iilterildtioildl classrooiri This teacher froiri Higashi Hoirii eleirientarv discussed the teachers' fr~strdtioilat the lack of ilatioildl lei-el support and the level of self-iriotn-ation of the internatiorlal teachers. It is 1-ery difficult to do this job.The teachers who are doing it n-ant to do it.We get no special training from the Ministry of Education.We only receil-e x h a t we seek out on our own fro111 the Conlmunity Center or Toyota International Association. But, \ye are very busy just x i t h our xork.We use the curriculum as a base, but, depending on the students' ability, that can't really be fruitfully used. So, the teachers make up their own materials usually.Also,\ye often \-isit students' homes to discuss problems x i t h parents. In terms of funding and training, the city does not cooperate so much. I xis11 that they would. Also, the Ministry of Education does not acknowledge the real situation. If they did, they should do more for us.""

The situation is similar at the junior high scllool level. Faculty tnetnbers at Hotni Junior High report that teachers for the i~ltertlatiotlalclassroom are selected either because of their ow11 desire to teach foreign students or by appoi~ltnlentby the principal. Unlike the elementary scllool level, hon-e~~er, tlle goal of the international classroom at the junior high scllool level is to get the foreign students into the regular class and riot to teach them in the i~ltertlatiotlalclassrootn i~ldefinitely. This poses a problem because of tlle nature of the subject matter taught at the ju11ior high school level in Japanese schools. In contrast to elenlentary scllools in which socializatiotl and basic language and tl~atllenlaticalskills are the tl~ainteaching priority junior high scllool classes are quite rigorous and densely packed n-ith infornlation aimed at preparing tlle students for high scllool entrance exams. Without an adequate Japanese language base, classes on literature, history, or science taught in Japanese are beyond tlle ability of rlikkci Brazilian junior high scllool students.Teachers reported tlut students who had conlpleted Japanese elementary scllool before advancing to junior high scllool fire significantly better tlml those n-110 arrirre in Japan at junior high scllool age.Yet, n-hen tl~ai~~streanled into regular Japanese classes, rlikkci Brazilian students at the junior high scllool level often struggle n-ithout adequate reading or vocabulary skills to hatldle


adranced subject iridterial taught in Japanese d i d siiriply "sit t h r o ~ g h "cldsses xr hich are beyond their grasp The mode of instruction and lack of special bilingual or multicultur~lcurriculum geared toxrdrd educating internatiorlal students reduces the lerel of educdtion offered to their1 Despite the best efforts d i d enthusidsiri of the teachers d i d adimilistrators, iilterilatioildl st~ldeilts111 Japanese public schools are receiving second rate ler el ofirlstructioil due to a lack ofcentrdlized ilatioilal support d i d leddership for such progrmis, ledding to make-shift efforts at the local and school ler el. If lmguage ledriling is centrdl to smooth integration, there needs to be concerted effort to teach language 111 the best possible 1\37' A l k k c ~Brdzilidn st~~deilts iriust be offered effectir e lmguage instruction a i d ail opport~mityto learn other subjects on lerel that preserves their f~ltureeducatioildl opportunities.

Reliance on volunteer groups Adult education is primarily undertaken by volunteer organizations. In Toyota, adults can attend Japanese language classes at the Toyota Itlternatio~lalAssociation or tllrough the Hotnigaoka Itlternatiotlal Center.The TIA class, offered at a 110111itla1 fee, is held once a week on Su~ldaytnornings for two hours.The teachers are all volunteers, n-it11 only a few Portuguese-speaking instructors. Students are dirrided according to ability and focus on either n-riting, speaking, or reading Japanese. These classes are fiirly n-ell attended, but reportedly luve a rapid turnover rate, as students' work schedules change or they become frustrated at their slow progress. The classes offered by the Homigaoka Itlter~latio~lalCenter are also divided according to language ability and are free to the students, all of n-lmm live within Homi Danchi. The instructors are all volunteers, n-ith one or tn-o Portuguese speakers among them.At the Homigaoka Itlternatiotlal Center, instruction is amilable in Japanese for both children and adults, with special tutoring amilable in 11~~1th and science for junior high school students. Atte~ldanceat these classes, also is spotty varying from week to n-eek depending on held on S u ~ ~ d amornings, y work schedules and the n-eather, according to organizers. In Nagoya, language instruction is amilable at the Nagoya Itlternational Center, the Aichi Itlternatio~lal Association, and at the Catllolic Church affiliated Mikokoro Center.Tllese classes are also amilable once a week, on the n-eeketlds. Also, once a year, the Ministry of Labor offers a semitlar for rlikkci workers. The Ministry of Labor, through its Nikkeis Service Center provides several books and panlplllets in Portuguese, Spanish, and Japanese for Latin Americans in Japan, listing various work related ~~ocabulary and phrases. S i k k c i workers must visit the Nikkeis Service Center to receive these materials. Children's education at the public schools is also heavily reliant on volunteer support. At both Higashi Homi Eletnetmry School and Homi Junior High School, the "i~lternatiotlalclassrooms" are dependent on the help of T-olunteersto instruct uikkci Brazilian children. The number of actual teachers is limited: at the elenlentary school there are three wide at the junior high school, there are only tn-o teachers.Volunteer helpers from the Homigaoka Itlternational Center visit the


iilterildtioilal classrooiri sel-era1 times a week to help students with their lessons. The 7 olunteers at the internatiorlal cldssrooiri enable the students to learn 111 i r i ~ ~ c h siridller groups and to have one-on-one instruction Honever, these 7 olunteers are generally not Portuguese speakers or trdiiled educators A teacher at Homi Junior High describes the risks of relying on volunteer support 111 the schools Right nox, we 11x1-e some I-olunteers x h o come and help us here. But, it is not clear whether this \ d l continue or whether we n-ill get paid teachers in the future.We have one part-time iiikkci Brazilian teacher x h o is paid by the city and one person who comes once a month and is paid by the prefecture. EI-ery year, the school asks the city for more support and training. We do not 11x1-e a single person who speaks Portuguese to counsel the students. It is not an easy job. I xis11 we could ha\-e some help like that."

This is clearly a probleiri, as the instruction n-hich these children receive is not coordinated or consistent and varies depending on n-llich volunteers are present a i d hov long they are dnilable The aiiri of the "internatioilal" cl~ssrooinat the j ~ ~ n i ohigh r school is to "iridinstredm" the students as soon as possible H o n e ~ e r , given the lo\\ l e els ~ of m k k c ~Brazilian students n ho are able to pass the entrmce exairis d i d enter high school, it seems that this iri~iilstremiiilgmay be occurring preiridturely Some Japanese respondents, like this representative of the Kaigdi Nikkeljin Kyokai, expressed desire that mkkci Brdzilidils tlleirisel~es become more inr 011 ed 111 the ~olunteeractir ities d i d i11str~1ction of w k k c ~Brazilian youngsters. For example, though the problem of ilikkr!jiii children's education is exceedingly important and is a problem that needs urgent attention, iiikkc!jiii themseh-es are not effectkely dealing x i t h the problem. O f the measures that 11x1-e been taken thus Or . . . these measures cannot be thought of as the results of iiikkc!jiii organizational actkities. In addition, there appears to be a preralent attitude among iiikkc!jiii that "Somebody n-ill take care of things for us.'"" X i k k c ~Brdzilidn adults, many of n h o m are not proficient in Japanese themselves, tend to prefer to use their time norking rather than getting iin-olved in ~olunteer actir ities. A staii member at tlle Aiclli Iilterilatioilal Associdtion coiriirients that Brazilians don't 11x1-e the \ d l or the power to get together and start something. This is because the \my of thinking is different. Brazilians don't start groups. I think there are many little groups, but not a unified large gro~~p."

The 11ea-y reliance oil volunteer inr 011 eirient to f,lcilitate language teaching for m k k c ~Brdzilidils 111 Japan is probleiridtic for several redsoils First, the level of instruction provided to mkkci Brazilian students is actually less than they require to stay on par TT it11 their peers, the instruction fio111 volunteers is uilstructured and illconsistent. Secoildl7; because of the 7 oluntdry nature of this iilstruction, its contiiluation into the future is not certain. Finall7; the efforts of volunteer groups xx ithin the public schools may iridsk the need for clear, centralized education policy for interilatioildl students. ~olunteeractivities at school i r i q be preventing the ilatioilal Ministry of Ed~cdtionfioiri pro~idiilgtlle necessary support to these schools 111 their attempts to educate internatiorlal students


"Glass Ceiling" The most serious issue that emerged 111 this exairiination ofthe educdtioildl experiences of mkkc~Brazilians in Japan is that of ail apparent "glass ceilii~g''for lllkkc~ Brdzilidn st~~deilts This "glass ceiling" results from the ~0111bllldtl0lloffairiily decisions to extend the miouilt oftime spent 111Japan indefinitely d i d the lack of adequate educatioilal programs for teaching Jdpmese as second lmguage. A teacher describes the dileiriirid. Parents often originally planned to come and earn a certain amount of money. But, the parents end up staying longer for nlany reasons.This leaves the children uncertain about the future and in a difficult s i t ~ ~ : ~ t i o n . ~ ~

The rukkcl Brazilian children n ho succeed in Japanese schools are those mhose fmiilies have inrested not only time, but also great deal of money for private tutoring d i d crairi ~~11001s. O f the children interviened for this study n ho hale entered high school, all hale receir ed s~bstdiltidlfairilly fiildilcial s ~ p p o r tSeveral . f ~ u l t yand staff members expldined that, at the eleirientary school level, teachers become frustrated n hen they see students nit11 the potential to succeed uildble to do so for lack of finmcidl resources Some Brazilian kids who speak Japanese can study ev31 better than@pmese kids. Those students often go on to junior high and even high school. But, that costs money so the finlily that spends money on education ends up with no sa~-ings.~'

Thus, as a result of the absence of a structured curriculuiri for internatiorlal students in the public schools, the lack of adequate teacher trailling and resources, and the inddequdcy of fairilly finmcial contributioils t o w d education, iridily wkkc~ Brdzilidn children, if they attend Japanese public schools at all, are leit nith fev options beyond the junior high school 1e~el.This"glass ceiling" thredtens to keep mkkc~Brdzilians ofthe second generation uilqualified for not only high school and uilir ersity in Japan, but also for ad~anceirientto jobs higher 111 status than those of their parents.This haildicdp to second generdtion iriobility is a iri,ljor chdllenge to the siriooth long-teriri integration of this group, thredteiling to keep subsequent generations confined to lower l e ~ ejobs, l reinforcing the image that 3K jobs are "immigr~ntnork." An additiondl issue raised by the iilterviev s d i d obser~ationsiridde for this study concerns the limited future opportunities, 111 either Japan or Brazil, for mkkc~ Brdzilidn cllildren educated in Japan Because of the probleiris discussed d b o ~ epoor teacher trdining, reliance on ~olunteerinstruction, lack of structured curriculum-rukkcl Brdzilidn st~~deilts 111 Japanese public schools h a e fen options 111 Japan after graduation from junior high school Though their speaking ability 111 Japanese may be quite good, they generally have fallen behiild their Japanese peers 111 other subjects requiring reading d i d TX riting ability (Table 11) Yet, by going through the Jdpmese system, iridily of these children l m e also lost their Portuguese lmguage proficient); have little desire to return to Brazil, d i d are not qudlified for university, professional schools, or jobs there (Table 12).This reality has created a difficult situation for this generation of rukkcl Brdzilidn cllildreil. one


respondent chardcterized the children as a "lost generation" mithout future prospects 111 either country.The parents of this "lost generdtion" are generally college graduates d i d p r o f e s ~ i o ~ ~ TTaho l ~ l m e iridde a choice to become uilskilled laborers in Japan Their children, because of this decision, are leit, in many cases xx ith fev options other tlldil ~mskilledlabor 111 either Japan or Brazil. Table 11: Xkkcr Brdzilidil Students' Anxieties about the Future'" Since I don't understand kanji, at test time, I can't read the questions. Since I can't do so well in school, I am insecure about xhether or not I can get into high school I don't know where to go to high school Wlxit xi11 lxippen if I don't succeed at the entrance esam for high school? I don't know n-lxit kind of future job possibilities I 1x1~2.

Survev of 44 rzrkkcr Br~zilimstudents, H o m Tunlor Hiell School 1999

Table 12: Sikkci Brazilian Students' Motirration to Remain in Japan'I'R beell iri Jap~ri1' long time I \\-ant to go to high school here If I go back to Brazil, I don't kriox~if I kriox~Portuguese eriough or riot. I got used to Japm I ha^ 111aiiy friends here If I go tuck, I \voii't uriderstmd the laiigu'~geco~ilpletelyso I \\-ori't be dble to enter school there.

Survey of 44 Sikkci Brazilian students, Hotni Junior High School 1999 The integration of r/ikkcjjir/in Aichi prefecture is not proceeding snloothly In addition to several dramatic insta~lcesof social cotlflict between natives and rlikkci Brazilians, there is an underlying friction and a high level of distrust betn-een the tn-o groups. Though some effort has been tl~adeat the local government level to ease these tensions, no clear and practicable institutional adjusttlmlts have been tl~adeat tlle national lwei to Eacilitate the integration of this group. O n all of the hypothesized "determitlants" of inlnligrant integration, the Japanese response to rzikkci Brazilian inlnligration falls short and, in h c t , seems to be hindering the integration of this group. A7ikkci Brazilians are left vultlerable to unscrupulous itltertnediate companies, confined to segregated housing acco~~n~lodatiotls, and are isolated from Japanese society. The actual "coexistence" of rzikkci Brazilians and tlatirre Japanese is a fir cry from tlle easy assinlilation and smooth integration presumed by lawmakers behind tlle Immigratiot~ Control and Refugee Recognition Act tlut opened the "side door" to rlikkci inmligratiot1. A7ikkci Brazilians are concentrated at tlle lon-est levels of the labor tl~arketand interact


very little nith native Japanese, even at the morkpldce. A l k k c ~norkers have no occupatioilal iriobility d i d do not h a e the opportunity to orgmize at the morkplace Furtheririore, mkkcl Brazilians' on 11 cultural trdditions are not T alued 111 Japanese society and negatir e midges and stereotypes ofBrazilia11s persist, ledding to hrther discrimiil~tionand isoldtion X l k k c ~Brdzilidns are judged as neither "real Jdpanese" nor "real foreigners," leading iridily mkkcl Brazilia11s to coiriplaii~that they are treated as "second class Jdpmese" and looked do\\ 11 upon for their lack of Japanese larlgudge skills despite their "Jdpanese f x e " In education, mkkcl Brdzilidn children receir e s~b-stmddrdinstruction, due to the lack of a clear curriculum for internatiorlal students, insuflicient teacher training, and the inflexibility of the Japanese higher education system in adjusting to the reality of foreign students. These shortfalls in the education systeiri also hinder integration by reducing the possibility ofsecoild generation iriobility a i d keeping ~likkciBrazilian childre11 on a separate (and lower) educational and professional track than ilative children. Most probleirratic is the complete lack of protections for the rights of this group. Though ethnically siiriilar and admitted to Japan on the basis of that ethnic meiribership, ~likkciBrazilians are not granted the rights of irieiribership in the political coiriiriunity a i d remain vulnerable to discriiriiilation a i d exploitation while in Japan. Protections that are seen as human rights in other industrialized countries are not observed in Japan for this (or any) group of foreigners.

NOTES 1. Other "seiidiiig countries" identified by iininigratioii statistics include Peru, Argerltiii'~,P'lraguay;, and Bolivia. 2. This surx7e>-\\-as distributed to rlikke(iiil ~t the \vorkplace and at popular g~theriiig spots vid local represeiit~tix-es irl various regions that are highly populated by Lxiii Americaii ilikkejiirl. 3. The Hosei surveJ- ssd~i~pled 394 ilikke(iiil froin cities throughout J~parland focused oil the \\-orking and living corlditiorls of ilikkei ~vorkers. 4 Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 16, 1999. 5. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 31, 1999. 6 Another p~tterrlthat has einerged ~inorlgrlikke(iiil is t h ~ of t going tuck and forth ever>-ttn-o or three y a r s betn-eel1J ~ p a i and i Brazi1,Those iiiterrie\\-ed for this study Seller~ l l yfavored reil~~~iiiiiig ill J ~ p a i for i longer periods r ~ t h e rthaii returiiiiig to Brazil periodit~~iii c ~ l l yThis inethod n-'1s fax-ored as 1' nleaiis to sax7e more nloiiey ~ i i d~ i ~ ~ ~ i iai (rel'ltively) stable lifestyle. 7. The age range for J~paiiesecoi~~pulsory educatioii is il-0111 sir to fifieerl. 8. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Tokyo on Noxwi~ber10, 1999. 9 Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 10. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 11. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Hoini Daiichi on October 31, 1999. 12. Author inter+\\- coiiducted ~t H o i l ~ i g ~ ~ oIrlterrlatioiiJ ka Center on October 17, 1999. 13. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Tokyo on Noxwi~ber10, 1999.



39. Also, this practice only serl-ed to exacerbate the residential segregation of ~iikkci Brazilians, learing them, as a group, limited to living only in certain areas. 40. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 41. Author inter\-iew conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices on October 14, 1999. 42. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 20, 1999. 43. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 44. Author inter\-iew conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices on October 14, 1999. 45. Author interrien- conducted at Nagoya I~ltermtionalCenter on October 25, 1999. 46. Author interrien- conducted at Nagoya I~ltermtionalCenter on October 25, 1999. 47. Author interrien- conducted at Toyota Illterllatioml Associatio~loffices October 14, 1999. 48. Lecture to Nagoya Uni\-ersity Research Group on the Foreign Worker Problem, October 23, 1999. 49. A ~ t h o interview r conducted in Toyota city on October 24, 1999. 30. Linguistic proficiency appears to ease ~iikkr!jiiltransitions in the workplace by nlaking them more hr-ored employees by \~orkplacesuperiors. Hon-ever, as these examples shon; Japanese language ability does not appear to help ~iikkciBrazilians acquire housing on the private market. A?kkci Brazilians, despite language ability are still considered "foreigm ers" in Japan. 3 1. A report from Mr. Sugihara, a legal interpreter xorking x i t h local police stations in Aichi prefecture, cites this young Brazilian population as the most in\-oh-ed in criminal actil-ities, including arson, car theft and burglary. 32. Author interrien- conducted at Homigaoka International Center on October 17, 1999. 33. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 34. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 55. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 36. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 37. Author interview conducted in Homi Dmchi on October 16, 1999. 38. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 39. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 60. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999. 61. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 62. Author interview conducted in Tokyo on No\-ember 10, 1999. 63. Author interrien- conducted at Aichi I~ltermtionalAssociation on October 19, 1999. 64. Author interview conducted at Homi Junior High School on October 22, 1999. 65. Author interview conducted at Higashi Homi Elementary School on October 22, 1999.


00. These are responses (in Ebles 11 and 12) given by students at Homi Junior High School to a surl-ey given in preparation for an open house presentation by the Oculty.While the actual number of students with each of these responses n-as not anilable, these responses xere the most conlmon. 07. Sex-enty-six percent of the ilikkri Brazilian students surl-eyed at Homi Junior High School reported that they hope to remain in Japan permanently.


CHAPTER 6

ETHNIC GERMANS I N GERMANY: A SIMILAR CASE

Like Japan, Germmy is an "ethnic citizenship regime" tlut does not consider itself a "country of immigratio11,"This is despite the recruitment, entry, and settlement of temporary "guest-n-orkers" and their Eamilies: Gertlmly has the second largest nutnber of inlnligrants in tlle n-orld,n-it11 over seT7et1nlillion foreign born residents living in Germany today (Munz and Weitler 1992: xiii). Gertlml itntnigration and r, a clear line tlaturalization l a y guided by the principle of j ~ l rr q q ~ ~ i r / idram betn-een Gertlmx and foreigners based on tne~~lbersllip in tlle Gertlml ethnic conmlunity.Tllis concept of ethnic tne~~lbersllip serT7esto effectively restrict "outsiders" n-110 may be living n-ithit1 Germmy's borders-guest\\~orkers, asylum seekers, refugees-from itlclusion in the political community. Thus, guestn-orkers and tlleir families, despite l~avitlglived in Gertlmly for more than thirty years and having achieved linguistic proficiency to become "sociologically German" (Kajita 199S:Weil 1W l ) , are still considered "foreigners." Hon-ever, as in the Japanese case, a different category of ethnically similar and culturally different "outsiders" poses a challenge to traditiotlal ethnic conceptions of membership. The contrast in Gertlmly between etlmic Gernlan "nen-comers" and Southern European "old"nen-comers" is an interesting and instructive c o ~ ~ ~ p a r i to s o the n case of ~zikkcdi~z comers" to Japan (Kajita 19%: 139). Both cases highlight the relatirre importance of hypothesized "deternli~mltsof immigrant integration" like sl~aredethnicit); li11guistic competence, labor nlarket positioning, and residential segregation. A c o n parison of the tn-o cases also utlderscores the impact of inlnligration and i m n grant policy on the integration process. Gernlan policy responses to the presence of ethnic Gertlml inlnligrants from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union have differed from theJapanese response to tlle large-scale entry of Latin Atnerican r/ikkcjjir/.As a result, though the Gernlan and Japanese cases are very similar, their outcomes have been quite different. Despite similar starting points, the integration process of etlmic Gernlan inlnligratlts in Germany l~asproceeded in a different tlmmer than that of ethnic Japanese inlnligrants to Japan.


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Aucclcdlo, or etlmic Germans, are those iildi~id~~dls d i d their desceildents xx ho, as a result of migratory moveirients during the nineteenth centur); border chmges after the first World W x , and mass exp~~lsions of Geriridils after the second World W x , found their is el^ es In ing TX ithi11 the territories of other countries, including Polmd, Roiridilid, and the Sol let Union1.In recognition ofthe suffering and hardships endured by this group, the ethnic German pop~ldtioilo ~ t s i d eof Gerniai~y xx as granted West Geriridn citizenship 111 1949 through Article 116 of the Geriridil constitution. This change nas folloned in 1933 by the creation of actcc~cdlc~ status xx hich expanded the definition of Geriridil-ness to iilclude ethnic German residents of Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia (Munz d i d Ulrich 1997) As result, those residents of Centrdl d i d Edstern European d i d S o ~ i e t countries xx ho could docuirient their German ancestry mere able to apply for and Home~er,Cold War politics kept receir e adiriission to West Geririmy as actcc~cdle~". the number of ar4cclcdlc1 enteringWest Germany quite lox\ betmeen the 1950s and the 1990s-oil average only about 30,000 ethnic Germans iiriiriigrated yearly to West Germany until the late 1980s (Buildes~usgleicl~salrit 1991.1) But, the nuiriber of ar4cwdlc1 seeking ~dmissioninto Geririmy increased drairidticdlly begiililiilg 111 1987 and continued to grov into the 1990s as Cold War tensions cmie to ail end and econoiriic coilditioils 111 Edstern a i d Centrdl Europe d i d the former Sol let Union served as "p~1~11" factor 111 proiripting etlmic German migrdtion to Germany (Table 13). As in Japan, demogrdphic and labor market coilsideratioils played into the ilatioilal discussion over iiriiriigration, d i d shared ethnicity served to iridke this group more desirable than ethnicdlly "other" guest-norkers already settled in the country.While the settleirient of Southern European guest-\\ orkers and their fairidies 111 Geririmy had long been portrqed as Germany's "foreigner probleiri" and the root of an uiliridilageable depletion of ilatioildl resources, the "return" of ethnic Geririms, in spite of a lack of linguistic d i d c~lturaldifference, nas portrqed 111 positive light After all the nfi,,icdlri \\ere Germans not forelgnels, to recare them \\as an act of patllotlsm not just hunlan~t\ the\ n ere \oung m d h ~ evactl~ d the quallficatlons that n e l e needed, and the German population n a decre,wng, so that mcleasmg numbels of penslonels mould hale to be suppolted economlc,~ll\h a s h ~ n h ~ nolhfolce ng The T h l k ~ t i c c ~ t ~from i l ~ c ~Eatern Europe \\ere the ansnel the\ \\auld solle all the denlographlc problems ofWest Gelnlam (Rathzel 1990 40)

Thus, as 111 Japan, ethnic siiriildrity nas iin-oked as a rdtioildle for melcoimilg particular immigrmt group as means of easing deiriographic changes If, as the globdlizdtion model of labor migrdtion posits, a coiribiilation of market fxtors, politicdl factors a i d social fxtors lead to interilatioildl labor iriigration, the German and Japanese cases can be outlined as follov s (Figure 7). Seen this 1\37; an interdction of multiple factors brought about these immigr~tionflov s. the coiriplex interplay of iridrket related "push" factors, political and policy "pull"


Table 13 Ethnic German Migration to West Germany: 1930-1994 1950-1934 1953-1939 1960-1964 1963-1969 1970-1974 1973-1979 1980-1984 1983-1989 1990-1994

18,491 60,598 17,037 26,196 20,780 46,122 48,709 147,964 238,201

Source: Bundesausgleichs~ilit,Info-Dienst Deutsche Aussiedler 1993.

Figure 7: Process of,-ir~sr~cdlci a i d X~kkclMigration nitllin Globdlization Model Market hctors Economic instability (Eastern/Central Europe,FSU) Hyper-inflation (Brazil) Unenlploynlent (Brazil) Global economic integration

Political Factors "Law of return" for nclssiciilcr (Germany) Loosening of emigration restrictions (Former Soviet bloc) Ilrmligration Control and Refugee Recognition Act ilikkri "side door" Qapan)

i I~ltermtionalMigration of niissicdlri. and iiikkr!iiil to Germany and Japan

+

I

Social Factors Ease of c o n l r n u ~ ~ i c a t i o n / t ~ i ~ - e l Creation ofT~insnationa1ethnic networks Establishnlent of social netxorks within "host" country

i Long-term settlement

fxtors favoring "co-ethnic" immigrant groups, and n e d y created social net\\-orks leads to the long-term settleirient of these ethnically similar minority groups. Yet, the ethnic siiriilarity of aurricdlcr iiriiriigrants, like that of r~ikkciBrazilians, m7as not accompanied in most cases with fmiiliarity with the Gerirran language a i d culture. Ethnic Gerirran communities in Europe a i d the Soviet Union varied in the extent to which they irraintained Gerirran traditions a i d linguistic profiCopyright 2002 by Betsy Brody

cietlcy. For example, though ethnic Gernlan cotntnunities in Rotlmlia nlaintained a strong sense of Gernlan identity and facility in the Gertlml language, etlmic Gertlmx from Poland and the S o ~ i e Union t do not display the same cultural and linguistic cllaracteristics (Kemper 1993: 261). The co~llpositionof tlle (z~~rricillcr. itntnigrant flow since the 19SOs has shifted to include more ethnic Gernlatls from former S o ~ i eterritories t and fewer from Poland and Ronlania (Figure S). In addition, ge~leratio~lal shifts lm-e occurred, with younger generations, particularly those i~ldividualsof mixed Gernlan and Polish or Russian parentage, less competent in the Gernlan language and less Eamiliar with Gertlml traditions and culture (Kemper 1993: Hofi~latln1994).As in the case of uikkci Brazilian nligration inmligra~ltssince the late 19SOs have been of to Japan, tlle bulk of the (z~~rricillcr. younger getlerations (Kemper 1993). As a result of these patterns, the etlmic Gertlml inlnligrants to Germmy in the 1980s and 1990s have entered Germany with a limited conmlatld of the Gernlan language and little cultural familiarity with Gertlml society. Figure 8: Ethnic Gertlml Inlnligratiotl to Gertlmly by Country of Origin: 1983-1994

Source: Bu~ldesausgleichs~tl~t 1993 Gertlml inlnligration law continued to allow ethnic Gernlan itntnigration into the 19905,but in response to the increased denland for (z~~rricillcr. entry status, the reyuiretnents for obtaining this status n-ere made more stringent. In particular, a pair of new lm-s-the Ethnic Gertlml Reception Law of 1991 and the WorldWx I1 Law of 1992-tightened tlle requirenlents for being considered for (z~~rricillci. status (Munz and Ulrich 1997: Ronge 1997: Hofil~a~ln 1991). Already in 1990, expecting co~iti~iuously large rlu~i~bers ofn~igrmts,the German go\wlilllerlt chmged its 1,w to m ~ k ei m ~ n i g r ~ t i oofn ethnic Germuis from the for~nerSoviet bloc more dificult n-ithout c11~1igingthe g e ~ i e r Jright of i~nmi-


gration that is guaranteed by the Gernlan constitution for this special group. As a result, missictilrr\yere required to register before they could leal-e their countries of origin. Being granted German status has also become more difficult because it is now necessary to prove some degree of German ancestry (Hofi1la1111 1994: 12).

Nen legisldtion m7as also implemented 111 1993 to put into e f i c t a quota of 223,000 nucclcdlc~entries per year. this legisldtion rids conceived of as a irieans to a d j ~ l iiriiriigratioil ~t policy to German society's ability to absorb ddditioilal i i r i i r i i grants (Hdilbroimer, Martin, and Motomura 1997, Ronge 1997). These ilev restrictions, 111 addition to the iiripact of Geriridil re-unification and the comequent moveirient of East Geriridils to ~x-lldtnas once West Geririm); hale caused a decrease in the iluiriber of ar~ss~cdlc~ migrdtions to Germany.Yet those who hale already arrived face cldleilges similar to those ofmkkc~Brdzilians 111Japan, as ethi1icdlly similar d i d culturally different iiriiriigrants. How has the German state approached the problem of integration for this uilique group? H o n successiul has ar~ss~cdlc~ integration into Geriridn society been?

GERMAN POLICY One significant difference betn-eel1 Gerirran policy ton-ard ethnic Germans and Japanese policy ton-ard r~ikkcjjir~ is the official perception of these iiriirii,orants. While r~ikkcjjir~ in Japan do receive visa privileges, they are nonetheless officially treated as foreigners.The German policy stance, hon-ever, approaches armicdlcr not as foreigners, but as returning irieiribers of the German ethnic commuilit): As such, nr4ssicdlo autoirratically receive Gerirran citizenship and social a i d political rights. Because armicdlcr are not considered "foreigners," they are treated differently than guestworkers, ref~~gees, or asyluiri seekers. Aussicdlolc' autoirratic political irlclusion is coilsisteilt with this ethno-ilatioilal notion of iriembership and fxilitates the integration of nr4ssicdlo by making them equal members ofthe political coiriiri~~nity and valuable resources for political parties seeking additional votes (Faist 1991).As a group, ar4ssicdlcrl~avebeen courted by the CDU/CSU n-llich has sought to elriphasize the shared heritage of Germans a i d nr4ssicdlo a i d to differentiate these "returnees" from ethnically other (and politically more liberal) Political incorporation of ethnic Germans has remained almost undisputed. Underlying the conflict 01-er 1-oting rights for guestxorkers and the unquestioned incorporation of ethnic Germans has been a debate over the definition of the ethno-cultural concept of citizenship.The C D U and CSU used the symbolic politics of "return" or "assinlilation" of guestworkers to circunn-ent questions of political citizenship. To justifi- the exclusion of guestxorkers and inclusion of ethnic Gernlans, the C D U and CSU were able to draw upon Gernlan citizem ship law (Faist 1994:60).

This difference mith Japanese practice is significmt, as mkkcl Brazilians in Japan, though entering by virtue of iloiriiilal "lax of return," are treated upon entr7; as "foreigners" despite their irieiribership in the etlmic coiriiriLmity Likenise, mitllout a political loice (through eilhanchiseirient) or a political ally (in politicdl


party or fxtion), m k k c ~Brazilians are ponerless to address the issues that iiripdct their integrdtion into Jdpmese society. This 1111s-iridtch betmeen the Iiriiriigration Lan's ratioide (as a "la\ of return") and tlle reality of the m k k c ~Brazilian experience 111 Japan re1 eals an iilconsistency nithill Japanese ideas about membership and citizensl~ipX k k c ~Brazilians reiridiil outsiders despite being irieiribers of the ethnic community. The Gerirran policy response to the influx of ethnic Gerirrails has been tn-ofold. Unlike Japan, in Germaily, both inz~rl$pior~ and i r ~ t q p i o rpolicies ~ have eirierged to irrailage the entry of this group of immigrants. Iiriiriigration policies set guidelines for adiriission and citizenship wl-hile integration policies define programs and initiatives available to and affecting immigrants once they have arrived. As discussed above, German immigration policy regarding armicdlcr treats this group not as iiriiriigrants, but as "returnees"-imiliigrI~tion l a w applying to armicdlcr include the Citizenship Law of 1913, the Expellee Lan- of 1933, Aursicdlo. Law of 1990 and World War I1 Lan- of 1992 (Munz and Ulrich 1997)'. in Japan, are treated as citizens and potenThese ethnic Gerirrails, unlike r~ikkcjjir~ tial residents from the time of their arrival. Gerirran i r ~ t q p i o rpolicies, ~ unlike immigration policies, address the rights and privileges of armicdlcr within Gerirran society and also delineate the respoilsibilities of the German state to ease the trailsition of this privileged group of immigrants into German society. The measures specified in German integration policies corlcerning nursicdlo include access to housing, education, pensions, and language training and are outlined in the Pension Law Integration Measures Law (Ei~~~qlicdcrr~~~~qrn~~pnrsctr~~qr~qcrctz), ( F r c ~ r ~ d r c ~ ~ t c r ~ ~ qand c s c t zHousing ) Lan- ((Ilbl~r~rnu~r~zr~~i~clrct~~~qc~ctz) (Munz and Ulrich 1997). Labor market

A ~ ~ r r i c i l 'in h . Germmy like uikkci Brazilians in Japan, are concentrated in unskilled jobs at tlle bottom tier of tlle labor market. A 1989 enlpirical study from the University of Gottinge11 reports that lon-er educatio~lal levels and a lack of to these jobs, but that "a key quesGertlml language ability restrict adult (z~~rricillcr. tion is whether these tendencies among (z~~rricillci. are likely to be reduced by political program aimed at integration.. . [i~lcluding]language and other courses" (Hofi~latm1994: 11). Likewise, Schmidt's 1994 study finds tlut Ethnic G e r m m i ~ n ~ i ~ i g r m 11.0t111 s Eastern Europe display; lox~erlevels of educdtion, lox~errdtes oiself-e1l1plo>-111e11t m d higher u~ien~ploy;n~erlt rates t h ~ n~ i ~ t i ~ e s . . . Si~nilarto foreign guest-n-orkers, Germlrl i m ~ i ~ i g r m tre s Inore likely to ~ v o r k in blue collx jobs; they do, h o ~ e v e reverltuJly; , r e ~ c hearnings parity \\-it11 11'1tive Ger~ilms(Schn~idt1994:1).

So, in terms of labor 11larket segmentation, the integration experience of (z~~rricillcr. in Germmy seems, on tlle surfice, to be quite similar to that of uikkci Brazilians in Japan. Both groups are concentrated at the lon-er etld of the labor nlarket in jobs shutlned by a sllrinking tlatirre population. Yet, one important difference are employed betn-een tlle tn-o groups' labor tl~arketexperiences is tlut (z~~rricillcr.


directly by Gerirran coiripanies, n-ithout the iriediation of labor brokering corporations. As such, ar~sricdlcrworkers are paid directly by their eiriployers and do not run the risk, as do r ~ i k k c Brazilians i in Japan, of withheld \\-ages and restriction from insurance programs. I11 addition, because aurricdlcr are automatically granted German citizenship, they are entitled to unemployirient insurance a i d all of the same legal protections as ally other German citizens, including the right to organize and join labor unioils. Also, nursicdlcr, as Gerirran citizens, despite failing to "have.. .contributed to social insurailce furlds.. .are treated as ifthey had paid into these insurance schemes" (Faist 1991:61). Thus, though a similar pattern of labor market segirientation has emerged among aurricdlcr iiriiriigrants to Germany, this group's labor irrarket situation is actually much more secure than that of ~ l i k k c i Brazilians in Japan due to the clear application of equal social and political rights to them by virtue of their ethnic meiribership in German society This security is i in Japan because of the lack absent in the labor market activities o f r ~ i k k cBrazilians of concrete policy initiatives affirming the rights of ~ l i k k c iBrazilian n-orkers in Japan. S i k k c i Brazilians, unlike nr~rsicdlo.,exist in an ambiguous legal position as neither "real Japanese" nor "foreign" workers. Housing

Ethnic Gertlmx in Germmy are entitled to special assistance from local authorities in locating, securing, and paying for housing upon their arrival in Germany. Al~rricillcr.,upon entering Gertlmly are housed temporarily "by a central organization close to the eastern border.. .[where] they are registered and divided into categories.. . [and] then sent to the various Lander" (Faist and Haussertlmln 1996:92). ~CIT' needs are the responsibility of the local authorities Once there, ( Z I I ~ S ~ C ~ ~ho~ising and their needs are evaluated and addressed at this level. Coinpared to 1' 11 other groups, ethnic Germans are the most privileged group ill the housing nl'lrket. The>- receive special help froin housiiig ~ i i dsociJ ~ ~ - e l f x e ~uthoritiesill finding ~ ~ c c o ~ i l i n o d ~[~iid] ~ t i o r'Ire l immedi~~tely eligible for 'In ~ p ~ r t inelit ill the socid housing stock. Indeed, they have the highest priority. .-1~~.~sicii/cr C J I ~get access to ail 'lpartmerlt earlier t h ~ n l o c ~ families l n-ho h a ~ ebeell looking for housiiig for some y a r s (Faist m d Hausserinaiirl 1996: 88).

Thus, in terms of housing, t l m i ~ d l ~are i . a most prirrileged group, receiving this special treatment bcc(z11rc of their ethnic metllbersllip in Gernlan society. This is in contrast to the situation of r ~ i k k c iBrazilians n-110, despite tlleir ethnic ~nembership, are limited by restrictive policies, social discrinli~lationin the llousitlg market, and a lack of legal protection from discritnitlation to lirritlg primarily in public housing units or col~lpanydormitories, which have become as a result, ethnic etlclaxs tlut effectirrely isolate r ~ i k k c iBrazilians from "regular" Japanese. Al~rricillcr.,unlike r ~ i k k c j j i r have ~, not followed a pattern of residential segregatiot1.There does not appear to be a fortl~atiotlof ethnic ghettoes or enclaves populated by ethnic Gernlatls. Iii contrast to other inigraiit minorities, [n~~ssiciilci.] have not.. .de\doped their o ~ sociJ ~ n systems, iieither on the iiistitutioiiJ nor informal level of irlteractioii.


To a large extent, they are lil-ing in isolated Omily groups. Outside contacts are fen- and extend only 1-ery gradually . . . A lack of contact x i t h members of the receil-ing society is not compensated for by increased contact with other m e n bers of the ill-migrant group (Hofimnn 1994: 14).

Though this situation of relative isolation is not ideal in terms of integration, it is a situation that does not foster social conflict betn-eel1 iriigrants and natives or the segregation of migrants as npmly froiri the ilative population. In this sense, the relative absence of residential segregation a i d ghettoization of ethnic Gerirrans indicates a more successf~dintegration process for nussicdlcr in Gerirrany than that of ~likkciBrazilians in Japan.This can be attributed in part to the special housiilg l a m (Il~~h~~,ar~i~zzct~~~clsct~~q~qcsctz) applying to ethnic Gerirrails. Perhaps the most significant aspect of Gerirraily's immigrant housing policies, and the most telling difference from the Japanese case, is the fact that this llousing policy clearly a i d uilairibiguously places the respoilsibility for immigrmt housing on local duthorities rather than relying on ad h c responses coiriing 4tc1 the arrival of immigrmts to the region.There is a coordirlation of policy betmeen the ildtioildl a i d state l e els ~ a i d a clear delegdtion of respoilsibilities regarding the integration of ethnic Germans in Geririmv.

Political Rights, Language, and Integration The most significant difference between the integration experiences of nussicdlo in Germany and ~likkciji~l in Japan is the political irlclusion a i d citizenship of ar~ssicd1cr"returilees"to Gerirraily. I11 the Gerirran case, partisan politics on the part of the C D U and CSU painted armicdlcr iiriiriigration as the joyful return of ethnic brothers a i d sisters and contrasted that joyiul return with the "iin-asion" of Germany by "foreign" guest\\-orkers, reiugees, and asyluiri seekers. The provisions for the entry of ethnic Gerirrans \\-ere portrayed and treated by these political parties, in terms of securing a i d protecting the rights ofaussicdlcr, as a "law ofreturn" rather than as siiriply a means to acquire additional labor. The integration of armicdlcr in Gerirrany has proceeded n-ithout appreciable conflict between ethnic Germans and ilatives due to both the "relatively positive attitudes on the part of the irldigenous population ton-ard an influx of seemingly 'similar' people" (Ronge 1997:117) a i d the iiripleirientation of far-sighted policies intended to ease the integration process of this particular group. Housing provisions preventing residential segregation, language training for both adults a i d children, labor irrarket rights and protections, and, most significantl~the political irlclusion a i d elriponerment of nussicdlcr all coiribine to facilitate smooth integration. The automatic right to citizeilship, political participation, and representation gives armicdlcr in Germany a irieasure of security and power uilavailable to ~likkci "returnees" to Japan. This is partly a result of the nature of the political discourse regarding these ethnically similar immigrant groups in each country; armicdlcr are perceived as Germans returning home, while ~likkciBrazilians are the least undesirable "foreigners" available to do "immigrant work." While ~likkciBrazilians in Japan are pon-erless in addressing probleiris of discriiriiilation at the workplace or


in the housing market, disputes nit11 inteririediate companies, shortfalls in the education system, or other problems f-"side door" unskilled ldborers to true ethnic "returiiees." Regulxiorl of Hnkcrl Gnislln: In ail effort to reduce the rulnerability of rlikkcjiirl n-orkers in Jqarl, l ~ k c r gnis11n l (iiitermediate labor brokering c o n pmies) should be regulated by the cerltrJ gox7errlmerlt.Though the 11okerl ,qoisIlo system of indirect einployinerlt I~IJ>-provide the inost efficient and cost effkctix-e inethod ofsupplyiiig uiiskilled ldbor to J~paiieseindustry;,it has becoine a sigrlificmt obstacle to the irltegratioii of this group.70 m~eliorate this situxiorl, 11okei1gnisllo should be held '~ccourltableby the Jqarlese goveriiinerlt for the fiir p,lyiileiit of their foreigii ~vorkersm d their erlrollil~eiit in both n-orkers' coil~perls~tiorl m d h e ~ l t hinsurance prograins ~ i t h i rJ~paii. l Violdtirlg coil~paiiiesmust be restricted fioin f~irthereil~ployii~eiit offoreigii ~wrkers. Strict enforcemelit of local l a m ~ i i dregulatioiis: Both iixix-e J~paiieseand foreigii violators of l o c ~ 1l ~ m~d regulatioiis s (e.g. household g'lrtuge disp o s ~ rules, l pnkiiig regulatioiis) should be coiisisteiitly puiiished. The clear ~pplicatioiiof penalties and fines for such ~ i o l ~ ~ t i oinust r l s replax the 11011eiiforceinerlt of rio1'1tiorls of local policies; continued rlorl-erlforceil~eiit coiltributes to coiiflict oil the local level bet~werl11'1tive ~ i i dforeign residents as \\-ell as 1' reinforceii~eiitof negative iii~dgesof foreigners.


Creation of bilingual curriculum for public schools/T~iiningof bilingual teachers: The Japanese educational system must adapt to the presence of non-Japanese speaking students. This adaptation must be spearheaded and managed f h 1 1 the highest lei-els \ ~ i t h i nthe national Ministry of Education rather than being addressed in a piece-meal nlanner at the local or school lei-el. Though non-Japanese speaking students may be concentrated only in certain geographical areas, their instruction should be ev31 and coordinated and afforded the benefit of the support of the national educational infiastructure. Namely an appropriate system of bilingual education should be dex-eloped, aimed at keeping non-~xitix-espeakers of Japanese on par n-ith native Jlapanese students in all subjects \ ~ h i l ealso adnncing in their Japanese reading, \~riting,and speaking ability. Because of the f~mdamentaldifferences between the Japanese language and Portuguese, especially in reading and \~riting,a strict adherence to any particular language model \ d l be difficult, but teachers of intermtiom1 students should be trained in the methods and techniques of bilingual education. A curriculum for non-Japanese speaking students must be dex-eloped and aimed at proriding intensi\-e Japanese language instruction while adopting the techniques of the nrious language models to a\-oid the loss of content material in other subjects. Adoption of No11-discrinlinatim policies in the housing market: .\ikkr!ii~i and other foreign residents of Japan should be protected by la\^ from discrimination based on cultural background. Restriction of ilikkr!iiil to certain areas and types of housing has contributed to the isolation of this group and their imbility to integrate snloothly into Japanese society. To correct this problem and hcilitate integration, lm-s guaranteeing equal treatment of foreign residents should be adopted: the rights of foreigners must be a c t i d y protected in the la^. In a11 additional effort to incorporate ~iikkc!ji~iinto the pril-ate housing nlarket, a 1-oucher system should be established l hereby ~iikkc!ji~iare issued x-ouchers from national and/or local go\-ernment authorities to be used in the acquisition of private rental accommodations. This system would be similar to the "Section 8" housing policies in the United States, and landlords Oiling to honor these 1-ouchers \ ~ o u l dbe cited and fined. Japanese domestic l n ~ sregarding the (hunlan) rights of foreigners must come into agreement n-ith international treaties agreed to by Japan concerning hunlan rights on an international l e d . Similar non-discrimi~xition policies should be enacted to ensure equal access to medical care for foreigners. Political incorporation of foreigners: Sikkr!jiil, as well as Koreans and other legally resident minority groups in Japan, should be granted some measure of political rights. While the logic of j i s snipliilis (and the eximple of Gernlan policy to\vard missiciilcr) suggests the propriety of granting automatic citizenship and political rights to ilikkr!jiil in light of their ethnic menlbership in Japanese society at the 1-ery least, ~iikkc!ji~iand other legal foreign residents should be granted the right to vote in local elections. Furthermore, obstacles to the citizenship and full political incorporation of subsequent generations of ~iikkc!iiil "returnees" should be eliminated. In other words, the children of i~ikkr!ji~i\ ~ h oare born and raised in Japan by


ilmnigrant parents should ha\-e the opportunity to become@pmese citizens. These changes \ d l facilitate the integration of this group by gi\-ing ilikkrijili a measure of political power and 1-oice in the political process.

The adoption of such policies will reduce the physical, psychological, and political isolation of ~likkciji~l "returnees" to Japan aild promote the integration of this group. Without the appropriate institutioilal adaptations to the presence of this group of linguistically and culturally diiierent ethnic immigrants, f~lrthersocial conflict, the perpetuation of negative images of foreigners, a i d the creation and entrenchment of a minority uilderclass d l result. Japan's attempt to solve a labor shortage by admitting "Japanese foreigners" nil1 result in long-teriri negative consequences irlcluding the fragirientation of Japanese society 14r1lcs.sJapanese policymakers take clear a i d rapid action to address the reality of linguistic a i d cultural difference nithill Japan. Japanese immigrant policies must be brought into agreement with immigration policies.

FUTURE RESEARCH ON NIKKEIJIN IN JAPAN Due to the novelty of this case a i d the teildency thus far airlong researchers on this topic to focus their efforts on case studies 111 pdrtic~ldrmkkc11111coiriiriunities 111 Japan, it is clear that further research efforts iriust be uildertaken to deepen uilderstarlding of the probleiris of iiriiriigrant integration 111Japan. There is a need for a iriultidiscipliilary approach to the issue; other fields are rich with research and methods suited to the study of this topic. I11 particular, insights can be draw1 from the diverse fields of psycholog); sociology cultural anthropology in addition to political science to gain a iriulti-fxeted uilderstarlding of the dynamics ofthis case. Future research on this topic should consider both iildir idual l e el ~ attitudes and perceptions as nell as state and local level policy processes Macro-level policies a i d structural change can not be made nithout also urlderstdilding the experiences of people "on the ground" Likewise, individuals' stories d i d dttit~~des are shaped by the larger structurdl processes that comprise the iilstitutioilal and socidl em iroilirient Future research into this case should also strive for iriethodologicdl dnersity. Both qumtitdtir e d i d qudlitati~enietllods s110~1ldbe employed to add to knonledge on the subject. The use of both quantitdtive a i d qudlitatir e iriethods nould permit both deeper d i d broader perspective on the problem. Researchers should iriol e beyond case studies of local commuilities and explore the dynairiics of this group's integration process oil a natioilal scale Both interviev s and smiple surveys of r~ikkcjjir~and native Japanese should be uildertaken in f~ltureresearch eiiorts in an attempt to urlderstand the range of experiences a i d attitudes of both groups regarding the integrative process of foreigners in Japan. Statistical analysis may be usef~din comparing various local policies and identifying the factors that positively or negatively aiiect those policies. Liken-ise, open-ended qualitative interviews of local a i d national leaders may help to trace the political bases of integration policies at both levels.


Another possible area for further research is that of the impact of r~ikkcjjir~ immigration to Japan on r~ikkcicoiriiriunities in Brazil a i d other Latin American countries.To what extent has the phenomenon of r~ikkciemigration to Japan created and strengthened trailsilatioilal ethnic networks! What effect has r~ikkciiriigration to Japan had on ~likkciBrazilians' perceptions of their omm ethnic identity? Furthermore, research should be undertaken tracing the paths of the so-called "lost generation" of r~ikkcichildren in Japan, those without adequate education in either Japanese schools or Brazilian schools. One significant consideration for f~ltureresearch into this topic is that of "researcher eficts."This is particularly probleirratic for qualitative researchers, but applies to some extent to those corlducting quantitative research as well. Specificall3 when interviewing iildividuals, there is the risk of receiving biased or imperfect iilforirration simply because of the identity of the interviewer. Factors such as the language used in the intervien- as n-ell as the interviewee's perception of the interviewer affect the quality and tone of the ansm7ers.Native Japanese researchers corlducting interviews irrq. get ansm7erssigi&cantly different than that those of a Portuguese speaking or non-Japanese researcher.This obstacle might be overcome through the employirient of a multi-ethnic a i d multi-lingual research team.

CONCLUSION Clearly the integration of rzikkcijirz in Japan is not proceeding smoothly. Due to serious structural factors, most notably the gap between inlnligration and i m n grant policies, mqor obstacles to the integration of this group ha\-e emerged. Ethnic similarity has not facilitated the integration of this group and serious problems ha\-e lee\-eloped as a result of their entry and settlenlent into a Japanese society unprepared itlstitutiotlally to face the reality of a culturally diverse resident population. Gaps in the housing, education, and social service spheres h a x Telldered this group isolated from the broader Japanese society. Unfortunately, without a closing of the gap between Japanese inlnligrant and itntnigration policies, the threat of social cotlflict and dirrision retl~ainssignificant. Though a few dratl~aticitlcidents ofviolence between rzikkcijirz and tlatirreJapatlese have already occurred, the everyday tllisutldersta~lditlgs and animosity betn-een these two groups are equally dangerous. Physical separation due to restrictirre housing policies, as n-ell as an isolating itntnigrant enlploynlent system, l u ~ exace erbated negatirre attitudes and discritnination ton-ard r/ikkcjjir/. In addition, the fiilure of the Japanese government to take active steps to assure the future opportunities of rzikkcijirz children through equal educatiotlal opportunities has the potelltial to lead to a long-term etltre~~chnlent of rzikkcijirz in l o d e v e l jobs. As a result of the fiilure of Japanese institutions to adapt to the entry and settletnent of this group, the fears of both rizkoku and koikok~radherents may be realized: if the current separation and isolation of this group is allowed to continue, Japan will be hced n-it11 the creation of a pernlanetlt utlderclass and continued cotlflict betn-een itntnigrants and tlatirres.


However, these issues need not escalate into inore serious sit~~dtioi~. Policy i n tiatives mned at dddptiilg Jdpmese irlstitutioils to the reality of a m ~ ~ l t i c u l t uand r~l multi-ethnic population can reduce the threat of conflict as nell as address Japanese commitments to "interilatioil~lizatioil."Deiriogrqhc changes a i d the demand for uilskilled labor brought about the initial change 111 iiriiriigration policy. the subsequent entry d i d settleilient of ethnic Japanese rukkcqlr~has highlighted the inadequacy of the current iilirastructure 111Jdpdil for dealing mith 1111guistic d i d cultural diiierence. Perhaps, as in the Geriridil case, the entry of an ethi1icdlly siiliildr and culturally "other" group ofiiriiriigrants xx 111 bring about chmges 111 the nay that membership a i d citizeilship are corlceptualized in the Japanese "ethnic" citizenship regime The dyilmiics of globdlizdtion and the iilterildtioildl migrdtion of labor hale coiribined in this case nit11 chdilging iilterilatioildl huiridil rights noriris to l~ighlightthe inadequacy of purely "ethnic" bases of iriembership. Traditioildl Japanese attitudes strictly separating Japanese from "others" h a e contributed to ineffectire policy responses to the chdilging realities of iilterildtioildl labor iriigration and noriris of uiliversdl h~iridilrights TT hile falsely iilfldtiilg the importmce of ethnicity I11 toddy's "globdlized" em ironirient, langudge plays more sigilificdilt role tlldil ethi~icity111 fditdtiilg integration The exairilllatioil of this extreme case of ail "etllilic" citizeilship regiirie's coilfiontdtion TX ith ethnically similar a i d liilguistically a i d culturdlly different immigrmts opens mindov into the f~ltureof immigrmt integration 111 lligllly globdlized, econoiliically integrated iilterildtioilal systeiri The groning acceptance of internatiorlal h~liridil rights to racial d i d cultural tolerance, coiribined xx ith ail ii~reasinglyiriobile interilatioilal labor force, points to the need, as 111 this case, for states to adopt appropriate iiniriigrmt policies aimed at reducing conflict betmeen natives and immigrmts v ithout ~ioldtiilgthe rights of either group.

NOTES 1. Author iiiterrie\\- coiiducted in Nagoya on October 18, 1999. 2. Gurox~itzcites the existence of iiiterii~~tiorlal irlstrumerlts as \\-ell as the tiiniiig of efforts to gdin rights for Korems in Japm 1' s the key reasons behind the relative iinproveinelit ofthe treatinerlt ofIiliis i ~ i AIIiynrioil: Ti~cor.),miti Rcsc~nil.11oil I~itcr~inrioilnlPopcllntio~i AIIoi~ciizcvits.New York: Center for Migration Studies. Kurosm-a, Hiroshi. (1989).'3pan in the World: Liberalizing People is the Quickest W q to u, Becolrle and I~ltermtionalNation." k k ) k f i s n i L j i ~ i r )March. Kurthen, Hermann, Werner Bergmmn and Rainer Erb. (eds.) (1997). .4i~isciizirisili n ~ i t i Xc~iopllobiniil Gcriiznily qf7c.r L7i$isnrioil. Nen-York: Oxford Univxsity Press. Lee, Changsoo and George DeVos, (eds.) (1981). I

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