North American Indians in the Great War (Studies in War, Society, and the Militar)

North American Indians in the Great War

Studies in War, Society, and the Military

general edito rs

Peter Maslowski University of Nebraska–Lincoln David Graff Kansas State University Reina Pennington Norwich University editorial boa r d

D’Ann Campbell Director of Government and Foundation Relations, U.S. Coast Guard Foundation Mark A. Clodfelter National War College Brooks D. Simpson Arizona State University Roger J. Spiller George C. Marshall Professor of Military History, U.S. Army Command and General Staff College (retired) Timothy H. E. Travers University of Calgary Arthur Waldron Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania

sus a n a ppl e g at e k rouse

North American Indians in the Great War Photographs and original documentation by jose p h k . di xon

University of Nebraska Press Lincoln & London

© 2007 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-inPublication Data Krouse, Susan Applegate, 1955– North American Indians in the Great War / Susan Applegate Krouse ; photographs and original documentation by Joseph K. Dixon. p. cm.—(Studies in war, society, and the military) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8032-2778-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. World War, 1917–1918—Participation, Indian. 2. World War, 1914–1918— Personal narratives. 3. United States— Armed Forces—Indians. I. Dixon, Joseph Kossuth. II. Title. d810.i5k76 2007 940.4'03—dc22 2007004494

Cover: American Indian soldiers at Camp Merritt, New Jersey, September 14, 1919. Front row (left to right): Thomas Slinker, John Grass (Sioux); back row, (left to right): Fred Chavez (Mission Indian) [?], Webster Hovis (Chippewa) or Charlie Carter (Sac and Fox) [?], Joseph LaJeunesse (Chippewa) [?]. Photo cropped from original, omitting last figure on top right.

To my parents, John and Carol Applegate

Contents

List of Illustrations . . . ix Acknowledgments . . . xi Introduction . . . 1 1. Serving for Duty and Justice . . . 17 2. Battlefield Experiences around the World . . . 35 3. On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners . . . 66 4. Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War . . . 80 5. Noncombat Service . . . 97 6. Proud to Be a Warrior . . . 118 7. The Discouraging Return Home . . . 133 8. Soldiers but Not Citizens . . . 154 Afterword . . . 165 Appendix: Documenting American Indian Service in World War I . . . 179 Notes . . . 199 Bibliography . . . 235 Index . . . 241

Illustrations

All photographs are by Joseph K. Dixon and are used by permission of the William Hammond Mathers Museum, Indiana University. Following page 124 1. James Bartlett Rich, Rollin L. Dixon, and Joseph K. Dixon, 1908 2. “Old Nokomis rocking cradle of young Hiawatha,” 1908 3. “Scouting Party on the Plains,” 1909 4. Joseph K. Dixon and American Indian chiefs, 1913 5. Flag raising, St. Regis Mohawk Reservation, 1913 6. American Indian soldiers from 13th Infantry, Camp Mills, 1919 7. American Indian soldiers from 13th Infantry, Camp Merritt, 1919 8. James Black Hawke (Cherokee), 1919 9. Stokes Mortar Platoon, Camp Mills, 1919 10. Jesse Lewis (Choctaw), 1919 11. Charles Robert Ward (Cherokee), 1919 12. Ewing Peters (Klamath), 1919 13. Sam Thundercloud (Winnebago), 1919 14. William Hollowbreast (Northern Cheyenne), 1919 15. John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux), 1919 16. Corbett White (Otoe), 1919 17. Sioux men on horseback at Sioux Memorial Ceremony, 1920 18. Frank Reynolds (Cheyenne), 1919 19. Joseph Dixon presenting flag at Sioux Memorial Ceremony, 1920

Acknowledgments

I am grateful for the support I have received from individuals and institutions over the course of my research for this book. Geoff Conrad, Elaine Gaul, Peter Gold, Wesley Hurt, Thomas Kavanagh, David Schalliol, and Ellen Sieber of the William Hammond Mathers Museum at Indiana University were patient and generous in providing me with photographs and photocopies, and a place to work, for many years and in many different situations. They are the caretakers of the Joseph K. Dixon photographs and documentation that form the heart of this volume. Indiana University invited me back to campus on a minority faculty fellowship, and I then began my research on Dixon’s World War I materials. Nazareth College of Rochester, New York, awarded me three summer research grants for travel to collections. Archivists and librarians at the George Eastman House, Rochester, New York; the Civil Reference Branch and the Military Reference Branch of the National Archives, Washington dc; the Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; and the United States Army War College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, were all helpful and interested in the project. Funding from Nazareth College also allowed me to hire Suzanne Simandle Kozak, who created a computer index of Dixon’s documentation. The editors and reviewers at the University of Nebraska Press made this a better book with their suggestions and support. Ned Krouse, my husband, was an enthusiastic partner in this research, from spending numerous hours cheerfully copying records in the National Archives, to looking over photographs to choose the final images. My thanks to all, but especially to Ned.

Introduction

I would go right now if they asked me. —Arthur Elm (Oneida), twenty-one, Oneida, Wisconsin 1st Machine Gun Company, 127th Infantry, 32nd Division

Joseph K. Dixon, photographer, author, and Indian advocate, met Arthur Elm, Oneida Indian soldier, on March 27, 1919, at the Greenhut Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York City. Elm was recovering from wounds sustained at the battle of Cierges, France, during his service in the U.S. Army in World War I. Dixon, working to document Indian soldiers, was immediately impressed with Elm and interviewed him at some length. Dixon introduced the interview in his notes by remarking: “It is said that the Indians have no sense of humor. Listen to his testimony as he humorously told me how he lost so much blood that when they got him back to the hospital they gave him a transfusion of blood from the veins of an Irishman and the veins of a Swede, both of them orderlies.” At this point Dixon let Elm take over and continue without interruption: After this, I didn’t know what I was. I was a mixture of Indian, Irish and Swede. The infusion was in the chest and leg. The swelling was pretty bad. That went down. I got better and feeling that I was an Indian again. I went back to the front. Then it was that we landed in the battle of Juvingney [Juvigny]. I was a member of the 1st Machine Gun Co. Battalion, 127th Inf., 32nd Division. At Cierges, we were the first ones in the battle. We took the town. I found a place where I could plant my machine gun. We had skipped a few Germans and they fired from our rear. That was where I was wounded.

At Cierges, we came to hand to hand fighting. I accounted for two and felt that the world was a damned sight better without them. Juvingney was the hardest battle I was in. The advance was terrific. I was looking for a good position for my machine gun. I climbed up a rise of ground. Just on the outside of the steep slope, I ran into three wounded Germans with their legs all covered over. One of them was an officer. All three had Red Cross bands on their sleeves. I saw them just as they were in the act of throwing hand grenades at me. “Potato mashers” we called them. I rushed up to them and stuck my bayonet through all three of them. I felt that if they wanted to play dirty, I could play dirty too. Then we got down low to escape machine gun fire, stayed there two days, spent the time in sniping. In the Argonne fighting, we were upon the front line. Our men had been without grub for two days and they were fighting like mad. Volunteers were called for to go back through a continuous fire, and bring up food from the supply station. I volunteered, as I always did. We were given, the sergeant and myself, a compass and a map. We had to dodge shells, crawl through thick, heavy brush and great tangles of barbed wire and watch for bombs from airplanes. We finally found the supply depot. We were told that they had orders to furnish us with a cart and mule. We had to wait for two hours. When finally we got our mule, loaded the cart and were ready to start. An airplane signaled to their artillery and they dropped a shell right on top of us. The mule and cart were blown to atoms, and all I could see was beans and tomatoes flying through the air. Two men were killed. I was left standing where the cart was, unhurt. The sergeant jumped behind a tree. We had nothing to take to our boys. We saw a pile of boxes just beyond us covered with brush. We walked up to it and found an M. P. guarding a pile of boxes containing prunes and peaches. We told him our story. How the men were fighting with nothing to eat, and asked him to let us take a couple of boxes of prunes. He refused. Said they were for the men when they came out. The airplane seeing movement signaled again and a shell was dropped about 100 yards beyond us. The M. P., not being used to bursting shells, ran into a dugout. The shell had exploded before he got there, but he kept on running just the same. While he was in there, we each took a box of prunes 

Introduction

and started off for our lives. He came out and discovered us. He yelled at us and threatened to shoot. We hid behind the trees and got away. When we reached the lines, we found our Division had moved. We met a captain of a battalion, who asked us who we were and where we were going. We told him how we had been back for food and how we had stolen the prunes. He said: “You will not find your lines. My men have had nothing to eat. Open up your boxes and let us have them.” I said “all right.” It was not long before a crowd of men gathered about us, eating the prunes. They were soon all gone. The captain told the sergeant-major to take our names, that we deserved a recommendation and that he would send our names into regimental headquarters for a D. S. C. [Distinguished Service Cross]. The military police knew my name and the name of the sergeant with me, and he reported us to headquarters, so that headquarters had two reports—one for distinguished service and the other for stealing prunes. So we had to pay for the prunes—we lost the D. S. C.

In his notes on the interview Dixon wrote, “I say ‘damn such an M.P.’” Elm continued his narrative: In the Argonne, I heard a wounded man groaning. We waited until dark. The shells were bursting and the machine guns rattling, through these we dug our way through the barrage, which still continued. We crawled through the barbed wire until we found an American wounded. We took him out. My pal and I in looking for our outfit got lost. My pal was killed as we were on the return trip. We charged a machine gun nest, with two gunners. I killed one, my pal killed the other, but he lost his life at the same time. A sniper in a tree put a hole in my shoulder. Then I played possum. I dropped. The sniper came down. A German officer came running up toward me. I had only one shot in my revolver. He thought I was dead and he turned me over, and as he turned me I shot him through the head. Then I ran. Came back the same way. Passed a barn. Heard a click of the machine gun, directing the fire on Americans who were making the attack. They were concealed in a fox hole, all camouflaged. I had no gun. A revolver, but no ammunition. I saw a pile of grenades. I grabbed one. Pulled the fuse, and as I ran along, I dropped it in the hole. I stood behind a tree until it exploded. There was nothing left of them. Introduction



Dixon interjected with a question for Elm: “What do you think of Army life?” Elm responded: It ain’t a bad life. Some guys kick about it, but I don’t see if they are true Americans why they kick. Army life has got to be hard. You can’t make heaven out of it. As I came into the port of New York on the “Antigone,” a guy on the boat called out, “Who wants to re-enlist?” He meant it as an insult to the Army. I felt it was a pretty dirty remark. He didn’t appreciate the kind of country he is living in, or the kind of country we have been fighting for. Just such guys will hinder the Government from raising 500,000 volunteers for the standing army. All the hardships I had, marching, hunger, danger, etc., I don’t want any reward for it. I made the Dutchman pay for it. I reported for sick call only twice during the whole time that I was in France. No use. They would only give you iodine or pills. When we put over a barrage, it thrilled my heart. It thrills a fellow’s heart, all right. I knew of a Winnebago Indian in the 128th, who had two sons with him. He was killed at Chateau Thierry drive—2nd battle of Marne—name of Foster.1 I knew John Sky, Odanah, Wisconsin. Machine gunner in 127th Inf. He was the best gunner in the outfit. He could set up a gun in less time than anybody else. During a counter attack, Cerges [Cierges], he kept the gun going until it was red hot. The German attack broke down, but they located his gun and a shell mashed gun and gunner.2 The 127th Inf. machine gun company was full of just such men. Most of the Indians I know were in that Machine Gun Company. They liked it. Figured that it was more effective than the rifle. I was over in Alsace, supposed to be a quiet sector. Went out on a combat patrol. Took two dozen hand grenades along. There was a canal in N M L [No Man’s Land]. The Germans came over the Canal during the night, July 2nd. We let them come, and then gave them a dose, when they were 50 yards away. We let fly hand grenades until all that was left of them went back. I remained throwing mine like a baseball. I was base B team third base. Then I got back and the Germans took three prisoners. To talk about a quiet sector 

Introduction

was a joke. We wouldn’t have won the war in 50 years if trench warfare had continued.

Elm concluded the interview by showing Dixon the bugle on which he had played the cease-fire on November 11, 1918. He commented: “I couldn’t believe it. Some of our men cried for joy.”3 More than twelve thousand Indians served in the U.S. military in World War I, despite the fact that many of them were not U.S. citizens at the time and did not enjoy the benefits of enfranchisement.4 Anthropological and historical studies of the American Indian experience in World War I have been limited.5 In those studies that do exist scholars have generally argued that military service was beneficial for Indians, contributing to their efforts toward attaining U.S. citizenship and producing a new “tier of leadership.”6 These arguments are based largely on historical data such as newspaper articles and the records of government agencies.7 While anthropologists conducted limited research with American Indian servicemen following World War II, there were no systematic, scholarly studies of Indian soldiers or sailors in World War I, either in service or on their return.8 There were, however, at least three attempts shortly after the war to document Indian military service. One was Joseph Dixon’s work, supported by businessman and philanthropist Rodman Wanamaker. The other attempts were by two government agencies, the Office of Indian Affairs and the U.S. Army’s Historical Section. (See the appendix for a detailed discussion of all three sources.) Each attempt was made for a specific reason. The Office of Indian Affairs (sometimes referred to as the Indian Office, and the precursor of today’s Bureau of Indian Affairs) gathered general information on Indian servicemen as part of its ongoing effort to keep track of Indian people, especially those who were successfully moving into the larger society.9 These records were solicited to support the U.S. government’s policy of integrating and assimilating Indians into mainstream American life.10 Following the war the U.S. Army’s Historical Section also documented the experiences of Indian soldiers, especially the role of Indians as scouts.11 It did so to support the prevailing image of the Indian as warrior, particularly suited to the scouting role.12 The Office of Indian Introduction



Affairs data is thus much more extensive in the number of veterans documented and the time period covered. The army records offer, by comparison, only limited information on fewer soldiers, focused specifically on their wartime experiences. For his part Dixon was especially interested in the cause of U.S. citizenship for Indians, and his documentation, including questionnaires, interviews, letters, and photographs solicited from Indian veterans and their families, was gathered to support this cause.13 Consequently his records illuminate the struggle for Indian citizenship, and the confusion surrounding citizenship status for Indians, in the early decades of the twentieth century. Further, this set of records, collected between 1917 and 1926, is the only one that provides an Indian viewpoint on their experiences during World War I and immediately thereafter. Dixon’s documentation, housed at the William Hammond Mathers Museum of Indiana University, includes information on 2,846 individual Indian servicemen. These records, previously unpublished, thus offer a rare opportunity to hear directly from Indian veterans themselves regarding their experiences in the war and their frustrations with the U.S. government. In 1900 American Indians were at the nadir of their population, decimated by disease, warfare, colonization, and the effects of 150 years of U.S. federal Indian policy. Indian lands had been reduced through government efforts toward removal and the establishment of reservations, then further reduced through the allotment process.14 Many Indian children had been forcibly taken and sent to federal boarding schools, which stripped them of their language and culture and failed to provide many of them with meaningful alternatives.15 Indian people had limited access to health care and economic or educational opportunity and few rights to practice their traditional ways of life. The very real population loss of Indian peoples, and the no less real threats to Indian cultures, meant that in 1900 American Indians were virtually a “vanishing race.” This was certainly how most of the larger society viewed them. Indeed, the drama of Indians as the vanishing race could be found in the work of writers, painters, composers, and photographers, who used the theme of the disappearing Indian to lament the passing of the wilderness and 

Introduction

the triumph of civilization. Edward Curtis’s monumental twentyvolume work of prose and photographs, The North American Indian, was well under way by the time of World War I, and Joseph Dixon himself had been actively engaged in photographing the “vanishing race” since 1908.16 Dixon, along with many other advocates for Indian rights, saw U.S. citizenship as the greatest hope for Indians, who were ultimately doomed to extinction or assimilation. Enfranchisement would allow them a greater say in their own individual affairs and greater participation in U.S. society. Individual allotment of Indian lands, it was believed, was one way to achieve this, breaking up tribal holdings and tribal governments so that Indian people could be assimilated into the larger society. Indian people themselves were increasingly calling for enfranchisement, and their participation in World War I was one way they chose to demonstrate their eagerness to defend their country and their ability to take control of their own affairs, without government supervision. Military service, for Indians, was also a way to uphold the longstanding warrior traditions that are integral to many tribes. Dixon was a controversial figure during his lifetime, and his work remains controversial. He began as simply a photographer of American Indians but became one of the leading Indian-rights advocates of his day, seeing himself as the primary champion of Indians and their struggle for U.S. citizenship. In his efforts to document the vanishing race and then to help that race achieve enfranchisement, Dixon amassed some ten thousand photographs of Indian people across the United States and some twenty-eight hundred records of Indian servicemen in World War I, including questionnaires regarding their military service. His real and lasting contribution rests not in his advocacy, or in his own bombastic and argumentative prose, but in this data he collected, beginning with his photographs and ending with his documentation of Indian veterans. Like any data, of course, Dixon’s records must be contextualized and interpreted. This study thus presents the experiences of American Indian veterans in World War I and upon their return home, using the words of the veterans themselves, as collected by Introduction



Joseph Dixon. In his lifetime Dixon was not able to complete his work on Indian veterans, and his records have languished, unexamined even by researchers who have used Dixon’s photographs of veterans. Dixon’s documentation, however, can add significantly to our understanding of the experience of American Indians in World War I, particularly given its immediacy and individuality. His records came primarily from the veterans themselves, or from their families, while other records, such as those collected by the Office of Indian Affairs and the Historical Section, represent the data-gathering efforts of government agencies and lack the personal view of the Indian warrior experience in World War I and its aftermath.

Dr Joseph K. Dixon, Leader of the Expeditions to the North American Indian —Joseph K. Dixon, The Vanishing Race

Joseph K. Dixon was born in Hemlock Lake, New York, a small town south of Rochester, on December 8, 1856. He grew up in Kansas, where his father, Adam Dixon, commanded the 3rd Brigade, Kansas State Militia. Dixon himself graduated from William Jewell College in Liberty, Missouri, in 1879, with a Bachelor of Arts degree.17 He trained as a minister, receiving his divinity degree from Rochester Theological Seminary, in Rochester, New York, in 1883.18 He served in several Baptist churches over the next twenty years—in Auburn, New York; Philadelphia; Boston; and London.19 He married and had two children, Rollin and Alice. His son later joined him in his work with American Indians. He divorced sometime in the early 1900s and left the ministry. Dixon had been involved in photography for some time, entering his work in amateur photography contests even when he was a divinity student. In 1904 Dixon went to work for the Eastman Kodak Company, doing public relations work in the United States, England, and Germany to promote amateur photography. He accompanied the “Kodak Exhibitions,” which included displays of up to 164 enlarged photographs, demonstrations of Kodak equipment, and lectures by Dixon. His own photographs were part of 

Introduction

the exhibit, along with those of other amateurs and some professionals, including Edward Steichen and Alfred Stieglitz.20 Two years later Dixon left Kodak and joined the Educational Bureau at the John Wanamaker store in Philadelphia, lecturing on history, literature, nature, and various educational topics.21 In 1908 Dixon’s duties expanded when Rodman Wanamaker, the eldest son of the department store’s founder, decided to finance a photographic expedition to the Crow Reservation in southern Montana. Dixon led the expedition, making photographs and films for his store lectures. The Wanamakers had a longstanding interest in American Indians; the elder John Wanamaker had financed collections of Indian artifacts for the University Museum at the University of Pennsylvania.22 Both Rodman Wanamaker and Dixon were convinced that they were making a record of a “vanishing race.”23 Indeed, as noted earlier, many of their contemporaries shared this view, and other artists and photographers mounted their own expeditions to capture the passing of the “noble red man.”24 Dixon and two photographic assistants—his son, Rollin, and James Bartlett Rich—spent three months at Crow in 1908 (see figure 1). Their primary project was a film entitled Hiawatha, using Crow actors, which became a staple presentation for many years to schoolchildren visiting the Wanamaker stores in Philadelphia and New York (see figure 2). Dixon also made photographs for other lectures, including scenes of animals, daily life at Crow, ceremonies, and portraits. Dixon and his assistants also staged and filmed a reenactment of the Battle of the Little Big Horn, which did not become part of Dixon’s educational series, apparently because it did not meet his expectations.25 Dixon’s second expedition was undertaken to photograph the “Last Great Indian Council,” a gathering of Indian leaders from some fifteen tribes, arranged by Dixon. He was again accompanied by Rollin Dixon, along with two other photographers. The Indians came together in 1909 at Crow Reservation and spent several weeks in traditional activities, all photographed by Dixon (see figure 3). Many of these photographs were used in his book The Vanishing Race, which also included Dixon’s descriptions of Indian life and the text of speeches given by the chiefs in council (edited and probably embellished by Dixon).26 Introduction



Dixon and Rodman Wanamaker planned to build a memorial to the vanishing Indians, including a museum for Dixon’s photographs. The U.S. government supported this plan and provided a site on Staten Island. Groundbreaking ceremonies were held on February 22, 1913.27 Many government officials and local dignitaries attended, along with thirty-two Indian chiefs, who symbolically raised a large American flag and signed a “Declaration of Allegiance” to the United States (see figure 4). According to Dixon, the flag raising and the signing of the declaration had a profound effect on the Indians present. He quoted one as saying, “We never before have felt that we were part of this country.”28 Indeed, American Indians in 1913 were not generally considered U.S. citizens, although some had obtained citizenship, primarily through the allotment process. Begun in 1887 with passage of the General Allotment Act, allotment, as noted earlier, was intended to break up tribal land holdings into individually held parcels. Following a period of trusteeship by the U.S. government, Indian allottees were to receive their allotted lands in severalty, along with citizenship.29 The allotment policy was designed to eliminate tribalism and to promote individual Indian land ownership, thereby making Indians more like whites and capable of joining them as citizens. In reality, however, the allotment policy failed to lead to citizenship for many Indians, instead serving primarily to move Indian lands into the control of non-Indians.30 The success of the memorial ceremonies led Dixon and Wanamaker to plan a third photographic venture, an “Expedition of Citizenship.” In addition to making documentary photographs, they planned to have tribes across the country reenact the flag raising and the signing of the Declaration of Allegiance, promoting the cause of Indian citizenship.31 Dixon described himself in 1913 as “Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, leader of the expeditions to the North American Indian to perpetuate the life story of these first Americans.”32 This third expedition, however, moved beyond simply documenting the vanishing race to advocating for Indian rights. Arrangements for this expedition were more complicated than for previous ones. Dixon and his party traveled by special train car, equipped with a photographic darkroom, as well as facilities for sleeping and cooking. Rollin Dixon served as one of his 10

Introduction

father’s photographers, along with two others, and a stenographer transcribed the speeches at the flag-raising ceremonies. Major James McLaughlin accompanied the expedition as a representative of the Department of the Interior. Dixon and company visited eighty-nine reservations, presenting American flags to 169 different tribes over the course of their six-month 1913 expedition. The flag ceremonies and declaration signings were filmed and photographed, to become part of the collection to be housed at the Indian memorial (see figure 5). Dixon also continued to make portrait and landscape photographs, as he had on all his previous photographic expeditions.33 Dixon’s interest in securing citizenship for Indians is what led him to campaign for greater Indian involvement in the U.S. military. In a letter to his sponsor, Rodman Wanamaker, Dixon noted his reasons why Indians who enlisted in the military should be granted citizenship: “If a man is willing to lay his life on the altar of his country, he should, in all fairness have the privilege of becoming a part of that country, sharing its privileges, possibilities and obligations.”34 Even prior to the United States’ entrance into World War I, Dixon was corresponding with members of Congress, urging that Indians be recruited as border guards to patrol the U.S.-Mexican frontier during the Mexican Revolution and its aftermath. In 1917 he testified on behalf of Representative Julius Kahn’s Indian Cavalry Bill (hr 3970), which provided for ten or more regiments of mounted Indians to serve as part of the regular army. Dixon also attempted to enlist the support of various tribal leaders for the bill, although this never materialized. The Indian Cavalry Bill eventually died in committee, after strong opposition to its segregationist tendencies from the War Department and Cato Sells, commissioner of Indian affairs.35 Once the United States became actively involved in World War I in 1917, Dixon pointed out that Indian recruits could take the place of U.S. border guards, freeing the latter up to fight in Europe.36 In a series of lectures in Pennsylvania and New York, Dixon harangued the U.S. government for keeping Indians disenfranchised and denying them the chance to serve.37 He was quoted following one lecture as saying: “Is it not time to clear our own Introduction

11

land of autocracy before we attempt to wipe autocracy from the map of Germany? Isn’t our treatment of the Indian too autocratic and too despotic? Have we not interned a whole race of people— not for a period lasting during the war, but for life?”38 In an effort to discredit the U.S. government’s use of Indians, Dixon actually downplayed Indian enlistment and service in the military, stating, “It has been said that 5,000 of them are now in various branches of the service, but investigation has shown that there is no record of this fact at the Indian bureau, and, in my opinion, it is nothing but a piece of political camouflage.”39 Following the war Dixon completely reversed himself on this point, instead emphasizing the number of Indians in military service, especially those not considered citizens. His estimate for Indian soldiers and sailors in the Great War now rose to seventeen thousand.40 Dixon’s efforts and those of other Indian advocates were partially rewarded when, on November 6, 1919, Indian veterans were granted the right to petition for citizenship. At the same time Dixon continued to press for the creation of separate Indian military units. Acculturation, he argued, would follow military service. He addressed the House Committee on Military Affairs on January 28, 1920, in support of legislation to incorporate one or more divisions of Indian soldiers into the reorganized U.S. Army. Despite Dixon’s testimony and additional legislative efforts by Representative Kahn, however, no provisions were made for allIndian divisions.41 In addition to lobbying for legislation, in 1919 Dixon began his last major project on behalf of American Indians and citizenship: he undertook documentation of the military service of all Indian men through photographs and personal testimony. Eventually he planned to publish the documentation in a book entitled “From Tepees to Trenches,” which he hoped would aid in the cause of Indian citizenship.42 Dixon thus spent over half of 1919—from February to June and again briefly in September—interviewing and photographing Indian soldiers and sailors still in active service, in military hospitals, on ships, and in camps (see figure 6). His visits were confined to East Coast military bases, including hospitals in Washington dc, New Jersey, and New York; the navy fleet on the Hudson River; 12

Introduction

and debarkation camps in New York, New Jersey, and Massachusetts, where soldiers were awaiting their return to civilian life. He worked alone on this project, contacting military officers, taking photographs, and making notes on individual servicemen. He compiled his notes into eight books, with an eye toward a single, final volume. Dixon’s photographs and notes from this effort document 186 servicemen.43 As noted earlier, later in 1919 and continuing through 1920 the U.S. Army’s Historical Section was also collecting information on American Indians in the military, gathering data from approximately fifty of the one hundred army division historians. This resulted in records on 1,204 men, including name, tribe, branch of service, education, and sometimes comments from commanding officers. Dixon incorporated 1,174 of the Historical Section’s records on individual servicemen into his own documentation.44 Possibly unsatisfied with the army’s project, however, Dixon decided late in 1919 to expand his own information-gathering efforts. He sent out questionnaires to Indian veterans, asking them to comment on their service, their citizenship status, and any additional experiences they might have had in the war. He utilized his own contacts with Indian people on various reservations, Indian agents, school personnel, and Indian-rights organizations to distribute the questionnaires and have the information returned to him. The first set of questionnaires, which went out in early 1920, stressed that Indians themselves must provide the information in order for the record of their service to be complete. By June 1920 the Office of Indian Affairs had also become interested in cooperating with Dixon. His questionnaire was then redesigned with a new cover letter, dated June 25, 1920. It included the names of John Barton Payne, secretary of the interior, and Cato Sells, commissioner of Indian affairs. Dixon’s papers include 1,361 questionnaires. Veterans themselves completed 485, with another 27 filled out by family members. Indian agents, teachers, or other government employees completed another 849, often in batches for all the veterans on a particular reservation. In addition to photographs, interviews, and questionnaires, Dixon’s files contain information from other sources, such Introduction

13

as letters from individual soldiers or their families, lists of veterans from various reservations, lists of Indians who received military decorations, and newspaper clippings on Indian servicemen. In total Dixon’s own documentation covers 1,672 men, with an additional 1,174 records compiled by the U.S. Army’s Historical Section. This book utilizes Dixon’s records to explore the willingness of American Indians to serve in the U.S. armed forces; their battlefield exploits; and their experiences as scouts and runners, roles to which they were assigned more often than other soldiers. It examines the realities of Indian veterans who were wounded or killed in battle and the experiences of those who did not see combat. Most important to understand about American Indians’ service in World War I, however, is their frustration upon their return home. Dixon’s documentation presents their confusion over their citizenship status and their desire to gain the full rights of citizenship. The chapter headings are quotations from Dixon’s papers or from Indian veterans themselves; each is cited in the chapter itself. All quotations are reproduced verbatim, including misspellings and grammatical errors. Where errors might lead to confusion for the contemporary reader, I have added clarifying information in brackets. Where missing words or punctuation might lead to confusion, I have also added bracketed clarification. Otherwise the language herein comes from the veterans themselves or from families and friends who helped to document their service. I first encountered the work of Joseph Dixon as an undergraduate volunteer at the Indiana University Museum, now the Mathers Museum at Indiana University. I went to Indiana to take courses in its museum studies program, but even before I began the coursework, I wanted to work for the museum to gain experience in the field I had chosen. Dr. Wesley Hurt, the museum director, asked me about my interests, and I explained that I wanted to work with North American Indian collections. He took me to see the Dixon photographs, and I began doing basic archival and conservation work with them, sleeving the photographs and cutting mat-board supports for the glass negatives. I found myself captivated by this collection of thousands of images of Indian people, some from my own Oklahoma Cherokee tribe, many more from 14

Introduction

tribes I had only heard of, and some from tribes whose names I had never heard. I spent the next five years working in one capacity or another with the Dixon photographs. Dr. Hurt, Curator of Collections Peter Gold, and Curator of Exhibits David Schalliol found funding for me as a work-study student, as a graduate assistant, and finally as a project researcher on a grant to catalog and make copy negatives of all the Dixon materials. I eventually helped curate an exhibit on Dixon’s photographs and wrote my master’s thesis on his portrayal of the “vanishing race.”45 Even after I had earned a master’s degree in anthropology from Indiana University and gone on to work as a curator in other museums, I continued to be involved with the collection, serving as a consultant to the Indiana University Museum and to other museums with Dixon materials. When film footage from Dixon’s earliest photographic expedition turned up, I worked with the Smithsonian Anthropological Archives to document and interpret it.46 It was not until I had returned to graduate school in anthropology at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee and chosen American Indian powwows as my dissertation topic that I began to consider Dixon’s materials on Indians from World War I.47 I had not cataloged that part of the collection under the original grant funding, and I had largely ignored it since that time. As someone who grew up during the Vietnam War, my experiences with and feelings about the U.S. military were largely negative. It was through my participation in powwows, however, that I saw the vital role that Indian veterans play in these community celebrations and came to appreciate fully the sacrifices of all veterans, and particularly American Indian veterans. I determined to return to Dixon’s photographs and look more closely at his pictures of soldiers and sailors from World War I. In the summer of 1992 I received a minority fellowship from Indiana University that allowed me to return to campus, teaching one class and devoting the rest of my summer to Dixon’s World War I materials. What I found first was a relatively meager collection of a couple hundred photographs of Indians still in service in 1920, photographs that I had described in my master’s thesis as having “a dreary sameness.” What I found next was the Introduction

15

rest of the documentation—questionnaires; letters; and interviews that Dixon had collected to use in his proposed book, “From Tepees to Trenches.” These first-person accounts from Indian veterans moved me to tears, to laughter, and to wonder that I had neglected them to this point. I spent the summer copying and organizing the records, presenting a paper on my findings at the annual meeting of the American Society for Ethnohistory, held at Indiana University that fall. Over the next several years I conducted additional research into the existing records of Indian military service in World War I—at the National Archives, the Carlisle Archives, the archives of the War Department, the Newberry Library, and back at the Mathers Museum. Additional questionnaires from Dixon’s files had also been found at the museum, bringing the total number of Indian veterans documented there to 2,846. It has been an honor and a privilege to read the stories of these Indian warriors. It has been especially gratifying to me to be able to connect Indian people of today with the records of their fathers and grandfathers who served in World War I. I offer this volume in tribute to all American Indians, men and women, who serve their nations—both the United States and their own tribal nations— and protect their people.

16

Introduction

1. Serving for Duty and Justice

We wanted to do our share in the big fight, and we tried to do it. —Charles Sorrell (Shoshone), twenty-two, Pocatello, Idaho Company I, 13th Infantry, 8th Division

American Indian men, who were not even generally granted the rights of citizenship, volunteered readily for service in the U.S. military in “the big fight.”1 Researchers who have examined this period suggest several reasons why. Russel Lawrence Barsh notes that Indians wanted to demonstrate their loyalty to the United States, as well as to their family traditions. He also cites the influence of federal Indian boarding schools, with their emphasis on patriotism and military training. Thomas A. Britten further mentions encouragement from the Bureau of Indian Affairs and several Indian reform groups, economic opportunity, the prospect of adventure and travel, the expectations of tribal elders and a warrior tradition, and patriotism and a desire to defend one’s homeland. Jennings C. Wise also notes the importance of homeland, pointing out that Indian victory songs “praise those who fight in defense of home.”2 The responses to Joseph Dixon’s questionnaires and interviews indicate that Indian men did volunteer for many of the reasons cited above. In particular, the tradition of the warrior, the influence of boarding schools, and the desire to demonstrate loyalty to the United States played a role in the decisions of the men documented here. Dixon’s records, however, also suggest an additional reason why Indian men responded so enthusiastically to the call to arms: many of the veterans documented by Dixon hoped that their service would bring about greater justice for Indian people.

The almost universal enthusiasm of Indian men for military service is summarized in the words of Charles Sorrell that begin this chapter. These men volunteered or were drafted, often despite their lack of citizenship, and served proudly and well. Out of all the servicemen documented by Dixon, only one was classified as a deserter: John Bear Jr. (Chippewa), thirty, whose address was listed on his questionnaire as Leavenworth, Kansas, possibly referring to the federal stockade at that location.3 And only one was listed as apparently awol, or absent without leave: when Dixon visited the navy fleet in the Hudson River, Seaman Second Class George J. Cayenne (Sioux) was not aboard his ship, the uss Oklahoma. Dixon’s visit took place on April 29, 1919, and Cayenne had been missing since February 3.4 The rest of the servicemen contacted by Dixon were nearly all eager to get into the fight. Indian men who volunteered for service in the U.S. military were quick to indicate their enlistment on their questionnaires. Corporal Lawrence Frazier (Little Lake), twenty-two, from Vancouver, Washington, served in Battery F, 20th Field Artillery, 5th Division. In answer to the question “Did you enlist?” he wrote, “Sure.”5 Similarly Private Luke Frog stated on his questionnaire, “enlisted as voluntarily.” Frog (Sioux), twenty, from Oglala, South Dakota, served in Company I, 48th Infantry, 20th Division.6 Private Frankie Moore (Potawatomi), from Mayetta, Kansas, enlisted when he was only eighteen, joining Headquarters Company, 16th Infantry, 1st Division. He wrote proudly of his service: “Went to France and was in service twenty-six months. Was among the first who went over and saw active service during the entire time there. Was also in the army of occupation. Was in service twentyeight months but was in France twenty six months.”7 Corporal Joseph Northrup (Chippewa), thirty-seven, from Sawyer, Minnesota, served with a National Guard unit. He wrote: Enlisted in spite of the fact that I had three children and a wife to support. Could not at first get into the Regulars on account of size of family, was turned down in the Navy for the same reason. Was finally accepted in the National Guard, the Regiment was Federalized but not in time to go across. . . . While some cowards were making over two hundred dollars a month in shipyards, I was doing guard duty at $90.00 per month and 18

Serving for Duty and Justice

paying rent for home for wife and three children. Was man enough to enlist not drafted.8

Many Indian men went to great lengths to join the service. William Rivera (Mohave), twenty-five, enlisted in the army on August 5, 1918, serving in Headquarters Company, 13th Infantry, 8th Division. He noted, however, that “I would have joined sooner, but was rejected by the Navy because I was under weight. I wanted to get into the fight” (see figure 7).9 Joseph Kiplin (Chippewa), thirtyone, from Mahnomen, Minnesota, was drafted and rejected, then enlisted and was rejected, noting that he was “rejected 5 different times.”10 Another Minnesota Chippewa, Private George Bungo, twenty-four, from Bena, finally served in Company H, 58th Infantry, but only after he “tried to enlist five different times + was rejected, + later on I was drafted.”11 Joseph Trouchie (Chippewa), twenty-three, from Belcourt, North Dakota, had a similar story: “Enlisted first, was rejected then drafted. Soon after being drafted armistice was signed.” Ultimately Trouchie did not serve.12 Corporal Ollie Kinney (Mohawk), from Bellaire, Ohio, managed to get into the army despite his age: he was forty-one when he enlisted. In an interview with Dixon at Debarkation Hospital #5 Kinney explained: I went in the war because of the pressure upon my soul to help my country. I was too old to go into the ranks, but I pressed my case until they gave me a place where I could [d]o something. I have a mother and sister. I am proud to know that I can help to push things up to the front. I tried to do my duty. In order to get in, I got false teeth. I couldn’t see the letters. I walked around the bunch and got into the line that had been accepted. They pulled me out. I tried it again. I thought they were going to arrest me.

He was not arrested but was able to serve in Company A, 308th Quartermaster Corps, at St. Nazzaire, France. Following the war he was hospitalized, according to Dixon, for “falling arches and varicose veins.”13 The navy attracted American Indian men who were especially anxious to join the fight. Petty Officer First Class Crus McDaniels (Zuni Pueblo), twenty, indicated his readiness to join the war effort: Serving for Duty and Justice

19

Enlisted, immediately after we declared war on the German Imperial Govt. Was sent to San Francisco for training after I was trained then I was sent to the Receiving Ship at Norfolk Va. to await my ship. From there I was assigned to the transport U.S.S. Mercury. Made seven trips across the Atlantic, serving in the U.S. Navy two and one half years. I was discharged in Bremerton Washington. Was honorably discharged from Naval Service.14

Dixon interviewed several Indian sailors aboard their ships, anchored in the Hudson River at New York City.15 Blacksmith Second Class Edward Nelson (Pima), twenty-four, put it bluntly: “I enlisted for the sake of my country. I enlisted in the Navy because the Navy was ready, and the Army had still to be organized. I did not wish to wait. I wanted to get into the fight.” Despite his good intentions he did not see action: “My grief is that I didn’t get over.” Nelson, from Blackwater, Arizona, enlisted as a musician, serving aboard the uss North Dakota and playing baritone in the ship’s band.16 One of his shipmates, Fireman Second Class James Black Hawke (Cherokee), thirty-four, from Bliss, Oklahoma, expressed a similar desire: “I wanted to get into this war. Felt it my duty, being a real American. I felt that I must defend America. I ached to get near the big guns of the north dakota and hear them boom against the Germans. I could fire a dozen warships smash that bunch” (see figure 8).17 Aboard the uss Utah Dixon interviewed another Indian seaman who came closer to the action. William Leon Wolfe (Chippewa), twenty, from Naytahwaush, Minnesota, enlisted while attending Carlisle Indian Industrial School: Enlisted to help my country. The Indian is not a slacker, and I didn’t mean to be one. I was not willing to be forced to do my bit. I was told the Navy would be the first to go into action, so I chose the Navy. I had three months’ service overseas. I felt happy convoying our boys. We were fired at by a sub-marine at midnight, but were not hit. Saw the wake of the torpedo as it passed the stern of our ship. We were convoying 23 ships, transports. 20

Serving for Duty and Justice

Wolfe served as a gunner, leading the crew in turret gun #1.18 Some men could not wait for the United States to enter the war, enlisting in other nations’ armies instead. Enos William Kick and his brother Albert Kick were born on the Oneida Reservation in Wisconsin. At ages twenty-three and eighteen, respectively, they enlisted in the Canadian Army. Enos broke his leg while carrying ammunition under shellfire but was able to return to his division after hospitalization. Albert was killed by enemy sniper fire at Cambrai, in 1918. Enos later wrote about their experiences: My brother and I enlisted almost the same time, first months of 1916, because we have families and didn’t want to see Germans kill the little ones. We tried to go over in 1914, but we couldn’t on account of us being Indians, so we couldn’t very well pass as a white man, so we waited until our chance came, so both of us went to the same Battalion and same Company and everything the same, and often we’d let our Lewis Gun go steady until our gun almost melted away from heat of firing, so I need not tell you all. But I miss my brother Albert, he is over there yet, and mother weeps yet. Thank God! I am a true American, thank God! I came home safe. I have five little ones to care for and I expect to move back to Wisconsin before long.19

In the back ancient history of my Great-Great-Grandfather, Chief Nicholas Cusick of Tuscarora Indian Tribe who fought in Revolutionary War in year 1775. —Private Simon Cusick (Tuscarora), thirty, Lewistown, New York Company D, 1st Battalion, Canadian Infantry

Private Simon Cusick began his account of his military service with a reference to an ancestor who fought in the Revolutionary War. He went on to list other relatives, including another Simon Cusick, “one of the great war chiefs,” and Cornelous Cusick, who “was made Captain during the Civil War and during the Spanish War . . . was made Colonel in the United States Army.” Cusick connected himself to this lineage of warriors by adding, “and myself served in the World War 1915–1918.”20 Political scientist Tom Holm has explored warfare in Native Serving for Duty and Justice

21

North America, noting that it cannot be explained only in economic or political terms but must be contextualized in larger cultural and social terms. Participating in warfare in traditional times allowed young men to demonstrate important tribal virtues, including leadership and bravery, kinship loyalty, and respect for spiritual powers. If they were successful warriors, warfare also provided wealth and status and allowed men to demonstrate generosity by distributing goods captured in war. Warfare was not part of the traditions of every tribe, but it was an important part of the entire cultural complex for many Native peoples. Service in the U.S. military became one way in which a warrior tradition could be continued. Specifically concerning World War I Holm comments: “In several tribes the status of an Indian veteran of World War I equaled that of a warrior who fought against the whites one hundred years before. He had done the right things. He had fought well, survived, and abided by the treaties signed between his people and the federal government; most importantly, he had taken part in those time-honored tribal traditions linked to warfare. In short, he was a warrior and, whether clad in traditional dress or in olive drab, he had reaffirmed his tribal identity.”21 James Hawk (Sioux), twenty-six, from Pine Ridge, South Dakota, tied his reasons for volunteering to the warriors of earlier times, telling Dixon in an interview at the Base Hospital, Camp Merritt: “I wanted to see the old thing through. My grandfather was a chief and was in the Custer battle and at the battle of Wounded Knee, but I wanted to be in any battle that would wound the Germans”(see figure 7).22 But even tribes not as well-known as the Sioux for their warrior traditions still supported their men in service. William Shelton, of the Tulalip Indian School in Washington, completed questionnaires for several Tulalip men, including Private First Class Edward Williams, from Marysville, Washington. Shelton wrote: “Private Williams holds the honor of being the first Indian from Tulalip Ind. Res. who entered the United States Army during the War. He went to France as a member of Co. M 361st Inf. 91st Division. He was one of the sharpshooters of the Division and on Sept. 31 1918 was wounded while in action in the Meuse Argonne. He was returned to duty from the hospital Jan. 24 1919.”23 22

Serving for Duty and Justice

Indians themselves, along with others, believed that Indians were inherently suited to be warriors, demonstrating this belief through their actions in World War I.24 Dixon, for example, interviewed Winnebago soldier Sam Thundercloud at Cape May Hospital (see figure 13). Thundercloud told stories about his Winnebago comrades who proved themselves as warriors: “Jim Green Grass on going over the top, gave two war hoops and then the Germans landed a big shell on the spot. Did it to show the Germans that he was right there.” Thundercloud, who was wounded in the war, said: “If I had my arm back I would like to do it over again for the sake of the game. We Indians always did that way.”25 Fred Fast Horse (Sioux), thirty-two, from the Rosebud Reservation in South Dakota, also believed his heritage had equipped him to be a soldier. As he told Dixon at Debarkation Hospital #3: “When they drafted me, I wanted to go because my people were fighters. My father was a chief and fought Custer, and I wanted to go and fight the Germans because they would come over here and destroy our free Government.” Fast Horse was drafted despite his noncitizenship status, serving in Company F, Ammunition Train, 89th Division. He described his emotions during battle: “I felt every time I could get a load of shells up to the guns that I was hitting the Germans, whom I despise. One very dark night, while we were getting shells up, a big shell struck our train and killed 12 mules and gassed the men.” According to Dixon’s notes Fast Horse was “paralyzed on the left side by shell shock in the Argonne. . . . [He] arrived on the Steamship ‘Great Northern’ Thursday, March 27th, and is eager to get home and put in crops. The poor fellow may never walk again. He was wheeled on his cot to a place where I could gain sufficient light to photograph him in the Greenhut Hospital.”26 In addition to believing in their inherent abilities as warriors, Indians felt that their experiences had prepared them to be soldiers. For example, Harry Bedel, a Sauk from the Sauk River region of northwest Washington, worked in the mountains and forests prior to his enlistment. Dixon interviewed him at the Base Hospital at Camp Merritt, recording that Bedel “said that his work in swinging the axe in the great woods of the Northwest had helped him to swing his gun on the front of France.” Bedel served in the infantry with Headquarters Company B, 8th Division (see figure 7).27 Serving for Duty and Justice

23

A few of the Indian men who served in World War I actually had experience in other U.S. military actions. Victor Murat Locke Jr. (Choctaw), forty-three, from Antlers, Oklahoma, was a major of infantry in the U.S. Reserves during World War I. He noted on his questionnaire, however, that, “whenever I have occasion to mention my service in the Army during the War, I take considerable pride in adding the fact that I served also during the Spanish-American War. I was a private during that War and hold a very creditable discharge from the service.” In that conflict he volunteered with the Texas Infantry. In addition to his military duties, between 1910 and 1913 Locke served his people as secretary and principal chief of the Choctaw tribe.28

My wife and myself both attended Carlisle. I was also at Haskell. —Willie Kemble (Ponca), twenty-four, Ponca City, Oklahoma Base Hospital #86

Federal boarding schools had an enormous impact on Indian life, beginning with the first forced enrollment of Indian children in the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania in 1879.29 The U.S. government, pursuing its policy of assimilation for Indian people, rounded up children and sent them to one of dozens of off-reservation boarding schools. Native languages were discouraged or even forbidden. Children received instruction in English, both in academic subjects and in programs of manual and domestic training. By the early 1900s more than twenty thousand Indian children attended federal boarding schools, and their influence was felt across Indian Country.30 Students from federal Indian boarding schools enlisted en masse when the United States entered World War I, together with many former students. The boarding schools, with their emphasis on discipline and regimentation, gave students military-style training that served them well in the armed services. The schools also stressed patriotism, which the students could then actually demonstrate by their enlistment.31 Of the total 6,598 Indian veterans recorded by Dixon, the Office of Indian Affairs, and the U.S. Army’s Historical Section, 1,352 were documented as having attended a fed24

Serving for Duty and Justice

eral boarding school. (Note that this figure is incomplete; not every record includes information on education.) Among the World War I veterans 222 had attended Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania; 339 had attended Haskell Institute in Lawrence, Kansas. The others had been scattered among several other schools, from New York to California. One of those who went to war directly from boarding school was First Sergeant Aniseto Ortega (Pueblo), twenty-two, from Bent, New Mexico. In an interview with Dixon he recounted: In early boyhood, I went to school and worked on the farm with my father. I had two years schooling at Toulerousa. At 14, I went to Carlisle, where I remained for six years. School one half-day, plumbing one half-day, engineer work. Then the war broke out. Superintendent asked me if I wanted to continue school or go to the war. I said, “I’ll go to the war.” They drafted me. I went to Camp Meade Nov. 3, 1917. Enlisted as a private.32

Referring to the Flandreau Indian School in South Dakota, the September 14, 1918, Philadelphia Inquirer noted that “just how valuable the army is finding these Indian students is shown by the fact that every member of the school now in the 136th Infantry has won promotion to a non-commissioned officer.”33 Among these was Corporal David Munnell (Chippewa), from Onigum, Minnesota, who, along with two of his brothers, enlisted in 1917. James Munnell, one of the brothers, completed David’s questionnaire with information on his service and death in Gievres, France: “This boy died Sept. 17, 1919 in France, a mere boy, not quite seventeen, enlisted at Flandreau, S.D., while attending school there, on the 7th day of April 1917. He is one of the three boys who enlisted from his family, one enlisted on the 9th day of April 1917, while attending school at Wahpeton, N.D. The other enlisted about that time, the exact date not known to me at the present time.”34 Young men at other boarding schools also enlisted. Sergeant Francis Kalama (Warm Springs), twenty-seven, from Oregon, left Haskell Institute in Lawrence, Kansas, enlisting in the 1st Kansas Infantry. He wrote: “My entire army life was begun since 1916 and I first went to the Texas border and remained in the army Serving for Duty and Justice

25

until called for services overseas. I know of several more boys who left school to enter the army. Some of them entered the navy, marines corps. Most of the boys who left school were in the infantry. Those of us who left Haskell Institute were in the artillery.” Kalama was transferred to Battery B, 130th Field Artillery, 35th Division, and sent overseas in 1918. He included in his questionnaire the information that his brigade, including the 128th, 129th, and 130th Field Artilleries, was cited “for efficiency in firing for accuracy during the Meuse-Argonne.” Despite his pride in his achievements during the war, and his early enlistment in the army, Kalama still expressed one regret about his military experience, noting that because of his “two years of service for U.S. [I] lost education.”35

When i join the army I fial [feel] it was my dutte to do so. —Corporal Charles Escacuga (Sioux), twenty-eight, Frazer, Montana Supply Company, 127th Infantry, 32nd Division

Thousands of Indian men, like Charles Escacuga, chose to demonstrate their loyalty by enlisting in the military and going off to war. Federal boarding schools had inculcated Indian students with ideas of patriotism, but even those who had not attended these schools were eager to serve their country. Some soldiers elaborated on their feelings to Dixon. “When war was declared on Germany like many more of the patriotic Americans, I saw that it was my just duty to go and defend the stars and stripes, and to uphold its traditions,” wrote Private First Class Ralph W. Sellew (Piegan), twenty-four, from Browning, Montana, who served overseas with the 2nd Battalion, 17th Field Artillery, 2nd Division.36 Another soldier was more emphatic about his expectation for his service, saying, “I went over to win out for my country.” Dixon recorded this comment from Archibald Tye (Mission Indian), twentyseven, from Hayfork, California, in an interview at Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York City. Tye enlisted and served with the 144th Artillery, 40th Division. He was wounded, as were two of his four brothers, all of them serving in the army.37 Sergeant Carlyle T. Pinn (Cherokee), twenty-nine, from Jamaica 26

Serving for Duty and Justice

Plain, Massachusetts, recounted the story of his enlistment and service in “A Cherokee Cadet,” which he sent to Joseph Dixon for inclusion in the history of American Indians in the war. Pinn had apparently not been living with either the Western or the Eastern Nation of the Cherokees prior to the war, but in Massachusetts, and he returned there following his service. While his ties to his Cherokee culture and heritage may have been at some distance, he identified himself as an Indian, and this identity was important to him: When the United States of America declared war on the 6th of April to suppress world domination of the Hun, I was ready and willing to enter my country’s service that I might render account of myself and people. However, it was not until the 24th of April 1917, that I determined what arm of service with which I wished to serve, then deciding and enlisting at the age of 24 years, in the first corps of cadets of Massachusetts, an independent organization which was scheduled to be one of the first units to reach the battle fronts. This regiment has been independent since 1741 and is a repository of four invaliable museums comprising of incompariable collections of many wars. To my knowledge, I am the first and only Indian ever enlisted in this old and excellent regiment, which has always performed wonderful and comendable acheivements. Before we embarked for France, the regiment was mustered in to the U.S. Army as the 101st Engineers and I was warrented Sergent in Co “A.” I also did much work in researching the regiment to full strength and was soon liked by all who came in contact with me.38

Expressions of patriotism and a sense of duty to country pervade the soldiers’ responses to Dixon. Captain W. J. Gardner (Chippewa), thirty-seven, from Georgetown, Texas, served in Company E, 11th Infantry, 7th Division. He included a letter to Dixon with his questionnaire: “I have filled out the questionnaire—my only regret is that I could not do more for my race and my country; however I am always ready to again serve in a just cause.”39 Lyon O. Neubert (Cherokee), twenty-one, from Clinton, Iowa, was very clear about what he wanted, telling Dixon, “I volunteered because I wanted to fight with Uncle Sam’s forces.” As a signalman and telephone lineman with Battery C, 108th Field Artillery, 28th Serving for Duty and Justice

27

Division, he performed essential duties for the military in hazardous conditions: “We were constantly under shell fire while doing telephone work, establishing communication between the battery and headquarters.”40 Neubert earned the respect of his commanding officer, Captain Kenneth D. Rockwell, who reported to Dixon: “He was one of my finest soldiers. I always knew the lines would be ready for messages. If we fell down, it would not be the fault of this Indian.”41 Sergeant John Victor Adams (Siletz) was direct when he spoke with Dixon about his service: I enlisted. I was in High School, and I wanted to get into the fight that I might help the country win out. I have a brother on one of the battleships. I was in all the engagements in which the 42nd Division took part, 168th Inf. having the banner record of the Division. I was wounded at Chateau Thierry in the leg and eye, and gassed. I got back for the St. Mihiel drive. Went on through. I felt the best of our boys were getting killed, and I wanted to put my life up against theirs. I felt that no American could be or should be better than the first American. Therefore, I did not linger in the hospital.

Adams, twenty-two, from Siletz, Oregon, served as a battalion scout and with the regimental intelligence section.42 Private Eli S. Guardipe (Blackfeet), twenty-one, from Browning, Montana, enlisted and served in the Aviation Service, 43rd Squadron, 3rd Regiment. He expressed his regret at not having done more in the war: There is nothing of interest connected with my war Service as I was one of the many that did not get over Sea, but that was not my fault. When I went into the army, I went with the understanding, that I was to obey the orders of U.S. Army and I did to the best of my knowledge. I received a disablity while I in the army and I am now in training, and in hopes of rehabilitating in the near future.43

Indians understood that as noncitizens they were not obligated to join the service. Private First Class Peter O. Barnaby (Flathead), twenty-four, from Arlee, Montana, was drafted: “I didn’t have to 28

Serving for Duty and Justice

go, but I wanted to go. I wanted to go and fight for the flag.” He served with Company I, 26th Infantry, 1st Division; saw action at Soissons, Argonne, and Sedan; and was cited for gallantry and devotion to duty during the Meuse-Argonne Offensive.44 David Drop at a Distance (Sioux), from White Horse, South Dakota, was drafted, serving in Company K, 305th Infantry, 77th Division. He told Dixon, “I wanted to go and fight, even though I was not a citizen.”45 James Wynashe (Kaw), thirty, from Washingo, Oklahoma, volunteered to serve: “I thought I ought to be as good as the white boy and had as much right to serve my country. I went in feeling that I ought to do my bit with the rest of the boys to win.” Wynashe did his bit, serving with a mortar platoon in the 165th Infantry, 42nd Division, on three fronts: St. Mihiel, Argonne, and Verdun.46 Some men felt their sense of duty on an individual basis. Private Grover Doshinko (Caddo), from Anadarko, Oklahoma, enlisted, saying, “I felt that it was up to me to help down the Germans.”47 Even those who did not get into battle took their responsibilities personally. Corporal Charles Littlechief (Sioux) wrote, “My war experience wasn’t very much as I didn’t get over there, although I rendered splendid service to my country for I voluntarily enlisted and was very anxious to get a shot at one of those Jerrys but I’m sorry I didn’t get there.”48 Sometimes patriotic fervor caused young men to risk their lives before even entering the service. Private First Class Casper LeCompte (Sioux), twenty-nine, from Mobridge, South Dakota, put himself to the test as a civilian: While still under the draft call and three months before I entered the army at Funston, my bro[ther] come home on furlough, and he couldn’t get back to any railroad as the rivers where all flooded with ice and water and his furlough was up. And to get him back to railroad, I forded the Grand river amidst ice to get a boat for him to cross over to meet his train to Camp Funston before his furlough expired. It was a dangerous under taken [undertaking] but as he did not swim very well and I did, I under took it knowing I was ready for the Army and just as well be doing something in that respect for my country then, as later. This did not happen over there but all the same during the war. It may not seem much but I never no off [know of] any Serving for Duty and Justice

29

body crossing a river in that condition and that river was the highest for 20 yrs. Or more bridges where all washed out. I have never mentioned to an Officier but have to ymca man; he thought I ought to mentioned it to my Leutennent. But I did not think it much so I did not mentioned it. I have got good straight prove for this.

LeCompte later served with the 690th Motor Transportation Corps but received no commendations.49 Others did not go into the service with strong patriotism, instead gaining a sense of responsibility along the way. Private Jacob Leader (Pawnee), twenty-one, from Pawnee, Oklahoma, served as part of the Stokes Mortar Crew, Headquarters Company, 165th Infantry, 42nd (Rainbow) Division. He wrote, “By my war experience it has learn me to always be loyalty to my country and always ready to defend it at any moments notice.”50 Back home Indian people also showed their support for the United States and for the war effort. Private Edward Laundry (Chippewa), twenty, reported on his tribe: “Of the information I have 1100 Indians of our tribe on the Fon Du Lac Reservations over 4⁄5 of them bought Liberty Bonds, and a great per cent of the Indians contributed to the Red Cross and other organizations.” Laundry, from Cloquet, Minnesota, enlisted, serving in the 20th Company, 5th Regiment, 2nd Division. He was overseas sixteen months, saw action in several battles, and was wounded and “slightly” gassed.51 Private Charles Lawson (San Juan), twenty-seven , from Deer Harbor, Washington, was also gassed, dying in a military hospital in France. His brother, J. H. Lawson, wrote to Dixon that Charles “gave his life for our country’s call.” Further, his tribe also provided support: “I do not know the amount of Liberty Bonds bought by our people here; but they were very active in all causes, such as Red Cross, Salvation Army, ymca, in fact showed themselves 100% Americans.”52 Even those who could not serve were anxious to demonstrate their feelings of patriotism. Ben Brave (Sioux) was fifty-two when he volunteered to serve as an army chaplain. He was rejected because of his age. He sent Dixon a copy of his letter offering his services to the military: 30

Serving for Duty and Justice

oac o m a , s . d . f e b rua ry 2 3 , 1 9 1 8 To Honorable N. D. Baker, Secretary of War, Washington dc My Dear Honor Sir: I wish to be an undenominational volunteer Army Chaplain though an Episcopalian. I am a full blood Sioux of south Dakota. I was never ordained as a Minister nor am I a College graduate, but have just a plain education received at Hampton Inst. Hampton, Va. However, have had fairly good training in both religious and Military matters. Perhaps my speech is somewhat slow and of heavy tongue, but “Who hath make man’s mouth thus[.”] I make myself understood and deliver eloquently many series of lectures in behalf of my Alma Mater, in our state and elsewhere. The above experience of over thirty years taught me a great deal both as a school teacher and Missionary helper. I never was a believer in War, and it was not until my dear wife left us for the world beyond the “Happy Hunting Grounds” that my blessed children are able to get along in this life by trusting our Almighty that they will be braves, and not until many of our best youths, Indian, White and Colored have willingly gone to the front for our great country, that my thoughts turned to this line of service. I am fifty-two years old of excellent health, moral character, clean habits, good shooter, walker and rider. I feel that my fullblood is warming up to enable me to give a good aim as to present spiritual welfare and under our “Star Spangle Banner” so that we shall win the victory and so secure permanent peace and good will to all nations. Yours very truly, Ben Brave53

Such loyalty might also include an individual’s tribal nation, as expressed by Private Martin Levings (Gros Ventre), twenty-seven, from Elbowoods, North Dakota: “Arrived home May 16th, 1919. Was glad to have fought for the land of my forefathers, glad that the world was at peace and that I was home with my old father and mother again.” Levings was drafted, serving in Company L, 138th Infantry, 35th Division, and seeing action in five battles in France.54 Serving for Duty and Justice

31

Similarly Private Owen Hates Him (Cheyenne River Sioux), twenty-four, expressed his sense of the Indians’ place in the conflict: “While taking active part in the battle of Chateau Thierry latter part of July 1918 I was gassed and just barely escaped. This world war in which I took part is something that will be in my memory forever. I know I might get killed yet I know that I ought to do something for my country as we Indians are the real Americans. So I enlisted, and seen some hard times yet I am glad I have done my duty and I got back safely home. I can not relate my whole experience there but do hope this be sufficient.”55 Many American Indian men saw themselves as belonging to a whole group of loyal Indian people. From Birney, Montana, Edward Holbert wrote to Dixon that “I realy think we have the best Indians in all the world and we have all that I seen in this war were true men to the red-white-blue.”56 Sergeant Musician First Class Phillip C. Cato (Tewa Pueblo), twenty-four, from Chamita, New Mexico, wrote: “As a true full fledged American Indian, I entered the service of Uncle Sam, not to obtain any medals or be decorated for my bravery. I entered the service because I saw that my services were needed, and I felt it my sacred duty to offer up my self to my good Government.”57 Private Felix Frog (Oglala Sioux), twenty-four, from South Dakota, served in Company H, 63rd Infantry, 1st Division. Also emphasizing the contributions of Indian soldiers, he wrote: “There is quite a few of us Indian boys who we did our part in the Worlds War. There is a few of us boys got over there and saw the whole thing through which we think that we ought to be entitled to a State Bonus. I am still willing to fight for the Old Glory, any minute when I am call for the service I am a soldier in the American Army and I am proud of it.”58 Private John Baptiste Sky (Chippewa), twenty-eight, typified the confusion of many Indian men when he commented: “I have went to the army to defend my country as it call me for the troubles it has went on too. I was indeed glad to help my brotherhoods defent there country. I am ready to go for the next trouble for the United States Army. I feel very bad that I did not get to the real play were the boys were fight. I did not get to France to tell the story about my self. I am glad to tell if I had any thing to tell about.” 32

Serving for Duty and Justice

Sky, then, was eager to defend his country, even to go again. At the same time the uncertainty felt by many Native people comes through in his statement that he was glad to help his brothers defend their country. Just who they were serving must have often been unclear to Indian servicemen.59

I am fighting for the rights of a country that had not done right by my people. —Sam Thundercloud (Winnebago), twenty-two, Mauston, Wisconsin Company D, 128th Infantry, 32nd Division

American Indian servicemen also tied their loyalty to the United States to their desire for justice for Indian people in general. They hoped to demonstrate that they were patriotic and deserved to participate fully in American life. Echoing the thoughts of Sam Thundercloud, Franklin Torres (Apache), twenty-one, from Mescalero, New Mexico, told Dixon, “I went into this war because I wanted to win liberty for my country, even though they would not give liberty to my people.” Torres, who was not a citizen, enlisted and served with Company K, 110th Infantry, 28th Division.60 Private John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux) made a similar comment in his interview with Dixon: “I was told that I was a ward of the Government, that I had no rights and that I must go and fight. I said, ‘all right. If I have no rights, this country must have its rights, and I will go and fight for the rights of a country that will not give me my rights.’”61 In a similar vein Chauncey Powless (Oneida), twenty-seven, declared, “I went in to do my share, and that share was to end the war and give liberty to all people, especially my people.” Like Torres and Whirlwind Horse, Powless was not a citizen, but he had been drafted from his home in West De Pere, Wisconsin.62 One soldier severely wounded in action, Private Felix Renville (Sissiton Sioux), twenty-two, declared, “The Nation ought now to recognize our valor as fighters and make us one of the people.” Renville was a machine gunner in Company D, 341st Machine Gun Battalion, 32nd Division.63 Private First Class Joe High Elk (Cheyenne River Sioux), twentyfour, from LaPlant, South Dakota, was more tentative about his Serving for Duty and Justice

33

people’s treatment by the United States. In the “Remarks” section of his questionnaire he wrote, “I am an Indian and never had any experience in a war before, but I realize that I was doing my duty as a patriot and was fighting to save Democracy, and do hope that in the future we Indians may Enjoy freedom which we Indians are always denied.” High Elk served in a machine gun battalion.64 Corporal George Watson Roberts (Klamath), twenty-seven, from Fort Dick, California, served in the Army Air Service, in the 13th Balloon Company. He linked his service explicitly to the government’s obligations to Indian people: “I was glad at heart to serve the great American Flag—for some day I might receive a couple of acres of land from the Gov’t. that may help to stimulate the patriotism of our younger generation.”65 In his interview with Dixon another soldier expressed strong feelings about the United States’ obligations to Indian people. Leander Frank One Stand, twenty-four, a Miami from Hominy, Oklahoma, enlisted and served with Company H, 110th Infantry, 28th Division. He stated: “I think it benefitted our people. The war was carried on for the benefit of humanity. I was glad that I was in it and did my bit. While I wear the scars of a wound and while I wear one wound stripe, I would gladly carry more wound scars and wear more wound stripes than the one I have had they been needed to do the business. The war will help my people because the country will feel that we staked all to help win freedom, and now we are counting on the country to give us that freedom. They must and they will see to it that we are fairly dealt with.” One Stand was hit by shrapnel in the neck during the battle of the Argonne Forest. In addition, he saw action at the Vosges Mountains, St. Mihiel, and Metz but was glad to have been there. As he said, “we were in the front line trenches and were happy to turn loose upon the villainous Dutch.”66 One Stand’s hopes, however, went largely unfulfilled, as did the hopes of many Indian veterans. Their willingness to serve was based in part on a desire to prove their loyalty to the United States and thereby receive justice for Indian people. While World War I did give these men plenty of opportunities to be warriors, winning their freedom would prove much more elusive for most Indian veterans. 34

Serving for Duty and Justice

2. Battlefield Experiences around the World

Argonne Champagne front, 28 days in front line trenches and in 2 drives. —Private First Class Mitchell Bobb (Choctaw), twenty-five, Slim, Oklahoma Company E, 142nd Infantry, 36th Division

The United States entered the war in April 1917, and the first American troops arrived in France by the end of June. They did not see battle, however, until almost one year later, in the spring of 1918. During that year American soldiers were being trained and transported, and Allied commanders were deciding how to coordinate their efforts. Ferdinand Foch became the Allied commander in chief in April 1918, and the efforts of the Allies were unified. American troops provided crucial reinforcements for the British and French, who had been in battle since 1914 and were actually outnumbered by German troops. The U.S. troops expanded Allied forces; the Germans had no such reinforcements. The Americans, fresh and eager, made a crucial difference in European battlefronts.1 The vast majority of veterans documented by Dixon served in the U.S. Army, most in either the infantry or the field artillery. These branches saw the heaviest fighting, and the statements of their soldiers provide the bulk of our glimpses into the battlefield experiences of American Indian soldiers. The U.S. Navy and the U.S. Army Air Service enlisted fewer American Indians; however, these branches of service also exposed men to combat. The details in the information provided by veterans are sometimes sparse. Mitchell Bobb’s “Argonne Champagne front, 28 days in front line trenches and in 2 drives,” for example, provides no in-

Table 1. Branch of service for American Indian veterans Branch of service

Number

Army (total) Air service Ammunition train Engineers Field artillery Infantry Other

2,315 47 112 76 275 1,265 540 116

Navy (total)

9 7 1 1

Other nations (total) Canadian Army British Army French Air Service

406

Unknown Total veterans documented by Dixon

2,846

formation on the battle itself or on Bobb’s experiences or emotions facing battle. Nonetheless the statement is powerful in its succinctness, particularly in the allusion to time spent in the trenches.2 Similarly abbreviated comments came from other veterans. Private John Robinson (Omaha), twenty-four, from Macy, Nebraska, served in Company I, 59th Infantry, 4th Division. He wrote that he “was in France a little more than a year. Was in several battles including Argonne Forest.”3 Private Mike Washington (Paiute), twenty-five, from Benton, California, noted: “I was in the war from October 1917 to April 27th, 1919. When I received my discharge, was in practically all of the engagements in France and Belgum.” He served in Company I, 364th Infantry, 91st Division.4 Private First Class Mark Henry (Santee Sioux), thirty, from Niobrara, Nebraska, commented that he was “in battle at St. Mihiel Arrgonne & Muese Offensives. I went through these battles without a scratch.” Henry served as part of Company B, 355th Infantry, 89th Division.5 Private First Class John A. Spotted Bird 36

Battlefield Experiences around the World

(Sioux), twenty-seven, of Wolf Point, Montana, who served with Company B, 351st Infantry, 88th Division, said only, “I was at the front in the center sect of Haute sector.”6 Cook Benjamin D. Rowe (Cherokee), twenty-three, from Bacone, Oklahoma, was wounded in the left ankle at the Second Battle of the Marne. His comments on his service, however, were limited to: “Sailed for France June 14th 1917. Arrived from France Mar 30th 1919.”7 Private First Class Newton Robinson, or Gien ba zha (Omaha), provided information about both himself and another Omaha serviceman, but with only the briefest detail. Robinson, twenty-one, enlisted from Macy, Nebraska, serving with Company I, 103rd Infantry, 26th Division. About his experience in the battle of St. Mihiel, Robinson wrote, “Over the top Sept. 12th two days hard fighting.”8 His tribesman Charles Warner also saw action, which Robinson summed up with “he was six days in front lines Argonne Forrest fight.”9 Warner was drafted and served in Company A, 102nd Infantry, 26th Division.10 From Private David Packineau (Gros Ventre), twenty-eight, of Elbowoods, North Dakota, we learn more about his service experience but still very little about his time in battle. He enlisted at Washburn, North Dakota, on April 2, 1918, joining “Co. G, 139th Inf., 35th Division, at Camp Dodge; transferred to Camp Mills and then overseas. After arrival in France was first stationed at Eau; later transferred to Alsace Lorraine and took part in the fighting in that sector; about 40 days spent in the trenches. Spent about a month in American base hospital #81 in France, as a victim of bronchitis. Left France in April, 1919 and received my discharge May 2, 1919 at Camp Dodge.”11 Thus Packineau summed up thirteen months of his life, including forty days in the trenches. The account of Private Jacob Nunomantuby (Choctaw), twentyfour, from Hugo, Oklahoma, begins promisingly, with a title: “My great experience in the World War.” What follows, however, is simply a list: “Battles, engagements, skirmishes, expeditions. Sept. 26. Argonne Forest, Oct. 2/18 Vosges Aug. 19, Sept 2/18 St. Mihiel Sept. 7, Sept 15/18 Verdun Oct. 15, Nov. 11/18.”12 The list is confusing, but Nunomantuby served with Battery B, 130th Field Artillery, 35th Division. That division arrived in France in late May Battlefield Experiences around the World

37

1918, was in position along the Vosges Mountains in August and September, and then moved up to a reserve position during the battle of St. Mihiel in mid-September.13 Other soldiers also responded to Dixon’s questionnaire with only a list of their activities, probably copied from their discharge papers. For example, Private Vincent Bad Wound (Sioux), twentyfive, from Wanblee, South Dakota, noted: Battles and engagements in France. Lucey [Lucie] Sector 8 Aug[.] 11 Sept. 1918 St. Mihiel Off[ensive]. 12 Sept. 16 Sept. 1918 Eeuvezin [Euvezin] Sector Sept. 17 Oct. 7 1918 Meuses Argonne Off[ensive]. 19 Oct[.] 11 Nov. 1918

His service during this time at the front was with Company B, 355th Infantry, 89th Division.14 Another soldier, Private First Class Julius Youngman (Sioux), thirty, from Poplar, Montana, included slightly more background, again taken from his discharge papers. He served with Company B, 340th Machine Gun Battalion, 89th Division, and provided the following information: “Battles, engagements, skirmishes, exp[ed]itions: A.E.F. Lucy [Lucie] Sector, St. Mihiel, Euvezin sector, Meuse-Argonne. I was Honorabley Discharged from U.S. Army[.] My character, Excellent no a.w.o.l, no absents under G.O. 31 or G.O. 45 1914.”15 Corporal Hugh W. Jackson (Piegan), twenty-seven, of Browning, Montana, was gassed a “little” and wounded in the chest in the battle of Champagne. He downplayed his experiences, however, writing: “I just only done my part to the best of my ability. There are many things interesting connected with my war experience but my fellow rough necks of the 23rd Inf 2nd Divi all done the same so I cannot speak of myself.”16 Despite spending six months at the front and being wounded, Private Louie A. Rousseau (Cheyenne River Sioux), twenty-four, also chose only to talk about his division, rather than himself: “We saw steady service after we were sent to the front. Our Div. 32nd was on and in every front and battles except one. The St. Mihiel sector. We were about the first Art[illery] on the last front (Argonne) went in on the nite of Sept. 23, 19[18], to back up the 79th Div.” Rous38

Battlefield Experiences around the World

seau, twenty-six, was from Eagle Butte, South Dakota; he enlisted, serving with Battery C, 147th Field Artillery, 32nd Division.17 Private George Jensen (Oglala Sioux), twenty-one, enlisted at Rapid City, South Dakota, in 1917, when he was only eighteen. He was gassed in battle, but his questionnaire is otherwise tantalizingly sketchy: “Co. C. 151, Machine Gun Battalion, 42 Rainbow Division. Serve in France one year in France and Germany 6 or 7 months. And in trenches 110 days. And on the offences several months. And lot of experiences. But I won’t tell them all.”18 Fortunately such reluctance was not shared by all American Indian veterans.

Went over the top August 4th 1918. —Private John P. Turpin (Chippewa), twenty-nine, White Earth, Minnesota Company E, 58th Infantry, 4th Division

Other soldiers were willing to recount their exploits at some length and to expound on their feelings about being in battle. Many of these men were ready to get into the fighting and were proud of their experiences. Corporal Walter Strongheart (Sioux), twentyseven, from Wakpala, South Dakota, sounded almost disappointed when he listed all the battles he had taken part in, then added, “In the last eleven day drive I was still in the front line when the armstice was signed.” Strongheart was drafted and served with Company B, 340th Machine Gun Battalion, 89th Division.19 Private Jesse J. Cornplanter (Seneca), thirty, from Lawtons, New York, enlisted in Toledo, Ohio, on June 4, 1917, joining the Machine Gun Company, 37th (Ohio) Division, 147th Infantry. Cornplanter was gassed in battle, spent a month in a field hospital, and rejoined his outfit as soon as he could. His enthusiasm for combat is evident in this statement: “Although I was always with the 1st wave—I only got into action but once, in the Argonne when I was in charge of a squad and got in action but few minutes with the Machine Gun.”20 Trench warfare was, of course, the hallmark of World War I. Private Joseph Filario Tafoya (Santa Clara Pueblo), twenty-eight, from Espanola, New Mexico, provided a clear description of life Battlefield Experiences around the World

39

in the trenches: “I have the experience of soldier life and hardship in the camp and on the battlefield at the St. Mihiel and Meuse Argonne drive, where the Germans has built their trenches with concrete and their dug-out. Its all well protect as a shell proof. But the American has shell the trenches, dugout into pieces. Have the experience of hiking going into the front through mud & rain, water up to the knee.”21 Aniseto Ortega (Pueblo) received the Distinguished Service Cross for his leadership in combat, as well as promotion to First Sergeant. He served with Company C, 316th Infantry, 79th Division. He saw action in several battles and described one of them, Montfaucon, at length in his interview with Dixon on June 1, 1919. This battle was part of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, the Montfaucon area captured by American troops between September 26 and October 3, 1918: Mount Faucon. I got out on the front line. The Germans let loose with the machine gun, and I had to stay in a shell hole until I could get back to my company. It was on Sunday. I was ordered to select six men and take messages to the front line. We passed through machine gun fire and heavy shell fire. One of my men was soon cut down. We pushed on. When we reached Hill 378, the officer in charge of the Company on the front line said, “Anybody can take messages back. We need men on the front line.[”] He immediately placed me on the front line. We went right into the advance upon the Germans. Heavy shell fire and machine gun fire devast[at]ed all about us. Men were falling on all sides. The killed and wounded were lying on all sides of us. We pressed on, heavy hearted because of our awful losses, but determined to put the Boche to flight. When we reached the crest of hill 378, we organized our line and prepared for a counter attack. It was now late evening. Outposts were established and a line of resistance in view of a counter attack. The next morning we advanced again until we pushed them back, took the strong point of hill 378. We were relieved that night. I went back and could find none of my company. They had been all shot to pieces and captured. I found two in a dugout, the first two men that I found. I kept on searching, found two in another dugout. 40

Battlefield Experiences around the World

I had pulled together about 25 men when others began to filter in from the lines. Some of them were lost, others wounded. They were a discouraged lot of men, feeling the loss of their comrades, but were greatly cheered to find even so few left to fight on. I then rallied the men, got them together in a dugout, when [went] out to provide them something to eat, some of them had had nothing since they went on the firing line. I then got them guns and ammunition, and rations. The following morning I led them on to the rear of the assault wave as reserves. The Germans had retreated about 8 kilometers (5 M.)[.] The assault wave including my Company followed about five kilometers. We stayed there all that day. The next morning we moved to a hillside, where we remained the three days before the armistice was signed. I was wounded in the left arm in the battle of Mount Faucon, but would not leave the lines. Wounded in the back by shrapnel on hill 378. I do not wear a wound stripe because I refused to go to the hospital. We had been in the lines so long that I didn’t think of anything but beating the enemy we were fighting. . . . I was made Corporal December first, 1917. I was made 1st Sergt. Nov. 18, 1918. When I came out of battle of Mount Faucon, I was supposed to be a sergeant, only 3 sergeants in the Company. My work on Hill 378 won for me my chevrons. On Hill 378, the morning was foggy. I was rushing ahead. I found two Boche in a little hole, 3 feet square, covered with brush and leaves. They called out “Kamerad.” They had used their last shell on me, and then called “Kamerad.” I answered them with my bayonet. When I had put them through the bayonet, our line came up and we went on. I looked at it in this way. If other young fellows were willing to give their lives for their country, I was in good health, and I, too, felt that I must join them to win freedom for my country.

Shortly before his interview with Dixon Ortega had reenlisted in the regular army, in the 50th Infantry. The army, however, would not reinstate his earlier rank of first sergeant, so Ortega declined his reenlistment. Dixon reported in his notes that Ortega’s “desire is to study engineering. He will make his mark in whatever line of service he engages in all through life and will today.”22 Battlefield Experiences around the World

41

The Meuse-Argonne Offensive took place from September 26 to November 11, 1918. Thomas A. Britten notes that “for most of the American soldiers who participated in World War I, the MeuseArgonne Offensive provided their first taste of battle.”23 This was the case for Private Leo Miles (Osage), twenty-seven, who was drafted, serving in Company B, 142nd Infantry, 36th Division. He described the battle at St. Etienne in detail: On the morning of Oct. 8, 1918, we were ordered to go over the top. It was my first experience. It was about 5:30 in the morning although being under fire for the first time I did not realize there was any danger, but I keep going when we were advancing all at once the shells begun to bust all around us I did not think much of them till one burst about few steps away. Wounded a comrade few steps away. I took him to first aid station which was not far away. I went on forward we capture several machine gun nests till we reach our objective where we established a line holding the line. It was call open war affair [warfare] and we had to dig our own trench we held this line till we were relined [relieved] by another Regiment from there we advance 21 kilometers or 131⁄8 miles of the front. It was very hard to see whether you kill or captured prisoner and we saw many Huns lying when we did reach the machine guns were up the front 21 days which was one of miserable days we spent. We were releived by French Div. From there we march to Conde en Barrois Area where were getting replacements and re-equipping for another front when we heard the good news that the Armistice was signed.

Miles was unhurt in this offensive, despite twenty-one days at the front.24 Private Elmer E. Busch (Pomo), twenty-nine, from Potter Valley, California, was drafted, beginning his service with the Signal Corps and finishing with a machine gun company. Even in a support capacity Busch saw plenty of action, also in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive: “Was in France in the Argonne forest. The night before the drive started we hauled some ammunition to the Artillery, along the third line of trenches, we got back to headquarters without any accident. The night the drive started in the Argonne we again hauled ammunition, but had a time getting back to Headquarter, because the Germans were shelling along the line 42

Battlefield Experiences around the World

and roads. Some of the boys spent the night in the forest, they could not get to Headquarters, on account of the roads been shelled. Spent several months in Beligum up to the Armistice, was transferred to a machine gun Company, seen a great deal of active service with the machine gun company.”25 Private Amos Woods (Chippewa), twenty-four, from Onigum, Minnesota, also saw action in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, as part of Company I, 3rd Pioneer Infantry. He explained on his questionnaire that “I like to write or tell about this to my friends.” He went on, however, to note, “and just think they don’t believe anything, some don’t.” Nevertheless Woods provided the following description of his experiences and feelings: Soon as we were in danger zone, section where they were fighting lines, our Co. was very tired altho we was handling shells at the beginning and we could hear the sound of big guns, and shell whistling and bursting all around us. I was just thinking where I was, and ever where [everywhere] I look, I saw dying comrades. On Oct. 27 early one morning before the barrage started our Co. was order back of the lines, to luge [lug?] shells, once more. And after the seventy two hours has stop, we could just hear the machine guns rattling. This was an awfull sight some time when you come to think. We was caught by barrage while we were hiking along toward the evening. One of my comrade was gass by a mustard gass they call it. Burn through clothes. One of the prettyest sight I ever saw was airplane battle. Two German planes we brought down in few minnutes and attcake [attack] an German observation ballon in Verdun, lot of things.

Woods did indeed experience a “lot of things.” He added a small comment to his questionnaire under the section headed “Cited for bravery”: “Nothing special.”26

Battlefield Experiences around the World

43

We made the Stokes do its damnest. —Private Frank Young Eagle (Pawnee), twenty-two, Pawnee, Oklahoma Stokes Mortar Platoon, Headquarters Company, 165th Infantry, 42nd Division

The Stokes Mortar Platoon handled large guns, each requiring several men to operate (see figure 9). Frank Young Eagle was one of five Indian men in the 42nd Division’s mortar platoon, all commended by their colonel for their part in saving the regiment during the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Dixon interviewed these men and their commanding officers at Camp Mills, Long Island. First their sergeant, Thomas E. Fitzsimmons, explained to Dixon how the guns worked: This operation was very difficult for Trench Mortars, the guns having to be carried on the shoulders of the men, 25 or 30 kilometers. The Indians bore up well on the long hike and the strain and were always on the job. . . . It must be understood that the Trench Mortar is a difficult weapon to handle. The barrel weighs 48 pounds, the elevating stand 32 lbs. The base plate weighs 29 lbs., and in addition, the Indians had to carry ammunition, each shell weighing 11 lbs., exactly 11 lbs., 11 ounces.27

Fitzsimmons then went on to explain how the five Indians came to be part of the 42nd Division and how they handled themselves in battle: There were five Indians that came to us as replacements from the 36th Division. They volunteered to join us as the 36th had not been in action, and they were anxious to get into the fight. . . . On the St. Mihiel drive, they were very much disappointed because they did not have personal contact with the Boche. . . . We next went into the Argonne offensive, the first real fight that they were ever in. . . . They stood like stone walls under machine gun and artillery fire. Always obeyed without any questioning. I found them good in picking a trail in the woods at night. I always took one with me, and he always kept the trail. They were very resourceful. Would seek cover, always seeking good places for shelter. All of them expert rifle shots. 44

Battlefield Experiences around the World

As to personal habits, I always found them gentlemen. They accepted hardships and sacrifices without flinching. Always proud that they volunteered to serve America.28

Fitzsimmons identified the five Indian soldiers as James Wynashe (Kaw), Walter Keyes (Pawnee), Jacob Leader (Pawnee), Frank Young Eagle (Pawnee), and Harry Richards (Pawnee). Dixon interviewed them all, and Leader and Young Eagle commented extensively on their experience in the Stokes Mortar Platoon. Jacob Leader enlisted when he was only seventeen, from Chilocco Indian School in Oklahoma. He joined the 1st Oklahoma National Guard, then moved on to the 36th Division, and finally to the 42nd, where he hoped he would see more action. He got his wish and later provided Dixon with a vivid account: I was in St. Mihiel offensive and the Argonne Meuse offensive. Our Stokes was always a signal for everything to come over from the German lines. Our shells created such havoc that they had to get us. Machine guns, heavy artillery, etc., were all brought into requisition when our mortars opened up. It was a strange feeling to stand with no cover right in the heart of the firing, and feel that any moment might realize your utter annihilation. It was also a strange sensation to stand there and fire those 8” shells, 8 of them in the air before the first one could land, and realize that within a few minutes everything in the German front would open fire upon you, everything that Germany could fire would be leveled at us. Sure enough, big caliber guns and all came along. When a shell would strike near us, I would say, “Well the next is mine.”29

Fitzsimmons underscored the danger faced by the men in the Stokes Mortar Platoon, explaining to Dixon: “With the Mortar, every man has to stand up. . . . It will be recalled that there are eight of these shells from the Mortar in the air before the first ball can land. After the Stokes Mortar Platoon had realized full action all you could see were machine guns, helmets, arms, legs, flying in the air. The Germans were completely routed.”30 Young Eagle also began his military service with the 1st Oklahoma National Guard, serving in Mexico for eight months. He was then called up to service overseas, first with the 36th DiviBattlefield Experiences around the World

45

sion and later with the 42nd. As he indicated in his interview with Dixon, he regarded his service with equanimity: When call came to go over, I had been two years in the service. I said all right. I’ll go and do my best to see this thing through. When I went into battle, I went with good humor and said, “I’ll give them hell,” and I did give them “hell.” By the time I got through with them with that Stokes Mortar, the Boche were ready to get out of the way. I piloted the platoon through the barbed wire openings, then back into the path. By [this] time some of our men had tried to do this and led us into No Man’s Land. The white man always led us into No Man’s Land. They gave me the job of leading the platoon into action. The morning we repulsed the counter attack, we were sitting in the dugout, preparing ammunition. We had orders to move the gun up into No Man’s Land. We went by men scattered all over the field. Men were literally slashed and shattered. We set up the gun and an A[u]strian 88 shell broke between the two guns. The concussion killed the gunner of the other gun. From there, we fired the Stokes Mortar. The Germans were coming over in massed formation. When they got within range,—600 yards—the first shell that went over hit a machine gun, smashed it, and we saw the belt, ammunition, arms, legs, helmets, and everything in the air. This silenced the machine guns. They were afraid we would get the range. Our lines were getting thinner and thinner. We lost so heavily that the Captains, Majors and Lieutenants were picking up the guns of dead men and firing. If the Boche had known how thin our line was, they would have come on. Meanwhile, we made the Stokes do its damnest. We started with 33 ammunition carriers. When we finally repulsed the Boche, only five were left. We had run out of ammunition. The Germans got the range of our Stokes, and we withdrew to our old position. When I saw the mass of Germans coming, I felt good, for I knew that I had good medicine for them.

Dixon noted here that Young Eagle “laughed inordinately,” then continued: 46

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[The Germans] went as far as throwing their old guns away and beating it over the hills. Forty rounds (a shell). Then we went back. I had spent the longest day of my life, for we had been attacking three days, but it was the biggest day of my life. We had had nothing to eat for three days. But I fed upon the satisfaction of knowing that I had fed death into the ranks of the damned Boche. The Germans under cover is all right, but face to face he cannot face cold steel. They might have been brave, but I didn’t see any of it.31

The Indian men of the Stokes Mortar Platoon earned the regard of their fellow soldiers and officers in battle. First Lieutenant W. A. Cunningham summed up the feelings of the company when he told Dixon: “The Indian makes a superb soldier. They were the pride of the Headquarters Company, full of dependability, reliable to the last ditch.”32

Got back safe without a scratch was pretty lucky. —Corporal Frank Williams (Pomo), thirty, Potter Valley, California 316th Mobile Ordnance Repair Shop, 91st Division

A number of men recalled specific close calls they had in battle, counting themselves lucky to have gotten through the experience without harm. Corporal Frank Williams added context to his remark, noting, “I do not think none of our boys got killed in the battle, but there were two or three got wounded.”33 Several soldiers reported that they had not even gotten to the battlefield before they were under fire. Peter Richardson (Mission Indian), twenty-six, from Darwood, Oklahoma, was drafted October 3, 1917, shipping out early the next year: “I went over to help do the business. We came very nearly being able not to get over, for our ship was torpedoed, 260 we lost Feb. 5, 1918. We had 2,600 troops on board. The destroyer rescued the men.” Richardson served with Company K, 28th Infantry, 1st Division, seeing battle at Cantigny, Soissons, Argonne, St. Mihiel, and Sedan.34 Other men also saw action on their way to the action. Private First Class Ben Choate (Choctaw), twenty-six, from Rufe, OklaBattlefield Experiences around the World

47

homa, who trained at Camp Bowie, Texas, and Camp Mills, New York, reported, “We sailed from Hoboken, New York, on July 31, 1918 and our convoy was attacked about three times by submarines, but we all landed in France safely.” Choate spent seven months in France with Battery A, 132nd Field Artillery, 36th Division.35 Private David Poe (Kipomo), twenty-nine, from Covelo, California, recounted: “I was over in France and served with the 20th Engineers one year. Was torpedoed one [on] the trip over[,] in the English Channel[,] on the Irish Coast.”36 Another soldier, Private First Class Cain Sconchin (Modoc), twenty-nine, from Yainax, Oregon, reported a similar experience: “I’ll tell of the first incident only—landed at La Havere [Le Havre] France, 1st Aug 1918. Went to the station to go interior France. Got bombed at the station by the German bombing planes. 3 sentrys killed.” Sconchin, unharmed, went on to his assignment with Battery A, 78th Field Artillery, 6th Division.37 Sergeant John W. Smith (Gros Ventre) filled out one of Dixon’s questionnaires when he was twenty-four. He enlisted six years earlier, at age eighteen, at Bismarck, North Dakota. He recounted his battlefield experience in the Aisne-Marne Offensive: I am proud that I was the first to enlist and spend more days in trenches than the rest of boys from this Reservation. I’ve had some close calls too. While going over on the Soissons Drive July 18, 1918 a big Shell hit bout 2 ft to the right of me and exploded but didn’t kill me. It killed two men on the right of me. I was just black with powder. That’s all and if you don’t call that luck.—Machine gun bullets tore my breeches all up the same day too. I think I’m the luckiest Grosventre.

In another section of the questionnaire Smith added, “I was cited for bravery by our Brigade Comonder [Commander], during the Soissons Drive, the 2nd Battle of the Marne.”38 Private Frank Coburn (Klamath), twenty-nine, of Yainax, Oregon, served in several machine gun sections of the 160th Infantry, 40th Division; 166th Infantry, 42nd Division; and the 127th Infantry, 32nd Division. In early October 1918 his unit was called in to aid the “Lost Battalion” of the 77th Division, which was trapped in the Argonne Forest, in territory held by the German forces. Co48

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burn wrote: “Had a good many close calls in Battle. Our company was sent in to help the 77th when they were cut off in the Argonne. Our selfs being cut off for 3 days, we neither eat or drink. They was no water and we had to stay which we did.”39 Private John Morgan (Chippewa) was drafted, serving with the Machine Gun Company, 328th Regiment, 82nd Division. He also found himself in the middle of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, with “lots of excitements”: When I was on the Firing Line, Oct. 8, 1918, on the Meuse Argonne we took 4 prisoners and killed 2 Germans which were 6 of them in the Bunch, and there was 7 of us with one Machine gun. I was on the Meuse-Argonne Drive from Oct. 6 to 31st, 1918, of which I saw lots dead Germans and some Americans and lots of excitements. During the last part of the Month we was in North of Somerance where the Germans tried to drive us out of our holes but they were all killed by our Machine Gun bullets. On Oct. 29, 1918, we dug a hole about 4 ft. deep and 3 ft. wide where we laid and lots of big shells commence falling around us, and one of them shells fell along the side of us about 2 steps away and bursted which throwed some dirt into our hole which covered us 3 boys. My head was covered up with dirt if it wasn’t for my left arm sticking out I throwed the dirt away from my face so that I can breath. Our pals came and dug us out. Everything was smashed on the Battlefields and dead men, horses, and trucks laid here and there which was put out of use. There would be more news of interesting of what happened where I was at the front if I could tell it all.40

Even those who were not in the infantry or artillery found themselves in the midst of war and its perils. Wagoner Peter Perrier (Osage), twenty-five, from Ochelata, Oklahoma, assigned to Field Hospital Company 357, 90th Division, wrote about his experiences: “Was in the fighting zone at Saint Miehial and Meuse Argonne. Was neither gassed or wounded but had many close calls which would raise the hair on any Indian head.”41

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Had mostly Convoy Duties + Distroying Sea mines + Subs, all along the English channels + partly North Sea. —Gun Pointer Second Class Alex Graham (Santee Sioux), twenty-five, Fort Thompson, South Dakota Submarine Destroyer Service, U.S. Navy

Alex Graham was part of the effort to destroy German submarines and keep English ports open.42 Men who served in the U.S. Navy also saw action in other seas. Fireman First Class Clarence W. Bizer (Lummi), twenty-four, from Ferndale, Washington, served aboard three ships, including a destroyer. He wrote: “Served two years in the navy. Served eleven months in the war zone. Saw five different German submarines, three [or] four of which we taken part in battle. One off the coast of St. Nazaire France, one off the coast of Virginia, one of[f] the coast of New Foundland, one which sunk the Tippieconoe one which the S.S. Duchbrusie sank.”43 Petty Officer Third Class Juan DeVilla (Mission Indian), twentyfive, from Riverside, California, reported that his ship was “fired upon twice by German submarines while convoying a transport of marines from Guan Swanama [Guantanamo?], Cuba, to Newport News, Virginia.”44 “Convoying” here refers to the World War I practice of providing destroyers as escorts for groups of twenty to thirty vessels. This tactic proved successful at thwarting German submarine attacks.45 Those who got closer to the action reported this with little emotion. Machinist Mate First Class Joseph J. Pickett (Crow), twentynine, from Dupuyer, Montana, wrote matter-of-factly: “Was a member of the Crew on the U.S.S. Covington and was on board same when it was torpedoed and sunk by a German submarine July 1st 1918. Was picked up, transferred to the U.S.S. Wainwright of the Destroyer Flotilla and was discharged from same July 22nd 1919.”46 In a similar vein the Indian agent at the Bad River Chippewa Reservation penned the following report on Sam Shebingus, twenty, from Odanah, Wisconsin: “His convoy ship was torpedoed off the Irish coast and sank. Nearly all the crew were rescued. Shebingus was picked up about 3:00 a.m., by a rescue ship, after having been afloat with his life saving equipment something like two hours.”47 50

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William Donald McMaster (Colville), twenty, from Keller, Washington, was among the Marines sent to Haiti to quell an insurrection. He enlisted at Kalispell, Montana, on May 28, 1918, joining the 196th Company, 2nd Machine Gun Battalion, 2nd Regiment, U.S. Marine Corps. His time in service was spent in a “battle engagement against Bandents [bandits?] in Haiti from June 24, 1919 to November 17, 1919.”48

Seen as high as over 35 planes bombing over them. —Roy Lewis (Cherokee), thirty-three, Nowata, Oklahoma French Air Service

One American Indian saw action as part of the French Air Service: Roy Lewis was loaned to the French for one year as a motor expert. He found himself in the midst of the action from the first moments of his arrival in France. In an interview with Dixon at Greenhut Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York, he recounted his story: My first night’s experience was to report to the French aviation La Place. Our train was bombarded by the Boche planes. One car was turned upside down and the other was twisted across the track, and just then our Company came in and said, “keep out all lights, for they are bombarding hell out of Paris.” No one was killed, but we were badly scared, all right. . . . Went up 22,000 ft. testing the motor, a new Espano Swezo, 440 H.P. All at once, we took a downward course. I called the pilot and asked what was the trouble. I could see the motor ring O.K. He did not answer. When we were safe on the ground, he said, “Look in the air,” in his old frog lingo. I looked and saw over 30 planes hovering over us, and all I could hear was the aircraft protection. One p.m., I had an order to get all the mechanics in shelter. We had word that the Boche had crossed the lines, but to our surprise, after an hour of waiting, toward the battle-front, we could see one lone plane. In came the French adjutant, and said, “He is coming.” I said, “what?” He said, “the Boche.” But when the big fellow landed, it was nothing but a large type Italian plane. Three hundred planes were lying there, but we could not get pilots to get them away. Battlefield Experiences around the World

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Our next trip crept into the slumbering hours. We were wakened at midnight and told to pack our barracks bags to move at once. We were loaded on a French train in cars which had signs, “8 chapeaus or 40 hom[me]s” which means “8 horses or 40 men.” Two days and two nights in these cars, fed only by the old standby, the American Red Cross. Near the Vare [Var] woods, we were landed, wet and dirty, but all O.K. “All right” was the cry of the men. No matter what they went through, you couldn’t get the men to say anything but that they were all right. During the drive on the Champagne Sector, I watched ambulance after ambulance hauling our boys to the hospital. I could hear the dull moan of the roaring cannons. I happened to see one ambulance which broke down. I asked the driver if I could help. Asked what he was hauling. Said he had patients for the hospital. When I stuck my head in the end of the car, a sight that tongue cannot tell. The first word was spoken by an American boy, “Jack, give me a cigarette or a drink of water.” I asked, “Can’t we fix these men in a more comfortable position?” They were thrown in any old way. He said he didn’t have time. You should have heard me cuss, etc. I got cigars and water. We parted with the old G. M. C. ambulance, and they went happy on their way that night. We were called on by the Huns. Then we missed our billet by 300 yards. They blowed 7 holes in the ground near our air dome that looked like young cisterns. I only had my leg fractured, nose broken, jaw smashed and teeth knocked loose.

Lewis’s final comment was that the “high class French” treated him in a manner that was “most excellent.”49

All I can say is I went up there and fought like a man to get the Dutchman. —Patrick Ellery (Chippewa), twenty-four, Phillips County, Montana Company K, 306th Infantry, 77th Division

American Indian soldiers were proud of their ability to face the enemy and vanquish him, living up to their warrior image. Whether singly or as part of a larger effort, many Indian soldiers gloried in their conquest of the Germans. Under a section on Dixon’s ques52

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tionnaire asking whether a soldier had been taken prisoner, Private First Class George P. Fleury wrote, “No, they got to go some to get me.” Fleury, twenty-three, was a Sioux from Fort Thompson, South Dakota. He originally enlisted in the South Dakota Cavalry and served overseas in Company I, 306th Infantry, 77th Division.50 Robert Fulton (Choctaw), twenty-two, acknowledged that “the Boche can put up a stiff fight,” but he went on to add, “we showed them that we could put up a stiffer fight.” Fulton, from Hugo, Oklahoma, enlisted in the Oklahoma National Guard, eventually ending up in an infantry company. He saw action at St. Mihiel and in the Argonne Forest, where he was wounded in the right leg.51 Corporal Samuel Emerson Hemlock (Seneca), thirty-two, enlisted at Syracuse, New York. His service was in the 3rd Division, specifically the “38[th] Infantry better known in France as the ‘Rock of the Marne’ Regiment.” He went on to chronicle the experiences of his regiment: “My first experience in the world war was July 14, 1918, the second battle of the Marne. The 38[th] Infantry, a single regiment of the Third division wrote one of the most brilliant pages in the annuals of Military history, in preventing the crossing at certain points of its front. While on either flank the Germans who had gained a footing pressed forward, our men were firing in three directions, met the German attack with counter-attacks at critical points and succeeded in throwing two German Divisions into complete confusion, capturing six hundred prisoners.” Hemlock, who fought in several other engagements, was never wounded or gassed and continued his service with the army of occupation in Germany following the armistice.52 In mid-September 1918 the American forces engaged the Germans at St. Mihiel. Private David B. Means (Sioux), twenty-six, from Bullhead, South Dakota, wrote proudly about his unit: “333 Inf, 91st Division put the Germans on the run at St. Miheil Salient.”53 Emilio Areialo (Apache), twenty-eight, from Laredo, Texas, reported: “At St. Mihiel Sept. 16 at 10 p.m., we tried to capture the town. Took 5 Boche prisoners. Corporal of the squad lined 5 prisoners up before us, and I killed two of them. Then took three to camp.” Areialo enlisted in 1916, serving on the U.S.-Mexican border for a year and a half prior to serving overseas with ComBattlefield Experiences around the World

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pany G, 168th Infantry, 42nd Division. In addition to St. Mihiel, he saw action at Verdun and the Argonne Forest. At Verdun, he noted, they got the job done: “On the Verdun front, we ran into a machine gun fire nest, heavy fire. We went in to capture it, and so we did capture it and reported.”54 Areialo’s quick dispatch of his German prisoners was not uncommon. Dixon interviewed another soldier who reported similar treatment of captured Germans. Private Jesse Lewis (Choctaw), from Atoka, Oklahoma, was twenty-four when Dixon talked with him at Greenhut Debarkation Hospital #3 (see figure 10). Lewis enlisted, serving in Company I, 39th Infantry, 4th Division. Wounded at Verdun on September 29, 1919—hit by shrapnel and machine gun fire—he was still willing to fight: If I had it to do over again, I would do it. It ain’t much bad. Dutchman, he scared of Indians. One time I made two of them, big husky fellows, prisoners. They were operating a machine gun and had run out of ammunition. One of them could speak English. He said: “Indian is full blood American. Indian great men. We are afraid of them. I can fight French and English, but I don’t want to fight Americans.” When I fired on them, they held up their hands and shouted, “mercy on me.” It was about six o’clock and began to rain very hard and I was marching these prisoners back. One of them asked me for my rifle. I would not give it to him. He grabbed it. I knew that I couldn’t get them back alone, so I shot them both in about a second. I reported back to the Company commander. He said, “that is all right. You couldn’t stand for two big strapping fellows.”55

Under the command of Corporal Joseph LaJeunesse (Chippewa), thirty-one, from Mahnomen, Minnesota, an Italian soldier also managed to kill an uncooperative German prisoner. In his interview with Dixon LaJeunesse reported the incident: On the St. Mihiel front, the 12th of September, 1918, about noon, we came near to Chieu. I went into a German dugout, holding 250 men. I was leading them as Corporal. Seven men, all told fighting. It was the squad I had out. The German captain refusing to raise his hand, one of the men, 54

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a little Italian, stuck him through the chest with a bayonet. We then took the 250 prisoners back to the camp. We then hunted up our organization.

LaJeunesse served in Company G of the Composite Regiment and was later promoted to first sergeant.56 Sergeant Richard Hinman (Ponca) complained to Dixon in his interview about having to take Germans as prisoners. As Dixon reported it: “This man Hinman was mad because Capt. Horner made him quit killing the Boche. Made him take prisoners as they came out of the dugouts. Instead of taking them prisoners as they came out, he used his bayonet. He was fairly provoked, indignent [sic] all the way through. Said that he enlisted to kill the Germans, and now when he had the opportunity, they wouldn’t allow him to do it.” Hinman, thirty-one, was from Whiteagle, Oklahoma.57 As the fighting continued Indian soldiers grew more scornful of their German enemies. Second Lieutenant Columbus E. Veach (Choctaw), twenty-five, went into battle with the 142nd Infantry, 32nd Division, in the Champagne Sector on October 6, 1918. Referring to the Germans, he commented: “In Champagne, we tossed hand grenades as balls until we got them on the run and then they quit. Damn good fighters as long as they are winning, but damn poor losers.” In his interview with Dixon Veach added, “It was a pretty good war, but they stopped it too soon.”58 One member of the Stokes Mortar Platoon, Walter Keyes (Pawnee), twenty-three, was able to witness how his unit beat back the Germans: “At the Argonne, the Boche was driven back. They came in massed formation, fixed bayonets. Then we were called up with the Stokes Mortar. As soon as we put our shells among them, shooting 40 rounds direct hit. The second shell we shot was a direct hit, and we saw the guns, helmets and arms all going up in the air. I was with Serg. Fitzsimmons up in the front of the guns when I saw [the] second shell strike the devils. Then I went back to the guns.” Keyes went on to add, to his obvious satisfaction: “Rain and mud did not hinder us. We felt fine to think that we had them where we could force them to run.”59 Sergeant Lee Shananquet saw action in five battles before being wounded, and even then he wanted to continue fighting. ShananBattlefield Experiences around the World

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quet (Ottawa), twenty-eight, volunteered on June 18, 1917. A citizen who had been working in a chemical plant before his enlistment, he was from Detroit, Michigan. Dixon, who interviewed him on April 4, 1919, at Debarkation Hospital #5, listed the battles he participated in: Alsace, Château-Thierry, Fismes, Soissons, and Argonne. He received his rank of sergeant on August 15, 1918, after serving for a year as a corporal. According to Shananquet, “conduct and fidelity, attention to my work, won for me a commission as Sergeant.” He went on to describe his last few weeks in active service, beginning with when he was sent to a specialist school to study mortar and cannon work, then made an instructor: Went back to the Division, then into the Argonne, where I was wounded Oct. 8, 1918. A sniper got me, shot through the abdomen, scr[o]tum and buttocks right shot clear through. I was mad that they hit me, and wanted to do something to them. We were doing good work about that time, and I was braver and braver as the battle raged. I wanted to get into the fight, and do my bit. We tried to give the Huns hell and when we did it they got what they deserved. If the country called again, and I was fit, I would go back and put the experience I had gained back of me into my bayonet. The fight was on. I couldn’t stay back. I felt that I must stand up with the best man who was ready to throw his life into the mixup. Two hundred and fifty Indians in the 32nd Div. I also had a brother in the service.

Dixon added a note at the end of his interview: “Shananquet tells of one Indian boy in Orcuq River shot through the shoulder. The boy looked at the wound, said, ‘I am all right,’ and went on. ‘They cannot stop me unless they take my head off.’”60 Two soldiers from an automatic gun squad, Company F, 165th Infantry, 42nd Division, shared this enthusiasm for the fight, particularly against Germans. Dixon interviewed them at Camp Mills, on Long Island. Gunner Walter Wise (Seminole), thirty, from Conover, Oklahoma, was wounded on the Sedan front on November 6, 1919. He commented: “When I got shot, I felt like going on. I wanted to get even with the Boche.”61 His comrade Thomas Muskrat (Cherokee), twenty-eight, from Webbers Falls, Oklahoma, was more 56

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emphatic in his comments: “I loved to load up and then let drive on the Boche. There is so much to tell that I can’t put it into English. Big shells dropping all around us. Didn’t excite me. I wanted to pick them up and hurl them back in their faces.”62 Another gunner, Rolland Little Elk (Yanktonai Sioux), twentyfive, from Fort Thompson, South Dakota, echoed the comments of Wise and Muskrat: “I wanted to go and fight on account of my country. . . . I carried the ammunition, so that I was always close to the gun and gloried in feeding it with stuff that would bring down the Boche.”63 Sergeant James H. Crowe (Sioux), twenty-five, of Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota, saw battle in the Argonne Forest with Company H, 306th Infantry, 77th Division. He was wounded in the chest on October 14, 1918, and spent five months in the hospital. As he wrote, “I think I have done my part in this war and the hardship I have been through.” His “part” included the following encounter with the enemy: I have taking some good chances why I was in Aronnge Woods and I belivie that the Aronnge Woods is about worst front of all the others front. The Germans have Machine Guns about a few yards apart. It is impossible to hold the line. But we held our line and drove them out from their nest. Capture their guns and few huns. This was Sept. 27, 1918. The day I remember pretty well. When I face a big tall hun. Made him throw up his hand. I intended to shoot him down and scalp him but my friends said let him go. So I let him go free. We sent them back to our lines.

Crowe concluded, modestly, “Their lots of thing to tell in my war experience, but I just couldn’t get start to tell it.”64 Private Henry Woods (Klamath), twenty-two, from Requa, California, recounted several of his exploits in battle with the Germans: It sure was a home on the Alsace Loraine front, nothing to do but drink wine but we was the first Americans to get on the German Soil there it was Co. A, 14th M.G. Bn. [Machine Gun Battalion] and the 11th Inf [5th Division] and we sure had some time to gain what we did there. And when they took us to the St. Mihiel it was hell. We Battlefield Experiences around the World

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was there only four hours and there was only 13 of us left there in Co A. 14th M.G. and we came out and got some more soldiers and went right back and gave them hell. I was gassed on the St Mihiel front and I was clear out for three hours, but just as soon as I Came to myself I joined the company again and there I stayed. And on the Meuse-Argonne is where we made our name good but we sure did lose some good boys there but we sure got our share of dutchmans there and I am here to tell you. On the St Mihiel I received a citation for packing a Captain through Shell fire which lasted for three hours and it took me one hour and a half to get the Captain to where he could be attended to. And I got a Coliddier from the French for helping them drink their good wine. I received my citation in a little town by the name of Dono[?]. And I received my coliddier in a little town by the name of Appenawl [Epinal?]. From the French.65

While it is unclear just what a “coliddier” is and how it relates to wine, it is certain that Woods had greater regard for the French than he did for the Germans. Soldiers were particularly proud when they fooled the enemy. Corporal Alexander Chuculate (Cherokee) from Burch, Oklahoma, helped to capture fifty German prisoners at the battle of St. Etienne. Marines then took this group of prisoners to the rear, leaving Chuculate and another soldier at the front. The second soldier was killed by shellfire, leaving Chuculate by himself. He recounted his besting of the Germans in an interview with Dixon: I was left alone. I knew by scouting a little yesterday and today that there were a bunch of Boche in the dugouts. I began a rapid fire, first at one end of the dugouts, then at the other end, then the middle, to give them the impression that there were a bunch of us. I finally stood up and ordered my men forward, to give them impression that there were a big bunch of us, and kept on firing. Twenty-five Boche came out of their holes and threw up their hands. I then ordered my men (imaginary men, of course) to move forward, and I took the 25 prisoners back to headquarters.66 58

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Indian servicemen commented specifically on the cowardice of their German foes.67 Private John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux), twenty-seven, from Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota, was interviewed by Dixon at U.S. Debarkation Hospital #5 in New York City. Whirlwind Horse was drafted, then wounded in the Argonne Forest. He commented: “I was on the front line. I was then in Co. C, 357 Inf, 90th Div. I was fighting as hard as I could fight. I knew they would get me unless I got them, and so I was shooting away as hard as I could all the time. The Germans kept shooting until we got up and then again gave up and ran. They feared the bayonet.”68 Later Whirlwind Horse completed a questionnaire for Dixon, continuing to expound on his disdain for the Germans: “For what short time I was on the front, I figured that I have done enough damage to the Germans for two ordinary men, as I have handled all kinds of small fire-arms ever since I was strong enough to lift them. I can only say that I have done the best I could until I got wounded, as that was what I was called for.”69

Serve with A.E.F. in Siberia 17 months. —David Archibald (Creek), twenty-two, Bacone College, Bacone, Oklahoma Company F, 31st Infantry, 82nd Division

American troops arrived in Russia on September 4, 1918, to protect military stores, ports, and railroads in northern Russia and Siberia and prevent them from falling into German hands. The accounts of American Indians who participated on the Russian front recall the difficulties they encountered. One soldier, delayed in getting to the front, still saw plenty of action. Private George Keshick (Chippewa?), twenty-four, from Wilson, Michigan, served in Company B, 339th Infantry, 85th Division: Was drafted here in Wilson, Mich. 25th day of May went to Camp Custer on the 28th, 1918. Trained there six weeks and went to Camp Mill. Was there one week and went across was 14 days on water. Arived at Liver Pool went to Camp Cow Shot[?] England was there three weeks. Then we left here for Northern Russia to guard a railroad but I found it was some fighting to do. Battlefield Experiences around the World

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Took sick as soon as we land in Russia did not get to go to the front with the company. Got to the front 22nd of Oct. 1918. Was in battle Oct. 23, Nov. 8–11 to 14, 1918. Jan. 26–27. Feb. 3. Mar. 1, 1919.70

The Reverend Philip Gordon completed questionnaires for Indian servicemen from Reserve, Wisconsin, among them Private Joseph St. Martin (Chippewa), twenty-one. St. Martin enlisted at Odanah, Wisconsin, on October 12, 1917, serving in Company B, 15th Infantry. Gordon included a full description of St. Martin’s service: One of two Indians in his company and one of three Indians in his regiment—all Chippewas from Wisconsin. Participated in several engagements with the Russian soldiers in Siberia. Left for the Orient from San Francisco and was in quarantine for 21 days at Honolulu because of epedemic [sic] of measles (not German measles however) and later touched at Manila. Sent to China and later to Siberia. On homeward trip saw Tokio, Japan. Was popular in his company and Regiment and enjoyed Army life immensely. Left Army at expiration of term of enlistment which was for duration of war. Was at Jefferson Barracks, Mo., and at Camp Dodge. Was at The Presidio, San Francisco on return. Total time of service was 26 months. Bought Liberty Bonds and had no dependents but sent money home to relatives regularly, also his Liberty Bond.71

Corporal William R. Smith (Assiniboine), twenty-four, from Poplar, Montana, enlisted at Great Falls, Montana, on October 23, 1917. He had quite a bit to say about his experiences on the Russian front: I was sent to the P.I. [Philippine Islands] in the 25th Inf. Assigned to Co. L 27th later transferred to H.Q. [Headquarters] Co. 27th Inf. In the 28th division. I served with the A.E.F.s in Siberia, better known as the Siberian wolf hounds, for 15 months. In Siberia we were placed in 8 x 11 box cars, and went from town or village to village. We were rear guard for the Japs. In which we were on a seven day hike, through the bat60

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tle fields of the Czechick and british and Bulsheviki and the seventh day at about eleven a.m. we reinforced the Japs and the battle lasted about eight hours. We went about five hundred miles from Vladivostok and to winter quarters and in April 1919 we went about 2600 miles further and there we lived in tents all summer. We were about 350 miles from Orkusts [Irkutsk?] one of the largest cities in Siberia. Left there the 9th of Oct. Landed at in Frisco. Discharged Nov. 6 1919. Swore in Nov. 6 1917.72

Smith’s two years in service took him halfway around the world, exposing him to people and places he might never have encountered. Another soldier who fought in Russia was very nearly overwhelmed by his experiences. Private Peter E. Keshick (Potawatomi), twenty-seven, from Harris, Michigan, a citizen, was drafted. His outfit was Company A, 339th Infantry, 85th Division: I have enjoying the trip out to North Russia but still it was very hard getting back to god’s country which I thought would never come back and when I did get back could not believe my eyes of what I have see. I really didn’t believe that I was home in America. I was wounded two times, first on the left shoulder a flesh rifle bullet wound. Oct. 8, 1918. And second time March 9, 1919 shrapnel wound on both feet, both flesh wounds and the weather was bad at all times and hardly any rest untill the third of June 1919 on the way back through the White sea full of ice burgs. I got home at Harris Mich July 17, 1919 and didn’t even know where I was, in Russia or in Michigan.73

Taken to Mexican border and served with patrol. —Private First Class Frank Py-ah-hun-kah (Osage), twenty-seven, Pawhuska, Oklahoma Company C, 37th Infantry

Some Indian soldiers found themselves relatively close to home, serving as border guards in Texas. Private and Horse Shoer James Quinn (Klamath), thirty, from Blue Lake, California, enlisted at Fort McDowell on April 15, 1917, joining the “8th Cavalry, Troop H., Battlefield Experiences around the World

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stationed in Texas on the border for 3 years, and three months.”74 Private First Class Frank Py-ah-hun-kah also found himself doing border patrol, writing that he “was in training Camp at Camp Travis two weeks; from there was taken to Mexican border and served with patrol.”75 Although Dixon and others urged that using Indian soldiers as border guards would free up other soldiers for fighting in France, few actually seem to have been used in this capacity. Other soldiers were drawn into the conflict at Juarez, Mexico, in June 1919, when Pancho Villa led his forces across the U.S.Mexican border. Corporal Sylvester L. Brooks (Osage), twentythree, from Wichita, Kansas, enlisted, serving in Company B, 7th Field Battalion, Signal Corps. Modestly he wrote, “only important action I was in was at the battle of Juarez, Mexico, June 16th, 1919.”76 Private First Class Antonio Lucero (Isleta Pueblo), nineteen, from Isleta, New Mexico, also enlisted, serving in Troop E, 5th Cavalry. He also saw action in Juarez, but—as whoever completed his questionnaire noted—“Lucero has been in battle during June 15–16 in Mexico but has not received no wounds nor lose any of his property.”77

I had hell in that man’s war. —Private Frank Red Elk (Comanche), twenty-five, Walters, Oklahoma Machine Gun Company, 58th Infantry, 4th Division

For some men the suffering they saw and felt in war became paramount. Private Frank Red Elk could list the battles he fought in, but his only comment about his service was “I had hell.”78 Battle was not an experience he or many others bore lightly, although they often saw its necessity in the cause of freedom. One soldier who was at the front for some four months did not hesitate in his description of battle. Bugler John B. Keplain (Chippewa), thirty-seven, from Mahnomen, Minnesota, enlisted, beginning his service at age thirty-three with Battery E, 13th Field Artillery, 4th Division. In his questionnaire Keplain wrote: “As to my experience in the War, cannot commance to explain. As I was at the Front, from begainning from Chateau Thiery, in July, 1918, 62

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to all Battles from there on to the end at Muse Battle, Nov. 11. As all we did is to fight like mad dogs at all the time during the War. We went by good many days without a meal, and tobacco, and wet clothes all the time, as it rain nearly every day at the Front lines. We sur[e]ly suffer and did our be[s]t for the country. But still I am ready at any time to answer the call of arms.”79 Despite his protestations that he could not “commance to explain,” Keplain managed to provide a vivid picture of the day-to-day miseries of the battlefield. Private William Menz (Sioux), twenty-nine, from Selfridge, North Dakota, was drafted, serving in Company I, 326th Infantry, 82nd Division. He completed two questionnaires for Dixon. In the first, probably from 1920, he wrote: In regard to my war experience, I will say that, I have been in the thickest of battle, including the St. Mihiel, Meuse-Argonne, offensive. During the Argonne drive we remained in the front lines for twentyfour days without being allived [relieved], they few divisions remained in the front lines at the length time. We undo [endure] some hardships while the drive was being made, heading directly towards the City of Metz. This war required a lot of suffering but we were fighting for a good cause, such as freedom of the [?], and the rights of menkind. Through what I have went through during the war, and the experiences I had, has helped me a great deal, would do it again if the country needs me again.80

In the second questionnaire, dated June 11, 1921, Menz was both more specific about his experiences and less specific about serving again: “While in the world war, I have say that I have went through without a scratch, but although I suffered considerable I thought I was doing my duty. In the Argonne Forest, w[h]ere we were under consent [constant] fire from Artillery, from the Germans, we nevertheless pushed our way forward, until the signing of the Armistice. I served one year overseas, and 6 months in U.S.A.”81 Perhaps the additional year gave Menz more time to think about what he had been through and less desire to repeat it. Another soldier in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive was not interested in remembering his experiences in battle. Corporal HerBattlefield Experiences around the World

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bert Alexander Pappin (Osage), twenty-three, enlisted at Newkirk, Oklahoma, serving from October 15, 1917, to May 31, 1919. His overseas service was with the 142nd Infantry, and his single day of battle was apparently devastating: After an all day and night hike we reached our destination at the front. Soon afterward I learned that we were on the Meuse Argonne front and the Champagne sector. It is quite difficult to recall some of my interesting experiences upon the front. It is gradually fading from my memory. Unlike most boys I try hard to forget what has happened or taken place during the War. My Division went over the top at 5 o’clock in the morning. I was taken from the field about one o’clock the same day, gassed, and sent to a hospital in Paris to recover. All that happened in the meantime, I am unable to recall.82

Pappin may have been unwilling rather than unable to remember his experiences on the field of battle. This offensive was the costliest in terms of American fatalities and casualties and was perhaps too terrible for Pappin to want to remember.83 Another soldier chose to remember not his own suffering but that of his comrades. Private Jacob B. Russell (Nebraska Winnebago), twenty-one, was living in Sioux City, Iowa, in 1920, when he completed one of Dixon’s questionnaires. He attended Haskell Institute, a federal boarding school for Indians in Lawrence, Kansas, and enlisted from there on March 1, 1917, at age eighteen. He served in Battery B, 130th Field Artillery, 35th Division, as well as “some in Infantry.” Russell wrote: Not much of my personal experience. Maybe I did but I don’t know where to start. There is one thing that I might say. At first when I inttered [entered] the service I never think I ever go cross the big pond. But I did got a cross after having my eight months in training camp. I was in artillery and I think there is much different and than some in Infantry. But I think I done my part of it any way. I never could foreget the time at St. Mihiel, Argonne and Verdun fronts. All of these in a hard fighting without any support for our Infantry. But so far we all “tough it out.” 64

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I was gassed little the morning we were making attack at Cheppy Spt. 28, 1918. And I was very very glad to come out a live again. There is many of the my comrades fell dead beside of me. The brave boys that I will never see again. Well we all done our big and little jobs so far. But never foreget the dead ones which we left behind over there.84

Russell’s description begins haltingly, as though he felt unsure about whether he wanted to say anything about his service. He was much more open about his feelings for his fallen comrades and the need to remember their bravery, their contributions, and their lost lives. Finally Private First Class George White Bull (Oglala Sioux) chose to use his questionnaire to ask and answer a question: Very many items of interest is connected with my experience overseas. But the only one that has cause me more interest then and now is this. Why is it that all persons in every walk of life Rich and poor, From a hobo to a college or University Graduate who has went thro the war has prayed sometimes while there. Fellows who never pray before have prayed at those trying times. From this I know each and every one will pray when they know the time of death is near.

White Bull, twenty-four, was from Porcupine, South Dakota. He enlisted, serving initially in Troop D, 1st South Dakota Cavalry, and later in both infantry and ammunition train units. He was wounded in the battle at Argonne Forest in October 1918, perhaps prompting his musing about when men pray.85

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3. On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

I practiced sniping, scouting and patrolling. —Corporal George Pam-o-thah Masquat (Kickapoo), thirty-three, Horton, Kansas Company B, 137th Infantry, 35th Division

In his 1913 book, The Vanishing Race, Joseph Dixon chronicled the histories of twenty-one American Indian men, focusing on their war exploits.1 Prominent among these were four Crow warriors who served as scouts for George Armstrong Custer in his ill-fated confrontation with the Sioux and Northern Cheyenne at the Battle of the Little Big Horn in 1876. Dixon was fascinated by the Crow men’s abilities as scouts and their role in the U.S. military’s campaign against the Native nations of the Plains and Southwest during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and he was not alone in his enthusiasm. Indians served as scouts for the U.S. Army in numerous conflicts and were widely regarded as having superior capabilities in this capacity.2 Prior to U.S. entry into World War I a number of individuals urged that Indians be more heavily recruited into the military as regular troops. Others, including Dixon, argued for the creation of separate units of Indian soldiers. Ultimately Indians were integrated into regular army units.3 In these units, however, they often served as scouts to survey enemy territory, as runners to carry messages, or as snipers and shock troops patrolling the front lines. Dixon’s records include comments from twenty-six men whose duties included scouting, and many more mention their time at the front, in the thick of the action. Indians were sometimes chosen for these hazardous duties; at other times they volunteered. In ei-

ther case the guiding belief was that Indians were naturally suited to such jobs. For example, Corporal George Pam-o-thah Masquat (Kickapoo) reported as follows on his service: In Camp Doniphan, I practiced sniping, scouting and patrolling no man’s land. We entered trenches in Vo[s]ges Mts. June 28, 1918, relieving French Army. I was appointed a Chief Sniper in that sector. In another sector, same Mts., I was appointed a Regimental observer. St. Mihiel and Argonne Forest, I resumed a[s] chief sniper of 1st Batt[alion] of 137th Infantry, taking charge of twelve snipers. I divided them in three sections. I took the left flank of our Battalion during the kick off at the Vognous Mountain [Vosges Mountains], where we pushed Fritz in the face.

Masquat added, “I was given a letter very interesting by Lieut. L. C. Boyd of intelligence section for my brave acts and the way I commanded my comrades under my charge and the noble race I represented.”4 Indians were expected to be good scouts and snipers, and Masquat lived up to these expectations. The U.S. Army’s project to document Indian military service sought to verify the belief that Indians were especially suited to scouting (see the appendix). Among the 1,204 Indian service records obtained by the army, 133 of the documented men served as scouts, runners, and observers. While not all the records include information on service, at least 10.6 percent of the Indian men documented acted in these capacities. Their commanding officers often added remarks on the Indians’ natural abilities, particularly as scouts. Officers of the 102nd Regiment, 26th Division, for example, noted that four Passamaquoddy men served as scouts, saying, “You could not lose these Indians.”5 Private Alex Antoine (Ottawa), of the 18th Infantry, 1st Division, was characterized by his commanding officer as “skilled in scouting. Always takes bearing from some moving star. Has traveled in wooded country without compass. Also uses stones and fallen trees. Expert with Browning rifle.”6 Private First Class Oscar Bernie (Sioux), 30th Infantry, 3rd Division, was a machine gunner. According to his commanding officer, “his courage is of the best; and his endurance is better than the average white man’s.”7 On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

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Private Leslie Swanson (Hupa), twenty-eight, from Blue Lake, California, was among those Indian soldiers who put themselves in harm’s way by volunteering for specific duties. He was drafted, saw action in several battles, and was wounded three times. He recounted his final experiences at the front: I, with thirteen others members of L-Co. 26 Infantry were cited for bravery about a week before the Armistice was signed. It was while we (The First Division) were being used as “Shock troops” during the later part of the Argonne drive. We had covered lots of ground in the last few days and had worked beyond our Artillery. On the afternoon of the fifth of November we were suddenly held up by machine gun fire, we were ordered under cover to wait for darkness. At dusk our Capt. (Capt. Hammel) called for twenty volunteers, I was among those who was accepted. Our orders were, “To creep up under cover of darkness, as close as possible, and when discovered to charge.” At nine that night we started, we got over the little opening and in the brush but some one stepped on a branch when we were real close, giving us away. The Germans opened fire on us, we then charged them, I saw the machine gun spitting in front of me, all of a sudden it seemed as though some one had stuck a red hot knife through my arm, but as I was on top of them I was able to finish off that nest. The place however proved to be a very strong one, with numerous machine guns. Of the twenty who [volunteered] seven were killed, and all the others were wounded, we cleaned out the nest and the Company were able to advance the next morning. Our Captain was killed while we were cleaning out the nest by being hit between the eyes by one of the stray bullets fired at our party. The thirteen remaining men were ordered back to the hospital. After recovering from the wound which proved to be an explosive bullett that exploded in my arm, I was ordered back to my Co. that was with the Army of Occupation on the Rhine. When within seventeen miles of our billett a dispatch rider overtook us with an order from the Commanding General saying we had been cited for bravery, but as our commanding officer had been killed it would be hard to get the records, but instead offered us a chance to return to the good old U.S.A. and a discharge. It is needless to say we to a man took the offer and were sent back.8 68

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Such volunteering was not unusual for Indian soldiers, even for positions at the front. Other Indians were ordered into dangerous positions. Sergeant Charles Robert Ward (Cherokee), twenty-six, from Nowata, Oklahama, enlisted, serving with Company K, 358th Infantry, 90th Division (see figure 11). He was awarded a Distinguished Service Medal for his actions at Argonne. According to Ward: I was out after snipers. I just got out on the fill. I was lying on the ground. They told me that there were four snipers who were playing havoc with our machine guns and that they must be brought down, and I was detailed to bring them down, and I had not more than stretched myself on the ground before the sniper got after me. A bullet struck my helmet in front and went out the back, ripped the back of my coat clear down. I had shot one sniper at my left. And then it happened that the other snipers fired and struck the side of the helmet and it went clear through and beyond me. I thought it was time for me to be getting out of there, and as quickly as possible I brought down both of those snipers and then the third one, and was off, and for this I received my distinguished service medal.9

Private James R. Antell (Chippewa), twenty-six, from Minneapolis, Minnesota, was drafted. On his questionnaire he noted that he served as a regimental scout in Company C, 359th Infantry, 96th Division. He included an overview of his wartime experiences but made no specific mention of his activities as a scout: “I was mustered in service 28th of April, 1918. Left New York for overseas June 19, 1918. Went on the battle fields on the Villers en Haye Sector, August 24 to September 11. Took part in the St. Mihiel Offensive, Sept. 12 to 16; Prunelle Sector, Sept. 12 to Oct. 10; Meuse Argonne Offensive, Oct. 22, to Nov. 11, being under shell fire seventy six days. Was in the Army of Occupation, stationed at Bern Castle, Germany, five months. Discharged June 16, 1919.”10 Much more explicit information is available about other Indian soldiers’ experiences as scouts and runners, both from official accounts and from their own comments on their questionnaires and in interviews with Dixon.

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Division Scout for General’s Headquarters —Sergeant James Thomas McGeisey (tribe unknown), twenty-three Company G, 1st Infantry, 1st Division

Sergeant Joseph LaJeunesse (Chippewa), from Mahnomen, Minnesota, was among those Indian soldiers who found his calling as a scout. He was interviewed by Dixon at Camp Merritt in 1919, then completed a questionnaire almost three years later, when he was thirty-four.11 He wrote about his wartime experiences, including his fondness for scouting: “Was not in very many engagements while I was over, but would of like to of seen more of the fights. I done a lot of Scouting and patroling. I love to go scouting around in the Enmie’s territorys. Lot of fun to my notion, and I learned more by seeing the forgien countries then I did learn in school of their History of different countrys. One more country I would like to fight against—that’s Japan. I love a Jap.”12 LaJeunesse’s final comment is a mystery, as Japan was one of the Allies in this war. One wonders what LaJeunesse thought of World War II. Another Chippewa, Private George B. Bluesky, thirty-two, from Cass Lake, Minnesota, also served as a scout, in Company F, 23rd Infantry, 2nd Division. He recounted some of his close calls during his service: “Four [of] us Capt, two Runners and myself taken 20 Germans Prisoners on 3 day hardship Scouting, but other times having close calls Machine Gun barrages which we would hug the grass which we could feel not see in night work.”13 Private First Class Lewis Sanderson (Klamath), thirty, of Crescent City, California, served as a scout in Company M, 361st Infantry, 91st Division. He filled an entire typewritten page on his questionnaire with the following account: Drafted on 9th of June 1918. Camp Lewis, Washington on the 13th of June. Left Camp Lewis on the 23rd of June 1918; arrived at France on 23rd of July 1918 and train five weeks; went to the front 2nd day of Sept. 1918; taken the front lines on the morning of the 12th day of September 1918. On the 13th day of Sept. 1918 Americans begin vigorous drive in St. Mihiel. Salient erased; taken more than 150 miles of French territory which had been in German hands since 1914. On the 26th day of Sept. taken the front lines at Argonne For70

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est; 361st Infantry of Div. Advance guards, 362 in support; was relieved by the 32nd Div. on the 4 day of October 1918. Resting two days taken the lines in Argonne forest on Oct 26th 1918. Fight till we couldn’t fight no more. We were all shot up. My company went in the battle with 253 men and came out with 66 men. Most of them was killed; some were wounded. Made the last drive in Belgium on Flanders front, busting up the 84 Div. and replace our division in order to make another drive in Belgium, going over the top in Belgium on the first day November, 1918, and fight till Nov. 11th at 11 o’clock sharp then we want to go home. I belong to the intelligent section which they made scouts out of. In the battle field we were snipers. In the night times we went out on patrol. The combat patrols are 16 in patrol. When we go out on combat patrol we go over to our enemy’s lines and capture few prisoners and bring them back to our lines and get information out of them and make them tell what they are doing. Another patrol what you call consonance (reconnaissance) patrol, we have 12 men for that patrol. We go out to find where our enemy’s first line trenches lie and find out if there are any barb wire entanglements and come back and report to our headquarters. Then there is the scouting patrol. You go out in the day time and scout around and also do some sniping while you are out and find out where the machine guns are. If you can’t find them walk out in the open let them shoot at you and find them.14

Sanderson came through the war without being wounded. Not all scouts, however, were as lucky as Private Sanderson. Sergeant James Thomas McGeisey (tribe unknown) enlisted and became a division scout. He was wounded and gassed at St. Mihiel.15 Private Moses Clown (Cheyenne River Sioux) was on scouting duty when he was killed at St. Mihiel on November 1, 1918. He had been drafted, serving in Company B, 314th Military Police, 89th Division.16 Dixon interviewed yet another unlucky scout, Patrick Ellery (Chippewa), twenty-four, from Phillips County, Montana, at Walter Reed Hospital in Washington dc. Ellery was considered by his commanding officer to be the best scout in Company K, 306th InOn the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

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fantry, 77th Division. He was scouting on September 30, 1918, when he was wounded by machine gun fire, which took his arm off at the elbow. It took twenty-four hours for another scouting party to rescue him from the battlefield.17 Other scouts were unwilling to recount their exploits. Sergeant James Munnell (Chippewa), twenty-two, from Onigum, Minnesota, preferred to let others do the talking for him. Rather than describing his own actions, Munnell included with his questionnaire a transcript of his citation from Major General McGlachlin, who cited him for “gallantry in action and devotion to duty,” specifically “in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, Oct. 4th to 11th for fearlessly advancing alone and locating enemy machine guns that were holding up the advance of our Infantry.” Munnell, who was not a citizen, enlisted on April 19, 1917, originally joining the 1st North Dakota Infantry. He was then transferred to Company H, 26th Infantry, 1st Division, and served in seven battles and engagements, from January 15 to November 11, 1918. Munnell was wounded and gassed during his service, not surprising given his duties as an advance scout.18 Private Ewing Peters (Klamath), twenty-four, from Weitchpec, California, was brief in describing his work as a scout and sniper: “The first day I sniped two[.] Capt. Richards sent me out. First machine gun I captured, I took an automatic Luger. I always took souvenirs. I was in two battles as a scout in Belgium and Belgium drives and at the Argonne.”19 His sergeant, William Jordan, had better luck than Dixon in getting Peters to open up, recounting that “Peters told me at this time that he was satisfied when he could get his gun and go out with the machine gun men. ‘I felt as though I were hunting a deer, only the German was a devil. The machine gun nests were there, and I went out to get them, and I got them.’”20 Peters was, however, willing to demonstrate his skills to Dixon during an interview at the Camp Merritt Base Hospital in 1919 (see figure 12). Dixon recorded: “I asked him [Peters] to show me how he brought down the snipers, and they asked for a gun. They gave him a rifle, and in a moment he was in half a dozen different positions, kneeling, standing, crouching, crawling, showing 72

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me how he brought down the Boche, and he seemed to be as delighted in the rehearsal as though he were in actual contact with the Hun.”21 Sam Thundercloud (Winnebago) was twenty when he enlisted along with twelve other Winnebagos. Three of them, Foster Decorah, Robert Decorah, and Cummins, were killed. Three others were wounded, including Thundercloud. The rest were still in France when Dixon interviewed Thundercloud at Cape May Hospital in 1919 (see figure 13). He had been at the hospital for three months, recovering from his wounds. Overseas he was in three battles, often assigned to scouting duty, looking for German machine gun nests. He described his experiences: I went over the Top three times at the Battle of Chateau Thierry before the last scouting trip in which I had engaged in this battle. Lieut. Burton sent me out on every scouting expedition. We knew how to crawl and do the job. I recall distinctly one night we were ordered out “over the Top,” the night was very dark, the morning was coming, but it was still too dark to see much. We climbed an embankment, on the top of which we found railroad tracks. On the other side of the bank the Germans were hiding, one big fellow jumped at me, made a lunge with his bayonet. I warded off the thrust, as I would in boxing. His bayonet made a gash in my hand. . . . And as I tossed aside his bayonet, I thrust mine through his neck—a short fat dutchman came for me but my comrades finished him and we went on over. Of the three Indians [Winnebagos] who were killed, one was killed with a group of white men by the explosion of a shell. Another was torn to pieces by a one pounder and the third advanced ahead of all of us, came to the foe on the other side of the rise of ground, dropped on his stomach to fire and was pierced through with a ball.

Thundercloud himself was gassed twice and wounded in the right arm by a sniper bullet at the Battle of Château-Thierry, while scouting. His brother Henry, was also in the army and was still overseas in 1919.22 Paul Yellow (Navajo), twenty-two, from Fort Defiance, Arizona, reported to Dixon that he was one of ten Indians used as scouts On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

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in Company M, 60th Infantry, 5th Division. He was drafted on September 16, 1917, although he was not a citizen, and sent overseas on March 6, 1918. Yellow was wounded at St. Mihiel on September 16, 1918, when his left leg was shattered above the ankle by shrapnel. He was still recovering at Debarkation Hospital #5 when Dixon met him eight months later.23 Another Navajo, Private David Yazza, from Crownpoint, New Mexico, was one of the ten Indian scouts in his company.24 Unfortunately he did not return from the war. The superintendent from the Navajo reservation at Crown Point, S. F. Stacher, completed a questionnaire for Yazza and included the following information: Official report. Yazza David P[v]t # 2385218 Co. M. 60th Inft. 5th Div. Yazza was a scout in my patrol on Hill 261 at Clery Le Grand on Nov. 2nd, 1918 at 3 P.M. five machine guns opened on us when we were on our way back after having reached the enemy’s lines and obtained the information we were sent after. We were within 30 ft of 2 of the machine guns when they opened fire and Yazza dropped killed instantly. Informant Blackwell, Wm. Sgt., 2384995 Co. M. 60th Inft. Peralto, New Mex. Sgd H.R.Tune Captain, 60th Inf.

Yazza was not a citizen, but he still enlisted in the U.S. Army. His tribe also aided in the war effort. According to Superintendent Stacher, Navajo people contributed $250 to the Red Cross, using “80 fleeces of wool sold for $1 per lb.”25 Another scout who gave his life for the United States, despite his lack of citizenship, was Private Elson M. James (Tulalip), from Marysville, Washington. He succumbed to pneumonia at a field hospital in France on December 11, 1918. William Shelton, from the Tulalip Indian School, filled out questionnaires for several Tulalip and Snohomish servicemen, including James.26 Shelton included an article from the Tulalip Bulletin of March 1919, which reprinted an account of James’s service that appeared in the Marysville Globe: “Word was received last week of the death in France 74

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of Elson James, one of the Indian boys who left the reservation to join the colors, and was among the very first to get into action on the French front. He had had considerable active work in the trenches, having gone ‘over the top’ as many as twelve times without a scratch. He was made a scout, and did considerable scouting in the way of crawling over no-man’s land to seek information near the enemy trenches and securing occasional prisoners.” The Tulalip Bulletin then went on to memorialize James: “Dear boy and devoted soldier, our hearts in mingled pain and pride salute you for the very gallant gentlemen you were and are.” Both the local Marysville newspaper and the Tulalip Reservation’s monthly publication were clear in their admiration of James’s service and sacrifice.27 Two months later, in May 1919, the Tulalip Bulletin printed additional details of James’s military experience in a letter from his commanding officer, Second Lieutenant Robert M. Wythes, Company F, 30th Infantry, 3rd Division: On October 10 our company with three others captured a German trench just in front of Cunel France (between Montfaucon and Sedan) during which our captain was wounded and I took command. Immediately I learned that Elson James’ reputation was of the highest, and therefore considered him one of my best and most dependable men. . . . James . . . at Bois de la Cote, Lemont, France, on the nights of October 22, 23 and 24th , 1918, did guide sentry squads to isolated post in No Man’s Land, and on night of October 23rd, 1918, guided patrol to outskirts of Brieulles, securing information of enemy occupation and showed exceptional skill, courage and coolness under fire in guiding patrols to and from destination. His constitution was evidently weakened from the constant exposure and during our hike into Germany, I think when we were about twenty miles beyond Saarburg, he was compelled to fall out suffering with fever, etc. He wanted to continue and I carried his pack several miles, but soon he was convinced the effort was too great. The news of his death was a shock to us, and on behalf of the officers and men of Company F, deepest sympathies are extended for the loss of a tried and true soldier in every sense of the word, and a man who certainly must have been an honest and dutiful son.28 On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

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Wythes’s comments in this letter, sent to James’s mother at the reservation, indicate the high esteem in which James was held by the officers and men of his company.

Runner on front line. I took 38 Prisoner. —Private First Class Sam Little Soldier (Winnebago), twenty-six, Black River Falls, Wisconsin Company D, 128th Infantry, 32nd Division

Private First Class Sam Little Soldier was one of many American Indian soldiers who served as runners on the front lines of battle.29 Runners in World War I were essential to carry messages, especially since the Germans could intercept telephone communications.30 The citation awarded to Sergeant Earl J. Wilbur (Menominee), from Neopit, Wisconsin, provided an explicit account of his duties as a runner during battle. Dixon collected this information in an interview with Wilbur, whose citation read in part: Co. D, 28th Inf. [1st Division], for extraordinary bravery and devotion to duty during the operations against Cantigny, May 28, 31, 1918. He acted as a regimental runner, carrying messages to and from battalion headquarters and the front line trenches. All lines of communication being cut off by hostile artillery fire as fast as they could be re-established, and the only means of communication were by foot messengers. On the first day of the operations, Corp. Wilbur was rendered unconscious by a large caliber shell. After recovering, was ordered to the rear by the Battalion Sergeant Major, but refused to be evacuated and continued with his duties until the regiment was released.

Wilbur, twenty-one, volunteered following his graduation from Carlisle Indian Industrial School in the spring of 1917 and eventually earned the rank of sergeant. In addition to Cantigny, he fought at St. Mihiel, Argonne, the Second Battle of the Marne, Toul, and Seicheprey. According to Wilbur himself, “in every fight we were all right when you’re out of it, but hell while you’re in it.”31 Corporal Albert Lowe (Winnebago), thirty-two, from Black River Falls, Wisconsin, enlisted at Walthill, Nebraska, on July 30, 1917. 76

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He was cited for meritorious service in action with Company A, 59th Infantry, 4th Division, in both the Aisne-Marne Offensive and the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Lowe recounted some of his experiences under fire: During the battle of Meuse-Argonne on Sept. 29th I had a narrow escape. Many white men were killed around me while I was lying face down in no man’s land. I was forced to remain motionless for many hours and finally at night took a chance on sliding back to the line. Twice before this I lead men in no man’s land on our hands and knees and lead safely back into the trench. I was appointed to do this because of the Indians keen sense of directions. This happens late at night. After the Armistice was signed I was in Germany in the Army of Occupation on the Rhine.32

Lowe stated explicitly that his abilities were due to his Indian heritage, an idea shared by many Indians and whites alike, including Joseph Dixon. Dixon interviewed another runner who, according to his expectations, had “fulfilled the best traditions of the ‘Fighting Cheyennes.’” William Hollowbreast (Northern Cheyenne), nineteen, from Lame Deer, Montana, enlisted in the 1st South Dakota Cavalry, serving originally with an infantry company. Later he was transferred to Battery B, 122nd Field Artillery, 33rd Division. Hollowbreast explained his duties: “I fought with them all through the war as battery runner. I was sent out often to the front lines, and every trip was a D. S. C. [Distinguished Service Cross] trip. Lots of times I had to go over cross roads where shells [were] constantly bursting. I had to go just the same. Several times my messages were delivered as shells tore the battery in pieces, and the arms and legs of the men were falling at my feet.” Dixon added that Hollowbreast “seems eager as he handles the pistol strapped to his side to go right back to the front and face the Germans again” (see figure 14).33 Private Edward Two Horses (Sioux), twenty-three, from Cannonball, North Dakota, served in a similar capacity to Lowe and Hollowbreast, but without the same conviction in his abilities. Two Horses was drafted, serving in Company K, 358th Infantry, 90th Division: On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

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I Private Edward Two Horses. I was with the A.E.F. 90th Division, landed in France, July 7, 1918. We were in the front line trenches in August this line called Toule sector. Then we stayed there until the big drive begin on Sept. 12–18. We went over the top in early in morning before the sun rise up. I was a battalion runner. I went through the machine gun billet whizzle + shell bursted and German air plain dropping bombs at us but I never get a scratch to get by with it. The next morning I was lost in the woods I don’t know where I was at. I thought myself I was in German ground or no man’s land but after finally I know where I was. After week later I was gassed because my mask is torn open by srupins [surprise] big shell exploded.34

While Two Horses lacked the confidence of other Indians used as runners and scouts, he nonetheless escaped unharmed until being gassed. Private Joe Young Hawk (Arickara), twenty-five, from Elbowoods, North Dakota, served as a runner in Company A, 18th Infantry, 1st Division. At the battle of Château-Thierry Young Hawk was wounded twice. First a machine gun bullet gouged his leg, but he was able to continue to help carry out other wounded soldiers. Then a high explosive shell “bumped 10 of us off,” as he told Dixon. Young Hawk lost his left leg below the knee and was sent to Walter Reed Hospital in Washington dc, where he was interviewed by Dixon. Young Hawk and another Arickara, Thomas Rogers, both enlisted on August 1, 1917, in Bismarck, North Dakota. Young Hawk recalled: Rogers was the rear Battalion runner. I was designated to stay with the company. They sent us out on patrols and sniping. We took good aim and let go. I was never frightened, I was there to do my part and I did it. In January on the Lorraine Front, we had ice water in the trenches up to our knees. Many of the boys had trench feet. They were taken back to the hospital. I also had trench feet but I stuck it through.35

Soldiers got trench foot as a result of standing in water in the trenches, causing the foot to become numb, similar to frostbite. Thomas Rogers was promoted to sergeant and, as Young Hawk put it in his interview with Dixon, “was sent back to instruct men 78

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on this side—pretty good for an Indian.”36 Rogers was twentyeight, from Elbowoods, North Dakota. He received a citation for his work as a runner: “Sergeant Thomas E. Rogers, Co. ‘A’ 18th Infantry. Non-commissioned officer of great courage, initiative and intelligence. Always a volunteer for the most dangerous missions. Has, throughout his service with this regiment on the front, given proof of the highest qualities of the soldier, notably during the attack on Cantigny, May 28th, 1918, and the battle south of Soissons, July 18th to July 22nd, on both of which occasions his service with the Intelligence Section of this regiment proved him to be a soldier of the highest type.” Rogers served nine months as an instructor before his discharge at Fort D. A. Russell in Wyoming on July 5, 1919.37 Indian soldiers were almost routinely noticed for their service as runners. Chauncey Powless (Oneida) served with Company D, 165th Infantry, 42nd Division. His commanding officer, First Lieutenant H. V. Murray, told Dixon: “Powless came to us over a year ago. He was in all battles, Champagne, Chateau Thiery, St. Mihiel, Argonne, Sedan. He was a great runner, carrying messages through heavy shell fire. Magnificent at liason [sic] work.”38 Powless, twenty-seven, from West Depere, Wisconsin, came through his service unharmed. This was not the case with all American Indian soldiers.

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4. Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

Brown, Fobb, Walley and Tims were all killed. —Sergeant Leo B. Nelson (Choctaw), twenty-four, Ardmore, Oklahoma Company E, 142nd Infantry, 36th Division

Casualties were numerous among American Indian soldiers. Russel Barsh has suggested that the rate of deaths in action was as high as 5 percent among Indians, apparently using figures collected by both the War Department and the Indian Office.1 Using an estimate of 12,000 for the total number of Indians in service during World War I, then, the number of deaths according to Barsh’s figures should be as high as 600.2 Other sources indicate a lower rate of deaths in action or from wounds suffered in battle. The Indian Office, which estimated that there were approximately 12,000 Indians in service, compiled a list of “Casualties” including 331 individuals, or approximately 2.75 percent of the total.3 However, one of those listed served as a nurse, and many in fact died in the years following their service, at least one as late as 1931. Dixon’s records document 84 individuals who died in service or very shortly thereafter—approximately 2.95 percent of his total sample of 2,846 soldiers and sailors. While this is slightly higher than the estimate of the Indian Office, it is substantially lower than Barsh’s estimate. By comparison a total of approximately 4,355,000 men were mobilized for service in the U.S. military in World War I. The United States lost 50,604 soldiers and sailors overall during the war, either killed in action or dead from wounds received in action.4 This represents a 1.16 overall percentage rate of battlefield deaths. Thus the rate of American Indian deaths, using Dixon’s

2.95 percent, was more than twice the overall rate. Indian soldiers were often in the front lines, acting as scouts, runners, and snipers; their higher death rate may be attributed to their stated eagerness to join the battle. While it is probably impossible to estimate the number of casualties with complete accuracy, the reality is that many Indian servicemen were wounded or gassed, and some died of their injuries. Others contracted diseases while in service, particularly influenza and pneumonia, and some died as a result. As might be expected, the deaths of young men were particularly hard on their families, some of which responded to Dixon’s call for information with stories of their fathers, sons, brothers, nephews, and cousins. George Looking Back, the father of Private Isaac Looking Back, asked a government employee on his reservation to help him fill out a questionnaire for his son. Isaac, a Sioux from Little Eagle, South Dakota, was drafted shortly after trying to enlist, serving in Company L, 355th Infantry, 89th Division. According to his father, Isaac was “wounded Sept 15, 1918. Gangrene results of wound. Died Oct 14, 1918.” He was twenty-two. Isaac’s father was interested in Dixon’s documentation project; after completing his son’s questionnaire he offered to fill out “at least” fifteen more on other boys if Dixon would send him the blanks.5 Corporal Alphonse Bear Ghost wrote to Dixon: “My cousin was killed in this war. Richard Blue Earth Co. A. 18th Infantry, 1st Division. He was killed in action Oct. 8, 1918, Meuse Argonne.”6 Corporal Blue Earth (Standing Rock Sioux), from Cannon Ball, North Dakota, was twenty-five when he died. According to his questionnaire, completed by someone from the reservation, his widowed mother inherited his allotment of 160 acres.7 Although Dixon had already documented the death in service of Lieutenant Josiah A. Powless (Oneida), including copying his Distinguished Service Cross citation, his daughter sent him additional information about her father’s funeral.8 Powless, a physician in private practice in De Pere, Wisconsin, enlisted at age forty-eight, serving as a medical officer with the 3rd Battalion, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. According to the newspaper clipping Grace Powless sent to Dixon, her father died “from wounds received while caring for wounded American soldiers in the first lines during their advance against the enemy in France.” FollowKilled in Action and Other Casualties of War

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ing a Masonic funeral Powless was buried on the Oneida Reservation in the Episcopal cemetery.9 J. H. Lawson, the brother of Private Charles Lawson, sent Dixon information about his brother’s military service. Lawson (San Juan), from Deer Harbor, Washington, was twenty-seven at the time of his death. His brother completed his history: Charles Lawson was drafted in October 1917. He was at Camp Lewis Washington, until early in 1918 when he left Camp Lewis with Company A, 30th Engineers for training in Camp Merritt, N.J. They were at that Camp six hours when they were sent to France. Arriving in France he was again transferred to Company A, 1st Gas Regiment. He was gassed in action in October 1918. I cannot learn what battle, was taken to Base Hospital Number 50, Nantes, France, when he died November 5th, 1918.10

Details about the deaths of soldiers were sometimes sketchy or were difficult for their families to obtain, as Lawson’s brother noted. Georgia Rogers, the mother of Private Lewis Frances Rogers (Tulalip), could tell Dixon only that her son enlisted and served in the 8th Canadian Battalion and was killed in battle on September 8, 1918.11 The widow of Private Charles Donovan (Osage) noted on his questionnaire simply that he was killed “in action, Argonne.” Donovan was drafted, serving in the 115th Infantry, 29th Division.12 Whoever completed the questionnaire of Private Dixon Solomon (Choctaw) could report only that he “died Some where in France . . . 22nd Days of Oct. 1918.” Solomon, from Cloudy, Oklahoma, served in Company I, 144th Infantry.13 The parents of Private First Class Stephen Youngdeer (Eastern Cherokee) were notified on October 2, 1918, that their son had been severely wounded. Unfortunately he had been wounded more than a month earlier, on August 31, and in fact had died as a result of his wounds and pneumonia on September 15, 1918. Youngdeer was twenty-nine when he died, having served in Company D, 115th Machine Gun Battalion, 30th Division.14 The mother of Corporal Willie Denver Brown (Oglala Sioux) had to wait until her son’s effects were returned to her before she could piece together the details of his wartime service and his death at age twenty-six. Brown, from LaCreek, South Dakota, was drafted, although he was not a citizen, serving as a machine gun82

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ner with Company G, 355th Infantry, 89th Division. His mother, Mrs. Joseph Brown, wrote about his service: My son was wounded twice but we never heard where he was wounded the second time. The first wound he got was at Belleau Woods France him and his Lieut. Madden, went over the no man land that was the 8 of Aug. 1918. He then went to Bourdeaux Hosptial stayed there till the 8 of Oct. after the 11th of Nov. he was taken to Saarbrerge Germany so as with the Army of Auccapation till the 4 of Feb 1919. He took sick and to my sorry & great lost he died the 7 of Feb 1919. He went though many fights or Battle but I never heard. All this I got from his little book that he had. Went over the top several times.

Brown received the French Croix de Guerre for his actions at Belleau Wood on October 21, 1918. According to his mother, Brown helped “to get his four Carrier boys out of a prison hole.”15 Private Charles Spear (Kickapoo), from Horton, Kansas, enlisted, serving in Company B, 137th Infantry, 35th Division. His questionnaire included the following information, which lacks some important details: “This young soldier lived one day after the battle in which he was shot, about September 28, 1918, was taken to the hospital, place unknown, and died at that place. He was buried near the hospital (the town and name of cemetery unknown). He was in two battles, St. Mihiel and the Argonne Offensive and twice in defensive sectors. This information was given by a comrade, Mr. Philip Wewenes of Horton, Kansas.”16 Henry Robinson (Omaha), from Nebraska, enlisted in Company F, 6th Nebraska, and was sent overseas. Another Omaha veteran, Charles Blackbird, reported that Robinson “went over—killed or missing, no report of how lost or killed. An inquiry at War Dept. fails to find when, where or how this man was lost.”17 The family of Private Thomas G. Duncan (Nomalakie) retrieved their son’s body but could not discover the cause of his death. Duncan, who was nineteen when he died, enlisted and served in Company D, 62nd Infantry. His questionnaire was completed with information provided by his father: This young man enlisted at the age of 17 at San Bernardino, Calif. His father, an Indian of this Round Valley Reservation knew nothing of the enlistment until he heard from him at Angel Island. Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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After his enlistment he was sent to Siberia and returned to the United States about July 15, 1919, went to the Letterman Hospital at San Francisco, Calif. and died there July 23, 1919. His father, John F. Duncan, who went there to bring back the remains says he was not able to find out whether he was wounded or of what disease he died of. All the information gathered here is from the father who does not know much of the boy after his enlistment. He died at Letterman Hospital, San Francisco, Calif. and the father brought the remains home and he is buried in the Indian Cemetery on this reservation.18

The family of Private Joseph A. LaPointe (Chippewa) spent two years wondering what had happened to their son. LaPointe, twenty-one, from Odanah, Wisconsin, enlisted in 1917, serving with Company I, 127th Infantry. The superintendent of the Bad River Reservation, P. S. Everest, completed a questionnaire on LaPointe in 1920, noting: “No word has been received from this young Indian since his early enlistment in the War. The general belief is that he was killed in action, but no official report of his death has been made or of his being missing in action.” In November 1920 Everest forwarded word to the Office of Indian Affairs that LaPointe’s family had been notified of their son’s death in action on August 31, 1918. He was buried in the American cemetery at Juvigny, France.19 Army officers recognized the difficulties faced by soldiers’ families in getting information about their sons. One officer sent the following letter to the family of Private Martin Hartless (Grande Ronde), from Grande Ronde, Oregon: Company M. 361st Infantry, A.P.A. 776, American E.F. France, ja n ua ry 1 3 t h , 1 9 1 9 . Mr. Charles P. Hartless, Grande Ronde, Ore. Dear Sir: You have probably been notified of the death of your brother, Private Martin Hartless 2293325 who was killed in action October 9th, 1918, but I feel that you should know something more about the 84

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circumstances concerning his death. Private Hartless was instantly killed by machine gun fire during our attack on Hill 255, on October 9, 1918, in the Meuse-Argonne offensive. When hit he was fearlessly advancing with his company against the stubbornly defended enemny position on this hill. Private Hartless was an excellent soldier, loved and honored by all his comrades and the officers, and men of his company keenly feel his loss. He died a heroe’s death while in the performance of his duty. In your bereavement allow me to offer you the sympathy of the officers and men of this company. Very truly yours, (Signed) Francois Trouchet, Captain, 361st Inf. Comdy. Company.20

In active fighting three different days until I was wounded. —Private Charles Blackbird (Omaha), twenty-three, Macy, Nebraska Company D, 102nd Infantry, 26th Division

One hundred forty-nine men documented by Dixon suffered wounds in the war. The information they provided on their injuries is often brief, the soldiers simply filling in the blanks on their questionnaires under the headings “Wounded,” “In what battle,” and “What part of body.” For example, Corporal Nick Bradley (Cherokee), twenty-five, from Cherokee, North Carolina, noted that he was wounded in the “Left Leg & Left Hand” at the Battle of the Aisne. He enlisted; trained at Camp Hancock in Augusta, Georgia; and served in Company G, 111th Infantry, 28th Division, but he provided no other information on how he was wounded.21 In his interview with Dixon August Brought Plenty (Sioux), twenty, from Fort Yates, North Dakota, stated tersely: “It was hell over there. Wounded in the left hip by a machine gun bullet. In the hospital two months. All right now.” Brought Plenty served in Company A, 28th Infantry, 1st Division, and was in battle at St. Mihiel, Argonne, and Sedan.22 Private First Class Irwin Bird Above (Crow), twenty-two, included a fuller account of his injuries, using the official record compiled by his commanding officer First Lieutenant Joseph B. Black. Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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Bird Above, from St. Xavier, Montana, was drafted, serving in the 148th Field Artillery. Lieutenant Black wrote: “On August 11th, 1918, while the battery was coming out of position, 1500 meters east of Chery Chertrenne[?], France, it was subjected to a severe hostile shell fire which lasted about 25 minutes. At this time and while Pvt. Birdabove was assisting in getting the guns in shelling position a high explosive shell burst nearby, a fragment of which struck him in the back.”23 Without fanfare Private John P. Turpin (Chippewa), twenty-nine, from White Earth, Minnesota, recounted how he was wounded in the right shoulder: “Went over the top August 4th 1918, at the battle of Aisne Marne. Got wounded on Aug. 6th, went to base Hospital No. 68, remain there nearly two months and went back to my outfit and was on our way towards Metz when the Armistice was signed.” Turpin’s duties were not yet over, however: “On Nov. 20th we left France for Coblenz, Germany on the Rhine River as part of the Army of Occupation. We done garrison duty while there. We left Coblenz on July 12, 1919 for Home.” He had enlisted, serving with Company E, 58th Infantry, 4th Division.24 An official at the Bad River Chippewa Reservation in Wisconsin provided a more complete record of two brothers who were wounded overseas. John A. Sky Jr., thirty-one, and Joseph Sky, twenty-four, from Odanah, Wisconsin, both enlisted in the same company. John A. Sky’s questionnaire included the following information about both brothers: “John A. Sky, Jr. enlisted with the local Ashland Machine gun Co., which left here in July, 1917, and which later became a part of the well known 32nd Division. This Division reached France early in 1918, and the early summer found them in the front line trenches. John was killed by a shell explosion in the Battle of Chateau Thierry. His brother Joseph was also quite seriously wounded in this engagement. John A. Sky, Jr. was the only one of the Indians taking part in the war from the Bad River Reservation who was killed in action. The American Legion post at Odanah, Wisconsin, is named in honor of this young Indian.”25 Joseph Sky’s questionnaire added that he “was seriously wounded in the same engagement by having ankle shattered by shrapnel. He was invalided home after spending some time in recuperation hospital in New Jersey. Upon his return to his home town, Oda86

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nah, Wis., the Bad River Reservation village, he was given a royal welcome by the tribe on account of his services in the war. He is quite fully recovered now from his injury.”26 The same reservation official included a note on the questionnaire of Private George Arbuckle (Chippewa), twenty, from Ashland, Wisconsin. Arbuckle, who enlisted and served in the army, was “quite seriously injured in the head and wrist by shrapnel in the Battle of the Marne. Completely recovered now.”27 Private Felix Renville (Sisseton Sioux), twenty-four, from Peever, South Dakota, provided only minimal information on his questionnaire. Drafted, he served in Company D, 341st Machine Gun Battalion, 32nd Division, and was wounded at the Battle of Verdun. He wrote: “I received wounds on my body by five pieces of shrapnels. Right temple, uper lip, neck, right shoulder and left arm.”28 Dixon, however, who had earlier interviewed Renville at Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York City, noted that he had been “shot in the back of the right eye above the temple and in the right shoulder by shrapnel, November 2nd, 1918. . . . His arm is still crippled.” During his interview with Dixon Renville recounted: “It was alright for me to fight for my country and I did not regret my wound. We were advancing when I was hit. My corporal sent a telegram home that I was killed. I was left on the field as dead a day and a night until found by the burying squad. . . . If I had it to do over again, I would do it.”29 Of another injured soldier, John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux), Dixon noted that he was “wounded in the Argonne Forest. A bullet pierced clear through the shoulder and went down the arm above the elbow, a further shot by shrapnel in the hip” (see figure 15). Whirlwind Horse himself also described the situation: Five men were killed right at my side. We were on a hill under an infilade [enfilade] fire. The Company at our left, for some reason, did not come up, and we were commanded to hold the hill, and we held it. It was in this infilade fire that I was wounded. In the battle, I had a bullet hole through the pants of the right leg at the knee, one through my left sleeve. The day before I was hit I had the scabbard shot off my bayonet. I was supposed to go out on the outpost as soon as we reached Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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our abjective, but the Company on our left failing to come up held us on the hill, where we were shot down. When the bullets were giving me a close call, I shot all the harder. I knew if I did not get them they would get me.

Whirlwind Horse, twenty-seven, was from Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota.30 Sergeant Joseph LaJeunesse (Chippewa) spent six weeks in the hospital recovering from wounds he received during the MeuseArgonne Offensive. He was leading his platoon through the town of Cunel, France, “under heavy artillery and machine gun fire,” as he recounted to Dixon: “I was wounded at the time, being with my Platoon 36 hours until ordered back to the First Aid Station on account of wounds.” LaJeunesse was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for his service with Company D, 60th Infantry, 5th Division.31 At least one soldier was able to keep his sense of humor about being injured. Corporal George Pam-o-thah Masquat (Kickapoo) reported: “I was wounded in the Argonne Forest, Sept. 26, 1918, 5:45 p.m. Quite a bit experience of first aid, ambulance, field hospital and base hospitals, Surgeans and operating tables.” Masquat sustained gunshot wounds in the lower abdomen and left shoulder and a fractured left forearm.32 Being wounded in World War I sometimes meant amputation of the affected limb. Private Samuel J. Dana (Passamaquoddy), of Perry, Maine, enlisted in April 1917 at age twenty-two. He joined “Co. J. Second Maine Infantry which was later made part of the 103rd Infantry 26th Div.” Dana wrote, “wound in leg of sufficient importance to cause amputation of same.”33 In the fall of 1918 Private Robert Sockey (Choctaw), thirty, of Bokoshe, Oklahoma, was wounded in his right leg. He had enlisted, serving in Company E, 142nd Infantry. He wrote, “I advanced on heavy barrage and lost my leg at battle of Argonne-Muse offensive.”34 Private Edward Cottier (Sioux), twenty-five, from Allen, South Dakota, was in the same battle, with Company I, 353rd Infantry, 89th Division. He too was wounded, resulting in the “loss of one limb.”35 Not all injuries occurred on the battlefield; soldiers also suffered accidents in training camps. Private Josey Harjo (Seminole), twenty88

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seven, from Sasakwa, Oklahoma, was drafted, joining Company K, 133rd Infantry. He wrote: “While at target practice, in Camp Cody New Mexico, lost right eye. Caused by gun explosion. After accident was discharged and returned home.”36 Similarly Private Harrison B. Connell (Sac and Fox), thirty, from Kansas City, Missouri, wrote that he was “discharged from the Army on account of an injuryed knee. Was in the service six months.” Connell was drafted, serving in Company C, 41st Infantry, 10th Division.37

Lungs effected from gas[.] —Private Cuffie Harjo (Seminole), thirty, Sasakwa, Oklahoma 41st Company, 165th Depot Brigade

Poison gas was a serious threat in World War I, and seventy-eight Indian soldiers reported on their questionnaires that they were gassed, including Private Cuffie Harjo.38 Most of these men, not seriously injured by their exposure, recovered from the experience.39 Corporal Ewart P. McCurtain (Choctaw), twenty-one, from Poteau, Oklahoma, enlisted, serving in Battery D, 142nd Field Artillery, 39th Division. He “was slightly gassed at Juvigny while preparing telephone communication, but did not go to hospital.”40 Others had longer recuperation periods. Private Mack Tokespeta (Walapai), twenty-seven, from Valentine, Arizona, enlisted, serving in Company D, 354th Infantry, 89th Division. He “was gassed at Toul Sector on August 8, 1918, confined to bed in hospital for two months and doing light duty for three months.”41 A reservation official reported on Private Frank Wade (Chippewa), fortythree, from Gordon, Wisconsin: “This Indian was shot through the lungs and severely gassed in the Battle of Chateau Thierry. He spent sometime in recuperation hospital, after which he was discharged and is now living at Gordon, Wisconsin. He is quite fully recovered from his injury.”42

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Suffered a severe case of Shell Shock. —Private Mark Leggett (Wylackie), twenty-seven, Spyrock, California 147th Field Artillery, 32nd Division

Private Mark Leggett is the only one of the veterans documented by Dixon who mentioned shell shock as an injury or problem. The term shell shock was first used in World War I to describe the psychoneurotic conditions experienced by many soldiers exposed to modern warfare. The details of Leggett’s service record reveal why shell shock may have afflicted this soldier. Leggett, who was drafted, “went Overseas April 7, 1918, and was in the battles of Argonne, and Chateau Thieray, and Sausonne [Soissons], and Joigny [Juvigny], left France May 1, 1919. Date of Discharge May 28, 1919. Suffered a severe case of Shell Shock.”43 Leggett saw action in four major battles—most of the engagements in which American troops were involved. His questionnaire does not provide information on what happened to him after his discharge.

Taken to camp—discharged. Weak Lungs. —Daniel Nicholas (Apache), twenty-six, Anadarko, Oklahoma

Other illnesses also afflicted the servicemen, sometimes severely. Daniel Nicholas indicated only that he did not serve because of his “weak lungs,” probably a result of tuberculosis.44 This disease was a major health problem for Indian people at this time, and they did not escape it by joining the military.45 Charles Edward Carpenter (Osage), twenty-six, from Bartlesville, Oklahoma, wrote: “I made two attempts to enlist but was turned down on both occasions on bad lungs. Then I was passed by the local Board for the draft and after two weeks at Camp Cody, Deming, N.M. I was honorably discharged for pulmonary T.B.” Carpenter served as an aide to the company commander during his two weeks at training camp.46 The questionnaire of Private Jimmie Anderson (Choctaw), thirty, from Broken Bow, Oklahoma, includes a note stating that “this ex-soldier is suffering from tuberculosis.” He served in Company D, 143rd Infantry, 36th Division, “at Camp Bowie 1 month, and 90

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in France 11 months.” It is unclear how Anderson contracted tuberculosis or how seriously he was affected by it.47 Private John Batiste (Chippewa), twenty-one, from Reserve, Wisconsin, seems to have recovered from his experience with tuberculosis. His questionnaire noted that he “was sick at Camp Meritt previous to departure for France—tubercular glands. Participated in all engagements of 32nd Division.” Batiste was part of the motor transport service, in Company D, 107th Ammunition Train.48 Others were not so lucky, and relatives and reservation officials completed their questionnaires, noting their deaths from various forms of tuberculosis. The questionnaire of Private Henry Loves War (Sioux), from Wakpala, South Dakota, recorded simply that he died of “T.B.” He was drafted, serving in Headquarters Company, 164th Infantry, but whether his death was a result of his service is not clear.49 Private Martin Yellowfat (Standing Rock Sioux), nineteen, of Kenel, South Dakota, enlisted. According to whoever completed his questionnaire, he was originally assigned to 148 Machine Gun Battalion, transferred to Co. M. 167th Inf. 42nd Division, and served with this regiment throughout the war. The discharge record of this soldier shows that he received no wounds in battle, however, it is believed that he was wounded, or contracted tubercolosis while in the service, as this soldier was, immediately upon returning from France, transferred to a General Hospital at Fort Bayard, New Mexico, where he was discharged from the service, in very poor health, date of discharge being December 8, 1919, and died on December 15th, 1919, while enroute to his home from Fort Bayard, New Mexico.

Yellowfat’s service record followed this account, documenting his participation in twelve battles between January 11, 1918, and November 9, 1918, along with five months of service in the U.S. Army of Occupation.50 Private John Lieb Long provided information on his service and illness to Thomas L. Sloan, president of the Society of American Indians, who passed it on to Dixon following Long’s death from tuberculosis in January 1919: Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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John Lieb Long, Omaha Indian, member of the Omaha Tribe of Indians, and an allottee of land upon the Omaha Indian Reservation, Nebraska. A member, private of company I Sixteenth Infantry, United States Army American Expeditionary Force in France. While there became afflicted with pulmory [pulmonary] tuberculosis. I was sent to Southern France and did guard duty over many German prisoners. Returned to America and discharged as sick. The Indian Bureau, after much fuss and delay gave me a fee patent for my allotment. I used that in my sickness. I lived with my father and mother after my return and went to New Mexico with them where they cared for me. Then returned to their home in Pender, Nebraska.

Sloan noted that Long’s “parents are receiving his life insurance.”51 Mary Fairbanks wrote to Dixon on March 22, 1923, with a full account of her brother’s service, illness, and death. Edward A. Fairbanks (Chippewa), from Bena, Minnesota, served in Battery A, 332nd Field Artillery, 132nd Division. His sister wrote: Edward A. Fairbanks was born in the year of 1900. Date August 12, 1900. He enlisted in the U.S. Army, June 12, 1918 at Duluth Minn. at the age of 18 yrs. He was honorably discharged from the U.S. Army at Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill, on March 15, 1921. He had been in a nervious and run down condition while he was training in the Navy [sic]. He suffered with heart trouble and severe head aches, and frequently had hemorrhage. He was completely disabled to do any heavy work when he returned home from the Navy. He died on Nov. 15, 1922, in the U.S. Veterans Hospital #65, at St. Paul, Minn. The cause of his death being Tubercular of Menengitas he contracted in the Military Service of the U.S. The names of his parents are the Father Mr. Ben Fairbanks. Mother Mrs. Sarah Fairbanks of Bena, Minn., Chippewa Indians.52

Despite her confusion over her brother’s branch of service, Mary 92

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Fairbanks was very clear about his illness and the fact that it was a result of his service.

I was in a hospital with pnemonia at Camp Dodge Iowa. —Private Frank Turning Holy (Oglala Sioux), thirty-one, Allen, South Dakota Company H, 2nd Infantry, 19th Division

The influenza epidemic of 1918–19, which killed some twentyone million people worldwide, also hit Indians in military service. Private Frank Turning Holy was part of the 19th Division, which did not go overseas, but he was still sickened by pneumonia, probably related to influenza.53 American troops in general sustained heavy losses from the disease: sixty-two thousand died from influenza, more than were killed in action or died from their wounds.54 At least twelve of the American Indian soldiers documented by Dixon died of influenza or pneumonia, while others were infected but recovered. The epidemic was so severe that the military was pressed into service helping civilians as well. Douglas Asbury Holt (Klickitat), twenty, wrote that he spent most of his service “fighting against the influenza in Oakland and San Francisco. I received a gold seal recommendation of efficiency of duty from the Mayor of Oakland and a written statement of same from the mayor of San Francisco.” Holt enlisted, serving as a pharmacist’s mate third class in the U.S. Navy Medical Corps.55 Servicemen were afflicted with influenza both overseas and in the United States. Private Alphonsus Bob (Tulalip), from Marysville, Washington, “died in France on Sept. 27th, 1918 in the service of the United States.” Bob was drafted, serving in Company D, 361st Infantry, 91st Division, and dying at thirty-one of pneumonia.56 Sergeant Eastmon Meashintubby (Choctaw) was also drafted, serving in Company E, 358th Infantry, and surviving the war but not the infection. He “died in France Sept. 23, 1918 with pneumonia, afte[r] having been in several battles.” Meashintubby was twenty-four when he died.57 Other soldiers were felled by influenza and pneumonia before they ever made it out of training camp. Private Dan Chase (Gros Ventre), of Elbowoods, North Dakota, was drafted, leaving for Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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Camp Custer on October 11, 1918. Initially he was assigned to an infantry regiment, but he was transferred to Headquarters Company, 40th Field Artillery. He died at age twenty-five of influenza and pneumonia at Camp Custer, in southern Michigan.58 The father of Private Walter Roy Brien (Iowa) wrote to Dixon that his son “died of Bronchial Pneumonia, Oct. 21, 1918,” when he was twenty-two. Brien was drafted, serving in the 33rd Company, 164th Depot Brigade, at Fort Riley, Kansas.59 Soldiers who came through the war were still at risk from influenza and pneumonia. Private Isaac C. Bunker (Chippewa), from Naytahwaush, Minnesota, was drafted, arriving in France about six weeks before the end of the fighting. He joined Company E, 314th Ammunition Train, 89th Division, after the armistice, and he and his compatriots “lived in dugouts. Thanksgiving dinner consisted of corn beef & hard bread.” He served in Germany until May, then was shipped home. Unfortunately, as the person who completed his questionnaire noted, “exposure on board ship caused Broncho-pneumonia. Lived just ten days after getting home.” Whether his cause of death was exposure or infection, Bunker died in June 1919, at the age of twenty-one.60 Fortunately some soldiers were lucky enough to survive both the war and the flu. Private First Class Harvey Hopkins (Arickara), twenty-five, was drafted, joining Company D, 352nd Infantry, 88th Division. He summed up his wartime experiences for Dixon: “Arrived in France the 30th of August, 1918, stationed first at Les Leumes and later transferred several times to small towns the names of which I do not remember. Spent considerable time on a quiet sector of the front, did not participate in any fighting. Spent 6 weeks in a French hospital as a victim of the flu.”61

Effects of war —Entry recording the death of Stanley Tebo (Chippewa) “Casualties” list, Office of Indian Affairs

The long-term effects of military service on the health of veterans is difficult to gauge even today, particularly with American Indian servicemen, who have often been overlooked by the Veterans Ad94

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ministration.62 The Indian Office’s list of 331 World War I casualties includes at least 46 men who died following their service.63 Some of the deaths recorded in later years were related to injuries suffered in service; for example, Frank Blacksmith (Menominee) was gassed and died as a result in 1924.64 The Indian Office also compiled information on other deaths, including those of Ray Red Fox (Cherokee), who died of tuberculosis in 1924, and J. J. Chico (Pueblo), who was reported dead on February 28, 1931.65 The precise cause of death of many of these veterans, and whether it was war related, are often unclear. Nonetheless military service did contribute to the ill health and death of Indian soldiers and sailors, even after their tours of duty were completed. Private Joe Young Hawk (Arickara) died in 1923, having “lost a four year battle for life after he had been wounded and gassed in France.” The Indian Office collected a newspaper clipping that provided information on his death and also noted that he had been wounded on the Soissons front but managed to kill three Germans and capture two others.66 Dixon had interviewed Young Hawk four years earlier, at Walter Reed Hospital in Washington dc. At the time Young Hawk made no mention of killing or capturing any Germans, instead recounting that he was wounded first by a machine gun bullet, then had his leg severed by a high explosive shell.67 He spent seven months in hospitals in France, returning home in 1919. He was hospitalized several times over the next four years before succumbing to his battlefield wounds.68 Two Omaha soldiers wrote specifically about the problems that they continued to have because of their injuries. Corporal Roy A. Philips, twenty-four, from Walthill, Nebraska, enlisted in the U.S. Marines, serving in the 84th Company, 6th Regiment, 2nd Division. Describing his wartime experiences he wrote: “St. Mihiel drive. Wounded Champaign, shrapnal, left leg and hand. Wounded Oct. 6, 1918. At the front for a month before wounded. Still troubled because of wounds.”69 Corporal Wallace Tyndall, twentyfive, also from Walthill, enlisted and served overseas in Company D, 102nd Infantry, 26th Division. He provided more detail on his questionnaire: Was in and out of the fighting lines for nine months until wounded. Was wounded on the 10th day of November, 1918 the day before the Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

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Armistrs. Went over in direct attack six times in St. Mihiel + Argone. Was with advancing forces during all the time daily for many days. Was in Evacuation Hospital #6, then transferred St. Nazzare. Have recovered fairly well except my right will always be crippled. My leg is in fair shape. Think I have fully recovered from the gases.70

The family of Seaman Dewey Frank Stone (Blackfeet), twenty, filled out his questionnaire following his death: “Enlisted June 4, 1917, at Genoa Neb. Indian School. [Service] Navy. U.S.S. Mississippi battleship. Honerble discharged, September 5, 1919. [Died of] Cronex Pendesides [chronic appendicitis] caused from the Service. Died Feb. 20, 1920. Berried 22. Millatery berrial at Browning [Montana]. He belonged to The American Legion.” After the question “Did you lose anything by your service?” Stone’s family noted simply, “Health is all.”71

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5. Noncombat Service

Didn’t reach fighting front 30 miles short. —Private Louis Overton, twenty-five, Kettle Falls, Washington 346th Field Artillery, 91st Division

Private Louis Overton’s 91st Division was involved in some fighting but was held in reserve for the battles of St. Mihiel and Argonne.1 Many American Indian soldiers never saw any action— because they arrived at the front after the armistice was signed, because their duties were behind the lines, or because they never left the United States. Whatever the reason, this was often a severe disappointment, and they were eager to explain the circumstances that kept them out of the fight.

Went to France in October. . . . Saw no active service. —Private Francis Shop-tease (Potawatomi), twenty-two, Mayetta, Kansas Battery B, 49th Regiment, Artillery

Some soldiers did get to France but were never involved in any action at the front. Private Francis Shop-tease did not arrive in France until October, probably as part of a replacement division that was not utilized.2 Private First Class Samuel Cottier (Oglala Sioux), thirty, from Gordon, Nebraska, noted simply, “not engaged in any Battles.” He was drafted, although he was not a citizen, serving with Company B, 160th Infantry, 40th Division.3 Private Peter Mitchell (Chippewa), twenty-six, from Zeba, Michigan, was also drafted. He wrote that he “was due for battle on Luxinburg Front November 1, but withdrawn when Armistice

was signed, November 11th.” He was part of Company K, 340th Infantry, 85th Division.4 Another Chippewa soldier, Sergeant James Hinton Dorr, had a similar experience. Dorr, thirty-one, from Naytahwaush, Minnesota, was drafted as well, serving in Company A, 311th Engineers, 86th Division. He recounted: “Sailed from U. S., Sept 9th, 1918, travel 14 days, going across to England, and arrived to Liverpool, England, on Sept. 23, and took a trains again to Southampton, England. When [Went] to English rest camp over Sunday. In evening we on ship again to France. We station near Bordeaux for two weeks before we gets orders to go the Front, and when the Armistice signed just Sout[h] east from Metz. We came back to Embarkation Camp for waiting transportation. Sailed from Bassens American Dock on June 13 to good Dear old U. S. A. Arrived in U. S. A. 27th, 1919, and received my Milatary honorable discharge from the United States Army.”5 In greater detail Bugler Joseph Gardepi (Flathead), twenty-eight, from St. Ignatius Mission, Montana, told of his experiences leading up to the armistice. Gardepi was drafted, serving in the 316th Trench Mortar Battery, 91st (Wild West) Division: “Left the U.S. for France July 13th 1918. Landed in Liverpool England July 26th 1918. Left Southampton England Jly 28th 1918. Landed at Le Havre France July 31st 1918, and from there went close to the front, at a fort, called Fort La Bonnelle close to Langres, stayed there for a while and from there moved to the Trench Artillery center to a town called Vitery, and from there to Chauvrey Le Chatel, from there to Preigney, advancing closer to the front lines, and were just getting supplied up and ready to move up to the front when the Armstice was signed.”6 Apologetically Private First Class Glen Whitefox (Kiowa), twentyfive, from Carnegie, Oklahoma, offered his limited service record on his questionnaire. He enlisted, serving in Battery C, 35th Brigade, 72nd Coast Artillery Corps: “Never was to the front. Did not get up there in time was in with atillery they was too slow to get up in the front and fight. Any way I serve seven months over there. With the comrads. I can not write any thing about war experience because I did not fight.”7 98

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Corporal Ernest Swallow (Southern Cheyenne), thirty, from Calumet, Oklahoma, just missed getting into the fray. In an interview with Dixon he expressed his regrets: “As a replacement, I was four days too late. After I saw what the men went through, I ached to get into it and take vengeance on the Boche.” Swallow served in Company H, 308th Infantry, 77th Division.8 Bugler Frank Birds Bill (Gros Ventre), twenty-seven, from Van Hook, North Dakota, “did not participate in any battles. Stationed at training camp near Bordeaux, France, from the time I reached France until the armistice was signed.” Birds Bill was drafted, serving in Battery C, 338th Field Artillery, 88th Division.9 It was a letdown for men to get overseas and not see action. Private First Class Thomas B. Charlie (Mono), twenty-six, from North Fork, California, enlisted, serving in Batteries E and C of the 144th Field Artillery. In several places on his questionnaire he noted his lack of battle experience: “Never was in any skirmishes whatsoever in France or elsewhere”; “Never had any entitlement for decoration”; “Nothing of interest from overseas, being I never seen actual fighting.”10 While Charlie’s brief comments hint at his disappointment, another soldier, Sam Morris, was more explicit, telling Dixon that he was “grieved all through that I did not get into the fight.” Morris (Choctaw), twenty-nine, was drafted, serving with Company A, 308th Infantry, 77th Division. He did not go overseas until October 13, 1918, less than one month before the armistice.11 Some men were actually en route to France when the war ended. Private James A. Brown (Sioux 3⁄16), twenty-seven, from Denver, Colorado, wrote, “I sailed four days when the Armistice was signed was order back to Camp Merrette N.J.”12 Private George Bemo (Seminole), twenty-three, from Wewoka, Oklahoma, was already on a transport ship to France when the war ended: “Was at Camp Pike, Arkansas about two months, was sent to New Jersey where we stayed about a month, then from New Jersey to New York, from there we took transport for France, sailed two days then Armistice was signed, and we were sent back to New Jersey.”13 Private Jimmie Factor (Seminole), twenty-seven, also from Wewoka, never even made it onto a ship: “Was at Camp Travis, San AntoNoncombat Service

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nio, Texas about four months, then in camp at Waco Texas about five months then took train for New York en route for France, but armistice was signed before reaching New York and men were returned to Camp at Waco.”14

Transferred to the Air Service. —Private Thomas Runner (Cheyenne), twenty-three, Clinton, Oklahoma 18th Aero Squadron

Military aviation was new to the American forces, which lagged behind the European forces in both production of planes and training of personnel. The American Air Service became a separate branch of the military in the summer of 1917 but remained in flux for another year before it stabilized its organization and leadership.15 Only a few American Indians got into the Air Service, and even fewer became pilots.16 Private Thomas Runner was drafted and put into a provisional regiment, then into the Air Service. His experience, however, was limited: “My first experience in Army. When I first drafting I was sent down Waco, Texas. I was in 5th Prov. Regiment and I transfer out to the Aviation Camp. They put me 18 Aero Squadron. In next few weeks we got an order to move for overseas duty. Send us to Garden City L. I. N. Y. [Long Island New York]. We stay few days in Garden City and we went over seas. We were 18 days on the sea. Landed in France. They send us to one of American Aviation Fields in France.”17 Private James Sears (Oglala Sioux), twenty-four, from LaCreek, South Dakota, initially enlisted in the 638th Aerial Squadron, at Fort Logan, in Denver, Colorado. He went overseas on January 19, 1918, and apparently never saw action, in the air or otherwise. He described his war experiences tersely: “I was in France 18 months. I was right around the Tool [Toul] sector. I was located in a camp they name Columbia LaBell.”18 Private First Class Eugene E. Cloquet (Upper Cowlitz), twentynine, from Tacoma, Washington, was still in training to be a pilot when the war ended. Nonetheless he had a story to tell: I enlisted in the Air Service April 6, 1917 sent to Sanantonico [San Antonio] Texas May 20. Then placed in the Foreghn School Squadron. 100

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Went to New York. Pitched camp on Bedloes Island June 10. We wer the first troop to pitch camp at the foot of the Statue of Liberty. There we staied untill July 18, when we sailed for Europ on the steam ship St. Paull. After travelling for five dayes we wer driven in by submaries at Melfred haven South Wailes wher we wated for an escort one English destroyer and two American destroyeres. We sailed then for Liverpool England. And landed on August the 1 1917. Travelled through England all day Aug 1, and night to South Hampton wher we camped for twelve houres. August 3 we embarked with lot of Englsh soldiers and cross the Chanell landing at St. Mezares [St. Nazaire] France Aug 3 wher we rested and later proceeded to Isudune [Issoudun] France where we built nine Kelomiteres of Railroad, unfortuntley I became one of the Locomotive Engineeres. We had the honores of sleeping in som of the Baricks that Nepolion had kep his troops in. We built a camp and large Air Bace there and later took part in the three Drives [St. Mihiel, Argonne, and Château-Thierry]. And at the time of the Arimist was sighned I was in training for a Piolet in the Air Service and my training was discontinued. Had the war continued I would of bin a Comishened Officer. And on April 27 1919 I had my right leg Broken while doing guard dutey. My Leg is ½ in[ches] short. I received $22.00 pr. Month for 3 month and 6 months vocational training.19

Second Lieutenant Clarence M. Soldani (Osage), twenty-five, was more successful in his pursuit of actual aviation experience. He enlisted on August 22, 1917, at Austin, Texas, in the Reserve Corps. He described his training: “Received entire preliminary and advanced flying training in France. Completed Ground School Training at Austin Texas. Completed preliminary flying under French instruction at Chateauvoux, France. Completed advanced flying at Issoudren [Issoudun], France and Aerial Gunnery at St. John DeMonts, France. Was a qualified Pursuit Pilot at time Armistice was signed and became attached on active Service to 41st Pursuit Squadron, 5th Pursuit Group, 2nd American Army.” Even with his training, however, Soldani still did not see action.20 Corporal George Watson Roberts (Klamath), from Fort Dick, California, enlisted when he was twenty-one, going into the Army Noncombat Service

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Air Service, but, once again, did not get into the fight: “No actual operations at the Front, having arrived a day late (Nov 12) at Toul, from which we took our position with the 28th Division, near St. Meheil. The 13th Balloon Co. was in that Territory until April First. Then we joined the 5th Div—at Luxemberg, hence we moved up on the Rhine with the Army of Occupation. The 13th Bal. Co was in splendid position to carry out all her tasks of war fare.” His company was simply not in position soon enough to participate.21

3 months overseas, no fighting. —Private Louie Shotubbi (Choctaw), twenty-six, Valliant, Oklahoma 5th Attachment with Labor Battalion, 4th Division

Other men did not see action because of their assignments. Private Louie Shotubbi, for example, worked with a labor battalion.22 Private John Redbean (Sioux), twenty-eight, from Cannon Ball, North Dakota, served with Company G, 329th Infantry, 83rd Division, and wrote, “I was Lucky enough to [be] doing my part on the convoying + guard duty.” Private Redbean’s experiences in transport and guard duty were action enough: “Having been on active service at over there been across on the month of May 17, 1918, and been on the Le Havre seaport to do the M.P. and guard duty + also the convoy Duty between LeHavre + up to the front + also to the Paris. We were there until November 19, 1918 and after that we went to southern part France for new Location camp, + depart from there on January 1, 1919, for Brest for embarkation for U.S.A. We are leaving on Jan. 23, + got home to good old U.S.A. on Jan. 30 + got discharged on Feb. 12 at Camp Dodges, Ia. That is the part of war experience I had so far to mention any way.”23 Sergeant Jerry McBride (Sioux), thirty, from Grosse, South Dakota, enlisted in Troop L, 1st South Dakota Cavalry, 34th Division. He was sent to Grenade School, where he became certified as an assistant instructor, and to Gas School, where he became an instructor. He wrote: “Later was assigned to 135 Inf. Co. F. 34 102

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Div. . . . After the Armistice was signed, I was in the Prisoner of War Escort Company. Where I had to guard German prisoners. So I was the last to get back from this reservation, which is the Crow Creek Reservation. I was over seas one year. And seventeen months service in the States.”24 Another soldier who became part of a prisoner-of-war escort company had more to say about his German prisoners. Corporal Reginald G. Downie (Clallam), twenty-four, from Oregon, was drafted, serving in two infantry companies before being assigned to the 247th Prisoner of War Escort Company. He included this anecdote about his experiences with the Germans: 450 German prisoners refused to work in the stone quarry one day because one of their men who had made an attempt to get away and was returned to the company and made to pound stone in the middle of the quarry with a ball and chain locked to his leg. Our sergeant of the guard was very boldly told by one of the German sergeant-majors that they would not work so long as that man remained out there with that ball and chain on his leg. At that time the prisoners were all standing around with no intentions of working. And all with a determined look on their faces. Which made it appear as though it might take a lot to make them work. Right then and their the sergeant pulled his 45 automatic from his holster and stuck it under the Germans nose and said, “You go and tell all these fellows to get to work and be damn quick about it or there is going to be some dead Jerries around here.” In just one minute hammers were swinging right and left and crushed stone was flying right and left. They never made any more such threats. That would lead a person to believe they were coward wouldn’t it?25

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I drove a truck most of the time I was in France. —Private Thomas William Desautel (Spokane), twenty, Miles, Washington Supply Company, 11th Regiment, U.S. Marines

Moving supplies, equipment, and men was a vital part of the war effort, and some American Indians made their contributions in this area, including truck driver Private Thomas William Desautel.26 Their work was not glamorous, as Private Henry W. McLeod (Flathead) reported. He completed a questionnaire for Dixon when he was twenty-two and living in Ronan, Montana. McLeod enlisted, serving with Company D, 308th Motor Transport Corps. He had this to say about his initial experiences overseas: “Upon my arrival at Brest, France, was sent to a so-called rest camp. There we stayed six days under quarantine. In a place about the size of an acre. And there we were with ‘pup’ tents full of water and mud up to our ankles. That is one of my many experiences both on land and at sea.” He did not elaborate on his additional experiences in the Motor Transport Corps.27 Private First Class George Stevens (Klamath), twenty-two, from Eureka, California, also enlisted, serving in the Coast Artillery Corps, in Truck Company E: I spent most of my time while in France driving trucks. We were sent to a motor transportation school at Angolene[?], France which we went through in about two weeks and we were truck drivers whether we knew how or not and from there we were sent on up to the front at Resecourt [Griscourt?] where we were billeted in dugouts in a little wrecked French village and from then on we spent all our time driving Nash Quads, fwd [four-wheel drives] and a few more different makes of trucks. We done convoy work on nearly every front mostly at Verdun and Saint Mihiel after the armistice was signed we moved to Toul, France. We made several long convoys to Dijon and once to Bordeaux with 54 Ford ambulances. It took 4 days and 4 nights.28

Corporal Charlie Escacuga (Sioux), twenty-eight, from Frazer, Montana, served in France with a supply company, 127th Infantry, 32nd Division. While not part of the combat forces at the front, he saw enough warfare to comment on it: “Wull I have bn in the 104

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army 25 months. Sirv 19 months in France and sirv 6 months in the battle lines, names Al Lorine [Alsace-Lorraine], Shotthery [Château-Thierry], Soissions, Argon, Rimes Frontr. An After the armstice we march into Germany. November 14 started to march on our way an I sirve 4 months in Germany. Well I tell you my good friends I was sure glad it was ove[r] war is hell. The march into Germany was 190 mil[e]s some hike.”29

Had care of many wounded—Kept busy. —Sergeant George H. Lawson (Omaha), twenty-two, Walthill, Nebraska 307th Field Artillery, 78th Division

In addition to the more than 50,000 Americans who were killed in action or died as a result of their wounds in World War I, another 198,057 were wounded and survived.30 Given the number of men wounded, it is no wonder that Sergeant George H. Lawson was kept busy, as were many other Indian men in medical service at the front.31 Private Perry Butler (Kickapoo), twenty-four, from Mayetta, Kansas, briefly reported on his service: “Was in France eleven months. All of this time was in the Field Hospital as assistant.” He had been drafted and assigned to Field Hospital Company 40, 6th Division.32 Private First Class Louie A. Pelletier (Chippewa), thirty, from Missoula, Montana, served at Base Hospital #46: “Was ordered for active service in France in June 1st, 1918, and started to take care of wounded in July, our hospital was in the war zone but nothing happened but a few air raids, but done no damage to hospital. We took care of U.S. men, English, French, and also German wounded.”33 Other men in medical service came closer to the action. Dixon interviewed Corbett White (Otoe), twenty-five, from Red Rock, Oklahoma, at Camp Merritt Hospital (see figure 16). White had enlisted at the urging of some of the elders of his tribe, serving with Evacuation Ambulance Company 24. According to Dixon, “Corbett White told a thrilling story of how he was wounded in the back while rushing to the hospital with wounded men from the field of battle, and how he felt that he was carrying out the Noncombat Service

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wishes of the old warriors who [had] since died, in helping to save these wounded men.”34 Willie Kemble (Ponca), twenty-four, was not in battle, but he did see the results of it. He described his service to Dixon in an interview at Camp Dix, New Jersey: “At Neveres, France, 9 months, working in hospital. 2900 patients. Wounded men. I had these 2900 men to care for. My heart cried within me to see these poor fellows torn to pieces. I felt that I was doing good work in helping to restore them to health and to relieve their pain. I was glad to get home and shall be glad to go to farming. I have a wife and one child.”35

Served with Engineers and done mostly building hospital for the wounded. —Private Charles Whitewolf (Sioux), twenty-three, Pine Ridge, South Dakota Company F, 109th Engineers, 34th Division

Private Charles Whitewolf and Private Lawrence Cross (Sioux), twenty-two, from Chadron, Nebraska, both enlisted, serving with the same company. Cross provided details on their experiences with the army engineers: “My War Work as a Kitchen Police at the Hospital Center Mesves France. The Company in which I belong were Building Barracks for the Wounded Soldiers. Then We Moved to Nevers, France. To where the Enginners Camp. . . . Thirty of us men left in the Camp to Do Guard Duty Over the Camp. Then Our Officer in charge appoint me as a cook’s helper.”36 While both Whitewolf and Cross were outside the field of action, their duties were still vital. A member of the Army Engineers, Corporal George Red Boy (Oglala Sioux), twenty-six, also missed out on any battles. He originally joined Company H, 6th Nebraska Infantry, but “never saw action. I enlisted at Chadron, Neb. July 7, 1917. Was sent to Camp Cody New Mexico where I stayed eleven months. Was transferred into the 109 Engrs, Co. F. Left for France Sept. 17th 1918. Was over seas nine months. At Camp Cody I was promoted to a Corporal.”37 Engineers also provided other services. Private First Class Pe106

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ter M. Cummings (Oglala Sioux), twenty-six, from Pine Ridge, South Dakota, enlisted, serving “overseas 10 months with narrow-gauge railway operators” in Company O, 22nd Regiment, unattached to any division.38 Sergeant Carlyle T. Pinn (Cherokee), from Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, enlisted and went to France as part of Company A, 101st Engineers. His wartime experiences, however, extended beyond engineering duties, as he recounted in “A Cherokee Cadet”: We arrived in France Oct. 19, 1917. There I studied modern warfare, inhabitants and language for three months and built many Adrian Barracks. Then we were ordered to the front, where I came more in contact with the practical methods of warfare. As an Engineer I was in charge of repairing a narrow-gauge railroad by a detail which had been blown up by the Hun. Almost from the start I had to caution my men on the very things they wished to do and also insisted on their bearing arms along with their picks and shouvels, as it was probable we might not be able to return to our Command. Later we were sent back of the lines for a rest but the order was countermanded and we had to report to another front. There all the work had to be done as barb-wiring, repairing the trenches and building the pill-boxes and making concretes dug outs. At this point, I had to read my mail under the fire of the enemy. I would receive it on my way to work within a few hundred feet of the enemy as there could be no communication between support and the front lines during the day time. Each time I left for duty I never expected to return. It is impossible for me to express my thoughts in any manner, during the three months of our duty. At dusk I would leave my company with a few men, preform prescribed or any necessary work that might arise and return to my company about three or four o’clock in the morning. During this period I had to wear my gas mask from one to five and one half hours and many times we were called on to act as Infantry in hand to hand conflicts. It was during the Seicheprey battle April 20, 1918, I was gassed and wounded in the left arm. I remained on duty with my company which was serving as a combatant unit in that battle and was wounded again in the left leg a little later, after which I was sent to a hospital Noncombat Service

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in Southern France. It was only a few weeks before I was up again and marked light duty, behind the lines and set to the Base Hospital #66 (John Hopkins Unit) behind the lines. There I rendered more valuable service to the sick and wounded. I was placed in the sergical ward and became ward master and worked night and day. I was known to the patients and attendants as “Chief” and they wanted me for everything. Words cannot express the feelings between the patients and I, and only those who have been under the fire of the Hun can understand. I was transferred to the Base Hospital #66 against my wishes and would have left there and returned to my company had not the authorities explained to me how invaluable my services had been to them and to the boys. Therefore, I decided to wait until after a prescribed drive that I may help take care of some that came to us wounded; and they were coming in scores. Then I realized how indispensable, I and many more were to that humantarian arm of service. Upon being asked to serve in the influenza wards where patients were dying by the score, I replied that my duty is where I am most needed and am always ready and willing. In the influenza ward I worked very hard and gained the respect and devotion of all. I never was or ever will be afraid of any disease, nor did I contact the influenza. For three months I served with the Base Hospital #66 and feel perfectly satified that I gave as good account of myself as I could have rendered on the line. Then the Armistise came and I desired to go to my home and people, therefore I accompanied Base Hospital #66 to Newport News, U.S. and received an Honorable discharge on disability. Upon the return to my beloved company, I had my Discharge transferred to and from the 101st Engineers. The 101st Engineers were a unit in the 26th or Yankee Division. The active sectors in which I served are as follows: Chemin des Danes, northeast of Soissons from Feb. 6th to March 23, 1918. La Reine and Bonag, north of Toul, from April 1st to June 28, 1918. Pas Fini, northwest of Chateau Therry, from July 4th to July 16, 1918. Base Hospital #66, from Sept. 3rd. to Feb. 29, 1919. Discharged in the U.S.A. with eighteen months overseas service. 108

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I am an Honorary member of The Veteran Association of the First Corps Cadets—101st Engineers, the American Legion and Veteran of the Foreign Wars.39

Even though he recognized the value of his hospital service, Pinn was disappointed not to have had more time at the front. On his questionnaire he expressed similar regret, noting that he had not been cited for bravery: “I, Carlyle Travis Pinn, being with the Engineers as one would understand it is difficulty to the average soldier to be cited for bravery yet his work is as important as that of the Inf[antry].”40 Nonetheless he was proud of his service and the part he played in the war.

A year in transport service running between America and France. —Musician Frank Peratrovich (Thlinget), twenty-six, Bayview, Alaska Goat Island Station, U.S. Navy

While the U.S. Navy attracted Indian men who wanted to get in early on the action, not all those who enlisted saw combat. Some spent their time transporting troops and supplies and patrolling for enemy vessels. Seaman Second Class Charles E. Smith, or Ahzhow-ah-cumig (Chippewa), twenty-four, from Bena, Minnesota, served on convoy duty and coast patrol. He was quick to add that he “was not wounded—was discharged for being disabled doing my service with the U.S. Navy.”41 Seaman William W. Means (Oglala Sioux), twenty-one, from Fort Yates, North Dakota, “served on coast duty at Paulliac, France, during the war and then was detailed on transport duty on the U.S.S. Imperator until discharged in August, 1919.”42 Transport duty sometimes had its lighter moments. Fireman First Class Emerson Metoxen (Oneida), twenty, enlisted, serving on four ships. He reported: “My experience on the great transport . . . Imperator, was very enjoyable, and interesting. The trans-Atlantic race between Imperator, and Leviathon, was mostly exciting. The two German ex-liners.”43 Watertender Jack Provost (Oglala Sioux), twenty, from Martin, South Dakota, began his report of his experiences modestly, but his pride in his service became apparent by the end: Noncombat Service

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Nothing in particular. Done most of my time in France, on the U.S.S. Carola #4. Have been on both, Battleships and transports. Have made trips with soldiers and supplies. Received my Watertender training on the U.S.S. Illinois. My transport service was done on the U.S.S. Hancock. Among the last Americans to leave France. Was supplying all American forces, in and around Brest with water for about nine months. Our station was at Penfeld, France. Went and enlisted at the age of 19 yrs. Never down on report, or up before Mast. Subscribed and bought $400.00 worth of Liberty Bonds.44

Of course there were number of the boys did not get to go oversea some were in Camps here in the states. —Corporal Frank Williams (Pomo), thirty, Potter Valley, California 316th Mobile Ordnance Repair Shop, 91st Division

Over and over the men who did not go overseas expressed their disappointment at not getting into battle. The frustration of those who spent their service only in training camps was particularly evident. Private First Class Sam Wewa (Paiute), twenty-six, for example, wrote: “I never been in no battles as I didn’t had the chanch of getting accrosse over seas. But would have I liked to got across. As I was at training camp it took us three monthss to make solders out of use. Before it used to take five years to make a solder out of a man. And I am glad it was quite a great help to me and today day I am feeling yet as if I was a solder yet. And as have not got much experence in battles I would have liked to been in two or three battles so I could tell you this history of my life but sorry to say that I never got there.” Wewa served at Camp Lewis, Washington, with Company F, 76th Infantry, 13th Division.45 Private First Class William Bigheart (Osage), twenty, from Pawhuska, Oklahoma, served in Company E, 19th Infantry, 18th Division. He noted that his unit had “no overseas but were prepared to go.”46 For Private William Hopkins being rejected by the U.S. Army was almost more than he could bear. In several lengthy comments he recounted the details of his brief military career: 110

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Co. 15th 4 Bn. 163rd Dept Brigade. Camp Dodge. Des Moines Iowa. Army Serial no. 2142358. I have no record but long as I had U.S. uniform for few days. I only serve 45 days in Army. I was drafted July 8th 1918. I got rejected. I was discharged from Camp Dodge, Iowa Aug. 24th 1918. I am not worth filling this blank. But a friend of mine was in Army same time as I was & only serve few days, gave me this blank to fill out. Perhaps wouldn’t have my name among the list of Indian boys. I didn’t serve in War. Perhaps it just mean the boys was in war.

Hopkins (Sisseton-Wahpeton Sioux), thirty-three, was from Wilmot, South Dakota. In 1920, when he completed his questionnaire, he was working in Bena, Minnesota.47 Some men were in service for only a short time due to medical problems that kept them from going overseas. Private John Connolly (Piegan), thirty-one, from Browning, Montana, enlisted and was assigned to Company C, 163rd Infantry. However, he “was discharged because of a nervous ailment developed and I could not get across.”48 Private Edward Larney (Seminole), twenty-four, from Sylvain (Sylvian?), Oklahoma, was drafted, joining the National Guard, 142nd Infantry, 36th Division. He also did not last long, being “discharged from Camp Bowie Texas July 9, 1918 acc[oun]t physical disqualifications. Did not get to France.”49 More seriously the physical problems of Private John Rabbit Head prevented him from either serving or going home. Rabbit Head (Gros Ventre), twenty-four, from Elbowoods, North Dakota, was drafted into the infantry. A reservation official later completed his questionnaire: “Stationed at Camp Dodge [Iowa] a little over a month and died there from the effects of heart trouble.”50 The armistice of November 11, 1918, brought an abrupt end to the military service of some Indian men who served for only one week to six months. Private Charles Blake (Mandan), twentythree, also from Elbowoods, was drafted into a “Depot Brigade (do not remember further designations, was only in camp one week.) Was located at Camp Grant, Ill, for about a week when I received my discharge.”51 Private John Nicholas Moncravie (Osage), twenty-three, from Flagstaff, Arizona, served only slightly longer. He wrote that he “was not assigned to any Company or Division, Noncombat Service

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received an honorable discharge two weeks after. I was drafted into the Service.”52 Elmer Desautel (Spokane), twenty-four, from Inchelium, Washington, was drafted but served so briefly that he did not even list his rank, which was undoubtedly that of private. He wrote: “Called to Camp Lewis the latter part of October. Unasigned at time of the Armistice and discharged soon after. Did not have time to serve.”53 Private Jimmie Wolfe (Seminole), twentysix, from Wewoka, Oklahoma, had a longer period of service, but it evidently made little impression upon him. Drafted into the infantry, he could not remember the organization to which he was assigned. Concerning his service he wrote: “Did not get to France. Was in camp in New Mexico (name unknown). Stayed 6 months and was discharged after armistice was signed.”54 Many of those who did not get into action overseas understandably had little to say about their military service: Was at Camp Grant for six months and discharged from a training school. Was never sent across nor saw active Service. —Private Joe Pierson (Citizen Potawatomi), twenty-seven, Mayetta, Kansas Depot Brigade, U.S. Medical Corps55

Im not oversea. I served in U.S. —Private First Class Andrew Sitting Dog (Sioux), twenty-one, Wakpala, South Dakota Company C, 44th Infantry, 13th Division56

Did not serve overseas. —Private Charles Bazil (Spokane), twenty-four, Tekoa, Washington Battery F, 25th Artillery, Coast Artillery Corps57

Did not go across. —Private Philip Star (Arickara), twenty-three, Ree, North Dakota Company H, 43rd Infantry, 15th Division58

Never left the U.S. —Private McAlester LeFlore (Choctaw), twenty-nine, Leflore, Oklahoma 10th Company, [?] Infantry, 23rd Division59 112

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Served in the A.S.A.P. which did not leave this State. —Private Louis Thomas (Snohomish), twenty-four, Tulalip, Washington A.S.A.P.[?]60

Entered army May 25, 1918 and discharged Jan. 3, 1919. Spent entire army life at the Vancouver Barracks, Wash. —Private Oscar Whiteman (Gros Ventre), twenty-six, Elbowoods, North Dakota 90th Spruce Squadron, A.S.A.P.[?]61

Was at Camp Funston for about nine months. Enlisted June 5, 1918. Was discharged from the army January 28, 1919. Saw no active service. —Private Sam Paw-cese (Potawatomi), twenty-four, Mayetta, Kansas 19th Company, [?] Infantry, 9th Division62

Originally stationed at Camp Dodge and later transferred to Camp Cody where I received my discharge. I was in the army about seven months; did not got overseas. —Private Charles Grady (Gros Ventre), twenty-five, Elbowoods, North Dakota Company A, [?] Infantry, [?] Division63

Served at the Presidio of San Francisco & Camp Meade, Md. —Corporal Adolph Ambrose Martin (Monongo), twenty-two, Banning, California Company D, 63rd Infantry, 11th Division64

Served 5 months. Did not leave the U.S. —Private Jackson James (Choctaw), twenty-five, Blanco, Oklahoma Company C, 215th Signal Corps, 15th Division65

This was typically the extent of many men’s comments on their war experiences. Three servicemen originally from Elbowoods, North Dakota, did add minimal information about their assignments. Private Robert Winans (Arickara), twenty-five, reported that he “did not go overseas” but added a list of the U.S. camps in Noncombat Service

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which he was stationed, including Camp Dodge, Iowa; Fort Crook, Nebraska; Camp Funston, Kansas; and Camp Sherman, Ohio. His original assignment was with 350th Headquarters Company, 88th Division.66 Bugler John Bears Tail (Gros Ventre), twenty-three, also “did not go to France” but did see much of the United States in various infantry units, from Camp Dodge, Iowa, to Camp Presidio, California, to Camp Lewis, Washington.67 Private Jack Nagle (Mandan), twenty-four, noted with some pride: “Spent entire army life at Camp Custer, Mich. Received honorable discharge on Jan. 28, 1919 at Camp Dodge, Iowa.” Nagle enlisted, serving at Camp Custer with Headquarters Company, 42nd Field Artillery.68 Other men provided additional insights into their U.S.-based service experience. Corporal George Mat-sap-to (Potawatomi), twenty-six, from Mayetta, Kansas, noted that he “was at Camp for fifteen months. No special work except drill.” Drafted, he served with Company G, Depot Brigade, 88th Division.69 Private James Agard (Sioux), twenty-five, from Light Cap [Lightcap], South Dakota, remarked that his “time was spent in Camp Furnston till was discharged. Done orderly work most of my time.” Agard was also drafted, serving in Company 46, 164th Depot Brigade.70 Corporal (Musician) Lloyd B. Welch (Cherokee), twenty-three, summed up his experiences succinctly: “Being in a model company of a Depot Replacement Brigade I have nothing of interest to write about.” Welch served with the 163rd Infantry, 41st Division.71 Private First Class William Patterson (Cowlitz), twenty-six, from Tacoma, Washington, volunteered to join the Spruce Production Division and was sent to the Polson Logging Company in Hoquiam, Washington, for a year. He commented that this was “not much to be proud of, but I thank you.”72 Private Jacob Dockstater (Oneida), twenty-six, had somewhat more to say about his service and his relationship to his tribe: 176 Depot Brigade, Private, then appointed Army field clerk. Ft. Dodge, Ia. Army Field Clerk, Ft. Dodge, Iowa. I remained there during the war, was honorably discharged, came to Washington dc to enter George Washington University, Law School, and am working in the Treasury Department, Internal Revenue. I am an Oneida Indian by birth, my parents were both Oneidas, 114

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but I left the reservation when very small and have lived with white people ever since. I know nothing of the activities of the Oneidas. I had an allotment which I purchased on the reservation and which I am about to sell. I did not get out of the United States and my duties were entirely clerical during all of my Army service.73

The U.S. Navy also failed to provide some of its sailors with any overseas experience. Company Commander Andy B. Lego (Chippewa), nineteen, from Waubun, Minnesota, served at the Naval Operating Base at Hampton Roads, Virginia, but did not get overseas. Under his questionnaire’s query about any items of interest connected with his war experience, he wrote, “None.”74 Another sailor who remained in the United States was at least proud of his tour of duty. Engineman Second Class Senon Lubo (Mission Indian), twenty-one, from Cahuilla, California, recounted his experiences in his questionnaire: I performed honorable active service in the Navy from April 12, 1918 to June 18, 1919 on the following ships and stations. U.S. Navy Training Camp San Diego, Calif. Naval Operating Base. Norfolk, Va. U.S.S. Illinois. Receiving ship at Mare Island, California.

Lubo enlisted on April 12, 1918, in San Diego, going directly to the Navy Training Camp.75 Many of the men who remained in the United States during the war found themselves involved in very necessary duties, and they expressed pride in their contributions. Even stateside they could play a role in the war effort. Guard duty, for example, was part of every serviceman’s life. Private Earl Grinnell (Potawatomi), twentyfour, from Mayetta, Kansas, enlisted in the U.S. Marine Corps. Matter-of-factly he wrote that he had been “stationed at Navy Yards, Portsmouth, N.H. Was in the Navy Yard fifteen months. Was on guard duty.”76 In contrast Corporal Joseph Northrup (Chippewa), thirty-seven, from Sawyer, Minnesota, was adamant about the importance of his role as a guard, noting that he “put in eleven Noncombat Service

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months guarding industries essential to war, in fact we were guarding the line of communications.” Northrup served in Company D, 4th Regiment, Minnesota National Guard.77 Other Indian men did transport duty of various kinds. Private Roy Vernon Javine (Osage), twenty-four, from Long Beach, California, wrote that he began his service in the infantry, then was transferred and “acted as a Truck Driver, in the Motor Transport Corps, 393 Truck Co. Camp Freemont, Calif.”78 Private George Andrew Picotte (Sioux), twenty-eight, from Lake Andes, South Dakota, also served briefly with a Motor Transport Train. He wrote that he “was in U.S.A. about seven months in service, that was all of my service in the army.”79 Some men who did not get overseas found themselves working in the U.S. Medical Corps. Chester Grant Beaver (Hoopa), twenty-nine, served as a dietitian at the base hospital at Camp Bowie, Texas.80 Frank Bear (Chippewa), thirty-seven, from Odanah, Wisconsin, served as a “Hospital Stewart” in the 27th Hospital Corps.81 Private Billy Milly (Seminole), thirty-two, from Seminole, Oklahoma, noted that he “did not get to France. Worked at the Edgewood Hospital (Edgewood Arsenal).”82 Sergeant Theodore Brunt (Osage), thirty-four, from Pawhuska, Oklahoma, wrote about his increasingly more important duties: “Drill Sergeant at Fort Riley, Kansas. Duty Sergeant with Exceptional Replacement Unit No. 91, Fort Riley. Top Sergeant for the Registrar’s Office, who was commander of two thousand patients in the United States General Hospital No. 21, Denver, Colorado.”83 Private First Class Alex Sulpher (Creek), twenty-four, from Eufaula, Oklahoma, after being drafted, began his service with a motor company, then was transferred to U.S. General Hospital #5, in Fort Ontario, New York. He later wrote about his experiences: “I never didn’t got over the France, just because I didn’t passed overseas examination. That’s why I didn’t go over. But for my parties they’se went over sea and I amn’t good healthy, and they put me in hosptail corps, and take care of pati[e]nt. I stay ther 10 months straight and I spent two month in Camp Green Leaf, Ga. I’ve been service 12 mo. straight.”84 At least seventeen of the men documented by Dixon served in the Army Quartermaster Corps, which was responsible for procur116

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ing supplies. Private First Class David King (Apache), thirty, from Mescalero, New Mexico, served in this department at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. Apparently having found it less than exciting, he later wrote, “nothing out of the usual routine of army life.”85 Captain Raymond T. Bonnin (Yankton Sioux), forty, from Washington dc, held a more challenging position. He recalled: “Had no overseas duty. Served in Q.M.C. from march 1918 to end of war in Washington dc. Had charge of procurement of subsistence for Army. Represented the Army on Price determining Board on foods.”86 Some soldiers made their contributions as instructors, training others to go overseas. Sergeant Samuel Mullen (Comanche), twenty-six, from Evansville, Indiana, was drafted, serving in an infantry replacement unit. He commented: “Service in the states only. No war experience. I was in ten months and serve as a Bayonet instructor at Camp Gordon, Ga.”87 Sergeant Harvey Earring (Sioux), thirty-nine, from Bullhead, South Dakota, served in the field artillery. He wrote: “I was held at Camp as an instructor and training new recruits and was told that my service was more needed at home. So I spent my time at Camp and did not have any chance going over and at times I beg my officer to get me a chance to go over. But was turn down every time. I enlisted and claim that I am the only Indian that enlisted over draft age.”88 Second Lieutenant John Joseph Mathews (Osage), twenty-six, from Pawhuska, Oklahoma, enlisted and served in the Army Air Service. He trained at the Military School of Aeronautics in Austin, Texas, then joined the Cadet Squadron at Kelly Field, Texas. Mathews, who did not get overseas, became an instructor in night flying at Ellington Field, Texas, then a pilot in the Department of Science and Research at Langley Field, in Hampton, Virginia.89

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6. Proud to Be a Warrior

Soldiering is fine work. —Benton Lavatta (Shoshone), twenty-two, Pocatello, Idaho Company I, 13th Infantry, 8th Division

Benton Lavatta’s assessment of his military career was not unique among American Indian veterans.1 They often viewed their service as a positive experience that allowed them to honor their traditions, seek new opportunities, and learn useful skills and information. For example, one Sioux warrior from Fort Yates, North Dakota, Sergeant First Class Ted Mahto, twenty-eight, wrote: “Many of us went ‘over’ crying our last Valedictory to all America, because of our trepidation based entirely on theorectic substances. As for myself I would not take or took ten thousand dollars for the experiences and I say that the U.S. Army is a wonderfully efficient power. And that I was really given a chance to show or prove my ability is shown by my three promotions in Seven months for which I still carry two warrants one for Sergeant one for Sergeant First Class given me by the Surgeon General U.S.A.” Notwithstanding his grandiose language, it is clear that Mahto enjoyed his military tour and felt that he was good at what he did. Drafted, he spent eleven months in France with the Medical Corps, 803rd Pioneer Infantry, 2nd Division.2 While Roy LaValle (Cree), twenty-five, provided a more evenhanded appraisal of the military experience, he was also positive about his tour of duty. In his interview with Dixon aboard the uss Utah LaValle commented: “The service is just what you make it. There are hard times and good times. You can make it hard for yourself if you want to. I have had a good time. I enjoy the devil

dog part of the service. The Mexican trouble brough[t] me into the service. I went down to get Villa. Didn’t get him, so I set out to get a few Huns.” LaValle enlisted in September 1916 in his hometown of Jamestown, North Dakota, serving overseas for fourteen months. He spoke both French and Spanish and acted as an interpreter during his service.3

My people were proud of my determination to fight. —Gunner William Leon Wolfe (Chippewa), twenty, Naytahwaush, Minnesota uss Utah, U.S. Navy

Many Indian men chose to fight for the United States in World War I to uphold the tradition of the warrior. Indian veterans regarded their wartime experiences as valuable and rewarding because of the reaction of their people upon their return home. They were often honored with dances and ceremonies, reinforcing their traditions and providing the veterans with a culturally valid way to celebrate their deeds.4 Private Louis Bighorn Elk (Sioux), thirty-three, from Fort Yates, North Dakota, volunteered, serving in both infantry and artillery units. Gassed and wounded in the left leg in the Argonne Forest, he nonetheless remained upbeat about his experiences: “I was overseas 15 months. I liked it allright. I was used well. Never had any trouble with officers. I fought in trenches. I was not afraid. The home folks cite us all for bravery when we get back home. The Sioux spent large money for Liberty Bonds, & gave money & horses & lands for Red Cross.”5 Some of the reasons for Bighorn Elk’s positive outlook can be discerned from his comments: the Sioux have traditionally honored their warriors, and this tradition continued with World War I soldiers. The tribe was also supportive of the overall war effort, so the atmosphere was conducive to a good homecoming for this warrior. Edward Holbert, of Birney, Montana, reported: “I was down to a dance Xmas night to the Indians hall. It was good. Just before we went home they give a dance for us boys. They called it killing germans sure fun.”6 This dance occurred on December 25, 1919, just a few weeks after the armistice was signed, and Indian Proud to Be a Warrior

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people continued celebrating their veterans throughout the coming year. The Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota was the site of one ceremony for returned soldiers, held on July 4, 1920. Dixon attended this ceremony, presenting a service flag to honor the Sioux veterans and making photographs for his documentation efforts (see figure 17). Ceremonies were also held on other Sioux reservations in conjunction with Independence Day celebrations.7 At least one individual wanted Dixon to return for an additional ceremony at the annual fair in September, feeling that even more attention and respect needed to be paid to the veterans. Henry Standing Bear (Sioux) of Wanblee, South Dakota, wrote to Dixon, “I was wondering if such act at a fair would not be as much appropriate as it is at a regular celebration for the returned soldiers, like the one we had at Martin S.D. this summer.”8 The Sioux people of the Cheyenne River Reservation in South Dakota hosted a ceremony for Indian warriors in the fall of 1920. John Lastman wrote to Dixon asking for questionnaires to document the veterans’ service, remarking, “We, the LaPlant [South Dakota] people having a good time by Soldiers Memorial and Indian Celebration and Homecoming and Welcome to Returned Soldiers for three days October 14, 15, 16, 1920, and Sioux Indians there from five [of] the different reservations are Pine Ridge— Rosebud—Crow Creek—Lower Brule and Standing Rock.”9 From these six Sioux reservations, including the host reservation of Cheyenne River, Dixon’s documentation includes the names of more than three hundred veterans, so this very likely was a substantial celebration.

It was a new experience to me. —Private George Ernest King (Seneca), twenty-two, Buffalo, New York Company M, 10th Infantry, 14th Division

For most American Indian men military service provided their first opportunity to travel beyond their homes or schools. Both those who remained in the United States and those who served abroad valued the experience of seeing new places and meeting 120

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new people. Private George Ernest King described his service in these terms: “It was a new experience to me to learn the various duties of an Infantryman and also to see the places where I was sent. First to Columbus Barracks and later to Fort Benj[amin] Harrison where with 21 others I was placed in the organization I served in. Left there July 29th for Camp Custer, Battle Creek, Michigan to help form the 14th Division. Discharged there Jan. 20th 1919.”10 King’s may not have been an exciting record, but for him the army proved an interesting experience. A Paiute from Fort Bidwell, California, Corporal Pete Paddy never even left the state. During his service, however, he did have a chance to meet other Indian servicemen. On his questionnaire he provided Dixon with the names of three Hoopa men from Eureka, California, adding, “these Indian boys I met when with the Headquarters company of the 363rd Infantry, 91st Division.”11 Bugler First Class Gus Gartiez (Paiute), twenty-one, from Chemawa, Oregon, did get to travel, and he spoke highly of his experiences. He enlisted, joining “Troop ‘I’ 11th Cavalry March 19th 1918. Served on the Mexican Border eighteen months. One great thing that I learned is the experience with dealing with the different nationalities while I was in the service and that it would be a great thing for all the Indian boys to serve a period in the service.”12 Gartiez’s comments sound very much like those of Dixon and other “friends of the Indian,” including officials at the Office of Indian Affairs, who urged military service as a benefit for Indians.13 The Coast Artillery Corps provided one serviceman with a chance to see much of the Pacific. Private George Many Wounds (Sioux), thirty, from Fort Yates, North Dakota, enlisted, serving in several companies in the Coast Artillery. He later listed the places where he was posted during his service: “On the 5th of May we landed at Manila, P.I. [Philippine Islands], then posted at Corregedor Island. Ft. Mills and at Fort Drum. El Fraile. Then sent to Tienkin china to relief the 15th Infantry. On our way to the states we were quarantined at Nakasaki Japan for 18 days the U.S. transport Sherman. Took 47 days to make Frisco, Calif. on account of typhoons.”14 The precise order of these postings is unclear, but Many Wounds did see much of the world. Corporal Henry McKinney (Kickapoo), twenty-five, from Horton, Proud to Be a Warrior

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Kansas, was drafted, serving in Company M, 352nd Infantry, 88th Division. He wrote about his outfit and their time in Europe: We sailed from Philadelphia on the 14th of August [1918]. Arriving at Manchester, England the 29th and LeHarve the 31st. Direct from the rest camp at LeHarve we were sent to the newly organized 21st Training area in the heart of Cote d’Or. Semur, one of the most beautiful little towns of this picturesque and historic region, was selected for Division Headquarters and was the first seat of the Division’s activities in Europe. You will recall that at Les Laumes, St. Alesia about 15 kilometers from Semur, that Julius Caesar won his great victory over one of the fiercest Gallic tribes. My company was billeted about 2 kilometers from the statue of Julius Caesar, of which I had the pleasure to visit.

McKinney’s European excursion, however, became less pleasurable shortly after this: his company went into battle at the village of Vezelois, where he was injured. The rest of his military service was spent in hospitals in France and at home until his discharge on March 10, 1919.15 Another wounded soldier actually found that his injury afforded him an opportunity to expand his experiences. Robert Fulton (Choctaw), wounded at the Argonne Forest, spent more than two months in a hospital in Paris. In his interview he told Dixon: “Paris is a great city. Best treatment I had was in Paris.” Fulton recovered from his wounds and was able to rejoin his outfit, Company F, 165th Infantry, 42nd Division.16 Private Joseph Filario Tafoya (Santa Clara Pueblo), twenty-eight, from Espanola, New Mexico, was not wounded, and he had generally positive comments about his army career: “My interest in War experience is crossed the water into Europe been in few countries and experience of European people, and European Army. Experience I take is to be a U.S. soldier of the Great World War, and the clean healthly life, and obedience. My war experience I have learned to take good care of my health, military rule, and discipline. I have learned the difference lives of differences nations and people and theirs tongue just enough to get along.”17 Both the army and the navy had military bands, and Indian men 122

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were among the musicians. This provided yet another opportunity for Indians to travel and experience new people and places. Ray E. Drapeau (Yankton Sioux), twenty-four, of Yankton, South Dakota, enlisted in the navy on May 15, 1917. He later summed up his service: “I played with the largest Band in the world led by John Philip Sousa, for eighteen months. I made all the Liberty Loans all over the U.S.”18 Sergeant First Class and Musician Phillip C. Cato (Tewa Pueblo), twenty-four, from Chamita, New Mexico, originally enlisted with the 1st New Mexico National Guard Regimental Band. He was transferred to the 115th Military Police Band, 40th Division, and later to the 1st United States Concert Band. Cato filled out one questionnaire when he was twenty-four: “I do not regret one bit of the thirty-one months of service I put over for Uncle Sam, even if I never got a chance to shoot or even aim at a Boshe. Because I traveled far and wide, covering every capital of every state in the Union, including all the principal cities of the Eastern and Central states, and more so, our band made a tour of the island of Cuba, Porto Rico, Phillippine and the Hawaian islands and also made two passage through the Isthmus of Panama going and coming back home. Indeed, it was a great educational treat to me.”19 Cato completed a second questionnaire a year later, when he was twentyfive, adding some reflections on his military career: “My experiences obtained from the thirty-one months of Army life. Mostly traveling, the full time, brought me to various places of interest. It broadened my mind, and as a whole I learned the value of actual experiences being the best teacher for everyone.”20 Some soldiers were really just boys when they enlisted. For them service overseas was particularly eye-opening. Bugler James Boyer (Sioux) wrote: “The only experience I had in the war is I found out that the Army life is a tough life for a kid for I was only 15 years of age when I enlisted. Was very glad to see the Europeon Country. Especially the time I was in Paris.” Boyer began his service in an infantry unit, then moved to an engineers’ unit, and finally “transferred [to Headquarters] Co. 109 Engineers 34th Div. + stuck there till the day of discharge.”21 The Reverend Philip Gordon completed a questionnaire for another young man who enlisted at age seventeen. Fireman Second Proud to Be a Warrior

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Class Ed Demarr (Chippewa), from Reserve, Wisconsin, served in the navy aboard the uss Pocahontas. Gordon filled in the details of Demarr’s service: Enlisted under age with consent of father Gabe Demarr. Took training at Great Lakes and thence transferred to Hampton Roads. Saw 18 months service and crossed Atlantic Ocean 21 times. On Training Boat saw Cuban waters. Took sightseeing trip to Rheims and vicinty and Chateau Tierry where several of his tribsman fell. Saw Liverpool and other coast towns. Was one of two Indians on his U.S.S., who was from New York State. Indians were popular and well-liked. Had Liberty Bonds and frequently sent money to his parents although he made no allotment to them.22

For a young man of seventeen or eighteen this must have been quite an experience.

I’m glad I was in the army for I learned good many things which I wouldn’t have learned if I stayed home. —Corporal Charles Littlechief (Sioux), twenty-four, Solen, North Dakota Company I, 48th Infantry, 20th Division

Even men who did not get overseas were enthusiastic about their military service and the training that they received as part of that service. Private First Class Jason D. Edwards (Spokane), thirtyone, from Miles, Washington, was drafted, serving in the Signal Corps of the U.S. Army Air Service. He could later list a whole set of interesting experiences connected with his service: Target practise Bayonet exercise Drilling 124

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fig u r e 1. James Bartlett Rich, Rollin L. Dixon, and Joseph K. Dixon in snow at Mt. Washburn, Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming, 1908.

fig u r e 2. “Old Nokomis rocking cradle of young Hiawatha,” Hiawatha (motion picture), Crow Reservation, Montana, 1908.

f i g u r e 3. “Scouting Party on the Plains,” Crow Reservation, Montana, 1909.

f i g u r e 4. Joseph K. Dixon and American Indian chiefs, dedication of the proposed Memorial to the American Indian, Fort Wadsworth, New York, February 22, 1913.

fig u r e 5. Flag raising, St. Regis Mohawk Reservation, New York, December 3, 1913.

fig u r e 6. American Indian soldiers from the 13th Infantry, Camp Mills, New York, March 31, 1919. Front row (left to right): Owen Yackeyonny (Comanche), Anton Mentag (Aleut); Back row (left to right): Bony Rabbit (Cherokee), Cecil Gallamore (Choctaw), Stacy Sitting Hawk (Southern Cheyenne), Hezekiah Chebahtah (Comanche).

(Opposite top) f i g u r e 7. American Indian soldiers from the 13th Infantry, Camp Merritt, New Jersey, April 2, 1919. Left to right: James Hawk (Sioux), Harry Bedel (Sauk), William Rivera (Mohave). (Opposite bottom) f i g u r e 8. James Black Hawke (Cherokee) aboard the uss North Dakota, April 18, 1919. (Above) f i g u r e 9. Stokes Mortar Platoon, Camp Mills, New York, May 1, 1919. Left to right: Walter Keyes (Pawnee), Jacob Leader (Pawnee), James Wynashe (Kaw), Frank Young Eagle (Pawnee).

f i g u r e 1 0. Jesse Lewis (Choctaw), Debarkation Hospital #3, New York, March 27, 1919.

f i g u r e 11. Charles Robert Ward (Cherokee), Camp Devens, Massachusetts, June 12, 1919.

fig u r e 12. Ewing Peters (Klamath), Camp Merritt, New Jersey, April 2, 1919.

f i g u r e 13. Sam Thundercloud (Winnebago), Cape May Hospital, New Jersey, March 3, 1919.

f i g u r e 14. William Hollowbreast (Northern Cheyenne), Camp Devens, Massachusetts, June 12, 1919.

f i g u r e 15. John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux), Debarkation Hospital #5, New York, March 21, 1919.

f i g u r e 16. Corbett White (Otoe), Camp Merritt, New Jersey, April 1, 1919.

f i g u r e 17. Sioux men on horseback at Sioux Memorial Ceremony, Pine Ridge Reservation, South Dakota, July 4, 1920.

f i g u r e 18. Frank Reynolds (Cheyenne), Camp Devens, Massachusetts, June 12, 1919.

f i g u r e 19. Joseph Dixon presenting flag at Sioux Memorial Ceremony, Pine Ridge Reservation, South Dakota, July 4, 1920.

Flag Signal Guard duty K P duty Military Police duty Snap and Ginger23

Other soldiers did not so enumerate all their activities, but they did comment on how much they had learned, sometimes in a short time. Several men wrote about the physical training they received, particularly how it made them feel better and stronger. Private First Class John White Horse (Sioux) commented: “I’ve been with the field artillery in U.S. for 6 month. And it is nothing like being a soldier. I am intended to try every thing. But we were not having chance to do it, only what we were assign to. We were well taken care off and we were directed by the captain and Lieutenant to go through a physical exercised, which provide us with a perfect and sound health. I am learning to talk the English language correct and fluently.” White Horse was drafted, serving in Battery C, 30th Field Artillery, 89th Division.24 Another Sioux soldier, Private Benedict Saves Them, twentyeight, from Fort Thompson, South Dakota, expressed similar sentiments: “I been in the Army 10 mo. and done my very bit in all my work and duty so that I got along fine and dandy. Our Division, the 13th we’re well trained. Of course we felt bad as we didn’t get to go for over sea duty. But any way I done my part, I went as far as I was told. We were just about to go. Just than the Armstice was sign. I want to say that I learn a great deal in the Army more than if I were to a College, two or three years. I felt better, stronger, when I was in the Army, than before. I’m still feeling fine as ever up to this present day.” Saves Them was drafted, serving at Camp Lewis, Washington, in Battery E, 39th Field Artillery, 13th Division.25 One soldier was already looking to the future, to how he could use the training he received in the army. Private Philip A. Moss (Pend d’Oreille), thirty-one, from Polson, Montana, noted: “My experience as acting sergent would be of great benefit to me in Proud to Be a Warrior

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case I entered the Indian service and handled children for military training in the several Indian schools of the U.S. Was orderly with typhographical officers.” In 1920 the predominant model for the education of American Indian children was the militarystyle boarding school, exemplified by Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania, founded by former U.S. Army captain Richard Henry Pratt in 1879.26 Moss’s comments indicate perhaps a greater aptitude for military training than for teaching writing. He enlisted, serving with Headquarters Detachment, 219th Engineers, 19th Division.27 One Indian man in the navy felt that both his boarding-school training and his military experience were useful to him. Edward Nelson (Pima), twenty-four, served on the uss North Dakota. In his interview he told Dixon: “I attended school at Ch[i]locco, and I wanted to show the Government that I could put my education to good use. My education taught me to do something worth while, and I wanted to help my country in the capacity of what I learned at school. I have made good in the Navy. I got along with the boys as though I were one of them, and they treat me as one of themselves. The Navy had a fine training for the future work in civilian life.”28 While Nelson’s outlook was good, the fact that he commented specifically on how well he got along with the other sailors is evidence that Indians still felt like outsiders. Nevertheless American Indian men participated in sports and team activities during their war service, enjoying the chance to hone and exhibit their skills. Basketball was the sport of Private Grover “Big Chief” Doshinko (Caddo), from Anadarko, Oklahoma. He served in the 363rd Infantry, 91st Division. When he was interviewed by Dixon at Camp Merritt, New Jersey, he had won fifty-three out of fifty-seven games that year.29 Private First Class Barnabe Conger Bonnin (Yankton Sioux), twenty-three, of Warner, South Dakota, was drafted into the machine gun service, in the 69th Infantry, 10th Division, then stationed at Camp Funston, Kansas. For Bonnin sports activities were the highlight of his military service. As he wrote in his questionnaire, he was “Captain of Camp Funston Foot Ball Team. Did not get across.”30 Sports at least provided this warrior with an outlet. Sergeant George H. Lawson (Omaha), twenty-two, of Walthill, 126

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Nebraska, volunteered, beginning his service with Ambulance Company #1, 2nd Iowa, 34th Division. Overseas he served in the field artillery and in a military hospital. During his service he had the opportunity to box, noting this modestly on his questionnaire: “Fought 22 ring boxing matches. Some with Gene Tunny now holding a high record in the fighting game in New York.”31 One sailor, Gunner William Leon Wolfe (Chippewa), even represented the 6th Division of the fleet in boxing, winning the lightweight championship, which made him “the pride of the ship,” according to Lieutenant W. K. Ehrlich.32 Indeed, Wolfe made an impression on the entire crew of his ship, the uss Utah. Captain H. H. Hough commented to Dixon: “I know but little of individual cases in the 1200 men on board the Utah. But the Indian Wolfe has forced his character upon my attention by his stalwart service and ability.”33 Many Indian men also excelled in the use of firearms. Private Charles Donovan (Osage), thirty-one, from Fairfax, Oklahoma, was drafted, serving in the 115th Infantry, 29th Division. He was killed in action in the Argonne Forest, but prior to his death he earned a medal for sharp shooting. According to his widow, who completed his questionnaire, Donovan “was considered one of the best soldiers in his Company.”34 Sergeant Chiltoskey W. Nick (Eastern Cherokee), thirty-eight, from Swain County, North Carolina, took his firearms skills even further. He enlisted, serving overseas as a bugler in the 52nd Infantry Band. In 1920 he returned to the United States to finish out his tour of duty, which included the following: “Service in 1920 at Camp Grant, Ill. and in the southern part of Ill. and in St. Louis, Mo. on recruiting duty. March 1920. Sent to Camp Taylor, Louisville, Ky. to compete on Pistol Team for place on the Amer[ican] Olympic Team 1920. Took 8th. place on team.”35 Corporal Frank Lawrence Marmon (Pueblo), twenty-two, from Laguna, New Mexico, never got overseas, but he traveled throughout the United States as part of a U.S. Marine Corps rifle team. He enlisted, joining Company H, 11th Regiment. He wrote: Was transferred from Company H, at Marine Barracks, Mare Island, Calif, July 1918 to Rifle Range Detachment as instructor in small Proud to Be a Warrior

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arms, promoted to Corporal, also was acting Sargent. Qualified as Pistol expert, also as expert Rifleman at Mare Island, July 1918. Competed in Western Division Rifle match May 1st to 15th 1919 at Mare Island, placing 3rd. Member of Western Division team sent to Quantico, Va., to compete in Marine Corps Match July 1919. Member of U. S. Marine Rifle Team Squad at National Rifle Matches[,] Caldwell, New Jersey, Aug. 1st to 30th 1919. Marine Corps Rifle team winning 13 first places out of 16. Discharged at Quantico, Virginia, Sept. 16, 1919, as Corporal, Rifle Range Detachment.36

In only eighteen months Marmon was promoted; qualified as an expert and instructor in various arms; and won or placed in numerous rifle competitions, both individually and as part of a team.

Frank Orange is still in Germany[.] —Questionnaire of Frank Orange (Cheyenne), twenty-three, Hammon, Oklahoma U.S. Army of Occupation

The U.S. Army of Occupation remained in Germany until 1923, and some men, including Frank Orange, continued to serve there.37 Two Tuscarora men who enlisted in the navy in 1916 were still in service in 1920. Wilkins Cusick Jr., twenty-nine, was serving on board the uss Kansas, while Abraham Printup, twenty-seven, was with the uss Nevada.38 Some soldiers ranged further afield in their reenlistments. Private John Williams (Ottawa) served in the Medical Corps during the war, then reenlisted in 1920 for service in China.39 James McCarthy (Papago) reenlisted in 1919, going to China with the 15th Machine Gun Company, 158th Infantry. He signed on again despite the fact that he had been taken prisoner by the Germans on September 5, 1918, and held for several months.40 Following their service overseas some soldiers who reenlisted were assigned to duties stateside. For example, Private William Bigboy (Chippewa), twenty-four, originally enlisted in 1917 and by 1920 had joined the regular army, working with the recruit128

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ing service.41 Private George Red Fox (Sioux), thirty-two, served overseas for seven months, seeing action in the Battle of Cognac. By 1920 he was stationed at Camp Grant, Illinois, with a supply company.42 Sergeant Turner Lasky (Creek), twenty-three, fought at Argonne and Château-Thierry with Company E, 47th Infantry, 4th Division. He reenlisted on February 24, 1918, despite the fact that he had suffered some losses during his service, including two steers, one heifer, and forty acres of land that lay idle. Lasky’s service upon reenlistment was with Troop M, 14th Cavalry, at Fort Sam Houston, Texas.43 Military service could in fact lead to a permanent career with the armed forces. Baptiste DeFond (Yankton Sioux), twenty-five, offered a detailed account of his move into military employment: I enlisted on May 3, 1917 for the cavalry at Columbus Bks. [Barracks], Ohio, and was assigned to the 2nd Cavalry at Fort Ethan Allen, Vt., and remained on duty with that regiment from about May 7, 1917 until Nov. 6/17 on which date, I was honorably discharged in order to accept an appointment as an Army field clerk, A.G. Dept. I was appointed Army field clerk, A.G. Dept., Nov. 14, 1917 and was assigned to duty in the Returns Section of the Adjutant General’s office at Hq. N.E. Dept., Boston, Mass., where I have been on duty since date of appointment. I was one of the unfortunate ones in not getting overseas, but of course, we couldn’t all get over there. In other words, we didn’t have any choice. Very recently, I requested a transfer to the Central Dept., Chicago, Ill., so as to be nearer my mother, who is not very well, but was sadly disappointed by the War Dept’s disapproval. I took examinations for a permanent appointment and am quite certain, everything is all right. We all expect to hear about our exams before the middle of this month, April. I could not answer your questions about the Tribe as I have not been home for any length of time since 1916. I guess I won’t be able to go home for some time again as the 1 cent a mile rate has been taken away from us. The present rates are too high for me.44

Overall DeFond appeared satisfied to be a government employee. Proud to Be a Warrior

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In 1911 Second Lieutenant Columbus E. Veach (Choctaw) enlisted in the Oklahoma National Guard as a “buck private.” Eight years later, when he was interviewed by Dixon, Veach reported, “I have been everything but a cook and a mechanic.” He had moved up through the ranks and into the regular army, seeing action in the Champagne Sector. He spoke to Dixon about his experiences in the service and those of Indians in general: In Co. C, in the 36 Div., 142 Inf., in which I fought, half of the company were Indians. The Indians were good fighters, quiet, obedient. He did his part on the firing line, made good as a sniper and patrol worker, brave and cautious, never grew excitable and was always ready to whip the Hun. I may go to Mexico. I would much rather have stayed in France in the army than to come back here and mix up with union labor, anarchists and more of the Americans than I can stand.45

Clearly Veach preferred military service to even the possibility of civilian life in the United States. Private James Smith (Chippewa), twenty-one, reenlisted in the hope of getting more education. As he wrote, his service had been a positive experience, and he wanted to extend his opportunities: “I have quit[e] lot of experience while I was in my first enlistment as I went in for the peroid of emergency and I seen more country that I never dreamed of seeing before. And I have relisted in the Army again for the peroid of one year for the purpose of going to school again and to learn a useful trade. I am in Battry ‘F’ 3rd Field Artillery 6th Divs. of Camp Grant Ills.”46

At present I am attending school at Bacone College, Bacone Okla. —Corporal John Wolfe (Wichita), twenty-five, Bacone, Oklahoma Battery E, 54th Field Artillery, 18th Division

Other Indian men went from military service directly into higher education. Like John Wolfe at least four other Indian veterans were attending Bacone College in 1920, including Dave Archibald, who was Creek, and John Alexander, Earle Wallace, and Lemmie Wal130

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lace, all Choctaws.47 Another Choctaw, Private Green McCurtain Choate, went from the army to Murray State School in Tishomingo, Oklahoma. Choate was drafted, spending his tour of duty at Camp Logan as part of Company A, 80th Infantry, 15th Division.48 Corporal Dave Bohanon (Choctaw), twenty-four, enlisted, serving in Company E, 142nd Infantry, 36th Division, and was wounded in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. In 1920 he wrote, “I am now attending Oklahoma University under supervision of Federal Board of Vocational Training.”49 Paul Juan (Pueblo), eighteen, served as a ship fitter in the navy shipyard at Hog Island. In 1920, living in Philadelphia, he was “now at Drexel Night School studying Engineering + drawing.”50 Private Jacob Dockstater (Oneida), from Oneida, Wisconsin, went into law school. He was a field clerk during the war, then, as he wrote, was “honorably discharged, came to Washington dc, to enter George Washington University, Law School, and am working in the Treasury Department, Internal Revenue.” Dockstater’s case was unusual: he was raised off his reservation and had attended college prior to being drafted. Nonetheless it was a significant achievement for an Indian veteran in 1920 to be enrolled in law school.51

I think I have done what’s best to service my country. —Private William Menz (Sioux), twenty-nine, Selfridge, North Dakota Company I, 326th Infantry, 82nd Division

After the war many men expressed satisfaction with their actions. Private First Class Joseph Ameelyenah (Mohave), twenty-four, from Pawnee, Oklahoma, wrote: “I served honest and faithful to my country. I did all I could to show my Patriotism during my service in the world war, which ended a short time ago. And now that I am glad I took part to save my people of America, and also glad that our country is at peace again. This is all I could say in my heart tonight.” Ameelyenah served in Company B, 131st Machine Gun Battalion, 36th Division.52 Corporal Hugh W. Jackson (Piegan), twenty-seven, from Browning, Montana, noted that he had “to start al[l] over again before the War was doing fine.” Nonetheless he was proud of his service Proud to Be a Warrior

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in Company D, 23rd Infantry, 2nd Division, noting that “you will find that the 2nd Division has by far the greatest record of any American Div. Our Division Commaner was Maj. General LeJeune. I now have a little son + his given name is LeJeune.”53 The pride Jackson took in his service, his division, and his commanding officer outweighed the setbacks he suffered.

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7. The Discouraging Return Home

I am still working for the poor Indian that was good citizen during the war but after the great war we are put back to the same place where we were before the war. —Edward Percival (Snohomish), forty-seven, Marysville, Washington

Despite being forty-seven years old, Edward Percival registered for the draft.1 His later comments capture the feelings of numerous Indian veterans. Once the men returned home from the war, they faced the same problems they had left behind when they entered the service, as well as new problems and losses resulting from their absence. This was a continuing source of frustration and disappointment to many, who took the opportunity to describe their problems to Joseph Dixon, hoping that he might be able to help. Private Henry Whitedog (Blackfeet) completed two questionnaires for Dixon, one when he was twenty-five and the second when he was twenty-six. Whitedog, from Bend, Oregon, enlisted at Trenton, New Jersey, serving on the uss Nevada in Company F, 1st Regiment. On his first questionnaire Whitedog noted: “While in the service I lost 2 head work horses 1 cow, wagon, and 2 calves. Because the old man my Father was too old to tend to them.”2 On the second form Whitedog wrote that he was a citizen and had received an allotment of land and his trust patent on February 12, 1922. However, not all was going well for him and his family, as he told Dixon: “I was in the Service 9 months went across once to Brest, France. And haven’t any help from the government. Yet I have a wife and one little boy to support now and I’m in need of help very bad. So please help me out as much as you can. I changed my name to Henry White instead of Henry Whitedog

so address it this way[:] Henry White Bend Ore.”3 This plea does not make clear what kind of help he needed or how he believed Dixon could provide it. Private First Class Thomas B. Charlie (Mono) wrote to Dixon: “This Mono Tribe has no reservation to speak of. They merely exist in and around North Fork, California. They haven’t the care from the Government like other Indian Tribes have. So it’s hard for me to give the necessary information you ask for.”4 Charlie was referring to Dixon’s request for such information as the number of Indians from his tribe who served in the war and how many Liberty Bonds his tribe purchased. John Thomas, from Pendleton, Oregon, did not fill out a questionnaire for Dixon, instead writing to him to discuss the problems he and other veterans were having on their reservation: “We have some unsuccessful times here after some of us went in to the service and return back home and found things in bad shape while some of us had to leave o[u]r homes behind and return back few of us lost some Property. And I realize that in every Reservation most of the Superintendent gives aid to the ex service man which we don’t hardly gett any aid here some of us feel that more help should be given to the ex service man. If you can render any aid towards us that you might let me know or Recommend some offical that might take up o[u]r want and you may kindly let me know.”5 Dixon responded by sending Thomas’s letter on to Cato Sells, the commissioner of Indian affairs, and encouraging Thomas to complete a questionnaire providing information about his military service.6 Private Louis Fish (Seminole), twenty-nine, from Oklahoma City, wrote to Dixon to complain about not getting his military benefits: “I have getting some compen[sa]tion about 10 months ago, but never have heard from any of the War Dept or else War Risk Insurance for all this time.” Fish was drafted, serving in the 15th Battalion, 14th Company, Medical Corps, at Camp Chickamauga, Georgia.7 Soldiers in World War I could subscribe for War Risk Insurance, including both life and disability. Another soldier, Private First Class Alex Sulpher (Creek), was receiving money from War Risk Insurance, but not all his other military benefits. He complained: “The only I get is $24.40 every month. I suppose to get 134

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$30.00 a month. And I’d a then thousand insurance and I haven’t no allotedment.” Sulpher, twenty-four, from Eufaula, Oklahoma, served in the Hospital Corps at Fort Ontario, New York.8 Private James B. Tatooed (Sioux), twenty-four, from Fort Yates, North Dakota, enlisted, serving in Battery E, 338th Field Artillery, 88th Division. He had questions about his service pay, which he addressed in a note to Dixon included with his questionnaire: “I wish to know how I may obtain my back pay. I have notice all former service men receiving back. I was in service only 3 months. Do you suppose I am entitled to some.”9 Dixon responded by giving Tatooed the name and address of Thomas G. Bishop, secretary-treasurer of the Society of American Indians, a Pan-Indian reform organization founded in 1911 to advocate on behalf of Indians.10 Other soldiers did not specifically ask for help but complained that they were not getting their annuity payments or other tribal benefits. Private Thomas Oyebi (Kiowa), twenty-two, from Apache, Oklahoma, commented, “have not recieve my annuities fund personly which was due to me since entering the service.” He was drafted, serving at Camp Logan, Texas, in Company C, 80th Infantry, 15th Division.11 Private Lawrence Cross (Sioux), twentytwo, from Chadron, Nebraska, had a similar problem: “I didn’t get my Benefit money which I entitle to get them when I was Eighteen years old. Which I Suppose to get them from the Government. Any my share Money that’s coming to me. Would like to get them from the Government.”12 Private Ambrose Gabe (Sioux) was attempting to get his monies on his own but had met with little success. He pointed out: “I also applied for my trust fund money or the Pro-rata share, but have not made no headway yet. This money is also called the Tribal money at Washington dc.” Gabe served as a military policeman and was wounded at Meuse-Argonne.13 Many returning soldiers had problems with their allotments, including Sergeant Martin M. Bertran (Yakima), forty-two, from Yakima, Washington, who enlisted, serving in Company E, 23rd Engineers, 5th Division. He wrote: “I have got no allotment all though all the rest of the familey have I seem to be having a lot of The Discouraging Return Home

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trouble for some reason or other trying to get myen the Gov. Officals hear seem to be verry indiffernt.”14 Another Indian serviceman from Washington State had similar complaints about the agency staff at the Yakima Reservation. Private First Class Eugene E. Cloquet (Upper Cowlitz), twenty-nine, was living in Tacoma when he wrote to Dixon about his problems: “Before the war I had aplyed for land alotment in the Yakiman Reservation. And was told at that time the Government was not making any more alotments. And since I have served wilfulley with more then two yeares service in France. Returning home disabled. I have again aplyed for an alotment. The Office seemes to be rathure slow in giving me Consideration. My Aunt Mrs. Gerard. My Uncle Charles Ladue and my Cousines all have alotmets in the Yakiman Reservation.” Cloquet went on to add, in a separate note: “I have bin trying to get more Conbensation from the Government War Risk Insurance but they don’t seem to want to give me any consideration. I wish you would remind them of it.” Cloquet was injured on guard duty during his service with the U.S. Army Air Service.15 A number of Omaha men commented in their questionnaires about legal suits they had brought over their allotments. Private James Hamilton wrote: “I am suing for allotment and was before enlisted. Department wants to sell the land and spend the money.”16 Private George H. Lawson (Omaha), twenty-two, from Walthill, Nebraska, complained: “I abandoned farming, stock and all opportunities of work and gain to enlist. I have a suit pending for an allotment. My claim for allotment was made before I enlisted. The Indian Bureau and agent in charge of my reservation have done all they could against me and my claim. They are holding my share of trust fund to pay an agent to work against my claim.”17 Obviously Lawson was frustrated that he had given up his farming work to serve the United States, then was faced with obstacles in obtaining his allotment. Another Omaha, Private George Springer, twenty-three, was living off-reservation in Elgin, Nebraska, following his service with Battery B, 127th Field Artillery, 32nd Division. Mary T. Mitchell, an Omaha who was involved in war work with the tribe, com136

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pleted his questionnaire. Under the question “Did you lose anything by your service?” she noted: “Parents both Omaha Indians. Enrolled all his life, born on reservation, attended Indian schools, but denied an allotment which was provided by law. Suit now pending in Supreme Court.”18 Mary Mitchell also filled out a questionnaire for Andrew Solomon, an Omaha serving in the U.S. Navy. He too had complaints about his property and the Indian agent: Citizen Yes. Ward Yes. Enlisted before the War, Served through War and is still in the Service of Navy, sailor, Was aboard South Carolina and now aboard the U.S.S. Nebraska on Pacific. Allotted under Omaha Act of 1882, Aug. 7, and amendment of Mar. 3rd 1893. Had child taken from while in Service. Supt. Eli J. Bost in charge of Omaha Agency against him, transferred his children to wife’s relatives. Are withholding property from him of which he is sole heir that of a decesased child Raymond Solomon.19

Solomon’s questionnaire does not include any information about what he intended to do about the situation or even when or if he expected to return to the reservation. Corporal Frank Reynolds (Cheyenne), twenty-seven, from Clinton, Oklahoma, served in Company L, 358th Infantry, 90th Division. Dixon photographed him at Camp Devens, Massachusetts, in June 1919 (see figure 18). Reynolds later sent the following letter to Dixon regarding his problems trying to obtain his fee-simple patent for his allotment: Clinton, Okla. april 28, 1920 Mr. Dixon, I wish to know how an ex-service soldier could get his patent. I am an hired [heir] to several Indian lands and I haven’t a home of my own here is the proposition I am trying to get. I am a married man with 2 children and yet I’ve been in the ward. I want to get my rights from this Indian agent or government as I got to my own rights since I’ve been in the War. I want to get these patents so I can sell some of The Discouraging Return Home

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them and then keep one to build me a home so I can make my living there. So please notify me how could you get to me my patents and rights from the government. I know several Indian boys here but I can not find them as every body is pretty busy. Ans [answer] me soon and sent the picture to. Your friend— Frank Reynolds. Clinton Okla.20

Dixon responded with several suggestions about how and to whom Reynolds should apply for his fee patent, beginning with the agent of the Five Civilized Tribes and continuing up to the secretary of the interior.21 Indian veterans also had problems with land they had inherited, much of which was leased to non-Indians by the various Indian agents on the reservations.22 Private Calvin Atchavit (Comanche), twenty-six, from Walters, Oklahoma, distinguished himself in battle at St. Mihiel, receiving the Belgian Croix de Guerre and the Distinguished Service Cross during his service with Company A, 351st Infantry, 90th Division. Upon his return, however, he faced many problems: “I have lost during my Service in the War. Interest in inherited land. This Land was rented for $250 a year, but on my return, I found it was under lease, throu the Kiowa Agency for $230, and furthermore I haven’t approve the contract yet. It also was lease for two years, therefore I lose one year of my works on the land.”23 For a man who had been wounded in the service of the United States, it must have been frustrating to have Indian agents undercut his lease by twenty dollars and then be unable to use his own land. Bugler Harold K. Bishop (Cayuga), twenty-two, from New York State, served in Company G, 4th Infantry, 3rd Division. He wrote at length about problems resulting from his absence from home while serving in the military: A judgement was rendered against me by the Peacemakers Court of the Cattaraugus Reservation, of N.Y. whereas, according to the ruling of the court I have lost possession of my property, consisting of my home and some land. 138

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This happened while I was overseas, and with the deed to said property in my possession but on account of being overseas I was helpless to protect my rights at home. The judgement was rendered in favor of one Cora Bishop Redeye, a daughter of my fathers first wife (divorced) who, after my only brothers death, on Oct., 13th, 1918, and who apparently had conceived the idea that I had been killed in action, thereby leaving the property unguarded, sought by this means to obtain possession of my property. This left my mother and eight children, by her second husband destitute. Upon my return to the U.S. I immediately took steps to have justice done and am informed that the case is now resting in the hands of Mr. Leroy Andrus, Liberty Bld’g, #15 W. Swan St., Buffalo, N.Y. pending trial in the U.S. Court, upon order of intervention issued by the Dist. Attorney, in behalf of the United States. The progress of the case seems to be very slow and if the decision of the Peacemakers Court is not overruled, I am afraid that all I have fought for will be lost to me, and I will find that I, and my large family will be destitute. My own father died approximately 22 years ago, a half-sister on the 18th of July 1918, and my only full brother in Oct., of the same year. My family has always striven by the humblest means to maintain a respectable living, to educate the children, being poor, which duty has now fallen upon me, with a salary of thirty-six dollars per month. I have served my country faithfully, in peace and in war. Now I am destitute.

Bishop also noted that this was not the first time a Cayuga had lost his land: “Our tribe had been swindled out of their original lands on Lake Cayuga and over a hundred years ago the Seneca Indians offered us a habitation on their reservations, which are the Allegheny, Cattaraugus, and the Tonawanda Reservations, and we have been there since.”24 Along with several other Omahas, Private Charles Blackbird wrote to Dixon about problems with an Indian superintendent. Blackbird, twenty-three, from Macy, Nebraska, enlisted, serving in several units, ultimately with Company D, 102nd Infantry, 26th Division. In the comments section of his questionnaire Blackbird wrote: “I am married and have been to the Agency several times to see the superintendent Mr. E. J. Bost, who refused to see me or The Discouraging Return Home

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to talk with me about my inherited land. At last he told me nothing could be done until next fall or some other time when there was an heirship hearing. I signed a lease for my deceased father’s land, I, my mother and my sister. Now my mother and sister died and the rights are taken from me under the claim that there must be a hearing and that I can not do anything until the Supt. + Indian Office get ready to fix it up. No telling when that will be.” Blackbird continued to vent his frustrations to Dixon in a letter from Walthill, Nebraska: My dear Doctor: I am sending you herewith a showing of my enlistment in the Army, my service in France and the fact that I was wounded. I was returned and honorably discharged from the Service of the United States. My father, a chief of the Omaha Tribe, White Horse, or Ellis Blackbird, died before I enlisted. Since my return my mother and my sister have died leaving me the sole heir. I have been to the Agency many times to see about what is due me so that I may start farming, as I have married and I have a wife to support and take [care] of, and I wish to do some work. I can get no help or encouragement from the Superintendent, Eli J. Bost. I spent a number of days going to the agency Indian office to see him but all to no use. After going many times and at last insisting I was told that I could not do any thing and that I would have to wait until he was ready, and the Indian Bureau got around to having a hearing on the heirship of my mother and sister. They cannot tell how long that will be but I know that many Indians have died waiting and hoping that they would get some thing out of their heirship estates. There seems to be nothing that I can do. I have written to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs about it and he is as bad as the agent we have here. I have a letter in which he says; “Even if you are the only heir to the estates of your father and mother, you will not receive any funds from this source until the estates are probated and the heirs determined by the Department.” This is taken from a letter directed to me at Walthill, Nebraska dated Apr 27, 1920 and marked Ed-Ind. 33857-20 E S S and signed E. B. Meritt, Assistant Comissioner. 140

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When they needed me to enlist for the War they did not wait untill the men were ready, and I did not wait to be drafted, I volunteered I made ready as soon as my country needed me and enlisted. I served in France and was wounded, I will never have the same health that I had before. I think that it is rotten shame that I cannot have what is my own, and that it is kept away from me by the officials of the government. Those officials who made much noise about enlisting and how fine it was to go to the front but who now stand in the way of us boys who did it. My mother in law had her land sold by the dishonest agent we have and she had to get some one in Washington to stop it. The land was also leased without her consent and for less than she could get for it. Many Indians are treated that way by our agent. He calls them mean names and strikes them. He and the Farmer, Crispx[?] have been arrested for hitting Indians. Very truly, Charles Blackbird25

Dixon responded by sending Blackbird’s letter directly to the secretary of the interior and by writing to Blackbird himself with a series of platitudes: “Keep up your courage, go ahead and do the right thing, love your home and your friends, deal honestly and fairly with everybody, and the day will come—for God reigns— when the Indian will be free from this horrible and depressing oppression that a few autocrats in Washington impose upon your people.”26

Lost 20% of stock. My land went to ruin hay crop + fences. No rental on land. —Private First Class Casper E. LeCompte (Standing Rock Sioux), twenty-nine, Mobridge, South Dakota 690th Motor Transportation Corps

Dixon’s questionnaire included a section that asked, somewhat pointedly, “Did you lose anything by your service in the War: cattle, horses, stock of any kind, implements, crops, use of land, rentals of lands, interest in inherited lands or the proceeds of such land, annuities, or any other right or benefit coming to you from The Discouraging Return Home

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your personal right in property or from your tribe?” Private James Agard (Sioux), twenty-five, answered simply, “Yes!”27 Others listed their losses in specific detail, including agricultural, financial, educational, and family losses. Ninety-six veterans chose to respond to this section of Dixon’s questionnaire, reflecting a high level of disappointment and frustration among the returning warriors. In 1920 most American Indians were involved in some kind of agricultural pursuits, reflecting both their indigenous traditions and the efforts of the U.S. government to make Indians into yeoman farmers. Many tribes had cultivated crops long before the arrival of Europeans in the Americas. From the Iroquois nations in the Northeast to the Pueblo peoples in the Southwest, farming had been a mainstay of much of Native North America. Federal U.S. Indian policy promoted the ideal of individually owned agricultural lands, not as an extension of cultural traditions but as a way to assimilate Indians into white America, a nation of small landowners and farmers. As early as 1802 Congress had appropriated funds for the purchase of domestic animals and farming tools for Indians, in the hopes of “civilizing” them.28 Teachers, missionaries, and government agents sent among Indian people promoted agricultural pursuits and the division of tribal lands into individual allotments. This policy was formalized with the passage of the Dawes Severalty Act, or General Allotment Act, of 1887, which provided for the division of reservations into individual plots of land, to be assigned to tribal members and eventually owned by them in severalty. Most of the tribes were affected by these policies, as is apparent in the comments that veterans made about their losses. The majority complained about losses involving stock, crops, agricultural lands, and leases of these lands.

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I lost 2 Head of horses and one cow and calf while in the service. —Private Owen Hates Him (Cheyenne River Sioux), twenty-four, Promise, South Dakota Battery C, 147th Field Artillery, 32nd Division

Veterans recounted losses not of large numbers of livestock but of a few head of cattle or horses. Nonetheless this stock represented these men’s capital and their future. Without this stock they faced starting over. Corporal Edward M. Romert (Sioux), twentysix, from Pine Ridge, South Dakota, served in the Quartermaster Corps at Camp Bowie, Texas. He later noted that during his service, he “lost my time commercially, lost several head of cattle and Horses.”29 Another soldier, Private First Class Max Miller (Navajo), twenty-four, from Ramah, New Mexico, served in the 18th Field Artillery, 3rd Division. He wrote, “my father sold all my cattle while I was gone. 9 cows in all.”30 These seemingly small losses added up to substantial setbacks for the returning soldiers. Private First Class Joseph Whitewood (Winnebago), thirty-seven, from Winnebago, Nebraska, enlisted, serving in Bakery Company 385, Quartermaster Corps. Louise Johnson Bear filled out his questionnaire for him, noting that he “lost three head of horses. Had man farming for him, so did not realize anything out of it.”31 Private Frank Coburn (Klamath), twenty-nine, from Yainax, Oregon, elaborated on the hardships he faced upon his return: “Had a good start in cattle befor the war. Was drafted. Paten[t] for my land was issued me in France. Had to sell all my stock at a low price when I was taken to the Army. Had no one to take care of them for me am trying to get started again in cattle. But find it hard to get money to stock up.”32 In a similar vein Private Ambrose Gabe (Sioux), from Wakpala, South Dakota, recounted: “I lost three mares while I was servicing in the army they were killed by the train on the Chicago Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway Co. I never received no pay for them yet. I was in the Army then cannot do nothing.”33 Over and over the servicemen listed their livestock losses: Lost five head cattle. Fireman Gilbert C. Cadotte (Sioux), twenty-three, Wakpala, South Dakota U.S. Navy34 The Discouraging Return Home

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Moses Clown lost 6 head of cattle while he was in service. Questionnaire of Private Moses Clown (Cheyenne River Sioux), twenty-seven, Dupree, South Dakota Company B, 314th Military Police, 89th Division35

Lost about 10 head of dairy cows and some of the increase from 51 cows. Private Tracy D. Hull (Flathead), thirty, Ronan, Montana 314th Engineers, 89th Division36

One mare and colt. Ten acres of corn. Private First Class James Two Dog Snow (Sioux), forty-two, Vega, South Dakota Company H, 2nd Infantry, 19th Division37

I have three head of Horses which was lost while in the service. Private First Class Joe High Elk (Cheyenne River Sioux), twenty-four, LaPlant, South Dakota Company C, 8th Machine Gun Battalion, 3rd Division38

Cattle + horses also land. Private Carl J. Brown (Oglala Sioux), twenty-four, LaCreek, South Dakota Company D, 130th Machine Gun Battalion, 35th Division39

Lost 14 head cattle + 2 head horses. Corporal Cyril LeCompte (Sioux), thirty-one, Mobridge, South Dakota Company I, 356th Infantry, 89th Division40

I lost 12 head of Cattles during the time I’m in the Service. And 7 head of horses. Private Joseph High Elk (Sioux), twenty-nine, LaPlant, South Dakota Supply Company, 28th Field Artillery, 10th Division41

Ten head of coming two year old stock. Five coming three year old mare. Coming that spring I enlisted. Corporal Harvey Langdeau (Sioux), twenty-one, LaRoche, South Dakota Machine Gun Company, 167th Infantry, 42nd Division42 144

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Such losses were sustained even by men who did not go overseas and whose service was brief. Private Frank B. Running (Sioux), twenty-three, from Cherry Creek, South Dakota, enlisted on April 6, 1917, joining Company A, 4th South Dakota Infantry. He commented, “Serve five months and I was turned down in the final Exmanimation.” Upon his return home he found he had “lost four head of horses. and mower machine. eight head of cattles.”43 This must have been a bitter blow. Losses often occurred because there was no one to care for the animals. Several veterans mentioned in their questionnaires that their stock was not properly looked after during their absence. Sergeant Charles M. Wicks (Cheyenne), thirty-eight, from Okarche, Oklahoma, reported, “I lost some horses during the winter while [in] service yet as they were not proper care while I was away.”44 Corporal Thomas P. Tibbetts (Chippewa), twenty-four, from Ball Club, Minnesota, lost “one Jersey cow, died from not properly taken care of.”45 Another soldier, Private First Class Cain Sconchin (Modoc), twenty-nine, from Yainax, Oregon, blamed himself: “Thru failed of my care loose 14 hd. Cattle 8 hd. Horses.”46 Proper care might also have prevented some other losses, such as that suffered by Private Stephen M. Keshick (Potawatomi), twentyfive, from Harris, Michigan. In answer to Dixon’s question, he wrote, “1 horse shot, while in service, over seas.” We can assume he meant while he was in service, not the horse. Keshick served with Battery E, 330th Field Artillery, 85th Division.47 Other losses were more mysterious. Private First Class Jimmie Patrick Shemayme (Caddo), twenty-five, from Binger, Oklahoma, discovered the fate of his animals, but not his tools: “I have lost all of my implements. Two heads of horses and a crop of cotton and corn. This was due to not having any one to attend to it. But no one seems to know what had become of my implements. I had one lister planter riding, one cultivator riding, and the horses one died and one was sold.” These problems are the more pitiable considering Shemayme’s military service. He enlisted and “was transferred to overseas with Co. D, 102nd Infantry 26th Division. I serve with this Division during the heavy fighting.” Indeed, he served in the battle of Château-Thierry, where he was wounded in both legs.48 The Discouraging Return Home

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It must have been difficult to return as a wounded veteran and find that your implements and stock had disappeared. In order to avoid these kinds of losses some men chose to sell their animals before going into the military. Private James A. Brown (Sioux 3⁄16), from Denver, Colorado, explained: “Had to sell my cattle + horses had to leave everything sold them all cause I couldint get no one to take [care] of them.”49 Private James Sears (Oglala Sioux), from LaCreek, South Dakota, served in the U.S. Army Air Service. He reported, “I sold all of my Cattle an horses before I enlisted in the army.”50 Another soldier from LaCreek, Corporal Willie Denver Brown (Oglala Sioux), was killed in action. His father noted on his son’s questionnaire, “Willie Denver Brown had Land and Stock had to sell them all expect [except] land.”51 Leaving for military service also meant that men had to abandon their crops, which sometimes went unharvested or were harvested by someone else. Private First Class John Lee Dailey (Otoe), twenty-four, from Perry, Oklahoma, explained: “I lost my Corn crop of Thirty acer’s which I paid $4.50 four dallor and a half and acer for, while in service.” Assuming Dailey was referring to the price of seed for his corn, he spent $135 on seed, which he did not recoup since he was not there to harvest his crop. Dailey was drafted, serving in the Medical Corps, in Hospital Train #56.52 Another soldier was unsure what had happened to his crop. Corporal Mark Edward Keahbone (Kiowa), twenty-three, from Anadarko, Oklahoma, wrote: “I was engaged in farming when I was drafted and left before harvesting my crop and it may be that some one else got all the benefit. I also lost a black horse. I guessed I work him to hard, but when I came back home he was gone.” Keahbone did not even go very far from home: he served in the Army Training Corps at the University of Oklahoma in Norman.53 Corporal William R. Smith (Assiniboine), twenty-four, from Poplar, Montana, complained, “I got 40 acres of land here, and if I could have been here to tend to it, I would have had about [$100?] at least for two cutting of hay which went to waist on me.” He did add that “I got my government payments when I got back,” so he was not completely without resources.54 Private First Class Alex Sulpher (Creek), twenty-four, from Eufaula, Oklahoma, also left without anyone to take over his farming 146

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efforts: “I lost my crops and I have a nice crops when I left home on July 26, 1918, and no one won’t gathered for me, and no body take care of my stocks, and I lost my one horse, and 5 head of cattle. It’s worth 5 or 6 hundered dollar, and also my crops too. It’s worth about 8 or 9 hundered dollar out there of my crops.”55 Like Private Sulpher some veterans were able to provide a financial accounting of their agricultural losses. Fireman First Class Clarence W. Bizer (Lummi), for example, had a clear picture of what his years of service cost him: “Lost 1⁄4 share for two harvest or two years amounting to $2,000. Lost 1⁄4 share dair[y]ing for two years about $15.00 per mo. or about $360.00.”56 Private George B. Bluesky (Chippewa) could also count up his losses specifically. Writing about himself in the third person, he noted the following losses: “1—pony—weight 1000#—value $150. One acre of potatoes and one acre of beans frozen in ground due to the fact of his being inducted into service. Value $250.”57 Private Joseph Phillips (Creek), twenty-seven, from Eufaula, Oklahoma, commented on his agricultural losses in greater detail: “Lost four head of mules worth $1000.00. Thirty one head of hogs worth $465.00. Two turning plows and several number of other farm implements worth $75.00, thirty acres of cotton and fifteen acres of corn which estimates about $2500.00 and milk cow + year old bull calf, worth $175.00. Total lost $4215.00.” Phillips did not provide any other information on his service, except noting that he enlisted and served in Company H, 39th Infantry, 4th Division.58 What was obviously most important to him at this point was the thousands of dollars’ worth of real losses he had sustained. The loss of tools, farm implements, and materials also created hardships for returning veterans. Private Jacob McCullough (Potawatomi), twenty-six, from Harris, Michigan, lost “lumber of barn about five thous. feet, also some shingles.” He was drafted, serving in Company F, 337th Infantry, 85th Division.59 Private Ed Handle (Cherokee), twenty-seven, from Oklahoma, experienced similar losses of materials: “I lost Hog Wire 220 Rode [Fans?]. 300 Post and 1500 Fiveteen Hunderd Feet Lumber two Dolar Hundred above. $30.00 thirty doller Worth Lumber [Sin?] three Doller 1000 Six thousand [Since?] that all.” It is difficult to add The Discouraging Return Home

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up all of Handle’s losses, but they appear to total a few hundred dollars. He served with Company I, 358th Infantry, 90th Division, and was wounded at the battle of St. Mihiel.60 Private Eli S. Guardipe (Blackfeet), twenty-one, from Browning, Montana, also commented on his loss of tools: “I have nothing left use to own some horses and a few other things, tools for my trade as a carpenter but now I haven’t nothing but land and have nothing to start on that.”61 Guardipe might be considered lucky even to have “nothing but land” when he returned. Many other veterans had trouble just holding on to their land while they were in service. Private Amos Woods (Chippewa) explained his situation: I had lost my land during the war, just as soon I was drafted. First mortgaged it for $100.00 and when I went away this gave $50.00 more and signed deed so I lost my land, and when I got back, I was going pay it back. Not he would take my money, and he made a promise he was going to pay more for my land, but he hasn’t pay me yet. If you can do anything for me let him pay for some more for that land. I need money I haven’t got a cent to my name, and no job at this time at all. I didn’t think I was coming back home. If he pay some more for my land I could buy a piece to live on, but I haven’t got no money to buy it back, at this time, because he made a promise to pay me once it was quite a while ago.

Woods was in the thick of battle at Meuse-Argonne, so it is understandable that he might have thought he was not coming back.62 Other soldiers lost the use of their land and the rents or lease monies that should have been paid to them during their service. Corporal Charlie Escacuga (Sioux) lost “380 acres of land an rent o[n] the land while i was gone.”63 Corporal Scott Mokey (Winnebago), forty-two, from Tomah, Wisconsin, lost “one horse. Use and rent of 160 farm in Montana.”64 Corporal Thomas P. Tibbetts (Chippewa) lost “the use of my land during my service in the war.” That service was in Company L, 132nd Infantry, 33rd Division.65 Those soldiers who held their allotments in fee simple also had to pay taxes on their land. As one soldier noted, “By beening in the 148

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service I am behind with my taxes for my farm land that is located in Bayfield, Wis.” This land belonged to Private First Class Alexander Cadotte (Chippewa), twenty-five, who served with Company I, 127th Infantry, 32nd Division, and was wounded and gassed in the Argonne Forest.66 Another soldier who suffered similar injuries in the same offensive also found himself in debt upon his return. Private James F. Perkins (Colville 1⁄8), twenty-four, from Bossburg, Washington, enlisted, serving with Battery F, 146th Artillery. He wrote about his experiences overseas and at home: I must mention one item of interest that I will not forget on the part of our Dear Uncle Sam, after putting in 11 long months in France with 5 months of hard fighting ending Nov. 11, 1918, we felt sure of being sent home right away, knowing that we had done our part. But having been blessed with some good point we were sent on the trail of the square heads to the city of Coblenz on the Rhine river and remained outside of that city until May 28, 1919, after which time we were sent back to the good old U.S.A. Never to leave again, and besides on arriving home I found $50.00 taxes awaiting me for the two years I spent in the army, assessed from the 80 acres of land allotted to me by the Government.67

Private Ezra Hatch (Snohomish), thirty-two, from Marysville, Washington, suffered the loss of his home, but not due to theft or nonpayment of taxes. Rather, as he wrote, “my home was destroyed by fire while serving the colors.” He was drafted, assigned to the Medical Corps, and “served in Inspector’s Office at Nantes, France. At close of War.”68

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In order to enlist I sold all I owned and all went to support the family while away. —First Sergeant Philip D. Hull (Flathead), twenty-nine, Pendleton, Oregon 40th Company, 10th Battalion, 166th Depot Brigade

Military service meant financial and other sacrifices for servicemen and their families. Corporal Joseph Northrup (Chippewa) explained: Lost two season’s crops. Only lost the above and while our regiment did guard duty, we were, none of us drafted but enlisted, also lost high wages which prevaled during my enlistment. Could not get any bonus altho, at time of enlistment took the Federal and State oath of enlisted men. Have not caught up to bills contracted by wife and children during enlistment Had to sell what little land we had left to pay some of our bills made while I was in Service, and moved into Duluth where I now work.69

Private Max J. Barnaby (Flathead), thirty-four, from Pablo, Montana, expressed similar concerns about his financial situation. He was drafted, serving with the 161st Infantry, 41st Division, and had this to say on his return: “Lost prospect of a home. Also lost money. Today I have to work out for a living for myself and family. When the war was over myself and family had to begin all over practically with nothing. Although we have some money coming from Tribal funds. At present the family and myself can’t make a living.”70 Other soldiers had problems collecting monies due them from their tribes. Private First Class Bert Cable (Comanche), twentyfour, from Cache, Oklahoma, wrote: “Lost two cows. Lost the use of my land for two years. Did not get my per capita payment from the Indian Agency for two years.” Cable was drafted, serving overseas with Battery D, 111th Field Artillery, 29th Division.71 Several men commented that they suffered economic losses related to their businesses or trades. Navy Pharmacist’s Mate Third Class Douglas Asbury Holt (Klickitat), from Yakima, Washington, noted: “I lost several hundred dollars. because I had just started in business and by me going I lost many steady customers. But 150

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it was worth it.”72 Not everyone viewed his situation with such equanimity, however. Musician and Corporal Lloyd B. Welch (Cherokee) wrote, “While in the service I lost three head of cattle, the right to a choice homestead in Montana + two years of experience from my trade of carpentry.” Welch enlisted on April 5, 1917, while a student at Carlisle Indian Industrial School. Upon his return in 1920 he listed his address as the Indian School in Phoenix, Arizona.73 Private Louis Francis Paul (Thlinget), thirty-three, from Wrangell, Alaska, wrote about his losses as a fisherman: “lost boat valued at three thousand dollars which was sold for half value rather than have it lay on the beach without proper care and thereby have it depreciate in value so much that it could not be sold or used.” He also was careful to add that he was “not on reservation and have no claims on government whatsoever.”74 The experiences of individual Native people were also linked to events in the larger world, as U.S. Navy Petty Officer Nicholas John Orloff (Aleut), from Alaska, pointed out: I wish to let you know that the World War has ruined my parents for it fell heavily on my shoulders to try to support them, and all I could do is to make it the best of it. You see Father is so old and unable to work he had a salary from the Russian Government and since the outbreak and overthrowing of the Czar his pay was stopped and that’s how I was handicapped by this war. Unable to land a steady job up here and furthermore the business people seem to overlook an ex–service man.

Orloff noted that he experienced “no loss of property,” but it is clear from his comments that his service, World War I, and the Russian Revolution had all contributed to financial problems for him and his family.75 Educational opportunities were also lost as a result of military service. Some veterans were philosophical about this. Private First Class and Gunner Lawrence P. Marie (Pawnee), twenty-two, of Pawnee, Oklahoma, enlisted, serving with Battery B, 130th Field Artillery, 35th Division. He wrote, “lost my chance of going on to school + finishing my school, my country comes first.”76 Others were more bitter, including U.S. Navy Musician Frank PeratroThe Discouraging Return Home

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vich (Thlinget), who complained, “Lost two years of school which would of enabled me to secure a position amongst my tribe.”77 Bugler First Class Gus Gartiez (Paiute), twenty-one, from Chemawa, Oregon, wrote, “I have no land or stock but I lost one and a half [years] of school.” He did not have much to begin with, yet he still suffered losses.78 Perhaps the most difficult loss that returning servicemen had to face was the loss of family members. Sergeant Musician First Class Philip Cato (Tewa Pueblo) wrote that during his service, “I lost my Father and I came near loosing my mother too. ‘Damned the War.’” Overall Cato found his military experience educational and valuable (see his comments in chapter 6), but this loss was still difficult for him.79 Private John Redbean (Sioux), from Cannon Ball, North Dakota, noted: “Was in Hard Luck while I was over in France. Mother died on Flu an also sister too. Just found out when I came Home. It is the only sorrowfull I was against.”80

Lost nothing. —Private First Class Elias Scanandoah (Oneida), thirty-two, Gowanda, New York Company F, 302nd Ammunition Train, 77th Division

In answer to Dixon’s question about what they had lost several Indian soldiers took pains to point out that they had not suffered from their military service, including Private First Class Elias Scanandoah.81 “No losses” was the answer of Private George Ernest King (Seneca), twenty-two, from Buffalo, New York. He served with Company M, 10th Infantry, 14th Division.82 U.S. Army Clerk Baptiste DeFond (Yankton Sioux) wrote stoically, “Did not have anything to lose except my health, etc.”83 More specifically Private William Menz (Sioux) responded, “I did not loose any of the following property which is mention above, none anything from tribe, during my service in the war.”84 Other soldiers wrote that they had been able to keep their farms and businesses going during their absence or to pick them back up on their return. Private First Class Glen Whitefox (Kiowa), twenty-five, from Carnegie, Oklahoma, found no problems on his 152

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return home. He wrote: “Every thing seems be at present as when I were here. Also the rentals of leasing land every thing seems be running just right. All of my own property land and stock O.K.”85 Corporal Wallace Tyndall (Omaha), from Walthill, Nebraska, explained: “inherited some land from my grandfather and mother. I leased before I left. Collected rents on my return.”86 His experience was quite different from that of many other soldiers, such as those discussed above, who returned to find their lease monies unpaid and uncollectible. Private John P. Turpin (Chippewa), from White Earth, Minnesota, was able to return to his business. He commented, “I own barber shop when I enlisted and took possession of it when I got back.” Turpin was wounded in his right shoulder but apparently suffered no long-term effects that would have hindered his work as a barber.87 Families also pitched in to help while their sons and brothers were in service. Private Ernest Packard (Sioux) commented, “I had corn in at the time I was drafted but my father-in-law took care of my crop while in service.” Packard was in Company A, 31st Battalion, U.S. Guards, serving as a military policeman.88 Private Anton Jerome (Chippewa), twenty-one, from Bemidji, Minnesota, enlisted and served stateside in the Army Medical Corps. He wrote that he had experienced no losses: “Father + Mother run farm alone. 360 acres. Three brothers in Army.” The brothers, Frank, Andy, and Joe, all served overseas while their parents took care of the home front.89

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8. Soldiers but Not Citizens

They clame we are citizen. —Private Thomas Garcia (Sioux), thirty-three, Brennan, South Dakota Company A, 28th Field Artillery, 10th Division

Civilizing American Indians was the overriding issue for many friends of the Indian in the late nineteenth century. Reformers, missionaries, and government officials had been working for decades to move Indians away from tribalism and toward integration into the larger American society, through education at boarding schools and allotment of lands. Reform groups such as the Indian Rights Association and the Lake Mohonk Conference of the Friends of the Indian believed that Indians must abandon their past, become civilized, and ultimately receive U.S. citizenship.1 By the early twentieth century, however, a new wave of reformers began to make their voices heard: American Indians, educated in boarding schools, began to organize and advocate for their own people. The Society of American Indians, founded in 1911, counted many prominent Native intellectuals and activists among its ranks, including Gertrude and Raymond Bonnin, Charles Eastman, Carlos Montezuma, and Arthur Parker. They urged citizenship for Indians, not as a reward for civilizing themselves but as a right of Indian people in the United States.2 The efforts of reformers, including Dixon, were partially realized when American Indian veterans were granted the right to petition for U.S. citizenship on November 6, 1919. On January 5, 1920, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Cato Sells notified all superintendents of reservations of the provisions of the Citizenship Act, quoting it for them:

An Act Granting citizenship to certain Indians. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, That every American Indian who served in the Military or Naval Establishments of the United States during the war against the Imperial German Government, and who has received or who shall hereafter receive an honorable discharge, if not now a citizen and if he so desires, shall, on proof of such discharge and after proper identification before a court of competent jurisdiction, and without other examination except as prescribed by said court, be granted full citizenship with all the privileges pertaining thereto, without in any manner impairing or otherwise affecting the property rights, individual or tribal, of any such Indian or his interest in tribal or other Indian property.

Sells then went on to instruct the superintendents: “You should acquaint the Indians of your jurisdiction who rendered military or naval service during the war with the provisions of the aforesaid Act and assist those who desire to avail themselves of the opportunity to acquire citizenship in making application to the Clerk of the Federal Court in your district, who will advise concerning the necessary procedure to be followed by the applicants.”3 Joseph Dixon did not effectively begin his documentation project of American Indian veterans until early in 1920, following passage of the Citizenship Act and Cato Sells’s notification of reservation superintendents. However, none of Dixon’s records of 2,846 Indian soldiers and sailors indicates that any veteran petitioned the courts for citizenship following his military service. Given the complexity of the process, this is perhaps not surprising.4 What is surprising, and ultimately unacceptable, is that none of the records indicates that any veterans knew it was even possible to petition for citizenship. Instead the veterans expressed uncertainty over their status and frustration with their efforts to change that status. Only one veteran in all of Dixon’s documentation indicated that he was actually engaged in the process of obtaining his citizenship. On his questionnaire Corporal George Red Boy (Oglala Sioux) indicated that he was not a citizen, then added a note: “Have applied for Citizen Papers. I was born at Oglala, So. Dak.” It is unclear whether he was applying for citizenship on the basis of his Soldiers but Not Citizens

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military service or his allotment, for which he received his trust patent on December 13, 1913.5 Even the status of those veterans who believed themselves already to be U.S. citizens was still uncertain and ambiguous. Dixon’s questionnaire posed two questions on the same line: “Are you a citizen?” and “Are you a ward of the Government?” Seemingly these are opposite categories: those who were citizens could not also be wards. However, of the 904 Indian veterans who answered that they were U.S. citizens, 325, or more than one third, also identified themselves as wards of the government, without full rights, especially over their individual allotments. Many of those who were citizens noted that they received citizenship along with their individual allotments. Of the 374 men who responded that they were not citizens, 321 also noted that they were wards of the government. Thirteen veterans who were not citizens, however, also noted that they were not government wards. Fifty-one soldiers indicated only that they were government wards, with no other classification. Confusion over citizenship extended to eligibility for the draft during World War I. The Selective Service Act of 1917 required all men between twenty-one and thirty-one to register for the draft, including American Indians. Only those Indians who were U.S. citizens, however, were actually to be drafted. Determining who was a citizen and who was not was often difficult, resulting in questions and mistakes.6 In response to Dixon’s questions “Were you Drafted?” and “Did you Enlist?” 723 indicated they were drafted, 772 that they enlisted, and 4 answered “yes” to both questions. Those Indian men who were not citizens were exempt from the draft, although they were still required to register. Noncitizen Indians were allowed to enlist in the U.S. military. Of those 374 identified as noncitizens in Dixon’s records, 217 did indeed enlist, as did many Indians who were considered citizens. Despite their supposed exemption, however, 151 of the noncitizen Indians documented by Dixon were drafted. Among these were Private James A. Brown (Sioux 3⁄16), twenty-seven, from Denver, Colorado, who served as a sharpshooter in Headquarters Company K, 13th Infantry, 8th Division. On his questionnaire he marked “no” regarding citizenship and “yes” regarding his status as a ward of 156

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the government. Brown most likely should have been considered a citizen, since he was a mixed-blood, but he was very clear regarding his lack of citizenship. Nonetheless he was “drafted the 9th of Aug. 1918. from Martin So. Dak. to Camp Fremont California and was there till Oct. 10 1918. moved to Camp Merrette New J.”7 Private Thomas Garcia indicated that he was not a citizen but was drafted, adding, “They clame we are citizen.”8 Another soldier, Private First Class Alex Sulpher (Creek), indicated that his citizenship status was “restricted Indian” and that he was a ward of the government. He was still drafted from McIntosh County, Oklahoma.9 Private Louis Francis Paul (Thlinget) served at Fort Seward, Alaska. Concerning the experiences of his people, he wrote: We of Wrangell, thirteen in number were registered in the first draft [1917] and declared as “registered in error” through the ruling of General Crowder. Registered again the following year and inducted October 1st, 1919. A number went to Seattle to enlist in the navy but no more enlistments were allowed so they returned to be inducted into the army. Of all the eligible Indians or of Indian extraction only one dodged or tried to evade induction. All claimed no exemption on their questionaires.10

The Passamaquoddies also suffered uncertainty over their status as citizens. Dixon met with one of them, Private George L. Stevens, at Base Hospital #3. Stevens enlisted, serving with Company I, 103rd Infantry, 86th Division. He told Dixon that his reason for enlisting was that other Indians from his tribe in Eastport, Maine, had enlisted, and he felt he must also go. Stevens continued: “We were enlisting, knowing that war was declared. We didn’t know at the time of enlistment that we were not protected by the U. S. government. We learned of this later in the U. S. Army handbook. Had hard sledding over there, but every man was treated alike, and every one was a brother to the other. I didn’t regret having gone into the fight.” Stevens saw action at Château-Thierry, St. Mihiel, and the Argonne Forest and was wounded in both thighs at Argonne.11 Two soldiers indicated on their questionnaires that they were Soldiers but Not Citizens

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currently citizens but had not been at the time they were drafted. Private Joseph R. Alvarez (Sioux), twenty-nine, from Poplar, Montana, served in Headquarters Company, 362nd Infantry, 91st Division. He wrote that he was drafted “but waived exemption as I was ward of the Govt. at that time.”12 Private First Class Edward Auld (Kootenai), twenty-three, from Polson, Montana, served in the 363rd Regiment Infantry, 91st Division. He wrote that he had been a citizen “since Aug. 16/20” but that he was a ward of the government “when I was drafted.”13 Both Alvarez and Auld, then, received their citizenship following their military service, but there is no evidence that their change in status was a result of that service. Corporal Lawrence L. Barber (Osage), twenty-three, from Los Angeles, also became a citizen after being a soldier. Barber, however, enlisted in the army in 1914, long before the United States entered World War I. On his questionnaire he indicated that he was a citizen, but under the question “Are you a ward of the Government?” he noted, “I was when I went to war.” His active service began in April 1918, when he arrived in France as part of Company B, 110th Ammunition Train, 35th Division. Barber’s questionnaire provides no information about how he obtained his citizenship.14 Even prisoner-of-war status did not exempt Indian men from being called up for service. Private Oliver Betchait, twenty, of Anadarko, Oklahoma, was one of two Apaches documented by Dixon who were drafted or who enlisted in the army despite the fact that they were identified as Apache prisoners of war. This status lingered from the imprisonment of the Chiracahua Apaches, beginning in 1886. At that time, following years of conflict between the Chiracahuas and the U.S. military, 497 Chiracahua men, women, and children were shipped from their homelands in Arizona and New Mexico to a prison at Fort Marion, near Saint Augustine, Florida. The next year they were transferred to Alabama, and in 1895 to Fort Sill, Oklahoma. In 1913 the Chiracahuas were given a choice: to settle with other Apaches on the Mescalero Reservation in New Mexico or to remain in Oklahoma. The majority chose to go to Mescalero; those who remained in Oklahoma were given allotments of land, becoming the Fort Sill Apaches. Their 158

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prisoner-of-war status was still in effect in 1917, when Betchait was drafted.15 His questionnaire thus noted that he was a citizen and a ward of the government, as well as an Apache prisoner of war.16 His tribesman Private Sam T. Kenei, thirty-three, enlisted, noting on his questionnaire that he was not a citizen, only a ward of the government.17 Both Betchait and Kenei served at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, with an army reserve unit. Individual comments by Indian veterans on their questionnaires expand on their confusion over citizenship. Private John Baptiste Sky (Chippewa), from Cass Lake, Minnesota, answered the question “Are you a citizen?” with “Not full.”18 He was drafted, serving in the 8th Company, Infantry Replacement and Training Troops, at Camp Grant, Illinois. Private Felix Frog (Oglala Sioux), twentyfour, from South Dakota, served in Company H, 63rd Infantry, 1st Division. He noted that he was a citizen, “but not natural,” perhaps indicating his understanding that Indians were not always born citizens of the United States.19 Private First Class John White Horse (Sioux), twenty-four, from St. Francis, South Dakota, was doubtful about his status. Under “citizenship” he noted, “Claimed to be.”20 Private Charlie B. Lamere (Winnebago), twenty-one, from Winnebago, Nebraska, had similar doubts. He served with Battery B, 13th Field Artillery, 35th Division. Under the question “Are you a citizen?” he wrote, “supposed to be,” but he also marked “Yes” in answer to the question about wardship.21 Corporal Fred B. Blythe (Eastern Cherokee), twenty-four, from Cherokee, North Carolina, served in Squadron B, Army Air Service. Regarding citizenship his questionnaire was marked “NoYes.”22 The same reply appeared for another Eastern Cherokee, Private Alfred B. Owl, twenty-four, from Bryson City, North Carolina, who served in Battery D, 9th Regiment, Field Artillery.23 Two Omahas from Walthill, Nebraska, answered “Yes” to both the citizenship and the wardship questions. Private James Hamilton, twenty-five, served in several commands, ultimately with Company D, 102nd Infantry, 26th Division.24 Private George H. Lawson, twenty-two, served in France in the 307th Field Artillery, 78th Division, later transferring to Hospital #5.25 Private Thomas DeRockbraine (Sioux), twenty-four, also answered “Yes” to both the citizenship and the wardship questions, but under “citizenship” Soldiers but Not Citizens

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he added, “Native.” DeRockbraine, from Bullhead, South Dakota, served in Machine Gun Company, 38th Infantry, 3rd Division.26 Corporal Maurice M. Bedoka (Caddo-Delaware), twenty-two, from Anadarko, Oklahoma, served in the Students’ Army Training Corps at the University of Oklahoma. Under the question “Are you a citizen?” he simply wrote in a question mark.27 Wagoner Spencer Patterson (Seneca), thirty-one, from Buffalo, New York, was similarly unclear. He marked that he was not a citizen, and under “Are you a ward of the Government?” he wrote, “I suppose.” Patterson served with Supply Company, 309th Infantry, 78th Division.28 Two soldiers from Santa Clara Pueblo made similar statements about their citizenship. Private Joseph Filario Tafoya, twenty-eight, from Espanola, New Mexico, served in a headquarters company. His answer to both the citizenship and the wardship questions was “Status doubtful.” He also noted that he was drafted, even though he was exempt from the draft, apparently because of his noncitizen status.29 Wagoner Nerio Tafoya, twenty-four, also from Espanola, New Mexico, served in Company B, 112th Ammunition Train, 37th Division. To the questions about citizenship and wardship he answered simply, “This question is not determined yet.”30 For those veterans who were uncertain about their citizenship, creating their own categories became an option. Private John Morgan (Chippewa), thirty-four, from Onigum, Minnesota, decided that his citizenship was “Real American.” As a ward of the government, he added, “I get only $17.50 per year.” Morgan served in Machine Gun Company, 328th Regiment, 82nd Division.31 Private George Red Fox (Sioux), thirty-two, enlisted, serving in Battery B, 71st Coast Artillery Corps, during the war. Following the war he remained in service with Supply Company, 3rd Field Artillery, at Camp Grant, Illinois. Perhaps because he was in service his answer to both the citizenship and the wardship questions was “Soldier.”32 This confusion was not restricted to Indian veterans themselves. Even Indian-agency superintendents were unclear about the status of people on their reservations. Private Samuel Kadim (Swinomish), twenty-four, from LaConner, Washington, served in Company D, 361st Infantry, 91st Division. On his own, handwritten question160

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naire he answered “No” to the citizenship question and “Yes” to the wardship question. However, typewritten questionnaires also exist for Kadim and three other Swinomish men, probably completed by the superintendent for the tribe, who noted: “Technically these people are citizens and not wards of the Gov[ernment].”33 This uncertainty over status went both ways—some veterans were citizens without full rights, while others were wards but had rights. Private First Class Asa W. Slow (Lower Yanktonai Sioux), thirty-six, from Fort Thompson, South Dakota, served in Company G, 2nd Infantry, 19th Division, at Camp Dodge, Iowa. He indicated on his questionnaire that he was a citizen. However, under the question “Are you a ward of the Government?” he noted, “In some ways.”34 Seaman First Class Frank R. Leith (Chippewa), twenty-five, from Mahnomen, Minnesota, served aboard the uss Huntington. He answered “Yes” to the question “Are you a ward of the Government?” but then noted, “We vote and have all privileges that a citizen has.”35 The status of some veterans changed, sometimes for reasons unrelated to their service or government policy. Sergeant Frank DuFrane (Chippewa), twenty-six, from Stillwater, Minnesota, served in Company D, 54th Pioneer Infantry. In response to the question “Are you a citizen?” he wrote, “Yes, until sent to prison.”36 Corporal Charles Littlechief (Sioux), twenty-four, from Solen, North Dakota, lost his wardship status shortly before he completed his questionnaire. He wrote, “I was a ward of the government until recently I was turned loose.”37 He may have been referring to his military service or actually to receiving citizenship. Many of those veterans who were citizens added qualifying remarks to their questionnaires. For example, Medical Private First Class Leonard White Eagle (Winnebago), thirty, from Mauston, Wisconsin, specified under “citizenship,” “American.”38 Private Jacob Dockstater (Oneida), twenty-six, from Oneida, Wisconsin, served as a field clerk at Fort Dodge, Iowa. Asked if he was a citizen, he wrote, “I so consider myself.”39 Another Oneida, Sergeant Herbert Alfred Sickles, thirty-two, clarified the situation of his entire tribe when he wrote under the citizenship question that he was “Oneida, made Citizens 1905.” Sickles, from West De Pere, Wisconsin, served in Company B, 121st Machine Gun Soldiers but Not Citizens

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Battalion, 132nd Division.40 Sergeant Musician First Class Phillip C. Cato (Tewa Pueblo), responding to the question “Are you a citizen?” wrote, “I am.” He then added a justification under a question about trust patents: “I’ve always been independent and self-supporting.”41 Musician and Private First Class Peter M. Cummings (Oglala Sioux), when asked whether he was a ward of the government, wrote, “Do not consider myself.” Concerning his citizenship he included a list of his qualifications: “natural born citizen, Received patent in fee and paying taxes.”42 Private First Class Willie Robert Young (Duwamish), thirty, from Auburn, Washington, served in Company G, 361st Infantry, 91st Division. He provided specific details about his citizenship status: “I am a citizen on my Father’s side, and a ward of the Government on account of being allotted on the Yakima Reservation.”43 Corporal William R. Smith (Assiniboine) answered “Yes Sir” to “Are you a citizen?” To the question “Are you a ward of the Government?” he answered, “not since discharged.”44 Private Louis Francis Paul (Thlinget) declared that he was a citizen and made several statements regarding his tribe’s relationship to the government: “Not on reservation and have no claims on government whatsoever. . . . Alaska Indians have no interest in inherited lands or the proceeds of such lands, annuities or any other benefit from private property of through the tribe accruing from the Government. This with the exception of the Tsimpsean Tribe of Metlakatla and the Klawock Thlingets of Klawock, Alaska.”45 Paul made it clear that he and his people were not restricted and were not receiving any monies from the U.S. government. The frustration felt by these American Indian veterans becomes particularly clear in their interviews with and letters to Joseph Dixon. Jesse Lewis (Choctaw), twenty-four, was interviewed by Dixon at Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York City. In his notes on the interview Dixon commented that Lewis was “mystified as to how he can be a citizen, and all of his affairs supervised by the Indian Office.”46 Private William Hopkins (Sisseton-Wahpeton Sioux), thirty-three, from Wilmot, South Dakota, served only forty-five days before he was rejected from service. He wrote pleadingly to Dixon: “I didn’t 162

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get no $160.00 or this State Bonus. They told me I was citizen U.S. when I was drafted in service after I was out I am government ward.” He noted that he had an allotment of 160 acres, and his trust patent, but “I can’t get what I want at Sisseton Agency.”47 Bugler James Boyer (Sioux), from Porcupine, South Dakota, was clear about what he wanted, but not about how to achieve it: “I would like to ask you why they don’t give us our patents + our rights, After serving with the U.S. Army, through the World War. A lot of the boys would like to become citizens. I would like to get my citizenship paper, + also my rights so would like to have you help me to get it.”48 Similarly Private First Class Glen Whitefox (Kiowa), twenty-five, from Carnegie, Oklahoma, noted that he did not have his trust patent for his land—“never have yet, but wishing to have it.” Whitefox served with the U.S. Coast Artillery.49 In greater detail Private Ambrose Gabe (Sioux), twenty-six, from Wakpala, South Dakota, recounted his uncertainty: “Mr. Dixon about the question in the enclosed blank. it says Are you a Citzen? Well I was a ward of the Government when I was drafted. I was in Camp nine months before I went overseas. never received no papers proclaiming me that I was a citzen of the United States. Then I went oversea and served twelve months. That is a hard question to answer although I am a natural born. I have not received my patent unto this day. don’t know whether I am a ward of the Government or a citzen. I would like to have some information in regard to that question.” Gabe served in Troop B, 314th Military Police, 89th Division.50 For all these veterans confusion predominated. They did not know if they were citizens, and they did not know how to find out. None of them indicated with any certainty that they were aware of the 1919 legislation allowing them to petition for citizenship on the basis of their status as veterans. Passage of the 1924 act extending U.S. citizenship to all American Indians should have eliminated this confusion, but it did not. Indeed, as early as 1925 there was recognition that the 1924 act was inadequate to enfranchise Indians fully. John Collier, then with the American Indian Defense Association (and later commissioner of Indian affairs), pointed out that the act did not guarantee Indians the right to vote; rather, it gave “the Indians no privSoldiers but Not Citizens

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ileges save, where State Laws permit, the ballot.”51 It would be up to the individual states to extend voting rights to Indians, a privilege that several states continued to deny until well into the 1960s.52 Moreover the 1924 act did not eliminate government control over land or other assets held in trust, either for individuals or for tribes. Even with the granting of general citizenship, Indians were far from achieving true equality and access to the political process. Joseph Dixon recognized the limitations that continued to be placed on Indians when he wrote to the U.S. attorney general in 1925, following passage of the Citizenship Act. Dixon questioned how Indians who were now citizens could continue to be considered under the guardianship of the United States, how they could continue to be prohibited from choosing their own political leaders, and how they could be forbidden to practice their own religious ceremonies. He concluded his letter by stating, “At present there can be little doubt that the curtailment of the privileges and rights of Indian citizens is in direct violation of the Constitution.”53 Despite his protests, and those of many others, American citizenship for Indians remained an elusive and limited privilege.

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Afterword

I want to place before the American people—in the form of a book—a complete story of the North American Indian in the War. —Joseph K. Dixon to Jack G. Hill, February 10, 1920

Joseph Dixon continued his work to document American Indian service in the Great War. During the summer of 1921 he spent four months in France and Belgium, photographing battlefields where Indian soldiers had fought and military cemeteries where they were buried. He planned to incorporate this material into his proposed book “From Tepees to Trenches.” More than one thousand photographs from this final expedition still exist today. Dixon also contracted with cartographer V. Sournin of the U.S. Geological Survey to create a map of Indian involvement in World War I battles, to be included in Dixon’s proposed book.1 In 1920 and 1921 Dixon participated in four ceremonies designed to link Indians and military service. At the first, which took place over the Fourth of July, 1920, at Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota, Dixon presented a service flag from Rodman Wanamaker to honor Sioux warriors (see figure 19). Three ribbons attached to the flag were inscribed: The Sioux—who served in the World War— [white star]—who fought and fell— [dark star]—who fought and finished.2

Photographs of Sioux men were also displayed in the John Wanamaker store window in Philadelphia, with a card reading: “Here find represented the old and new type of Sioux warrior. Our representative is now in Pine Ridge, South Dakota, attending the In-

dependence Day Memorial Celebration of the Great Sioux Nation, in honor of their heroic dead who fell on French soil during the world war.”3 The other ceremonies were held, in quick succession, in November 1921. Dixon arranged for Crow chief Plenty Coups to participate in the dedication of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier held on November 11.4 Then on November 16 Dixon organized the investiture of General Armando Diaz, the Italian military commander during World War I, as a chief in the Crow Tribe, in a ceremony held at the New Willard Hotel in Washington dc. Chief Plenty Coups also participated in this event, in which Diaz was presented with full regalia.5 Less than two weeks later, on November 28, 1921, Marshal Ferdinand Foch of France, the supreme commander of the Allied forces in the war, was also invested in a more elaborate ceremony at Crow Reservation.6 Dixon’s nearly four hundred photographs of these events were to provide additional evidence for the benefits of Indian citizenship. Photographs and text from the Diaz and Foch investitures were compiled into oversized albums, then printed and bound by the Roycrofter Craftsmen for the thensubstantial sum of $740.7 Dixon spent the remaining years of his life campaigning for Indian rights, although he was increasingly ill with heart problems. He moved to a house in Melrose Park, a suburb of Philadelphia. His children were grown and married, Rollin in 1913, Alice in 1915. Dixon himself remarried in 1925, wedding Edith Sloane Reid of Philadelphia, who had been his secretary in the Educational Bureau at the Wanamaker store for many years. Dixon’s book was never completed, and his massive documentation project of American Indian veterans became scattered among his other files.8 Plagued with declining health, including several bouts with the “grippe” and broken bones suffered in a fall while putting up a flag for Independence Day, he worked only fitfully, with little real progress.9 The underlying message behind “From Tepees to Trenches,” promoting citizenship as a reward for military service, was fulfilled by the passage of legislation on June 2, 1924, granting general U.S. citizenship to American Indians. Dixon died of a heart attack on August 24, 1926.10 The bulk of his pa166

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pers and photographs eventually came to the William Hammond Mathers Museum at Indiana University. Joseph K. Dixon is a problematic individual whose work and attitudes were criticized during his own lifetime and continue to be criticized today. His vision of the vanishing race colored his early photographic work with Indian people and continued to impact his work for Indian citizenship. He was seen by some contemporaries as overly romantic, more interested in a dramatic presentation than in the reality of Indian life or the needs of Indian people. Such critiques have merit, particularly those that comment on Indian people’s lack of understanding of Dixon and his activities, but they fail to recognize the opportunities presented by Dixon’s material. My hope is that this volume provides a context for Dixon’s work and allows Indian veterans, finally, to have their words voiced. Dixon’s work, while enjoying some popular success and ensuring his continued employment by the Wanamakers, received more and more criticism during his lifetime. His first photographic expeditions were not significant enough to bring about much public notice; even the publication of The Vanishing Race seems to have been largely ignored by academics, government officials, and Indian-rights advocates. When Dixon began to plan for the Memorial to the North American Indian in 1913, however, others began to question the validity of his work, particularly his emphasis on the vanishing Indians. The photographer Edward S. Curtis, sensing a rival, complained to Frederick Webb Hodge, the director of the Bureau of American Ethnology, in a letter dated February 19, 1913, shortly after the groundbreaking for the memorial: “I see by the press that Wanamaker is getting busy with his monument to the Indians. If he will just busy himself completing his monument and stop spending money imitating my pictures I will be quite happy.”11 In a private communication to Dixon Carroll L. Scott questioned the appropriateness of building a memorial when the funding might instead be used to help Indians directly: “If my brother is hungry, I don’t go out and purchase a gravestone unto the time of his demise, but rather I go to the nearest grocery and buy him some of the staples of life.”12 George Buckland, of Anadarko, Oklahoma, Afterword

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put it more bluntly when he wrote to Dixon: “The Indians are increasing. I do not take to this ‘vanishing’ stuff.”13 Nonetheless Dixon garnered support from highly placed individuals for his 1913 Expedition of Citizenship, including Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs Frederick H. Abbott, Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane, and President Woodrow Wilson. The official representative of the Department of the Interior, James McLaughlin, planned the trip itinerary, then accompanied the party as it began its six-month journey through Indian Country. As the expedition progressed, however, McLaughlin complained that taking photographs was becoming more important than the actual flag-raising ceremonies, a situation “made more noticeable by the fact that during the ceremony Dr. Dixon, Mr. Booth [a photographer], and Mr. Rollin Dixon constantly called back and forth to each other directions regarding the pictures.”14 He also objected to the confusion resulting from signing the Declaration of Allegiance; many of the Indians thought it would grant them citizenship.15 McLaughlin became increasingly disenchanted with the expedition during its progress and eventually left to attend to other business. His final estimation was harsh, belittling even Dixon’s photographs, which McLaughlin had once admired: It is true that Dr. Dixon has visited every tribe of importance in the United States. As to the records made by him, that is another question. Although [I am] not an artist, it seems to me that the pictures made by the Expedition are very fine indeed,—as pictures. But as records, either of the Indian as he was or of the Indian as he is, they are of no value whatever. It is self-evident that no records of value could be made in an hour or two, or at most a day, on a reservation. Results of value are not come by so easily as that. And of course, there is no comparison between these hastily-snapped pictures, and those which represent the lifework of artists from Catlin to Deming, and of photographers such as Haynes, Barry and Curtis. And at any rate there is no record which he has made, which has not already been made, and far more accurately, by the Bureau of American Ethnology.16

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ments. The first of these was held on the Yankton Sioux Reservation, on May 13, 1916; with remarkable similarity to Dixon’s ceremony it included a promise made to the American flag to be a true American citizen.17 The Society of American Indians (sai), the leading voice for Indian reform in the early twentieth century, had long been advocating for Indian citizenship, focusing its 1919 conference in Minneapolis on “American Citizenship for the Indians.”18 Joseph Dixon, by comparison, came late to the struggle for citizenship and was not embraced by the sai. Indeed, referring to his 1913 Expedition of Citizenship, the sai’s Quarterly Journal described Dixon as using “methods that smack of fakery.”19 This 1913 expedition was Dixon’s largest undertaking to date and resulted in masses of photographs, recordings, and motionpicture film. Dixon mined this material for several years, presenting lectures for the Wanamaker stores and at clubs, museums, and universities. He mounted an exhibit of his photographs at the Panama-Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco in 1915, lecturing each day on Indian life and the Wanamaker photographic expeditions.20 The citizenship expedition has received the bulk of recent scholarship on Dixon, most of it critical of his methods and motives. Russel Lawrence Barsh refers to the 1913 expedition as an “American Heart of Darkness” and to Dixon as a “troubled and mysterious man” who manipulated his sponsor and imposed his own vision on Indians.21 Richard Lindstrom has examined responses to the expedition by Indian people, utilizing materials collected by James McLaughlin, many of them stressing the confusion created by the ceremonies extolling but not conferring citizenship.22 Alison Griffiths criticizes Dixon, along with Thomas Edison and Edward Curtis, for making films of Indian people that concentrated on “fabricated and idealized versions of American Indians’ cooperation and assimilation.”23 In particular Griffiths notes that Dixon’s films of the 1913 expedition show Indians dressed in traditional regalia but pledging their allegiance to the United States. Lucy Maddox, in a larger discussion of performances by Indians for non-Indians, comments that Dixon’s staged expeditions and ceremonies provided “the public with a view of the primitive InAfterword

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dian in the very process of transformation into the assimilated citizen.”24 The Expedition of Citizenship even provided the setting for a mystery novel by Charles Fergus, Shadow Catcher, in which a second photographer makes candid photographs during the expedition ceremonies, undermining Dixon’s work and reputation.25 Alan Trachtenberg, in a book examining Indians, immigrants, and national identity at the turn of the century, dismisses Dixon’s work as an extension of the kind of stage setting that the Wanamaker stores often practiced, using Indians as performers— first as members of the vanishing race, later as Americans with their own flag.26 By concentrating on the ceremonies created by Dixon for the 1913 expedition and other occasions, these critics foreground these transitory and spectacular events. Dixon was, without doubt, misguided in his estimation of Indian people and unwilling to listen to evidence contradicting his romantic idea of a downtrodden, vanishing race. He was overly concerned with his own public image and that of his patron, Rodman Wanamaker, and allowed his personal desire for publicity to overshadow any scholarly or systematic study of Indian people. But in concentrating on Dixon’s public ceremonies recent scholars have responded to exactly what Dixon wanted people to see—his own vision of the vanishing race, yearning for the privileges of American citizenship before they were assimilated or disappeared. The critics have thus failed to go beyond the public image to look more closely at the data collected and preserved by Dixon. This failure is in part attributable to the efforts of Dixon and Wanamaker themselves. Thomas Kavanagh, in an essay accompanying a collection of Dixon photographs, points out that “very little of the purposes of the Wanamaker Expeditions and the extent of the resulting photographic and documentary collections is generally known. In large part, this was due to the way its creators brought the photographs to the attention of the public; only about 350 images, less than four percent of the estimated 11,000 original negatives—less then five percent of the surviving negatives—were ever published during the lifetimes of either Dixon or the Wanamakers. In turn, that has resulted in the reputation of the Dixon-Wanamaker photographs as romanticizing of Indian life.”27 The 350 images noted by Kavanagh are pri170

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marily formal portraits of Indian people made by Dixon on his first three expeditions, along with staged photographs of warriors riding off into the sunset or tribal officials signing the Declaration of Allegiance. These are the images Dixon chose to exhibit and publish, and they form the basis of criticisms leveled at him. It is interesting that Edward Curtis, whose photographic project to document the North American Indian was also based on the idea of the vanishing race, and who similarly staged many of his portraits and motion pictures, has not received the same type of criticism. His photographs continue to be reprinted, his notion of the vanishing Indian race revived and translated into a vanishing Indian culture. Popular books such as T. C. McLuhan’s Touch the Earth use Curtis’s photographs to eulogize the Indian and illustrate “the pain of the Indian, as he experienced the death of his way of life.”28 Curtis’s photographs enjoy new audiences in museum exhibits.29 Scholarly works, such as those by Florence Curtis Graybill and Victor Boesen, and by Mick Gidley, place Curtis’s work in context and expand its ethnographic utility.30 While Curtis is thus remembered today for his photographs, not for his staging, Dixon’s legacy is mired in his own public spectacle. His penchant for florid prose and dramatic posturing makes Dixon an unlikely ethnographer and an easy target for criticism. Despite James McLaughlin’s faint praise, however, Dixon’s photographs of Indian people are in fact stunning examples of ethnographic portrayals; some are even beginning to be used as illustrations in ethnographic and historical texts and visual media. The recently published Plains volume of the Smithsonian Institution’s Handbook of North American Indians contains a number of Dixon photographs, used to illustrate descriptions of traditional practices and historic events, such as his 1913 portrait of Heska Molah (Osage), showing traditional tattooing; his 1908 photograph of a Crow woman pulling quills from a porcupine; and his picture of the presentation of a service flag at a ceremony for World War I veterans, taken in 1920 at the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota.31 Recent videos have also utilized motion pictures made by Dixon; these include Contrary Warriors: A Film of the Crow Tribe, which includes footage from his 1908 and 1909 expeditions, and The Spirit of Crazy Horse, which uses Afterword

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Crow film footage to stand in for Lakota.32 Dixon’s images capture a people whose lives and cultures were most definitely changing, albeit not simply disappearing. In the overall neglect of Dixon’s actual data not only his photographs have been largely ignored. The corpus of Dixon’s documentation of American Indian veterans has also not been utilized, even by scholars who have reprinted some of his photographs of returned soldiers.33 Dixon himself did not realize the wealth of information he had collected, and he was never able to develop a system for archiving or retrieving the data. As questionnaires began to come in, and as he found information from additional sources, he attempted to devise a plan for organizing the material. He and his secretary first filed the questionnaires by state. In a brief report on the questionnaires they noted, “This didn’t prove satisfactory because the state and reservation had to be known before a questionnaires [sic] could be located.” They tried a cross-index, using card files, but “Dr. Dixon wanted to get all his information at his finger ends.” Their final solution was to sort the questionnaires by division, then to make counts for each division according to the number of Indians in each branch of service, along with other categories: rank, citations, decorations, wounded, gassed, deceased. This provided Dixon with totals for all Indians in military service, or at least those that he had documented.34 He also compiled a number of lists, counting up the number of tribes represented, the number of wounded, and the number who had received commendations. Aside from tallying the totals in these categories, however, it does not appear that Dixon made use of any of these lists. Nowhere in his description of his filing system does Dixon indicate that he had a way to catalog the comments made by servicemen. He could not sort them, and he did not attempt to use them. He did not try to count or compare the comments regarding citizenship, even though that was part of his stated purpose for gathering this information. He sometimes wrote a note at the top of a questionnaire regarding an especially complete comment by a soldier, but these comments were not compiled anywhere or sorted by type of story. Letters with more lengthy comments were filed with the questionnaires and were not listed anywhere else. 172

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Dixon’s system made it nearly impossible for him to make use of the actual data he had sought to collect. It does, however, appear that Dixon was working with the interviews he conducted in 1920, when he visited debarkation camps and hospitals and the navy fleet. He organized this material into eight books, following the rough chronological order of his trips to various military sites. He included transcriptions of his interviews, along with some of his own comments—made both during the interviews and later. Dixon’s interviews were not limited just to Indian servicemen; he also spoke with non-Indian soldiers and sailors, and with commanding officers, about their experiences with Indians in the service. His books also contain notes he made to himself about other people he could contact for additional information.35 “From Tepees to Trenches,” Dixon’s proposed book on Indian service in World War I, might have been the logical place for him to incorporate the veterans’ comments and stories. The book was incomplete at the time of his death, so we cannot be certain how Dixon might have finished it or how he might have used his materials. The surviving outline of chapters suggests that he was planning to use some of the stories he collected from returned soldiers. For example, one proposed chapter was entitled “Paying for the Prunes,” perhaps referring to the material Dixon collected from Arthur Elm (see the introduction), in which Elm recounted losing a commendation because he took prunes to distribute to hungry soldiers.36 Another proposed chapter was to be called “Pershing’s Own,” referring to a composite regiment made up following the war of men selected for their expertise in military drilling.37 Dixon interviewed six Indian soldiers who were part of this regiment at Camp Meade in September 1919, and he may have intended to use these interviews in this chapter.38 However, the few draft pages of “From Tepees to Trenches” are filled not with the veterans’ words but with Dixon’s hyperbolic prose, including this description of “The Indian at Home on the Battlefield”: “The toe of the shoe the Indian wore marks the boundary line of the United States. All in front of him was Germany—the Germany he had set out to conquer. All behind the heel of his shoe, France, the great sea, the port from which he sailed, the mountains and rivers and Afterword

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orchards of the East, until he came in love and thought to his prairie home, in very truth then, this ‘No Mans Land’ was his home. Here, during all these battle hours he made the field of carnage his home. Here, his heart put down its roots and this sense of home gave zest to his fighting vim.”39 Dixon seemed unable simply to let the soldiers tell their own stories, in their own words. The Indian veterans themselves wanted a fair recounting of their service, and several of them made this clear to Dixon. Sergeant Leo B. Nelson (Choctaw) provided Dixon with names of his tribesmen in the military, writing: “I am glad to know that you are employing every effort to make a historical record of the participation of the North American Indian in the great World War. Which I am an Indian my self by blood and I am proud of the race of my people.”40 Families and friends of the veterans also wanted a record made of their service. Mrs. Joseph Brown, a Sioux from LaCreek, South Dakota, had “four boys in the army one is resting in Germany.” She wrote to Dixon, “I am taking a kind of interest in the great History you are trying to get because the other books don’t give the Indian boys Brave deeds they done and I dont think thats fair.”41 Edward Holbert, from Birney, Montana, helped Dixon to secure information on Indian soldiers from his region because, he wrote, “I would love to see the red boys get a good rite up for they along with our self don’t get much out of it. A good book with the record of the boys will certainly open the eyes of the world.”42 It must have been a disappointment to the veterans and their loved ones never to see Dixon’s proposed book appear in print. Assessing Dixon’s work today is difficult. Certainly his photographs contributed to a stereotype of the vanishing race and a perception of Indians as part of a romantic past. The extent of his contribution to the campaign for Indian citizenship is debatable; he did testify before Congress, and he gave numerous speeches and wrote many letters, but so did many other Indian-rights advocates of his time.43 General U.S. citizenship for Indians was achieved before publication of Dixon’s book, which was supposed to be a rallying cry for Indian citizenship, so its contribution was negligible. Unfortunately Dixon’s high opinion of himself obscures his real impact, especially when his own papers provide the bulk of the documentation of his efforts, as is the case with this study. He cer174

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tainly felt that he had raised awareness of the possibility of citizenship among both Indians and whites, beginning with the flag-raising ceremony at the groundbreaking for the proposed Memorial to the North American Indian and continuing with the Expedition of Citizenship. Dixon did live to see passage of the 1924 legislation on Indian citizenship, but whether this represented an actual achievement on his part is questionable. The larger issues, of course, center around what that citizenship meant to Indian people and whether they were able or willing to participate fully as American citizens. The impact of Indian voting has been minimal, even in recent times, due to lack of numbers and lack of participation.44 There have been few Indian people in national, state, or even local political offices anywhere in the country. Some tribes, most notably the Iroquois nations, have chosen not to participate in state or federal politics, maintaining that they are citizens of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, not of the United States. Michael Lacy, in his work on political relations between Indians and the United States, has pointed out, “The Iroquois, for example, never recognized their U.S. citizenship, going to the extent of feeling it necessary to declare war separately on the Axis during World War Two, as the decision of the U.S. had validity only for United States citizens.”45 The vast majority of Indian people, however, even those who do not consider themselves part of the United States, have enthusiastically supported service in the U.S. military, and Dixon’s records provide valuable insights into that service in World War I. These records underscore, as Thomas A. Britten points out, the diversity of American Indian experiences in and responses to the war.46 Individual soldiers and sailors had their own stories to tell, sometimes painful, sometimes humorous, and Dixon provided them with an opportunity and an outlet. The experiences of American Indians in the war were individual, although they shared many experiences common to other soldiers and sailors—the dangers of battle, the threat of disease, the routine of training camps, and the uncertainty of life in wartime. Indians as a group, however, were treated differently from other soldiers, and in fact they were different from other soldiers. They were sent more often into positions at the front, as scouts Afterword

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and runners and snipers, because they were Indians, perceived to have natural abilities in these areas. While the reality of these perceived differences is debatable, the fact remains that most American Indians in World War I were different because they were not American citizens, but they were still encouraged to enlist and were even drafted. While they served alongside white soldiers and sailors, unlike black servicemen of the time, and generally spoke positively about their time in the military, their experiences after the war differed substantially from those of their white comrades in arms. Whites were citizens, and they returned to full participation in civic life back home. Blacks, who served in segregated units, hoped they would return to better treatment, but in reality they returned to segregation and discrimination.47 While Indians were for the most part treated well in the military, their return to civilian life was less than satisfactory. Cynthia Enloe, in Ethnic Soldiers, counts American Indians as among those “ethnic groups in pursuit of security” who used military service as a way to legitimate themselves in the eyes of the dominant culture.48 She notes that “in the First World War, Indians pursued service in the military at a time when patriotism, the intense ‘Americanization’ movement and military mobilization needs combined to put pressure on all marginal groups to demonstrate their loyalty through military service.”49 Despite their high rate of enlistment, however, military service did not translate into greater participation in U.S. society for American Indians. The returned soldiers thus used Dixon’s questionnaires to voice their disappointments and frustrations. Veterans have long occupied a prominent place in American Indian communities, and service in the U.S. military in World War I did provide a way for Indian men to become warriors.50 They were celebrated upon their return to their communities, filling the ranks of warrior societies and veterans’ organizations. Indians today continue to serve at high rates, and veterans remain integral to ceremonies and rituals throughout Indian Country. Dixon recognized the contributions made by the American Indian veterans of World War I, and he wanted to make those contributions more generally known. He wrote to one veteran, Jack 176

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G. Hill (Creek), who questioned the nature of the documentation project (see appendix), to clarify his purposes: I have been trying for the past year to get a correct record of all Indians who were in either the Army, Navy, or Marine Corps. I have visited the Indians in the camps and on the battleships, have written to many Indians, have searched the Government records at Washington, and have tried in every other way to get information about every Indian in the war. As I have been unable to get a complete record from any source, I am now going to depend on each individual Indian who was in the Service to send me his record. That is the reason I am sending out the blanks. I want to place before the American people—in the form of a book—a complete story of the North American Indian in the War, and the hope is that the American people will awaken to their responsibility and give the Indian the justice and fairplay which he has been so long denied.51

Dixon’s efforts to record Indian military service in World War I were never completed during his lifetime, and his hope that he would awaken the American people to the injustices suffered by American Indians went unrealized. Dixon’s failure to finish his project, however, does not mean his documentation is without value. On the contrary, his documentation represents one of the few sources of records on individual Indians who served in World War I. For more than two thousand Indian men Dixon’s documentation provides us with a link to both their wartime experiences and their peacetime efforts to gain citizenship. Their comments—given in their own words, recorded by Dixon in interviews and on questionnaires—display pride in upholding an Indian tradition of military service, along with confusion about their status as citizens and frustration over their efforts to take command of their own lives. The documentation collected by Joseph K. Dixon reveals promises made by the U.S. government to Indian people, and promises broken, in a pattern that echoes Indian-white relations throughout the history of this country. Indian veterans did not gain citizenship in any meaningful way as a result of their service. Many soldiers were already citizens, at least technically, when they enAfterword

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tered the service, but they still did not enjoy full and equal rights. Veterans who hoped that their military service would grant them greater rights were usually disappointed. No doubt Dixon hoped he would be remembered as the champion of Indian citizenship, but his real contribution lies in his documentation of the voices of American Indian veterans of World War I.

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Appendix Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

I’m writing you a few lines to try my very best in helping you to accomplish the good cause. —Petty Officer Nicholas John Orloff (Aleut), twenty-four, Cordova, Alaska Pay Division, U.S. Navy

The three sets of existing records documenting American Indians in World War I differ in scope and purpose. Dixon’s records include information on 2,846 servicemen, collected to support the cause of Indian citizenship. The Office of Indian Affairs recorded the service of more than 5,000 veterans, as well as other Indian people involved in the war effort, as a way of documenting the successful assimilation of Indians into American society. The U.S. Army’s Historical Section compiled information on 1,204 men to support the greater inclusion of American Indians in the military. While far from a systematic study of Indian veterans of World War I, these various records provide insights into the struggle for Indian citizenship, government efforts at the assimilation of Indian people, and the participation of Indians in military service. Each of the sets of records is examined here in depth and compared with the other two sets of records, especially in the case of duplicate documentation. Dixon’s Records

Dixon designed his questionnaires to elicit the information in which he was most interested. He did need the basics, such as name, rank, branch of service, and whether an individual had been wounded or taken prisoner. He was also looking, however, for information to add to the basics: citizenship status, individual losses result

ing from being in service, and interesting experiences during the war. Beyond just the details of an individual veteran’s experience Dixon also asked for information on tribal contributions to the war effort, such as the number of Liberty Bonds bought and the number of Indians enlisted. Dixon provided space on his questionnaire for all these items, attaching a letter of information and instruction to the form. The first set of questionnaires was dated December 24, 1919, and was sent out with the following information in early 1920: The Rodman Wanamaker Indian Foundation Dr. Joseph K. Dixon in charge Philadelphia, Pa., december 24, 1919. to all the tribes,

Dear Friends: Mr. Rodman Wanamaker is employing every effort to make a historical record of the participation of the North American Indian in the great World War. For this purpose Doctor Joseph K. Dixon, Leader of the Rodman Wanamaker’s Historical Expeditions to the Indian country, has visited all of the camps and hospitals on the Eastern seaboard, taking photographs of returned Indian soldiers and wounded Indians, interviewing the Indians and the officers in command of Indians. Officers of all ranks speak in highest praise of the Indian as a man and as a soldier. So far as can be ascertained, there were about 17,000 Indians in all branches of the service, but it has been possible to obtain a record of only about 1,500 of them. There is no record of Indians serving in the Air Service. There is no record of Indians serving in the Navy. If the record of the Indian in this great War is preserved, the Indians must not fail in giving the information asked. It is Mr. Wanamaker’s desire to make so complete and accurate a record that the history of the Indian in the War will be preserved by your own people as a thrilling story of your achievement, and also that the world may know of your patriotic service. Will you not, therefore, see to it that the accompanying paper is clearly and fully filled out, not missing one Indian who served in the war, and that the paper is returned at once, so that the writing of this history may go on. 180

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It depends upon you to make this Indian War Record complete. Name every Indian in your tribe who served, give his rank and the branch of the service in which he served, whether decorated, if so, for what; whether killed or wounded, if so, where on his body he was wounded and in what battle. Please use the addressed return envelope. With admiration for your fine spirit of patriotism, and with good wishes for all my Indian friends, I am, Faithfully yours, [signed] Joseph Kossuth Dixon1

Dixon’s estimate of 17,000 Indians in service probably comes from the Office of Indian Affairs’ estimate that 17,313 Indians registered for military service, and some of his other information can be at least tentatively documented.2 By the time Dixon was sending out his questionnaire the U.S. Army’s Historical Section had already documented some 1,200 Indians still in service, and Dixon had received permission to use these records.3 Probably the 1,500 Indians in service that Dixon refers to are those whose records were compiled by the army. These records covered only Indians in the U.S. Army; hence Dixon could state that there were no records of Indians in the U.S. Air Service or the U.S. Navy. The purpose of these questionnaires, according to Dixon’s cover letter, was to obtain a historical record of Indian military service, to be preserved by Indian people and made known to the larger world. While he mentioned the “patriotic service” of Indians, nowhere did Dixon specifically refer to his and Rodman Wanamaker’s ongoing efforts to include more Indians in the U.S. military or to secure U.S. citizenship for Indian people. Elsewhere Dixon was much more vocal about his goal of Indian citizenship, as in his public lectures.4 Perhaps he believed that for his questionnaires the appeal to history would be sufficient or that the citizenship issue would be controversial and therefore inhibit participation. Dixon’s concern with citizenship is evident, however, in many of the questions included on the questionnaires. He asked specifically, “Are you a citizen?” and “Are you a ward of the Government?” This information was obviously crucial to an accounting of the extent of Indian citizenship. Dixon also asked specifically, Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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“Were you Drafted?” and “Did you Enlist?”—questions that could provide background on the rate of volunteering and the drafting of noncitizens. In a separate section on each serviceman’s tribe Dixon asked for details on allotments and trust patents, which would also provide information on citizenship status. Dixon’s records do not indicate that he ever compiled this information or used it systematically. Dixon knew many people in Indian Country, and he called on them to help him complete his project. Attached to the first set of questionnaires was an additional appeal for cooperation: p l e a s e ta k e n o t i c e

1. Kindly see to it that every Indian whom you know has one of these blanks and properly fills it out. 2. If you need any more blanks and letters write to me for them at once, stating number needed. 3. Please write to me at once giving me the name and the address of the man or woman who will be able to reach every indian on your reservation, or on any Reservation, or who knows of Indians not upon the Reservation. 4. It is vastly important, if an accurate historic record of the participation of the North American Indian in the Great War is to be made, that every Indian who served his country in any way shall be reached. Mr. Wanamaker has exhausted all resources to accomplish this end outside of the Indian himself. It now depends upon the Indian to make the record complete. The fact that the Air service has no record and the Navy has no record, when it is well known that many Indians served in both branches of the Service, indicates how the indian himself must furnish the information.5

Dixon commented on his efforts to reach the servicemen in a note regarding his files: The questionnaires seeking information with reference to Indians who fought in the World War wer[e] first sent out through the mails by this office early in the year of 1920. This mailing meant a great deal of work in compiling a complete mailing list of Indian reservation[s], and welfare boards that worked with the Indians on the reserva182

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tions. However, the questionnaires were well distributed. The returns at first were very slow because it is a well known fact that the Indian does not say much in fact does not like to speak about himself at all unless absolutely necessary. Finally the questionnaires began to come along, although slowly at first and then gaining in number day after day.6

Dixon’s files include correspondence with sixty-six individuals, including superintendents of reservations, teachers, tribal officials, and traders, who were asked to collect information on Indians in the war. Both Indians and non-Indians were willing to help. Albert J. Dentz (Chippewa), of Mahnomen, Minnesota, asked Dixon for additional blank questionnaires, noting: “i am an Indian my self and a Soldier. and I would be more than well Pleased to Help you get more Indians on your list.”7 Emily P. Lincoln, superintendent of the Thomas Indian School in Iroquois, New York, wrote to Dixon, “I will be glad to do anything to assist you in this matter that I can so do not hesitate to call upon me for I think it a very fine idea to know something about the part our Indians took in the war.”8 After the Office of Indian Affairs began cooperating with Dixon in the summer of 1920, the cover letter for the questionnaire was reworded, then dated June 25, 1920. The first paragraph remained the same, but the following was substituted for the remainder of the letter: “It is so vastly important that an accurate historic record of the participation of the North American Indian in the World War be made, that this questionnaire is sent forth seeking the earnest cooperation of all Superintendents of Reservations and Superintendents of Schools—all Indians, and all friends of the Indian. The record is to be made in duplicate—one copy filed in the Indian Office and the other sent by Commissioner Sells to Mr. Rodman Wanamaker for his use in writing a historical record of the Indian in the World War.”9 On many of these redesigned questionnaires the sentence stating that the record would be made in duplicate has been crossed out. Dixon and the Indian Office did share information, however, and Dixon’s files contain nine letters that served as receipts for questionnaires transferred between the two offices.10 Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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Dixon used at least two other versions of the questionnaire. One, headed “List of Indians in the World War,” states, “The purpose of the following questionnaire is to secure information concerning the Indian’s activities in the World War.” It included no cover letter or section for veterans to comment on their losses.11 This version of the questionnaire was used by both Dixon and the Indian Office and was often completed in duplicate by Indian-agency personnel. Dixon’s office also used this form to copy information from the Historical Section records. The other version was a typewritten form with spaces for basic information, without any remarks about tribal contributions, losses, or experiences in the war.12 This form appears to have been made up by a respondent to document men from the White Earth Chippewa Reservation in Minnesota. They may have run out of the official forms and substituted a facsimile. Dixon wanted to obtain complete and interesting information to use in his proposed book “From Tepees to Trenches,” which he believed would support the cause of Indian citizenship. He was often rewarded with fascinating details of soldiers’ experiences, such as that provided by Private First Class John Two Crows (Gros Ventre), thirty, from Elbowoods, North Dakota, who was drafted, and who chronicled his entire army life for Dixon on his questionnaire: I went to Washburn, North Dakota, then to Camp Dodge, Iowa where I was in training for 22 days. From here I was transferred to Camp Mills, Long Island, New York. Then I entered Co I—138th Infantry, and was transported to Bordeaux, France. Immediately on my arrival here I was transferred to Company D 129th Machine Gun Battalion. Without hesitation we were rushed to the “French Front,” where we were occupied with the “guns” for a period of 29 days without intermission. After a few days of fighting we succeeded in capturing 5 Germans. These I with one of my friends took back to a “Prisoner’s Camp.” Now I was sent back to a Camp Detachment—and I then served as a Military Police until the Armistice— a period of about 2 months. Received an honorable discharge at Camp Dodge, Iowa.13

This was the kind of questionnaire Dixon hoped to get back from 184

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the veterans. Not all of them were as forthcoming, however. Musician James Holy Eagle (Oglala Sioux), twenty-nine, from Allen, South Dakota, was drafted, serving with Headquarters Troop, 19th Division. In answer to every question he wrote, “none.”14 Corporal Oliver Roman Nose (Cheyenne), twenty-seven, from Clinton, Oklahoma, could not even answer the question about what organization he served in, noting only, “I don’t remember.”15 At times other people had to send in the requested information, as veterans were sometimes reluctant to talk about themselves. William H. Ketcham, director of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, wrote to Dixon regarding Preston E. Hudson (Choctaw), who served in the U.S. Air Service: “Although Preston delights in telling his experiences in the war, he does not court notoriety— he considers that he did nothing more than the other boys who served in the 7th Balloon Company.” Hudson enlisted, seeing action in three battles, but he was not wounded.16 Several veterans asked Dixon about the purpose of specific questions and of the questionnaires themselves. Corporal Harvey Langdeau (Sioux), from LaRoche, South Dakota, provided some information on himself and his service, but under the question “Did you Enlist?” and the heading “Give date of Trust Patent,” he wrote, “Why.” He did, however, specify that he had not been drafted or wounded, had served in a machine gun company, and had lost some stock while he was in service.17 Individuals who helped Dixon by distributing and collecting questionnaires recognized that some veterans might be reluctant to respond. Louise Johnson Bear (Nebraska Winnebago) sent questionnaires to Winnebago veterans in Nebraska and Wisconsin, but she remarked to Dixon: “I want to know if our boys from these parts and from Wisconsin are responding to your questionnaire or not. Some get suspicious they may think that they would be called to arms and they are wondering whether to answer or not.”18 Mrs. Joseph Brown (Sioux), from LaCreek, South Dakota, reminded Dixon that when the Indians “get the blanks they will put it a side . . . and they don’t relize what it is.”19 She asked that Dixon pay her travel expenses to take the questionnaires to several Sioux reservations, saying she would get them filled out. Private Lawrence See the Elk (Sioux), thirty-four, from Fort Yates, Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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North Dakota, was confused about the question concerning losses sustained during military service. He wrote, “I have not seen this papers before,” and declined to respond to this section. See the Elk was drafted, serving on the Belgian and French fronts with Company C, 348th Machine Gun Battalion, 91st Division.20 Another soldier, Private Jack G. Hill (Creek), twenty-two, from Eufaula, Oklahoma, was unclear about the purpose of the questionnaires, but he still completed his and provided Dixon with the names of seventeen other American Indian veterans. At the end he added: I think this is all I know of myself, that is plenty beside these names, but I can’t think of it. My question is. Why we fills this blanks for. Please write to me at once + tell me everything what is there for fills blanks?

Even though he did not fully understand Dixon’s purpose, Hill still cooperated, even apologizing that he could not provide more information about the other veterans, adding, “we been separated different camp one by one.”21 Charles Standing Elk (Sioux), from Herrick, South Dakota, provided little information about himself or his service. He explained, “Some of your questions I am not able to answer so didn’t fill them out.” However, he did add, “I wish to inform you that there is good many Indians boys in the Navy and Air service as I understand in your letter there is no records of Indians in the Navy and Air service.” Standing Elk himself was in the U.S. Air Service.22 Private George Bungo (Chippewa), twenty-four, also wanted to make sure Dixon documented Indians in the navy. He wrote: “You cant [count] no Indians in the record that as been in the Navy. but I will give you a few names of Indian boys that put the time in Navy.” He followed with a list of five names, adding apologetically, “This is all I can remember at the present time.”23 Such cooperation was not unusual. Many soldiers and sailors went out of their way to supply Dixon with additional names and information about family and tribal members. Private Tracy D. Hull (Flathead) offered: “Will give you all of the information I can. I have two brothers who were in the service and if you will 186

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send me two blanks I will have them filled out.”24 Navy Petty Officer Nicholas John Orloff (Aleut) was able to supply Dixon with information on eighteen Aleuts in the U.S. Navy or U.S. Air Service that he had “chanced to meet.”25 In his questionnaire Sergeant Leo B. Nelson (Choctaw), twenty-four, from Ardmore, Oklahoma, included information on tribal members in the service, noting, “There was 12 of us Choctaw boys volunteered and enlisted at Oklahoma City, Okla, May 10, 1917 and shipped to Ft. Sill Okla for training.” In a letter to Dixon Nelson continued: “I was over in France 11 month and wounded one time. And I know good many Indians of my own tribe whom made quite a record on the western front. And I’ll help you during my spare time. I can give you the names and little information along that line.”26 Sergeant Charles M. Wicks (Cheyenne), from Okarche, Oklahoma, sent a photograph of himself in uniform and a letter to Dixon, requesting, “Please send 5 or 6 blanks as I can distrube [distribute] them among the boys of my [word missing] who serve in the world war.” Wicks was stationed at Newport News, Virginia, during the war, serving in the Motor Transportation Corps.27 Corporal Thomas Gray Bull (Sioux), twenty-four, from Cannon Ball, North Dakota, served in Company D, 139th Infantry, 35th Division. He commented on the service of his fellow Sioux: “Fifteen Indians from this District enlist. Seven of us seen active service and Five returned and two killed and the rest were still in the states when ended.” Below this he added, “Let ’er buck.”28 Veterans also provided the names of their schoolmates who entered the service. Sergeant Francis Kalama (Warm Springs) suggested that Dixon could “secure information by writing also to Haskell Institute as quite a number of the boys are still there.”29 Haskell was a boarding school in Lawrence, Kansas, run by the Office of Indian Affairs and providing, in 1920, education through high school. Corporal Maurice M. Bedoka (Caddo-Delaware), twenty-two, a student at the University of Oklahoma, suggested, “you can mail me twenty blanks and I’ll do my best to help you out, what blanks I don’t use I’ll return them.”30 Veterans offered their help in a variety of ways. Seaman First Class Frank Leith (Chippewa) wrote: “I was doing convoy duty during this war on U.S.S. Huntington. They were many Indians Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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on the ship, But cannot find their ships or addresses at the present time. Will be pleased to help you in any way to secure History of Indians. If you would write Frank D. Beaulieu, at White Earth, Minn he probably could help out a great deal.”31 Dixon took the veterans’ suggestions, mailing additional questionnaires to the individuals they mentioned. Private Ernest Packard (Sioux), twenty-six, from Fort Lookout, South Dakota, completed his own questionnaire and sent Dixon a list of forty-seven additional names, along with the following information: I received the blanks you sent me to fill out. I shall gladly fill them out as it is a nice thing to keep a record done by the North American Indians in the Great War. Write to Henry and John Keeler at Wagner, S.D. to get all the Indian soldiers to sign these blanks. 52 Ind[ian] soldier boys so you can send him 51 of these blanks to them. These two are twin brothers you couldn’t tell which is John Henry Henry John both were in the Air Service. Write also to Sergt. Arthur Arrow at Greenwood S.D. John and Henry Keeler were both Sergeants. I must close my personel letter wishing a great success in getting the record complete.

A note added to Packard’s letter indicates that Dixon sent out questionnaires to all of the men listed.32 Packard was not alone in wishing Dixon well with his project. Andrew Russell (Sioux) wrote from Wanblee, South Dakota: “You send my son Joseph Russell blank to be filled. But the boy is in Germany yet. Your Plan is the Best thing I ever see it’s the Best for us Indian. I hope you have a good succed.”33 Indian Office Records

During the late 1910s and early 1920s the Office of Indian Affairs pursued a policy of integrating and assimilating Indians into mainstream American life. This policy included allotting land on an individual basis, encouraging farming rather than hunting, and enrolling children in boarding schools away from their tribal homelands.34 The Indian Office also supported the enlistment of Indians in the U.S. military as a way of furthering their integration.35 Compiling records on these servicemen was one way in which the Indian Office could document their efforts. In 1919 Cato Sells, 188

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commissioner of Indian affairs, asked his Indian agents to collect war-service records that would “reflect credit upon the military career of the Indian and the value to him of his experience under discipline and contact with foreign life.”36 The Indian Office created three-by-five-inch paper cards for each serviceman, listing name; tribe; residence; and brief information about wartime service, educational status, and current occupation. Lists of veterans from various reservations and federal boarding schools were also compiled on such cards. Additional cards were kept for Indian men and women who contributed to war work, including women who did clerical work for the War Department or served as nurses during the war. The cards were filed alphabetically by individual name, and duplicates were filed by tribe and state. Newspaper clippings on veterans, letters to and from servicemen, and miscellaneous papers were also included in the files. The card files document 4,318 Indian servicemen, along with other Indian people involved in the war.37 Many of the cards include the kind of information the Indian Office wanted, documenting the value of military service in assimilating Indians into the larger society. The card documenting the service of Charles Cedartree (Arapaho), for example, notes that he “was in the U.S. Navy, proud to wear the Uniform in Europe, he says, and ready to volunteer again when his county needs him.”38 The card for Indians in California notes: “The Indians of the State were enlisted and drafted just as were the white citizens, and they responded in full loyalty. many of the California Indians are not now in touch with their tribal relations.”39 Other cards document the benefit to Indians of their military service. The card for the Crow Creek Reservation states: “One lad spent a year in france. The Indians’ physical appearance shows marked improvement, upon their return.”40 For the Northern Cheyenne Reservation, in Tongue River, Montana, the card lists “4 Indians [who] went to the World War from this Reservation, George Rowland, Jasper Redrobe, Benton Rowland, Willie Hollowbreast. Their command of English was greatly improved by the war experience.”41 Dixon and the Office of Indian Affairs documented many of the same veterans and in some cases shared information. Dixon explained how this worked in a note about his questionnaires: “The Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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Government seeing how well the Indians accepted this mode of seeking information with references to their (the Indians’) services in the War, wrote this office saying that they would like to cooperate with us in this endeavor. The questionnaires were sent out by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and also this office. The questionnaires were filled out in duplicate one copy being filed in the Bureau’s Office at Washington and the other copy here in this office.”42 The Office of Indian Affairs mailed Circular No. 1625, dated July 29, 1920, directing superintendents of Indian agencies to gather data on Indians in service in World War I. The superintendents complied, returning the questionnaires in batches over the next year.43 In a few instances Dixon or the Indian Office specifically mentions the source of information, as in the case of Private John Whirlwind Horse (Oglala Sioux), twenty-eight, from Allen, South Dakota. Dixon interviewed Whirlwind Horse at Debarkation Hospital #3 in New York City, on March 20 and 21, 1919.44 In 1921 Whirlwind Horse completed a questionnaire for Dixon, noting, “I met Dr. J. K. Dixon in New York and told him of what little experience I had in the war.”45 The Indian Office later paraphrased this: “I met Dr. Dixon in New York and told him of my experience.”46 Dixon’s questionnaires usually contained more complete information, which the Indian Office then summarized and simplified for the card file, sometimes with additional papers clipped to the cards. For example, First Lieutenant Roland Delancey Davis (Chippewa), twenty-five, from Minneapolis, enlisted on October 12, 1917, in Washington dc. He completed a questionnaire sometime in 1920 or 1921, detailing his service record. Davis began, “Went to Infantry School at Langres, France in August, 1918, and received commission as 2nd Lieutenant, Infantry, Sept. 25, 1918, received commission as 1st Lieutenant, Nov. 3, 1918.” His active service was in Company D, 107th Infantry, 27th Division. Davis included records of two commendations he received during his service. The first was from Major General O’Ryan: “The following named officer is commended for the meritori[o]us services hereinafter mentioned: 1st Lt. Roland D. Davis, 107th Infantry, for qualities of leadership and courage under fire while commanding a platoon of his company at Vaux Andigny, in the battle of the LeSelle [Selle] 190

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River, France, Oct. 16–17, 1918.” The second was from Thomas Brady, the major in command of the 1st Battalion, 107th Infantry: “Lt. Davis has proven himself to be a loyal, trustworthy officer of marked ability. He conducted himself with coolness and courage during the severe fighting before and after the 107th infantry crossed the LeSelle River.”47 The Indian Office transcribed only portions of this questionnaire into their card files, including Davis’s training and commissions and the commendation by his battalion commander.48 In another instance Private Cornelio M. Cruz (San Juan Pueblo), twenty-one, of Chamita, New Mexico, wrote in some detail on his questionnaire about his service in Troop E, 5th Cavalry, 15th Combat Division: The most interesting part of my experience in the Army is hiking mounted and manoevers. We usually goes out hiking for 5 to 10 days. We goes at a rate of 30 miles a day sometimes less. At the end of a day is the most tiresome as we have to pitch shelter tents for the night and groom our horses before we get anything to eat or drink. We don’t usually have no dinner sometimes only a piece of sandwich. We have a pretty hard times on manoevers as we have to mount and dismount sometimes when the horses goes wild at the instance of the cracking of blank bullets. This is the most serious practice I have had but it is worth while and I am quite interesting at the event of the kind.49

Cruz’s experiences were simply summarized on his card in the Office of Indian Affairs files: “Reports he was in hikes and skirmishes but in no battles.”50 The Indian Office also subscribed to a clipping service, which sent it newspaper accounts of Indian servicemen. These clippings were placed in the card files, along with whatever other information was available. For Joe Pocantico (Sioux) the Indian Office had little information beyond three clippings from the summer of 1921. The first, from the New York Times, reported Pocantico as stranded in Columbus, Ohio, on his way home to the “Pine Creek [probably Pine Ridge] Reservation, Porcupine ridge, S. D.” According to this report, “the Volunteers of America and legionnaires came to his aid, and he accepted, for the time, a vaudeville position in Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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a local amusement park.” The other two clippings, from the Columbus Dispatch, reported that Pocantico, “in the full regalia of his forefathers,” had spoken on behalf of the American Legion and its drive for members. The newspaper noted that “he told of the large number of native Americans . . . who answered the call with their white brothers and fought in the World war, declaring that they deserved recognition for their valor and patriotism.”51 Pocantico’s questionnaire, which he filled out in Dixon’s office in Philadelphia on February 18, 1920, offered more information. He enlisted on April 6, 1919, and gained the rank of sergeant, serving in several units, ultimately with Company D, 104th Infantry, 26th Division. Following the war Pocantico pursued a show-business career, listing as his address “(none) c/o Billboard Office N.Y.C.” His lack of a permanent address may explain how he came to be stranded the following year in Columbus, on his way home to South Dakota. While the clippings include accounts of Pocantico’s wartime experiences, his questionnaire provides this information in his own words. Pocantico wrote that he was taken prisoner “in Flanders cut off from main Div. Prisoner 2 weeks got away swim Seine river From Metz to St. Mehil.” He also recorded that he received the “Croix De Guerre at the Toul front taken 22 Priesnor [Prisoners] 11 michine guns. 7 left out of D. Co. 26th 104 Inf.”52 In rare cases the Indian Office’s records and Dixon’s differ on specific points. For example, First Sergeant Philip D. Hull (Flathead) served in the 40th Company, 10th Battalion, 166th Depot Brigade. On his questionnaire for Dixon he noted that he enlisted on September 19, 1917, at Missoula, Montana.”53 In contrast his card in the Indian Office files notes that he was a “draftee in Army, (Did not claim Exemption).”54 This may simply have been a matter of interpretation—if indeed he did not use his exemption as a noncitizen Indian and was therefore drafted. However, on his questionnaire Hull also noted very specifically that he was a citizen, not a ward of the government, and that he received his allotment in 1908 and his trust patent in 1910. As he was a citizen, the exemption would not have applied to him.55 It remains unclear which source is correct. The Indian Office did not record all the material collected by Dixon, sometimes leaving out information that reflected negatively 192

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on the experiences of Indians in service or on their return home. Private Joseph Filario Tafoyo (Santa Clara Pueblo), twenty-eight, was drafted and then exempted due to his noncitizen status. He chose to join anyway, serving in Headquarters Company, 315th Engineers Regiment, 90th Division. His card in the Indian Office files lists his service record, then adds that he married Petra Sousa in June 1920.56 On the questionnaire he filled out for Dixon Tafoyo included a more personal account of what he learned as a soldier, as well as the following: “I lost horses, + crops of which my father in poor health, and farm implements. From my right in property such as land of tribe during my absent every land is given or taken.”57 According to Tafoyo, Santa Clara Pueblo land was allotted on July 1, 1919, when he was still in service. By ignoring this aspect of his wartime experience, the Office of Indian Affairs glossed over a very real source of frustration and hardship for many returning soldiers. When veterans completed Dixon’s questionnaires they did not always provide as much information as was compiled by the Indian Office. Private Frank Coburn (Klamath), twenty-nine, served as a machine gunner in several infantry companies and noted on his questionnaire that he was gassed “slitley” [slightly].58 According to his record in the Indian Office card files, he was “gassed in the Argonne Woods, Nov. 3, 1918[.] Bullet penetrated Gas Mask, letting gas in[.] Received victory medal from the State of Oregon.”59 Perhaps Coburn downplayed his injury and commendation in light of the fact that he had a brother who died in service at Camp Lewis, Washington, “but never went over to France.”60 The Indian Office record for Private First Class Chester Armstrong Four Bear (Cheyenne River Sioux) provides documentation of his military service with the 118th Infantry, 30th Division, including the circumstances leading to his citation for bravery in action. This record is unusually complete for the Indian Office files, taking up five note cards: Drafted and mustered into Service Sept. 22, 1917, at Timber lake, S.D. in first draft from Dewey Co. Trained Camp Funston, Kans, thence to Camp Sevier S. Car. until Mar. 1918. 30th Div. In April 1918, sent to Camp Mills, N.Y. sailing same month for Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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France, landed Liverpool, in May, there 3 days. Thence to Calais, entrained for St. Omer, remained 30 days then was selected as sniper. Went to tourneyham for instruction in marksmanship, use of bayonet, carrying messages, prismatic map reading, and minor camouflage. After training was sent back to his Co. In July the 30th Div. was ordered to Belgium, 3 days march, where they relieved the English, occupied canal sector at yphes saw active trench war 1 month, the div. was then retired to rest at st. pol, france. After 10 days sent to Somme sector, relieving British in front-line trench. He then began acting as runner, carrying messages to Regimental hdq, thru terrific gun barrage, on the evening of the major Offensive on hindenberg line. He was gassed, but delivered the message, at times it being necessary for him to crawl. The Officer to whom he gve the message sent him to a hospital. he refused to go, returning to his Co. thru the same barrage—in the front line. a french runner was wounded by a high explosive shell. Armstrong rescued him, took him to safety, rendering first aid. out of gratitude for saving his life the frenchman took from his own breast his croix de guerre putting it on armstrong. This offensive lasted 3 weeks and he did messenger work constantly, thru all sorts of shell fire and barrages, and was cited for bravery in action. He remained in heavy action until Oct. 20, when he was sent to a rest camp, and was there when the armistice was signed, Nov. 11, 1918. Discharged May 8.

None of this is included in the questionnaire Four Bear filled out for Dixon. A clue as to why he chose not to detail his experiences may lie in the final note in Four Bear’s Indian Office record. Dated January 1925, it reads: “While [he is] modest and quiet . . . his service is more conspicuous than that of any other Indian of the reservation. He is now conducting himself as a good American citizen should.”61 Four Bear’s own modesty, then, may have prevented him from mentioning his accomplishments to Dixon. He did, however, include an answer to Dixon’s question “Did you lose anything by your service?”: “I has lost about 30 head of horses and also 10 head of cattle while in the service and one set of harness.”62 Dixon was the only one to ask this particular question.63 More often when the Office of Indian Affairs card files include more complete information, this is because it was keeping track of 194

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veterans until as late as 1931.64 This information brings the story more up to date, often providing details on the Indian veterans’ subsequent employment or enrollment in school. For example, Captain Raymond T. Bonnin (Yankton Sioux), forty, served, according to his questionnaire in Dixon’s files, in the Quartermaster Corps, helping to obtain food for the army.65 Following the war he remained in the capital; according to his card in the Indian Office files, as of September 1921 he was “now in Civil life.”66 Corporal Reginald G. Downie (Clallam), twenty-four, from Oregon, was drafted, serving in several infantry companies.67 After the war, according to his card in the Indian Office, he became assistant disciplinarian at the Chemawa Indian School in Oregon.68 Corporal Walter G. Sevalier (Chippewa), twenty-three, from Brule, Wisconsin, was cited for his heroic service with Company F, 7th Engineers. This is noted in both Dixon’s files and those of the Indian Office.69 The latter files, however, add that Sevalier “returned home and is now a canoeist. Sioux St. Marie Michigan. He jumps the rapids conducting tourists.”70 Less happily the Indian Office also updated records to include the deaths of several veterans. Sergeant Theodore Brunt (Osage) was thirty-four when he completed his questionnaire for Dixon in 1920. Brunt enlisted, serving as a drill sergeant at Fort Riley, Kansas, and later in the Medical Department at U.S. General Hospital #21, in Denver, Colorado.71 His card in the Indian Office files includes the notation, “died may 28, 1924,” with no additional information.72 Similarly both Dixon and the Indian Office documented the service of Henry Keeler (Yankton Sioux), from Wagner, South Dakota, who enlisted in the U.S. Army Air Service. The Indian Office record adds that he died in the summer of 1922 at Yankton, South Dakota.73 Dixon interviewed Joe Young Hawk (Arickara) in 1919, when he was twenty-five years old. He had been wounded, and he met with Dixon at Walter Reed Hospital in Washington dc.74 The Indian Office records include an unidentified newspaper clipping that reported that Younghawk “lost a four-year battle for life after he had been wounded and gassed in France. He died at Bismarck, N. D., yesterday.”75 Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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Historical Section Records

Thomas A. Britten has written about the efforts of the U.S. Army’s Historical Section to document the service of American Indians in the American Expeditionary Forces. As he notes, the questionnaires were designed by Lieutenant John R. Eddy to support the view that Indians made good scouts and warriors.76 Consequently they are limited both in scope and in their utility for additional research. Their limitations become clear when they are compared to Dixon’s records. While Dixon incorporated the information gathered by the army into his documentation project, he also solicited his own information through a separate set of questionnaires. The army documented 1,204 men, and Dixon used 1,174 of these records in his project. According to Dixon: “A great deal of information was obtained through the War College Department. Authorization for this information was given personally by General John J. Pershing to help Dr. Dixon get all the information they had.”77 For 46 of the men documented by the army Dixon also obtained responses to his own questionnaires, written by the men themselves. These are much more revealing about the soldiers’ experiences in the war and at home, particularly their frustrations with their return to civilian life. The army records, on the other hand, deal only with the experiences of Indian men in the war. For example, the Historical Section record for John Belgarde (Chippewa), from Wolf Point, Montana, includes very positive comments on his qualities as a soldier from Captain L. M. Neagle. Sergeant Belgarde was drafted, serving in Company M, 362nd Infantry, 91st Division.78 On his questionnaire, however, Belgarde remarked that as a result of his service, he “lost 17 head of cattle and about 8 head of horses and several other things and it cost me about $30 reporting to the Examining Board twice.”79 Sergeant Kiutus Jim (Yakima), twenty-eight, from Toppenish, Washington, served in Company B, 340th Machine Gun Battalion, 89th Division, and also received positive remarks from his commanding officer, which are included in his army record.80 On his questionnaire for Dixon, sent February 26, 1920, Jim himself noted, “My Experience of Great War, that American Indian was well thought of by Officers and Men.” However, he also discussed 196

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his frustrations with what he had missed out on because of his service: “Could have changing my allotment, for better land. Land I have present time no good to me. I could have changing it, but I was in army, for better piece of land, down on flat.”81 Again, the army’s documentation project was not designed to elicit this kind of information. The army questionnaires did not ask for additional information; the officers who filled them out did not think to ask for it; and the Indian soldiers were not consulted as to anything other than their education, hometown, and specific wartime experience. Even in regard to their service, the army records are limited. Officers completed these questionnaires, so there is no inclusion of personal remarks by the Indian soldiers, either positive or negative. The experiences of three different soldiers illustrate this point. Musician Third Class Benjamin G. E. Prettyboy (Sioux), from Porcupine, South Dakota, enlisted on March 1, 1917, when he was twenty-one, serving in Battery B, 130th Field Artillery, 35th Division. In his army record Captain Ralph H. Spatt remarked on Prettyboy’s abilities in semaphore and as a musician.82 By contrast, on his questionnaire for Dixon Prettyboy chose to comment on his unit’s battlefield experience, for which its members were cited for bravery: “The very one interest in my war experience I had in my mind, and bigest one is on the date of Sept. 27th 1918, when we started to open fire on the Hind bur gain [Hindenburg] line on Argonne Forest. The[y] give us Hell but we give them the double Hell, and capture 563 P.G.[?] in 3th hours. We the artillery men’s were catching hell during that drive.”83 Prettyboy himself was wounded in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Corporal Henry A. Ankle (Sioux) was also in the Argonne Forest, and he included a story about his experience there in his comments to Dixon. Ankle, of Keldron, South Dakota, was drafted in 1918, at age twenty-two, serving in Company H, 355th Infantry, 89th Division. His captain, Oscar B. Abel, commented in Ankle’s army record that he was well educated and “proved himself very good at night work and on maps and buzzers.”84 Ankle confirmed this with his own comments on Dixon’s questionnaire, noting that he “was in no man’s land eleven times volunteering each time.” Ankle’s additional comments here, however, reveal Documenting American Indian Service in World War I

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a skill that was equally useful to himself and his fellow soldiers: “In the battle of Argonne our suply wagons couldn’t reach us for several days—and some of the boys got weak and faint. I showed the boys how they could keep their strength up by eating Elm tree buds and bark while marching into the forest I observed that some of the trees were slippery Elm trees, which acted as food to all those that eat it.”85 Clearly Ankle was proud of his ability to help “the boys.” Corporal Thomas Hawk Eagle (Sioux), of Eagle Butte, South Dakota, also singled out a specific experience in his military career that was a source of pride for him. Hawk Eagle, drafted at age twenty-four, served in the 89th Military Police Company, 314th Regiment, 89th Division. His captain, D. Runkle, provided little information about him in his army record, other than noting that he had no schooling and was a good soldier.86 Hawk Eagle himself, however, in the questionnaire he filled out for Dixon, noted that he took part in the St. Mihiel and Meuse-Argonne Offensives, “which lasted about ninety days, till the Armtice on Nov. 11th.” He then added, “I am proud of being the member of the Division Foot-ball team which we won the Champion of A.E.F. I was the only Indian on the team.”87 Hawk Eagle actually completed two separate questionnaires for Dixon, and he included this information about the football team on both. The two government agencies relied on information collected by Indian agents and military historians. While useful, these records do not offer the kind of personal viewpoint that Dixon’s questionnaires elicited, as only Dixon’s records came primarily from the veterans themselves.

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Notes

Introduction

1. Elm referred here to Foster Decorah (Winnebago), from Mauston wi. He served in Company D, 128th Infantry, 32nd Division, and was killed in action at the battle of Château-Thierry. See the list of American Indian veterans compiled by Mrs. Joseph Bear on Society of American Indians letterhead, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation, William Hammond Mathers Museum, Indiana University (hereafter Wanamaker Documentation); Sam Thundercloud interview, 3 Mar. 1919, Dixon, “The American Indian in the World War” (“American Indian” hereafter), Book 2, 2, Wanamaker Documentation. 2. Elm referred here to John A. Sky Jr. (Chippewa), thirty-one, from Odanah wi. He served in the 32nd Division, was killed at Château-Thierry in the Aisne-Marne Offensive of July–Aug. 1918, and was honored by having the American Legion Post at Odanah named for him. See John A. Sky Jr., questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 3. Arthur Elm interview, 27 Mar. 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 13–17, 17a–17e. 4. Estimates vary for the number of American Indians who served in World War I. The Office of Indian Affairs apparently had many inquiries about the number of Indian soldiers, as it created a form letter that began, “Responsive to your inquiry concerning the number of Indians in the World War, the 1918 Report of the Provost Marshal General to the Secretary of War gives 17,313 as the number who offered their services, while 6,509 were inducted.” See Records Relating to Indians in World War I and World War II, ca. 1920–21 and 1945, Entry 998e, Indian Office Circulars, Record Group 75, Civil Reference Branch, National Archives, Washington dc (hereafter e998e, rg 75, na). The Office of Indian Affairs Bulletin 15 (1922) estimated that “12,000 Indian boys . . . were engaged in the World War”; see Card File Relating to Indians in World War I, 1916–20, Entry 977b, Indian Office Circulars, Record Group 75, Civil Reference Branch, National Archives, Washington dc (hereafter e977b, rg 75, na). 5. See Wise, Red Man in the New World Drama; White, “American Indian as Soldier”; Finger, “Conscription, Citizenship, and ‘Civilization’”;

Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy”; Roberts, “Cushman Indian Trades School”; Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War”; Britten, American Indians in World War I. The experience of Indians of western Canada is explored by Dempsey in Warriors of the King, which utilizes both archival sources and interviews with Indian veterans and their families. 6. Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 292. See also Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy”; Bernstein, American Indians and World War II. 7. A notable exception is ethnomusicologist Frances Densmore’s work to record the songs of returned Indian veterans. This work, conducted as part of Densmore’s documentation of Indian music, includes songs from Winnebago, Pawnee, and Yuma veterans. See Densmore, “Songs of Indian Soldiers.” 8. John Adair and Evon Vogt studied World War II Indian veterans in the Southwest, publishing several articles and one monograph. See Adair, “Navajo and Pueblo Veteran”; Adair and Vogt, “Returning Navajo and Zuni Veterans”; Adair and Vogt, “Navajo and Zuni Veterans”; Vogt, Navajo Veterans. 9. e977b, and e998e, rg 75, na. 10. See Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 292. 11. Records of General Headquarters American Expeditionary Forces, Record Group 120, Military Reference Branch, National Archives, Washington dc (hereafter rg 120, na). 12. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 109–15. 13. See Krouse, “Photographing the Vanishing Race,” esp. 222–28; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 176–77, 181. 14. See McDonnell, Dispossession of the American Indian; Parman, Indians and the American West. 15. See Archuleta, Child, and Lamawaima, Away from Home; Hale, Native American Education. 16. Curtis, North American Indian; Dixon, Vanishing Race. 17. Joseph Kossuth Dixon obituary, Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 26, 1926. See also Krouse, “Capturing the Vanishing Race,” and “Photographing the Vanishing Race,” for additional details on Dixon’s life. 18. Manfred E. Keune questions Dixon’s use of the title “Doctor” in “An Immodest Proposal.” Dixon probably began using it at the same time he began his ministry. 19. Colgate-Rochester Divinity School, General Catalogue. 20. Eastman Kodak Company, Kodak Trade Circular. 21. Dixon’s own account of his work for the Wanamaker stores is contained in a letter he wrote to Rodman Wanamaker’s assistant, Colonel W. E. Wood, June 18, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. 200

Notes to Pages 5–9

22. Medoff, American Indian Life. 23. Appel, Business Biography, xiv. 24. LaPotin, “National American Indian Memorial Association”; Krouse, “Photographing the Vanishing Race.” 25. Krouse, “Filming the Vanishing Race.” 26. Dixon, Vanishing Race, title page. 27. Franz, “Colossus of Staten Island.” See also LaPotin, “National American Indian Memorial Association.” 28. Dixon, “The Rodman Wanamaker Expedition of Citizenship to the North American Indian” (hereafter “Rodman Wanamaker Expedition”), 1913, Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Washburn, Indian in America, 233–49. 30. For a discussion of the allotment policy and its effects see Hagan, American Indians, 139–50. 31. Dixon, “Rodman Wanamaker Expedition.” 32. Dixon, Vanishing Race, title page. 33. Krouse, “Photographing the Vanishing Race.” 34. Dixon to Rodman Wanamaker, Mar. 25, 1917, Wanamaker Documentation. 35. White, “American Indian as Soldier,” 20–21; Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 425–26; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 38– 50. Some American Indian reformers in the Society of American Indians also opposed segregated units; see Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 170–71. 36. “Make Indians Citizens Dr. J. K. Dixon Pleads,” North American, May 8, 1918, Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Dixon’s lectures on recruiting American Indians into the U.S. military took place at, among others, the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Jan. 13, 1917; Hutchinson High School, Buffalo ny, Jan. 9, 1918; the Neighborhood Club, Bala Cynwd pa, Jan. 15, 1918; and the Poor Richard Club, Philadelphia, May 7, 1918. See Wanamaker Documentation. 38. “How Poor Richard Can Help Uncle Sam Organize Regiments of Indian Cavalry to Safeguard Our Mexican Border,” Poor Richard’s Almanac, May 6, 1918, Wanamaker Documentation. 39. “High Tribute Is Paid to Valor of Red Men,” Philadelphia Public Ledger, July 31, 1918, Wanamaker Documentation. 40. Joseph K. Dixon, “The Indian in the World War, and War on the Indian,” speech at the Rotary Club, Bellevue-Stratford, Mar. 24, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 9–12

201

41. White, “American Indian as Soldier,” 22; Taft, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 434–35. 42. Dixon to W. E. Wood, June 18, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Dixon, “American Indian,” Books 1–8. 44. “The questionnaires. . .”, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Britten, American Indians in World War I, 110–15. 45. Krouse, “Capturing the Vanishing Race.” 46. Krouse, “Filming the Vanishing Race, 255–66. 47. Krouse, “Window into the Indian Culture.” 1. Serving for Duty and Justice

1. Charles Sorrell interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 27. 2. Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 278–79; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 60–65; Wise, Red Man in the New World Drama, 322. 3. John Bear questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 4. Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 15. 5. Lawrence Frazier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 6. Luke Frog questionnaire, Mar. 2, [?], Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Frankie Moore questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Joseph Northrup questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). 9. William Rivera interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 28. 10. Joseph Kiplin questionnaire, Mar. 25, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 11. George Bungo questionnaire, Mar. 25, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 12. Joseph Trouchie questionnaire, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 13. Ollie Kinney interview, May 9, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 52–53. 14. Crus McDaniels questionnaire, Mar. 26, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 1–8, 8a, 11–15. 16. Edward Nelson interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 2–3. 202

Notes to Pages 12–20

17. James Black Hawke interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 1. 18. William Leon Wolfe interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 5–7. 19. Enos William Kick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 20. Simon Cusick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 101; see also 26–65. 22. James Hawk interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 27–28. 23. Edward Williams questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 24. Bernstein comments on a similar perception of American Indians as warriors by both Indians and whites during World War II; see Bernstein, American Indians and World War II, 46. 25. Sam Thundercloud interview, Mar. 3, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 2, 2–3. 26. Fred Fast Horse interview, Mar. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 39–41. 27. Harry Bedel interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 28. 28. Victor Murat Locke Jr. questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Witmer, Indian Industrial School. 30. Szasz, Education and the American Indian; Szasz and Ryan, “American Indian Education”; Hale, Native American Education. 31. Archuleta, Child, and Lomawaima, Away from Home. 32. Aniseto Ortega interview, June 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 23–24. 33. “Camouflage Not New to Plainsmen,” Philadelphia Inquirer, Sept. 14, 1918, Wanamaker Documentation. 34. David Munnell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Francis Kalama questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 36. Ralph W. Sellew questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Archibald Tye interview, Mar. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 2–3. 38. Carlyle T. Pinn, “A Cherokee Cadet,” Mar. 4, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 39. W. J. Gardner questionnaire, Feb. 11, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 20–27

203

40. Lyon O. Neubert interview, May 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 14. 41. Kenneth D. Rockwell interview, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 14. 42. John Victor Adams interview, May 6, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 46–47. Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 282, includes a partial quotation from Adams, which was part of Dixon’s testimony before the U.S. Congress in 1920 regarding the reorganization of the army. 43. Eli S. Guardipe questionnaire, Apr. 18, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Peter O. Barnaby interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 5–6. 45. David Drop at a Distance interview, May 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 29–30. 46. James Wynashe interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 21. 47. Grover Doshinko interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 29. 48. Charles Littlechief questionnaire, Feb. 4, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Casper LeCompte questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 50. Jacob Leader questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 51. Edward Laundry questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 52. Charles Lawson questionnaire, n.d.; J. H. Lawson to Dixon, Apr. 19, 1920, both Wanamaker Documentation. 53. Ben Brave questionnaire, n.d.; Ben Brave to N. D. Baker, Feb. 23, 1918, both Wanamaker Documentation. 54. Martin Levings questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 55. Owen Hates Him questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 56. Edward Holbert to Dixon, Jan. 28, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 57. Phillip C. Cato questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 58. Felix Frog questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 59. John Baptiste Sky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 60. Franklin Torres interview, May 17, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 5. 204

Notes to Pages 28–33

61. John Whirlwind Horse interview, Mar. 20, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 7–9. 62. Chauncey Powless interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21, 22. 63. Felix Renville interview, Mar. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, cover page, 1–2. 64. Joe High Elk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 65. George Watson Roberts questionnaire, Oct. 30, 1924, Wanamaker Documentation. 66. Leander Frank One Stand interview, May 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 13. 2. Battlefield Experiences around the World

1. See Coffman, War to End all Wars, esp. chap. 7. 2. Mitchell Bobb questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 3. John Robinson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 4. Mike Washington questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 5. Mark Henry questionnaire, Oct. 26, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 6. John A. Spotted Bird questionnaire, Nov. 19, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Benjamin D. Rowe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Newton Robinson questionnaire, 1919, Wanamaker Documentation. 9. Newton Robinson questionnaire, 1919, Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Charles Warner questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 11. David Packineau questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 12. Jacob Nunomantuby questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 13. McEntee, Military History, 496–544. 14. Vincent Bad Wound questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Julius Youngman questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 16. Hugh W. Jackson questionnaire, Mar. 12, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 33–38

205

17. Louie A. Rousseau questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. George Jensen questionnaire, Oct. 19, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Walter Strongheart questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 20. Jesse J. Cornplanter questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Joseph Filario Tafoya questionaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 22. Aniseto Ortega interview, June 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 18–25. 23. Britten, American Indians in World War I, 79. 24. Leo Miles questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 25. Elmer E. Busch questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Amos Woods questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 27. Thomas E. Fitzsimmons interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 16–17. 28. Thomas E. Fitzsimmons interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 17–18. 29. Jacob Leader interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21a–21b. 30. Thomas E. Fitzsimmons interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 19–20. 31. Frank Young Eagle interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21b–21e. 32. W. A. Cunningham interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 23–24. 33. Frank Williams questionnaire, Mar. 9, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Peter Richardson interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 9–10. 35. Ben Choate questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 36. David Poe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Cain Sconchin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 38. John W. Smith questionnaire, Oct. 22, 1923, Wanamaker Documentation. 39. Frank Coburn questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 40. John Morgan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Peter Perrier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 42. Alex Graham questionnaire, Nov. 27, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 206

Notes to Pages 39–50

43. Clarence W. Bizer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Juan DeVilla questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 45. Coffman, War to End All Wars, 96–97. 46. Joseph J. Pickett questionnaire, Mar. 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 47. Sam Shebingus questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 48. William Donald McMaster questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Roy Lewis interview, Mar. 29, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 18–20. 50. George P. Fleury questionnaire, Oct. 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 51. Robert Fulton interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21h. 52. Samuel Emerson Hemlock questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 53. David B. Means questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 54. Emilio Areialo interview, May 6, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 48–49. 55. Jesse Lewis interview, Mar. 27, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 11–12. 56. Joseph LaJeunesse interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 16–17. 57. Richard Hinman interview, June 8, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 37–38. 58. Columbus E. Veach interview, May 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 24–26. 59. Walter Keyes interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21f–21g. 60. Lee Shananquet interview, Apr. 4, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 35–37. 61. Walter Wise interview, May 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 27–28. 62. Thomas Muskrat interview, May 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 28–29. 63. Rolland Little Elk interview, May 2, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 31–32. 64. James H. Crowe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 50–57

207

65. Henry Woods questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 66. Alexander Chuculate interview, June 8, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 40–41. 67. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 108–9, for a discussion of German fear of American Indian soldiers. 68. John Whirlwind Horse interview, Mar. 20, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 7–9. 69. John Whirlwind Horse questionnaire, July 14, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 70. George Keshick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 71. Joseph St. Martin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 72. William R. Smith questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 73. Peter E. Keshick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 74. James Quinn questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 75. Frank Py-ah-hun-kah questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 76. Sylvester L. Brooks questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 77. Antonio Lucero questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 78. Frank Red Elk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 79. John B. Keplain questionnaire, Mar. 25, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 80. William Menz questionnaire, n.d. [1920?], Wanamaker Documentation. 81. William Menz questionnaire, June 11, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 82. Herbert Alexander Pappin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 83. Britten, American Indians in World War I, 81. 84. Jacob B. Russell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 85. George White Bull questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 3. On the Front Lines as Scouts and Runners

1. Dixon, Vanishing Race. 2. See Wise, Red Man in the New World Drama, 325–26; Barsh, “Amer208

Notes to Pages 58–66

ican Indians in the Great War,” 289–91; Hauptman, Iroquois in the Civil War, 80; Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 88–90. 3. White, “American Indian as Soldier,” 19–21; Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 418–28. 4. George Pam-o-thah Masquat questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 5. Records of 26th Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 6. Records of 1st Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 7. Records of 3rd Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 8. Leslie Swanson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 9. Charles Robert Ward interview, June 11, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 7, 22–23. 10. James R. Antell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 11. Joseph LaJeunesse interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 16–18. 12. Joseph LaJeunesse questionnaire, Mar. 15, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 13. George B. Bluesky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. This is the third of three questionnaires completed by Bluesky, at ages thirty-one, thirty-two, and thirty-five. 14. Lewis Sanderson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. James Thomas McGeisey questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 16. Moses Clown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 17. Patrick Ellery interview, Feb. 10, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 1, 1. 18. James Munnell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Ewing Peters interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 33. 20. William Jordan interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 31–32. 21. Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 30. 22. Sam Thundercloud interview, Mar. 3, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 2, cover page, 1–3. 23. Paul Yellow interview, Apr. 3, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 34. 24. Paul Yellow interview, Apr. 3, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 34. 25. David Yazza questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Elson M. James questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 66–74

209

27. “In Memory of Elson James,” Tulalip Bulletin, Mar. 1919, Wanamaker Documentation. 28. “The Elson James Citation,” Tulalip Bulletin, May 1919, Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Sam Little Soldier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 30. Another means of communication employed in World War I was using speakers of American Indian languages to transmit information in their own tongues over the telephone. For a discussion of this development, particularly the Choctaw telephone squad of the 142nd Infantry, see Britten, American Indians in World War I, 106–7. Dixon also documented and photographed the Choctaw squad at Camp Merritt nj on June 7, 1919, including Private Mitchell Bobb, twenty-five, from Rufe ok; Private James Davenport, twenty-seven, from Finley ok; Corporal James Edwards, twenty, from Oakhill ok; and Calvin Wilson, twenty-four, from Eagletown ok. See Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 28–41. 31. Earl J. Wilbur interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 7–9. 32. Albert Lowe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 33. William Hollowbreast interview, June 11, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 7, 29–31. 34. Edward Two Horses questionnaire, Dec. 31, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Joe Young Hawk interview, Feb. 10, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 1, 6–7. 36. Joe Young Hawk interview, Feb. 10, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 1, 6. 37. Thomas Rogers questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 38. H. V. Murray interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21, 22. 4. Killed in Action and Other Casualties of War

1. Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 278. Britten also calls the rate of Indian deaths in action “high,” using Barsh’s figures (American Indians in World War I, 82). 2. Britten estimates that “some 12,000 to 12,500 Indians served during the war, about 25 percent of the adult male population” (American Indians in World War I, 84). 3. “The American Indian in the World War,” Bulletin 15, 1922; “Casualties,” n.d., both rg 75, na. 210

Notes to Pages 75–80

4. Esposito, Concise History of World War I, 372–73. 5. Isaac Looking Back questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 6. Alphonse Bear Ghost questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Richard Blue Earth questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 296, for an account of Blue Earth’s burial at the Standing Rock Reservation, in joint American Legion and traditional Sioux ceremonies. 8. L. S. Breckenridge interview, May 2, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 40–43. 9. “Lieut. J. A. Powless Funeral,” unidentified newspaper clipping, included with Grace Powless to Dixon, Mar. 7, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Charles Lawson questionnaire, Apr. 19, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 11. Lewis Frances Rogers questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 12. Charles Donovan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 13. Dixon Solomon questionnaire, Mar. 7, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 14. Stephen Youngdeer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Finger, “Conscription, Citizenship, and ‘Civilization,’” 287. 15. Willie Denver Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 16. Charles Spear questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 17. Henry Robinson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. Thomas G. Duncan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Joseph A. LaPointe questionnaire, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 20. Martin Hartless questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Nick Bradley questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 22. August Brought Plenty questionnaire, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 10–11. 23. Irwin Bird Above questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 24. John P. Turpin questionnaire, n.d, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 80–86

211

25. John A. Sky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Joseph Sky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 27. George Arbuckle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 28. Felix Renville questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Felix Renville interview, Mar. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, cover page, 1–2. 30. John Whirlwind Horse interview, Mar. 20, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 7–8. 31. Joseph LaJeunesse interview, Sept. 14, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5, 16–17. 32. George Pam-o-thah Masquat questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 33. Samuel J. Dana questionnaire, Mar. 31, 1924, Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Robert Sockey questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Edward Cottier questionnaire, Apr. 18, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 36. Josey Harjo questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Harrison B. Connell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 38. Cuffie Harjo questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 39. See Heyman, Daily Life during World War I, 102–3, for a description of the types of poison gas used and their effects. 40. Ewart P. McCurtain questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Mack Tokespeta questionnaire, Oct. 9, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 42. Frank Wade questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Mark Leggett questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Daniel Nicholas questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 45. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 153–55, for a discussion of diseases affecting American Indians living on reservations during the war period. 46. Charles Edward Carpenter questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 47. Jimmie Anderson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 48. John Batiste questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Henry Loves War questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 212

Notes to Pages 86–91

50. Martin Yellowfat questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 51. John Lieb Long questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 31–209, for a discussion of the Society of American Indians. 52. Edward A. Fairbanks questionnaire, Mar. 20, 1923, Wanamaker Documentation. 53. Frank Turning Holy questionnaire, Mar. 9, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation 54. Gilbert, First World War, 540. 55. Douglas Asbury Holt questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 56. Alphonsus Bob questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 57. Eastmon Meashintubby questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 58. Dan Chase questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 59. Walter Roy Brien questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 60. Isaac C. Bunker questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 61. Harvey Hopkins questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 62. For a discussion of the problems of the invisibility of Vietnam-era American Indian veterans with the Veterans Administration, see Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 12–18. 63. “Casualties,” n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 64. Frank Blacksmith card, e977b, rg 75, na. 65. Ray Red Fox card; J. J. Chico card, both e977b, rg 75, na. 66. “Indian Veteran, Hero of War, Dies of Wounds,” unidentified newspaper clipping, June 16, 1923; Joe Young Hawk card, both e977b, rg 75, na. 67. Joe Young Hawk interview, Feb. 12, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 1, 6–7. 68. Joe Young Hawk card, e977b, rg 75, na. 69. Roy A. Phillips questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 70. Wallace Tyndall questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 71. Dewey Frank Stone questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 5. Noncombat Service

1. Louis Overton questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See McEntee, Military History, 503. Notes to Pages 91–97

213

2. Francis Shop-tease questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 3. Samuel Cottier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 4. Peter Mitchell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 5. James Hinton Dorr questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 6. Joseph Gardepi questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Glen Whitefox questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Ernest Swallow interview, May 3, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 33. 9. Frank Birds Bill questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Thomas B. Charlie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 11. Sam Morris interview, May 2, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 32. 12. James A Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 13. George Bemo questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 14. Jimmie Factor questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Coffman, War to End All Wars, 194–95. 16. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 83, for a brief discussion of American Indians in the U.S. Army Air Service. 17. Thomas Runner questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. James Sears questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Eugene E. Cloquet questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Roberts, “Cushman Indian Trades School,” 224, for additional information on Cloquet and other Indians students from Cushman who served in World War I. 20. Clarence M. Soldani questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 280. 21. George Watson Roberts questionnaire, Oct. 30, 1924, Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). 22. Louie Shotubbi questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 23. John Redbean questionnaire, May 4, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 24. Jerry McBride questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 25. Reginald G. Downie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Thomas William Desautel questionnaire, n.d. Wanamaker Documentation. 27. Henry W. McLeod questionnaire, Feb. 27, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 214

Notes to Pages 97–104

28. George Stevens questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Charlie Escagua questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 30. Esposito, Concise History of World War I, 373. 31. George H. Lawson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 32. Perry Butler questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 33. Louie A. Pelletier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Corbett White interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 28. 35. Willie Kemble interview, June 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 6, 26. 36. Charles Whitewolf questionnaire, n.d.; Lawrence Cross questionnaire, n.d., both Wanamaker Documentation. 37. George Red Boy questionnaire, Feb. 23, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 38. Peter M. Cummings questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 39. Pinn, “A Cherokee Cadet.” 40. Carlyle T. Pinn questionnaire, Apr. 10, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Charles E. Smith questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 42. William W. Means questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Emerson Metoxen questionnaire, July 14, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Jack Provost questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 45. Sam Wewa questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 46. William Bigheart questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 47. William Hopkins questionnaire, Feb. 28, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 48. John Connolly questionnaire, [?] 17, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Edward Larney questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 50. John Rabbit Head questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 51. Charles Blake questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 52. John Nicholas Moncravie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 104–112

215

53. Elmer Desautel questionnaire, Feb. 21, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 54. Jimmie Wolfe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 55. Joe Pierson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 56. Andrew Sitting Dog questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 57. Charles Bazil questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 58. Philip Star questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 59. McAlester LeFlore questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 60. Louis Thomas questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 61. Oscar Whiteman questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Spruce Squadrons, under the U.S. Army Signal Corps, produced airplane spruce for U.S. and Allied military aviation operations. 62. Sam Paw-cese questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 63. Charles Grady questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 64. Adolph Ambrose Martin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 65. Jackson James questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 66. Robert Winans questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 67. John Bears Tail questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 68. Jack Nagle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 69. George Mat-sap-to questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 70. James Agard questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 71. Lloyd B. Welch questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 72. William Patterson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 73. Jacob Dockstater questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 74. Andy B. Lego questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 75. Senon Lubo questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 76. Earl Grinnell questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 77. Joseph Northrup questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 78. Roy Vernon Javine questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 79. George Andrew Picotte questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 80. Chester Grant Beaver questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 216

Notes to Pages 112–116

81. Frank Bear questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 82. Billy Milly questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 83. Theodore Brunt questionnaire, Sept. 11, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 84. Alex Sulpher questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 85. David King questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 86. Raymond T. Bonnin questionnaire, July 3, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. See also Raymond Bonnin card, e977b, rg 75, na. 87. Samuel Mullen questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 88. Harvey Earring questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 89. John Joseph Mathews questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Mathews went on to a distinguished career as an author and tribal politician; see Peyer, Singing Spirit, 151–53. 6. Proud to Be a Warrior

1. Benton Lavatta interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 27. 2. Ted Mahto questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 3. Roy LaValle interview, Apr. 29, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 8a. 4. See Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 185–97, for a discussion of the role of ritual and ceremony in providing healing and reentry into their communities for Vietnam-era American Indian veterans. 5. Louis Bighorn Elk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 6. Edward Holbert to Dixon, Jan. 28, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Sioux Indian Memorial Ceremony file, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Henry Standing Bear to Dixon, Aug. 1, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 9. John Lastman to Dixon, Oct. 20, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 10. George Ernest King questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 11. Pete Paddy questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. The three Hoopa soldiers were Willis Conrad, Ewen Peters, and Willie Smoker. 12. Gus Gartiez questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 13. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 60–62, for a disNotes to Pages 116–121

217

cussion of the assimilationist efforts of Indian reform organizations and the Office of Indian Affairs. 14. George Many Wounds questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Henry McKinney questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 16. Robert Fulton interview, Apr. 30, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 21h. 17. Joseph Filario Tafoya questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. Ray E. Drapeau questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Phillip C. Cato questionnaire, n.d. [1920?], Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). See also Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 278. 20. Phillip C. Cato questionnaire, n.d. [1921?], Wanamaker Documentation. 21. James Boyer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 22. Ed Demarr questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 23. Jason D. Edwards questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 24. John White Horse questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 25. Benedict Saves Them questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. For a discussion of Carlisle Indian Industrial School and Indian education in general see Szasz, Education and the American Indian, 9–10. 27. Philip A. Moss questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 28. Edward Nelson interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 2–3. 29. Grover Doshinko interview, Apr. 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 29. 30. Barnabe Conger Bonnin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 31. George H. Lawson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 32. W. K. Ehrlich interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 6. 33. H. H. Hough interview, Apr. 18, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 7. 34. Charles Donovan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 218

Notes to Pages 121–127

35. Chiltoskey W. Nick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Finger, “Conscription, Ciizenship, and ‘Civilization,’” 97, for additional details on Nick and other Eastern Cherokee servicemen. 36. Frank Lawrence Marmon questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Frank Orange questionnaire, n.d. Wanamaker Documentation. 38. Wilkins Cusik Jr. questionnaire, n.d.; Abraham Printup questionnaire, n.d., both Wanamaker Documentation. 39. John Williams questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 40. James McCarthy questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 41. William Bigboy questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 42. George Red Fox questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Turner Lasky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Baptiste DeFond questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation (paragraphs added). 45. Columbus E. Veach interview, May 1, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 24–27. 46. James Smith questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 47. John Wolfe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 48. Green McCurtain Choate questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Dave Bohanon questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 50. Paul Juan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 51. Jacob Dockstater questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 52. Joseph Ameelyenah questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 53. Hugh W. Jackson questionnaire, Mar. 12, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 7. The Discouraging Return Home

1. Edward Percival questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 2. Henry Whitedog questionnaire, n.d. [1921?], Wanamaker Documentation. 3. Henry Whitedog questionnaire, May 19, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 4. Thomas B. Charlie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 5. John Thomas to Dixon, Mar. 19, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 127–134

219

A John Thomas (Cayuse) is documented in the Indian Office card files as having enlisted and served in the army as a private. See John Thomas card, e977b, rg 75, na. 6. Dixon to John Thomas, Apr. 29, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Louis Fish questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. The War Risk Insurance Act of 1917 provided for life insurance and disability insurance (in the form of medical care and rehabilitation) for soldiers who subscribed. The majority did subscribe, but in the confusion following the war’s end the War Risk Insurance Board (wrib) was unable to provide compensation or even make sure that servicemen kept up their policies. The situation improved in 1921, when the wrib combined with two other veterans’ rehabilitation services, the Board of Vocational Rehabilitation and the Public Health Service, to become the Veterans’ Bureau. See Crowell and Wilson, Demobilization, 101–4; Pencak, For God and Country, 177–78. 8. Alex Sulpher questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 9. James B. Tatooed questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Dixon to James B. Tatooed, Oct. 29, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. For a full accounting of the Society of American Indians see Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, esp. part 1. 11. Thomas Oyebi questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 12. Lawrence Cross questionnaire, Oct. 20, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 13. Ambrose Gabe questionnaire, Apr. 27, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 14. Martin M. Bertran questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Eugene E. Cloquet questionnaire, July 1, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 16. James Hamilton questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 17. George H. Lawson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. George Springer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Andrew Solomon questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 20. Frank Reynolds questionnaire, Apr. 28, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 220

Notes to Pages 134–138

21. Dixon to Frank Reynolds, May 8, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 22. For discussions of the problems resulting from leasing Indian allotments see Hagan, American Indians, 144–46; Washburn, Indian in America, 248–49. 23. Calvin Atchavit questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 24. Harold K. Bishop questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 25. Charles Blackbird questionnaire, May 3, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Dixon to Charles Blackbird, May 19, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 27. James Agard questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 28. Officer, “American Indian and Federal Policy,” 21. 29. Edward M. Romert questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 30. Max Miller questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 31. Joseph Whitewood questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 32. Frank Coburn questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 33. Ambrose Gabe questionnaire, Apr. 27, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Gilbert C. Cadotte questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Moses Clown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 36. Tracy D. Hull questionnaire, Feb. 26, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 37. James Two Dog Snow questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 38. Joe High Elk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 39. Carl J. Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 40. Cyril LeCompte questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Joseph High Elk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 42. Harvey Langdeau questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Frank B. Running questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 44. Charles M. Wicks questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 138–145

221

45. Thomas P. Tibbetts questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 46. Cain Sconchin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 47. Stephen M. Keshick questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 48. Jimmie Patrick Shemayme questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 49. James A. Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 50. James Sears questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 51. Willie Denver Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 52. John Lee Dailey questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 53. Mark Edward Keahbone questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 54. William R. Smith questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 55. Alex Sulpher questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 56. Clarence W. Bizer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 57. George B. Bluesky questionnaire, Feb. 20, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 58. Joseph Phillips questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 59. Jacob McCullough questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 60. Ed Handle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 61. Eli S. Guardipe questionnaire, n.d. [1920?], Wanamaker Documentation. 62. Amos Woods questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 63. Charlie Escacuga questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 64. Scott Mokey questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 65. Thomas P. Tibbetts questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 66. Alexander Cadotte questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 67. James F. Perkins questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 68. Ezra Hatch questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 69. Joseph Northrup questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 222

Notes to Pages 145–150

Northrup eventually returned to the Fond du Lac Reservation in Minnesota, became a fiction writer, and served as tribal chair. Jim Northrup, grandson, interview with the author, Brockport ny, Mar. 26, 1999. 70. Max J. Barnaby questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 71. Bert Cable questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 72. Douglas Asbury Holt questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 73. Lloyd B. Welch questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 74. Louis Francis Paul questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 75. Nicholas John Orloff questionnaire, Apr. 10, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 76. Lawrence P. Marie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 77. Frank Peratrovich questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 78. Gus Gartiez questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 79. Philip Cato questionnaire, n.d. [1920?], Wanamaker Documentation. 80. John Redbean questionnaire, May 4, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 81. Elias Scanandoah questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 82. George Ernest King questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 83. Baptiste DeFond questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 84. William Menz questionnaire, n.d. [1920?], Wanamaker Documentation. 85. Glen Whitefox questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 86. Wallace Tyndall questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 87. John P. Turpin questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 88. Ernest Packard questionnaire, Mar. 25, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 89. Anton Jerome questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Soldiers but Not Citizens

1. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 21. 2. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, esp. part 1. Notes to Pages 150–154

223

3. Cato Sells to Superintendents, Circular No. 1587, Office of Indian Affairs, Jan. 5, 1920, e977b, rg 75, na. 4. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 178–79, for a discussion of the complicated citizenship process for Indian veterans. 5. George Red Boy questionnaire, Feb. 23, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 6. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 51–72, for a complete discussion of the draft issue for Indians. 7. James A. Brown questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Thomas Garcia questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 9. Alex Sulpher questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Louis Francis Paul questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 11. George L. Stevens interview, Apr. 19, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 4, 10–11. 12. Joseph R. Alvarez questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 13. Edward Auld questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 14. Lawrence L. Barber questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. See Boyer and Gayton, Apache Mothers and Daughters, esp. part 2, for a history of Apache prisoners of war. 16. Oliver Betchait questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 17. Sam T. Kenei questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. John Baptiste Sky questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Felix Frog questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 20. John White Horse questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Charlie B. Lamere questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 22. Fred B. Blythe questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 23. Alfred B. Owl questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 24. James Hamilton questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 25. George H. Lawson questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Thomas DeRockbraine questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 27. Maurice M. Bedoka questionnaire, Mar. 13, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 224

Notes to Pages 155–160

28. Spencer Patterson questionnaire, Mar. 15, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Joseph Filario Tafoya questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 30. Nerio Tafoya questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 31. John Morgan questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 32. George Red Fox questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 33. Samuel Kadim questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Also see questionnaires, all n.d., for Private Garfield Day (SwinomishSkagit), twenty-five, La Conner wa, Company B, 305th Infantry, 77th Division; Private Alfred Edwards (Swinomish), twenty-four, La Conner wa, U.S. Navy; Private Martin J. Sampson (Swinomish-Skagit), thirty, La Conner wa, 38th Spruce Squadron, all Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Asa W. Slow questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Frank R. Leith questionnaire, Mar. 19, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 36. Frank DuFrane questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 37. Charles Littlechief questionnaire, Feb. 4, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 38. Leonard White Eagle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 39. Jacob Dockstater questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 40. Herbert Alfred Sickles questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Phillip C. Cato questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 42. Peter M. Cummings questionnaire, Dec. 23, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Willie Robert Young questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 44. William R. Smith questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 45. Louis Francis Paul questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 46. Jesse Lewis interview, Mar. 27, 1918, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 12–13. 47. William Hopkins questionnaire, Feb. 28, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 48. James Boyer questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 49. Glen Whitefox questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 160–163

225

50. Ambrose Gabe questionnaire, Apr. 27, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 51. H. Armstrong Kern, “Original Americans a Vanishing Race,” Philadelphia Record, May 3, 1925, 9–10, Wanamaker Documentation. 52. See McCool, “Indian Voting,” for a comprehensive discussion of issues surrounding American Indian voting rights. See also Finger, “Conscription, Citizenship, and ‘Civilization,’” 307–8, for a discussion of voting issues specific to the Eastern Cherokee following World War I. 53. Dixon to Harlan Fiske Stone, Feb. 12, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. Afterword

1. Dixon to W. E. Wood, June 18, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. 2. See photograph of service flag, Accession Number 1962-08-6271, Wanamaker Documentation. 3. Sioux Memorial Ceremony, July 4, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 4. Ewers, “Crow Chief’s Tribute”; Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 417; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 160. See also “The Washington Observer,” Philadelphia Public Ledger, Oct. 25, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 5. Dixon to Wood, June 18, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. See also “The Washington Observer,” Philadelphia Public Ledger, Nov. 17, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 6.Raymond Richards, “Crows Acclaim Great Foch as Chieftain,” Billings [mt] Gazette, Nov. 29, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Dixon to Wood, June 18, 1925, Wanamaker Documentation. 8. Barsh even speculates that the documentation “apparently has been lost.” See “American Indians in the Great War,” n. 13. 9. See correspondence between V. Sournin and Dixon, 1921–26, Wanamaker Documentation. 10. Joseph K. Dixon obituary, Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 26, 1926, 22. 11. Qtd. in Graybill and Boesen, Edward Sheriff Curtis, 80. 12. Carroll L. Scott to Dixon, Sept. 4, 1915, Wanamaker Documentation. 13. George Buckland to Dixon, Apr. 17, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 14. James McLaughlin, “Report on the 1913 Wanamaker Expedition,” Major James McLaughlin Papers (Grand Forks nd: Assumption College Archives, Special Collections, University of North Dakota, microfilm, 226

Notes to Pages 163–168

Roll 30), 11. See also Pfaller, “James McLaughlin,” for an assessment of the relationship between McLaughlin and Dixon. 15. See Lindstrom, “‘Not from the Land Side,’” for a discussion of the confusion generated by this Expedition of Citizenship. 16. McLaughlin, “Report,” sect. 3, p. 4. 17. See McDonnell, Dispossession of the American Indian, 95–96, for discussions of the process of determining competency and awarding fee patents for land and of ceremonies marking the transition. 18. Hertzberg, Search for An American Indian Identity, 184. 19. Qtd. in Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 170. See also Barsh, “American Heart of Darkness,” 108; Trachtenberg, Shades of Hiawatha, 274–75. 20. “History of Wanamaker Exhibit,” Panama-Pacific International Exposition, 1915, Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Barsh, “American Heart of Darkness,” 91. 22. Lindstrom, “`Not from the Land Side.’” 23. Griffiths, “Science and Spectacle,” 86. 24. Maddox, “Politics, Performance and Indian Identity.” 25. Fergus, Shadow Catcher. While there are stylistic differences between the formal portraits made by Dixon with glass-plate negatives and the more candid photographs made with nitrate roll film, these are attributable to the technology, not to the presence of an unknown second photographer, as the novel purports. 26. Trachtenberg, Shades of Hiawatha. 27. Kavanagh, North American Indian Portraits, 7–8. 28. McLuhan, Touch the Earth, 1. 29. E.g., a number of Curtis photographs were exhibited in The Master Prints of Edward S. Curtis, shown in conjunction with Indian Art/Facts, an exhibition of work by contemporary Native artists, at the museum of photography at the George Eastman House (Rochester ny, 2002). 30. Graybill and Boesen, Edward Sheriff Curtis; Gidley, Vanishing Race; Gidley, Edward S. Curtis . . . Incorporated; Gidley, Edward S. Curtis . . . in the Field. 31. DeMallie, Handbook of North American Indians, 482, 811, 813. 32. Poten and Roberts, Contrary Warriors; Dubois and McKiernan, Spirit of Crazy Horse. 33. See, e.g., Britten, American Indians in World War I, photographs on 87–98; Parman, Indians and the American West, photographs on 35–37. Notes to Pages 168–172

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34. Joseph K. Dixon, “The questionnaires seeking information . . . ,” Wanamaker Documentation. 35. Dixon, “American Indian,” Books 1–8. 36. Arthur Elm interview, Mar. 27, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 13–17, 17a–17e. 37. Crowell and Wilson, Demobilization, 94. 38. Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 5. 39. Joseph K. Dixon, “Contents” [notes for “From Tepees to Trenches”], n.d., 20, Wanamaker Documentation. 40. Leo B. Nelson questionnaire, Feb. 15, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 41. Mrs. Joseph Brown to Dixon, June 11, 1920, July 1, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 42. Edward Holbert to Dixon, Jan. 29, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 43. See, e.g., the history of the Society of American Indians in Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity. See also Hoxie, Talking Back to Civilization, 123–32, a discussion of the aftermath of World War I that accompanies reprints of commentaries by Indian writers Carlos Montezuma, Chauncey Yellow Robe, Charles Eastman, Zitkala Ša, and Robert Yellowtail. 44. McCool, “Indian Voting.” 45. Lacy, “United States,” 92 (emphasis in original). 46. Britten, American Indians in World War I, 183. 47. Barbeau and Henri, Unknown Soldiers. Black soldiers did not fare much better in World War II or on their return; see McGuire, Taps for a Jim Crow Army. 48. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers, 189. 49. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers, 193. See also Holm, Strong Hearts, Wounded Souls, 100–102, for a more complex reading of why Indians have entered U.S. military service in recent times. 50. Lurie comments on the Ho-Chunk experience of service in World War I revitalizing the warrior tradition. See “Winnebago Veterans.” See also Britten, American Indians in World War I, 186–87; Dempsey, Warriors of the King, 46–47. 51. Dixon to Jack G. Hill, Feb. 10, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). Appendix

1. Tracy D. Hull questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). 228

Notes to Pages 172–181

2. Form letter from Office of Indian Affairs, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 3. “The questionnaires. . . ,” n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Britten, American Indians in World War I, 114 n. 82. 4. Dixon, “The Indian in the World War, and War on the Indian,” Wanamaker Documentation. 5. Douglas Asbury Holt questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 6. “The questionnaires. . . ,” n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 7. Albert J. Dentz to Dixon, Apr. 10, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. There is no questionnaire for Dentz in Dixon’s records, although Office of Indian Affairs records include a card for an Albert Dence (Chippewa), who enlisted and served in the Engineer Corps; see Albert Dence card, e977b, rg 75, na. 8. Emily P. Lincoln to Dixon, Feb. 3, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 9. Thomas Gray Bull questionnaire, Dec. 30, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 10. E. B. Merritt to Dixon, Feb. 15, 1921, Apr. 26, 1921, May 10, 1921, June 27, 1921, Dec. 30, 1921, Feb. 14, 1921; Secretary to Dixon to E. B. Merritt, Feb. 11, 1921, July 5, 1921, all Wanamaker Documentation. 11. Perry Butler questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 12. Willie Redboy questionnaire, n.d, Wanamaker Documentation. 13. John Two Crows questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 14. James Holy Eagle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 15. Oliver Roman Nose questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 16. William H. Ketcham to Dixon, Feb. 25, 1920; Preston E. Hudson questionnaire, n.d., both Wanamaker Documentation. 17. Harvey Langdeau questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 18. Louise Johnson Bear to Dixon, May 12, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 19. Mrs. Joseph Brown to Dixon, June 11, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation (emphasis in original). 20. Lawrence See the Elk questionnaire, Dec. 31, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 21. Jack G. Hill questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 22. Charles Standing Elk questionnaire, n.d, Wanamaker Documentation. Notes to Pages 181–186

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23. George Bungo to Dixon, Mar. 25, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 24. Tracy D. Hull questionnaire, Feb. 26, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 25. Nicholas John Orloff questionnaire, Apr. 10, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 26. Leo B. Nelson questionnaire, Feb. 15, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 27. Charles B. Wicks questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 28. Thomas Gray Bull questionnaire, Dec. 30, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 29. Francis Kalama questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 30. Maurice M. Bedoka questionnaire, Mar. 13, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 31. Frank Leith questionnaire, Mar. 19, 1922, Wanamaker Documentation. 32. Ernest Packard questionnaire, Mar. 25, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 33. Andrew Russell to Dixon, Apr. 24, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 34. Kelly, “United States Indian Policies.” 35. Finger, “Conscription, Citizenship, and ‘Civilization,’” 283–84; Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 288; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 60–61. 36. Qtd. in Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 292. 37. I first viewed these card files at the National Archives in the summer of 1994, shortly after they had been discovered by archivists there. Originally identified as World War I Draft Registration Records, they had apparently been untouched since the 1930s. The Indian Office also compiled a twelve-volume scrapbook on Indian military service in the war, which Russel Barsh used as the basis for his 1991 article “American Indians in the Great War.” By the time of my initial research in 1994 the scrapbook had disappeared, possibly in a transfer from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to the National Archives. The card files, however, which Barsh noted as missing, had reappeared (e977b, rg 75, na). 38. Charles Cedartree card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. Cedartree was from the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency ok. 39. California Indians card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 40. Crow Creek card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 41. Tongue River mt card, e977b, rg 75, na. 230

Notes to Pages 186–189

42. “The questionnaires . . . ,” n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 43. Several hundred examples of the Indian soldiers’ questionnaires and letters from Indian-agency superintendents remain in the records of the Indian Office; see e998e, rg 75, na. 44. John Whirlwind Horse interview, Mar. 20–21, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 3, 7–9. 45. John Whirlwind Horse questionnaire, July 14, 1921, Wanamaker Documentation. 46. John Whirlwind Horse card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 47. Roland Delancey Davis questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 48. Roland Delancey Davis card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 49. Cornelio M. Cruz questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 50. Cornelio M. Cruz card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 51. “Indian Sniper Is Stranded,” New York Times, July 16, 1921; “Columbus Will Have Opportunity to See Indian in Native Garb Saturday Night,” Columbus Dispatch, Aug. 19, 1921; “Indian Memorial Day Is Urged by Joe Hopantico [sic],” Columbus Dispatch, Aug. 21, 1921; Joe Pocantico card, n.d., all e977b, rg 75, na. 52. Joe Pocantico questionnaire, Feb. 18, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. See also Barsh, “American Indians in the Great War,” 295, for an account of Pocantico’s postwar activity on behalf of the American Legion. 53. Philip D. Hull questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 54. Philip D. Hull card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 55. See Britten, American Indians in World War I, 51–72, for a discussion of American Indians and the draft in World War I. 56. Joseph Filario Tafoyo card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 57. Joseph Filario Tafoyo questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 58. Frank Coburn questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 59. Frank Coburn card, n.d., e 977b, rg 75, na. 60. Frank Coburn questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 61. Chester Armstrong Four Bear card, Jan. 1925, e977b, rg 75, na. 62. Chester Armstrong Four Bear questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 63. For mention of Four Bear’s wartime experience see also Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 432; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 106. Notes to Pages 190–194

231

64. See, e.g., “List of Casualties,” e977b, rg 75, na, which contains entries for individuals up to 1931. 65. Raymond T. Bonnin questionnaire, July 3, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 66. Raymond T. Bonnin card, Sept. 1921, e977b, rg 75, na. Bonnin was the husband of Gertrude Simmons Bonnin, or Zitkala-Ša (Yankton Sioux), noted author, musician, and activist. They married in 1902 and worked at the Uintah-Ouray Reservation in Utah until 1916, when they relocated to Washington dc. Bonnin worked for the Indian Office before and after his tour of duty in the army. Both Bonnins were active in the Indian reform movement of the 1920s, participating in the Society of American Indians and the National Council of American Indians. For a discussion of the Indian reform movement see Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, esp. part 1. For a recent discussion of Gertrude Bonnin’s life see Dominguez, “Zitkala-Ša.” 67. Reginald G. Downie questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 68. Reginald Downie card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 69. Walter G. Sevalier questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 70. Walter G. Sevalier card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. See also Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 431. 71. Theodore Brunt questionnaire, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 72. Theodore Brunt card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 73. Henry Keeler questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation; Henry Keeler card, n.d., e977b, rg 75, na. 74. Joe Young Hawk interview, Feb. 10, 1919, Dixon, “American Indian,” Book 1, 6–7. See also Joe Young Hawk questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation; Tate, “From Scout to Doughboy,” 431–32. 75. “Indian Veteran, Hero of War, Dies of Wounds,” unidentified newspaper clipping, n.d.; Joe Young Hawk card, n.d., both e977b, rg 75, na. 76. rg 120, na; Britten, American Indians in World War I, 110. See also Wise, Red Man in the New World Drama, 325–32; White, “American Indian as Soldier,” 21–22. 77. “The questionnaires . . . ,” n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. See also Britten, American Indians in World War I, 114 n. 82. 78. Records of 91st Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 79. John Belgarde questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 80. Records of 89th Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 81. Kiutis Jim questionnaire, Feb. 20, 1920, Wanamaker Documentation. 232

Notes to Pages 195–197

82. Records of 35th Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 83. Benjamin G. E. Prettyboy questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 84. Records of 89th Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 85. Henry A. Ankle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation. 86. Records of 89th Division, n.d., rg 120, na. 87. Thomas Hawk Eagle questionnaire, n.d., Wanamaker Documentation.

Notes to Pages 197–198

233

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239

Index

Figure numbers in italics refer to the illustrations following p. 124. Adams, Jon Victor, 28 Agard, James, 114, 142 Air Service, France, 51–52 Air Service, U.S. Army, 28, 34, 36, 100– 102, 117, 124, 136, 146, 180–81, 185, 186–87 Aleut, 151, 187 Alexander, John, 130 allotment of Indian lands, 6, 7, 10, 92, 115, 135–38, 142, 149, 154, 156, 193, 197 Alvarez, Joseph P., 158 Ameelyenah, Joseph, 131 American Indians: and agriculture, 142–48; and attitude toward Germans, 2, 20, 21, 22, 23, 29, 34, 41, 46–47, 52–59, 72, 73, 77, 99, 103; and draft, 28–29, 156– 57, 192; enlistment of, 18–21, 156–57; justice for, 33–34; and loyalty to United States, 4, 17, 20, 26–33, 41, 118; as runners, 66–67, 70, 76–79, 175–76; as scouts, 5, 66–76, 175–76; and warrior tradition, 5, 7, 16, 17, 21–24, 119–20, 176 Anderson, Jimmie, 90–91 Ankle, Henry A., 197–98 Antell, James R., 69 Antoine, Alex, 67 Apache, 53–54, 90; Chiracahua, 158–59; Mescalero, 33, 117 Arapaho, 189 Arbuckle, George, 87 Archibald, David, 59, 130 Areilo, Emilio, 53–54 Arickara, 78–79, 94, 95, 112, 113–14, 195 Arrow, Arthur, 188 Assiniboine, 60, 146, 162 Atchavit, Calvin, 138

Auld, Edward, 158 Bad Wound, Vincent, 38 Barber, Lawrence L., 158 Barnaby, Max J., 28–29, 150 Barnaby, Peter O., 28–29 Batiste, John, 91 Bazil, Charles, 112 Bear, Frank, 116 Bear, John Jr., 18 Bear, Louise Johnson, and questionnaires, 143, 185 Bear Ghost, Alphonse, 81 Bears Tail, John, 114 Beaver, Chester Grant, 116 Bedel, Henry, 23, fig. 7 Bedoka, Maurice M., 160, 187 Belgarde, John, 196 Bemo, George, 99 Bernie, Oscar, 67 Bertran, Martin M., 135–36 Betchait, Oliver, 158–59 Bigboy, William, 128–29 Bigheart, William, 110 Bighorn Elk, Louis, 119 Bird Above, Irwin, 85–86 Birds Bill, Frank, 99 Bishop, Harold K., 138–39 Bizer, Clarence W., 50, 147 Blackbird, Charles, 83, 85, 139–41 Blackfeet, 28, 133–34, 148 Black Hawke, James, 20, fig. 8 Blacksmith, Frank, 95 Blake, Charles, 111 Blue Earth, Richard, 81 Bluesky, George B., 70, 147 Blythe, Fred B., 159 boarding schools, 20, 22, 45, 64, 76, 151, 195; and assimilation, 6, 188; influence on American Indian military service by, 17, 24–26, 126

Bob, Alphonsus, 93 Bobb, Mitchell, 35–36, 210n30 Bohanon, Dave, 131 Bonnin, Barnabe Conger, 126 Bonnin, Raymond T., 117, 154, 195 Boyer, James, 123, 163 Bradley, Nick, 85 Brave, Ben, 30–31 Brien, Walter Roy, 94 Brooks, Sylvester L., 62 Brought Plenty, August, 85 Brown, Carl J., 144 Brown, James A., 99, 146, 156–57 Brown, Mrs. Joseph, and questionnaires, 82–83, 174, 185 Brown, Willie Denver, 82–83, 146 Brunt, Theodore, 116, 195 Bungo, George, 19, 186 Bunker, Isaac C., 94 Busch, Elmer E., 42–43 Butler, Perry, 105 Cable, Bert, 150 Caddo, 29, 126, 145, 160, 187 Cadotte, Alexander, 149 Cadotte, Gilbert C., 143 Canadian Army, 21, 36, 82 Carpenter, Charles Edward, 90 Cato, Phillip C., 32, 123, 152, 162 Cayenne, George J., 19 Cayuga, 138–39 Cedartree, Charles, 189 Charlie, Thomas B., 99, 134 Chase, Dan, 93–94 Chebahtah, Hezekiah, fig. 6 Cherokee, 26–28, 95, 107–9, 114, 151; Eastern, 82, 85, 127, 159; Western, 20, 37, 51–52, 56–57, 58, 69, 147–48 Cheyenne: Northern, 66, 77, 189; Southern, 99, 100, 128, 137–38, 145, 185, 187 Chico, J. J., 95 Chippewa, 27, 49, 128–29, 130; Michigan, 59–60, 71–72, 97; Minnesota, 18–19, 20, 25, 39, 43, 49, 54–55, 62–63, 69, 70, 72, 88, 92–93, 94, 98, 109, 115–16, 119, 127, 145, 147, 148, 150, 153, 159, 160, 161, 183, 186, 187–88, 190–91; Montana, 52, 105, 196; North Dakota,

242

19; Wisconsin, 4, 30, 32–33, 50, 60, 84, 86–87, 89, 91, 124, 148–49, 195 Choate, Ben, 47–48 Choate, Green McCurtain, 131 Choctaw, 24, 35–36, 37–38, 47–48, 53, 54, 55, 80, 82, 88, 89, 90–91, 93, 99, 102, 112, 113, 122, 130–31, 162, 174, 185, 187; telephone squad, 210n30 Chuculate, Alexander, 58 citizenship, U.S., for American Indians, 6, 7, 10–12, 17, 28–29, 154–64, 166, 174–78, 181–82 Clallam, 103, 195 Cloquet, Eugene E., 100–101, 136 Clown, Moses, 71, 144 Coast Artillery Corps, U.S., 98, 104, 112, 121, 160, 163 Coburn, Frank, 48–49, 143, 193 Collier, John, and the American Indian Defense Association, 163–64 Colville, 51, 149 Comanche, 62, 117, 138, 150 Connell, Harrison B., 89 Connolly, John, 111 Cornplanter, Jesse J., 39 Cottier, Edward, 88 Cottier, Samuel, 97 Cowlitz, 114 Cree, 118–19 Creek, 59, 116, 129, 130, 134–35, 146–47, 157, 177, 186 Cross, Lawrence, 106, 135 Crow, 50, 66, 85–86, 171; Reservation, 9, 166, fig. 2, fig. 3 Crowe, James H., 57 Cruz, Cornelio M., 191 Cummings, Peter M., 106–7, 162 Cummins, 73 Curtis, Edward S., 7, 167, 171 Cusick, Simon, 21 Cusick, Wilkins Jr., 128 Dailey, John Lee, 146 Dana, Samuel J., 88 Davenport, James, 210n30 Davis, Roland Delancey, 190–91 Day, Garfield, 225n33 Decorah, Foster, 4, 73 Decorah, Robert, 73

Index

DeFond, Baptiste, 129, 152 DeMarr, Ed, 124 Dentz, Albert J., 183 DeRockbraine, Thomas, 159–60 Desautel, Elmer, 112 Desautel, Thomas William, 104 DeVilla, Juan, 50 Diaz, Armando, 166 Dixon, Joseph K.: background and family of, 1, 6–14, 166; critics of, 167–71; documenting American Indians, 6–8, 12–14, 17, 66, 80–81, 85, 87, 93, 95, 155, 156, 165–98; and Eastman Kodak, 8–9; films by, 9; and “From Tepees to Trenches,” 12, 16, 165, 166, 173–74, 184; and Memorial to the North American Indian, 10, 167–68, 175, fig. 4; on 1908 expedition, 9, fig. 1, fig. 2; on 1909 expedition, 9, fig. 3; on 1913 expedition, 10–11, 168, 169–70, 175, fig. 5; The Vanishing Race, 9, 66, 167; and Wanamakers, 9–11, 166, fig. 19 Dixon, Rollin, 8, 9, 10, 166, 168, fig. 1 Dockstater, Jacob, 114–15, 131, 161 Donovan, Charles, 82, 127 Dorr, James Hinton, 98 Doshinko, Grover, 29, 126 Downie, Reginald G., 103, 195 Drapeau, Ray E., 123 Drop-at-a-Distance, David, 29 DuFrane, Frank, 161 Duncan, Thomas G., 83–84 Duwamish, 162 Earring, Harvey, 117 Edwards, Alfred, 210n30 Edwards, Jason D., 124–25 Ellery, Patrick, 52, 71–72 Elm, Arthur, 1–5 Escacuga, Charlie, 26, 104–5, 148 Factor, Jimmie, 99–100 Fairbanks, Edward A., 92–93 Fairbanks, Mary, and questionnaires, 92–93 Fast Horse, Fred, 23 Fish, Louis, 134 Fitzsimmons, Thomas E., and Stokes Mortar Platoon, 44–45, 55

Index

Flathead, 28–29, 98, 104, 144, 150, 186–87, 192 Fleury, George P., 53 Foch, Ferdinand, 35, 166 Four Bear, Chester Armstrong, 193–94 Frazier, Lawrence, 18 Frog, Felix, 32, 159 Frog, Luke, 18 Fulton, Robert, 53, 122 Gabe, Ambrose, 135, 143, 163 Gallamore, Cecil, fig. 6 Garcia, Thomas, 154, 157 Gardepi, Joseph, 98 Gardner, W. J., 26 Gartiez, Gus, 121, 152 gas, mustard, 23, 28, 30, 32, 38, 39, 43, 58, 64, 65, 72, 73, 78, 82, 89, 95, 96, 107, 119, 149, 193, 195 Germany, occupation of, 53, 68, 69, 77, 83, 86, 91, 94, 102, 105, 128 Gordon, Rev. Philip, and questionnaires, 60, 123–24 Grady, Charles, 113 Graham, Alex, 50 Grande Ronde, 84–85 Gray Bull, Thomas, 187 Green Grass, Jim, 23 Grinnell, Earl, 115 Gros Ventre, 31, 37, 48, 93–94, 99, 111, 113, 114, 184 Guardipe, Eli S., 28, 148 Hamilton, James, 136, 159 Handle, Ed, 147–48 Harjo, Cuffie, 89 Harjo, Josey, 88–89 Hartless, Martin, 84–85 Hatch, Ezra, 149 Hates Him, Owen, 32, 143 Hawk, James, 22, fig. 7 Hawk Eagle, Thomas, 198 Hemlock, Samuel Emerson, 53 Henry, Mark, 36 High Elk, Joe, 33–34, 144 High Elk, Joseph, 144 Hill, Jack G., 177, 186 Hinman, Richard, 55 Holbert, Edward, 32, 119, 174

243

Hollowbreast, William, 77, 189, fig. 14 Holt, Douglas Asbury, 93, 150–51 Holy Eagle, James, 185 Hoopa, 68, 116, 121 Hopkins, Harvey, 94 Hopkins, William, 110–11, 162–63 Hudson, Preston E., 185 Hull, Philip D., 150, 192 Hull, Tracy D., 144, 186–87 Indian Cavalry Bill, 11 influenza epidemic of 1918–19, 93–94, 108, 152 Iowa, 94 Iroquois, 175 Jackson, Hugh W., 38, 131–32 James, Elson M., 74–76 James, Jackson, 113 Javine, Roy Vernon, 116 Jenson, George, 39 Jerome family: Andy, 153; Anton, 153; Frank, 153; Joe, 153 Jim, Kiutis, 196–97 Juan, Paul, 131 Kadim, Samuel, 160–61 Kahn, Julius, 11–12 Kalama, Francis, 25–26, 187 Kaw, 29, 45 Keahbone, Mark Edward, 146 Keeler, Henry, 188, 195 Keeler, John, 188 Kemble, Willie, 24, 106 Kenei, Sam T., 159 Keplain, John B., 62–63 Keshik, George, 59 Keshik, Peter E., 61 Keshik, Stephen M., 145 Keyes, Walter, 45, 55, fig. 9 Kick, Albert, 21 Kick, Enos William, 21 Kickapoo, 66–67, 83, 88, 105, 121–22 King, David, 117 King, George Ernest, 120–21, 152 Kinney, Ollie, 19 Kiowa, 98, 135, 146, 152, 163 Kiplin, Joseph, 19 Kipomo, 48

244

Klamath, 34, 48–49, 57–58, 61–62, 70–71, 72–73, 101–2, 104, 143, 193 Klickatat, 93, 150–51 Kootenai, 158 LaJeunesse, Joseph P., 54–55, 70, 88 Lamere, Charlie B., 159 Langdeau, Harvey, 144, 185 LaPointe, Joseph A., 84 Larney, Edward, 111 Lasky, Turner, 129 Lastman, John, and questionnaires, 120 Laundry, Edward, 30 LaValle, Roy, 118–19 Lavatta, Benton, 118 Lawson, Charles, 30, 82 Lawson, George H., 105, 126–27, 136, 159 Lawson, J. H., and questionnaires, 82 Leader, Jacob, 30, 45, fig. 9 LeCompte, Casper, 29–30, 141 LeCompte, Cyril, 144 LeFlore, McAlester, 112 Leggett, Mark, 90 Lego, Andy B., 115 Leith, Frank R., 161, 187–88 Levings, Martin, 31 Lewis, Jesse, 54, 162, fig. 10 Lewis, Roy, 51–52 Lincoln, Emily, and questionnaires, 183 Littlechief, Charles, 29, 124, 161 Little Lake, 18 Little Soldier, Sam, 76 Locke, Victor Murat, 24 Long, John Lieb, 91–92 Looking Back, George, and questionnaires, 81 Looking Back, Isaac, 81 Lost Battalion, 48–49 Loves War, Henry, 91 Lowe, Albert, 76–77 Lubo, Senon, 115 Lucero, Antonio, 62 Lummi, 50, 147 Mahto, Ted, 118 Mandan, 111, 114 Many Wounds, George, 121 Marie, Lawrence P., 151

Index

Marine Corps, U.S., 51, 58, 95, 104, 115, 127–28 Marmon, Frank Lawrence, 127–28 Martin, Adolph Ambrose, 113 Masquat, George Pam-o-thah, 66–67, 88 Mathews, John Joseph, 117 Mat-sap-to, George, 114 McBride, Jerry, 102–3 McCarthy, James, 128 McCullough, Jacob, 147 McCurtain, Ewart P., 89 McDaniels, Crus, 19 McGeisey, James Thomas, 70–71 McKinney, Henry, 121–22 McLaughlin, James, 11, 168–69, 171 McLeod, Henry W., 104 McMaster, Donald William, 51 Means, David B., 53 Means, William W., 109 Meashintubby, Eastmon, 93 Memorial to the North American Indian, 10, 167–68, 175, fig. 4. See also Dixon, Joseph K. Menominee, 76, 95 Mentag, Anton, fig. 6 Menz, William, 63, 131, 152 Metoxen, Emerson, 109 Mexico, American Indian service in, 11, 45, 61–62, 119, 121 Miami, 34 Miles, Leo, 42 Miller, Max, 143 Milly, Billy, 116 Mission Indian, 26, 47, 50, 115 Mitchell, Mary, and questionnaires, 136–37 Mitchell, Peter, 97–98 Modoc, 48, 145 Mohave, 19, 131 Mohawk, 19, fig. 5 Mokey, Scott, 148 Moncravie, Nicholas, 111–12 Mono, 99, 134 Monongo, 113 Moore, Frankie, 18 Morgan, John, 49, 160 Morris, Sam, 99 Moss, Philip A., 125–26 Mullen, Samuel, 117

Index

Munnell, David, 25 Munnell, James, 25, 72 Muskrat, Thomas, 56–57 Nagle, Jack, 114 National Guard, U.S., 18, 45, 53, 111, 116, 123, 130 Navajo, 73–74, 143 Navy, U.S., 12, 18, 19–21, 36, 50–51, 93, 96, 115, 119, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 131, 137, 143, 150, 151, 161, 189; attracting volunteers, 19–21, 109–10; with fleet in Hudson River, 12, 18 Nelson, Edward, 20, 126 Nelson, Leo B., 80, 174, 187 Neubert, Lyon O., 27 Nicholas, Daniel, 90 Nick, Chiltoskey W., 127 Nomalackie, 83–84 Northrup, Joseph, 18, 115–16, 150 Nunomantuby, Jacob B., 37–38 Office of Indian Affairs, documenting American Indians in military, 5–6, 13, 24, 80, 94–95, 179, 181, 183–84, 188–95 Omaha, 36, 37, 83, 85, 91–92, 95–96, 105, 126–27, 136–37, 139–41, 153, 159 Oneida, 1–5, 21, 33, 79, 81–82, 109, 114–15, 131, 152, 161–62 One Stand, Leander Frank, 34 Orange, Frank, 128 Orloff, Nicholas John, 151, 187 Ortega, Aniseto, 25, 40–41 Osage, 42, 49, 61–62, 63–64, 82, 90, 101, 110, 111–12, 116, 117, 127, 158, 171, 195 Otoe, 105–6, 146 Ottawa, 55–56, 67, 128 Overton, Louis, 97 Owl, Alfred B., 159 Oyebi, Thomas, 135 Packard, Ernest, 153, 188 Packineau, David, 37 Paddy, Pete, 121 Paiute, 36, 110, 121, 152 Papago, 128 Pappin, Herbert Alexander, 63–64

245

Passamaquoddy, 67, 88, 157 Patterson, Spencer, 160 Patterson, William, 114 Paul, Louis Francis, 151, 157, 162 Paw-cese, Sam, 113 Pawnee, 30, 44–47, 55, 151 Pelletier, Louie A., 105 Pend d’Oreille, 125–26 Peratrovich, Frank, 109, 151–52 Percival, Edward, 133 Perkins, James F., 149 Perrier, Peter, 49 Peters, Ewing, 72–73, fig. 12 Philips, Roy A., 95 Phillips, Joseph, 147 Pickett, Joseph J., 50 Picotte, George Andrew, 116 Piegan, 26, 38, 111, 131–32 Pierson, Joe, 112 Pima, 20, 126 Pinn, Carlyle T., 26–27, 107–9 Plenty Coups, and Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, 166 Pocantico, Joe, 191–92 Poe, David, 48 Pomo, 42–43, 47, 110 Ponca, 24, 55, 106 Potawatomi: Kansas, 18, 97, 112, 113, 114, 115; Michigan, 61, 145, 147 Powless, Chauncey, 33, 79 Powless, Josiah A., 81–82 Prettyboy, Benjamin G. E., 197 Printup, Abraham, 128 Provost, Jack, 109–10 Pueblo, 25, 40–41, 95, 127–28, 131; Isleta, 62; San Juan, 191; Santa Clara, 39–40, 122, 160, 193; Tewa, 32, 123, 152, 162; Zuni, 19 Py-ah-hun-kah, Frank, 61, 62 Quinn, James, 61–62 Rabbit, Bony, fig. 6 Rabbit Head, John, 111 Redbean, John, 102, 152 Red Boy, George, 106, 155–56 Red Elk, Frank, 62 Red Fox, George, 129, 160 Red Fox, Ray, 95

246

Redrobe, Jasper, 189 Renville, Felix, 33, 87 Reynolds, Frank, 137–38, fig. 18 Rich, James Bartlett, 9, fig. 1 Richards, Harry, 45 Richardson, Peter, 47 Rivera, William, 19, fig. 7 Roberts, George Watson, 34, 101–2 Robinson, Henry, 83 Robinson, John, 36 Robinson, Newton, 37 Rogers, Lewis Frances, 82 Rogers, Thomas, 78–79 Roman Nose, Oliver, 185 Romert, Edward M., 143 Rousseau, Louie A., 38–39 Rowe, Benjamin D., 37 Rowland, Benton, 189 Rowland, George, 189 Runner, Thomas, 100 Running, Frank B., 145 Russell, Andrew, and questionnaires, 188 Russell, Jacob B., 64–65 Russell, Joseph, 188 Russia, 151; American Indian service in, 59–61, 84, 151 Sac and Fox, 89 Sampson, Martin J., 225n33 Sanderson, Lewis, 70–71 San Juan, 30, 82 Sauk, 23, fig. 7 Saves Them, Benedict, 125 Scanandoah, Elias, 152 Sconchin, Cain, 48, 145 Sears, James, 100, 146 See the Elk, Lawrence, 185–86 Sellew, Ralph W., 26 Sells, Cato, 11, 134, 154–55, 183, 188–89 Seminole, 56, 88–89, 99–100, 111, 112, 116, 134 Seneca, 39, 53, 120–21, 139, 152, 160 Sevalier, Walter G., 195 Shananquet, Lee, 55–56 Shebingus, Sam, 50 Shemayme, Jimmie Patrick, 145 Shop-tease, Francis, 97 Shoshone, 17, 118 Shotubbi, Louie, 102

Index

Sickles, Herbert Alfred, 161–62 Siletz, 28 Sioux, 30–31, 66, 67, 99, 129, 144, 146, 153, 154, 156–57, 160, 174, 188; Cheyenne River, 32, 33, 38–39, 71, 143, 144, 145, 193–94; Crow Creek, 102–3, 189; Fort Peck, 26, 36–37, 38, 104–5, 148, 158; Lower Yanktonai, 161; Oglala, 18, 22, 32, 33, 38, 39, 53, 57, 59, 65, 82–83, 87–88, 93, 97, 100, 106–7, 109–10, 123, 143, 144, 146, 155–56, 159, 162, 163, 185, 188, 190, 191–92, 197, 198; on the Pine Ridge Reservation, 165–66, 171, fig. 17, fig. 19; Rosebud, 23, 125, 158; Santee, 36, 50; Sisseton, 33, 87; Sisseton-Wahpeton, 110–11, 162–63; Standing Rock, 29–30, 39, 63, 77–78, 81, 85, 91, 112, 114, 117, 118, 119, 121, 124, 131, 135, 141, 142, 152, 159–60, 161, 185–86, 187; Yankton, 116, 117, 123, 126–27, 129, 152, 195; Yanktonai, 57 Sitting Dog, Andrew, 112 Sitting Hawk, Stacy, fig. 6 Sky, John A., Jr., 4, 86 Sky, John Baptiste, 32–33, 159 Sky, Joseph, 86–87 Slow, Asa W., 161 Smith, Charles E., 109 Smith, James, 130 Smith, John W., 48 Smith, William R., 60, 146, 162 Snohomish, 74, 113, 133, 149 Society of American Indians, 91, 135, 154, 169 Sockey, Robert, 88 Soldani, Clarence M., 101 Solomon, Andrew, 137 Solomon, Dixon, 82 Sorrell, Charles, 17 Spear, Charles, 83 Spokane, 104, 112, 124–25 Spotted Bird, John A., 36–37 Springer, George, 136–37 St. Martin, Joseph, 60 Standing Bear, Henry, and questionnaires, 188 Standing Elk, Charles, 186 Star, Philip, 112

Index

Stevens, George, 104 Stevens, George L., 157 Stokes Mortar Platoon, 30, 44–47, 55, fig. 9 Stone, Dewey Frank, 96 Strongheart, Walter, 39 Sulpher, Alex, 116, 134–35, 146–47, 157 Swallow, Ernest, 99 Swanson, Leslie, 68 Swinomish, 160–61, 225n33 Tafoya, Joseph Filario, 39–40, 122, 160, 193 Tafoya, Nerio, 160 Tatooed, James B., 135 Tebo, Stanley, 94 Thlinget, 109, 151–52, 157, 162 Thomas, John, 134 Thomas, Louis, 113 Thundercloud, Sam, 23, 33, 73, fig. 13 Tibbitts, Thomas P., 145, 148 Tlingit. See Thlinget Tokespeta, Mark, 89 Torres, Franklin, 33 Trouchie, Joseph, 19 tuberculosis, 90–93, 95 Tulalip, 22, 74–76, 82, 93 Turning Holy, Frank, 93 Turpin, John P., 39, 86, 153 Tuscarora, 21, 128 Two Crows, John, 184 Two Dog Snow, James, 144 Two Horses, Edward, 77–78 Tye, Archibald, 26 Tyndall, Wallace, 95–96, 153 Upper Cowlitz, 100–101, 136 U.S. Army Historical Section, documenting American Indians in military, 5–6, 13, 24, 67, 179, 181, 184, 196–98 The Vanishing Race (Dixon), 9, 66, 167 Veach, Columbus E., 55, 130 Wade, Frank, 89 Walapai, 89 Wallace, Earle, 130 Wallace, Lemmie, 130 Wanamaker, John, 9

247

Wanamaker, Rodman, 9, 10, 167, 170, 180–83 Wanamaker stores, 9, 166, 169, 170 Ward, Charles Robert, 69, fig. 11 Warm Springs, 25–26, 187 Warner, Charles, 37 War Risk Insurance, 134–35, 136 Washington, Mike, 36 Welch, Lloyd B., 114, 151 Wewa, Sam, 110 Wewenes, Philip, 83 Whirlwind Horse, John, 33, 59, 87–88, 190, fig. 15 White, Corbett, 105–6, fig. 16 White Bull, George, 65 Whitedog, Henry, 133–34 White Eagle, Leonard, 161 Whitefox, Glen, 98, 152–53, 163 White Horse, John, 125, 159 Whiteman, Oscar, 113 Whitewolf, Charles, 106 Whitewood, Joseph, 143 Wichita, 130 Wicks, Charles M., 145 Wilbur, Earl J., 76 Williams, Edward, 22

248

Williams, Frank, 47, 110 Williams, John, 128 Wilson, Calvin, 210n30 Winans, Robert, 113–14 Winnebago: Nebraska, 64–65, 143, 159, 185; Wisconsin, 4, 23, 33, 73, 76–77, 148, 161, 185 Wise, Walter, 56 Wolfe, Jimmie, 112 Wolfe, John, 130 Wolfe, William Leon, 20–21, 119, 127 Woods, Amos, 43, 148 Woods, Henry, 57–58 Wylackie, 90 Wynashe, James, 29, 45, fig. 9 Yackeyonny, Owen, fig. 6 Yakima, 135–36, 162, 196–97 Yazza, David, 74 Yellow, Paul, 73–74 Yellowfat, Martin, 91 Young, Willie Robert, 162 Youngdeer, Stephen, 82 Young Eagle, Frank, 44–47, fig. 9 Young Hawk, Joe, 78, 95, 195 Youngman, Julius, 38

Index

Studies in War, Society, and the Military Military Migration and State Formation The British Military Community in Seventeenth-Century Sweden Mary Elizabeth Ailes The State at War in South Asia Pradeep P. Barua An American Soldier in World War I George Browne Edited by David L. Snead The Rise of the National Guard The Evolution of the American Militia, 1865–1920 Jerry Cooper The Thirty Years’ War and German Memory in the Nineteenth Century Kevin Cramer Political Indoctrination in the U.S. Army from World War II to the Vietnam War Christopher S. DeRosa In the Service of the Emperor Essays on the Imperial Japanese Army Edward J. Drea You Can’t Fight Tanks with Bayonets Psychological Warfare against the Japanese Army in the Southwest Pacific Allison B. Gilmore Civilians in the Path of War Edited by Mark Grimsley and Clifford J. Rogers I Die with My Country Perspectives on the Paraguayan War, 1864–1870 Edited by Hendrik Kraay and Thomas L. Whigham North American Indians in the Great War Susan Applegate Krouse Photographs and original documentation by Joseph K. Dixon

Citizens More Than Soldiers The Kentucky Militia and Society in the Early Republic Harry S. Laver Soldiers as Citizens Former German Officers in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1945–1955 Jay Lockenour Army and Empire British Soldiers on the American Frontier, 1758–1775 Michael N. McConnell The Militarization of Culture in the Dominican Republic, from the Captains General to General Trujillo Valentina Peguero Arabs at War Military Effectiveness, 1948–1991 Kenneth M. Pollack The Politics of Air Power From Confrontation to Cooperation in Army Aviation Civil-Military Relations Rondall R. Rice Andean Tragedy Fighting the War of the Pacific, 1879–1884 William F. Sater The Grand Illusion The Prussianization of the Chilean Army William F. Sater and Holger H. Herwig Sex Crimes under the Wehrmacht David Raub Snyder The Paraguayan War: Volume 1, Causes and Early Conduct Thomas L. Whigham The Challenge of Change Military Institutions and New Realities, 1918–1941 Edited by Harold R. Winton and David R. Mets