No title

The BIBLICAL

ARCHAEOLOGIS dor0t

Published by THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH Jerusalem and Bagdad Jloom 102, 6 Divinity Avenue, Cambridge, Mass.

Vol. XXXI

December,1968

No. 4

Fig. 1. One of the Mari ladies, From Syria, XLX,Plate VIII.

Prophecy in the Mari Letters HERBERTB. HITFFMON Drew University

In view of the abundance of time, energy and money that has been devoted to archaeological undertakings in Palestine, mostly with the goal of illuminating the Bible, it is interesting to note that the fuller understanding of the religious and socio-economicsetting of the Bible, or, more

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is published quarterly (February, May, September, December) The Biblical Archaeologist by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Its purpose is to meet the need for a readable, account of archaeological discoveries as they relate to the reliable non-technical, yet thoroughly Bible. Editor: Edward F. Campbell, Jr., with the assistance of Floyd V. Filson in New Testament matters. Editorial correspondence should be sent to the editor at 800 West Belden Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, 60614. Editorial Board: W. F. Albright, Johns Hopkins University; G. Ernest Wright, Harvard University; Frank M. Cross, Jr., Harvard University; William G. Dever, Jerusalem. Subscriptions: $3.00 per year, payable to the American Schools of Oriental Research, 126 Inman Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138. Associate members of ASOR receive the journal automatically. Ten or more subscriptions for group use, mailed and billed to the same address, $2.00 per year apiece. Subscriptions run for the calendar year. In England: twenty-four shillings (24s.) per year, payable to B. H. Blackwell, Ltd., Broad Street, Oxford. Back numbers: $1.00 per issue and $3.75 per volume, from the ASOR office. Please make remittance with order. The journal is indexed in Art Index, Index to Religious Periodical Literature, and at the end of every fifth volume of the journal itself. Second-class postage PAID at Cambridge, Massachusetts and additional offices. Copyright by American Schools of Oriental Research, 1968. PRINTED

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specifically now the Old Testament, is more indebted to the archaeological discoveries at the famous Syrian sites of Ras Shamra (Ugarit) and Tell Hariri (Mari) than it is to the discoveries at the vast majority of Palestinian sites even considered together. The reason for this striking situation, of course, is that Ugarit and Mari have yielded many thousands of texts. For it is texts that permit us to look most fully into the life and thought of the biblical world. Ugarit is best known for the multitude of mythological texts that have put Canaanite religion into a much clearer focus. The Mari texts, while lacking in the realm of mythology, have greatly illuminated the religious and socio-political setting of the Patriarchs and of early Israel, shedding special light on a number of institutions of early Israel such as covenant-making,"Judges,"and, of course, the present topic, prophecy.' Before we can proceed much farther in our discussion we must have some understanding of what prophecy is. One danger here is to conceive of prophecy strictly in terms of figures like Amos and Jeremiah, a view that rules out many figures called prophets in the Bible itself. A wider understanding of the prophetic type is needed for historical or comparative purposes. Prophecy has of course been defined in many different ways. But if we are going to discuss prophecy in the ancient Near East, including Israel, it is more fruitful to abandon classical models with their emphasis on prediction and their mixture of what may be distinguished as prophecy and divination. The differentiation between natural and artificial divination, between what Plato (Phaedrus) calls "inspired madness" and what he terms "the rational investigation of futurity" (i.e., learned augury), includes under natural or intuitive divination such items as 1. For an older survey article on Mari see G. E. Mendenhall, BA, XI (1948), on Mari prophecy, see the Appendix.

1-19. For studies

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dreams that require interpretation by specialists.2 This is not helpful in distinguishing prophecy. For our purposes prophecy may be defined as having the following general, but not exclusive, characteristics: 1) a communication from the divine world, normally for a third party through a mediator (prophet) who may or may not identify with the deity; 2) inspiration through ecstacy, dreams (apart from induced dreams in most instances), or what may be called inner illumination; 3) an immediate message, i:e., a message that does not require a technical specialist to interpret it; 4) the likelihood that the message is unsolicited (unlike divination except in the case of unusual natural phenomena); 5) the likelihood that the message is exhortatory or admonitory. Divination, on the other hand, may be characterizedas the use of technical expertise in the interpretation of natural or induced phenomena, the most common technique being the examination of animal livers; it is normally solicited. Prophecy

Outside Israel

Although it has long been recognized that prophetic activity was not confined to the prophets of Yahweh, since the Bible itself refers to the prophets of Baal and the prophets of Asherah (I Kings 18; II Kings 10:19), evidence for prophets in the ancient Near East is very sparse indeed.3 We can refer to the Wen-Amon report, first published in 1899, which concerns a journey to Phoenicia ca. 1060 B.C. in the course of which, Wen-Amon says, "Now while he [the Prince of Byblos] was making offering to his gods, the god seized one of his youths and made him possessed."The youth then delivered an oracle instructing the Prince of Byblos to pay heed to the messenger, Wen-Amon, and the god Amon who sent him.4 There is also the Zakir stele, found near Aleppo, first published in 1908. In this text, dating from the early 8th century B.C., king Zakir reports that when under siege "I lifted up my hands to BaalSha[may]n and Baal-Shamay[n] answered me [and spoke] to me by means of seers (.zzyn) and diviners (?) ('ddn)."5 Needless to say BaalShamayn gave an oracle of deliverance. The Mari prophets must be seen in the light of Mesopotamian cultural practices, Mari being an old but marginal center of Mesopotamian 2. P. Amandry, in La diviniation en Mesopotamie ancienne (1966), p. 174, reacting to the classical distinctions, comments that "the only form of revelation that fully merits being called intuitive is that which is received directly, without intermediary, at any time whatsoever and in any place whatsoever, by a person capable of immediately comprehending the divine message and of communicating it." This is a good definition of prophetic revelation. 3. On the "Akkadian Prophecies," really part of the omen tradition, see R. D. Biggs, Iraq, XXIX (1967), 117-132. For the Old Babylonian oracle from Uruk, see Biggs' translation in the forthcoming new edition of Ancient Near Eastern Texts. On the different characters of "prophecy" in Egypt, see S. Hermann, Vetus Testamentum Supplementum, IX (1963), 47-65. 4. Translation by J. Wilson in Ancient Near Eastern Texts (2nd ed., hereafter ANET), pp. 25-29, esp. p. 26 quoted here. Wilson (note 13) adds that "the determinative of the word '(prophetically) possessed' shows a human figure in violent motion or epileptic convulsion." 5. The precise meaning of this word is not known. Comparison with Arabic suggests that it may refer to diviners by lot. An alternative view is that it refers to people who are "sent (by a god)." For a translation of the text, see F. Rosenthal, ANET, pp. 501-2.

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culture. Mesopotamian practices include, for example, some references to ecstatic cultic personnel who transmit divine messages. But even the Ibestknown class, that of the mzahhu-ecstaticwho received divine messages especially by way of dreams, is known only from a small number of texts, mostly of the Neo-Assyrian period. Although these ecstatics seem obviously related to the mwhhu-lecstaticsof the Mari texts, the equation is hot exact (see further below). There are also the divine oracles delivered to king Esarhaddon by individuals, mostly women, who address him in the name

Q'II

-14

Fig. 2. Inscribed liver models for the divination expert. From Syria, XX, 102, fig. 2.

of Ishtar, announcing favorable oracles in the first person." But nothing is known as to how the oracle was received. In other texts a ragintu ("one who cries out"), a prophetess of some kind, delivers a divine message.7 But, as has been remarked by A. L. Oppenheim, divine communication by means of ecstacy or through persons who could be called prophets was not at all typical of Mesopotamia and such evidence for it as 6. For a translationof a collection of these oracles, see R. H. Pfeiffer in ANET, pp. 449-450. For some similar oracles to Esarhaddonby Ishtar of Arbela and by Ashur, but without the mention of any mediator, see S. A. Strong, Beitriige zur Assyriologic,II (1894), 627-643. 7. L. Waterman, ed., Royal Correspondenceof the Assyrian Empire, I (1930), letters 149 and 437. The same term is applied to the goddess Ninlil as an oracle giver in a text translatedby Pfeiffer, ANET, pp. 450-1 (translated "sibyl"). A male counterpartappearsin other texts.

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there is comes mostly from marginal areas in the west or from the eclectic culture of late Assyria.8 The factor that changes the picture of prophecy outside (and prior to) Israel is the recent evidence for prophecy in the Mari letters. This material not only antedates Israel but also comes from an area that is the larger focus of Patriarchal activities. The published Mari texts now number about 2800, of which 1000 are letters and the others are almost exclusively economic, administrativeor juridical, with, for example, but one ritual text. It is from this seeming multitude of letters that one may cull some twenty-odd that are concerned with prophetic activities. And the bulk of this group has appeared within the last two years, some of them being available only in the cuneiform copies. The translations below are based on the copies and the transliterations,wherever they exist. Since these Mari letters present a number of different designations for "prophets"and a variety of types, they are here grouped accordingly. The "Answerer"

One class of prophet is termed apilu (fem. ipiltu), "one who answers." The etymology of the word suggests that the "Answerer"gave oracles in response to questions put to the god, but the texts do not require that interpretation. There is a good possibility of at least indirect solicitation in some instances, but on other occasions it is apparent that the message was not solicited by the person addressed. The term is consistently used from Aleppo to Sippar and, although otherwise very rare, is acceptable as provincial Akkadian. W. von Soden cites only one other pertinent reference, a vague mention in a later text from Assyria that "the king will not receive the apilu in his palace."9 But in addition the texts concerning the activities of the assinnu (see below) make it clear that the apilu listed in one lexical series belongs here and represents a lesser known class of cultic personnel. The apilu/pilpilu together with the isinnu/as[in]nu and two other cultic types are equated with the kulu'u, a type of male cult prostitute.10Speculation is tempting, but a reasonable conclusion is that the ipilu was some kind of cultic personage. As for Mari, it is interesting to note that a man named Ili-andulli, an apilu, receives a garment from the royal stores just as did various agricultural, commercial, and ship workers.11In one capacity or another, therefore, he was supported by the crown. 8. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia (1964), pp. 221-222. For the Hittite "prophet" (the term used means "man of the god" or the like) see the texts translated by A. Goetze in ANET, pp. 394-396, pars. 2, 10, 11 (text A), and text B. 9. W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwdrterbuch (1959-), p. 58a. The entries under nos. 2 and 3 are not relevant. For the possible variant aplu (abru), see the dictionaries. 10. The lexical text is a combination of CT 18, 5 (K.4193), 9'-11', and LTBA 2, No. 1, vi. 45-49. The preceding sections agree. For the abbreviations used and the terms discussed see von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch. Note also the lexical material cited by B. Landsberger and referred to by A. Malamat, Supplements to Vetus Testamentumn, XV (1966), 212, n. 2. 11. Archives Royales de Mari (hereafter ARM), IX (1960), No. 22.14.

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The following two letters, the first cited being the initial publication to mention the "Answerer," belong together.

A.112112 [Speak to my lord: the message of Nur-Sin, your servant.] number of lines missing) . ". (undetermined [as fo]r [transferring (?)] the pasture-land (?) [and cattle (?)], the Zipil[lum (?)] (or: Abi-[Addu (?)]) spoke in the presence of Zu-hatnim as follows: 'Give over the pasture-la[nd] (?) and the cattle.' My lord, in the presence of kin[gs .. .] said to give the pasture-land (?) [ . . (?)], as follows: 'In the future do not rebel against me.' I arranged witnesses for him. Let my lord take note! Addu, the lord of Kallassu, [has confirmed (?)] in extispicies (the message of the apilu-men?), as follows. 'Am I not [Ad]du, the lord of Kallassu, who raised him between my legs and restored him to the throne of his father's house? Since I restored him to the throne of his father's house, I have also given him a dwelling place. Now, inasmuch as I restored him to the throne of his father's house, I will take the nihlatu-property13 from him. If he will not give (it) over, I am the lord of the throne, the land, and the city, and that which I have given I can take away. If (he does) otherwise, however, and grants my request, throne upon throne, house upon house, land upon land and city upon city I will give to him. And )the country, from east to west, I will give to him.' This is what the apilu-men said and it continues to stand up in the extispicies. Now, in addition, the a[pi]lum of Addu, the lord of Kallassu, is watching over the threshing-floor'4of the town of Alahtum as nihlatu-property.Let my lord take note. Earlier, when I was staying in Mari, whatever word the dpilumn or iipiltumn sa[id] to me I turned over to my lord. Now that I am staying [in] a different land, shall I not write to my lord concerning what I hear and (what) they say to me? If in the future there is any kind of si[n], let not my lord say, as follows, 'Why did you not send me the word which the iipilum spoke to you while watching over your threshing floor?' Now I have [wr]itten to my lord. Let my lord take no[te. More]over, the l~piluimof Addu, the lord of Halab, came to [Abu](unhalum and spoke as follows, [saying, "Sen]d to your lord ... 12. For publication information on the Mari letters quoted see Appendix. Ori13. Following a suggestion of B. Landsberger (see A. Malamat, Journal of the American once ental Society, LXXXII [1962], 149, n. 28), it is now widely agreed that this word, written noun a is proper a city, for the with determinative A.2925 and in occurrences A.1121 in three connected with inheritance. 14. The noun translated "threshing-floor" is perhaps to be understood as meaning "tent-shrine," as does the Hebrew correspondent, following a suggestion by A. Malamat, Eretz-Israel, V (1958), 69. In these letters, however, the god's interest seems to be in more tangible goods.

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determinednumberof lines missing) [ ... the countryfrom east] to west [I myself] will give to you. [This] is what Addu, the lord of Halab, said in the presenceof Abu-halum.Let my lord take careful note of this. A.2925 Speak to my lord: the messageof Nur-Sin, your servant."Once, twice, (even) five times I have written to my lord concerninggiving some livestock to Addu and concerning the nihlatu-property(!) that Addu, the lord of Kallassu,asks of you . . . (two lines left untranslatedand some not preserved). 'Am I not Addu, the lord of Halab, who has raised you . . . and who made you regainthe throneof your father'shouse?I never as[k] anything of you. When a man or woman who has suffered an injustice addresseshimself to you, respond to his appeal and give him a ver[dict]. This which I ask of you, this which I have written to you, you will do. You will pay attention to my word, and the country,from its ge[tting up to its lying down], as well as the countryof ... [I will give to you].' This is what the 5p[ilum of Addu, lord of Halab, said to me]." The first of these two texts is unique in mentioningthe apilu-men in the plural. Elsewherethe messageis deliveredby an individual,but here the prophetsspeak in the plural, reminiscentof the many references in the Bible to propheticcircles and group propheticactivity,particularlyduring the earlierperiods.Addu (Hadad) of Kallassuand Addu of Halab (Aleppo) agree (indeed, Kallassumust have been either a sector of Halab or a dependentcult center nearby), remindingthe king of past favors and making conditionalpromisesfor the future while requesting some royal grants.In the second letter we note with specialinterestthat the appeal is cast in terms of generalconsiderations,exhortingZimri-lim ,to rule justly and to right wrongs. Doubtlessthe king's ambassadorcorrectly understoodthe drift of the admonitionwhen he recountedagain Addu's request for livestock and property. The next letter is unique in a differentway, as it is the only letter written by any of the prophetsdirectly.All other lettersrepresentreports to the king by one of his representatives.The dpilu writes from the Babyloniancity of Sippar,a leading cult center of Shamash,and ranges widely in his interests. A.4260 Speak to Zimri-lim:the message of the apilum of Shamash. "This is what Shamash,the lord of the land, has said: 'Send me quickly at Sippar, [fo]r (your) life, the throne intended for my

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splendid residence as well as your daughter whom I had requested of you. . . ." (Lines 15-18 concern the asakkum, something especially reserved for gods and kings, perhaps here in the sense "treasure," which must be brought to the temple of Addu in Halab.) (Lines 24-31: Shamash orders Zimri-lim to have a great bronze sword forged and to send it to the god Nergal of the town of Nishalim.) "As for Hammu-rapi, the king of Kurda, he has uttered libelous words against you. But wherever he puts his hand your hand [will remo]ve him, and within the country you will free it from his obligations. As for me, the whole land is restored to your hands. When you get hold of the city you must free it from his obligations." There are three further letters, all from the newest volume of texts, in which the content of the message is either broken or too obscure. X.9 Speak to my lord: the message of the lady Shibtu, your servant. "The palace is all right. Qishti-Diritim, the ipilum of the goddess Diritum, on the second day, at the [ ] of the pala[ce . . . ['Th]us sent [Diritum (?)], Before the t[hro]ne . . . No one s[ays (?)], "A woman citizen is gi[ven (?) ] to Zimr[i-lim]." [?] The lance of the man of E[lahut (?) ]. This [is what the ipilum said (?) ]. Mor[eover .. .] (several lines are missing)'5 X.53 [Sp]eak [to] my lord: [the me]ssage of the lady Adad-duri, your [serva]nt. ["The ap]ilum in the temple of the goddess [Hi]shameafter you, [...] they tum, Izi-ahu by name, got up, saying, ['...] lines . . . your broken) [The]se things (?) are eating (three (one line missing) [I my]self trampled on them [opp]onent(s) ... (or: bound them).'" X.81 Speak to the Star (i.e., Zimri-lim): the message of the [lad]y Inibshina. "Lady Innibana, the apiltum, got up and spoke as follows, saying, 'O Zimri-lim, until my attendants surround his enemy and those around him [. . . (four lines lost)] go about [. . . (part of one line lost)] he determines, but let him not establish (it). Now, my hair and my hem I have given to you (i.e., to Inibshina). Let them declare (me) free (of guilt).' Now then, I had the hair 15. The reverse takes up a different matter without any reference to the apilum of the goddess Diritum. It concerns a dispute among the gods over the treatment of Mari. Ea has the gods and goddesses affirm: "We will not act wantonly against the brickwork of [Ma]ri or the guardian (?) of Mari."

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and the hem sent to the Star. [Let] the Star have an extispicy [ma]de and [le]t the Star act in accordance with his extispicies. Let the Star take care of himself." The one remaining report is again unique in that whereas the other oracles are addressed to the king, either directly in the second person or indirectly in the third person, this oracle is addressed directly to (the king of) Babylon, with Zimri-lim referred to in the third person. This oracle is akin to the woe oracles against the nations in the Bible (cf. Obadiah 1-4, for example). XIII.23 Speak to my lord: the message of Mukannishum (!), your servant. "(When) I offered a sacrifice to the god Daga[n] for the life of my lord, the apli'6 of Dagan of the city of Tutt[tul] got up and spoke as follows, saying, 'O Babylon, what are you trying to do? I will gather you up in a net. Your god (?) is a wild bull (?). (Or: I will gather you up in a . . . net.)'7 (One line erased.) The (royal) houses of the Seven Allies and all their property (!) I will [pu]t in[to] Z[im]ri-l[im]'s [h]and.' Also, the aplii of D[aga]n g[ot u]p (?) [and .. .] s[poke a]s follo[ws . .. . ](about five lines lost). The texts do not tell us the means of inspiration of the iipilu-prophet. Since in two instances the message is connected with either a cultic ceremony (XIII.23, where the woe oracle against the foe might be regarded as a response) or a shrine (X.53, where the oracle is delivered in a temple), one may conjecture that the fipilu was part of the cultic staff and-at least on occasion-responded with an oracle received by unstated means to a cultic act or even a specific request for an oracle. But the texts nowhere specifically indicate such a request. The oracle given may be critical of the king for failing in his proper recognition of the god(s) (A.1121, A.2925, A.4260), may generally admonish the king to rule justly (A.2925), or may declare against a foe and in favor of the king (XIII.23; cf. A.4260). That these oracles were not regardedas a fully acceptable means for divine revelation by the royal administration seems clear from the way in which extispicies, or technical, professional divination results, are cited as conformation of the oracle (A.1121) or are advised as a means of examining the validity of the oracles and governing the king's reaction (X.81). As must be expected in any center of Mesopotamian culture even if it is provincial, technical divination was the acceptable practice. 16. The spelling of the title used here is doubtless a permissible variation. 17. The editor, J. Bott6ro, recently indicated that the signs translated as "your god (?) is a wild bull (?)" are so placed that they could represent a modifier of the word for "net"; see A. Malamat, Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, XV, 218, n. 1.

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Fig. 3. From the bottom up: Chamber a, corridor 114, and room 115. Many tablets were found in room 115, including A.15. From Syria, XIX, Plate XIV, 1. The assinnu

Surely a surprising feature of the newly available texts is that one of the prophetic types is identified as an assinnu (the restoration in at

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least one instance is virtually certain). This term has generally been identified as referring to a male cult prostitute, possibly a eunuch. It is at least safe to say that the assinnu is part of the cultic personnel.18 And since the Mari occurrences are the earliest, one must be careful about assuming that the term here has the meaning of its later usage. Three texts are now available:

X.6 Speak to my lord: the message of the lady [Shi]btu, your servant. "The pala[ce] is all right. I[li-haz]naya, the a[ssinnu (?)] of the goddess An[nunitum . . .] in [. . . (several lines lost)] [' ... ] I asked, an [d . .. ] that man is plotting many things against this land, but he will not succeed. My lord will see what the god will do to that man. You will overcome him and you will step on him. His time is near; he will not live (long).' Let my lord know this. Before (sending) the report of Ili-haznaya I interrogated [him] for five days. [The re]port which Annuni[tum se]nt to you and my interrogationagree." X.7 Speak to my lord: the message of the lady Shibtu, your servant. "The palace is all right. In the temple of the goddess Annunitum, on the third day, Shelibum became ecstatic. 'Thus says Annunitum, "O0Zimri-lim, they will test you in a revolt. Take care of yourself. Set up around you your trustworthy servants whom you love. Station them and let them guard [you]. Do not go wal[kin]g about by yourself. As for the men who are te[sti]ng (you), I will ha[nd ov]er these [men] to you."' Now th[en], I have se[nt] to [my lord] the hai[r and the hem] of [that a]ssi[nnu]." X.80.1-5 Speak to the Star: the message of the lady Inibshina. "Previously, Shelibum, the assinnu, gav[e m]e an oracle and I sent (it) to you." (The full letter is translated below.) In X.6, the assinnu (assuming Dossin's restoration to be correct) is said to have been "sent" by the goddess Annunitum, i.e., commissioned by her with a message. The only indication as to how the message might have been received, however, comes from X.7 which tells us that the assinnu became ecstatic in the temple of Annunitum. Whether or not this ecstacy was connected with a cultic ceremony we cannot say, although we may assume that the assinnu was part of the temple staff. Nevertheless, some confirmation is sought through interrogation. 18. See the dictionaries, s.v. isinnu, assinnu. One is reminded of the galli associated with the cult of Atargatis at Hieropolis, east of Aleppo, as described by Lucian in his "On the Syrian Goddess," but the galli do not give oracles.

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The meaningof the phrase"gaveme an oracle"in X.80 is not clear. In all probabilityit does not refer to technical divinationthrough an extispicy,although the word in question commonlyhas that sense. The phraseseems to have the wider meaning of giving a spoken oracle,such perhapsas in the other letters. (These are not to be equated,however, as the lady who reportsis different.) The message of the assinnu in both instances warns the king of

plots againsthim and assureshim that the god(dess) will deal with the matter.It is interestingto note that X.6 refers to the god(dess) in the third person,whereasin X.7 the goddessspeaksin the first person. The Ecstatic

The third class of prophetsare designatedmuhhii (fem., muhhfitu), or "ecstatic,madman."This class seems to have a lower status than the first two, in that the person'sname is never given. Also unlike the first two classes,the ecstaticprophetoccursin the one ritual text from Mari, thus makingit very clear that the muhhu-ecstaticwas part of the cultic personnel.The ritual concernsthe cult of the goddess Ishtar.19According to this ritual text, "the kala-singerssing . . . (a specificsong) during the monthly festival;if the muhhu has come (!) (but) he is not [ ] to become ecstatic .. ." (reference to a cage follows; context broken) (ii.19-23). At the end of the ritual it says, "the watered-downbeer (?) and the four .. .-utensils(lids?) that have been properlyplaced, they will hold (for) the needs of the muhhu-ecstatics" (iv.34-36). The first the occasional connected-recalls items are two actually passage-if the close relationshipbetween prophecyand music (I Sam. 10:5; II Kings 3:14-16; I Chron. 25:1-3). The second passage may possibly reflect a situationin which ecstacy was partly induced by alcohol. The muhhu-ecstaticis doubtlessto be set in the larger framework including the mahhu-ecstaticas well, a class already discussed above. The formerspelling is known from the Old Akkadianperiod on, while the latter spelling predominatesafter the Old Babylonianperiod. The two spellings or terms do interchangein lexical texts. Von Soden even regardsthe two as but phonetic variantsof the same word, but the late B. Landsbergerseparatedthe two, pointing out that the formerspelling probablyis an exampleof the well-knownnominalclass denotingbodily defects.20 The following texts are pertinent here: A.455 (Speak to my lord: the message of Lanasum [governorof Tuttul], your servant.) "My lord has written me as follows, 'Now 19. See G. Dossin, Revue d'assyriologie, XXXV (1938), 1-13. 20. See Malamat, Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, XV, 210-211.

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I will offer a sacrifice to Dagan. I [will sacrifice] one head of cattle and six sheep.' At present the sacrifice of my lord has arrived in the city safe and sound, and it has been offered to Dagan. The whole country is greatly cheered. And the muhhu-ecstatic got up before Dagan and spoke as follows, 'I am not given pure water to drink. Write to your lord so that he may give me pure water to drink.' Now, by this messenger, I am sending to my lord (a piece of) his hair and his hem. 111.40 Speak [to] my lord: the message of Kibri-Dagan, your servant. "The gods Dagan and Ikrub-El are [all] right. The city of Te[rq]a and the district are all right. Moreover, 'the day I had this tablet sent to my lord, the muhhu-ecstatic of Dagan cam[e] and [s]poke a word [to me] as follows, saying, 'The god sent m[e]. Hurry, write to the ki[ng] that they dedicate (?) the funerary offerings to the spirit of Yahdun-li[m].'21 This is what that ecstatic said to me, and I have now written to my lord. Let my lord do whatever seems good to him." 111.78 [S]peak [to] my l[ord: the message] of Kibri-Dagan, your [servant]. "The gods [D]agan and Ikrub-El are all right. [The ci]ty of Terqa and the district are all right . . . (three lines concerning

another matter). [Moreover], as for [building] the new gate, earlier [

] the muhhu-ecstatic .

.

. (three lines missing)

[and concerning

(?)] that [ga]te [he ga]ve [strict orders (?). Now, the day] I had this tablet sent [to] my lord, that [muh]hu-ecstatic again spoke [a word (?)] to me [and] gave [strict] orders, saying, ['Now (?)], will you (pl.) not build that gate? [ ] . . . will be done. You (pl.) are not getting anywhere.' [Th]is is what that muhhu-ecstatic [sai]d to me." (Remaining five lines unclear; perhaps a new topic.)22 VI.45 Speak [t]o my lord: the message of Bahdi-lim, your servant. "The city, Mari, the palace, and the district are all right. Moreover, Ahum, the temple administrator (sangu), br[oug]ht the hair and hem [of] the mluhhutu-ecstatic.Also, a full report on her is written on the tablet that Ahum had taken to [my] lo[rd]. [N]ow, Ahum's tablet, the hair and the hem of the muhhutu-ecstatic, [I have had ta]ken [to] my lord." 21. The deceased father of king Zimri-lim. 22. The sense of this text is not clear. It could also be construed in the indicative, although it seems more likely that the building of a city gate would be promoted.

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X.50.21-26 "Moreover, a muhhutu-ecstatic got up in the temple of Annunitum, (saying), as follows, 'O Zimri-lin, do not go on the road. Stay in Mari, and I will continue to answer.'" (The full letter is translated below.) One ecstatic delivers an oracle "before Dagan" (A.455), and a feminine counterpart arose in the temple of the goddess Annunitum (X.50). On another occasion, however, the ecstatic came and said, "the god sent me" (III.40), apparently having come to a place outside the sanctuary. The inspiration may come in association with the sanctuary, perhaps in connection with some ritual such as that cited above, but as with the other classes the oracle giving is not confined to a sanctuary. The assertion in X.50 that "I will continue to answer" certainly is evidence that the oracles might be in response to an inquiry, if not indeed in itself a solicitation of such inquiries. It is also interesting to note that the ecstatic might come again and repeat (?) the oracle (11I.78), presumably as a means of confirmation and reinforcement. The messages, up until now directed to the king, are now more varied in address. In 111.78 the message is intended for the ears of the citizens of Terqa with the address in the second person plural. The other oracles are for the king. The topics include the cultic interests of the god, the general safety of the king, and a matter of whether or not to build a city gate. Private

Persons

Many of the earlier accounts of prophecy at Mari claimed that the Mari prophets were cult prophets. lit is now clear, however, that although there were official cultic classes that transmitted prophetic messages, a number of private persons also fill that role in the Mari area. They do official classes in the letters so far not have the geographic range of ,the non-cultic the prophets are well attested. These people published, but are not identified as members of a priestly or temple class but have such designations as the citizen of a certain (town, a man or a man's wife (i.e., a person with some status), a woman, a young boy or a young girl. Their names are often given and they represent various socio-economic and age levels. There is one clear case in which the message was received in an ecstatic trance in the temple of the goddess Annunitum, recalling the assinnu in X.7: X.8 Speak to my lord: the message of the lady Shibtu, your servant. "In the temple of Annunitum which is within the city, Ahatum, the young woman of Dagan-malik, became ecstatic and spoke as fol-

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lows, saying, 'O Zimri-lim,now if you do not despise me (or: even if you despise me [so Dossin]), I will make sweet noises over you; I will put your enemies in your hand! I will seize those who robbed me and collect them in the camp of the goddessBelet-ekallim.' On the following day, Ahum, the temple administrator(sangu), broughtme this report (and) the hair and hem. I have written to my lord. The hair and [h]em I have sealed and had taken to my lord."

~1

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[(,scaL PEA$F Fig. 4. Sketch map of the Tigris-Euphrates valley and environs, locating Mari and other cities mentioned in the letters. After Syria, XIX, 114.

In one instance the lady merely came and spoke to the king's official.

X.80

Speak to the Star: the message of the lady Inibshina. "Previously, Shelibum, the assinnu, gav[e m]e an oracle and I sent (it) to you. Now the lady Qamatum23[fr]om D[agan] o[f T]erqa [h]as

come and has spoken [as] follows, saying, 'The peace terms of the man of Eshn[unna]are treacherous."Beneaththe strawwater flows." In the net with which he collectsI will gatherhim. His city I will 23. Dossin (see Appendix) translated this name as a title, "ecstatic prophetess." However, the word is preceded by the sign that designates a personal name; for a similar writing cf. X.2.6; 81.4; 176.5 (in the same volume of letters) and AT 212.2. The title, if it is one, is apparently otherwise unattested.

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destroy and his possessions, [wh]ich are from of old (?), I will utterly ruin.' This is what she said. Now take care of yourself. Without a (favorable) extispicy do not ente[r] within the city. [T]his (also) I have heard: '[B]y himself he is always wandering about (?).' Do not go on wandering about (?) by yourself!" Again, the messenger may assert that the god sent him or her (see above, 111.40;X.6). Note here that although the first letter is not fully preserved and might have had a special designation such as muhhu for the man, the summary refers to him as "that man." He was probably a private person (cf. XIII.114, below). II11.90 Speak to [my] lord: the message of Kibri-Dagan your servant. "The gods Dagan and Ikrub-El are all right. The city of Terqa and the district are all right. . . . (six lines on a different topic) [The day I had t]his [tablet of mine sent to] my lord, [ . . . (gap of up to four lines) . . . o]f Dagan [spoke a w]ord [to me], as follows. 'As for making the [pagra'u-]sacrifices,Dagan se[nt me.] Send to your lord and let the pagra'u-sacrificesbe mad[e] on the 14th day of the coming month. Let them not overlook this sacrifice in any way.' This is what that man said to me. Now then, I have written to my lord. May my lord, according to his wisdom, do what seems good to him." XIII. 114 [S]peak [to my lord]: the message of Kibri-D[agan], your servant. "The day I had this tablet of mine taken to m[y] lo[r]d, befo[re] the darkening of the mountain, a certain wife of a citizen came and spoke to me concerning the news of Babylon as follows, saying, 'Dagan sent me. Write to yo[ur] lord (that) he is [n]ot to worry and [his (?) l]and (?) is [n]ot to worr[y. H]ammu-rapi, [king o]f Babylon, [ . . . (over three lines missing) ] they are standing [ . . ] be[fo]re him [ . . . (several lines lost) . . . ] for his . vanishing [ . . . (one line broken)]." It is of special interest to note that the majority of the private persons received their message in a dream. The dream apparently was the primary means of communication for non-technical and non-cultic persons (as opposed to divining professionals). So far, at least, dreams harenot met with for the cultic prophets. Dreams did not require any special standing, being available to anyone. Also, these dreams are not stated to be by incubation, even though one, X.10, takes place in a temple.24 24. For what appears to be incubation, but a non-prophetic dream, see X.100, translated by Dossin in La divination en Mdsopotamie ancienne, pp. 84-85. Note also ARM 1.18.14. For other dreams concerning lost property see Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East (1956), pp. 196-197.

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Unlike ecstacy or announcements by inspired messengers, the dream messages conform to a larger pattern of experience in the ancient Near Eastern world. Some of the dreams do differ substantially in detail from the common patterns, however. Two dreams are perhaps best described as theophanies that are recounted as dreams, accomodating them to a wider pattern of activity for either religious or literary reasons.25Note that these two dreams have additional indications of authenticity: MalikDagan goes to make a sacrifice to Dagan, the god who spoke to him, and the boy is taken ill, presumably in reaction to his encounter with the god. The boy also saw (i.e., heard) his dream twice. A.15 Speak to my lord: the message of Itur-asdu, your servant. "The day I had this tablet of mine sent to my lord, Malik-Dagan, a man from the town of Shakka, came (!) and spoke as follows, [sa]ying, 'In my dream, I myself-and my companion-was going from the territory of the city of Sagaratum, in the Upper Country, toward Mari. First (?) I entered the city of Terqa, and as soon as I entered I went into the temple of Dagan and I prostrated myself before Dagan. While I was prostrated Dagan opened his mouth and spoke as follows, saying, "Have the leaders of the Yaminites and their troops made peace with Zimri-lim's army which went up?" I (replied), saying, "They have not made peace." Before I left he spoke as follows, saying, "The messengers of Zimri-lim-why are they not regularly with me? If he had done so, some time ago I would have put the leaders of the Yaminites into Zimri-lim's hand. Now go, I am sending you to Zimri-lim. This is what you shall say: 'S[end] your messengers to me and put your full report be[fore m]e and [I will surely ha]ng up (?) the leaders [of the] Yaminites in a fisherman's basket and [pla]ce them before you."" This is what that man saw in his dream and related to [m]e. Now then I have written to my lord. Let my lord look into the matter of this dream. Moreover, if it is my lord's desire, let my lord place his full report before Dagan and let my lord's messengers be regularly (sent) to Dagan. The man who [tol]d (me) this dream is making an animal sacrifice to Dagan and I have not sent him. And, since that man is trustworthy,26I did not take (a piece of) his hair or (a piece of) his hem(!)." 25. See the discussion by Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams, pp. 191-192, with his remarks on A.15 (below), pp. 195-196. See also p. 193b on prophets and dreams. 26. This translation follows A. L. Oppenheim (see n. 25). The word might be translated "of no importance" (WV. von Soden) or as "functionary" (Dossin), but in the latter case he would be a kind of messenger, not a priestly functionary.

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XIII.112 Speak to my lord: the message of [K]ibri-[D]agan, your ser[vant]. "The gods D[agan] and Ikrub-El are all right. The c[ity of Terqa and] the district are all right. . . . [my] lo[rd] . . . [ . . . (about six lines broken) . . . in a dream 'h]e saw as follows, 'Thus (says) [the god], "Do (pl.) not reb[uild] 'this ruined (?) temple (or: house). (If) this temple is rebuilt, I will make it fall into the river."' The

Fig. 5. A view of Terqa (modern Asharah) from the left bank of the Euphrates. See XIII. 112. From Syria, XIX, Plate XVII, 2.

day [th]art[h]e saw this d[re]am he did not sp[ea]k [to] anyone. On the next day he saw the dream again, namely, 'The god (said), "Do (pl.) not rebuild -this :temple. (If) you (pl.) rebuild it, I will make it fall into the river."' Now then, I sent to my lo[rd] the hem of his garment and a lock from his head. Since th[at d]ay [that] young man has been il[l]." Some other dreams, this time by women, are of a mixed type. They are symbolic dreams, a class usually defined as needing interpretation. These dreams, however, are clear enough that no professional interpretation would be necessary.27One is from a partly broken tablet but clearly favorable; the others, somewhat enigmatic to us, were regarded by the dreamer herself as obviously unfavorable. As was proper for a theophany, one dreamer goes to the temple during the course of the dream (cf. A.15 above). The other lady dreams within the temple but without any indication of incubation.

X.10 [Speak to my lord: the me]ssage of the lady Shibtu, your serv27. On this type see Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams, pp. 206-7.

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anit. "The temples, the gods, the palace and the workshops are all right. Moreover, the lady Kakka-lide,while in the 'temple of the god Itur-Mer, saw as follows: 'Two large mallu-boats blocked the river, and the king and the soldiers were on board. The contingents on the right [and] on the left were calling out, [sa]ying, "The kingship, the . . . upper and lower[the scep],ter (?) [and] the [.thr]one, is it given to Zimri-lim?" And ithe soldiers, all of th[em], were [a]nswering, "It is given to Zimri-lim!"' The mallu-boa'tsare [at] the palace gate [ . . . (two lines broken)]." X.50 Speak to my lord: the message of the lady Adad-duri, your servant. "Since the fall of your father's house never have I seen such a dream. My previous signs were [s]uch. In my dream I entered the temple of the goddess Belet-ekallim, but Belet-ekallim was not there. Also, the statues which had been in front of her were no longer there. I looked and continued to weep. This was my dream during the evening watch. I (dreamed) again. Dada, the temple administrator (sangu) [o]f the goddess Ishtar-pishra, was standing in the gate of Beletekallim and a strange voice was continually crying out [as fol]lows, saying, 'Turn, O Dagan; O Dagan.' (Or: 'Tura-Dagan, Tura,turn, Dagan.')28 It repeatedly cried out like that. Moreover, a muhhutu-ecstatic got up in the temple of Annunitum, (saying) as follows: 'O Zimri-lim, do not go on the road. Stay in Mari, and I will continue to answer.' Let not my lord be discouraged about taking care of himself. Now, my hair and my [h]em I [indeed] have sealed and have sent to my lord. Another dream revelation is too poorly preserved to be properly classified: XIII.113 [Sp]eak [to my lor]d: the message of Kibri-Dagan, your servant. "The gods [Da]gan and Ik[rub]-E[l] are all right. [The city of] Terqa [andj the d[istrict are all r]ight. [More]over, a certain man . . . a dre[am . . .]... [ ] ... he pas[sed on, saying (?)], thousa]nd troops [ ... i]n 'the forti[fied] cities, [i.e., Ma]ri, [' .. Terqa [iand Sa]garatum [. .. wh]atever fro[m (?) . . . in (?)] the ifortified (city) of [my] lo[rd] d[well (?)].' [That man passed ,they 28. Tura-Dagan was a governor of Mari two centuries or so before the time of Zimri-lim. If he is meant, it may be that something he established had been violated. Dossin translates these words as a personal name.

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o]n this dream of his and [p]ut the responsibility on me, saying, 'Write to the kin[g]!' According[ly], I have writ[t]en to my 1[or]d." At this point we may refer to another letter with a dream revelation, but this time the dream was experienced by a sangu-priest, a priest who is more a temple administrator than a priest involved with the ritual. This dream represents the well-known Mesopotamian "message" dream category29and may serve somewhat to illustrate that type. Note, for example, the appearance of the deity.

X.51

Speak to my lord: the message of the lady Adad-duri. "Iddin-ili, the temple administrator(sangu) of the god Itur-Mer, saw a dream, as follows: 'In my dream the goddess Belet-biri took her stand and (one line unclear) and the reign is spoke as follows, saying, " ... his permanent possession. Why does he continually make assaults with the siege-tower?30[Let him take ca]re of himself!"' Now let my lord not be negligent in caring for himself." It is obvious from the letters reporting prophetic activity by private persons that if the letters are at all representative-and the published texts do weigh somewhat in favor of reports from the provincial capital of Terqa-the real center of this activity is (the god Dagan of Terqa. In six of the letters Dagan of Terqa is involved as the god who revealed himself. Of the remaining letters it is interesting to note 'that two concern symbolic dreams received by women, a phenomenon more in the Mesopotamian pattern, whereas the other reports on a girl who became ecstatic in the temple of Annunitum. These three letters, all from Mari itself, further point up the apparently different situation prevailing in Terqa. As for the content of the messages received through varying types of inspiration by private persons, we find 'the same mixture -as with those messages from "official"sources. In one letter it is the people of Terqa who are addressed (XIII.112) and advised concerning the (re)construction of a temple. The other revelations are intended for -the king. They may admonish him for neglect (X.8, perhaps), specifically request certain cultic acts (11.90) or political reports (A.15; with the promise of aid), warn him of danger while promising help (X.80), comfort and encourage him (XIII.114; X.10), or bring him some bad news (X.50). We again find that the officials mistrust messages received by prophets and may advise the king to use more conventional techniques (X.80). In this regard the "hair and hem" plays an important role. 29. See Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams, pp. 186-206, esp. p. 189. 30. Dossin (see Appendix) translates the message as "Grandeur (?) will be his sovereignty and the reign will be his condition (?). Why does he continually appeal to omens?"

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Hair and Hem

The aberrant character of these prophetic communications, whether "official"or not, was apparent to the Mari court and its officials. These prophetic messengers were not in keeping with the usual practices, which were well known at Mari. Clear indication of this unusual quality is the matter, attested in eight of the letters, of sending on to the king a lock of h1airand a piece of the fringe of the garment belonging to person ,the who transmitted the message. (On one occasion the writer explained why he did not send the hair and hem.) The divination expert did not undergo this treatment, only the prophet. One 5ipiltu-prophetesshanded over the hair and hem herself, saying, "let them declare (me) free (of guilt)" (X.81). The ecstatic assinnu who warned the king of approaching danger and promised help had his hair and hem 'sent on to 'the king (X.7). And both a female and a male muhhu-ecstatic were similarly handled (VI.45; A.455), 'the latter having relayed a complaint about the god's provisions. Although one of the private persons was specifically exempted from the hair and hem routine because he was "trustworthy"(A.15)one may suspect there the power of Dagan of Terqa, as his spokesmen yield hair an'd hem only once, XIII.112, in spite of their frequencyothers fared cdifferently.The girl Ahatum had 'her hair and hem taken by the temple administrator(X.8; cf. VI.45), and the highly-placed court lady, Adad-duri, sent on to the king her own hair and hem after an unfavorable dream (X.50). The young man who told of the god's opposition to a building project in Terqa also had his hair and hem taken (XIII.112). It is clear from a variety of sources that a lock of hair or a piece from the fringe of someone's garment could serve as a token of personal identity. This representative quality was clearly expressed in the practice, well attested at Mari, of impressing the fringe on a clay 'tablet as a witness mark in place of the usual cylinder seal. Accordingly, it has been argued Ithat the taking of hair 'and hem had to do with Ithe identification of the prophetic person in question. However, that answer to the problem seems inadequate, as, for example, some very well known and highly placed persons, such as the lady Adad-duri, were involved. The symbolic hair and hem must have been some kind of guarantee from the person, a symbolic subjection to royal authority. The statement in X.81, "let them declare (me) free (of guilt)," further suggests 'that the hair and hem might ihave been used to represent the person in some ritual that examined, in a more proper way, his or her reliability. For example, in tamitu questions put 'to certain god -the person for whom ,texts--oracular the priest put the question was symbolically present, commonly through

122

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i

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..

~rr~y~

S

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,;

.I.

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Fig. 6. A plan of Zimri-linm's palace at Mari. The letters were found in his palace archives. From Syria, XIX, Plate IV.

a piece from the fringe of his garment or from his fingernail.31 Such representativepieces were also widely used in magic. The resort to learned divination to confirm or deny the prophetic messages was already noted above in regard to A.1121 and X.81. 31. See

,V.

G. Lambert in La divination en Mdsopotamic ancienne, pp. 120-121.

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Mari and Israel

M. Noth has aptly indicated the special relationship that the Mari prophetic activity has to Israelite prophecy: "These messengers of God [Mari] are not merely parallel figures to the Old Testament prophets, ,they actually form part of the prehistory to prophecy."32 Although doubts have been expressed, as in H. M. Orlinsky's insistence that "prophecy is a uniquely Israelite phenomenon" and that "it is divination and not prophecy that finds its parallels in the Mari . . . documents,"33these doubts obviously do not take the newest texts into consideration. The Miari phenomena include what surely is cultic prophecy as well as prophecy by non-cultic persons and illustrate a wide range of content. The people of Terqa may be instructed about building projects; the king may be warned of coming danger or admonished in general terms to be just; the gods may express their concern abouftcultic affairs or political events, and so forth. In view of the close ties in institu~tionsbetween the peoples portrayed in the Mari letters--in this case ranging from Aleppo to Sipparand the forerunners of Israel as well as later Israel, the picture of the development of Israelite prophecy will need reexamination. For example, as in the Near East, the modes of inspiration may fluctuate in popularity; note the flourishing of dreams in the time of Ashurbanipal. And it may be that the turn to a more ecstatic prophecy in the time of Samuel, a turn then continued through the time of Elijah and Elisha, represents such a fluctuation. Certainly ecstatic prophecy was known in the Mari ,area and need not have been derived from foreign, Canaanite influence on Israel, as previously held by many when our only extra-biblical in'formaltionwas the Wen-Amon report. Also, revelations by dream, little known during the monarchy, were apparently more acceptable earlier in Israel (Num. 12:6-9; also I Sam. 28:6) and again later (Joel 3:1), even for prophets. Jeremiah, on the other hand, castigated his prophetic opponen'ts for relating their own dteams rather than God's word (Jer. 23:28; see also 27:9-10; 29:8-9). The prophet par excellence, Moses, whom God knew face to face (Deu-t. 34: 10), corresponds only in part to the Mari prophetic types. He also transmitted divine messages received in a theophany or a trance, but Moses was more than a prophet, as was also Samuel later. The "prophetess" Miriam is too little known, but Deborah, who summoned Barak in order to address to him God's command, was a prophetess and more. El32. Noth, The Laws in the Pentateuch and Other Studies, p. 186. The German original appeared in 1949. Noth emphasized at this point that the ultimate origins of the Israelite tribes are among the Amorites. 33. Orlinsky, Oriens Antiquus, IV (1965), 170.

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dad and Medad (Num. 11:26) show that (prophetic?) ecstacy was known. The change in later Israel was more in the specialization of roles, so that under the Israelite monarchy, as under the rule of Zimri-lim, one finds prophets who do not fill the variety of roles of a figure like Samuel. The prophets Gad and Nathan, who must have been attached to David's court, represent a continuity with the official prophets of the Mari letters. They receive supplies from the king, at least on occasion, and answer his inquiries. And the cultic prophets, now well-known within Israel, also have their forerunners in the Mari letters. Prophecy is a mutifarious phenomenon. That Israelite prophecy can now be viewed in the fuller light of the various prophets in the Mari letters in no way detracts from the unique qualities of those men and women illumined by God's Word. Rather, it adds some grandeur to the "prehistory"and early history of Israel, when prophetic revelation was not lacking. One may look forward to the multitude of Mari texts yet to be published with keen anticipation.34 Appendix See p. 117 A.15 - A full edition by Dossin in Revue d'Assyriologie, XLII (1948), 125-134. See pp. 112f. A.455 - Dossin, Divination, pp. 79-80 (translation only). See. p. 107 A.2925 - Dossin, Divination, p. 78 (translation only). A 4260 - Dossin, Divination, pp. 85-86 (excerpts only in translation and summary). See p. 107f. See p. 116 11.90 - A full edition by Ch.-F. Jean in ARM II. See p. 113 III. in ARM editions Full 78 Kupper by J.-R. 111.40, See pp. 113f. A full edition by Kupper in ARM VI. VI.45 See p. 111 X.6 - Copy only in ARM X; translation by Dossin in Divination, pp. 82-83. See p. 112 X.7 -- Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 82. See pp. 114f X.8 - Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 82. See p. 108 Copy only in ARM X. See pp. 118f. Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 83. See p. 119 Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 84 (as X.51). See p. 120 X.51 - Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 84 (as X.50). See p. 108 X.53 - Copy only in ARM X. See pp. 111, 115f. X.80 - Copy only in ARM X; translation, Divination, p. 83. See pp. 108f. X.81 - Copy only in ARM X. See p. 109 XIII.23 - Edition without copy by J. Bott6ro, ARM XIII. XIII.112, 113, 114 - Editions without copies by Kupper, ARM XIII. See pp. 118, 119f. and 116 resp. Archives Royales de Mari. There are two series, one with copies and Abbreviations: ARM La divination en Mesopotamie ananother with transliterations and translations; Divination cienne (1966). For bibliography on the prophetic texts from Mari, see the recent article by A. Malamat in Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, XV (1966), 207-227, esp. 210, n. 1. Add to these the article by H. Schult, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paliistina-Vereins, LXXXII (1966), 228-232; and that by F. Niltscher, Biblische Zeitschrift, X (1966), 161-197. X.9 -

X.10 X.50 -

34. The writer is indebted to R. D. Biggs of the Oriental Institute for advice on a number of points. The translations are the responsibility of the writer however.