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THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF LEBANON Jeanine Abdul Massih T he beginning of modern archaeological research in Leban...

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THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE OF

LEBANON Jeanine Abdul Massih

T

he beginning of modern archaeological research in Lebanon dates back to the French Mandate (1920–1946). During this period, an antiquities department (Service des Antiquités) was created, and archaeological research and excavations were developed within the country. Several French expeditions worked on famous sites such as Baalbek, ByblosJbeil, Eshmun, Sidon, Tyre, and Umm el-Amed. After the independence of Lebanon was proclaimed in 1946, the Lebanese authorities established a new Directorate General of Antiquities (DGA). This governmental organization not only pursued excavation work but also developed national activities devoted to research and restoration. The research results produced by the combined efforts of local and foreign scholars gave a tremendous boost to the country’s cultural and archaeological heritage. It also provided Lebanon worldwide exposure as a cultural and tourist destination. At that time, that is, before the Civil War, cultural tourism was a crucial and essential source of income for Lebanon. Unfortunately, all archaeological activity came to a halt during the Civil War of 1975–1991. One of the tragic consequences of this conflict was a loss of human resources and a freeze on foreign involvement in efforts to enhance the cultural heritage of the country. During that troubled phase of our history, the DGA tried to preserve as much as possible the national patrimony through different actions, such as protecting the collections at the Beirut National Museum (see Hakimian’s article in this volume) or by classifying four major sites on the list of the UNESCO World Heritage in order to protect them from possible damages. Thus, in 1984 the religious complex of Baalbek and the sites of Tyre, Byblos-Jbeil, and Anjar were listed as 68 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 73:2–3 (2010)

World Heritage sites following the Lebanese government’s 1983 ratification of the Convention on the Protection of the Cultural and Natural World Heritage. With the end of the Civil War in 1991, reconstruction of Beirut was undertaken on a wide scale. The historical and archaeological importance of Lebanon’s capital required the implementation of a program of urgent salvage excavations launched by the Lebanese government through the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This call for archaeological and historical intervention led to a revitalization of research and the development of a new generation of archaeologists who would take part in the future management of the national heritage. Several countries and institutions responded to that call by launching the largest urban archaeological intervention ever known, and more than 150 excavations have taken place in Beirut’s central district since 1993. The entire operation was coordinated by the DGA under the supervision of UNESCO and later of Solidere (the real-estate development company overseeing Beirut’s reconstruction). This wide-ranging intervention brought a new vitality to the archaeological sector in Lebanon through the presence of scholars and institutions and by the creation of new vocations among university students. Departments of archaeology were created or reactivated in all of the private and public universities, and students from all confessions and horizons took part in this great project of reconciliation and reconstruction of their national history. However, in 1996 this vast operation was interrupted. Solidere began to finance only salvage excavations according to the schedule and necessities defined by the reconstruction program. Unfortunately, from that date on archaeological and historical research in Beirut was directed by the policy of the developers,

Photo courtesy of Guillaume Piolle

not by scientific research questions. That same year, the DGA proposed ten historical and natural sites for inclusion on the World Heritage List (see the map on p. 72): • • • • • • • • • •

the historical city of Saida (Sidon) the historical city of Tripoli/Mina the historical and archaeological site of Batroun the temple of Eshmun near Sidon the Orontes Valley and the nearby historical monuments the Nahr Ibrahim Valley and the nearby monuments and archaeological sites the Nahr el Kelb Valley and the nearby monuments and archaeological sites the Chouf region and the nearby monuments and archaeological sites the Natural Park of the Palms Island near Tripoli the Qadisha Valley and the Cedar Forest

By 1998, however, the only site classified by UNESCO as a World Heritage site was the Qadisha Valley and the Cedar Forest. Following this classification, the DGA chose to slow down the process for the nine remaining sites due to financial pressures and the constraints of applying the World Heritage standards. The limited budget allocated to the Ministry of Culture, which supervises the DGA, led to a reduction of the interventions (e.g., excavations, expropriation, classification of sites or monuments) and of the recruitment of experts to take charge of the management and development of the cultural and historical sites. Only twelve archaeologists and architects were

hired in 1998, clearly an insufficient number, considering that the DGA is the only agency in charge of the country’s cultural and historical heritage. The DGA’s reduced human and financial resources, combined with its monopoly over the management of the national heritage, led to a catastrophic situation in the preservation of the archaeological and historical sites and monuments. The involvement of private actors to reinforce the DGA on the national level created a policy discord between the ministries, the research centers and institutions, the municipalities, and the developers, due to the absence of a governing master plan and a distribution of roles that should have been established by the DGA. The participation of municipalities and localities as well as their inhabitants in the management of a city or region’s heritage, under the supervision of the DGA, is considered by the present author, as well as by many experts, to be the only way to ensure the survival of our history and national identity. Sharing decisions with local partners can enhance the efficiency of the DGA’s intervention and create a dialogue in the targeted region and in the main cities. Indeed, local authorities put in charge of the development plan can provide a much-needed harmony with the region’s history. Thus, the contribution of local authorities and inhabitants is the major condition for the successful management of the plan. From 1996 to 1998, construction developments and the urbanization witnessed after the end of the Civil War led to the active destruction of archaeological remains and historical monuments. It is important to underline the spectacular phenom-

NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 73:2–3 (2010) 69

enon of urbanization, which impacted all of the major archaeological and historical sites of Lebanon, such as Beirut, Tyre, Sidon, Baalbek, and Tripoli. This phenomenon made it difficult to manage and plan the preservation of our archaeological and historical heritage alongside the growth of the cities. Development rapidly spread across the entire country and was often undertaken without any planning and regardless of archaeological and historical considerations. It thus became obvious that Lebanon’s archaeological, historical, and natural heritage cannot be managed strictly on a local basis. A comprehensive and precise management plan based on a list of priorities and urgent interventions must be established by the DGA. This plan, covering all aspects of our national heritage, must then determine the priorities and budgets of necessary operations and ensure that the money from national and international sources will be distributed among all scholars.

The Project for Heritage and Urban Development Faced with the difficulties highlighted above, the Lebanese government decided to help its institutions in the management of major historical and archaeological cities through the implementation of the Cultural Heritage and Urban Development Project (CHUD). The main objectives of this project are the rehabilitation and protection of historical and archaeological sites and the enhancement of economic development on both the local and national levels. The primary mission of CHUD is twofold: to improve the quality of life of the inhabitants in and around the historical sites and to promote cultural tourism. This project aims also at the rehabilitation or the creation of the urban infrastructure of historical sites such as Baalbek, Byblos, Sidon, Tripoli, and Tyre. This includes the conservation and management of archaeological sites (Baalbek and Tyre) as well as the reinforcement of the relevant institutions and technical assistance to the DGA and the Directorate General of Urbanism (DGU). The last part of the project consists of the study of legislation and the proposal of reforms, as well as the establishment of a policy of recruitment of qualified personnel destined to be trained through a multidisciplinary program sponsored as a part of the World Bank project. In 2006, seventeen specialists were recruited to reinforce the DGA staff. Their training program, funded by the French government, was to include aspects of all techniques and methods

70 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 73:2–3 (2010)

applied in the preservation and management of an archaeological site (museums, underwater archaeology, etc.). To date, this training program has not been implemented, and six specialists have submitted their resignations due to difficulties in their research work and poor salaries. That same year was also marked by the July war between Israel and Hezbollah, during the course of which two major sites listed on the World Heritage List, Baalbek and Tyre, were endangered. In response, UNESCO launched a program to document by laser scanning the state of the monuments in these two cities in order to evaluate the damage that they had suffered. This program consisted of the acquisition of a laser scanner and all the related necessary material, as well as organization of a training session offered to DGA staff and documentation of the site of Baalbek. These activities were made under the supervision of an international institution acting as the consultant for the project. Today the training on the laser scanner has been completed, but the processing of the data and the collected information must still be finished in order to complete the Risk Mapping documentation. As of 2010, the World Bank project on urban development has established the infrastructure and enhancement of the historical cities of Tripoli, Byblos, Sidon, Tyre, and Baalbek. However, the archaeological component of the project is still ongoing. The study phase is finished for Baalbek and Tyre, and the execution of the planned intervention on the archaeological remains has just started. In addition to the World Bank and Western countries, other sources of financing are being sought to assist Lebanese archaeology. Recently the State of Kuwait made a substantial donation earmarked for the protection and preservation of the sites of Beaufort, Deir al Qalaa, and Beiteddine and for the creation of several museums, such as the Beirut Museum in the downtown center and the site museum of Sidon.

Archaeological Research Within the context of the implementation of the CHUD, infrastructure work in selected cities was preceded by a phase of urgent salvage archaeological excavation. The DGA created technical teams to supervise the project of reconstruction of Beirut as well as interventions at sites such as Baalbek, Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, and Tripoli. This work, which was designed to record archaeological remains and historical monuments that are destined to be destroyed, is being executed under difficult circumstances, given the developers’ pressure and severe time constraints. While archaeologists working with the DGA have recorded data found at those sites, the pace and density of the construction work and urbanization have not allowed time for publication or in-depth study. Therefore, few articles and results have been published thus far. Unfortunately, only archaeological activity undertaken by Lebanese national archaeological teams was carried out according to the terms of the CHUD project. The DGA did not improve its status: no other specialists and staff were recruited, nor was an increase in the budget approved. Further, the DGA still retains exclusive management of the entire national Lebanese heritage, which it executes without the help of any local academic institutions such as universities or national or foreign research institutes present in Lebanon. Foreign scholars and archaeological excavations are also restricted in number. No more than twenty archaeological teams have worked in Lebanon since the inception of the excavation project in Beirut. Today around ten archaeological research and excavation teams are working throughout the year. Additionally, there is not one local university involved in these activities or in those of the DGA. Only individual expertise is called upon when needed. Thus, there is no prospect for the future training of younger generations of students.

Conclusion Archaeology in Lebanon today suffers from the absence of a future generation trained to manage the national heritage. This is mostly due to the absence of work opportunities, whether as university scholars or DGA specialists. This state was reached in 1996–1998 and is growing worse with time and the steady stagnation of the DGA and research in Lebanon. The effects of this policy can be observed in all sectors of the country. Due to a lack of human resources, the DGA works only on urgent matters. Projects are developed primarily with foreign experts and only a few Lebanese specialists. The Lebanese experts have no work in their own country and are involved in research and projects in foreign countries. The universities are observing a decline in the number of students. The urban and development projects are made without consulting specialists in cultural heritage. The population helplessly watches the rapid development of the great cities at the expense of archaeology and history and the abandonment of smaller historical sites. Tentative moves made by local nongovernmental organizations try to enlighten the population on the importance of their archaeological and historical heritage, but they are still far too few to impact the

relentless urban machine that is sweeping the rich soil of the country. Major projects are still planned today for the conservation of the Lebanese heritage, but if the present state of research is maintained within the DGA, we will soon certainly suffer from a lack and maybe a total absence of specialized staff capable of managing such a valuable heritage. More important, we will soon reach a complete loss of any national identity.

Notes 1. The DGA has five regional centers, one in every district, or mouhafazat, of Lebanon. These regional centers suffer from a lack of human resources and from the pressure exerted by the centralization of decision-making powers. 2. The management of this project is undertaken by a Program Management Unit operating under the supervision of the Lebanese Council of Development and Reconstruction, a governmental agency tasked with the reconstruction of Lebanon after the Civil War. Financing is provided by a World Bank loan and a donation from the French Development Agency (AFD), as well as by the French, Italian, and Lebanese governments. 3. Four major universities developed archaeological departments in Lebanon: the Lebanese University (with three branches in the country and an education delivered in Arabic and French), the Université Saint-Esprit de Kaslik (in Arabic and French), the Université Saint-Joseph (studies in French), and the American University of Beirut (in English).

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Jeanine Abdul Massih is professor of Archaeology and of Restoration of Historical Monuments at the Lebanese University. She holds a Ph.D. from the Universityy of Paris I-Sorbonne on Town Planning in Antiquity and Classical Architecture (the case of Dura Europos). She is the director of excavations of the joint Lebanese-Syrian mission at the Hellenistic site of Cyrrhus Nebi Houri in northern Syria. She is also a consultant for the Lebanese Directorate of Antiquities. From 2002 until 2004, she was the director of the European Cultural Heritage Training Program benefiting the Syrian Directorate of Antiquities. In 2007, she served as a consultant for a World Bank project to strengthen the Lebanese Directorate of Antiquities. Ms. Abdul Massih has excavated in Lebanon (Beirut and Baalbek), Syria (Dura-Europos and Cyrrhus), Turkey (Zeugma), and Uzbekistan (Termez, Khaïtabad).



The Necropolis and Dwellings of Byblos during the Chalcolithic Period: New Interpretations

Gassia Artin

T

he Chalcolithic period of the Levant represents an important and complex phase in the evolution of prehistoric societies. The complexity is reflected in the fact that certain “prehistoric” traditions, such as the production and use of lithic (chipped stone) tools, continued during this time, while new technical advancements were developed in stone-tool production, funerary practices, and metallurgy. The scholarly debate to explain this overlap of earlier and new phenomena—Should the Chalcolithic period be incorporated as part of the Early Bronze Age or considered a distinct transitional phase between the Neolithic period and the Bronze Age?—has made study of the Chalcolithic period both complicated and controversial.

Unfortunately, archaeological data from the coastal regions of Lebanon are rare for the Chalcolithic period, since only a limited number of sites have been investigated. Moreover, the absence of precise dating for the majority of these sites, the varying quality of the different archaeological methods (many of the previous excavations, carried out during the first half of the twentieth century, used standards different from current methods of investigation), and the poor conservation of the recovered archaeological material prevent a thorough understanding of this region during this period. In addition to the excavation of Byblos (Dunand 1973), our knowledge of the Chalcolithic period in Lebanon relies largely on excavations undertaken at the following sites: Dakerman, located 70 km south of Byblos (Saidah 1977; 1979); Khaldeh II, or Khan el-Assis, approximately 1 km north of Khaldeh (Saidah


1969); and Minet ed-Dalieh, located at the extreme end of the Ras Beyrouth promontory, where a large number of triangular flint tools, named after the site, were found (Cauvin 1962; 1968; see fig. 1). While other sites were discovered during surveys in the 1970s, the archaeological material recovered was largely the

Figure 1. Map of the Chalcolithic sites of Lebanon mentioned in the article.

result of surface collections. Lacking a stratigraphic context, this material has never been scientifically dated nor studied in detail (Burkhalter 1946–1948; Besançon and Hours 1970; 1971; Copeland and Wescombe 1965; 1966).

personal records of Jean Lauffray (the architect who worked with Dunand), and the archaeological finds, which have since been dispersed into different university, museum, and institute collections.

The Chalcolithic Data of Byblos

The Chalcolithic Necropolis: Limitations and Methodology

Located 40 km north of Beirut on the Lebanese coastline and Understanding such a diverse corpus of data is challenging, sitting atop a rocky promontory 30 m above sea level, the site given the dispersed and inconsistent nature of the documentary of Byblos was an ideal choice for a study of the dwellings and sources. The site was excavated in funerary practices of the Chalcouniform 20-cm slices (Dunand’s lithic period in the northern Levant levées) regardless of the archaeo(fig. 2). Besides being the largest logical stratification or natural and most thoroughly excavated site topography. In addition, past (nearly 70 percent of the site has interpretations do not include any been exposed), the settlement featypological, petrographical, statistures a variety of architecture dattical, qualitative, or spatial analying to the Chalcolithic period, conses of the data. taining dwellings, houses, silos, and During my research, I reevalupaved roads, as well as an excepated the documentation and tionally rich and varied corpus of tried to standardize the different burials and grave artifacts. The site terminologies within a consishas 2,097 burials, including 2,059 tent methodology. This involved jar burials, and 3,652 grave goods detailed computer analyses of all (Artin 2009). the available documentation. (1) The excavations were directed FileMaker software was used to primarily by Maurice Dunand investigate the varying characterbetween 1925 and 1973. Initially istics of three elements making terming the Chalcolithic period up the funerary material (funerénéolithique, he further subdivided ary structures, human remains, this period on the basis of ceramand associated grave goods) in ics and architecture into the énéoorder to construct an archaeolithique ancien (5700–5000 B.P., or 1 logical-anthropological picture. Figure 2. The site of Byblos, on the Lebanese coastline sitting 4500–3700 cal B.C.E. ), which coratop a rocky promontory 30 m above sea level. Photo by (2) MapInfo software was used to responds to levées (layers) XXXIX– Gassia Artin. integrate the spatial parameters XXXVIII of Byblos, and the énéorelative to the tombs and habitalithique récent (5000–4200 B.P., or tion structures to establish the chrono-spatial development of 3700–3000 cal B.C.E.), corresponding to levées XXXVIII–XXXIII the necropolis. (Dunand 1973). Today the word Chalcolithic is more frequently used than énéolithique to describe this period, which dates to Spatial Organization of Byblos approximately 6100–5000 14C B . P ., or 5000–3800 cal B . C . E . The available data do not permit an in-depth study of the Unfortunately, dating Byblos and its different chronological spatial organization of the site of Byblos, nor do they allow for phases has been controversial, due to the absence of radiothe comparison of tombs and habitation structures at different carbon analysis and the lack of well-documented or published points and over periods of time. It is thus difficult to obtain a comparative assemblages. global vision of the spatial organization and to analyze the relaThe Chalcolithic layers of Byblos are characterized by inhumationship that once existed between the world of the living and tions in jars and an exceptionally rich and varied corpus of grave the world of the dead. goods. Despite the remarkable quantity and quality of the mateThe excavations of different coastal sites in the Northern rial, the necropolis remains relatively unknown, since only 24 Levant where jar burials have been found do reveal a common percent of the burials were described in Dunand’s publications. factor: primary burial was either inside or in the immediate The analyses and hypotheses that I present here result from vicinity of the dwellings. However, it is impossible to confirm a study that I undertook of the unpublished documents. The scientifically that these burials date from the same period as archives from the original excavations, including all the unpubthe habitation structures. For example, at Dakerman—and, in lished data, had to be examined before I undertook the study some rare cases, at Byblos—burials were found directly underof the fourth-millennium layers of Byblos. The unpublished neath the dwellings, but the available data do not prove that data included the Fonds Dunand archives (currently housed a relationship existed between the two, nor does the evidence in the Faculté des Lettres at the University of Geneva), the


➤ ➤

Figure 3. A rectangular habitation structure from the site of Byblos with right-angle corners inside and rounded corners outside. Fonds Dunand archives.

Figure 4. Circular habitation structure from the site of Byblos, dating from the end of the Chalcolithic period. Fonds Dunand archives.

indicate that the dwellings and burials were even from the same period.

Architectural Structures The architecture of Chalcolithic Byblos is characterized by single-room stone-built houses (termed logis by Dunand) that were sometimes fairly large in size (9 x 6 m). These rectangular structures have right-angle corners on the inside and rounded corners on the outside (fig. 3). By the end of the Chalcolithic period, the rectangular structure developed into a circular one with an approximate diameter of 5–6 m (fig. 4). This development was unique to Byblos, as circular structures were replaced by rectangular ones at other sites. Houses constructed from stone and pebbles were not aligned with one another, nor did they stand tightly together like the dwellings of Byblos’s Neolithic phase. Open spaces, devoid of any structures, could have served as roads, work areas, meeting places, or even burial zones. Fortifications were not discovered at Byblos, allowing us to assume that the promontory formed by two hills and separated by a water source provided adequate natural protection for the village. Exca-


vations on the southern side of Dakerman, however, revealed a fortification wall extending some 60 m in length. We do not know, however, if the later village was completely surrounded by this fortification.

Funerary Practices and Structures During the Chalcolithic period, the tradition of jar burials, already in use during the Neolithic period, continued in the coastal sites of the northern Levant. These large-sized jars had both domestic and funerary usages. A rich and varied funerary assemblage was found at Byblos’s Chalcolithic necropolis (figs. 5–6). The characteristics of this

Figures 5–6. Photographs showing examples of jar burials, illustrating the rich funerary assemblage that was found at the Chalcolithic necropolis of Byblos. Fonds Dunand archives.

assemblage and all the information presented in this paper are taken from the unpublished documents that I studied. As mentioned above, the site contains 2,097 burials, 2,059 of which are jar burials (98 percent of the corpus of the Chalcolithic necropolis at Byblos). In general, the exact number of tombs is never given in publications and excavation reports. This is not surprising, since the authors of these reports do not indicate their source, and they never had access to the Fonds Dunand to complete and verify their findings. The chrono-spatial development of the jars shows a general distribution of the burials, with two important concentrations in the west and the south of the site (fig. 7). The forms, dimensions, positions, and orientations of the different types of burials were not systematically recorded in either the publications or the archives; thus, typological and archaeometric study of jar assemblages is not yet possible. What we can gather from the available data, however, is that a variety of jar forms can be observed, including ovoid, globular, and elongated. They vary in height from 0.2 to 1.95 m. The vast majority of infant burials were found in small jars

(0.2–0.7 m high) interred in a vertical position. This stands in contrast to the majority of adult jar burials (67 percent of the total), which were positioned horizontally (see figs. 8–10). We can deduce from these findings that the position of the burial containers depended on the size and weight of the deceased. Their orientation varied considerably, indicating no preference (Artin 2009). There were descriptions of the decorations found on sixtyfour of the jars (3.1 percent), but they were not systematically recorded. The three types of observed decorations were: (1) incisions of a chevron type and horizontal bands and parallel line incisions arranged in a “herring-bone” motif were the most common; (2) relief decorations such as ropes were on twentyeight of the jars; and (3) seal impressions with signs and animal figures appeared on the handles or shoulders of twenty-four jars. The vessels have a red to brown-black slip; no trace of painted lines was observed. According to Dunand, the jars had both functional and funerary purposes. Dunand hypothesized that they were used to stock cereals before serving as a receptacle for burial; however,

Figure 7. The chrono-spatial development of the jars showing a general distribution of the burials, with two important concentrations in the western and southern areas of the site. Artin 2009.

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proper testing has not yet been carried out on the jars to confirm whether he was correct. Residue analysis using gas chromatography/ mass spectrometry needs to be undertaken in order to understand the function and purpose of the Byblos jars prior to their use in a burial. In Dunand’s view, the body was inserted into the jar through a large opening made with a flint tool, as evidenced by the small perforation marks on the jar’s side—generally around the handle. This method of creating an opening can be observed on some of the jars housed in the National Museum of Beirut (fig. 11). The confirmation of this hypothesis would suggest that the jars were not made specifically to serve as a funerary structure. Other types of burials make up the remaining 2 percent of the corpus, such as inhumations in other types of pottery vessels, including exclusively infant burials. No detailed description of these remains was recorded. Moreover, nine cave tombs were found that also contained jar burials.

Human Remains

Figures 8–10. The different positions of the jars: horizontal, vertical, and inclined. Fonds Dunand archives.


Human remains were found in 1,312 (93 percent) of 1,411 jars (figs. 12, 13). Unfortunately, an anthropological study of the remains was impossible, since the majority of the skeletons disappeared or were destroyed during the excavations. Furthermore, the documentation of Byblos concerning physical anthropology is incomplete. Individual burials were the standard type, with multiple graves comprising only 6 percent of the total number. Thirty-seven children and fifty-four adults were buried in tombs classified as multiple. Only twenty graves contained both adults and children. An identical number of adults were buried with other adults. Unfortunately, the gender of the individuals buried in the multiple graves is not known. Thirtyfive percent of the skeletons inside jars were placed with their skulls near the opening. The skeletons were also positioned facing both right and left, and 21 percent were in a fetal position (fig. 14). The proportions of identified adults (45 percent) to children (39 percent) suggest that within this particular necropolis selection was not based on age, thus allowing us to assume that all members of the population were buried in the same intra muros cemetery. The presence of both adult and child graves within the same locale also reveals that there was no geographical partition by age.

Figure 11. The body was introduced into the jar through a large opening. This opening was made with a flint tool, as evidenced by the small perforation marks on the jar’s side— generally around the handle. This method of creating an opening can be observed on some of the jars housed in the National Museum of Beirut. Fonds Dunand archives.

The Grave Goods A rich variety of funerary artifacts was discovered in Byblos. However, the existing archaeological material was unavailable, due to the restrictions imposed by the National Museum of Beirut. While I was authorized in 2000–2001 to examine a certain number of the archaeological items, only 8 percent of the objects were accessible. I am currently studying the Byblos necropolis beads and ornaments stored in the National Museum of Beirut for future publication. According to the available documentation, 3,652 objects were found in the jar burials, with an average of three objects per tomb. The grave artifacts were extremely diverse and included ceramic, metal, and stone objects. In my 2009 study, I separated the grave goods into six categories: ceramic artifacts, stone artifacts, lithics, bone objects, metal artifacts, art objects,

and ornaments. Only a small percentage of animal and plant remains are mentioned. Ceramics are the most abundant artifact (2,061 objects found in 986 jars) and constitute almost 56 percent of the total number of grave goods found in the jars. According to the spatial analysis of the jars containing ceramic vessels, one can observe that they have a homogeneous distribution in all areas of the site. From the study of the photographs and drawings, it was possible to distinguish several types of pottery vessels. The most common shapes include several pots, bowls, jugs, and cups as defined by Dunand. Other forms, more limited in distribution but also characteristic of the necropolis, include plates, kraters, twin jugs, and tripod vessels (figs. 15–19). Given the standardized forms of ceramic objects and the rarity of decoration, we can postulate that these vessels were probably produced by spe-


Figures 12–13 (right and below). Individual burials from the Chalcolithic necropolis of Byblos. Fonds Dunand archives.

Thirty-five percent of the skeletons inside jars were placed with their skulls near the opening.

Figure 14 (above). A rich variety of funerary artifacts was discovered in Byblos, as seen in this example of grave goods found in a jar. Fonds Dunand archives.

cialized artisans, indicating that they were mainly preoccupied with producing a large quantity of vessels for everyday use and operating in places not far from their final destination. However, despite the large number and exceptional quality of the objects made of pottery, no trace of a workshop has ever been found in situ or at least mentioned in the records. It is also worthwhile to note that most of the ceramic objects produced for the Chalcolithic community of Byblos were placed in funerary jars, hinting that there were probably some associated funerary practices. However, we do not have any material evidence demonstrating whether the Chalcolithic necropolis pottery vessels also served as ceremonial ones or if they were


used solely in everyday activities. Ceramic grave artifacts were frequently associated with metal and stone artifacts and were discovered for the most part in multiple burials. Stone artifacts, which include the heavier items, are rare and constitute only 1 percent of the total number of grave goods. Twenty-six stone objects made of limestone or basalt were found, for the most part, in the southwestern part of the site, more rarely in the central and northern zones. The most frequently found stone artifacts were cups, mace heads, goblets, bowls, and polished pebbles. Many different types of stone were used, but most objects were made of limestone. Unfortunately, we do not have a detailed description of these objects.

The Grave Goods

Figures 15–19. Ceramics are the most abundant artifact and constitute almost 56 percent of the total number of grave goods found in the jars. To avoid confusion, I have adopted the terminology used by Dunand to characterize the artifact assemblages of Byblos. Photographs show some examples of bowls, jugs, and twin and tripod vessels. Fonds Dunand archives.


The lithic industry consisted of stone implements and weapons shaped beads, rings, pendants, and bracelets (figs. 21–23). The (either flaked or polished) made of flint and, in rare instances, ornamentation was predominantly made of silver; gold artifacts obsidian (fig. 20). The majority of the 209 lithic objects found were very rare. Finally, art objects include some small sculptures in burials were made of flint, while only 8 percent were obsid(e.g., figurines) made of stone or ivory; the glyptics consisted of ian. Although these grave goods were found across the site, they several clay cylinders and stone or ivory seals. were somewhat rarer in the northern and eastern areas. Lithic Results of the Spatial Analysis of the Necropolis objects constitute 6 percent of all grave artifacts. In spite of the abundance of polished axes and adzes in domestic contexts, flint From the analysis of the chrono-spatial data, I was able to weapons were rarely discovered in the burials. Although flint determine the spatial analysis of the necropolis and the relationflakes were frequently found, only a small number of tools were ship between the tombs and the habitation structures. discovered in the jars. The Spatial Analysis of the Necropolis The bone industry included tools made of bone and/or ivory such as awls, pins, and goblets. Forty-one of these artifacts This reconstruction of the site’s evolution is based on the were recovered from twenty-nine jars. Bone and ivory objects quantitative study of the grave goods. Stratigraphic and chronowere completely logical data were absent from the absent, as was any central and the qualitative analysis northern zones of the artifacts. The and represent distribution of the only 1 percent of grave goods shows all grave goods. that stone and bone Among the objects are most reworked bone abundant in the artifacts were western and southawls (found in ern part of the site, abundance), corresponding to the blades, pins, and earliest periods. This goblets (some type of grave good what rarer). Bone disappears comartifacts represent pletely on the hills 91 percent of the and in the northobjects belonging ern part of the site. to this category, Thus the inhabitants while only 9 perof Byblos stopped cent were made using bone and of ivory. stone as raw mateMetal finds rial for grave goods Figure 20. The photograph shows some examples of flint blades. Lithic objects constitute were categorized when the necropolis 6 percent of all grave artifacts. Fonds Dunand archives. as excluding started expanding to ornaments. A the northern part of total of forty-four objects, mainly daggers and fishing hooks, the site. The rarity of stone and bone grave goods is also accomwere found in the jars, constituting 1 percent of all grave goods. panied by the introduction and use of a new material: metal. The majority of these objects were made of copper; silver objects The change in the types and materials of the grave goods constituted only 11 percent of metal goods. Very few of these suggests that the development and evolution of the necropolis were found within a nonfunerary context. took place gradually in a counterclockwise arc, starting from the The art objects and ornaments (nonfunctional items) consouthwest, expanding toward the south and then the southeast, sisted of human or animal figurines, as well as amulets, neckavoiding the central zone (the water source), to end up in the laces, bracelets, beads, and pendants, all made of various raw north (see fig. 7). materials. The 1,271 art objects and ornaments recovered from Relation between the Burials and Habitation Structures 255 burials were made of silver, limestone, carnelian, bone, According to Dunand’s architectural analysis, the habitation ivory, shell, and obsidian. Art objects and other ornaments were structures have the same evolutionary pattern as the necropolis. often, but not exclusively, found with infant inhumations. This The spatial occupation of the site appears to have started in the category of objects was frequently located throughout the entire west and spread eastward, with a tendency to occupy the flat site and made up 35 percent of all grave artifacts. It is interand northern areas. As the site expanded, tombs and dwellings esting to note that different elements of ornamentation were followed this same pattern. However, without stratigraphic data, frequently found, such as discoid-, biconical-, and spherical-


Figures 21–23. Art objects and ornaments constitute 35 percent of the total number of grave artifacts. Photographs show some examples of bracelets and beads. Fonds Dunand archives.


it is practically impossible to prove whether the burials preceded the habitation structures or vice versa. A study of the available scholarship enables us to conclude the following. First, only 5.5 percent of the burials are situated under the habitation structures. An equal number (5 percent) of adults and children were buried under the houses. These two observations contradict the general hypotheses that all the tombs were situated under the dwellings and that children were buried under the habitation structures. Second, only 4 percent of the tombs were located in the immediate vicinity of the habitation structures, that is, within a zone 2.5 m around the structure. This distance is double the average jar length of Byblos. Thus, we can conclude that the inhabitants of Byblos did not necessarily bury their dead under or in the immediate vicinity of their houses, since less than 10 percent of the burials were found underneath or in the immediate vicinity of the habitation structures. Furthermore, as stated above, it is impossible to prove that these burials are contemporary with the habitation structures. It is quite possible that, over a period of several hundred years, some burials were abandoned and houses were built over them. The reverse is, of course, equally likely: houses could have been abandoned or destroyed and their foundations were used as border spaces for burials of people with no relation to the occupants of those very structures. Since the data do not allow for a more precise description, the study of the necropolis of Byblos and the grave artifacts found in a funerary context reveal only some aspects of the economic, cultural, and social characteristics of these societies. This article highlights some problems connected with the function and production of the jars, the archaeological material represented by the grave goods, and the spatial organization of the site of Byblos, while also acknowledging the ongoing problem of type-fossil and nonstratigraphic approaches. These continue to frustrate attempts to understand the long-term sequences of the chronology of the Chalcolithic necropolis of Byblos. That being said, the results of this article will, I hope, permit a more detailed study and analysis of the existing archaeological material. Controlled surveys must be undertaken of areas at Byblos that have not been explored; at the same time, the priorities and the objectives for future excavations of other Chalcolithic sites in Lebanon should be defined. Similar localities are likely to exist, and their study would enable us to gain a deeper understanding of the Chalcolithic period in Lebanon.

Note 1. By measuring the radioactivity of the carbon remaining in a specimen, its age can be calculated; radiocarbon determinations must be calibrated using curves derived from tree-ring chronologies to give calendar dates (usually expressed as B.C.E./C.E. or cal. B.C.E./cal. C.E.). See further Darvill 2003.

References Artin, G. 2009. La “nécropole énéolithique” de Byblos: Nouvelles interprétations. BAR International Series 1993. Oxford: Archaeopress. Besançon, J., and H. Hours. 1970. Préhistoire et géomorphologie: Les formes du relief et les dépôts quaternaires dans la région de Joubb Jannine (Béqaa méridionale, Liban) (1ère partie). Hannon 5:64–95.


———. 1971. Préhistoire et géomorphologie: Les formes du relief et les dépôts quaternaires dans la région de Joubb Jannine (Béqaa méridionale, Liban) (2ère partie). Hannon 6:29–135. Burkhalter, L. 1946–1948. Bibliographie préhistorique. Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 8:10, 130–53. Cauvin, J. 1962. Les industries lithiques du tell de Byblos. L’Anthropologie 66:488–502. ———. 1968. Les outillages néolithiques de Byblos et du littoral libanais. Vol. 4 of Fouilles de Byblos. Etudes et documents d’archéologie 5. Paris: Maisonneuve. Copeland, L., and P. Wescombe. 1965. Inventory of Stone Age Sites in Lebanon. Part I: West–Central Lebanon. Mélanges de l’Université Saint Joseph 41:29–175. ———. 1966. Inventory of Stone Age Sites in Lebanon. Part 2: North– South–East Central Lebanon. Mélanges de l’Université Saint Joseph 42:1–174. Darvill, T. 2003. Concise Dictionary of Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dunand, M. 1973. L’architecture, les tombes, le matériel domestique des origines néolithiques à l’avènement urbain. Vol. 5 of Fouilles de Byblos. 2 vols. Etudes et documents d’archéologie 6. Paris: Maisonneuve. Saidah, R. 1969. Archaeology in the Lebanon, 1968–1969. Berytus 18:119– 42. ———. 1977. Sidon et la Phénicie méridionale au XIVème siècle avant J.C. dans le contexte proche-oriental et égéen: À propos des tombes de Dakerman. 2 vols. Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Paris. ———. 1979. Fouilles de Sidon-Dakerman: L’agglomération chalcolithique. Berytus 27:29–55.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Gassia Artin received her Ph.D. in archaeology from the University of Lyon in 2005. She is currently a research affiliate at the Archéorient Maison de l’Orient at the Université Lyon 2 and at the Institute of Archaeology at the University College of London. Her research interests include the Chalcolithic period and the Bronze Age of the Eastern Mediterranean, with a special focus on the funerary practices and the study of beads and ornaments. She has participated in various excavations in Lebanon, Syria, Armenia, and Turkey.

Tell Arqa: A Prosperous City during the Bronze Age

Jean-Paul Thalmann

E

xtending over 7 ha and 40 m high, the tell of Arqa (fig. 1) is the preeminent archaeological site in north Lebanon. It has long since been identified with the ancient city of Irqata. The attention of archaeologists was originally brought to the site by a consistent set of mentions in ancient texts, including Gen 10:17, the Middle Kingdom Egyptian Execration Texts, the Amarna letters, and the Assyrian royal chronicles. In later times, Arqa was known mainly as the birthplace of the Roman emperor Severus Alexander (222–235 C.E.) and as a major Crusader stronghold of the county of Tripoli until its takeover by the Mameluks in 1289 C.E.

The Regional Setting and Bronze Age Settlement Patterns

Arqa is located south of the Nahr el-Kebir, the River Eleutheros of the classical period, which constitutes the present border between Lebanon and Syria, and on the southern edge of the roughly 450 km2 Akkar Plain (fig. 2), one of the few large coastal plains on the otherwise narrow maritime fringe of the northern Levant. It is also the outlet of the “Homs Gap” into the Mediterranean, between Mount Lebanon to the south and the Jebel Ansariyeh to the north, and a main way of communication with inland Syria. The climate is Mediterranean, with autumn Excavations began in 1972 under the and winter rains averaging between direction of the late Professor Ernest Will 700 and 800 mm of annual rainfall in and, after many interruptions during the the plain and up to 1,000 mm or more Lebanese Civil War, were resumed on a on the piedmont. The water supply is regular basis in 1992 under my direction. abundant, thanks to perennial rivers They are financed by the French Ministry issued from karstic springs in the footof Foreign Affairs and supported by the hills, but extensive marshy areas cerFigure 1. Tell Arqa, view from the south. In the Lebanese Directorate General of Antiquitainly existed in antiquity. This makes background, the rich agricultural landscape of the ties (both are warmly thanked for their Akkar Plain (all photos by Jean-Paul Thalmann). the agricultural potential of the plain unfaltering support of the project). Since highly dependent on labor input and 1992, excavations have focused mainly diverse forms of land reclamation and use. on the strata and architectural remains of the Early and Middle Early occupation of the Akkar Plain goes back as early as the Bronze Ages, which are among the major phases of developNatufian period, and the exceptional find in the vicinity of Arqa ment and prosperity in the long history of the site and region. of a large obsidian block from central Anatolia hints to pos-


Figure 2. Location of the Akkar Plain in Lebanon with the distribution of the Bronze Age sites.

sible maritime connections probably by the end of the sixth millennium (Thalmann 2006b). But no details of settlement history before the Bronze Age are presently available. A survey of about thirty archaeological sites both south and north of Nahr el-Kebir (Al-Maqdissi and Thalmann 1989; Bartl 1998–1999; 2002; see fig. 2) and the pottery sequence of Arqa show that this long time span, stretching from about 3000 to 1200 B.C.E., can be divided into three main periods. During Period 1 (fig. 3a), before about 2500 B.C.E., most sites were located on the periphery of the plain or in the valley bottoms of the lower hilly areas; Arqa and probably Jamous (located in Syria) were already prominent sites in this early period. The alluvial zone appears to have been loosely and irregularly settled: all sites there are small, and few if any show evidence of continuous occupation—with the possible exception of Kazel, the earliest levels of which are still unknown. From about the middle of the third millennium on, the plain was densely settled (Thalmann 2007). This process occurred very quickly, probably within a century, and resulted, in the beginning of Period 2 (fig. 3b) around 2500/2400 B . C . E ., in a network of settlements regularly and hierarchically arranged around the three major sites of Arqa, Kazel, and Jamous. While new small sites were still added during MB I (corresponding roughly to the MB IIA of

Figures 3a–c. Bronze Age settlement patterns in the Akkar Plain from the Early Bronze Age until the end of the Late Bronze Age. Three periods of settlements were identified: Period 1 from the beginning of the Bronze Age until ca. 2500 B.C.E.; Period 2, which corresponds to the EB IV and ends around 2000 B.C.E.; and Period 3, covering the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.


the southern Levant) and one may assume that a maximum of population density was reached in the early second millennium, this network of settlements did not change until the end of the Middle Bronze Age. At the beginning of the Late Bronze Age and Period 3 (fig. 3c), most sites, including Arqa, were reduced to a secondary, village-like status, with Kazel serving as the seat of Egyptian administration in the north, left as the only large site and probably controlling the entire plain. The stimulus behind the settlement process at the beginning of Period 2 was population pressure linked to the development of cereal-based agriculture in the plain, as shown by the uniform distribution of sites, indicative of agricultural optimization and reclamation of most available land. Moreover, their clustering and three-tier hierarchical organization is evidence of the first trends in urbanization of the Akkar: the plain is divided, along the courses of its main rivers, into three smaller entities, each controlled by a large site, which may be considered the earliest regional city-states. However, site and population sizes as well as social organization and complexity are outside the scope of the phenomenon known as the “second urbanization” of inner Syria at about the same time: the urban character of the culture of the Akkar from the beginning of Period 2 is more apparent from the hierarchy and distribution of settlements and from territorial organization. The originality of the late Early to Middle Bronze

Age settlement process in the Akkar is that the agricultural colonization of the plain and the emergence of the first small urban communities occurred here simultaneously and through the same process.

Tell Arqa’s EB Sequence: Stratigraphy and Building Techniques The main result of recent seasons at Arqa was to establish a full sequence of third-millennium occupation and cultural phases through more than 12 m of uninterrupted stratified layers, spanning strata 19–15 (fig. 4), which are linked to 14C dates. This is especially important since so few benchmarks in the chronology of the Early Bronze Age in Lebanon are currently available, mainly because of the inadequate excavation methods used at Byblos; this resulted in uncertainties in the dating of this major site. Fortunately, recent excavations at Sidon and Tell Fadous-Kfarabida (see the articles by Doumet-Serhal and Genz in this issue) provide additional, controlled data.

Strata 19 to 17 Cultural Phases S (Strata 19 and 18) and R (Stratum 17) correspond to Akkar Period 1. Stratum 18 was destroyed by fire around 2750 B.C.E., and its mudbrick architecture is especially well preserved (figs. 5a–b). All houses had an upper story

Figure 4. Schematic section through 12 m of occupation layers, giving the full sequence of the third-millennium strata. The architecture is especially well-preserved in layers 18A and 16A–B, which represent two major destructions at the site by fire.


Figure 5a. Stratum 18A. General view at the end of the 2009 season, showing blocks of burnt houses separated by a narrow street.

➤

➤ Figures 6a–b. Stratum 17. Right: General view at the end of the 2008 season. In the background, excavation begins in the collapsed debris of Stratum 18A. Above: Detail of a room in Stratum 17C, with large stone bases against the walls and in the corners.

Figure 5b. A well-preserved room with benches and stone bases against the walls. This room has no door and was therefore accessible only from the upper story of the house. It was, however, provided with a small cobbled fireplace.

supported by an elaborate internal timber framework. Stratum 17 (figs. 6a–b) had at least four main rebuilding stages without major destruction between circa 2750 and 2500/2400 B.C.E. All excavated structures belong to a dwelling quarter of densely built houses separated by a narrow, zigzag-shaped street. Although no single house plan can be reconstructed within the narrow limits of excavation, the same characteristic feature—the widespread use of internal timber posts resting upon stone bases in the corners of rooms and along walls—was consistently documented. The pottery assemblage of Phases S and R (fig. 7) is mostly characterized by large, slender pattern-combed jars and spherical or holemouth-type cooking pots (for examples of pottery from Phase R, see Thalmann 2006c, pls. 46–53). Lozenge-pattern burnished smaller jars, jugs, shallow bowls, and small hemispherical bowls used as lamps are specific to Phase S (Thalmann 2009, 21, pl. 2). Single-handled cups and four-spouted lamps, probably the earliest examples of this type (Thalmann forthcoming), are common from the beginning of Phase R. Close, but still to be more precisely defined, comparisons can be drawn with Byblos (Thalmann 2008), the early EB levels at Sidon and Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, and more generally the EB II and early EB III of Palestine, showing that Arqa had strong cultural affinities or contacts with southern Lebanon and the southern Levant at that time. Possible contacts with the north are limited to the occurrence of pattern-combed jars on the coast as far north as Ras Shamra (Schaeffer 1962, 203, fig. 16:A, C, D). However, nothing from Arqa is readily comparable to the early third-millennium diagnostic types of Hama or the Amuq, suggesting a mainly “southern” orientation of the Early Bronze Age culture of the Akkar before the middle of the third millennium.


POTTERY ASSEMBLAGE OF PHASES S AND R

Figure 7. Selected pottery types of Phases S (top) and R (bottom).


Strata 16 and 15 Stratum 16 (early Phase P, corresponding with the beginning of Akkar Period 2) was established on a new layout between approximately 2500 and 2400 B.C.E. and burned down around 2200 B . C . E . This dwelling quarter was excavated over an area of about 650 m 2 (Thalmann 2000, 35–46; 2006a; 2006c, 19–32). A “circular” or peripheral street (figs. 8 and 9) ran parallel to the edge of the tell. It divided an outer row of adjacent rooms erected on top of the steep slope from the inner, densely built-up part of the settlement. Protection was provided only by the continuous outer wall on top of the 20 to 30-m-high tell; there is presently no evidence of a fortification wall. Radiating streets led into the inner part of the settlement; no free space or courtyards were left between houses, with the exception of narrow dead ends, which penetrated the blocks of adjacent houses.

Figure 8. Stratum 16. Plan of the domestic quarter at the time of destruction ca. 2200 B . C . E . Note that all rooms at ground level are subdivided by thin mudbrick partition walls and were used for storage. Living space was located on the upper story. Rooms 16.69 and 16.72 are outlined in yellow, where enough charred timber was retrieved to allow for a full reconstruction of the building structure (see also figs. 13–17).

Figure 9. Stratum 16. Peripheral street running along the edge of the tell, from the north. The row of small rooms on the right marks the limit of the settlement. There was no fortification wall.


sities of long-, middle-, and short-term storage and use of agriAll houses had mudbrick walls erected on free-standing stone cultural products. In most cells, the bottom of which was found plinths about 1.5 m high (fig. 10). Wood was also extensively filled with charred grain, it is certain that the cells functioned as used and was indeed a major building material for the interairtight silos for longnal structures. At the term preservation, time of the conflagramainly for the grain tion, all houses had to be sown the next an upper story used year. But this method as living space. But also allows for the the most characterisstorage of cereals tic and new feature is over many years. Evithat each house had its dence for this at Arqa own granary: all rooms comes mainly from at ground or basement the last few seasons level were partitioned of excavation, when into small “cells” by we systematically thin mudbrick walls observed a layer of and were used only mixed hacked straw for storage (see fig. 8). and husk above and Excavators retrieved under the bulk of large quantities of charred cereals, also charred cereals stored sticking to the walls in pottery jars or sacks of the cells (Thaland basketry containers mann 2007). This or as bulk storage in the Figure 10. Stratum 16. View of the northern part of the excavated area, showing use material burned individual cells. Many of free-standing stone bases and mudbrick elevation of the walls. In the center of the bright white and, partition walls were picture are Rooms 16.69 and 16.72 at the end of excavation. even when preserved found still standing to only as a very thin a height of 1.5–2 m, layer, dramatically stood out against the black and red backshowing that most of the cells could be entered only from the ground of charred grain and burnt bricks. When airtight, the top, through access holes in the floor of the upper story. layer of straw and husk provided the necessary insulation for The evolution of this quarter has been fully documented durlong-term preservation. This method is well documented by ing the last seasons of excavation, when partial dismantling of all ancient agronomists, including Pliny, Varro, and Columella the Stratum 16 buildings became necessary in order to reach the (Gast and Sigaut 1979; Shejbal 1980). It ensures the best condiunderlying occupation levels. Originally, all houses comprised tions for protection against pests (carbon dioxide develops in at ground level one or two rooms accessible from the streets the insulated mass of cereals) and for the preservation of the that could be used as living or working space, plus a storage area germinative and nutritive qualities of grain over long periods. (cells) accessible only from above, from the terraced roof or, more It should be observed that the subdivision of the entire storage probably, from at least one room built above the storage area in space into individual, smaller-size units is especially useful— order to protect it from rain (for a digitized reconstruction of indeed necessary—since opening a unit breaks the airtight seal, these houses, see Thalmann 2000, 41, fig. 32; 2006c, 27–28, and grain must then be used all at once or at least very quickly. figs. 5–6). During the two centuries or so that can be ascribed The multiple small cells at Arqa allowed for fractional use and to the Stratum 16 settlement, storage space was increasingly consumption of cereals throughout the year, as well as for optineeded. Consequently, doors opening into the streets were mal preservation of the necessary quantities for sowing in the blocked, and available space at ground level was converted to following year or for longer-term storage. Cereals for middle- or storage; a kind of shed was built in the street against one of the short-range storage were kept in large jars with capacities ranghouses, in order to allow for extra storage space, and even a naring from 60 to 100 liters, both in the basement and upper story row passage or dead end, originally giving access to the houses, of the houses; the same large pottery containers were also used was built over and converted to storage cells. At the time of for storing oil and water. destruction, living space was entirely located on the upper story. The pottery repertoire of Phase P (fig. 11) can be best defined Thus, between roughly 2400 and 2200 B.C.E., an approximate twofold increase in domestic storage capacity was achieved. as a set of new morphological types and technological features This is striking evidence for the dynamics of agricultural, mainly (Thalmann 2000, figs. 35–37; 2006c, pls. 54–79). It includes cereal production, and the probable corresponding increase in large ovoid, horizontally combed and flat-bottomed jars with population during the second half of the third millennium. or without handles, and cooking pots with thick offset rims. As can be expected in a context of domestic economy, a variA coherent set of liquid-related or drinking vessels, includety of storage methods is attested, corresponding to the necesing a variety of jugs and large numbers of conical beakers and


one-handled cups, are especially characteristic and have otherwise few close parallels outside of the Akkar. Only the singlehandled cups and four-spouted lamps have local forerunners in the preceding phase. Pattern-combing is replaced by horizontal combing, and burnishing is exclusively vertical and frequently associated on medium-sized vessels with a white-painted decoration of horizontal and wavy lines. Red burnished slip, already rare in Phase R, is now completely absent. Changes in the use of tempering materials and the first occurrences of throwing on potters’ wheels also help to define the new pottery tradition beginning in Phase P. In spite of the markedly local character of this assemblage, suggesting a strong cultural autarky, some limited comparisons may now be drawn with Hama J and Amuq I and J; in addition to a few, probably local imitations of “caliciform” shapes, some real imports from central Syria are represented in the earlier stage of Phase P (Thalmann 2009, 24, fig. 7). This shows that the regional changes in settlement patterns that occurred toward the middle of the third millennium were concomitant with a shift in cultural contacts and relations from the southern Levant to the north and inland Syria. A similar trend can also be inferred from the metal artifacts. Few have been found in Phase S and R contexts, but a large collection of copper pins has been recovered from Phase P, all having prototypes or close parallels in the early EB IV of northern Syria or of the middle Euphrates area. A similar phenomenon occurs at Byblos, where a number of unstratified pottery types can be compared to diagnostics of Arqa’s Phase P and where most metal artifact types of the late third and early second millennium can also be traced to north Syrian EB IV prototypes. However, the most explicit indication of a decisive shift in relations with the north during Phase P can be seen in

the evolution of lithic assemblages. These artifacts from Phases S and R were few, poor or low in technical quality, and of local materials and manufacture. By contrast, as early as Stratum 16D and in all succeeding stages of Phase P, large Canaanean blades (fig. 12), made of imported flint and corresponding to the specific technology of pressure-flaking now defined as débitage cananéen stricto sensu were extremely abundant. Microtrace analysis by Scanning Electron Microscopy has shown that they are all sickle blades (Coqueugniot 2006, 200), and their occurrence in very large numbers must correspond to the new economic situation of the region and the thriving cereal-based agriculture that developed, as outlined above, from the middle of Figure 11. Selected pottery types of Phase P (ca. 2500–2000 B.C.E.).


Figure 12. Canaanean blades from Phase P.

Figure 13. Stratum 16. Plan of preserved timber in Rooms 16.69 and 16.72. Left: Stone bases and vertical posts. Right: Fallen main beams and rafters.


the third millennium on. That such products, manufactured in specialized workshops in the upper Euphrates area since the end of the fourth millennium and widely distributed in other areas of the Near East, are absent from the artifactual assemblages of Phases S and R is a strong indication that relations with the north and inland Syria were limited during these early phases of the Early Bronze Age and were established only at the end of Phase R or the beginning of Phase P.

Early Bronze Age Building Techniques Reconstructed As stated above, timber played a major structural role in the architecture of Arqa during the Early Bronze Age. In limited areas of burnt Stratum 16 A–B, the destruction layer was exceptionally well preserved. In Rooms 16.69 and 16.72, large

parts of timberwork had collapsed and remained more or less in situ (fig. 13). All pieces of charred wood, recognizable as vertical posts (fig. 14) and main beams or rafters (fig. 15) from their size or position, were plotted in xyz coordinates. Based on these measurements and on less systematic observations from other parts of the excavation, a full and detailed reconstruction of the timber structures is possible. 1. Each room had nine vertical posts resting on stone bases set in the corners, center, and at half-length of each wall. Some of them were found in situ (figs. 14, 16.1). 2. Fragments from large beams were consistently found in fallen position in these rooms and other parts of the excavation along the short and long sides of the rooms. This indicates that

Figure 14. (below) Stratum 16. Left: Wooden post in the southwestern corner of Room 16.69. Right: Central post of Room 16.72. Note the fallen stone base from the upper story and the well-preserved rafters on the right.

Figure 15. (right) Stratum 16. Fallen beams and rafters in the northwestern corner of Room 16.69.


EARLY BRONZE AGE BUILDING TECHNIQUES Figure 16 (1–5). Computerized reconstruction of building stages of the timberwork inside Room 16.72.

the floors and terraces were supported by two “layers” of main beams: (1) three sets of beams across the room, resting on the vertical posts, and (2) probably four or five sets of beams, set lengthwise and resting upon the latter (fig. 16.2–3). 3. A layer of “planks” and rafters was laid crosswise on the main beams and served as a form of lining for the 30-cm-thick floor made of packed and beaten earth. The rafters were placed above, not under, the planks and were embedded into the layer of packed earth, the best modern analogy being a kind of reinforced concrete floor. Holes for accessing the storage cells at


ground level could easily be managed between the main beams (fig. 16.4–5). Since most of the cells were opened by necessity twice a year or even less frequently (i.e., only when filled and emptied), these access holes were probably covered by planks and sealed with a layer of packed earth and did not interfere with domestic activities in the upper story of the houses. 4. A similar timber structure was also used in the upper story or stories and to support the terraced roofs. The section through Room 16.72 (fig. 17) shows the well-preserved remains of two stories covered by the collapse of the mudbrick walls. The total

Figure 17. Stratum 16. Photograph and interpretation of section across Room 16.72, showing the structure of the destruction layer with collapsed debris of two floors from the upper stories.


bowls as well as a full array of bronze weapons, including a dagheight of the building can be estimated to about 7 m. This may ger, a fenestrated battle-axe, and two spearheads (fig. 19; see also be due to the fact that this barely 50 m2 room probably corThalmann 2006c, 35, fig. 8). A smaller tomb of the same type, responds to a single domestic unit with more living space being containing only pottery, was added as a second story. Everyalso discovered along with where else, there is evidence of a bronze spearhead, probonly one story above the storage ably from a similar but disareas. turbed tomb. These belong All posts and main beams are to a class of “warrior buriof cedar, while different woods als” widely distributed at the (e.g., oak and olive tree) were very beginning of the second also used for the smaller rafters. millennium from northern The extensive use of timber is, of Palestine to northern Syria course, linked to the wide availand Baghouz on the Euphraability of local materials, but it tes (Philip 1995); however, must also be observed that, in they are also related to late spite—or because of—the large Early Bronze Age funerary quantities of wood used, no main architecture and traditions posts or beams longer than 2.5 or of central and northern 3 m were necessary. Well-adapted Figure 18. Stratum 14. “Warrior burial” with charred remains of Syria, as evidenced by the for domestic buildings, this practhe wooden coffin and material in situ. elite burials of Umm eltice represented an “economical” Marra (Schwartz et al. 2003; use of timber. This building tech2006) and the large built tombs (hypogea) of the middle Euphranique, as fully reconstructed from its best preserved examples tes area, all furnished with bronze weaponry. in Stratum 16, was common at Arqa from the beginning of the Other typical early Middle Bronze Age structures are underthird millennium, as attested by the internal stone bases found ground, stone-built, and corbelled silos, some of which were in all the houses of Strata 19 to 17. It is also attested, with slight occasionally also reused as tombs. However, they are not conand probably local or chronological variants, by recent finds at nected to any floor or wall remains and probably were open-air Tell Fadous-Kfarabida and Sidon, in addition to the long-since storage installations. These are exactly similar in shape, size, and known and so-called “seven pillars houses” and larger buildings building technique to the so-called tombes-silos excavated by of Byblos. It can now be considered one of the most characteristic and original features of the Early Bronze Age cultures in the coastal area of Lebanon.

MB and LB Arqa: From Prosperity to Decline New People and Pots at the Beginning of the MB After the destruction of Stratum 15, the excavated area at the western end of the tell was temporarily reused as a burial ground, which was later covered by extensive installations belonging to a pottery workshop (Stratum 14). This implies that the contemporary built-up area was significantly smaller than the late Early Bronze Age settlement and was concentrated in the central and eastern (yet unexcavated) parts of the tell. However, since no significant changes in the regional settlement patterns can be observed at the beginning of the second millennium, and since it is also the time when the site is first mentioned by name as Irqata in the Egyptian Execration Texts (Posener 1940, 90), it is highly probable that Arqa remained a major center in the Akkar at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age.

The “Warrior Burial” and Built Silos: New Interment Techniques during MB I The tomb excavated in 1998 is a rectangular, stone-built structure dug into underlying Stratum 15 (fig. 18). The few, scant skeletal remains—from a secondary burial—were deposited in a wooden coffin with beautiful pottery jugs and carinated


Figure 19. Stratum 14. A fenestrated axe and a dagger from the “warrior burial.”

settlement; this may explain why, in order to reduce transport difficulties and risks of breakage, the workshop is located on top of the tell and not in the plain below, where space and easy access to water would have been more readily available. A large pond about 12 m in diameter was dug into the ruins of the late Early Bronze Age houses. It collected runoff water from the upper areas of the tell and was used for the levigation of the clay and also as the main water supply for the workshop. The remains of at least six pottery-firing structures of roughly circular shape and ranging from 5 to 10 m in diameter were discovered along the edge of the tell. One had collapsed during firing so that its mode of construction and use can be fairly precisely reconstructed (fig. 20). A shallow pit lined with stones was dug into the ground and strewn with fuel, over which two or three layers of jars were stacked in an upright position along with more fuel. The heap of pottery was then surrounded by a thin mudbrick wall and probably covered on the top by more bricks. After firing, it was necessary to dismantle the surrounding wall. Bricks, ashes, and pottery waste were either left on the spot or the area was cleared for another firing. Around 150 to 350 large jars could be fired at one time in these updraft kilns. A small single-room house, domestic ovens, and child burials in jars are also associated with the artisanal installations, showing that it was a kind of “potters’ quarter,” where semispecialized artisans probably lived on a permanent basis. This went out of use with the beginning of Stratum 13, when the built-up area was once more extended over the whole of the tell.

The MB II Town: Unprecedented Prosperity Fig 20. Stratum 14. Pottery workshop: photograph, half-section, and proposed reconstruction of potteryfiring structure.

Maurice Dunand in the mid-1950s at Amrith in the northern part of the Akkar Plain (Al-Maqdissi 1995). The latter were originally built as silos and reused for multiple interments, many of which were provided with the typical set of weapons similar to those found in the “warrior tomb” at Arqa. Such new features in burial and storage practices exhibit strong connections with the contemporary culture of inland Syria and hint at the presence of newcomers from this area who temporarily settled on the outskirts of Arqa and elsewhere in the Akkar, but do not seem to have affected the settlement pattern and the basic structure and activities of the local population. In any case, the early Middle Bronze Age phase characterized by built tombs and silos was of a short duration, and their owners and users were quickly forgotten or integrated.

The Pottery Workshop: A New Architectural Feature of MB I Arqa In the later stages of Stratum 14, the entire excavated area was used as an extensive pottery workshop (Thalmann 2000, 47–50; 2006c, 33–44, 48–50). Its products were large storage jars intended for the houses and storerooms of the nearby main

With the renewed extension of the town around 1800 B.C.E., what was probably the main phase of development and prosperity of the site began, also witnessed by the density of contemporary settlements in the Akkar. This period is, unfortunately, scarcely documented. Large rectangular buildings, 10–12 m long and more than 6 m wide, were erected on the edge of the tell (Stratum 13; Thalmann 2006c, 51–67). They have 2-m-thick mudbrick walls, erected on stone foundations, probably belonging to a fortification system, most of which has washed down the slope so that it cannot be reconstructed. The reservoir of the former pottery workshop remained in use and was extended for domestic purposes, possibly as a water supply for animals. The narrow space between this true pond (birkeh) and the rampart area was sparsely occupied by small houses and mainly used for burials. As elsewhere in the Levant, most intramural tombs were child or infant burials in jars, but there was also an unusually high proportion of adult burials (fig. 21). Children were seldom provided with more than a small bowl and juglet, occasionally with a necklace of beads and a scarab. Most adults were buried in their clothes, fastened by large bronze toggle pins, and were equipped with a full “table setting,” including a drinking bowl, jug, and large plate, often with meat offerings—probably representing the share of the deceased in a funerary meal ritual. The fifty or so tombs excavated to date show no differences in social status. However, they are not representative of the site’s population, since most Middle Bronze Age burials were located on the hillside across the river and south of the settlement in a large,


Figure 21. Stratum 13. Left: Adult burial with a bowl and a juglet. Right: Jar burial containing the skeleton of a child and two jugs. The stones on the top and base of the jar indicated the place of the burial.

widely robbed and yet unexplored outer necropolis. The tombs in natural caves were used as collective, probably family, vaults. At the end of Stratum 13, shortly before the middle of the second millennium, the rampart was rebuilt with a large square tower. Houses were built on a terraced layout against the inner face of the town wall (Stratum 12). Each house comprised two or three rooms adjacent to a cobbled courtyard (Thalmann 2006c, 75, figs. 28–29), one of which had a large family tomb. Child burials in jars were also found both inside and outside of the houses. The material culture, especially the pottery of Arqa Strata 13 and 12, no longer exhibited the markedly local character of the preceding periods, showing that the Akkar Plain had wider contacts both with the southern and northern Levantine coast. A substantial variety of wares was also imported from Cyprus (Charaf-Mullins 2006; Charaf 2008).

Decline and Fall of the LB City This flourishing settlement came to an end in conflagration by fire, dated to the middle of the fifteenth century B.C.E. by Cypriote pottery. This is the time when the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty, after their conquest of Palestine, began to use the Akkar Plain as a strategic base for military expeditions to inner Syria through the “Homs Gap.” The destruction of Arqa and other sites is mentioned in the Annals of Thutmose III in Years 30 and 42 (Pritchard 1969, 241). By the end of Thutmose’s reign, an Egyptian garrison and administrative center were established in nearby Sumur/Tell Kazel. This is most likely the main reason behind the shift in settlement patterns at the beginning of Period 3, when Kazel remained the only large urban center in the Akkar and all other settlements, including Arqa, seem to have been reduced to secondary status. The decline and fall of Arqa during the Late Bronze Age (Stratum 11) was, however, gradual. About a century after its destruction at the hands of Thutmose III, it was still mentioned along with its ruler Aduna in the Amarna letters (EA 62, 75, 88, 100, 103, 139, and 140), although revealing little about the real importance of the site. This was also the time when two local chieftains, Abdi-Ashirta and later his son Aziru, played a tricky military and diplomatic game between the receding power of Egypt and the expansion of Hittite control over


northern Syria. These men used Arqa as a temporary stronghold before conquering Sumur and founding the new kingdom of Amurru by the end of the fourteenth century, which included the Akkar Plain and extended to inland Syria, under the protection of the Hittites. From this period on, as attested by the scant remains of Stratum 11 (Thalmann 2006c, 81–83), Arqa was no more than a small agricultural village among many others in the plain. The final decline of Arqa long before the end of the Late Bronze Age may explain why there are no traces of destruction at the time of the so-called invasion of the “Sea Peoples,” which marks the end of urban cultures of the Bronze Age elsewhere in the Levant. Indeed, the rural and impoverished settlement at Arqa seems to have survived at least to the end of the twelfth century and was afterward abandoned until the town flourished again in the Iron Age, during the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E., as the seat of a small and ephemeral Phoenician kingdom.

The “Missing Link”? Much remains to be done with the wealth of new archaeological data from Bronze Age Arqa before it can be fully understood. Current results provide a secure chronological framework, but they have been based primarily upon survey data, stratigraphical and architectural analysis, and “traditional” pottery typology. These define the Akkar Plain with its specific modes and rhythm of development and frequently strong trends toward cultural autarky. However, this plain also shared common characteristics with other areas of the Levantine coast and had shifting relationships with the southern Levant and the north (i.e., inland Syria). This region might thus be considered a kind of “missing link” between the contrasted cultural trajectories of Palestine and Syria, especially during the third millennium. The long and continuous sequence of Arqa also provides many and hitherto missing benchmarks for the archaeology of the Bronze Age in Lebanon, especially for the reevaluation of the sequence of Byblos. The mission of the Tell Arqa excavations during the next few seasons will be focused on integrating paleobotanical and faunal data with technical studies of the lithic, ground stone, and pottery assemblages into a clearer picture of economic and social evolution in a longue durée perspective. Hopefully, more regional or micro-regional studies in the near future will help to build a better understanding of the complex pattern of Bronze Age cultures in Lebanon and the northern Levant.

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References Al-Maqdissi, M. 1995. Nouvelle présentation du matériel funéraire trouvé à ‘Amrit dans les tombes en silo. Syria 72:207–10. Al-Maqdissi, M., and J.-P. Thalmann. 1989. Prospection de la trouée de Homs: Les sites de la plaine du Akkar syrien. Pp. 98–101 in Contribution française à l’archéologie syrienne. Damas: Institut français d’archéologie du Proche-Orient. Bartl, K. 1998–1999. Akkar Survey 1997: Archaeological Surface Investigations in the Plain of Akkar/Northern Lebanon: Preliminary Results. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 3:169–79. ———. 2002. Archäologische Untersuchungen der südlichen Akkar-Ebene, Nordlibanon: Vorläufige Ergebnisse einer Oberflächenprospektion. Pp 23–48 in Ausgrabungen und Surveys im Vorderen Orient I, ed. R. Eichmann. Orient-Archäologie 5. Rahden, Westfalen: Leidorf. Charaf, H. 2008. Arqa during the Bronze Age: Connections with the West. Pp. 121–66 in Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant: The Lebanon and Its Mediterranean Connections, ed. C. Doumet-Serhal in collaboration with A. Rabate and A. Resek. London: Lebanese British Friends of the National Museum. Charaf-Mullins, H. 2006. Les céramiques importées de l’Ouest. Pp. 173–92 in vol. 1 of Tell Arqa I: Les niveaux de l’âge du Bronze, ed. J.-P. Thalmann. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 177. Beirut: Institut Français du Proche-Orient. Coqueugniot, E. 2006. Les outillages de pierre taillée et la question des lames “cananéennes”: Étude préliminaire. Pp. 195–202 in vol. 1 of Tell Arqa I: Les niveaux de l’âge du Bronze, ed. J.-P. Thalmann. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 177. Beirut: Institut Français du ProcheOrient. Gast, M., and F. Sigaut, eds. 1979. Les techniques de conservation des grains à long terme: Leur rôle dans la dynamique des systèmes de cultures et des sociétés, Vol. 1. Paris: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique. Philip, G. 1995. Warrior Burials in the Ancient Near-Eastern Bronze Age: The Evidence from Mesopotamia, Western Iran and Syria-Palestine. Pp. 140–54 in The Archaeology of Death in the Ancient Near East, ed. S. Campbell and A. Green. Oxbow Monograph 51. Oxford: Oxbow. Posener, G. 1940. Princes et pays d’Asie et de Nubie: Textes hiératiques sur des figurines d’envoûtement du Moyen Empire suivis de remarques paléographiques sur les textes similaires de Berlin. Brussels: Fondation égyptologique reine Élizabeth. Pritchard, J. B., ed. 1969. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Schaeffer, C. F. A. 1962. Les fondements préhistoriques d’Ougarit. Pp. 151–249 in Ugaritica 4: Découvertes des XVIIIe et XIXe campagnes, 1954–1955: Fondements préhistoriques d’Ugarit et nouveaux sondages, études anthropologiques, poteries grecques et monnaies islamiques de Ras Shamra et environs, ed. C. F. A. Schaeffer. Paris: Geuthner. Shejbal, J., ed. 1980. Controlled Atmosphere Storage of Grains: An International Symposium Held from 12 to 15 May, 1980, at Castelgandolfo (Rome) Italy. Developments in Agricultural Engineering 1. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Schwartz, G. M., H. H. Curvers, S. S. Dunham, and B. Stuart. 2003. A Third-Millennium B.C. Elite Tomb and Other New Evidence from Tell Umm el-Marra, Syria. American Journal of Archaeology 107:325–61. Schwartz, G. M., H. H. Curvers, S. S. Dunham, B. Stuart, and J. A. Weber. 2006. A Third-Millennium B.C. Elite Mortuary Complex at Umm el-Marra, Syria: 2002 and 2004 Excavations. American Journal of Archaeology 110:603–41. Thalmann, J.-P. 2000. Tell Arqa. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 4:5–74.

———. 2006a. Nouvelles données sur l’architecture domestique du bronze ancien IV à Tell Arqa (Liban). Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 150:841–73. ———. 2006b. Obsidian at Tell Arqa, North Lebanon: A Stop-Over Point on a Trade Route? Baghdader Mitteilungen 37:575–92. ———. 2006c. Tell Arqa I: Les niveaux de l’âge du Bronze. 2 vols. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 177. Beirut: Institut Français du ProcheOrient. ———. 2007. Settlement Patterns and Agriculture in the Akkar Plain during the Late Early and Early Middle Bronze Ages. Pp. 219–32 in Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital: Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna and in CentralWestern Syria: Proceedings of the International Conference Held in Udine, 9–11 December 2004, ed. D. Morandi Bonacossi. Studi archeologici su Qatna 1; Documents d’archéologie syrienne 12. Udine: Forum. ———. 2008. Tell Arqa et Byblos: Essai de corrélation. Pp. 61–78 in The Bronze Age in the Lebanon: Studies on the Archaeology and Chronology of Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt, eds. M. Bietak and E. Czerny. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 50; Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 17. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. ———. 2009. The Early Bronze Age: Foreign Relations in the Light of Recent Excavations at Tell Arqa. Pp. 15–28 in Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean: Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut, 2008, ed. A.-M. Maïla-Afeiche. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 6. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. ———. Forthcoming. Ex Oriente lux, ou: L’invention de la lampe au Proche-Orient. Volume d’hommages à Serge Cleuziou.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Jean-Paul Thalmann is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Oriental Archaeology at the University of Paris I-La Sorbonne. He worked as an expert for the UNESCO in 1993–1995 on the historical city of Beirut project and in 1999–2000 on the Saida Project (Lebanon). He is currently the director of the Tell Arqa archaeological excavations (since 1992, Lebanon). He is also the co-director of the Northern Levant region within the ARCANE (Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean) European project. His field of interest focuses on the emergence of early states in the Levant, ceramic productions, and cultural exchanges in the northern Levant.


RECENT EXCAVATIONS AT

TELL FADOUS-KFARABIDA Hermann Genz

A

s settlement in Lebanon’s coastal plains has expanded in modern times, archaeological sites in the area have been disappearing at an alarmingly fast pace. Miraculously, the site of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida has thus far escaped complete destruction. As a result, this small site of only 1.5 ha offers a unique picture of a small town devoted to agriculture and fishing during the Early and Middle Bronze Ages.

An Ancient Coastal Site Surviving Modern Damages Tell Fadous-Kfarabida is located approximately 2 km south of the modern town of Batroun, in the village of Kfarabida (fig. 1). Although Lorraine Copeland and Peter Wescombe recorded prehistoric sites in the immediate vicinity of the tell (1965, 85; 1966, 158), they did not mention it at all. It was first recognized as an archaeological site in April 2004. Originally, Tell Fadous-Kfarabida covered an area of about 140 x 105 m, or 1.5 ha. To the north, the tell is bordered by a steep drop toward Wadi Bou Aaoun, while in the west it is delimited by the Mediterranean. To the south and east, rubble heaps and traces of walls can be interpreted as the remains of a fortification system. Outside of these presumed fortifications, no major concentrations of sherds were found, thus precluding the idea that the settlement extended beyond these areas. Today the site is in very bad condition. During the 1940s, the western parts of the site were destroyed during the construction of the coastal road, while the northeastern part suffered due to the construction of a railway line. Throughout the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), the top of the tell served as an encampment for tanks, inflicting considerable damage to its central


Fig. 1: Location of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida and other sites mentioned in the text.

Fig. 2: (left) Topographic plan of Tell FadousKfarabida showing the excavation areas of 2007– 2009 (courtesy: P. Breuer).

Fig. 3: (below) The 8 m-high sections created by a bulldozer prior to the recognition of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida as an archaeological site required the erection of scaffolds in order to document and study the features and contexts in 2004 and 2005.

part. Lastly, several years ago the entire western third of the site was completely bulldozed to obtain soil for cement production (fig. 2). Regrettable as the last phase of destruction may be, it did lead to the discovery of the site and created several huge, almost vertical sections up to 8 m in height in which the entire stratigraphy of the tell could be studied. During two short seasons in 2004 and 2005, these sections were documented (fig. 3), and samples of pottery and botanical and faunal material were collected and analyzed (Badreshany, Genz, and Sader 2005). Excavations started in 2007 (Genz and Sader 2007) and continued in 2008 (Genz and Sader forthcoming) and 2009. Two areas were selected for examination. Area I is located at the southern slope of the tell, where an area of approximately 50 m2 was opened. The purpose was to investigate the fortification system of the site. Area II, encompassing approximately 170 m2 thus far, is situated along the western and southern sections of the central part of the tell (see fig. 2). This, along with the work undertaken since 2004, allows for a preliminary reconstruction of the site’s settlement history.1

Phase I: The Earliest Remains (Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age I) The earliest remains represented thus far at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida are sherds comparable to the so-called énéolithique récent at Byblos. Unfortunately, most of the material is unstratified. The well-preserved architecture of the later phases (see below) makes it almost impossible to excavate larger areas of the earliest phase. As a result, no architectural remains are attested for this period at the site. The most interesting piece is the handle of a large jar with a stamp seal impression (Genz 2009; see fig. 4), which corresponds exactly to the burial jars of the énéolithique récent cemetery at Byblos (Dunand 1945, 25–58; 1973, figs. 174 and 177; Artin 2010, 77). Two child burials found during the documentation


of the west section in 2005 (Badreshany, Genz, and Sader 2005, 28–29) are the only stratified finds to date that can be attributed to this earliest phase. One infant was interred in a globular cooking pot (fig. 5), while the other was placed on a body sherd of a large jar and covered with additional sherds from the same vessel. The same burial customs for infants are again attested in the énéolithique récent at Byblos (Dunand 1973, 248–52; Artin 2005, 228; 2010, 77). According to one radiocarbon date,2 the burial in the cooking pot can be assigned to the first half of the fourth millennium B.C.E.

Fig. 4: (above) The jar handle with stamp seal impression attributed to Phase I has exact counterparts in the Énéolithique récent at Byblos.

Fig. 5: This globular cooking pot was used for the interment of an infant in Phase I. Similar burials are known from the Énéolithique récent at Byblos.


Phases II and III: A Small Town of the Early Bronze Age II The Early Bronze Age II seems to be the main period of occupation at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. All squares excavated have yielded abundant material that can be attributed to this period. The earlier Phase II has only been reached in Square 285/295 below Room 1 in Building 1. Here a collapsed roof (fig. 6) above a floor and one wall clearly predate the architectural remains of Phase III. Two buildings from Phase III have been partially excavated in Area II (fig. 7). The walls of these buildings consist entirely of generally undressed limestones; dressed ashlars were used only on the corners. This phenomenon is also attested in the Early Bronze Age levels of Byblos (Lauffray 2008, 284). There is no evidence for the use of mudbricks, and the limestone walls still stand to a height of over 2m (fig. 8). Stone slabs served as the bases for wooden columns and were placed primarily in the corners of rooms or along the walls (fig. 9; Genz and Sader 2007, 8; forthcoming). Such a position for columns seems to be a typical feature of Early Bronze Age architecture along the Lebanese coast, as suggested by parallels from Tell Arqa (Thalmann 2006a, 850–60), Byblos (Lauffray 2008, 69–71, 192–94, 283–84), and Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2006b, 136). To date, only one entrance has been found. A flight of five stairs leads down into Room 2 of Building 1 from a higher street level (see fig. 7). In other cases, such as for Rooms 1 and 3 of Building 2, no doors or entrances are attested, suggesting that these rooms must have been accessed from an upper story by means of ladders. The existence of upper stories is further confirmed by the massive layers of collapsed stones that filled the basement rooms. Buildings were separated by narrow streets, and the current picture suggests a planned layout of the settlement, with streets intersecting at right angles. However, verification of this assumption awaits exposure of larger areas. Building 1 provided good assemblages of Phase III pottery in situ on the floors (figs. 10–11), dated to the EB II. Typical are bowls with an S-shaped profile, one-handled cups with flat bases, globular cooking pots with rims thickened on the outside, juglets with a burnished surface, storage jars with combed surfaces, and four-spouted lamps (fig. 12). The types represented in the buildings consist mainly of vessels for the storage, preparation, and consumption of food, thus suggesting that we are dealing with domestic structures. The use of a potters’ wheel is evident for the majority of the smaller vessels. Petrographic analysis suggests that the main clay sources

Fig. 6: Phase II (Early Bronze Age II) seems to have met its end due to a conflagration, as indicated by the charred beams of a collapsed roof.

exploited were the Senonian-Eocene white marls of Chekka, about 5 km north of the site (Badreshany and Genz 2009). A few possible sherds of the so-called metallic ware, which was produced in the foothills of Mount Hermon (Greenberg and Porat 1996), are attested (Badreshany and Genz 2009). Good comparisons for the ceramic assemblages from Phase III are found at Tell Arqa in Strata 18 and 17 (Thalmann 2009, 19–24), at Byblos in Saghieh’s Phases KII–III (Saghieh 1983, 89–91), and in Stratum 5 at Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2006a, pls. 49–101). Six sherds with cylinder seal impressions have been found, all on the necks of large jars. Four of the impressions show geometric patterns (fig. 13), while the other two depict animals such as lions and goats or ibexes (fig. 14). The finely

Fig. 7: Plan of the architectural remains of Phases III and IV. Whereas Phase III (Early Bronze Age II) shows a rather regular layout of the settlement with buildings only separated by narrow streets, the buildings of Phase IV (Early Bronze Age III) are spaced much farther apart, indicating a different layout (and function?) for the settlement.


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Fi 8 Fig. 8: Th The walls ll off Room 1 in Building 1 (Phase III) are preserved to a height of more than 2 m.

Fig. 9: Massive bases for wooden columns along the walls and in the corners of rooms a s s h o w n h e re f o r Room 2 in Building 1 (Phase III) are a typical feature of Early Bronze Age domestic buildings in Lebanon.


Fig. 10: In the northwestern corner of Room 2 in Building 1, an assemblage of bowls and a small cooking pot from Phase III was found in association with sheep bones. This may be evidence of the last meal the inhabitants had before they deserted the building.

Fig. 11: Building 1 of Phase III contained a large number of in situ vessels. Here a cooking pot on the floor of Room 1 is shown.

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Fig. 12: The Early Bronze Age II pottery assemblage from Room 1 in Building 1 (Phase III) clearly shows its domestic nature with bowls for eating and drinking with globular cooking pots and storage jars predominating. Noteworthy is the four-spouted lamp, is one Age of the Fig. 12: The which Early Bronze II pottery assemblage from Room 1 in Building 1 (Phase earliest III) of clearly this type from Levant. shows its the domestic nature with bowls for eating and drinking with globular Q U E R Y:cooking I s t h epots f o uand r- s pstorage o u t e d jars l a mpredominating. p Noteworthy is the four-spouted lamp (no. represented? If so, which number is it? 3), which is one of the earliest of this type from the Levant. Also, I wonder if one should identify nos. 1–7 for the benefit of readers.

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Fig. 13: Cylinder seal impressions on storage vessels are a typical feature of the Early Bronze Age in the Levant. The function of these impressions is still not clear, but they could be of an administrative nature. Here a simple geometric pattern is represented.


incised net pattern in figure 13 is remarkable and corresponds to a design at Byblos (Montet 1928, pl. CLI:977). Similar motifs from Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2006a: pls. 167:1–4, 168:7–10, 169:11–12, 170:15–16) and from the Southern Levant (Ben-Tor 1978, 4 and pl. 1:5–7) are less finely carved. The best comparisons for the motifs with lions and horned animals are also from Byblos (Dunand 1945, figs. 21–22), whereas similar animal depictions from Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2006a, pls. 169:13, 170:14 and 18, 171:20, 172:22) and the southern Levant (BenTor 1978, pl. 6) are generally somewhat cruder. One sherd with a cylinder seal impression comes from a fill below a Phase III floor; another was found on a Phase III floor. The remaining four are either surface finds or come from later fills. It thus seems plausible to assign the cylinder seal impressions to Phases II and III. Rams-head applications on large jars or pithoi (fig. 15) are known elsewhere only from Byblos (Mazzoni 1985) and Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2006a, 271 and pl. 174:5–7) and thus seem to be restricted to the Lebanese coast. The dating of Phase III rests on five radiocarbon dates, ranging from about 2900 to about 2600 B.C.E., that were taken from the south section in 2004 (Badreshany, Genz, and Sader 2005, 80–84) and during the excavation of Room 1 in Building 1 from 2007 to 2008. These dates suggest a possible extension of Phase III into the beginning of EB III.

Phase IV: Changes in the Layout of the Settlement (EB III) Phase IV was clearly identified only during the 2009 season. To date, only the southern half of a large room has been exposed in Squares 290/295 and 290/300 in Area II (see figs. 7 and 16). With a width of approximately 1 m, the walls of the room are

Fig. 14: Some of the seals show a remarkably high degree of craftsmanship. This impression of a finely carved seal shows a lion attacking a horned animal.


rather massive. Features such as the column bases in corners or along the walls show a clear continuity of building techniques from the preceding Phase III. On the other hand, the orientation of the buildings has changed considerably and, more significantly, the Phase IV buildings seem to be spaced farther apart from each other. The builders of Phase IV architecture completely ignored the boundaries of the previous architectural units. The layout of the settlement changed dramatically, implying a marked shift in land ownership at the site. However, no distinctive breaks are discernible, either in pottery typology or in the building techniques when compared to Phase III, thus precluding any ideas of new immigrants arriving at the site in Phase IV.

Phase V: Decline of the Settlement? (EB IV) The EB IV at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida is attested only by sherds and fragmentary vessels coming from pits. No architectural remains have been encountered thus far, so the nature of the settlement remains unknown. Typical of EB IV pottery are goblets with small stump bases, bottles with button bases, and vessels with white-painted decoration (fig. 17). Pottery with whitepainted decoration seems to be restricted to the northern parts of Lebanon. Comparisons are attested at Tell Arqa in Strata 16 and 15 (Thalmann 2006b, pls. 56:12–15, 57:7–9, 59:1–2 and 12–13, 63:4–12; 2010, 93) and Byblos in Periods JI–II (Saghieh 1983, pl. LI:A27). This type of decoration is absent south of Byblos. Although no white-painted decoration is attested at Mgharet al-Hourriyé, the pottery types of the earlier assemblage there offer good comparison for the EB IV pottery from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida (Beayno, Mattar, and Abdul-Nour 2002, 146–60). It seems that Lebanon was characterized by a stronger

Fig. 15: Rams head applications on Early Bronze Age storage jars are so far only attested at Byblos, Sidon and Tell FadousKfarabida. It is not yet clear whether they were merely decorative elements, or had some administrative function.

ceramic regionalism during the EB IV than during the EB II–III.

Phase VI: The Middle Bronze Age

up to gates was encountered at Byblos at the porte nord-ouest (Lauffray 2008, 295–96 and fig. 159) and the porte nord-est (305 and fig. 168). Both the fortification wall and the staircase can be dated to the EB II–III according to the pottery sherds associated with these structures (Genz and Sader forthcoming). A more precise synchronization with the stratigraphic sequence of Area II cannot be given at present. However, the planned layout of the Phase III settlement suggests that the fortification must have existed from at least this phase on, if not earlier.

Except for Tomb 402, the Middle Bronze Age at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida is thus far represented only by pits. No architectural remains of this period have been encountered to date. Even if Middle Bronze Age architecture is found in the still-unexcavated parts of the tell, the settlement certainly was rather Importance for the Archaeology of small and should be regarded as a Coastal Lebanon rural site. Tomb 402 is a simple pit burial Excavations at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida will (figs. 18–19) that contained the greatly enhance our understanding of the s ke l e t o n o f a n a p p r ox i m a t e l y development and layout of early urban set30-year-old male, found in a supine tlements on the Lebanese coast. Thus far, position with the arms crossed little can be said concerning the beginning above the chest. The burial was of the settlement, which probably was estabaccompanied by five pottery vessels. lished during the fourth millennium B . C . E . The burial customs and use of stamp seals on One medium- and one small-sized Fig. 16: The architecture of Phase IV (Early pottery vessels demonstrates close relations to jar were placed near the feet of the Bronze Age III) continues the previous tradition the Énéolithique récent settlement of Byblos. deceased, and a juglet of the Tell elof placing column bases along the walls. Yahudiyeh type was placed next to During the EB II, Tell Fadous-Kfarabida the right arm (fig. 20). One bowl was found upside-down over developed into a small urban community. The regular layout the pelvis, and a second one was placed on top of the cranium. of the settlement and the presence of a fortification wall demThe latter bowl is particularly interesting due to its clear use as onstrate its urban character. No public buildings have been a lamp, as indicated by soot marks. Its position above the head encountered, but this is probably due to the small area excavated can hardly be seen as accidental and is most likely connected to to date. Surveys in the Bekaa (Marfoe 1998, 115–28) and in the a funerary ritual. The presence of the Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglet is Akkar Plain (Thalmann 2006b, 209–18; 2010, 86–88) have demonstrated a tripartite settlement hierarchy for the Early of some interest, as it obviously is not locally made. This implies that the Middle Bronze Age inhabitants had access to imported luxury goods, despite the fact that the site seems to have been a rather insignificant rural settlement (Genz et al. forthcoming). The MB pits encountered in other parts of the excavation generally contained large amounts of pottery, with cooking pots and storage jars dominating. Especially interesting is the presence of several straight-sided cooking bowls (fig. 21). This type, which is well-known from the southern Levant (Amiran 1969, 102; Cole 1984, 61–63) and the Bekaa Plain (Marfoe 1995, 110 and fig. 62:1–2; Genz 2008, 129–30 and pl. 1:6), is attested here for the first time on the Lebanese coast.

Area I: The Early Bronze Age Fortifications In Area I along the southern edge of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, excavations uncovered a massive wall running from northwest to southeast parallel to the southern edge of the tell. The large stones used in the construction of this clearly indicate that it was part of the site’s fortification system. A staircase constructed out of large, flat stones abuts the south face of this wall (fig. 22). It is thought that the staircase leads to one of the gates in the fortification, which should be located in the yet-unexcavated area farther to the east. A similar layout with stairs leading

Fig. 17: Early Bronze Age IV pottery from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. The white-painted decoration is typical for the northern coastal area of Lebanon.


Fig. 18: Plan of the Middle Bronze Age Burial 402, showing the position of the five vessels that made up the tomb’s inventory. The deceased was buried in an extended position, with the arms crossed over the chest.

Fig. 20: (below) A Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglet was placed next to the right arm of the deceased in Burial Bu Bur ial 402.

Fig. 19: ((above) b ) The h Middle ddl Bronze Age Buriall 402 d during the h 2008 season, showing h a bowll placed on the head of the deceased and a Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglet next to the arm.


For the Middle Bronze Age, no architecture has been Bronze Age in Lebanon. With a size of only 1.5 ha, Tell Fadousunearthed to date. The features attributed to this period conKfarabida certainly was not a center of an independent political sist only of pits and one grave. The tell appears to have been entity but rather a settlement of second or even third rank. unoccupied after the MidIn this regard, it is interesting dle Bronze Age up to the to note the close similarities of 1900s. The reasons for such the cylinder seal impressions an abandonment remain from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida and unclear. Byblos. If one accepts the idea Despite its coastal locathat the cylinder seal imprestion, Tell Fadous-Kfarabida sions were not merely decoradid not play a significant tive features but were used for role as a port of trade. The administrative purposes, a close use of the sea for food is economic and possibly political attested by the numerous relationship between the two fish bones and mollusks sites can be suggested.3 found at the site (BadreIn EB III, the settlement layshany, Genz, and Sader out changed considerably, with 2005, 89–92), but the lack larger houses spaced farther of imports suggests that the apart from each other. However, tell played no role as a stagthe construction techniques as ing point along the shipwell as the pottery types suggest ping routes (Pedersen 2007, a strong continuity from the 21–22). Furthermore, the previous phase. bays nearby are exposed to Activity is attested at the site wind and waves and thus also during the EB IV, but the Fig. 21: Fragment of a handmade, straight-sided Middle Bronze do not offer any natural lack of architectural features Age cooking bowl. So far this type of cooking pot was only protection for ships (Pederprevents any speculation on the known from the Southern Levant and from the Bekaa. Tell Fadoussen 2007, 18). nature of the settlement. The EB Kfarabida is the first place on the Lebanese Coast where it is The few nonlocal objects, IV pottery from Tell Fadous-Kfaattested. such as the metallic ware in rabida again demonstrates close the Early Bronze Age and relations to neighboring sites the Tell el-Yahudiyeh juglet in the Middle Bronze Age, certainly such as Tell Arqa and Byblos, but contacts with more distant reached the site through land-based local networks. The tell locations are not attested.

Fig. 22: The Early Bronze Age fortification and the staircase in Area I from the south-west. Its precise relationship to the stratigraphic sequence in Area II is unknown. However, in light of the planned layout of the settlement of Phase III, it is most likely that the fortification was constructed during this phase.


thus seems to represent a small rural center devoted to agriculture and fishing, belonging to the sphere of influence of a larger entity such as Byblos. Nevertheless, despite its small size, Tell Fadous-Kfarabida offers valuable insights into various issues of subsistence economy and daily life during the Early and Middle Bronze Age, significantly complementing the more spectacular discoveries from Byblos. Since a subsistence economy forms the backbone of all preindustrial societies, a better knowledge of rural settlements is absolutely vital for understanding Bronze Age societies of the Levant (Schwartz and Falconer 1994). Tell Fadous-Kfarabida offers a unique chance to gain this knowledge for the Lebanese coast.



Acknowledgements The Tell Fadous-Kfarabida project is financed by research grants from the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of the American University of Beirut. Since 2008 the Gerda Henkel Foundation, Germany, provides additional funds for the participation of various specialists as well as for radiocarbon dating. I especially would like to thank Dr. Helen Sader (American University of Beirut), with whom I co-directed the project from 2004 to 2008, for a wonderful collaboration and for introducing me to the archaeology of Lebanon. I also would like to thank the Direction générale des antiquités and its director, Mr. Frédéric Husseini, for supporting the project.

Notes 1. The discovery of hitherto unrecognized architectural phases in 2009 required a considerable revision of the terminology used in previous reports (Badreshany, Genz, and Sader 2005, 26–39; Genz and Sader 2007, 8–12). 2. All radiocarbon dates from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida are AMS dates taken from short-lived samples such as seeds. The results were calibrated using “CALIB rev 5.01.” 3. In this connection, it is interesting to note that, according to the Amarna letters, the city of Batroun, just 2 km north of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, belonged to the territory of Byblos during the Late Bronze Age.

References Amiran, R. 1969. Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land: From Its Beginnings in the Neolithic Period to the End of the Iron Age. Jerusalem: Massada. Artin, G. 2005. L’ensemble funéraire de Byblos: Étude de la “Nécropole Énéolithique.” Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 9:223– 47. ———. 2010. The Necropolis and Dwellings of Byblos during the Chalcolithic Period: New Interpretations. Near Eastern Archaeology 73:74–84. Badreshany, K. and H. Genz. 2009. Pottery Production on the Northern Lebanese Coast during the Early Bronze Age II–III: The Petrographic Analysis of the Ceramics from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 355:51–83. Badreshany, K., H. Genz, and H. Sader. 2005. An Early Bronze Age Site on the Lebanese Coast: Tell Fadous-Kfarabida 2004 and 2005: Final Report. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 9:5–115. Beayno, F., C. Mattar, and H. Abdul-Nour. 2002. Mgharet al-Hourriyé (Karm Saddé, Casa de Zgharta): Rapport préliminaire de la fouille de


2001. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 6:135–78. Ben-Tor, A. 1978. Cylinder Seals of Third Millennium Palestine. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Supplement Series 22. Cambridge, Mass.: American Schools of Oriental Research. Cole, D. P. 1984. Shechem I: The Middle Bronze IIB Pottery. Ann Arbor, Mich.: American Schools of Oriental Research. Copeland, L., and P. J. Wescombe. 1965. Inventory of Stone-Age Sites in Lebanon, Part 1: West-Central Lebanon. Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 41:29–175. ———. 1966. Inventory of Stone-Age Sites in Lebanon, Part 2: NorthSouth-East Central Lebanon. Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 42:1–174. Doumet-Serhal, C. 2006a. The Early Bronze Age in Sidon: “College Site” Excavations (1998–2000–2001). Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 178. Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient. ———. 2006b. Eighth and Ninth Season of Excavation (2006–2007) at Sidon: Preliminary Report. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 10:131–65. Dunand, M. 1945. Byblia Grammata: Documents et recherches sur le développement de l’écriture en Phénicie. Beirut: République Libanaise, Ministère de l’Éducation Nationale et des Beaux-Arts, Direction des antiquités; Les Presses de l’Imprimerie Catholique. ———. 1973. L’architecture, les tombes, le matériel domestique des origines néolithiques à l’avènement urbain. Vol. 5 of Fouilles de Byblos. 2 vols. Etudes et documents d’archéologie 5. Paris: Maisonneuve. Genz, H. 2008. Middle Bronze Age Pottery from Baalbek. Pp. 127–49 in Baalbek/Heliopolis: Results of Archaeological and Architectural Research 2002–2005, ed. M. Van Ess. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 4. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. ———. 2009. A Stamp Seal Impression from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. Tempora: Annales d’histoire et d’archéologie 18:51–57. Genz, H., S. el-Zaatari, C. Çakırlar, K. Badreshany, and S. Riehl. forthcoming. A Middle Bronze Age Burial from Tell Fadous-Kfarabida, Lebanon. Ägypten und Levante/Egypt and the Levant 20. Genz, H. and H. Sader. 2007. Excavations at the Early Bronze Age Site of Tell Fadous-Kfarabida: Preliminary Report on the 2007 Season of Excavations. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 11:7–16. ———. forthcoming. Excavations at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida: Preliminary Report on the 2008 Season of Excavations. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 12. Greenberg, R., and N. Porat. 1996. A Third Millennium Levantine Pottery Production Center: Typology, Petrography, and Provenance of the Metallic Ware of Northern Israel and Adjacent Regions. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 301:5–24. Lauffray, J. 2008. L’urbanisme et l’architecture de l’époque proto-urbaine à l’occupation amorite (de l’Énéolithique à l’age du Bronze II). Vol. 6 of Fouilles de Byblos. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 182. Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient. Marfoe, L. 1995. Kamid el-Loz 13: The Prehistoric and Early Historic Context of the Site. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 41. Bonn: Habelt. ———. 1998. Kamid el-Loz 14: Settlement History of the Biq‘a up to the Iron Age. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 53. Bonn: Habelt. Mazzoni, S. 1985. Giza ed una produzione vascolare di Biblo. Pp. 317–38 in Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani, ed. S. F. Bondì, S. Pernigotti, F. Serra, and A. Vivian. Pisa: Giardini. Montet, P. 1928. Byblos et l’Égypte: Quatre campagnes de fouilles à Gebeil, 1921–1922–1923–1924. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 11. Paris: Geuthner.

Pedersen, R. 2007. The Underwater Survey at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 11:17–23. Saghieh, M. 1983. Byblos in the Third Millennium B.C.: A Reconstruction of the Stratigraphy and a Study of the Cultural Connections. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Schwartz, G. M., and S. E. Falconer, eds. 1994. Archaeological Views from the Countryside: Village Communities in Early Complex Societies. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. Thalmann, J.-P. 2006a. Nouvelles données sur l’architecture domestique du bronze ancien IV à Tell Arqa (Liban). Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 150:841–73. ———. 2006b. Tell Arqa I: Les niveaux de l’âge du Bronze. 2 vols. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 177. Beirut: Institut Français du ProcheOrient. ———. 2009. The Early Bronze Age: Foreign Relations in the Light of Recent Excavations at Tell Arqa. Pp. 15–28 in Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean: Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut, 2008, ed. A.-M. Maïla-Afeiche. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 6. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. ———. 2010. Tell Arqa: A Prosperous City during the Bronze Age. Near Eastern Archaeology 73:86–101.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Hermann Genz has a Ph.D. from the University of Tübingen (1998). He is currently Associate Professor of Archaeology at the American University of Beirut and director of the Tell Fadous-Kfarabida excavation project. His research interests include the Bronze and Iron Ages of the Eastern Mediterranean, with a special focus on ceramics, exchange mechanisms, and technology. He has participated in various excavations in Germany, Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon.

SMALL FINDS: STUDIES OF BONE, IRON, GLASS, FIGURINES, AND STONE OBJECTS FROM TELL HESBAN AND VICINITY Edited by Paul J. Ray, Jr. Hesban 12 coordinates the reports of a spectrum of specialists dealing with Arab, Greek, Latin and Ammonite inscriptions, bone, iron samples, glass fragments, domestic stone objects, ceramic figurines, scarabs, textile tools, cosmetic objects, jewelry, coins and other objects recovered during the excavations at Tell Hesban, its cemeteries, probes and regional-survey sites from 1968-76. ISBN 978-0-943872-28-5 2009 xxi + 414 pp. cloth: 8.5 x 11″ $74.99 Phone: 269-471-6134

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Sidon during the Bronze Age: Burials, Rituals and Feasting Grounds at the “College Site”

Claude Doumet-Serhal

T

he city-state of Sidon, 30 km south of the Lebanese capital, Beirut, was one of the most important urban centers of the ancient Canaanite and Phoenician people, the oldest city in Phoenicia, according to many early classical authors. However, like other locations in modern Lebanon, in years past most of what was known of its history came from contemporary

Egyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian, and Greek records. Little concrete evidence about its history in the Bronze Age was available. For example, in 1937 and 1938 P. E. Guigues uncovered Middle Bronze Age graves in the villages of Lebe‘a, Kafr-Jarra, and Qrayeh (Guigues 1937, 1938, 1939), but these were located in the foothills overlooking the city, not in the city proper.

Figures 1–2. 2 S Sidon, d view off the h C College ll S Site excavations llocated d under d what h used d to be a school (hence the name). The excavation area lies in the heart of the Old City.


A major obstacle to in-depth research into the heart of the 2800 B.C.E. containing at least eight rooms (fig. 3). This strucancient city, the essence of any definitive knowledge, is modture is currently under excavation. The charred remains of roof ern Sidon, which covers beams were found whatever lies below. Howon the floors in most ever, thanks to the propiof the rooms. There tious acquisition of three is no evidence for downtown sites by Lebawhat had been used non’s Directorate General to cover the beams of Antiquities (DGA) in to weatherproof the the early 1960s, access roof, but it was probto the ancient layers of ably some sort of the city became possible. organic material such Then, in 1998, permisas straw or thatch. sion was granted to the Carbon-14 analysis British Museum to begin of one beam found excavations on the site of on the floor of Room the ancient city.1 To date, 2 revealed a prob there have been twelve able date of around seasons of excavation. 2600 B . C . E . (Ramsey and Doumet-Serhal These new excavations 2006, 20). A study of are located in an area the microstructure of known as the College Figure 3. The Early Bronze Age building formed by eight rooms and built three samples of carSite (figs. 1, 2), so named in mudbrick. bonized timber from because a school used to Rooms 1–3 showed the use of Olea euroapea (olive wood) and stand there. Situated in the heart of the old city of Saida, these Quercus sp. (deciduous oak; Allué and Griffiths 2006, 27). The excavations have allowed archaeologists for the first time to folbuilding’s rectangular mudbrick storerooms (fig. 4), which had low a sequence of development in Sidon from the Chalcolithic/ completely burned down, contained pottery and charred grain. EB I periods through the Iron Age (Doumet-Serhal 2004a). Over 160 kg of charred barley have been uncovered to date, as Judging from the architectural remains, the Middle and Late Bronze Age occupation levels contained public buildings, which may have been large structures of a religious character. In addition, more than one hundred burials from the Middle Bronze Age have been excavated thus far.

The Third Millennium B . C . E .: The Onset of Urban Development in Sidon Early Bronze Age remains are poorly represented in Lebanon, but at Sidon, six levels of occupation have been identified at the College Site, ranging from the close of the fourth millennium through the third millennium B.C.E. (Doumet-Serhal 2006). At the earliest level of sandstone bedrock, the pottery assemblage is reminiscent of the Chalcolithic tradition, with its pedestal-base vessels and V-shaped bowls. As a whole, the majority of pottery types found on the bedrock level were open vessels for eating and drinking. This pattern changes in subsequent levels, where an increasingly large number of storage vessels, such as jugs and especially jars, were used as containers for transporting liquids and other commodities. This points to the beginning of commercial activity. Above the earliest level is a possible break in human habitation illustrated by a thin layer of beach sand containing very few sherds. We do not yet fully understand the reason for this hiatus, but it must have been brief, since it did not adversely interfere with the smooth development of the urban sequence. On top of the sand layer, Sidon’s urban development begins with the construction of an Early Bronze Age building around

Figure 4. The Early Bronze Age mudbrick storage rooms that housed the burnt barley.


thus appear that hunting did not play a regular part in the supply well as a layer of plaster that covered the floors (figs. 5a–b) and of food among sites of the southern Levant—except at Sidon. sealed the heaps of grain, most probably against rodents and Moreover, the way wild animals were exploited is a phenominsects. Storage facilities were usually centrally located to best enon peculiar to this site. The kind of hunting that took place serve the needs of the community. Furthermore, these facilities at Sidon gives one pause because the specific animals selected lay in the vicinity of the harbor, where loading and unloading of were uncharacteristic of hunters looking only for meat. If that commodities took place. had been the object, the hunters would not have attacked the Analysis of Sidon’s Early Bronze Age faunal remains (Vila most dangerous animals, such as the males of redoubtable spe2004, 2006) revealed the existence of wild animals; nevercies, but would have pursued the females of boar and deer. theless, domesticated species such as sheep, goat, cattle, and Therefore, one reason for this peculiar kind of hunt might have pigs accounted for over 50 percent of the skeletal remains been ideological rather than economic: hunters might have (see below). Mesopotamian fallow deer, wild boar, aurochs (a been interested not only in the quantity of the meat but type of large wild cattle), and hippopotami were also in the quality of the game itself. This could all hunted, as were large carnivores such as imply that the hunt was about prestige and lions and bears. At Sidon, the hippopotami might reflect the existence of a separate social were skinned, quartered, cut into smaller elite group made up of specialist hunters pieces, and eaten (Vila 2004, 98). The Storage facilities were (Vila 2006, 319). absence of skulls suggests that they usually centrally Among the objects found in the EB were processed elsewhere. located to best serve building mentioned above was a fragThe evidence from Sidon is unusual, ment of a hippopotamus’s lower incisor since hunting is generally not considthe needs of the featuring a procession of animals carved in ered to have been a normal activity community. among the inhabitants of third-millenbas-relief (Doumet-Serhal et al. 2008, 6–7). T This object, probably a handle, manifests a nium Levantine sites (Vila 2006). The citcer certain influence affiliated to the Syro/Mesoies and villages of this period for which evipotamian animal repertoire of cylinder seals. Other dence of animal husbandry is available, mostly at objects from Sidon with connections to Egypt, as well as to sites in the southern Levant, obtained their meat mainly from Byblos further north on the Lebanese coast, have contributed rearing domestic animals. The part played by wild animals in to the dating of the levels, along with the development of local the economy of the southern Levant is virtually nonexistent, productions. accounting for only 1–2 percent of all animal remains. It would

Figures 5a–b. The charred barley being excavated. Over 160 kg have been uncovered to date. It was contained in mudbrick silos sealed with plaster to repel rodents and insects.


Figures 6a–b. An Early Bronze Age seal impression depicting a row of dancing men.

turned to the right in profile and holding hands, are stylistically The most noteworthy item discovered to date is a narrow closer to figures depicted on Palestinian seal impressions. The stump-base jug with black slip and vertical burnishing. This lively execution of the Sidon seal and the arms pointing downtype of jug, common in the so-called “foreign ware groups” of ward are similar to that on an impression from Ur of a cult scene First Dynasty Egypt, was discovered in the tombs of Saqqara with dancing human figures (Doumet-Serhal 2009a). A popular and Abydos. Many two-handled, slender, egg-shaped jars were local Sidonian theme is a grouping of “human and lion.” The found in Sidon (e.g., Doumet-Serhal et al. 2008, 5). These veshuman is depicted with an oval head and an erect penis, probsels closely parallel jars from the Fourth to Fifth Dynasties at ably symbolizing potency, and the arms are stretched upward. Giza in both shape and decoration. In addition, a small jug with One hand is depicted with outstretched fingers, while the other a loop-handle springing from its flaring rim to its shoulder and hand seems to be holding a three-stemmed plant. surmounted by the head of a quadruped, “a ram in an upright position with its head resting on the rim,” was discovered at The Second Millennium B . C . E .: A Period of Funeral Sidon in 1998 (Doumet-Serhal 2009b). This head is similar to Feasting Rituals one found on a twin jar from Byblos dated between 3100 and 2800 B.C.E. The latest Early Bronze Age level also produced a Middle Bronze Age I/IIA in Canaan marks the beginning of large number of standardized holemouth vessels used in food a new urbanized society and inaugurates an era of international preparation. trade and cultural exchange in the eastern Mediterranean. The appearance of human figThe continuous stratigraphy for ures on seal impressions at this the Middle Bronze Age at Sidon, point in the third millennium with its unbroken chronological is one indication of the society sequence of pottery and other becoming gradually more sophisartifacts, provides a vivid picture ticated. One seal impression of the city’s material culture duron a vessel shows a row of men ing this period. Indeed, continuwith long, straight noses and ity is one of the most charactersharply jutting, pointed beards istic features of ancient Sidon. (figs. 6a–b). The two men in The beginning of the Middle front raise one arm with outBronze Age at Sidon is marked stretched fingers, while the two by a thicker layer of fine sand behind hold hands with their ranging from 90 cm to 1.4 m arms extended downward. The deep (fig. 7). This sand was men in front can be compared to brought from the nearby seaa Syrian ritual procession involvshore and apparently deposited ing a structure with devotees in great quantity on the site standing on the roof, all of them before a new phase of building lifting one or both hands in the commenced. It is also possible Figure 7. The sand level that covered the Early Bronze Age traditional Syrian manner. The that the inhabitants cleaned the stratum. This layer was more than a meter thick and made of clean other two, shown facing frontsand beforehand to produce a beach sand that was deposited on the site at the beginning of the ward with their heads and legs fresh layer. second millennium B.C.E. when it became a burial area.


Figures 8a–c. Burial 78, excavated in 2008, contained an adolescent between twelve and seventeen years old (a). A miniature duck-bill axe was found behind the skull and a spearhead in front of the face (b). The adolescent was wearing a bracelet with carnelian beads and scarabs around the left hand (c).

Middle Bronze Age Burial Ground

a

b c

Figure 9 (above). A constructed grave for the burial of a child between nine and ten years old (Burial 69).


Over one hundred Middle Bronze Age burials have been found at Sidon. Clearly, the site experienced a major change of function at the end of the third and the beginning of the second millennium B.C.E., since the Early Bronze Age occupation level was covered with sand and became a burial site. Significantly, no destruction or interruption has been recorded to this point. There are also burials in subsequent layers on top of the sand, allowing us to trace the development of mortuary practices until the end of the Middle Bronze Age. A variety of grave types is evidenced over time, starting with the “warrior burials” (figs. 8a–c), which are constructed graves (fig. 9) lined with stones or mudbrick. The burial goods include luxury items such as bronze artifacts, weapons, and jewelry (figs. 10a–d). The graves include single burials of warriors with weapons, child burials with weapons and jewelry, and one female burial. Comparable burials appear in Lebanon at Tell Arqa; in Palestine at Gesher, Tel Rehov, and Kabri; and in Syria at Baghouz. From the care given to the construction of these single burials and in light of the luxury items discovered in the graves, some social observations can be made about the beginning of the second millennium B.C.E. The types of burials change over time, with the most common after 1750/1700 B . C . E . being in jars, with some examples of flexed-position adult burials in the ground. Based on the mortuary evidence, one can draw certain inferences regarding the social structure of the community. First, the occurrence of constructed single burials in the MB IIA suggests an emphasis on the individual rather than the group. In contrast, the emergence of multiple burials after 1750/1700 B.C.E. strongly indicates a greater emphasis on groups. The constructed graves of the late Middle Bronze Age contained two to five individuals. It is also worth noting here the increased formalization of ritual practices. For example,

Middle Bronze Age Burial Goods a Figures 10a–d. A sample of grave goods: (a) a duck-bill axe with (b) a close shot of the weapon after cleaning.

b

c

Figures (c) and (d) are examples of pottery vessels found in the tombs.

d


part of a meal or feast was individuals, suggesting that indicated by faunal remains these had been gathered up in the multiple constructed after natural excarnation. graves. The ages of the individuals in Two different funerary the jars varied from around rites have been attested newborn to thirteen years, thus far at Sidon. The first with one being a twenty-yearinvolves the sacrifice of a old female. These findings whole animal in the eardiffer from the Middle Bronze lier MB IIA constructed Age jar burials at Tel Dan graves as a probable expresin the Upper Galilee, where sion of status. The secthe jars only contained single ond entails the sacrifice of infants, usually less than two animals cut into quarters, years of age. In fact, evidence some of which were placed from various time periods with the burials and the elsewhere in the Near East Figure 11. A curved bronze knife from Burial 75. This could have been rest consumed elsewhere. suggests that the custom of used in the butchering of animals found in a grave or in the vicinity of What remained in the latjar burials was not confined to the burials. ter graves were “the choice children. cuts,” the best edible part The skeletal remains were as the “symbolic portion.” analyzed for carbon and nitrogen isotope values obtained from The deposition of animals or parts of animals in the graves bone collagen. The data indicate that for the majority of those is a regular feature in Sidon, with the presence of cut marks interred the protein component of the diet was largely derived on some of the bones and traces of burning found in the burifrom plants and herbivores feeding on vegetation (Dr. Holger als. These marks suggest that butchering took place before the Schutkowski, personal communication). A number of individubones were interred. Although their purpose is not always easy als had a small proportion of marine-derived protein. The introto determine, the marks on the respective parts of the skeleton duction of solid foods did not occur in children younger than generally agree with the disarticulation of limbs while removing eighteen to twenty-four months of age. There is no indication of the skin. We also noted numerous bronze knives in the graves dietary change over the time period (second millennium B.C.E.). Within the population, the diet of males appears to have been that could have been used during the butchering process (fig. much more varied, whereas female diets were distinctly more 11). homogeneous. Several jar burials (figs. 12a–b) contained bones from other

Figures 12a–b A jar burial from the second millennium B.C.E. The ages of the individuals in the jars varied from newborn to thirteen years, with one being twenty years old.


ently not needed, since the bottom was sandy. However, obvious The large quantities of butchered and cooked animal bones care was taken with the alternating gray and white mud/chalk from domesticated species, as well as the mudbrick ovens and bricks, meaning that the chanmortars and pestles found nel was meant to be exposed. around the graves, suggest Since the channel was adjacent that these were all involved to the burial area, it is increasin ceremonies conducted at ingly believed that it was used the graveside (Doumet-Serhal in funerary rituals. Two pieces of 2009b). Rituals took place evidence from other sites might beside the burials from around substantiate such an interpreta1750 B . C . E . What we consistently see in the archaeological tion. The first is a reference on evidence are tannurs (ovens) a cuneiform tablet of Ur’s Third connected to burials, which Dynasty from Drehem in the suggest they had a funerary suburb of Nippur in modernpurpose. It is thus likely that day Iraq that lists the sacrificial a funerary feasting tradition animals delivered for the funerFigure 13. A Middle Bronze Age channel constructed with mudbricks. took place at the time of burial, This was used for funerary cult rituals. ary rituals of the king Su-Suen perhaps also subsequently at near a canal (Katz 2007, 174). memorial services. Assemblages of constructed walls in stone The second is the presence of similar channels in the Kerameior mudbrick, chalk-lined pits, mortars, grinding stones, sharp kos cemetery at Athens. These are dated toward the end of flints, and the residue of animal bones, some of which had been the eighth century B.C.E. and were used for funerary offerings (Kübler 1959, 86–87). At Sidon, two terracotta pipes were subjected to heating, have all been found around the graves. found in a cut to the north of this channel. These may well have Evidence that fires had been lit in or near the graves is seen been used separately from the channel once it went out of use. in charcoal traces scattered throughout the fill of the graves. Other contexts associated with burials and found adjacent to Foreign Connections in Light of the Grave Goods the tannur assemblages at the same level also seem to have a The wide variety of grave goods uncovered signals the imporritual or cultic nature, given the presence of incense burners tance of Sidon’s foreign connections. The list of items brought typically found in religious contexts. back to Egypt from Amenemhet II’s (1928–1878 B.C.E.) mariAll types of incense burners found are open from above and time expedition to Lebanon notes several precious metals, silver below. One has a cylindrical body that widens at the bottom to in particular. Indeed, silver jewelry was discovered in three of give the vessel a firm base. The main passage for air was via a the constructed burials at Sidon (Doumet-Serhal 2004b), and row of rectangular openings, and a detachable bowl was found many silver objects were also found in Burial 27, including a on the side of the burner. Two other burners had a cylindriheadband, a bracelet, an anklet, the remains of a belt, and a cal body and a rectangular aperture; one was decorated in the minimum of eighteen nails. Burial 13 revealed an anklet, and Levantine painted ware style. This incense burner had an addiBurial 55 contained two silver rings (fig. 14). Analysis of the tional air hole piercing the wall just above the bottom edge and silver from Burial 27 indicates the Ala Daglari Range in the a handle on each side. Central Taurus Mountains as the most likely source of this silver An unusual feature found next to the burials was a curvilinear (Véron and Leroux 2004, 35). The concentration of silver dischannel (fig. 13) constructed along the sides with alternatcovered on the Levantine coast has already been well attested ing gray and white colored, square and rectangular mud/chalk at Byblos, which played a central role in the silver trade with bricks. It measured approximately 10.6 m long and 13–28 cm Anatolia during the fourth millennium B.C.E. wide, and its depth varied from 28 to 30 cm. It had a stone cover in the west section and a lining of white plaster in the east. Animal bones found in it showed no trace of rainwater weathering. The astragalus bone of an ox was also found inside (DoumetFigure 14. Burial Serhal 2009b, 240). 55 contains the remains of an Several questions arise regarding the eight-year-old purpose of the channel. Its construcchild with two tion did not take into account any form silver rings on its of leveling, suggesting that it was not fingers. intended to divert excess rainwater. The expenditure of good workmanship to prevent seepage of water from the bottom of the channel was also appar-


Figure 15 (right). A Minoan cup from Sidon was found inverted on a deposit of animal bones. This was a common Aegean practice in foundation deposits and offerings, possibly indicating that the vessel’s contents were emptied there.

S 3011

scale ¼

Connections between Sidon and the Aegean World

Figures 16a–b. A jar with the Cretan plunging dolphin motif. Analyses indicate that it was made in the Levant, possibly in Lebanon.


Egyptian contacts with Sidon are also attested by luxury items such as an alabaster cup and scarabs as well as by utility goods, mainly ainly closed vessels such as the large Egyptian storagee jar commonly called a zîr, der et al. 2009, 79). containing water (Bader trates the first tangiOne find that illustrates een Sidon and the ble connection between noan cup found Aegean world is a Minoan in an undisturbed and firmly dated context (fig. 15). Its characteristically high neck is recogssos nizable in the Knossos typology (MacGilli-vray 2004). It is a tall-rimmed, anguely lar, carinated cup rarely found at Knossos but very ara Plain common in the Mesara of southern Crete. The central motif of a reserved double-axe is ottery from Phaisalso well known on pottery ssos. tos but not from Knossos. Another vessel thatt exemplifies the develations of Minoan/Cycladic opment of local imitations vessels is a locally manufactured jar (fig. 16a–b) found with a burial. This has painted bichrome (red and black) horizontall bands applied to the surface with ng the body of fish or dolphins painted incised lines outlining on top. The fish are distinctive with their plunging bodies and dorsal fins. Similar decorations of dolphins on jars have been found at Pachyammos (Crete) and on the Dolphin Vase from el-Lisht in Egypt. Despite the neutron activation analysis of the latter, which indicates a manufacture from southern Levantine clay, it is now suggested that the Dolphin Vase was probably produced in Lebanon in the same workshop as the vessel from Sidon (Bietak and Kopetzky 2009, 24). Included among the many Middle Cypriot imports to Sidon are jugs and juglets of the White Painted II–III Pendant Line Style as well as White Painted IV–VI Cross Line Style (DoumetSerhal et al. 2008).

Figure 17. The monumental temple was consistently enlarged for th the purpose of feasting, which involved a breakage ceremony. It is dated to the end of the Middle Bro Bronze Age.

4–5 9–11). By comparison, 2009b, pls. 4–5, relatively few vessels for the storage of liquids were found, only sixtyju nine juglets. Food-preparation ves vessels such as cooking pots were found in even fewer numbers. Vessels with cultic functi tions include fifteen miniatu bowls, a kernos, and iature hand a hand-held incense burner of co a type commonly found in New Kingdom Eg Egypt (1550–1090 B.C.E.). Among the miniature min bowls, one with a sharply out-turned rim belongs to the more delicate and highly burnished b forms of the early Middle Bronze Age Age, while the others, commonly found in Byblos, belong bel to a group of either hand- or wheel-made vessels called “model pots” in Nahariya (Ben-Dor 1950, 19–26) 19–26 and “vases miniatures utilisés pour des offrandes” in Ugarit (Schaeffer 1949, 250). This ceramic assemblage fulfills most of the criteria for the reconstruction of feasting activities (fig. 18): the higher than usual percentage of open serving vessels, many of which could be reconstructed, bear traces of deliberate breakage. Moreover, the number of ritual/miniature vessels all point to the religious

The End of the Middle Bronze Age Impressive remains of a monumental building were uncovered during the 2000–2001 seasons. The steady growth over time of a monumental temple (fig. 17) indicates that it was an important and long-lived ritual center during the Hyksos period at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This building is more than 51 m long. It was originally constructed in the Middle Bronze Age around 1700 B.C.E. but continued to exist, albeit with major changes and modifications, until the end of the Late Bronze Age. Although the early phase of this building is still being investigated, a large number of pottery vessels and small finds were discovered on the floors of three rooms. The ceramic assemblage found in Room 2 consisted of an unusually large number of lamps (598) and 141 standard platter bowls (fifteen of which are miniature vessels; Doumet-Serhal

Figure 18. Room 2 in the temple, where the vessels, mainly plates and lamps, were found intentionally crushed on the floor as part of a ritual feast.


Figure 19. A cuneiform tablet found in Sidon and dated to around 1400 B.C.E. The whole appearance of this tablet and its fabric made of sandy clay strongly suggests that this document is purely of local production and made for local use. In some ways, this is very exciting, as it shows that cuneiform writing must have been in everyday use in Sidon. This tablet was studied by Irving Finkel of the British Museum.

Figure 20. The Late Bronze Age sunken cella built with ashlar masonry is similar to the one found in Level V at Alalakh.


nature of this type of food consumption. The faunal assemblage found in the room was not plentiful but met most of the requirements for ritual activity, such as the special selection of wild and domestic animals: young sheep and cattle as well as a deer with cut marks on its bones. Animal parts have also been carefully chosen, since only the rich meat parts were selected. Articulated deposits of limbs with burnt marks as well as the presence of seven polished caprine astragali, or animal knuckle bones, have been noted (see above). Many of the astragali bear cut marks that were probably made during the skinning process. These objects were used in the ancient Near East for gaming but also seem to have had a ritual function (Gilmour 1997, 173). More burnt animal bones and two scarabs were found on the floor of Room 5. Archaeological material comparable to the Sidon assemblage and as early as the Middle Bronze Age is found in the Levant at cult places at Ebla (Tell Mardikh III A1; Marchetti and Nigro 1997, 36–37). Similar cult places also appear at Tell Dab‘a in Egypt and in Palestine during the final phase of the Middle Bronze Age (Müller 2002, 278–79, 282). Near the doorway of the monumental building, excavators found a cuneiform tablet dating to about 1400 B.C.E. that lists an inventory of wooden objects (fig. 19). It is highly probable that these were luxury items for export due to the importance of Lebanon as a source of wood to be traded (Briquel-Chatonnet 2004, 465–71), worked (the Phoenicians were highly acclaimed as carpenters, especially the “people of Sidon” [1 Kings 5:20];

see Tadmor 1994, 173), and transported to places such as Joppa (Ezra 3:7). The most important fact revealed by the tablet is that cuneiform was not limited to international correspondence, as is often thought, but also included daily commercial use.

The Late Bronze Age: The Age of Internationalism Little was known about Sidon in the Late Bronze Age before the beginning of the new excavations—except for the material uncovered at the site of Dakerman. In 1969, a Lebanese archaeologist, Roger Saidah, uncovered a fourteenth-century B . C . E . necropolis at Dakerman, which lies about a kilometer south of the ancient city of Sidon. This cemetery contained almost all the known types of imported Mycenaean pottery. The current excavations at the College Site have also uncovered large amounts of Mycenaean pottery, but, unlike Dakerman, these imports were found not in burials but in public buildings, debris layers, and pits. A great deal remains to be understood about these contexts, which were all exposed in the same area where much of the Late Bronze Age material was dumped by later building activity. One major Late Bronze Age discovery at Sidon is a monumental building, of which only one underground room, a sort of basement room, remains (fig. 20). This building, similar in style to contemporary Syrian temples (Woolley 1955, 68), was built at ground level; however, its cella, or “holy of holies,” was below ground and was probably entered through a door placed high up in a wall and reached via an internal wooden staircase. The floor of the Sidon cella consisted of large paving flagstones. In a large, ancient semicircular cut made against the northern wall of this temple are clear signs of repeated burning, most likely because this was where burnt offerings were made. This basement room resembles the below-ground space of the cella in Temple V at Alalakh. According to its excavator, Sir Leonard Woolley, the temple was built at ground level, with its cella alone sinking about 1.8 m below ground level. The later Level IV cella at Alalakh was even deeper (Woolley 1955, 71). The repeated fires in the basement of the Sidon building resemble those at Alalakh. Woolley describes a gap in the temple floor where offerings were burnt (1955, 38). In each phase at Alalakh, the persistence of the specific spot for burnt sacrifice is noticeable, but it was not placed in the cella, as in Sidon, but as close as possible to the door leading to it. Ultimately, the Sidon building was destroyed by a fierce conflagration, but burnt wooden arbutus beams found on the floor survived in a relatively good state. According to the calibrated 14 C dates, the trees from which these beams were made grew around 1390–1120 B.C.E. This Late Bronze Age building at Sidon also provides evidence for the appearance of technical innovations also found in Syria during the same period. One is the use of the dovetail clamp, which is also attested at Ugarit in the Late Bronze Age. The finds from the floor of the building at Sidon consist mainly of fragmentary pottery, mostly local undecorated wares. Fragments of Mycenaean wares were also found, as was a lentoid flask of a type common in the Levant but less so in the Aegean

Figure 21(a–c). The Twosret vase, an Egyptian import, was decorated in black with a frieze of lotus petals. The cartouches bear the throne and birth names of Queen Twosret, who was the last pharaoh of the Nineteenth Dynasty and ruled Egypt independently around 1188–1186 B . C . E . She used the full tutelary of a king. This vessel was most probably a gift sent from Egypt to Sidon as a diplomatic gift.


or it may have been imported as an object of prestige. A single world. An Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian scarab was also discovfragment of a deep skyphos (a two-handled, deep wine cup) with ered on the floor of this room. Its base is inscribed, according horizontal loop handles and black paint was also found. These to Loffet (2002, 208–9), with the name of an almost unknown skyphoi are rare at Sidon but are considered significant to the Egyptian pharaoh, Djed-kheper-re. It is now believed that, chronology of the end of the Late Bronze Age levels. A considrather than naming an obscure pharaoh, the scarab may have erable number of imported terracotta female figurines, bull figubelonged to an Egyptian merchant trading in Sidon at this time. rines, and one with a horse-rider were Evidence of strong direct links also found at Sidon, as at many sites in with Egypt during the Late Bronze Cyprus and the Levant. Whether they Age was found near two large tanwere shipped directly to Sidon or via nurs. Large amounts of pottery and The Minoan and Mycenaean Cyprus is unclear. It is also noteworthy fragments of a faience bowl were imports underline the that common types of Late Bronze Age discovered interspersed among a Cypriote pottery are abundant, namely, spread of baked fallen mudbricks. importance of the sea and White Slip I (rare) and II, Base Ring I This imported Egyptian vessel Sidon’s Mediterranean and II, Monochrome, and Red Lustrous bore painted cartouches with the wheel-made ware. throne and birth-names of Queen contacts throughout its The large amount of pictorial style Twosret (figs. 21a–c). Twosret’s history. pottery from Sidon demonstrates the independent rule was brief, appartaste of the local elite for luxury goods. ently lasting less than two years. As on Cyprus and at Ugarit, but also As a result, this vessel can be elsewhere in the Levant, amphoroid kraters make up a high dated with great precision to around 1190 B.C.E., with a margin of error not exceeding ten years. An alternating stylized percentage of the Mycenaean material, although only a few may motif of lotus buds and petals filled with blue glaze was found be recognized as being pictorial in style (mainly charioteer and on the faience vessel together with the inscription. This vessel octopus-type kraters). Charioteer kraters (figs. 23a–d), like those is of great importance, since it provides significant evidence from Ugarit and other Levantine sites, may illustrate the high that Egypt still maintained good relations with Sidon during status of the persons with whom they were associated. Amphothe reign of Twosret and, more important, that business was roid kraters decorated with an octopus may have something to do going on as usual in Sidon. The Twosret vessel was not an item with the consumption of octopuses during eating and drinking of trade but a precious gift for ritual use, for which Egyptian parties, as is the case today in coastal towns of the eastern Medifaience vessels were typically produced. This vessel was most terranean. Abstract motifs such as spirals, butterfly ornaments, or likely a diplomatic gift sent from Egypt to Sidon, an aspect of floral motifs are also found. Kraters were no doubt linked to the international relations not directly linked to religion or trade. drinking habits of the elite, and all kinds of drinking cups were Ceremonial cult vessels found associated with it: kylikes, chalices, cups, and conical shallow in Sidon are unique to the Colbowls—of which Sidon has yielded a considerable number (Karalege Site and indicate cultic georghis personal communication, catalogue in process). Small and ceremonial activity. Howstirrup jars represent a high proportion of the Mycenaean vases ever, the one form that appears that were used for the transport of perfumed oil, a trade known in in large quantities at Sidon is Cyprus since the Middle Bronze Age. An inscribed Late Minoan the conical rhyton (a container III stirrup jar with large painted signs in Linear B script on its for drinking or pouring liquids). shoulder, probably Late Minoan III, was found at Sidon (KaraMore than seventy-three fraggeorghis 2008, 43). It is a type also known from Ugarit and was ments were counted, some used for the transport of liquids such as oil and wine. Neutron decorated in pictorial style, activation analysis identified the origin of this jar as Minoan, others with palm-tree motifs, probably from the area of Chania in western Crete. whorl-shells, or abstract motifs. The Twosret vessel from the College Site is one of the first to One rhyton was found with the illustrate the variety and levels of exchange that existed simulTwosret bowl (fig. 22). This type taneously in the Late Bronze Age. The locally made pottery of vessel was a favorite in the shows the original character of the urban development in southMycenaean corpus of Ugarit, ern Lebanon. The Minoan and Mycenaean imports underline where it was also imitated locally. the importance of the sea and Sidon’s Mediterranean contacts Another type of cultic vessel is throughout its history. The pottery imports provide evidence Figure 22. A conical the ring vase, or kernos, of which that clarifies the nature of these exchanges, namely, their cerrhyton of the Mycenaean IIIB found with the Sidon has yielded at least two emonial aspect, as in the case of the Minoan cup. The context Twosret vessel. It is examples. This type is rare, and in which Mycenaean imported pottery is found is of prime sigdecorated with horizontal a few were also locally produced. nificance for interpreting the function and value of these vessels bands. The kernos may be a cultic vessel, within Late Bronze Age society. For the first time at Sidon, the


Figures 23 a–d. Amphoroid krater of the LH IIIA:2 depicting a charioteer scene. Only the end of the chariot box is visible on the right side of one handle. The silhouettes of two horses are shown on the body fragment. One can see a white ladder painted atop the body depicting the harness across the breast.


large amount of ceremonial rhyta and pictorial kraters indicate their special functions, which included ritual libation and banqueting. Above all, while the material attests to affinities and contacts with Palestine, less frequently with Syria, it reflects the intermediary position of Sidon between these two cultures. Sidon’s dominant position among the Phoenician coastal cities continued during the late twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C.E., as indicated by the surviving historical record. According to the biblical accounts, it is Sidon, not Tyre, that is the more powerful (Josh. 13:4–6; Judg. 3:3; 18:7). The preeminence of Sidon is assumed in the contemporary story of the Egyptian traveler Wenamun and in an inscription of the Assyrian king Tiglathpileser I (Oppenheim 1969, 275). We also know that around 1080 B.C.E. the Sidonian king Warkat-ili boasted no less than fifty ships, assuring maritime traffic between Tanis in the Nile Delta and Sidon, whereas trade between Egypt and Byblos was carried out by no more than twenty (Scheepers 1991, 25, 75–78). The excavations at Sidon are also of great interest because the archaeological complexity and richness of each stage in the city’s development is at last being revealed with the establishment of benchmarks, the existence of which were, until now, only suspected. The College Site is only the second urban excavation to take place in Lebanon, after Beirut. It offers, however, much more than the Beirut excavations, as work is undertaken on land expropriated by the DGA for the sole purpose of research. This means that this is a project with no time limit and no pressure from developers.



Note 1. These excavations were made possible through grants from the British Museum and private institutions, including [Byblos Bank] The Old House Foundation, London; Cimenterie Nationale SAL, Lebanon; The Fares Foundation, Lebanon; The Hariri Foundation, Lebanon; and Compagnie Murex, Paris.

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Pp. 154–79 in Doumet-Serhal, Rabate, and Resek 2004. Originally published in Archaeology and History in Lebanon 18 (2003): 38–57. ———, ed. 2006. The Early Bronze Age in Sidon: “College Site” Excavations (1998–2000–2001). Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 178. Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient. ———. 2009a. New Cylinder Seal Impressions from Sidon. Archaeology and History in Lebanon 29:2–10. ———. 2009b. Second Millennium BC Levantine Ceremonial Feasts: Sidon, a Case Study. Pages 229–44 in Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean: Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Beirut, 2008, ed. A.-M. Maïla-Afeiche. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 6. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. Doumet-Serhal, C., in collaboration with V. Karageorghis, H. Ch. Loffet, and N. Coldstream. 2008. The Kingdom of Sidon and Its Mediterranean Connections. Pp. 1–70 in Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant: The Lebanon and Its Mediterranean Connections, ed. C. Doumet-Serhal in collaboration with A. Rabate and A. Resek. Archaeology and History in the Lebanon. Beirut: Lebanese British Friends of the National Museum. Doumet-Serhal, C., ed., in collaboration with A. Rabate and A. Resek. 2004. Decade: A Decade of Archaeology and History in the Lebanon. Beirut: Lebanese British Friends of the National Museum. Gilmour, G. H. 1997. The Nature and Function of Astragalus Bones from Archaeological Contexts in the Levant and Eastern Mediterranean. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 16:167–75. Guigues, P. E. 1937. Lébé‘a, Kafer Garra, Qrayé: Nécropoles de la région sidonienne. Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 1:35–76. ———. 1938. Lébé‘a, Kafer Garra, Qrayé: Nécropoles de la région sidonienne (suite). Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 2:27–72. ———. 1939. Lébé‘a, Kafer Garra, Qrayé: Nécropoles de la région sidonienne (fin). Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 3:53–63. Karageorghis, V., 2008. An Inscribed Late Minoan III Stirrup Jar from Sidon. Pp. 43–44 in Doumet-Serhal et al. 2008 Katz, D. 2007 Sumerian Funerary Rituals in Context. Pp. 167–88 in Performing Death: Social Analyses of Funerary Traditions in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean, ed. N. Laneri. Oriental Institute Seminars 3. Chicago: Oriental Institute. Kübler, K. 1959. Die Nekropole des späten 8. bis frühen 6. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Kerameikos, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 6. Berlin: de Gruyter. Loffet, H. Ch. 2002. The Sidon Scarab, No. 2073-523. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 6:208–10. MacGillivray, J. A. 2004. A Middle Minoan Cup from Sidon. Pp. 124–27 in Doumet-Serhal, Rabate, and Resek 2004. Originally published in Archaeology and History in Lebanon 18 (2003): 20–24. Marchetti, N., and L. Nigro. 1997. Cultic Activities in the Sacred Area of Ishtar at Ebla during the Old Syrian Period: The Favissae F. 5327 and F. 5238. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 49:1–44. Müller, V. 2002. Offering Practices in the Temple Courts of Tell el-Dab’a and the Levant. Pp. 269–95 in The Middle Bronze Age in the Levant: Proceedings of an International Conference on MB IIA Ceramic Material, Vienna, 24th–26th of January 2001, ed. M. Bietak. Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 3; Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 26. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Oppenheim L. 1969. Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts. Pp. 265– 317 in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J. B. Pritchard. 3rd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ramsey, C., and C. Doumet-Serhal. 2006. Carbon 14 Analysis from a New

Early Bronze Age III Building at Sidon. Archaeology and History in the Lebanon 24:18–22. Schaeffer, C. F. A. 1949. Ugaritica II: Nouvelles études relatives aux découvertes de Ras Shamra. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 47; Mission de Ras Shamra 5. Paris: Geuthner. Scheepers, A. 1991. Anthroponymes et toponymes du récit d’Ounamon. Pp. 17–83 in Phoenicia and the Bible: Proceedings of the Conference Held at the University of Leuven on the 15th and 16th of March 1990, ed. E. Lipi ski. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 44; Studia Phoenicia 11. Leuven: Departement Oriëntalistiek; Peeters. Tadmor, H. 1994. The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria: Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations, and Commentary. Publications of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Section of Humanities. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Véron, A., and G. Leroux. 2004. Provenance of Silver Artefacts from Burial 27 at Sidon. Archaeology and History in the Lebanon 20:34–38. Vila, E. 2004 The Fauna of Early Bronze Age Sidon. Archaeology and History in Lebanon 19:92–105. ———. 2006. Etude de la faune du Bronze Ancien à Sidon. Pp. 301–49 in Doumet-Serhal 2006. Woolley, L. 1955. Alalakh: An Account of the Excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, 1937–1949. Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 18. London: Society of Antiquaries.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Claude Doumet-Serhal, MBE, FSA, has served as Project Director of the British Museum’s Sidon excavations since 1998. She is also Special Assistant at the British Museum, Honorary Research Fellow at University College London, and a Membre Associé, Laboratoire d’Etudes Sémitiques Anciennes, Collège de France, Paris. In addition to editing several volumes of archaeological essays, she is editor of the journal Archaeology and History in Lebanon.

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Tell el-Burak: A New Middle Bronze Age Site from Lebanon

Hélène Sader and Jens Kamlah

A

fter a long period of inactivity due to prevailing insecurity in the land, a new era of archaeological research was launched in Lebanon in the early 1990s. As a result, a number of archaeological projects initiated across the country are progressively changing our understanding of the Lebanese past. One such undertaking is the Tell el-Burak Archaeological Project, an ongoing joint venture initiated in 2001 between the American University of Beirut, the University of Tübingen, and the German Archaeological Institute in Berlin.

Excavations at Tell el-Burak have uncovered important evidence from the Middle Bronze and Iron Ages, as well as domestic dwellings from the medieval period. This article will focus on the MB remains, which have brought to light the first Middle Bronze Age monumental fortified palace in Lebanon. It is built with mudbricks on top of massive foundations and comprises thus far nineteen rooms, one of which contains wall paintings that display Egyptian influence. Trade connections during the MB between Tell el-Burak and Egypt and the Palestinian coast are also indicated by the presence of ridged-neck pithoi of Lebanese origin. Although much archaeological work remains to be done, the excavations thus far at Tell el-Burak allow us to begin to fill in the gaps in the history of the Middle Bronze Age in Lebanon, specifically in the kingdom of Sidon.


Figure 1. Map showing the location of Tell el-Burak, which is situated 5 km north of Sarafand, ancient Sarepta, and 9 km south of Sidon.

Location and Occupation History of the Site Location and Identification Tell el-Burak, or Tell el-Brāk, is located on the shore of Addusiyye, a small village 9 km south of Sidon and some 4 km north of Sarafand (ancient Sarepta; see fig. 1). The modern name Tell elBurak is clearly an Arabic toponym that the site owes to nearby springs and cisterns (in Arabic, brāk or burak; fig. 2). Unfortunately, the modern name reveals nothing about the name of the ancient settlement. Since Tell el-Burak is located at the heart of the Bronze and Iron Age Sidonian kingdom, its ancient name should be sought in the lists of cities belonging to the territory of Sidon mentioned in ancient texts. Hélène Sader has argued for a tentative identification with either “Little Sidon” or “Kar Esarhaddon” in the Iron Age (1997, 367, 371–72), but no decisive evidence has been discovered thus far to favor one location over another. Sidunu sihru “Little Sidon” (Bagg 2007, 229) is mentioned in the annals of the Neo-Assyrian king Sennacherib as one of Sidon’s fortified cities, while Kar Esarhaddon is named in the annals of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (Borger 1956,

48, D82; Bagg 2007, 135–36) as the capital of the Assyrian province that he created in the territory of the defeated Sidonian kingdom. In spite of our uncertainty about its ancient name, because of its location a few kilometers south of the capital, Tell el-Burak can directly contribute to a better understanding of the history of the Bronze Age kingdom of Sidon.

Occupation History The five areas that have been opened on the tell since 2001 (fig. 3) have yielded evidence for an intermittent occupation of the site from the Early Bronze Age (third millennium B.C.E.) through the medieval period (thirteenth–sixteenth centuries C.E.). The Early Bronze Age occupation is attested thus far only by a few sherds found in the fills of the Middle Bronze Age building. To date, the most impressive remains discovered are those of the Middle Bronze Age. They consist mainly of a monumental fortress building, a massive retaining wall, and a tomb. At the end of this period, the site was abandoned until the eighth century B.C.E.

Figure 2. One of two reservoirs (Arabic burak) holding the waters of a perennial spring near Tell el-Burak.


Figure 3. Plan of the site showing the excavation areas. The Middle Bronze Age building is located in Area 1.

Iron Age occupation lasted for four centuries, until the end of the Persian period in the fourth century B.C.E. During this phase, Tell el-Burak was a fortified urban settlement. The remains of a city wall (fig. 4) and domestic buildings (fig. 5) uncovered thus far shed light on the urban layout, domestic architecture, and building techniques of the Phoenician coast during the first millennium B.C.E. In the fourth century B.C.E., the Iron Age domestic houses were abandoned, and the area nearby was used as a burial ground for dogs (fig. 6), a custom attested elsewhere on the Levantine coast in the Late Iron Age at sites such as Ashkelon (Stager 1991; Wapnish and Hesse 1993), Khalde (Saidah 1967, 166), and Beirut (Finkbeiner and Sader 1997, 130, fig. 7). In the second century B.C.E., Tell el-Burak was abandoned for a very long period, until it was briefly reoccupied in the thirteenth/fourteenth centuries C.E. The site was definitively abandoned in the Ottoman period.


The Middle Bronze Age Fortress In Area 1 on the tell summit, directly below a Late Mamluk–Early Ottoman period house that partly covered its remains (Kamlah and Sader 2003, 147–48; 2004, 126; Shehadeh 2005), excavations revealed a massive mudbrick building dating to the Middle Bronze Age (Kamlah and Sader 2003, fig. 22; forthcoming).

Date of the Middle Bronze Age Fortress With only a few exceptions, what is preserved of the Middle Bronze Age building is basically its substructure: the foundation walls and the earthen fill they contained. The pottery sherds found in the various fill layers, as well as pottery found in situ in Rooms 11 and 13, allow us to date the building to the Middle Bronze Age, more precisely to the transitional phase between MB IIA and MB IIB (ca. 1800 and 1775 b.c.e.). Recent 14C samples taken from Room 10 have yielded dates in the nineteenth

century b.c.e.1 Additional evidence for the date of the building came from the tomb (Kamel 2005) uncovered at the western outer corner of Room 6 (fig. 7). Evidence shows that this tomb was built when the mudbrick building was not only standing but probably still being used. Among the badly preserved skeletons, excavators found broken juglets that clearly date to MB IIB, or the Hyksos period. One vessel found nearby, a vase decorated with incised birds of a yet unattested form, belongs to the typical Tell el-Yehudiyeh pottery tradition and confirms this date. Badly preserved bone inlays representing ducks and other geometrical motifs—which originally belonged to a wooden box that has since disintegrated—were also found inside the tomb. These inlays are very similar to those found in Jericho (Kenyon 1960, 367, 467) and Gibeon (Pritchard 1963, 113–15) and are usually dated to the MB II and MB III (Liebowitz 1977, 90).

building was then built in the center of the mound with dimensions of roughly 30 by 40 m (fig. 8). The layout of this structure, as well as its foundations, had already been put in place when the process of piling up the hill began. This explains why its wall foundations reach a depth of more than 11 m, at least in the area of the central courtyard (Kamlah and Sader 2003, fig. 17). The hypothesis of its building technique was confirmed in the 2008 excavations in Room 11, where the foundations of the mudbrick walls and the fill layers were uncovered. The walls have an average thickness of 1.20 m, with the exterior walls sometimes measuring up to 2 m and each brick

Building Technique The excavations allowed us to understand the process behind the building of this structure. Immense amounts of earth were heaped on Tell el-Burak in order to create an artificial mound. This was held in place by a cyclopean retaining wall built around the foot of the tell, traces of which were found under the later Iron Age wall (Kamlah and Sader 2003, fig. 12). A mudbrick

Figure 4. (above right) The Iron Age city wall dressed with fieldstones on top of the older Middle Bronze Age retaining wall. Ashlars were placed transversally at regular intervals.

Figure 5. (left) The Iron Age house of Tell el-Burak. The entrance, indicated by a nicely cut stone slab, leads into a three-room house built with fieldstones.


Figure 6. (left) Dog burial from Tell el-Burak.

Dog burials on the Levantine coast are believed to be connected with the cult of the Phoenician healing-god Eshmun.

Figure 7. (right) Tell el-Burak tomb.

At least five individuals were buried in the tomb, and each one was holding a juglet typical of the MB IIB period.


measuring circa 40 x 40 x 12 cm. This building stands out on account of its size, design, and the efforts made for its construction. It could have served as a fortified stronghold, an administrative building, or simply a prestigious palace in the southern part of Sidon’s fertile plain.

Architecture The MB building consists of rooms arranged around an inner rectangular courtyard located in the center of the building. The courtyard floor was made of light, white lime, on which rows of a flat pebble pavement were laid in order to create pathways (Kamlah and Sader 2003, fig. 21a). A modern bulldozer trench, which reached several meters deep, and two test trenches provided insight into its substructures. A fill layer of sand and pebbles 4 m deep made it possible for rainwater to flow in easily. Below it was a ramp of hard, impermeable clay soil that was built sloping downward from the eastern corner toward the center of the courtyard. The situation was probably similar in all four corners. In this way, the ramps would have formed an underground funnel that was filled with sand and pebbles and through which rainwater was diverted away from the foundations of the mudbrick walls toward the center of the courtyard. A test trench dug into the layers underneath the ramp reached an unexpected depth of more than 11 m without arriving at the base of the foundations and revealed the extraordinary dimensions of the building. Around the courtyard, nineteen rooms have thus far been partly or entirely exposed. Four rooms were corner towers (Rooms 3, 6, 11, and 16), which suggests the building was a fortress. One (Room 4) was a kitchen and contained three well-preserved and two destroyed bread ovens, also called tannurs (Finkbeiner and Sader 2001, fig. 10). Two rooms (8 and 13) had cobbled floors, and one (8) had a mudbrick platform in the center (Kamlah and Sader 2003, fig. 21b), indicating its use as a stairwell. Finally, Room 10 yielded some of the best-preserved wall paintings yet found in the Middle Bronze Age Levant. The 2008 evidence clearly suggests that

the building had, at least in some parts, an upper story that may have been built after filling in the lower rooms, as attested by the test trench made in Room 13 (Kamlah and Sader forthcoming). It also indicates two phases of occupation in the building. With regard to architecture, the closest parallels to this building are Tell Bi‘a’s Palace A (Einwag 2002, fig. 2) and the Shakanakku palace in Mari (Margueron 1985; 1990; Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 286). In a recent article, Peltenburg (2008) points out the similarity of Tell el-Burak’s fortress with Middle Bronze Age Cypriot forts, more specifically that of Nitovikla. In his exploration of the development of this type of fort, he came to the conclusion that they have a Syro-Mesopotamian origin. Both Tell el-Burak and Nitovikla share the same plan, and both were built on eminences, as is also the case with all Mesopotamian examples. Peltenburg also mentions that “[r]ecent survey along the Syrian coast opposite Cyprus, on the Syro-Lebanese border, has disclosed the existence of MB II fortified locations of differ-

Figure 8. Plan of a Middle Bronze building of Tell el-Burak. Square towers on the corners as well as massive foundations and raised position suggest its use as a fort.


ent sizes at Tell Jamous, Bseise and Frach” (Peltenburg 2008, 149). This type of fort may have spread in the Levant and farther west to Cyprus from the Middle Euphrates area (Peltenburg 2008, 151). An interesting feature of this palace is that the rooms were built at different levels, in a terraced fashion: the level of the courtyard is roughly 1 m higher than that of the pebbled Room 8 and some 3 m higher than that of Room 10, where the wall paintings were found.

Wall Paintings of Room 10 Figure 9.

The Wall Paintings of Room 10

Figure 10.

Figure 11.

The figures above show work on the wall paintings in Room 10. Daniela Arnold (fig. 9) uncovers the wall paintings in the southeast corner of Room 10. A row of red painted trees (inset) decorated the upper part of the wall. Figure 10 shows Yanka Verhay cleaning the northwest corner of Room 10. A layer of black mud was stuck to the paintings and made her work very difficult. The Northwest corner of Room 10 (fig. 11) has a door leading to the filled room under Room 13. The latter, like Room 8, had a cobbled floor.


Evidence of wall paintings appeared for the first time in 2003 (Kamlah and Sader 2003, 163); in 2005 we were able to determine the size of the painted room (6.5 x 14 m) and to uncover its southeast corner (fig. 9), in addition to a small part of its floor. In 2008 we tested the state of the wall paintings in the northwest corner of the room (fig. 10; Kamlah and Sader forthcoming). We also confirmed that Room 10 had two doors joining it with Rooms 9 and 13, respectively (fig. 11). The wall paintings, using light and dark red, blue, black, and brown on a white lime plaster background and measuring 2.5–3.0 m high, were preserved after their excavation.2 The plaster on both the wall and floor, made of pure lime with rare quartz particles, is 1.0–1.5 cm thick and clearly consists of two different layers. In the southeast corner, the room was filled with a huge clay ramp on top of which a sand and pebble fill had been poured. In some parts, the pebbles were stuck to the walls and left their imprint on the plaster. In the northwest corner, the situation was different: here the fill consisted of several alternating layers of mainly thick, black mud and a yellowish sandy fill. The latter contained occupational debris mixed with plaster fragments, which may suggest a collapsed ceiling or an upper floor. The various fill layers were poured from the western corner of the room, as attested by their oblique shape (fig. 12). The frame for the paintings was carefully set by drawing two parallel red lines at the bottoms of the walls as well as on both sides and the tops of the doors that connected with Rooms 9 and 13. Preliminary observations indicate that there were two friezes on the eastern wall. Between the lines of the upper frieze, a tree motif repeated itself at regular intervals, while the lower frieze consisted of red, blue, brown, and black lines with alternating groups of three black lines. Inside the latter are lozenge motifs, inscribed within a circle. Between these two friezes, two superimposed black animal figures are represented. They can be identified with fair certainty as running dogs, maybe part of a hunting scene. In the corner of the eastern and southern walls, a winding tree is painted in dark red; on its left side is a

standing goat (fig. 13). This tree is found on top of what seems work of local painters or of itinerant foreign specialists? to be a hill, as suggested by the shape of the plaster in this corner Middle Bronze Age wall paintings are known from northern area. This mound-like feature was intentionPalestine and northern Syria, suggestally created by dumping mud in the corner ing that this type of palace decoration and then covering it with white plaster. The spread throughout the Near East durlower frieze with lozenges continues at the ing that period. While some display same level on the southern wall but is very close parallels to Minoan palace and badly preserved. Below it is an ascending row house paintings, others are clearly of motifs painted red and black, which seem influenced by Egypt. Several theories to represent human figures. attempt to explain foreign influence From the excavated evidence, it appears on Near Eastern wall paintings. The that the floor of the room was also plastered first was developed by Kempinski and painted with red bands and red leaves and Niemeier, the excavators of Tell (fig. 14). This may suggest a checker design Kabri in northern Palestine, who sugsimilar to that found at Tell Kabri (Kempinski gested “that a Cretan artist may have and Niemeier 1991, 192). The massive clay been brought to Kabri to adorn the ramp, which filled the center of the room, palace of the local ruler” (Kempinski made clearing the floor difficult and may and Niemeier 1991, 192). The sechave seriously damaged it. Some painted fragond explains foreign influence as the ments, which were found lying upside down result of the circulation of goods and on the floor, may suggest a painted ceiling, ideas in the Eastern Mediterranean but the evidence is inconclusive, and further (von Rüden 2006; see also Pfälzner investigation is needed. 2008, 106). Finally, a third theory The 2008 excavations revealed that the suggests that both local and foreign Figure 12. Northwest corner of Room 10 showing the section of oblique fill layers that northwest part of the room was also painted, craftsmen were at work in these palwere poured from the corner. The black mud but the paintings in this corner were not well aces (Pfälzner 2008, 106). fill was stuck to the paintings. preserved because of a thick, black mud layer A preliminary assessment of the sticking to the plaster. It is now safe to assume wall paintings in Tell el-Burak seems that the whole room was painted. This spectacular discovery to point toward Egyptian influence for some of the motifs. There raises questions about the origin of the paintings: Are they the are clear parallels in Egyptian paintings of the Middle Kingdom result of a local Levantine tradition of wall paintings, or are they (2106–1786 b.c.e.), more specifically in the Beni Hassan tomb borrowed from foreign, Minoan or Egyptian, ones? Are they the paintings dating from the end of the Eleventh to the middle of

Figure 13. Photo of the paintings found in the southeast corner of Room 10. Note the running dogs (also inset) and the winding tree with the standing goat.


the Twelfth Dynasties. For example, on one of the wall paintings in Beni Hassan, a hunting scene is depicted: the dog is painted black and has a red collar around its neck (Shedid 1994, 57, fig. 96), exactly like the dog figure at Tell el-Burak. The checkered ceiling in the same tombs (Shedid 1994, figs. 72 and 89), which copies a matte motif, could also have been used as the model for the floor and ceiling in Tell el-Burak. The tree with a standing goat has clear Egyptian parallels (Shedid 1994, fig. 132) and is also found on the wall paintings of Tell Sakka near Damascus (Taraqji 1999, 36, fig. 9). There is nothing unusual in the strong Egyptian influence on the wall paintings of Tell el-Burak, since Egyptian trade relations with Phoenicia reached their height in this period, as attested by the evidence from Middle Bronze Age Byblos (Helck 1994; Montet 1928; Dunand 1958).

Important Finds This mudbrick building has also yielded important and interesting finds. During the 2008 excavations in Tell el-Burak, a cobbled floor partly covered with a yellowish plaster was discovered in Room 13. Several in situ broken storage vessels dating to the intermediate period between MB IIA and MB IIB were found lying directly on the floor below topsoil (fig. 15). One vessel type, the so-called ridged-neck pithos characterized by out-rolled rims and rilled necks, was found among them in large numbers for the first time in Lebanon (fig. 16). This type of storage jar had been previously discovered at the Egyptian site of Tell ed-Dab‘a and in Ashkelon (Stager 2002, figs. 17, 18). The Lebanese origin of these vessels was confirmed by petrographic comparison of sherds found in Ashkelon, and Stager correctly noted that he has found “no published example of this type in the Levant” (Stager 2002, 357). The Tell el-Burak examples are the first ridged-neck pithoi to be found on the Levantine coast,

Figure 14. Fragments of the painted floor showing red painted leaves. The small sounding to the right indicated the thickness (2.5 cm) of the plastered floor.


suggesting a Sidonian origin for these vessels. Another interesting find was also discovered during the 2008 season. The filled room under Room 13 yielded a stone column with a cross motif incised on its upper surface (fig. 17). This motif is commonly found in Mesopotamia, for instance, on Shakanakku-period seals (Kohlmeyer and Strommenger 1982, fig. 82), where it is believed to represent the sun-god. It is also found in northern Syria, where the best example can be seen on a stela from Ugarit, modern Ras Shamra, near Latakia (Cornelius and Niehr 2004, fig. 116).

Tell El-Burak and the Kingdom of Sidon How does the new evidence from Tell el-Burak contribute to the history of the ancient kingdom of Sidon? Sidon, modern Saida and ancient Sidunu, is not attested in ancient Near Eastern texts before the middle of the second millennium B.C.E., but archaeological excavations have provided some information about the city’s origins. The area excavated in the southern suburbs of the modern city showed that Sidon was settled in the Late Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age I period (Saidah 1979), sometime toward the end of the fourth millennium B.C.E. This early village, the earliest Sidonian settlement known to date, was abandoned at the beginning of the third millennium B.C.E. It appears that the inhabitants moved to the neighboring hill southeast of the harbor, where the remains of a Crusader castle still stand. Here recent excavations uncovered a late EB I settlement on bedrock, providing evidence of the settlement’s transfer closer to the harbor. On this site, an uninterrupted sequence from EB I to EB III was found, and excavations uncovered a third-millennium B.C.E. settlement consisting of domestic installations and tombs (Doumet-Serhal 2006; 2010). The site of this modest Early Bronze Age village was partly replaced by a vast

One such stronghold was Tell el-Burak, a site of clear strategic burial ground in the Middle Bronze Age, but recent excavations importance. Thanks to its elevated position on top of an artifiin Sidon have yet to yield clear evidence about the nature of the cial hill, one could physically see and communicate with Sidon. Middle Bronze Age settlement. Ralph Pedersen’s (forthcoming) underwater investigation In short, from the end of the Early Bronze Age until the midprovides additional evidence regarding the nature of the Middle dle of the second millennium B.C.E., when Sidon is mentioned for the first time in texts, there is a major gap in the city’s hisBronze Age settlement at Tell el-Burak and its role as a Sidonian tory. Nothing is known about the location, nature, stronghold. He shows that there was no good natural extent, and significance of Middle Bronze Age g or man-made harbor there, which is unexpected Sidon. Moreover, until the recent excavafor a site that lies directly on the shore. The tions at Tell el-Burak, no other city belonglack of a harbor and the shallowness of The earliest Sidonian the reef (less than 1 m) indicate that the ing to Sidon’s territory had yielded a Midsettlement known to date stronghold could not be attacked from dle Bronze Age settlement. We were left the sea. As Pedersen explains, anyone with absolutely no hint as to how Sidon was abandoned at the attacking the fortress would be unable developed from a small Early Bronze Age beginning of the third to pull their warships directly up to the village to a threatening political and ecotell, as the reef would rip open their hulls. nomic power in the Late Bronze and Iron millennium B.C.E. Although it is too early to draw final conAges. It is quite strange that the existence clusions about the function of the Tell elof such a powerful government in Sidon went cl Burak building, the position and the architecture unnoticed in contemporary Middle Bronze Age of the building clearly suggest a defensive purpose: it Mesopotamian and Egyptian texts. This omission may was built to protect the territory of the kingdom of Sidon. Since be due either to the haphazard nature of archaeological discovwe cannot determine the extent of Sidon’s territory, it is difery or to the fact that the Egyptians gave Sidon another name ficult to decide whether the stronghold was meant to defend that has not yet been identified by scholars as referring to Sidon. the borders or more generally the territory of Sidon. On the The Tell el-Burak excavations have helped us to fill the gap other hand, its location on the shore and its elevated position in Sidon’s history left by the texts by providing clear evidence may suggest that it was built also to control the movements of that the city existed at that time as a powerful kingdom. The foreign ships. In spite of the fact that it had no harbor, Tell elmassive Middle Bronze Age fortress must have been built by a Burak could have played a major role in controlling the coast of nearby, strong central power. The only plausible political entity the kingdom. is the kingdom of Sidon. The evidence from Tell el-Burak thus The Tell el-Burak excavations have also confirmed the close demonstrates that Sidon was a well-established economic and links the Lebanese coast had with Egypt in the Middle Bronze political power at the turn of the second millennium B.C.E., with Age. These links are attested by the technique and the motifs of an extended territory protected and controlled by strongholds.

Figure 15. In Room 13, on the plastered cobbled floor, broken storage jars were found in situ. They date the room to the transitional period between MB IIA and MB IIB.


used the Mesopotamian building material, the mudbrick, and imitated the plan of these buildings. The evidence from Tell el-Burak has thus shed new light on the trade network and cultural contacts of the kingdom of Sidon at the beginning of the second millennium B . C . E . Future work will, one hopes, shed even more light on the formation and growth of the kingdom of Sidon and on its foreign relations in the Middle Bronze Age.

Notes

Figure 16. (above) Rilled neck jars from Tell el-Burak. Similar vessels are known from Tell ed-Dab‘a in Egypt and Ashkelon in Palestine. This find confirms their Lebanese origin.

the wall paintings that the Sidonians borrowed from the Egyptians. They are also attested by the presence in Tell ed-Dab’a of ridged-neck storage jars that are of Lebanese origin and that were probably produced in the Sidonian area. Sidon, like Byblos, may have played a key role in transmitting Egyptian culture to inner Syria in the Middle Bronze Age. This transmission was possible because of the existence of an international route that linked the Sidonian harbor via the Jezzin Pass to the Lebanese Bekaa and Damascus. This role that Sidon played in the Middle Bronze Age was not even suspected before the findings of Tell el-Burak were revealed. Tell el-Burak also had close contacts with North Syria and the Middle Euphrates. Eastern Mesopotamian palFigure 17. (left) Stone column. The cross aces and fortresses inside a circle is believed to be the symbol may have served as a of the sun-god, which remained in use until model for the Tell elthe first millennium B.C.E. in Phoenicia and is Burak building that attested on funerary stelae.




1. All radiocarbon dates from Tell elBurak are AMS (Accelerator-based Mass Spectrometry) taken from charcoal samples. The results were calibrated using CALIB rev. 4.3. 2. Two professional wall painting conservation specialists, Daniela Arnold (2005) and Yanka Verhay (2008) were responsible for uncovering, restoring, and studying the technical aspects of the paintings.

References Akkermans, P. M. M. G., and G. M. Schwartz. 2003. The Archaeology of Syria: From Complex Hunters-Gatherers to Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000–300 BC). Cambridge World Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bagg, A. 2007. Die Levante. Part 1 of Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients B, Geisteswissenschaften 7.1. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Borger, R. 1956. Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Königs von Assyrien. Archiv für Orientforschung 9. Graz: Weidner. Cornelius, I., and H. Niehr. 2004. Götter und Kulte in Ugarit: Kulturen und Religionen einer nordsyrischen Königsstadt in der Spätbronzezeit. Zaberns Bildbände zur Archäologie, Sonderbände der Antiken Welt. Mainz: von Zabern. Doumet-Serhal, C. 2006. The Early Bronze Age in Sidon: “College Site” Excavations (1998–2000–2001). Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 178. Beirut: Institut français du Proche-Orient. ———. 2010. Sidon during the Bronze Age: Burials, Rituals and Feasting Grounds at “College Site.” Near Eastern Archaeology 73:114–29. Dunand, M. 1958. 1933–1938. Vol. 2 of Fouilles de Byblos. 2 vols. Études et documents d’archéologie 3. Paris: Geuthner. Einwag, B. 2002. The Early Middle Bronze Age in the Euphrates Valley: The Evidence from Tuttul/Tell Bi‘a’. Pp. 143–61 in The Middle Bronze Age in the Levant: Proceedings of an International Conference on MB IIA Ceramic Material, Vienna, 24th–26th of January 2001, ed. M. Bietak. Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 3; Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 26. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Finkbeiner, U., and H. Sader. 1997. Bey 020: Preliminary Report of the Excavations, 1995. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 2:114–66. ———. 2001. The Tell el-Burak Archaeological Project: A Preliminary

Report on the 2001 Season. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 5:173–94. Helck, W. 1994. Byblos und Ägypten. Pp. 105–11 in Biblo, una città e la sua cultura: Atti del colloquio internazionale (Roma, 5–7 dicembre 1990), ed. E. Acquaro, F. Mazza, S. Ribichini, G. Scandone, and P. Xella. Collezione di studi fenici 34. Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche. Kamel, D. 2005. The Middle Bronze Age Tomb of Tell el-Burak. M.A. thesis, American University of Beirut. Kamlah, J., and H. Sader. 2003. The Tell el-Burak Archaeological Project: Preliminary Report on the 2002 and 2003 Seasons. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 7:145–73. ———. 2004. Deutsch-libanesische Ausgrabungen auf Tell el-Burak, südlich von Sidon: Vorbericht nach Abschluss der dritten Kampagne 2003. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 120:123–40. ———. forthcoming. The Tell el-Burak Archaeological Project: Preliminary Report on the 2005 and 2008 Seasons. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 12. Kenyon, K. 1960. The Tombs Excavated in 1952–4. Vol. 1 of Excavations at Jericho. London: British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem. Kempinski, A., and W.-D. Niemeier. 1991. Tel Kabri, 1989–1990. Israel Exploration Journal 41:188–94. Kohlmeyer, K., and E. Strommenger. 1982. Land des Baal: Syrien, Forum der Völker und Kulturen. Mainz: von Zabern. Liebowitz, H. A. 1977. Bone and Ivory Inlay from Syria and Palestine. Israel Exploration Journal 27:89–97. Margueron, J.-C. 1985. Mari: Rapport préliminaire sur la campagne de 1982. Mari: Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires 3:7–39. ———. 1990. Mari: Rapport préliminaire sur la campagne de 1985. Mari: Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires 6:5–18. Montet, P. 1928. Byblos et l’Egypte: Quatre campagnes de fouilles à Gebeil, 1921–1922–1923–1924. 2 vols. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 11. Paris: Geuthner. Pedersen, R. forthcoming. The Maritime Archaeological Survey at Tell el Burak and Nearby Environs. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises. Peltenburg, E. 2008. Nitovikla and Tell el-Burak: Cypriot Mid-Second Millennium BC Forts in a Levantine Context. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 145–58. Pfälzner, P. 2008. Between the Aegean and Syria: The Wall Paintings from the Royal Palace of Qatna. Pp. 95–118 in Fundstellen: Gesammelte Schriften zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad honorem Hartmut Kühne, ed. D. Bonatz, R. M. Czichon, and F. Janoscha Kreppner. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pritchard, J. B. 1963. Bronze Age Cemetery at Gibeon. University Museum Monograph 25. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Rüden, C. von. 2006. Die Wandmalereien von Tall Mishrife/Qatna im Kontext interregionaler Kommunikation. Ph.D. diss., University of Freiburg. Sader, H. 1997. Tell el Burak: An Unidentified City of Phoenician Sidon. Pp. 363–75 in Ana šadî Labn ni l allik: Beiträge zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen: Festschrift für Wolfgang Röllig, ed. B. Ponkratz-Leisten, H. Kühne, and P. Xella. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 247. Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener. Saidah, R. 1967. Chronique. Bulletin du musée de Beyrouth 20:155–80. ———. 1979. Fouilles de Sidon-Dakerman: L’agglomération chalcolithique. Berytus Archaeological Studies 27:29–55.

Shedid, A. G. 1994. Die Felsgräber von Beni Hassan in Mittelägypten. Zaberns Bildbände zur Archäologie 16. Mainz: von Zabern. Shehadeh, L. 2005. The Mamluk and Early Ottoman Occupation at Tell el-Burak. M.A. thesis, American University of Beirut. Stager, L. E. 1991. Why Were Hundreds of Dogs Buried at Ashkelon? Biblical Archaeology Review 17.3:26–42. ———. 2002. The MB IIA Ceramic Sequence at Tel Ashkelon and Its Implications for the “Port Power” Model of Trade. Pp. 353–62 in The Middle Bronze Age in the Levant: Proceedings of an International Conference on MB IIA Ceramic Material, Vienna, 24th–26th of January 2001, ed. M. Bietak. Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 3; Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 26. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Taraqji, A. 1999. Nouvelles découvertes sur les relations avec l’Égypte à Tell Sakka et à Keswé dans la région de Damas. Bulletin de la société française d’égyptologie 144:27–43. Wapnish, P., and B. Hesse. 1993. Pampered Pooches or Plain Pariahs? The Ashkelon Dog Burials. Biblical Archaeologist 56:55–80.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS Hélène Sader earned her P h . D. i n A s s y r i o l o g y a n d Northwest Semitic Epigraphy from the University of Tübingen, Germany. She is a professor of archaeology at the American University of Beirut. Her research focuses on the archaeology and ancient history of Lebanon and Syria in the Bronze and Iron Ages. She planned, prepared, and co-directed the Beirut (1994–1997), Tell Fadous-Kfarabida (2004–2008), and Tell el-Burak (1997– present) archaeological projects. Jens Kamlah is a professor at the Institute of Biblical Archaeology at the University of Tübingen. Since 2003, he has been codirector of the German-Lebanese Excavations Project at Tell elBurak. For many years he worked on excavations in the Levant, especially at the Early Bronze Age settlement of Khirbet ez-Zeraqon in northern Jordan. His main fields of research are the archaeology of ancient Palestine and the Levant, the archaeology of cult and the history of religion in the Levant, and the history and culture of the Phoenicians.


Figure 2. Al-Bass: general view of the funerary area excavated in 2008, including the large, round holes left by Roman olive trees.

THE PHOENICIAN CEMETERY OF TYRE María Eugenia Aubet

R

ecent archaeological excavations in the Iron Age cemetery of Tyre have led to the recovery of the city’s principal burial area during the tenth to seventh centuries B.C.E. Compared with the rest of the known Iron Age cemeteries in the region, the necropolis of Tyre–Al-Bass offers the most dense and homogeneous assemblage of burials to date in terms of form and typology, mortuary practices, and morphology of grave goods. The archaeological evidence allows us not only to reconstruct the associated Iron Age funerary rituals as a complex sequence of ceremonies that assisted the deceased in making the transition from this world to the netherworld but also to glimpse the egalitarian impulses of Tyre’s social organization.

The Landscape The principal necropolis of Tyre during the Iron Age was discovered by chance in 1990 in the Al-Bass district, located on the mainland some 2 km away from the ancient island of


Figure 1. Map of the area of Tyre showing the location of the Phoenician cemetery.

Tyre (fig. 1). The cemetery had been established on a beach at the edge of the coast opposite the city. Nowadays, the beach is buried under substantial sediments of clay and sand that built up as a result of the formation of an isthmus, or tombolo, that transformed the ancient island of Tyre into a peninsula during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. As a result, the Phoenician graves are found at more than 3.5 m under the present ground level of Al-Bass. The Phoenician necropolis lies on the southern edge of an ancient creek. Paleobotanical and faunal analyses of the sand sediment in the area show that the creek became a lake during the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E. For a long time, the principal necropolis of Tyre was thought to be located at Rachidiyeh, a tell located 5 km south of Tyre, where a few Iron Age graves were found in the 1970s (Doumet 1982). We know today that Tell Rachidiyeh was a coastal settlement—probably the Ushu or Palaeotyros of the written sources—with its own necropolis and that it was part of the immediate hinterland of ancient Tyre. This area was made up of an immense, densely populated fertile plain, judging by the numerous small tells—each with its own necropolis—located at the foot of the hills and all along the main valleys leading into the interior. At present, it is difficult to study and survey this hinterland due to political conditions in southern Lebanon. The Iron Age settlements lying in a radius of some 15 km around Tyre, which includes Rachidiyeh, Qrayeh, Qasmieh, Khirbet Silm, Joya, and Qana (Chapman 1972, 179), formed part of a vast territory under the political control of Tyre. re), Akko (30 km The cities of Achziv (25 km south of Tyre), m north) also south) and, for a while, Sidon itself (30 km belonged to the Tyrian territory. Of all the necropolises discovered in this region, Al-Bass is the most extensive known to date. Both its situituation and density of graves indicate that it must have been the main urban necropoliss for the city of Tyre. In addition to a fertile hinterland with good means of communication, Tyre enjoyed an abundant supply of water, in particular from the extraordinary springs of Ras el-‘Ain, south of Rachidiyeh, which provided the city with drinking water from m the Late Bronze Age to the Roman and d Byzantine periods.

of which lies roughly at sea level. The Phoenician necropolis is located close to the northern edge of a monumental Roman necropolis. This explains the number of disturbances and intrusive elements from the late Hellenistic and Roman levels, such as poor and marginal Roman inhumation tombs (fig. 3) and large circular pits. The organic content of these pits (olea, a genus of the olive family), indicates that they correspond to an olive grove planted inside the Roman necropolis at the beginning of the Christian era. To date, some 320 cremation urns have been identified at AlBass, making it the most densely occupied Phoenician cemetery known in Lebanon. The cremation rite is absolutely dominant here. The necropolis was used for adults, with the youngest individuals identified being between twelve and fourteen years

The Cemetery and Its Spatial Organization The 1997–2008 Spanish archaeological al excavations at Tyre–Al-Bass exposed an area of some 500 m 2 of cremation graves dating from the end of the tenth to the end of the seventh centuries B.C.E. (Aubet 2004). The graves appear in a stratum of sand overlaid with thick strata from the Roman and Byzantine periods (fig. 2; see opening photo on facing page). This sand stratum belongs to an ancient beach and was accumulated immediately on top of the sandstone subsoil, the surface

Figure 3 3. (above (above) Al-Bass 2004: In the background, a Roman inhumation dug into the Phoenician level. In the foreground, a pair of Phoenician cinerary urns. Inset: A close-up of the inhumation tomb.


of age. It is therefore safe to assume that children did not have access to formal burial in this funerary space. As a result, we can conclude that, not only did they have no right to be buried with adults, but that they were not entitled to full membership in the funerary community. In terms of the spatial arrangement of the burials, three main types of graves are represented (Aubet 2004, 449–66). First, single-urn graves consist of a single urn and two jugs lying at the foot of the urn; one is a trefoil-rimmed jug, the other a mushroom-like or neck-ridge jug. The urn is covered with a plate or flat stone and generally has a cup or drinking bowl leaning against the shoulder. This type of burial is rare but in the few documented cases, such as Tomb 61 (fig. 4), is usually fairly rich in funerary offerings. In some cases, this type is accompanied by

a small stela engraved with a symbolic motif. The second type of burial, the most numerous and representative of the necropolis, is made up of two urns placed back to back. This type of burial is called a “double-urn grave” (fig. 5). The two urns share the same trench and the same individual grave goods: two characteristic jugs (trefoil-rimmed and neckridge ones) and a bowl for drinking. In the vast majority of cases, the two urns are coeval and form a clear unit (figs. 6–7). Paleoanthropological studies indicate that the twin urns contain the cremated remains of the same individual. One of the urns contains the ashes of the deceased; in the other, the deceased’s blackened bones are mixed with his or her personal possessions. It is therefore obvious that, once the funeral pyre was extinguished and the cremation of the deceased concluded, a careful

Figure 4. Al-Bass 2002: A single-urn grave (No. 61) with a small funerary stone stela. The offering consists of two jugs and a cup.


Figure 5. (left) Al-Bass 2002: In the foreground, doubleurn graves (Nos. 62 and 63) inside a single pit. In the background, a single-urn grave (No. 61).

Figure 6. (below) Al-Bass 1997: Double-urn graves with burial gifts in the form of two jugs.

Figure 7. (left) Al-Bass 2008: Double-urn graves associated with a trefoil-rimmed jug and a bowl. On top of both urns, a plate (left) and an inverted half vessel (right).


urns and double urns, had a stone stela carved out of local sandsifting of the remains took place in order to separate the ashes stone been set up and placed on top of the graves (figs. 10–11). from the bones. These stelae bore a sculpted human mask or engraved symbolic The third type of burial consists of large groupings of urns motifs and inscriptions with the name of the deceased and his found superimposed or leaning against each other, thus forming familial position. During the course of excavation, the stelae a horizontal development of the burial space. In almost every are normally found fallen over, but originally they were placed case, these clusters consist of several double-urn graves (fig. upright, sticking up above the surface of the beach, so that signs 8). The context shows that these groups of urns were deliberengraved or sculpted on ately deposited in the same space the upper part were perover several generations and that One aspect common to all burials fectly visible. the spatial concentration of tomb One aspect common to groups probably corresponds to of this type is the presence of all burials of this type is socially significant units. In some the presence of stones and burials, for example, older urns were stones and pebbles closing or pebbles closing or markdug out and relocated beside or ing out the graves. One above newer ones (fig. 9; see also marking out the graves. can also see evidence of fig. 17). It seems that the memory of secondary rites performed locations where relatives and ancesafter interment, as indicated by the presence of pottery remains tors were buried was preserved, indicating that some parcels in such as plates, jugs, and bottles on top of the graves. These had the necropolis were reserved for families. been deliberately smashed when the tomb was closed. Some of Traces of wooden imprints at the edge of some graves suggest these vessels contained remains of fish or meat. the presence of markers made of organic material and visible on the surface. Only in a few instances, in particular, in individual

Figure 8. (left) Al-Bass 1997: Urn groupings dating to the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.E.


The Graves and Their Contents Based on the content of the tombs, it is possible to describe the arrangement of the graves, the disposal of the dead, and the array of rituals, offerings, and ceremonies that accompanied the burials at Al-Bass. However, one must proceed with caution when it comes to inferring religious beliefs on the basis of the funerary record, especially if few written sources describing the treatment of the dead exist, as is the case with Phoenicia. In some 20 percent of the urns containing bone remains, a scarab used as an amulet was found. It was located either in the upper part of the vessel or mixed with the blackened bones of the deceased (fig. 12). These scarabs, made either in Egypt or locally, show fire damage, as do the remains of rings, pendants, earrings, and other items of personal use. For example, imprints of bronze appear among the bones of the cranium in Urn 34, perhaps corresponding to the burnt remains of a diadem. All these suggest that such personal articles accompanied the deceased onto the funeral pyre. However, other personal items, such as gold earrings and a variety of scarabs, were deposited in the urn without going through the fire. The urns also contained blackened osseous (bone tissue) fragments belonging to bovines and ovicaprids (domestic sheep

or goats). Small bits of meat corresponding to these fragments apparently were first cooked and then thrown on the pyre, since they were subjected to the same temperature as the body of the deceased. Among the fauna, the remains of an owl, a creature symbolic of night and darkness, are documented in Urn 8 (Aubet 2006, 40; Schmitz 2009). Similarly, the presence of blackened pottery sherds inside some urns suggests that part of the domestic pottery had also been deposited on some pyres, in addition to the deceased and the food remains. As soon as the graves were dug in the sand, the urns were placed in position. Resting against the urn and at the bottom of the grave, the two characteristic jugs were then deposited together with a drinking cup on the shoulder of the vessel (fig. 13). These three grave goods appear to be directly associated with the burial and were certainly intended for the deceased’s use. Throughout the three hundred years (ca. 900–700 B.C.E.) this sector of the necropolis was in use, the grave goods of the deceased were always the same (figs. 14a–b). The pottery types varied and evolved, but the structure of the tomb remained the same, reflecting a strong continuity of mortuary practices. In some graves, such as Tomb 8, two small bonfires were lit inside the pit before closing the grave: one at the bottom of the pit, which blackened the lower part of the container; and

Figure 9. Al-Bass 2008: Double-urn grave with two jugs on each side of the urns. The stone slab and two long bone fragments belong to an older inhumation.


Carved Stone Stelae Figure 10. Al-Bass 2004: A stone stela, inscribed with Phoenician letters, was found fallen over several cremation urns. The Phoenician letters ‘grp represent the name of the deceased. Inset: Phoenician inscription on the stela.

… originally they (stelae) were placed upright, sticking up above the surface of the beach, so that signs engraved or sculpted on the upper part were perfectly visible.

Figure 11a. (left) Al-Bass 2008: An L-shaped stone stela fallen over a pair of urns.

Figure 11b: (right) The L-shaped stela set in an upright position.


the second on top of the urn, which left traces races of burning on the lower part of the stones es that closed the grave (Aubet 2004, 48–49; 2006). Paleo-botanical analyses of the carbon remains indicate that branches of local trees and shrubs were used for both fires, producing two types: one burning rapidly at the bottom of the trench and one for aromatic purposes at the top. Lastly, a wooden box containing apparently intact terracotta figurines (fig. 15a–c) was deposited once the fires weree extinguished but before closing the grave. Numerous plate and jug fragments appearr on the surface of some tombs, corresponding to vessels intentionally broken over the grave and deposited on top of it after the burial pit was sealed with stones and pebbles. Occasionally, as in Tomb 7 (fig. 16), a third fire was lit near the outside edge of the grave. Among the ceramic imports accompanying the burials, items of Cypriot origin predominate, especially urns and painted cinerary kraters, followed in smaller numbers by cups and plates of Greek manufacture.

The Sequence of the Mortuary Practices The universal impact of death is such that mortuary rituals often express the ultimate meaning of life and death, a meaning that differs from one culture to another. As the natural end of life, death means a break with the world of the living, as expressed in the rites and treatment of the deceased’s body. Every society develops mechanisms to soften the brutal reality of death, and these depend on social and cultural context. Mortuary practices also serve to foster and facilitate the deceased’s passage from the world of the living to that of the dead, the netherworld, transforming death into a social mechanism for building social memory and identities. There are three protagonists in the phenomenon of death: the souls or spirits of the dead, the corpse, and the living. According to the religious beliefs of the ancient Near East, the spirit of the dead person moves to an unknown, bleak, and sad state after death, where it is reunited with its ancestors in the underworld (Metcalf and Huntington 1991; Campbell and Green 1995). The act of burial represents a genuine “rite of passage,” a transition that involves a series of rituals by means of which humans experience a transformation on their journey to the great beyond (van Gennep 1960). In this sense, the function of the tomb and interment is one of passage and entry into the underworld. The living facilitate this journey and descent into the world of the dead by means of their offerings and prayers. Since the journey is long and difficult, provisions are also needed. Written sources as well as epigraphic evidence provide indirect information about the treatment of the dead in the Phoenician world. From the Ugaritic texts and a few references in biblical sources, one can infer that Canaanite/Phoenician beliefs about the abode of the dead focus on a subterranean world, a sad and silent abyss full of shadows. It is somewhere beneath the earth’s

Figure 12. Al-Bass 1997: Scarab made of steatite of Amenophis III found inside Urn 53.

surface, a place to which the spirits of the dead su travel to meet their ancestors, a journey into t the kingdom of the dead or beyond, which is defined as an abode of rest—the biblical sheol—to which they “descend” with no possibility of returning. The only immortal spirits are a those of gods and kings (Xella 1987, 1995; Berlejung and Janowski 2009). The relatives of Be the d deceased have a duty to look after the spirit of the dead dea person by means of offerings of food, libawater, and the celebration of commemorative ritutions of wat als to evoke the name of the dead person, whose spirit continues to exist in the form of an ancestor. Funerals serve, to some extent, as a connection between the living and dead. In cremation, the rites of passage can serve to transform and reconfigure the material identity of the deceased. As treatment received by the body after death, burning implies a rapid transformation of the body, a destruction by fire that purifies and purges, giving rise to a new form of existence for the deceased in a new dimension. Compared with inhumation, the display and ostentation often associated with funerals are minimized in cremation because, to a certain extent, inequalities and social divisions disappear (Stig Sørensen and Rebay-Salisbury 2008). At the same time, this funeral rite, which has many variations, both in Phoenicia and in the western colonies (Bienkowski 1982; Bénichou-Safar 1982, 237–39), involves greater distance in time and space between the rites performed at the funeral pyre and the rites of passage, that is to say, a greater lapse of time between death and interment than between death and inhumation. In the necropolis of Tyre, the rite of cremation included funeral practices that were quite prolonged in time, peculiar in that they formed a complex sequence not always easy to understand. The funerary remains indicate that these rites and ceremonies must have lasted several days, perhaps weeks, symbolizing all the successive stages of a complex process of transformation and passage. Based on archaeological evidence, I propose the following suc-

Figure 13. Al-Bass 2008: Double-urn grave with a trefoil-rimmed jug and a mushroom-like rim jug as burial gifts.


a

b

Figures 14a–b. Al-Bass 2002/2004: Painted urn and funerary jugs. This ensemble constitutes the typical grave offerings in the Al-Bass cemetery.

Figures 15a–c. Terracotta objects from Tomb 8: a mask (left), a rider (lower center), and at the lower right, a model of a temple.


cessive phases in the development of the mortuary practices at Tyre–Al-Bass.

fire of the pyre, and those present moved on to the actual burial.

Cremation and the Consumption of Food and Drink

Interment as a Rite of Passage

Once the funeral pyre was extinThe exact place where the funeral guished, the remains were carepyres were located has not been found. fully sifted in order to separate To judge by other similar necropolises, the bones from the ashes and to such as the southern cemetery at Achziv deposit them separately into two (Mazar 2002), they must have been situurns. Before closing the vessels ated not far from the tombs, probably on with plates or stone slabs, new the periphery. Nor do we know whether objects for the deceased’s personal the deceased was placed on the pyre use postmortem were placed inside Figure 16. Al-Bass 1997: Urn 7 near a burning area. clothed or wrapped in a piece of cloth, them, such as gold pendants, amusince thus far no items typical of clothlets, and carnelian scarabs. Those ing (e.g., fibulae or pins) have been found. Be that as it may, found during the excavations show no signs of having been the deceased was deposited on the pyre accompanied by a good impacted by fire. many of his or her personal belongings, such as rings, amulets, Archaeological evidence demonstrates that the digging of and scarabs, which were consumed in the fire together with the pits for the urns occurred in places that had been previously the body. The destruction of these items may have served to selected and occupied by more ancient burials. In those spaces, the urns were either placed one beside the other, to form a emphasize the deceased’s transformation during the cremation ceremony from the plane of physical existence to the postmorhorizontal line with other earlier ones, or superimposed directly tem dimension. on the more ancient ones, barely disturbing them (fig. 17). In Traces of burnt fauna inside some urns suggest that an act of one instance, a double urn was deposited at a level deep in the sacrifice and consumption of food and drink were performed necropolis and came into contact with an older inhumation burial, probably from the Early Iron Age. The remains of the in front of the pyre or close to it, the remains of which, in the form of animal bones, bird bones, and broken pottery, have been older, inhumation burial and part of its stone cist were gathered identified among the osseous remains of the dead. In fact, a up and integrated into the new burial (see fig. 9). banquet honoring the deceased was an institutionalized practice The burial of the urn (or pair of urns) was undoubtedly the in Ebla, Ugarit, Qatna, Byblos, and Israel (Amadasi Guzzo 1988, central and most meaningful step of the whole ritual of passage, 106–7). In the Old Testament, places for the ritual banquet, although the depositing of the two jugs and the drinking cup in marzeaḥ , are described as around the grave, where funerary the immediate environs of the urn(s) (see fig. 13) also played an feasting was celebrated, consisting of the sacrifice of domestic important role. This collection was undoubtedly intended for animals and the eating of meat and drinking of wine afterwards. the deceased’s use, forming part of a normalized and repetitive The banquet was held against a background of brotherhood and ritual that varied little over the generations. The nonrandom commemoration according to the established rules and norms character of the grave goods seems to point to a careful selection whereby it was claimed that the participants shared food with of a social nature. From the end of the tenth century B.C.E., a process of standardization can be observed that may have estabthe deceased. The aim of eating together, which was widespread lished a consistency in the forms associated with drinking. This in funerals of the ancient world, was simply to reinforce the bonds of social cohesion and to establish a continuous relationship with the dead person and links to the past. The prophets of Israel (Amos 6:4–7; Jer 16:5–8) condemned this practice in a funerary context and considered it to be peculiar to “foreigners,” as in Samaria, a city with a strong Phoenician imprint. Today the anthropology and archaeology of death attaches great importance to studying these rites of communal eating at funerals so as to infer data of the social and cultural context of the communities involved (Grottanelli and Parise 1988). It is a sacrificial rite in which humans share a banquet as a manifestation of union/communion among the members of a community. In ancient times, it was an expression of continuity with the past—the living and dead sharing the same food and drink— and a basis for defining the social, individual, and collective identity of the guests. In Al-Bass, once the cremation and funerary banquet were Figure 17. Al-Bass 1997: Urn group in horizontal depositional sequence. In the background, two stacked urns of different dates. over, the remains of the food and crockery were thrown into the


assemblage of pottery was probably destined to ease the long and arduous crossing over to the underworld, in which drinking would fulfill a principal role. To date, analyses of the contents of the two jugs—of the trefoil-rimmed and neck-ridge types—have not yielded any substantial results. (It must be remembered that they come from a sand stratum constantly washed and disturbed by the bed of the lower water table.) Nonetheless, the remains of wax found inside some mushroom-like jugs suggest that they may have contained honey or hydromel, a mixture of honey and water. The second jug, the trefoil-rimmed one, probably contained wine.

The Tomb as a Place of Ritual and Ceremonies Once the disposal of the dead and the placing of the urns, jugs, and drinking cups inside the pits was complete, participants engaged in various rituals that provide a rich fount of symbolic information about their social and cultural world. These secondary rites after burial can sometimes prove a better key to discovering social distinctions than the actual content of the tombs. In a few graves, small aromatic fires were kindled inside and outside the trench. Purifying fire seems to have played an important role in Tyrian ceremony. It could be said that mortuary practices in Tyre began and ended with fire. Once the bonfires burned out, the burial process continued with the closing of the trench with stones or sand. This was followed by a new ritual consumption of food and drink near the grave, the remains of which—plates, bowls, and jugs—were deliberately smashed on the tomb. As with the fire ritual, the mortuary ceremonies began and ended with libations and a funeral banquet, and the practice of depositing items deliberately smashed served to keep alive the memory of the dead person. Only in a few cases, such as in Tomb 8 (Aubet 2006), had a variety of terracotta artifacts of high symbolic, religious, or devotional value been placed on the grave. Some of these terracottas are models of temples in miniature (fig. 15c). These are the only known items of a strictly religious nature found thus far at Al-Bass.

The Tomb as a Place of Memory Once the ceremony of closing the tomb was finished, a stone funerary stela was erected (in some cases) on top of the grave. Only a minority of those interred at Al-Bass, probably the “notables” of the community, had the right to a stone funeral stela containing engraved symbols and funerary formulae inscribed as epitaphs for the deceased (figs. 10, 11a). The stelae were set up directly on top of the graves. Placed vertically, the upper part of the stela, containing the inscribed formulae, was visible on the surface of the ancient beach (fig. 18). Among a small percentage of the persons buried at Al-Bass, the stone stelae constituted a permanent memorial to the deceased. With his name or that of his lineage inscribed, the deceased would never die, since the stela made him timeless, replacing him while keeping his memory alive, thus, constituting a metaphor for the continuity of life (Rowlands 1993). As a grave marker, it was a means of inscribing the social memory of


the deceased, a link between past, present, and future, something to preserve the name of the deceased through memory. In the myths and legends of Ugarit, it was the son’s duty to erect the stela of his ancestral clan as a monument to the family and as a symbol of the deceased. In the double-urn graves and in the groupings of urns at AlBass, the tombs were superimposed one on top of the other, most likely in association with a more ancient tomb acting as a kind of “progenitor” of the group, creating spaces for the family as a response to their wish of bearing witness to the continuity of the line. Thus, the stela fulfilled the role of a permanent memorial even as it provided a place for commemorative rites in honor of the deceased. Where rites of communal eating near graves have been identified, they took place very close to the stelae. Some inscriptions reveal a fairly archaic epigraphy that gives the name or lineage of the most ancient dead person in the group, so it seems likely that they refer to family lineages buried in the same sector of the necropolis, in particular to the family ancestor. The stela thus represents not only a grave marker and a focus for commemorative rites but also the place for the ancestor cult. At Ugarit, in the biblical texts, and in the Phoenician inscriptions, these ancestors are called rephaim and are invoked in order to obtain blessings, health, and peace (Ribichini and Xella 1979).

The Social and Cultural Context of Al-Bass Cemetery The traditional practice of using the richness or category of grave goods to infer the social organization or religious beliefs of a community is not much help in analyzing the necropolis at Tyre. It is frequently stated that mortuary traditions often reflect the social organization and dominant ideology of a particular group (see Tainter 1975; Chapman, Kinnes, and Randsborg 1981). Obviously, in the Tyre necropolis, the presence of imports, the monumental character of the tomb, or the energy expended in constructing the grave are not useful criteria for determining social distinctions or differences of wealth. The structure of the cemetery at Tyre is in some ways reminiscent of the European urnfields, in which apparently little formal differentiation according to the sex, age, and content of the burials can be seen, although their structure in fact conceals

Figure 18. Computer reconstruction of the Al-Bass beach in Phoenician times with the city of Tyre in the background.

genuine social asymmetries. In Al-Bass, the arrangement of the grave goods shows scarcely any variation over time, and stability in funerary practices is noticeable over a span of three hundred years. One measure of value or richness for inferring social differences could be derived from the so-called “secondary rites,” that is, variations in the duration, content, and complexity of ritual and ceremonial activities around the grave as well as the volume and scope of the communal eating rites practiced at the beginning and end of funerals. The stelae and cult of ancestors are other elements of social differentiation. Rather than an “egalitarian” society for Tyre, we should probably speak of an egalitarian ideology, appropriate to a wholly urban and sophisticated society, characterized by the relative simplicity and lack of ostentation of its funeral customs. A communal ideology that concealed differences of wealth and power is evident. Al-Bass was undoubtedly the main necropolis of Tyre, with the number of interments corresponding roughly to the average population of the city. Various probes in the immediate vicinity of this cemetery show that it may have extended over several kilometers. However, Al-Bass was not Tyre’s only necropolis. Some graves discovered in the immediate hinterland demonstrate the existence of other forms of burial, such as hypogea cut into the rock, family chambers, chambered inhumations, and stone sarcophagi. The necropolises in neighboring Sidon show that elites were buried in hypogea and sarcophagi located at the foot of the mountains in the hinterland, some 15 km from the city. Therefore, although the Al-Bass necropolis appears to reflect an egalitarian ideology, with only limited evidence of social stratification, such a conclusion should be regarded as tentative and subject to refinement on the basis of further and future excavations at Tyre.



References Amadasi Guzzo, M. G. 1988. Sacrifici e banchetti: Bibbia ebraica e iscrizioni puniche. Pp. 97–122 in Grottanelli and Parise 1988. Aubet, M. E., ed. 2004. The Phoenician Cemetery of Tyre -Al Bass: Excavations, 1997–1999. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 1. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. ———. 2006. Burial, Symbols and Mortuary Practices in a Phoenician Tomb. Pp. 37–47 in Across Frontiers: Etruscans, Greeks, Phoenicians and Cypriots: Studies in Honour of David Ridgway and Francesca Romana Serra Ridgway, ed. E. Herring, I. Lemos, F. Lo Schiavo, L. Vagnetti, R. Whitehouse, and J. Wilkins. Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean 6. London: Accordia Research Institute, University of London. Bénichou-Safar, H. 1982. Les tombes puniques de Carthage: Topographie, structures, inscriptions et rites funéraires. Etudes d’antiquités africaines. Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique. Berlejung, A., and B. Janowski. 2009. Tod und Jenseits im alten Israel und seiner Umwelt: Theologische, religionsgeschichtliche, archäologische und ikonographische Aspekte. Forschungen zum Alten Testament 64. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Bienkowski, P. A. 1982. Some Remarks on the Practice of Cremation in the Levant. Levant 14:80–89. Campbell, S. and A. Green, eds. 1995. The Archaeology of Death in the

Ancient Near East. Oxbow Monograph 51. Oxford: Oxbow. Chapman, S. V. 1972. A Catalogue of Iron Age Pottery from the Cemeteries of Khirbet Silm, Joya, Qrayé and Qasmieh of South Lebanon. Berytus 21:55–194. Chapman, R., I. Kinnes, and K. Randsborg, eds. 1981. The Archaeology of Death. New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Doumet, C. 1982. Les tombes IV et V de Rachidieh. Annales d’histoire et d’archéologie 1:89–135. Grottanelli, C., and N. F. Parise, eds. 1988. Sacrificio e società nel mondo antico. Collezione storica. Rome: Laterza. Gennep, P. van. 1960. The Rites of Passage. Translated by M. B. Vizedom and G. L. Caffee. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Mazar, E. 2002. The Phoenicians in Achziv, The Southern Cemetery: Jerome L. Joss Expedition, Final Report of the Excavations, 1988–1990. Cuadernos de arqueología mediterránea 7. Barcelona: Carrera. Metcalf, P., and R. Huntington. 1991. Celebrations of Death: The Anthropology of Mortuary Ritual. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ribichini, S., and P. Xella. 1979. Milk‘astart, mlk(m) e la tradizione siropalestinese sui Refaim. Rivista di studi fenici 7:145–58. Rowlands, M. 1993. The Role of Memory in the Transmission of Culture. World Archaeology 25:141–51. Schmitz, Ph. C. 2009. The Owl in Phoenician Mortuary Practice. Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 9:51–85. Stig Sørensen, M. L., and K. Rebay-Salisbury. 2008. Landscapes of the Body: Burials of the Middle Bronze Age in Hungary. European Journal of Archaeology 11:49–74. Tainter, J. A. 1975. Social Inference and Mortuary Practices: An Experiment in Numerical Classification. World Archaeology 7:1–15. Xella, P., ed. 1987. Archeologia dell’inferno: L’aldilà nel mondo antico vicinoorientale e classico. Verona: Essedue. ———. 1995. Death and Afterlife in Canaanite and Hebrew Thought. Pp. 2059–70 in vol. 3 of Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. J. M. Sasson, J. Baines, G. Beckman, and K. S. Rubinson. New York: Scribner.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR María Eugenia Aubet is Professor of Archaeology at the University Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona, Spain. She has studied Mediterranean and Near Eastern archaeology in Barcelona, Spain; Rome, Italy; and Tübingen, Germany. Professor Aubet is the director of excavations at the Phoenician colony of Villar (Malaga) and of the Iron Age cemetery at Tyre–Al-Bass, Lebanon.


An Unexpected Archaeological Treasure: The Phoenician Phoenician Quarters in Beirut City Center Center

JJosette osette E Elayi layi

S

trategically located on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea and currently Lebanon’s capital and largest city, Beirut has enjoyed a long and storied history. Prehistoric humans settled in the area of Beirut as early as the Lower Paleolithic period (about 600,000 years ago), possibly because of the abundance of wells. Known as byrt, probably meaning “well” or “cistern” in Phoenician (Berytos in Greek and Berytus in Latin), the city of Beirut was first mentioned in the Ebla tablets of the third millennium B.C.E., while the Amarna letters, a collection of diplomatic correspondences between the Egyptian pharaohs and the rulers of Levantine coastal cities, give insight into Beirut during the fourteenth century B.C.E. The history of Beirut is also known from the texts of Ras Shamra/Ugarit, which show the relations established between these two cities, and Assyrian and Babylonian chronicles that record the conquest of Mediterranean coastal cities, including Beirut, by the kings of Assur and Babylon (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 49–74). As is evident in this brief review, much of what has been previously known of Beirut’s history has been textually based, not archaeologically derived. Because Beirut and its environs have been inhabited continuously for millennia, archaeological excavations within the city have been limited in frequency and scope. Beginning in the mid-1990s, however, archaeological teams from various countries were able to excavate significant portions of Beirut’s central district. Their discoveries, which included a quarter built on the western side of the Phoenician


harbor, have not only filled in a number of gaps in our knowledge of Beirut’s history and development but have also sharpened our image of Beirut and its role within the Sidonian realm during the late sixth to fourth centuries B.C.E.

A Unique Opportunity Obstacles to archaeological excavation in Beirut are not a recent development. In fact, nearly 150 years ago French philosopher and historian Ernest Renan wished to undertake excavations in Beirut but was unable to do so, since the ancient site was covered by the modern town (Renan 1864, 342–43). Nevertheless, fortuitous discoveries and plundering provided numerous objects. “Excavating” was a favorite pastime of diplomats and foreigners residing in Beirut, including art collectors. During the entire twentieth century, Beirut continued to provide artifacts that were scattered in private collections all around the world. The Lebanese antiquities authorities succeeded in acquiring some for the Beirut National Museum and undertook a few limited emergency excavations as a result of new construction. Thus, in 1932, a rich tomb dating to the seventeenth century b.c.e. was unearthed at Sin el-Fil (Chéhab 1939). In 1941, Roman and Byzantine buildings were excavated at the Place de l’Etoile (Mouterde 1964). In 1955, four rich tombs from the Bronze Age were discovered under the medieval castle (Saidah 1993–1994). Several rich Bronze Age tombs were also excavated in 1954–1969 and in 1983 around the area of the Rivoli cinema (Chéhab 1983, 168). Many significant artifacts were acquired by Lebanese (American University, Saint Joseph University) and foreign (Istanbul, Washington, and London) museums.

For example, the stone sphinx bearing the name Amenemhat IV was obtained by the British Museum (Jidejian 1973, 16–19). When Roger Saidah excavated the area of the Rivoli cinema, he said: “This excavation will be the last opportunity for archaeologists to study the history of the pre-Roman city” (Saidah 1969, 139). He could not have guessed that the Civil War would take place and that the destruction of most of downtown Beirut would provide a unique opportunity to learn more about the Phoenician town. In 1995, the Lebanese Directorate General of Antiquities (DGA), the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Figure 1. The site of Bey 010 as seen from the west. The majority of the Ayyas and Tawile souks and the private Lebanese real-estate have been destroyed by the digging of a large underground car park. Unless otherwise noted, all company Solidere agreed on the archae- photographs by Hussein Sayegh and Josette Elayi. ological supervision of infrastructure outstretched arms); to the west, graves, an industrial area and works in Beirut’s central district, comprising an area of about 90 commercial buildings, and the western quay of the harbor (Elayi ha (ca. 222 acres; Curvers and Stuart 1998–1999). The Phoeniand Sayegh 2000, 321–29).1 cian quarters were excavated by several Lebanese and foreign Bey 010, the Ayyas and Tawile souks (commercial districts), teams in small parceled sites. The excavation results are still were excavated between 1994 and 1996 by Hussein Sayegh from unpublished or have only been briefly presented in preliminary the Lebanese University, who unearthed the Phoenician harbor reports without any link between them. It is, therefore, difficult quarter. This site was the best preserved of all of Beirut’s excavato get an overview of these results (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 344). tions: it was possible to excavate five streets and eighteen buildThe main excavation sites were located as follows: to the east, ings over an area of 3,000 m2. Unlike most other sites, the Bey the fortified tell, the city wall and access gate, and the cemetery 010 received only a small amount of financing, had insufficient of dogs; to the south, residential buildings, graves, a favissa of equipment, and functioned solely with the help of students. eight hundred terracotta figurines (90 percent women with In spite of this and because of its historical interest, I came to an agreement with Sayegh in 1996 to study and publish these important emergency excavations (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 15–19). The present article represents a summary of this research.

An Innovative City Plan

Figure 2. Overview, looking eastward, of the new Iron Age III/Persian period quarter of Bey 010, built on the hill overlooking the western side of the harbor (southern part of Sectors A and D). The orthogonal plan, with blocks intersecting at right angles, is known as the “Hippodamian plan.”

At the end of the sixth century B.C.E., a new quarter was built on the western side of the Phoenician harbor (Stratum IX; fig. 1). The previous occupation level, Stratum X (end of Middle Bronze/Late Bronze Age), displayed a different building orientation, and the following Iron Age I and II showed a gap in occupation (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 119–23). This new quarter was carefully planned and adapted to the rocky hill (10.5 m high) overhanging the harbor. It followed an orthogonal plan, also known as the “Hippodamian plan” (fig. 2). This plan was mistakenly attributed to Hippodamus of Miletus, who laid out the principles of the design—neatness, efficiency, and order—in the fifth century B.C.E., exam-


ples of which have survived in several Greek cities, such as Olynthos, Rhodes, and Miletus. However, the grid-pattern system had been in use since at least the second millennium in rich or new quarters of Mesopotamian towns such as Ur, Larsa, Dur-Sharrukin, and Babylon. It has also been documented during the Iron Age II–III/Persian period at Megiddo, Dor, Tell Abu Hawam, and Al-Mina. The plan of the Phoenician harbor quarter of Beirut was characterized by a gridiron design of long, narrow blocks (insulae) intersecting at right angles. Another usual characteristic of the grid-pattern plan was the division of the town into functional areas. However, this does not fit exactly with the harbor quarter of Beirut which, in contrast, was multifunctional. There were four categories of buildings: houses, warehouses, houses/warehouses, and

houses/workshops. Moreover, this quarter possessed a cultic building of its own. Here the plan had another interesting feature: it was carefully adapted to the form of the rocky hill by establishing the insulae on three artificial terraces overhanging the harbor (Terrace III: +10.5 m; Terrace II: +9 m; and Terrace I: +8 m). The streets were also adapted to the hill: some were

Figure 3. (above) Junction of Street RI, oriented north-south (1.75 m wide) and Street RV (below), oriented east-west (1.60 m wide), in Sector D. Street RI delimited Terraces TI and TII.

parallel to the quay of the harbor and horizontal, while others were perpendicular to them and went down to the quay (fig. 3). When the slope became too steep, the descending streets were replaced by a stairway dug into the rock, just like the streets of the modern souks before their destruction during the Lebanese Civil War. Some of the Phoenician streets were cobbled, others not, and they varied in width depending on their importance. The main axis leading to the harbor was the largest, at 2.5 m wide (fig. 4). The great novelty of this town plan was its sewer system for draining off wastewater as well as rainwater. This was imperative because of the violence and abundance of rain showers. Sewers existed in the second millennium B.C.E., for example in Kanish, Hattusa (Boğazköy), Ugarit, and Dor, but Beirut’s system was more sophisticated, since the sewers were organized into a hierarchy and perfectly integrated into the

Figure 4. (left) Street RII, oriented north-south, was excavated over a length of 43.5 m. It was 2 m wide and still retained some remains of a paving of rectangular cobbles.


the buildings, partly dug in the rock and grid-pattern plan: the sewers of the buildings emptied into the partly built up. Another solution sewers of the small streets, which then emptied into the sewers was use of an alternating caisof the streets going down to the quay, and finally under the son grid layout to resist the quay into the sea (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 170–74). These Lebanon is struck by a pushing of sloping soils. sewers were built and covered with some vents (fig. 5). This sewer system, dating to the end of the sixth century serious earthquake every These chains of walls were oriented north-south in B.C.E., seems to be the earliest according to present data, fifty years. order to counterbalance predating those in Greek cities, such as Olynthus, Aththe east-west pressure. The ens, and Argos (fifth century B.C.E.), and in Kerkouane and masonry technique of the walls Kition (fourth century B.C.E.). The town plan of this Phoenithemselves made them tremorcian quarter has changed very little from antiquity until the resistant. The so-called “ribbed-wall” was twentieth century C.E. formed by sections of rough fieldstones anchored at 1–4 m Sophisticated Architectural Techniques intervals by constructed ashlar pillars (fig. 6). These pillars had different designs, such as one-stretcher-and-two-headers. They The first difficulty encountered in the construction of this made the walls more solid, and the frequent absence of binder new quarter was the slope and unevenness of the rocky ground. between the stones gave them some flexibility in case of earth The second difficulty was the threat of earthquakes, frequent tremors. The ribbed-wall was a typical Phoenician technique to the area around Beirut. The city is situated on three rift originating in the second millennium B.C.E. in Ras Shamra and lines: the central line crosses from the present harbor to the Minet el-Beida, under the influence of Hittite architecture. Basta quarter, the second follows the Beirut River, and the third It developed mainly in Phoenician sites during the first milintersects the tip of Ras Beirut. On average, Lebanon is struck lennium B.C.E., in particular in the Iron Age III/Persian period by a serious earthquake every fifty years. The Phoenicians pro(Elayi 1996; Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 200–207). All these archivided several architectural solutions to address these difficultectural solutions testify that the architects of this new quarter ties: the digging of three artificial terraces on the sloping hill were skillful and inventive. and the use of a semiexcavated construction technique for

Figure 5. Transverse section of Street RIV going down to the quay (between Sectors D and C); this street was 2.5 m wide and was excavated over a length of 42 m. On both sides, foundation walls of the lining buildings were preserved. In its center, a section of a large downward sewer, built and covered with cobbles, is visible.


Figure 6. At left is the “Ribbedwall” in Unit U8 (Sector D) with two pillars, preserved on three courses. They both belong to Type C regular, with one stretcher and two headers, the small section of the headers being alternatively placed on the right and on the left. The p i l l a r s w e re s e p a r a t e d b y sections of rough fieldstone. Type C regular is the most commonly used, together with Type A regular. However, eight different types of structures are encountered in Bey 010. The spacing between the pillars varied between 1 m and 3.5 m.

Stratum IXb at the Bey 010 excavations retains signs of an earthquake, as some walls are sinuous, slanting, subsided, and disrupted (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 127–31; Saghieh Beidoun 1997; see fig. 7). The damage is similar to that of the Phoenician site of Sukas in Syria (Period F), destroyed around 140 b.c.e. by an earthquake (8 degrees on the Mercalli scale). 2 In Bey 010, the earthquake occurred at the end of the fourth century b.c.e. or at the beginning of the third. The quarter was rebuilt during the Hellenistic period (Stratum VIII), but only partly, since the remaining walls and previous streets that were not entirely destroyed were reused. It could correspond to an earthquake of maybe 7 degrees on the Mercalli scale. However, the available ancient sources do not mention an earthquake in this area around 300 b.c.e., unless it was related to the one described by Pausanias as taking place in 303 b.c.e. in Caria, Lycia, and the island of Rhodes.

The Discovery of the Quay of the Phoenician Harbor A sounding of 68 m2 made by Sayegh alongside Allenby Street (Bey 039) revealed a very important discovery: the western quay of the Phoenician harbor. However, this could not be further excavated because it was destroyed without any warning by infrastructure work in the street. The quay was formed by three layers of ramleh (a type of limestone) stones, corresponding to three periods of construction. The upper layer (Stratum I), situated at 0.95 m above present sea level, is dated to the end of the Hellenistic period or to the beginning of the Roman period (fig. 8). The middle layer (Stratum II), at 0.65 m above sea level, is dated to the Hellenistic period; a mooring post was still in place, and there were remains of two others (fig. 9). The lower layer


(Stratum III), at 0.15 m above sea level, is dated to the Iron Age III/Persian period. At that time, the sea level regressed by about 1 m, as also reported in Dor (Stern 1995, 9). Then, during the Tabarjian transgression of the sea, which began in the second century b.c.e., it was necessary to raise the level of the quay on two occasions (Sanlaville 1970). The Phoenician quay (Stratum III) is made by rows of long binders, some fixed together by lead dovetail joints. This type of quay is characteristic of Phoenician architecture, for example in the harbors of Sidon, Akko, and Dor, dated mainly between the eighth and the fifth centuries b.c.e. Stratum III of the quay was probably contemporary with the construction of the harbor quarter of Bey 010. Communication with the above quarter was facilitated mainly by a large street (RIV) bordered with shops and equipped with a covered sewer in its center. Another street leading to the quay was discovered by Hans H. Curvers in Bey 110, inside a modern building on Allenby Street. This Phoenician street became a stairway in its most sloping part and also had a covered sewer extending under the quay into the sea (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 235–39). At that point, the quay was around 12 m wide and located on the western side of the harbor. No other Phoenician quay has been discovered so far. However, it is possible to have an idea of the expansion of this harbor. It probably occupied all the space between the two rocky headlands visible in figure 10, which is covered today by the modern town. It was well protected from the heavy swell by the island of Borj al-Mina and by a barrier reef that might have been reinforced by the Phoenicians with a sea wall (ca. 300 m long and 200 m wide). The expansion of the Beirut harbor was similar to that of other Phoenician harbors such as the Atlit harbor (150 x 100 m) or the inner harbor

Figure 7. Some signs of an earthquake in Unit U9 are visible (Sector D). For example, the pillars are slanting in opposite directions, and the wall has become sinuous.

Figure 8. (right) Part of the sounding of Bey 039, seen from above, on the eastern side of Allenby Street. At the four corners, Ottoman pillars are still in place. Between them, three layers of large stones can be seen. On the lowest level (Stratum III) is a row of long binders, some fixed together with lead dovetail joints 0.3 m long. The long joints usually belong to an early date and it is said that these characterize Classical Greek and Hellenistic architecture. However, they were already used during the second millennium BCE (e.g., in Ugarit) and were common in Phoenician architecture of the Iron Age III/Persian period (in Amrit, Sidon, and Akko). The extremities of the binders facing towards the sea were more eroded; this layer is damp because it is situated at only 0.15 m above the present sea level.

Figure 9. A mooring post was still in situ in Stratum I of the quay, 1.4 m from its edge. It was made of ramleh stone, just like the other stones, shaped like a rough cylinder, and 0.7 m in diameter. Its upper tip formed a kind of handle. It bears two deep furrows made by the continuous traction of the ships’ cables. Two holes in the surface of the quay, 4.3 m apart on each side, were probably used for two other mooring posts, which today have disappeared.


at Sidon (200 x 100/200 m). The Greek author Pseudo-Skylax described it as a “closed” harbor, as its entrance was only 75 m wide. In the Middle Ages, the entrance of the harbor was closed by a metallic chain, but at that time it was much smaller (Davie 1987). According to the Arab historian Ibn Yahya, it contained twelve Frankish galleys and two long Venetian ships. In antiquity, it probably could have contained more than twenty war galleys, but it was maybe only a merchant and fishing harbor, as suggested by some associated discoveries (small coins and fishing needles; see Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 226–31).

Important Trading Activities The harbor quarter testifies to important trading activities in this crossroads harbor. Three places were identified as merchant areas: houses/shops in different streets, shops all along the main street going down to the harbor, and direct selling on the quay. Beirut imported Greek pottery, mainly Attic, such as table pottery, lamps, and wine and oil amphorae (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 111–49, 172, 180). The late Black Figure pottery included largely Haimonian cups and cup-skyphoi of the mid-fifth century B.C.E.; the oldest one is a skyphos decorated by the Theseus Painter (beginning of the fifth century B.C.E.). The bulk of the imports were Red Figure and Black Glazed pottery of the fifth and the fourth centuries B.C.E. (Castulo cups, Echinus type, and Kerch style; figs. 11a–b). Fourteen deposits were excavated, partly rubbish heaps, partly trading stocks from shops along the main street (fig. 12; Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 143, 149–51, 154–55). In the regional trade, local bag-shaped jars were used (fig. 13). They were easy to carry and could hold any product: olives (Olea sylvestris), olive oil, wheat, lentils, walnuts,

a

Figure 10. This map of the central district of Beirut was drawn by Michael F. Davie in 1987, mainly from five city plans dating from 1831 to 1848. The internal structure of the city had not changed much from the Phoenician, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, and medieval periods.

b

Figures 11a–b. (a) Fragment of an Attic Red Figure lekanis, representing a human head facing a griffin head (Arimasp?). Kertch-style, mid-fourth century B.C.E. (b) Attic Black Glazed bowl, restored. Echinus type, ca. 430 B.C.E.


grapes, and wine (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 53–110). Beirut was also most likely a transit harbor for selling cereal surpluses produced by Syria and Palestine, using casemate walls such as those located on the site of Bey 003 for a stockade. It exported wine, mainly Sidonian, to Egypt, Babylonia, and Greece. According to Herodotus (3.6), “Greece and Phoenicia sent all the year to Egypt jars full with wine.” The discoveries also testify to imports of woods (sycamore), pine pitch, Egyptian blue pigments, textiles, stones (serpentine, basalt, and marble), and metals (silver, iron, copper, tin, and lead). There were also several other products of Beirut trade not attested in the excavations. For example, according to Herodotus (3.107), the Phoenicians sold styrax to the Greeks, and we know that trees producing styrax grew in the hills above Beirut. Trade is also documented by the discovery of a scale and several weights and by a graffito depicting a merchant ship (fig. 14; Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 155, 159–61, 287–95). The three kinds of trade practiced in the Beirut harbor— short distance, medium distance, and long distance—were all carried out by sea and by land. First, there was an active local trade based on the distribution of local products through regular circuits. People from the Beirut area came down to the harbor and sold their agricultural and animal products in exchange for foodstuffs (e.g., seafood) and goods. This short-distance trade used land routes or coastal navigation. Medium-distance trade was also very prominent and was conducted with other Phoenician cities and the neighboring

Figure 13. This local jar found in Deposit LA has a characteristic bag-shaped body, ending in a round base, with a pair of small rounded handles and a rather short neck. Exemplars found in the deposits of Bey 010 were made by local potters using red sands from the sites of the Nahr Beirut, and fired in an oxidizing atmosphere.

Figure 12. Part of two deposits of jars (LA and LB, Terrace TII, Sector C). Deposit LA to the left was roughly rectangular (1.6 x 1.4 m) and contained two levels of some fifty jars of the same type lying on the rocky ground.

regions of Syria-Palestine and Cyprus. The coastal road encountered natural obstacles: to the north were the rocky promontories of Nahr el-Kelb and Ras Cheqqa; to the south were those of Ras en-Naqura and Ras el-Abiad. For this reason, trade was probably conducted by sea and rivers rather than by land. This medium-distance trade was not necessarily regular and depended on many factors. Long-distance trade is also attested in Beirut harbor, with Egypt, Greece, Carthage, and probably Iberia as likely destinations. However, this trade was probably irregular, and there may have been joint expeditions of traders from different harbors,

Figure 14. This graffito is incised on the base of an Attic Black Glazed skyphos. It represents a merchant ship, likely similar to those anchored in Beirut harbor. The stern is square and lifted up with two oars used as a rudder. There is one central mast with a crow’s nest on top and fixed by two riggings. The sail is missing, and the prow is in the break of the vase.


from the last years of King Baalshillem II (ca. 372–366 B.C.E.), and others were minted during King Abdashtart I’s reign (365– 352 B.C.E.). The paucity of coins may mean that their use as payment was limited. The system of barter remained an important method of exchange, and silver was also frequently used for its metallic value.

Multiplicity of Industrial Activities

Figure 15. About a hundred murex shells found in Stratum IX of Bey 010, some of them from House/Workshop U8, which was equipped with four fireplaces. Most of them are Bolinus brandaris; others are Hexaplex trunculus, a little bit smaller. All of these shells display a hole for extracting the gland in order to produce purple die.

the specialization of each harbor in some products, and the use of intermediate traders. Different means of transport were used in Beirut and its harbor: donkeys were used inside the city, as was the case until the nineteenth century C.E., while caravans, fishing boats, and merchant ships transported goods elsewhere. Elements such as Greek graffiti and coins attest to the presence of a multicultural population (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 151–63). What were the means of payment in the harbor quarter? Coins found in the vicinity of Beirut and dating from the Persian period were Sidonian, since Beirut belonged to Sidon and was therefore not allowed to open its own mint. These coins present a unique characteristic: they were dated yearly starting from year 30 of King Baalshillem II, corresponding to 372 B.C.E., until year 10 of King Abdashtart II, in 333 B.C.E. They also bear the abbreviated name of the king (Elayi and Elayi 2004, 837). These coins are quite useful in establishing a chronology of the site. Three Persian period hoards were discovered in Beirut before the Civil War: the first contained about two hundred double shekels of Baalshillem II (401–366 B.C.E.); the second, discovered in south Beirut, contained some seventy double shekels minted by Kings Tennes (351–347 B . C . E .), Evagoras (346–343 B.C.E.), and Abdashtart II (342–333 B.C.E.); and the third hoard, found on a Beirut beach, contained thirty-three fractions from various Phoenician and Greek mints, probably collected by a sailor navigating between different harbors (Elayi and Elayi 1993, 127–28, 201). Sidonian coins were also found during the latest excavations. These yearly dated coins would provide precise dates for the levels where they were found, were they not small, worn, corroded, and mainly in bronze, which makes it difficult to read their inscriptions. Only a few coins found in the Iron Age III/Persian period levels have been published thus far: three from Bey 020, three from Bey 006, one from Bey 045, and one from Bey 010 (Butcher 2003, 43, 125; Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 296–97). One is dated


Initially, industrial activities in Beirut’s harbor quarter were, naturally enough, related to the sea (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 275–80). Fishing is attested by the remains of fish and shells, fishplates, and needles for repairing nets. Dry fish and fish products such as those sold in Jerusalem by the Tyrians (Neh. 13:15– 16) were probably manufactured here. Other activities, such as building and caulking boats, are also evident. Further, purple dye installations were usually located on the edge of a city in a well-ventilated spot because of their unpleasant smell. In fact, Bey 010 was appropriate for this, since it was situated on the edge of the city and the smells would have been driven away to the sea by the dominant southwesterly winds. Numerous murex shells were found, as well as an installation for making purple dye inside Unit U8 (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 162–63, 375–77, pl. LVIII). Other industrial activities are attested in Bey 010 by the presence of several kinds of tools; such implements are also documented in other parts of the city, although some of them could have been devoted to domestic purposes (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 280–85). Textile activities such as spinning, weaving, sewing, and dying are evident (fig. 15). Remains of pigments such as Egyptian blue (cuprorivaite) testify to painting activities for wall coatings, vases, glazed objects, or terracotta figurines (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 361–73). Stone objects such as weights, seals, pearls, and marble sarcophagi indicate local stonework activity (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 271–97). Other trades, such as carpentry and joinery, were woodrelated, while potters’ workshops were active for everyday-use items. Nearby deposits offered good quality clay and tempers. Potters were also creative in using the same techniques for different categories of vases, shifting the limits between their functions (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 53–79). They also produced two categories of lamps: the traditional open saucer lamps with one spout, and the smaller closed lamps with a globular tank, imitating Greek shapes (fig. 16a). These potters developed an intermediate form of lamp: open saucer lamps with the two edges of the spout joined (fig. 16b), thus resembling the spout of Greek ones. The discovery of moulds for terracotta figurines in Bey 019 also points to a local manufacture (figs. 17a–d), the most frequent figurine by far being the naked pregnant woman with outstretched arms (fig. 17a; Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 211–16). There was probably a glass workshop as well, as evidenced by the analyses showing that all the components were available on site, from the discovery of numerous fragments in the Iron Age III/Persian-period levels, and from the presence of later glass workshops in Bey 006, Bey 002, and Bey 015 (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 237–49, 251–57; Kowatli et al. 2006). Excavations unearthed many bone objects, attesting to a local

a

b

Figures 16a–b. (a) Local open saucer lamp with one spout. (b) A small closed lamp with globular tank that imitates Greek lamps.

Figures 17a–d. Hundreds of local terracotta figurines were found in Beirut’s excavations. (a) The most frequent, by far, was the naked woman with outstretched arms, probably Ashtart (Astarte). (b) A protome (projecting half figure) of a woman with nemes (striped headcloth). (c) A “horse rider.” (d) Bust of a woman squeezing her breasts.

a

c

b

d


a

b

c

Figures 18a–c. Small objects in bone: (a) a foot of a miniature item of furniture, (b) a stick, and (c) a round spoon. Photos by Claude Doumet-Serhal.

production in Bey 018 (figs. 18a–c). At that time, ivory and bone were indistinctly carved in continuation of the famous Phoenician ivory carving, a tradition of the Neo-Assyrian period (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 259–70). Metalworking is also attested through the discovery of slag in industrial sites and a large number of bronze and iron objects, most of which are commonplace items (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 287–329). In addition, the production of lead objects such as weights began to develop during this period.

An Original Quarter Temple with a Betyl The new quarter of Bey 010 was mainly a residential area (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 257–64) whose inhabitants were of average standing except for a few rich houses. Some of them worked as artisans in their own homes, while others were merchants. The discoveries of faunal remains and seeds give us an idea of what they ate and drank: pork, chevon, mutton, seafood, eggs, olives, lentils, grapes, walnuts, and wine. In this is quarter, the inhabitants were in contact with several cultures, es, as can be seen from small Phoenician and Greek inscripscriptions (fig. 19; Elayi and Sayegh 1998: 154–63), 63), anthroponyms, and fashionable items of clothhing and jewelry. This Phoenician milieu was mainly influenced by Egyptian and Greek cultures, very little by Persian culture. One of the most important discoveries was that of a neighborhood temple with a betyl (sacred stone; fig. 20). This temple was built at the same time as the new harbor quarter, benefiting its inhabitants (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 153–54, 164–67, 264–69). Thee partially preserved temple comprised an area of 230 m2, with an (open?) central courtyard (25 m2) surrounded on all sides by at least eleven rooms; oms; it


had three doors opening onto the street, one of them monumental (fig. 21). In the central courtyard, the upper part of a betyl (0.25 x 0.20 m) and several objects, probably cultic, were found in situ: two stone basins, fragments of a pipe sewer system, terracotta figurines of the woman with outstretched arms, and dog bones. Two rooms seem to have been used as a refectory by the temple personnel, a dump for broken pottery and garbage, and a favissa for discarded terracotta figurines. The main deity venerated in the temple seems to have been Ashtart/Astarte, given the presence of female figurines, the stone betyl associated with her cult, the discovery of a Roman statue of Venus by the side of the temple, and the dog associated with the cult of Ashtart at Kition (Soyez 1972, 149–50). A cemetery for dogs buried according to a funerary ritual similar to that of Ashkelon was uncovered in Bey 020 (Finkbeiner and Sader 1997, 130–32). However, even if there was a temple dedicated to Ashtart in the quarter, this deity also had a more important temple, as can be seen from the discovery of a dedicatory dedicat Phoenician inscription to Ashtar Ashtart and a favissa containing about sev seven hundred figurines of the w woman with outstretched arms in Bey 004. The main temple of Ashtart was represented on late Roman coins. Another deity Figure 19. Phoenician inscription from the fifth century B . C . E ., incised on the broken base of an open vase. The beginning is possibly missing, so its meaning is not clear: “… in the hand of Anat her guest,” according to H. Sader, or “Abdan(at) (son of) Gera,” a typical ownership formula.

was often related to Ashtart in the terracotta figurines: a bearded 127–28). At that time, Beirut was an active trading and fishing rider (wrongly called a “Persian rider”) who cannot be identified port, but nothing indicates that it played a role either in the at the moment (Elayi 1991). different revolts of Sidon or in the Persian expeditions against There were Egypt. A supposed military function of its harbor no graves in the remains an unproven hypothesis. harbor quarter The planning of the new quarter of Bey 010 was a of Bey 010, indistate enterprise undertaken by the Sidonian authorcating that the ities around the end of the sixth and the beginning inhabitants did of the fifth century B.C.E. It was part of the regional not bury their development of Sidon, achieved by the local admindead under their istration. Several towns in Sidon’s territory were houses, as was built, rebuilt, or expanded along the same grid patthe tradition in tern, used architectural techniques characteristic Ugarit. During of this period, and had their harbors restructured the Iron Age III/ (e.g., at Dor, Atlit, Jaffa, Tel Michal, and ApolloniaPersian period, Arsuf). This Sidonian expansion also seems to be the necropolises connected with the gift received by King Eshmuwere outside the nazor II and Queen-Mother Amoashtart from the c i t y o f B e i r u t . Figure 20. Wall of the Hellenistic temple built on the Persian Persian king, namely, the cities of Dor and Jaffa and There were three period temple (Unit U16). The betyl and other cultic objects the Sharon Plain (Elayi 2004). The development of m a i n g r o u p s o f were put on top of the wall by the excavators. Sidon southward, initiated at the end of King Eshnecropolises (withmunazor II’s rule, was mainly brought to completion out taking into account the cemetery for dogs in Bey 020): a by his successor, King Bodashtart. large group was located west of Bey 010, where the inhabitants The construction of this new quarter was motivated by sevwere probably buried for reasons of proximity to the town; the eral factors, such as the fire in the Iron Age II tell quarter, which second group was located on the northwest side of the tell; and forced part of the population to move elsewhere (Badre 1997, the third was south of the tell. Some were shaft graves, often 80; Finkbeiner and Sader 1997, 130), economic prosperity with one room, but sometimes several rooms; other graves were (Elayi 1990, 72–76), and an increase in harbor activities that hewn out of bedrock. necessitated the construction of a new quay. Gods were not The deceased was placed into a wooden coffin or fastened to forgotten in this development, as is shown by the building and a sycamore plank, as can be seen from the discovery of numerrepair of several temples mentioned in Sidonian royal inscripous nails and the remains of wood. The wooden coffin or plank tions and by the building of the new quarter temple of Bey 010. was possibly put inside a stone sarcophagus, either of a theke, The mid-1990s excavations of the western side of Beirut’s or anthropoid, shape. Several thekes of white marble and dating Phoenician harbor have proved significant in expanding and to the fifth or fourth centuries b.c.e. were discovered in Beirut. refining our understanding of the city in the sixth–fourth centuA fragment of an anthropoid sarcophagus with a long-haired ries century B.C.E. No longer dependent solely on written sources, female head dating to the fourth century b.c.e. was discovered we can now draw on material evidence of life in this quarter of in Bey 006. Two other anthropoid sarcophagi dating to the fifth century b.c.e. had been discovered long ago. There was probably a sculpture workshop in Beirut, but the most important workshops were located in Sidon. In five graves excavated in Bey 018, the funerary materials included an incense burner, ankle bracelets, nails, metallic fragments, lamps, table pottery, and numerous slices of animal bones, perhaps for a funerary ritual or decoration.

The Political Status of Beirut Beirut was autonomous in the second millennium B.C.E. but not in the first millennium. In the Annals of Esarhaddon dating to 677 B . C . E ., Beirut is listed as a town belonging to Sidon, 40 km away. In the Iron Age III/Persian period, Beirut was always included in the territory of Sidon (Elayi and Sayegh 2000, 331–43). Thus it did not mint its own coinage, and the Phoenician coins discovered in the Beirut area were all Sidonian (Elayi and Sayegh 1998, 289, 295–97; Elayi and Elayi 1993,

Figure 21. Part of the front wall of the Persian-period temple, with two of the three doors opening onto Street RII.


Persian-period Beirut. The new quarter constructed at this time was carefully laid out so as to meet as many of its inhabitants’ needs as was possible. In addition to houses, warehouses, houses/warehouses, and houses/workshops, the area included a terrain-sensitive street plan and a sophisticated sewer system, as well as ready access to the harbor and a neighborhood temple for religious activities. In all, the evidence points to a vibrant economy comprising both industry and trade and a stable yet cosmopolitan social life that enjoyed contact with other cultures even as it maintained traditional religious practices.

Notes



1. A quay is a structure on the shore of a harbor where ships dock to load and unload cargo. 2. The Mercalli system of measuring earthquake intensity is based on observation of the damage caused by an earthquake. An 8 intensity in the Mercalli system is roughly equivalent to a 6 on the Richter scale. A 7 in the Mercalli system corresponds to a medium to high 5 in the Richter scale.

References Badre, L. 1997. Bey 003 Preliminary Report: Excavations of the American University of Beirut Museum 1993–1996. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 2:6–94. Butcher, K. 2003. Small Change in Ancient Beirut: The Coin Finds from BEY 006 and BEY 045: Persian, Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine Periods. Berytus 45–46; Archaeology of the Beirut Souks; AUB and ACRE Excavations in Beirut, 1994–1996 1. Beirut: American University. Chéhab, M. 1939. Tombe phénicienne de Sin el-Fil. Pp. 803–10 in vol. 2 of Mélanges syriens offerts à Monsieur René Dussaud: Secrétaire perpétuel de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. Haut-commissariat de la République francaise en Syrie et au Liban, Service des antiquités, Bibliothèque archéologigue et historique 30. Paris: Geuthner. ———. 1983. Découvertes phéniciennes au Liban. Pp. 165–72 in vol. 1 of Atti del Congresso Internazionale di studi fenici e punici: Roma, 5–10 novembre 1979. Collezione di studi fenici 16. Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche. Curvers, H. H., and B. Stuart. 1998–1999. The BCD Archaeology Project 1996–1999. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 3:13–30. Davie, M. F. 1987. Maps and the Historical Topography of Beirut. Berytus 35:141–64. Elayi, J. 1990. Economie des cités phéniciennes sous l’Empire perse. Annali del’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Supplemento 62. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale. ———. 1991. Deux “ateliers” de coroplastes nord-phéniciens et nordsyriens sous l’Empire perse. Iranica antiqua 26:181–216. ———. 1996. Nouveaux éléments sur le mur à piliers phénicien. Transeuphratène 11:77–94. ———. 2004. La chronologie de la dynastie sidonienne d’Eshmunazor. Transeuphratène 27:9–28. Elayi, J., and A. G. Elayi. 1993. Trésors de monnaies phéniciennes et circulation monétaire (Ve–IVe siècles avant J.-C.). Supplément à Transeuphratène 1. Paris: Gabalda. ———. 2004. Le monnayage de la cité phénicienne de Sidon à l’époque perse (Ve–IVe s. av. J.-C.). 2 vols. Supplément à Transeuphratène 11. Paris: Gabalda.


Elayi, J., and H. Sayegh. 1998. Les objets. Vol. 1 of Un quartier du port phénicien de Beyrouth au Fer III/Perse. Supplément à Transeuphratène 6. Paris: Gabalda. ———. 2000. Archéologie et histoire. Vol. 2 of Un quartier du port phénicien de Beyrouth au Fer III/Perse. Supplément à Transeuphratène. Paris: Gabalda. Finkbeiner, U., and H. Sader. 1997. Bey 020: Preliminary Report of the Excavations, 1995. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 2:114–66. Jidejian, N. 1973. Beirut through the Ages. Beirut: Dar el-Machreq. Kowatli, I., H. H. Curvers, B. Stuart, Y. Sablerolles, J. Henderson, and P. Reynolds. 2006. A Pottery and Glass Production Site in Beirut (BEY 015). Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 10:103–29. Mouterde, R. 1964. Regards sur Beyrouth phénicienne, hellénistique et romaine: La paix romaine et la prospérité de l’ancienne ville de Beyrouth. Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 40:149–89. Renan, E. 1864. Mission de Phénicie. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Impériale. Saghieh Beidoun, M. 1997. Evidence of Earthquakes in the Current Excavations of Beirut City Centre. National Museum News 5:15–19. Saidah, R. 1969. Archaeology in the Lebanon 1968–1969. Berytus 18:119–42. ———. 1993–1994. Beirut in the Bronze Age: The Kharji Tombs. Berytus 41:137–210. Sanlaville, P. 1970. Les variations holocènes du niveau de la mer au Liban. Revue de géographie de Lyon 45:279–304. Soyez, B. 1972. Le bétyle dans le culte de l’Astarté phénicienne. Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 47:147–69. Stern, E., ed. 1995. Areas A and C. Vols. 1A and B of Excavations at Dor, Final Report. Qedem Reports 1–2. Jerusalem: The Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem in cooperation with The Israel Exploration Society.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Josette Elayi is Honorary Researcher in the French National Council of Scientific Research. She has authored twenty books specializing in Phoenician studies, two essays related to the future of ancient history and the reform of research, and one novel (The Survivor). She created and edits the journal Transeuphratène and the series Supple ments to Transeuphratène. She has authored and edited two books on the Phoenician quarters at the city center of Beirut, excavated by H. Sayegh. She has just published with A. G. Elayi The Coinage of the Phoenician City of Tyre in the Persian Period (5th–4th Cent. BCE) (Leiden: Peeters, 2009).

The State of Underwater Archaeology in Lebanon

Zeina Haddad

T

he Canaanite and Phoenician port cities of Tyre, Sidon, and Byblos (Gebal) are well-known from the biblical accounts and other ancient sources. Of their various important contributions to ancient civilization—for example, the spread of the alphabet and the first circumnavigation of Africa—most derived in one way or another from Phoenician mastery of the sea. The factor that contributed most to Phoenician expertise in seafaring was Lebanon’s topography. Unlike the southern Levant, with its straight shoreline, few natural harbors, and broad coastal plain, the northern Levantine coast is full of natural bays and inlets that are perfect for harbors. The Lebanese coastline is also quite narrow, due to the way the mountains drop down and touch the shoreline in most locations (fig. 1). It was

Figure 1. The coast of Lebanon with the narrow plain and Mount Lebanon in the background. Photo courtesy of the Ministry of Tourism of Lebanon.


Figure 2. (left) The ancient rock-cut seawall at Batroun dating back to the first millennium B.C.E. (Hellenistic and Roman times). Photo courtesy of the Ministry of Tourism of Lebanon.

primarily there that various well-known cities such as Tyre, Sidon, Sarepta, Beirut, and Byblos took hold and flourished. Thus, with the mountains at their backs and the vast Mediterranean Sea stretching out before them, the ancient Phoenicians developed an extensive network of economic, social, and cultural exchange throughout the Mediterranean world. Such a prominent role in seafaring naturally drew the attention of several nineteenth- and early twentieth-century explorers. However, their attempts at identifying ancient harbor remains at Tyre and Sidon met with little success: a lack of expertise in underwater exploration meant they had to rely solely on ancient sources for information. Of the various early explorers of Lebanon’s coast, only the French Victor Guerin (1821–1890) actually tried to verify underwater remains.

Even today, long after these pioneering efforts to locate and document Lebanon’s ancient harbors, a contentious debate persists over the existence, location, and mobility of some of the ancient harbors along the Lebanese coast. In the case of harbors on Lebanon’s northern coastline, many have been preserved and are still in use. In Beirut, for example, a thriving modern harbor stands close to the Bronze and Iron Age tell, while Byblos has a small fishing harbor slightly north of the ancient tell. At Batroun one can see the remains of an ancient seawall cut out of the natural kurkar (sandstone) that was the remains of a huge quarry and a shelter for its workers (fig. 2). On the headland of Tripoli (fig. 3), Lebanon’s major northern city, the harbor of Al-Mina covers the ancient port of Wahlia, the Canaanite city mentioned in the Amarna letters (EA 104, 114). The existence and location of the southern harbors, on the other hand, continues to be hotly disputed. Despite periodic

Figure 3. Aerial overview of the city of Tripoli in northern Lebanon. The Bronze and Iron Age city lies under the modern city. It was only during the medieval period that the city was moved inland. Photo courtesy of the Ministry of Tourism of Lebanon.


interruptions due to the Civil War (1975–1991), Lebanese and foreign missions have carried out numerous studies of the Lebanese coastline in cooperation with the Lebanese General Directorate of Antiquities. These include both onshore and offshore corings, surveys, and excavations. A tentative overview of the aforementioned activities is offered below.

A Pioneer of Maritime Archaeology in Lebanon Father Antoine Poidebard (1878–1955), a French missionary, aviator, and archaeologist, was one of the first to use aerial photography to try to detect hidden archaeological ruins. Using his piloting skills, Poidebard flew between the desert of Syria and the Mediterranean Sea, tracing identifiable ancient routes that linked the hinterland to the harbors. He also flew over Tyre, Sidon, and Tripoli and hypothesized about the ancient harbors based on aerial and underwater photos (Nordiguian 2004), in addition to noting the reports of divers and the evaluations of geologists, engineers, and other archaeologists. Even so, his was not an easy task. In his writings, Poidebard mentions problems of poor visibility and the difficulties experienced in identifying manufactured structures due to erosion and thick accumulations of lithophagous mollusks. From 1934 to 1936, Poidebard carried out three seasons of work in Tyre that essentially launched the beginning of marine archaeology in Lebanon using modern scientific techniques. He worked mainly on the southern part of Tyre, where he pointed out traces of the southern harbor (the Egyptian port) and drew a precise plan of the underwater remains. He also detected two moles on the submerged southern reef approximately 2 km offshore.1 He assumed that these were artificial constructions and part of Tyre’s harbor system—a preliminary conclusion later disproved by Frost (1971). Despite his primary focus on the southern part of Tyre, Poidebard did note an underwater jetty to the west of the northern harbor (the Sidonian port), but he was unable to draw any conclusions about its date. Unfortunately for those who would later attempt to build on his work, Poidebard did not bother to mention any pottery or other artifacts that he likely found during his surveys.

Tyre Despite their flaws, Poidebard’s initial observations provided a foundation for future studies of Tyre’s harbors. Most notable were those carried out by the British archaeologist Honor Frost, another pioneer in marine archaeology who worked all over the Mediterranean region. Frost came to Lebanon in 1957, where she spent ten years researching anchors, ancient harbors, and shipwrecks, mainly in Byblos, Tyre, and Sidon. As an

archaeologist and diver, Frost not only reevaluated Poidebard and Renan’s (1864) earlier drawings; she also made fresh observations in the 1960s about the submerged harbor works of Tyre. In the case of the southern reef, where Poidebard had discovered two moles, Frost (1971) concluded that these were natural features, not manufactured constructions, as Poidebard had claimed. Even so, she agreed that the reef might have been an offshore anchorage or perhaps part of an outer harbor. As to the southern, “closed” harbor, Frost suggested that further underwater research was sorely needed to properly assess whether this area had ever been a harbor. As far back as 1697, Henry Maundrell (1665–1701), an English Oxford academic and chaplain, had already viewed the northern and southern reefs as long ridges resembling a mole. Frost assumed that they had vanished as a result of several factors, such as human activity, erosion, and earthquakes. Poidebard had taken an aerial photo of the disintegrated northern reef, while Frost studied the alignment of columns that Renan and Poidebard had noticed in the water near the southern harbor. In light of her study, Frost proposed the novel idea that these remains could be submerged sections of the ancient towns, especially since the submerged columns were in alignment with the Roman colonnaded street on land. In 2001, Ibrahim Noureddine and Michel el-Hélou (2005), two Lebanese archaeologists, conducted a survey in the northern part of Tyre next to the harbor. Here they discovered columns, hewn stones, nearly complete jars, and abundant quantities of pottery sherds—all pointing to the potential presence of shipwrecks (Morhange and Saghieh-Beydoun 2005b). Further studies allowed Noureddine (forthcoming and Noureddine in this issue) to date the old jetty, briefly noted by Poidebard on the northern part of Tyre, to at least the Persian period. Since 2006, a joint Lebanese-Spanish team has been excavating a shipwreck 4.5 km southwest of Tyre, submerged in about 35 m of water (Farshakh Bejjaly 2007). The pottery assemblage and terracotta figurines (fig. 4) found in the wreck date it to the Persian or late Phoenician period. There is still an ongoing argument over the existence of the southern harbor of Tyre, especially since the southern peninsula of the city was inadequately sheltered from wind to have sustained a harbor.

Sidon

Figure 4. A Phoenician feminine statue found along the coast of Tyre from a private collection. Hundreds of such figurines are traded illegally on the antiquities market. Photo by Zeina Haddad.


Sidon is unique among other cities on the Phoenician coast in that it had an outer and inner harbor on the north, designed in accordance with the local topography. Both harbors serviced local and foreign ships. The small Zireh Island and its islet (fig. 5), located 700 m offshore to the west, served as a natural wave break by resisting the southwesterly winds and thus protecting the harbor. Zireh Island was also

Figure 5. An aerial view of Sidon. At the left of the bay is the Zireh Island and its islet. Photo courtesy of the Ministry of Tourism of Lebanon.

exploited as a quarry throughout the centuries. A long, rock-cut wall protected the workers against wind and swells (fig. 6). A similar system is known from Batroun, around 60 km north of Beirut. In 2003, Nicolas Carayon carried out an archaeological and topographical study of the island. He not only improved Poidebard and Lauffray’s maps but also worked on the exploitation of the quarries and identified thirty-one mooring bitts along the eastern side of the island. In 2002, Hassan Badawi wrote about the Lebanese quarries on the littoral during the Roman period and recalled the different quarries’ sites in Zireh Island, defining their exploitation types. In the seventeenth century C.E., Prince Fakhreddine sealed the entrance to Sidon’s harbor in order to prevent an invasion of the Turkish flotilla; ever since then the harbor has suffered from sedimentation problems. Wishing to build a modern harbor, the Lebanese government asked Poidebard to assist them in resolv-

ing this, since he was the only expert on Phoenician harbors. After taking numerous aerial photographs, Poidebard and the French architect Jean Lauffray conducted three seasons of work from 1946 to 1949. A primary focus of their work lay on the subsidiary anchorages of Sidon, where the remains displayed a high level of building expertise. In their 1951 book, Poidebard and Lauffray described the ancient harbor of Sidon and compared it to other ancient ports of the eastern Mediterranean, a subject that Poidebard developed more fully in cooperation with Father René Mouterde. Preliminary exploration in the creek south of the city did not reveal any ancient installations, even though it was protected from the southwesterly winds. Since 1998, a number of geoarchaeological and geomorphological studies have been carried out in port cities such as Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, and Byblos. Here teams of archaeologists, geologists, historians, and paleoanthropologists have combined their


Figure 6. (left) The rock-cut wall of an ancient quarry on Zireh Island facing Sidon. Photo by Zeina Haddad.

Figure 7. (below) The author diving at Batroun to study the coast of the Canaanite and Phoenician city. Photo by Tony To Ton T ony Y Yazbeck. az eck azb azbeck ck. k.

efforts under the aegis of scientific programs such as the FrenchLebanese cooperation program Centre de documentation, de recherche et d’expérimentations sur les pollutions accidentelles des eaux (CEDRE), the Conseil national de recherche scientifique du Liban (CNRSL), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and the Institut universitaire de France (IUF) in order to study the harbor mobility of Lebanon. Core samples taken from different locations have indicated that a large part of the northern ancient harbors of Tyre and Sidon are under the modern city (Morhange and Saghieh-Beydoun 2005a; Morhange et al. 2005). About half of the northern harbor of Sidon is under the old souk (commercial district). It is quite possible that excavations under the nearby Khan el-Franj (a Ottoman-period caravanserai, or roadside inn) would reveal the harbors of the Bronze and Iron Ages as well as the Roman and Byzantine periods. On the eastern fringes of the souk, excavations by Claude Doumet-Serhal at the College Site have revealed numerous land-based remains from the Early Bronze, Middle Bronze, Late Bronze, Iron Age, and Roman to Byzantine periods.

Byblos Byblos (ancient Gebal and modern Jbeil) is located about 42 km north of Beirut. Already in the third millennium B.C.E., Byblos was considered one of the most important harbor cities of the Mediterranean due to its expanded commercial relations with Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Aegean. The trade in cedar with Egypt during the Bronze Age is well-attested by inscriptions and in the well-preserved remains of a wooden boat that was found dismantled and buried at the foot of the Great Pyramid in Giza. In her studies, Frost (1998–1999) pointed out that the modern, northern harbor could not have accommodated large ships for trading in timber, so future searches for the ancient harbor should instead focus on the southern part of the ancient town’s headland in Skhineh Bay. There archaeologists may find the Bronze Age harbor remains and its anchorage about 2 km to the


southwest. The mouth of the Skhineh Wadi is presently silted, but it could have been used by Egyptian ships to load lumber. Frost concluded that the Tower Temple, situated on the headland with its six anchors, overlooked the southern bay and thus controlled the sea lanes. In all probability, the tower served as a lighthouse. There is much evidence to show that Byblos maintained its relative stability in sea level for several centuries, which contributed to the importance of this harbor. Still, the Lebanese coast exhibits evidence of two significant regional crustal uplift episodes over the last six thousand years: an upper shoreline uplift of roughly 120–140 cm from about 6000 to 3000 B . P . and a lower shoreline uplift of 80 ±40 cm from about the fifth century B.C.E. to the sixth century C.E. (Morhange 1998–1999). Both movements were associated with major seismic events. Today the poor quality of the harbors at Byblos inhibits the city from playing an important role in marine activities and may well explain its historical decline.

The Revival of Maritime Archaeology in Lebanon A series of new research programs was initiated in 1998 in order to locate the old harbors and their organization (fig. 7). Ancient harbors contain excellent historical and sedimentation information due to their artificial protection from the dynamics of open-sea activities. Underwater surveys in search of possible harbors were conducted offshore by Martin Mainberger (2001) and Ralph Pedersen at Tell el-Burak (on the southern Lebanese

coast between Sidon and Sarepta) and by Pedersen (2007) at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida (on the northern coast of Lebanon just south of Batroun). Neither produced any evidence of harbor constructions. Several other sites deserve more advanced studies and surveys, such as Tripoli and Qalamoun in northern Lebanon, where several types of amphorae were found, indicating the potential presence of shipwrecks along these ancient sailing passages. In el-Hery, also located in the north of Lebanon, two anchors and several amphorae were identified. According to Zareh Amadouny (1999), the northern part of Hery Bay may have contained an ancient harbor.

Conclusion The Phoenicians who lived on and sailed from the Lebanese coast have long been admired for their seafaring expertise and for the numerous economic, social, and cultural contributions that their maritime abilities enabled them to make. Nevertheless, detailed information about where some ancient harbors were located, how they were constructed, and how they fit into their larger urban contexts remains incomplete. Although the use of aerial photography beginning in the 1930s and, more recently, underwater exploration, corings, surveys, and excavations have broadened and sharpened our understanding of the ancient harbors in places such as Tyre, Sidon, and Byblos, much work remains to be done. Thanks to the ongoing efforts of the Lebanese General Directorate of Antiquities and other organizations and individuals, we have reason to hope that this work will continue and that our knowledge of and appreciation for Phoenicia’s ancient seafarers will only increase.

Note



A Preliminary Report on the 2001 Season. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 5:173–94. Morhange, C. 1998–1999. Étude géomorphologique du littoral de Byblos: Résultats de la mission de terrain de 1998. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 3:261–65. Morhange, C., K. Espic, M. Boudagher-Fadel, and C. Doumet-Serhal. 2005. Les paléoenvironnements du port Nord de Sidon: Tentative de synthèse. Pages 135–44 in Morhange and Saghieh-Beydoun 2005b. Morhange, C., and M. Saghieh-Beydoun. 2005a. Etude géoarchéologique de quatre ports antiques du Liban (Byblos, Beyrouth, Sidon et Tyr): Résultats des programmes franco-libanais CEDRE, CNRSL, UNESCO et de l’IUF. Pages 7–15 in Morhange and Saghieh-Beydoun 2005b. ———, eds. 2005b. La mobilité des paysages portuaires antiques du Liban. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 2. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. Nordiguian, L. 2004. Une aventure archéologique: Antoine Poidebard, photographe et aviateur. Marseille: Parenthèses; Arles: Musée de l’Arles et de la Provence antiques; Beirut: Université Saint-Joseph. Noureddine I., and M. el-Hélou. 2005. Tyre’s Ancient Harbor(s): Report of the 2001 Underwater Survey in Tyre’s Northern Harbor. Pages 111–28 in Morhange and Saghieh-Beydoun 2005b. Noureddine, I. Forthcoming. A Phoenician Jetty at Tyre’s Northern Harbor. In Tropis: Acts of the 9th International Congress in Ship Building and Marine Archaeology. Pedersen, R. 2007. The Underwater Survey at Tell Fadous-Kfarabida. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 11:17–23. Poidebard, A., and J. Lauffray. 1951. Sidon, aménagements antiques du port de Saida: Étude aérienne, au sol et sous-marine, 1946–1950. Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique. Renan, E. 1864. Mission de Phénicie. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Impériale.

1. A mole is a protective structure of stone that extends from the shore into the water to prevent a beach from washing away.

References Amadouny, Z. 1999. Plongée archéologique sur le littoral Libanais. Beirut: Amadouny. Badawi, H. 2002. Les carrières littorales de la Phénicie romaine. Pp. 305–22 in L’Africa Romana: Lo spazio marittimo del Mediterraneo occidentale: Geografia storica ed economia: Atti del XIV convegno di studio, Sassari, 7–10 dicembre 2000, ed. M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri, and C. Vismara. 3 vols. Collana del Dipartimento di storia dell’Università degli studi di Sassari, Nuova serie 13. Rome: Carocci. Carayon, N. 2003. L’île de Ziré à Saida: Nouvelles données archéologiques. Archaeology and History in Lebanon 18:95–114. Farshakh Bejjaly, J. 2007. A Phoenician Ship in Tyre…: Between the Fishermen’s Net and Archaeologists [Arabic]. Al Akhbar newspaper, 14 July 2007. Frost, H. 1971. Recent Observations on the Submerged Harbourworks at Tyre. Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 24:103–11. ———. 1998–1999. Marine Prospection at Byblos. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises 3:21–33. Mainberger, M. 2001. The “Seven Captains” Reef: An Archaeological Underwater Survey off the Coast of Tell el-Burak. Pages 191–94 in U. Finkbeiner and H. Sader, The Tell el-Burak Archaeological Project:

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Zeina Haddad is an underwater archaeologist and filmrsuing her master maker who is currently pursuing master’ss degree in archaeology, focusing on settlement patterns in the region of Tyre. She is a member of the SpanishLebanese team working on a Phoenician shipwreck discovered recently in Tyre. Zeina was formerly employed by the Lebanese General Directorate of Antiquities and has conducted many surveys on the Lebanese coast.


New Light on the Phoenician Harbor at Tyre

Ibrahim Noureddine

M

any ancient sources mention the Phoenicians’ seafaring activities, how they not only controlled the maritime trade routes of the Mediterranean but were instrumental in implementing most of them. The remains of their settlements and colonies, especially the harbors, have been uncovered all over the Mediterranean, such as at Carthage and Kition and on the “Phoenician coast” from Akko to Arwad. However, in the Phoenician heartland, today’s Lebanon, no Phoenician harbor structure has been clearly identified to date in the main cities of Tyre, Byblos, Beirut, and Sidon. Tyre, the most famous Phoenician city, has particularly attracted many scholars who dedicated their efforts to finding remains of its illustrious harbor. Some of them failed in their quest, while others were able to secure some, but certainly not all, of the answers. The city is located some 85 km south of the modern capital Beirut. Now situated on a peninsula, Tyre was once an island some 500 m off the coast that was joined to the mainland after Alexander’s invasion in the second half of the fourth century


B.C.E. The Macedonian leader had indeed ordered a jetty built to reach the island and defeat its inhabitants after his siege lasted more than seven months.

Tyre’s Harbors Two harbors hewn out of the natural rock of Tyre were protected by a wide breakwater in a feat of engineering beyond compare and lasting for many centuries. Ancient sources state that there were two harbors at Tyre, one facing north and the other south. The function of these was to allow ships to navigate into port safely regardless of the direction of the winds. As early as the nineteenth century, travelers mentioned both harbors at Tyre. The location and even the existence of the southern harbor is still a matter of discussion, but the existence of the northern harbor is not controversial, since it was documented by several travelers, such as Jules de Bertou (1843), John Kenrick (1855), Ernest Renan (1864), and Poidebard (1939). The pioneering aerial photographer and archaeologist Fr. Antoine Poidebard focused his efforts mainly on finding the socalled “Egyptian,” or southern, harbor, albeit with mixed results

(fig. 1, Poidebard 1939; Frost 1972). As for the northern harbor, his contribution was limited to the detection of a submerged jetty located on the northern side of Tyre, which appears in one of his aerial photographs. Based on this evidence, he confirmed the existence of Tyre’s northern harbor and pointed to the need for further studies of this area. In the 1960s, pioneering underwater archaeologist Honor Frost conducted surveys to investigate the existence of the southern harbor in Tyre and noted the archaeological importance of the northern area but did not report on the submerged northern jetty (1972). Recently, Nick Marriner and Christophe Morhange suggested that “highresolution topographical surveying, urban morphology, coastal stratigraphy, old photographs, gravures and archaeological diving allow us to precisely determine the maximum extension of the MBA northern harbor” (Marriner et al. 2005 ).

Recent Archaeological Work on the Northern Harbor In spring 2001, Lebanon’s Directorate General of Antiquities (DGA) conducted a survey with two aims: to ascertain the archaeological potential of the area in order to protect it from modern harbor rehabilitation works and treasure hunters, and to assess the archaeological potential of the remains of the northern side at Tyre, in order to contrast it with the so-called “Egyptian” harbor at the southern side of the city. This survey confirmed the existence of a submerged structure consisting of two parallel walls that stretched out from the northeastern tip of Tyre’s peninsula. It was first detected in the aerial survey of Poidebard in the 1930s (see above) but not studied since (Noureddine and Hélou 2005). This survey, the first archaeological maritime work conducted in Tyre since Frost, revealed the rich archaeological potential of the area. Intrigued by this structure, which must have been part of a major ancient harbor installation but for which we had no data securing its function or dating, I took the initiative to investigate it in more detail and to uncover its building techniques to assist in determining its date. Having obtained the permission of the DGA,1 I conducted, at my own expense, an underwater observation and charting campaign

from August to December 2005. This was time-consuming, since the stones were numerous and the underwater visibility was not always favorable. In addition, the underwater swells were sometimes quite strong. Many dives were conducted in order to complete the drawings. We started by fixing several metal rods as points of reference. We then used these points to map the measurements of each block and its alignment. The results were then added onto a map of Tyre using the coordinates from on site and reproduced on a computer (figs. 2–3).

The Submerged Jetty The area around the jetty varies in depth between 1 and 4 m, and the seafloor is covered with scattered masonry blocks over a thick layer of sedimentation that can reach over 4 m thick. The jetty consists of two parallel walls built from headers, preserved for a length of 85 and 70 m, respectively, and connected at their eastern extremity by a 13-m long wall that closed the structure (fig. 3). The walls are submerged between 1.5 to 3.5 m deep, with the area between them partially filled with rubble and scattered blocks. All three walls were built in the same manner, from carefully prepared headers varying in size from

Figure 1. Photo of the peninsula of Tyre taken in the early 1930s by Antoine Poidebard.


Figure 2. The location of the submerged Phoenician jetty (in solid black on the plan) with respect to Tyre’s peninsula, consisting of two parallel submerged walls. This structure was first recognized in the 1930s by Antoine Poidebard. Its existence was confirmed in 2001 by a team of Lebanese divers (Noureddine and Hélou 2005).

Figure 3. The jetty consists of two parallel walls built from headers, preserved for a length of 85 and 70 m, respectively, and connected at their eastern extremity by a 13-m long wall that closed the structure.

aligned with the void between the two submerged walls of the 1.9 to 2.25 m in length and 55 and 45 cm in height and width jetty (figs. 2 and 3). This suggests that Al-Moubarkeh and the (fig. 4). These walls had at least three visible courses at the time jetty were initially part of the same structure. Al-Moubarkeh as of the 2001 survey. it stands is a medieval tower, but its foundations are older, even To determine the lowest row, or the foundation course, a test though their exact date has yet to be determined. pit was excavated in October 2004 on the landward side of the Tyre’s northern side is naturally protected from the Berwanzi, inner wall of the jetty (as marked in fig. 3). This work was manthe dominant southwestern wind named by the Lebanese fisherdated by the DGA, which I represented, and was conducted in men and sailors from the waves it generates. The above-menconjunction with the French organization Association pour les tioned walls have the ideal topographic orientation to provide recherches sous-marines en Roussillon (ARESMAR). At that needed protection against the rare but point, the top header was submerged in about 2 m of water. The still damaging western wind and pit revealed two further courses of similar headers without also against the violent northreaching the bedrock, thus revealing the depth of the ern storms. For this reason, it foundations of the wall at that particular point (fig. The construction of the is clear that the east–west4). In other words, at least five courses of the wall, or oriented walls were built more than 2.5 m, are preserved at the test pit’s site. Phoenician jetty at Tyre as a breakwater to protect This also revealed mason and quarrying marks on must have involved some the headers (see below). the internal area of the old There are many scattered blocks around the northern harbor (fig. 3). form of crane… header built walls, perhaps as a result of falling from Their completed width (13 the higher courses that must have reached above the sea m) would have also made them level. As shown by soundings, the “harbor” area south and suitable as jetties or piers to unload southeast of the jetty holds an enormous amount of archaeologicargo from moored ships. cal remains, with visible pottery sherds datable from the OttoA Date for Tyre’s Jetty man period back to at least the Hellenistic period. The construction of the headers is typical of Phoenician harThe jetty starts east of the Al-Moubarkeh (“the blessed one”) bor work (Carayon 2005). The closest parallel to the sunken Tower. This square-shaped tower measures 8 m in width and is


jetty at Tyre are the jetties at Tabbat al-Hammam and Atlit. The Phoenician jetty at Tabbat al-Hammam, 17 km south of Tartous, consists of a one header–built wall facing the waves, backed by a mixture of ashlars and rubble fill. It is dated to the ninth century B.C.E. and provides a terminus post quem for the construction date of the jetty at Tyre. The Phoenician jetty at Atlit, 30 km south of Haifa, is in fact a smaller replica of the one at Tyre, with two parallel header walls and a third header wall at their tip, enclosing ashlars and rubbles to make a breakwater against the northern winds (Raban and Linder 1993). The headers are roughly the same size as those at Tyre, with an average of 2 m in length, 0.4 and 0.55 m in width, and 0.6 m in height. However, the width of the whole structure at Atlit is only 9.8 m, as opposed to about 13 m at Tyre. The Atlit jetty has been dated to the seventh century B.C.E. based on the fact that its construction was more sophisticated than the one at Tabbat al-Hammam and also the artifacts found within n the harbor basin, such as an Assyrian helmet. Since Atlit wass either a Tyrian or a Sidonian colony (Jones 1993), and since thee d two jetties are constructed in the exact same manner, it would d be reasonable to presume that both were constructed around the same time. A terminus ante quem for the Tyrian jetty is provided by thee outside jetty of the early Hellenistic harbor at ancient Amath--

onte, near Limassol in Cyprus. It employs the same header technique but uses substantially larger blocks (3 m in length). The construction of the Phoenician jetty at Tyre must have involved some form of crane as the one illustrated by Koželj (1988) for constructing the jetty at Amathonte.

Masonry and Quarrying Marks According to experts in cut stones and quarrying, the headers were cut from the quarry, whose location is still unknown, and brought to the jetty without final sizing and shaping. As revealed by the excavations of the test pit, the headers at Tyre have some particular quarrying and mason marks on their sides (figs. 5–6). These marks are older than the Hellenistic period (Orlandos 1968). Jeanine Abdul Massih, a Lebanese expert in masonry who examined photographs of these marks, dates them to at least the Persian period (see Nylander 1970) and possibly to the Phoenician perio period (personal comcom munication munication). Further studi studies a n d

Figure 4. The façade as shown by the sounding test on the inner wall of the jetty. Note the masonry marks on many of the headers (see inset). Photo by Ibrahim Noureddine.


observations of stone marks found on the remaining headers could provide us with some important data on Phoenician building techniques and the date of the jetty.

A Jetty from Tyre’s Phoenician Harbor Based on the above evidence, I present the hypothesis that these parallel walls are the remains of the Phoenician jetty of the northern harbor at Tyre going back to approximately the seventh or eighth century B.C.E. This would make it one of the largest jetties of its kind. The underwater mapping of the jetty structure at the northern harbor of Tyre was completed in December 2005. Recent diving revealed changes in the jetty structure’s upper rows, probably caused by locals who were searching for treasure. Given the pace of destruction of both the northern and southern underwater archaeological sites at the hands of treasure hunters, there is an urgent need to conduct thorough archaeological digs as well as informational campaigns to increase awareness among the local population (especially fishermen) of their underwater archaeological heritage and to interest them in its preservation. Figures 5 and 6. Quarrying marks on the sides of the jetty’s blocks. Upon examining photos of these marks, Jeanine Abdul Massih, a Lebanese expert in masonry, dated them to at least the Persian period and possibly the Phoenician.

 Acknowledgments I would like to thank Mr. Frederic Husseini, General Director of Antiquities, for entrusting me with several sites on the Lebanese shoreline, and Miss Honor Frost for her guidance. I am also indebted to Dr. Albert Naccache for his constant help, as well as to Dr. Jeanine Abdul-Massih for her help and expertise. Finally, I would also like to thank both Dr. Assaad Seif and Erin Wilson for helping me throughout my work, whether underwater or on land.

References Carayon, N. 2005. Embarcadères et débarcadères au Levant au Bronze Récent et à l’âge du Fer. Paper presented at Archéologie du transport dans les sociétés préhistoriques, antiques et médiévales, Strasbourg, France. Frost, H. 1972. Ancient Harbours and Anchorages in the Eastern Mediterranean. Pp. 95–114 in Underwater Archaeology: A Nascent Discipline. Museums and Monuments 13. Paris: UNESCO. Johns, C. N. 1993. Atlit. Pp. 112–17 in vol. 1 of The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, ed. E. Stern. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Carta; New York: Simon & Schuster. Kenrick, J. 1855. Phoenicia. London: Fellowes. Koželj, T. 1988. Les carrières des époques grecque, romaine et byzantine: Techniques et organisation. Pp. 3–80 in


Ancient Marble Quarrying and Trade: Papers from a Colloquium Held at the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, San Antonio, Texas, December 1986, ed. J. Clayton Fant. BAR International Series 453. Oxford: BAR. Marriner, N., and C. Morhange. 2005. Under the City Centre, the Ancient Harbour. Tyre and Sidon: Heritages to Preserve. Journal of Cultural Heritage 6:183–89. Marriner, N., C. Morhange, M. Boudagher-Fadel, M. Bourcier, and P. Carbonel. 2005. Geoarchaeology of Tyre’s Ancient Northern Harbour, Phoenicia. Journal of Archaeological Science 32:1302–27. Noureddine I., and M. el-Hélou. 2005. Tyre’s Ancient Harbor(s): Report of the 2001 Underwater Survey in Tyre’s Northern Harbor. Pages 111–28 in La mobilité des paysages portuaires antiques du Liban, ed. C. Morhange and M. Saghieh-Beydoun. Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaises, hors-série 2. Beirut: Ministère de la Culture, Direction générale des antiquités. Nylander, C. 1970. Ionians in Pasargadae: Studies in Old Persian Architecture. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Boreas 1. Uppsala: Universitetet. Orlandos, A. K. 1968. Les matériaux de construction et la technique architecturale des anciens Grecs, vol. 2. Trans. Hadjimichali and K. Laumonie. École française d’Athènes, Travaux et mémoires 16. Paris: École française d’Athènes. Poidebard, A. 1939. Un grand port disparu, Tyr: Recherches aériennes et sousmarines 1934–1936. 2 vols. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 29. Paris: Geuthner. Raban, A., and E. Linder. 1993. Maritime ‘Atlit. Pp. 117–20 in vol. 1 of The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, ed. E. Stern. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Carta; New York: Simon & Schuster.

Renan, E. 1864. Mission Mi i de d Phénicie. Phé i i 2 vols. l Paris: P i Imprimerie I i i Impériale. I éi l

ABOUT THE AUTHOR Ibrahim Noureddine holds a M.A. degree in Archaeology from the Lebanese University and is preparing his Ph.D. dissertation on costal and submerged harbors in the eastern Mediterranean during the Bronze Age. Noureddine has participated in classical and urban archaeological excavations (Beirut) as well as underwater archaeological surveys and excavations (Tyre) for more than fifteen years. He is a member of the excavation team digging at the Eighteenth Dynasty funerary temples of Amenhotep III and Thutmosis III in Luxor, Egypt.

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Forum

Trends, Tools, Techniques, and

The Beirut National Museum and Collective Memory: Sanctuary, Repository, or Interactive Space? Suzy Hakimian

T

he Beirut National Museum is a miracle of survival. With the beginning of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, the Museum was both a witness and a hostage to the violence that devastated the country for some fifteen years (fig. 1). The museum is located on Damascus Road, which was not only the demarcation line between East and West Beirut but a “bridge” that connected these two parts of the city during periods of ceasefire. The main crossing point was at the Beirut National Museum, so the passage became known as the “Museum Crossing.” In spite of its name, few Lebanese were aware that at this very junction stood the custodian of their national past.

The Beginnings The history of the Beirut National Museum goes back to 1919 when the antiquities collection of Raymond Weill, a French officer based in Lebanon, was housed in rooms of the German Deaconesses Building on Georges Picot Street, awaiting the construction of more appropriate premises. Then, in 1923, a founding committee was created with the goal of raising funds to build a museum near the Beirut hippodrome. A design contest was organized, and a committee selected the proposal of two architects, Antoine Nahas and Pierre Leprince Ringuet. Work began in 1930, and the museum was completed in 1937 (fig. 2). The official inauguration was delayed due to the outbreak of World War II but finally took place on May 27, 1942, in the presence of the country’s intellectual elite. Maurice Chéhab, the first curator of the Museum, defined its goals as being devoted entirely to archaeology and to housing only antiquities from Lebanese excavations (1937, 1). The Museum was also to preFigure 2. Workers building the museum in the 1930s.


Figure 1. The Damascus Road on fire during the strife of May 2008. In the background, the museum. Unless otherwise noted, all photos courtesy Lebanese General Directorate of Antiquities.

Theories in Archaeology Today serve and display this heritage—first for the people of Lebanon and then for the international community (Hakimian 2000, 76). The first and second tasks were easy to achieve. The Beirut National Museum is part of the Directorate General of Antiquities (DGA), and the excavations undertaken by this governmental institution continue to enrich its collections. Moreover, it was considered to be one of the richest museums in the Middle East because of the quality of its collections (Chéhab 1937, 4). The permanent collection (approximately twenty thousand objects) covered a long time span from prehistory to the Ottoman period and included, among other items, sarcophagi, statuary, mosaics, jewelry, coins, pottery vessels, and wood, as well as objects of metal, glass, and ivory. The third objective was also met. Until 1975, tourism was one of the most flourishing sectors of the economy. The Museum benefited from peace and prosperity, welcoming large numbers of visitors, an annual number that increased from 23,671 in 1943 (Chéhab 1942–1943, 86) to 58,545 in 1966 (Saidah 1967, 180).

The Beirut National Museum and the Civil War Civil strife delivered a fatal blow to the Museum. With the start of hostilities in 1975, it had to close its doors; its curators used the rare moments of calm and any available means, such as sandbags and wooden panels, to safeguard the collection. However, this precarious effort at protection was insufficient, so in 1982 stone objects such as statues and sarcophagi were covered with reinforced concrete cases (fig. 3). Small objects were removed from showcases on the first floor and stored in the basement, which had been blocked with concrete walls.

The Beirut National Museum Revival When fighting came to an end in 1991, the Beirut National Museum was in ruins. Its ceiling was ripped open, its windows broken, and its outer walls and façade columns damaged by bullets and shells (figs. 4–6). The interior walls were covered with graffiti celebrating the achievements of the various militias who had used the building as a barracks. Some walls were blackened

by fire, which partly damaged precious items of the collection. The situation was critical for the storage rooms, since they had been closed for fifteen years and the artifacts had been left in very bad condition (fig. 7). Restoration work began in 1995. Thanks to the joint efforts of the Lebanese Ministry of Culture and the Lebanese National Heritage Foundation, the Beirut National Museum came back to life (fig. 8). It reopened its doors for the first time in 1997 after the ground floor had been restored, with the upper floor ready to receive its first visitors in 1999. Contributions by the private sector were also instrumental in restoring the Museum and were actually quite exceptional, since previously the Lebanese had rarely shown such a commitment to the preservation of their national heritage. Instead of destroying the building and replacing it with a new one, the Lebanese authorities chose to restore it to its original state despite a variety of technical difficulties. It reflected their desire to revive one of the rare points of reference and unity the Lebanese people still had after many years of internal strife. Thus, the Museum became the symbol of their national identity and the guardian of their common past (Hakimian 2000, 76; fig. 9). It was no easy task to bring the Beirut National Museum back

Figure 3. A concrete box that protected a masterpiece of the Beirut National Museum: the sarcophagus of Ahiram, a king who ruled over Byblos in the tenth century B . C . E . One side of the sarcophagus bears the oldest Phoenician inscription.

to life. The building needed repair, a new digitized inventory of the collection had to be developed, and the finds had to be restored and displayed according to modern museological principles. In other words, the Beirut National Museum had to meet all the requirements set forth by the International Council of Museums (ICOM).

The Role of Museums Today The relation between museum and society has been at the heart of museum studies since the late 1970s. In 1977, at a general United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) conference held in Russia, the International


b

a Figures 4–6 (a-c). Impact of shells and bullets on the roof (a), the walls with their broken windows (b), and the façade columns (c).

c

Figure 7. (above) Since the museum was built just above the water table, a rise in the water level resulted in the flooding of basement storerooms.


Figure 8. (left) The façade of the museum after its renovation. The layout and decoration of the original building were kept.

Figure 9. (below) On 13 April 2005, commemorating the first day of the war of Lebanon, representatives of all religious communities in Lebanon gathered on the staircase of the museum to illustrate the union of the Lebanese people and their desire for peace. Courtesy An-Nahar.

Committee for Museology (ICOFOM) was created as a subsidiary committee of ICOM. ICOFOM members are researchers who believe that museums should contribute positively to the development of societies. Collections are also considered to reflect social practices and human activities. Thirty years later, the theme of the 2008 International Museums Day, “Museums as Agents for Social Change and Development,” still reflects this concern. To understand the interaction between museums and society, we need to go back to the history of museums and see how they developed from the socalled cabinets de curiosité for the elite, which proliferated until the seventeenth century, to institutions both dedicated and open to the larger public. During the eighteenth century, the concept of spreading knowledge to the whole of society made its way into the minds of the intellectuals and ruling class. Royalty bequeathed private collections to make them accessible to the public. Such was the case, for example, with the czar of Russia, Peter the Great, or the Medici in Italy. The British Museum in London was inaugurated in 1759, and common British men and women were able to see the collection and the library of the royal family’s physician, Dr. Hans Sloane, which had been purchased six years earlier by Parliament (Hakimian 2000, 70).

The idea of public museums developed fully with the French Revolution, when it was decreed that “using and enjoying cultural heritage is one of the citizen’s rights” (Poulot 1988, 72, my trans.). During the twentieth century, museums grew in number, but public attendance did not meet museum curators’ expectations. According to a survey conducted in 1967 by INSEE (the French Census Bureau), 82 percent of the French populace never visited a museum (Coste 2008, 22), despite efforts to remove the image of the museum as a boring repository that one visits only as a civic duty (Hakimian 2000, 71–72). Temporary exhibits from around the world are continuously used by museums to attract more visitors, and most museums now have restaurants and shops to help make the museum a livelier place.


Figures 10–11. Children using the manual Educational Trails at the Beirut National Museum during a visit. In f i g . 1 0 ( a b o v e ) , t h e y a re studying the characteristics of the Ahiram sarcophagus to decipher Phoenician letters; in fig. 11 (right), they admire Egyptian imports from Byblos and Kamed el-Loz.


All museum professionals admit, however, that a museum cannot attract people as easily as an amusement park or a movie theater. What is at stake for museums is not to sell more tickets but to increase the diversity of visitors. This is no easy task. To try to achieve this goal, some countries (e.g., England and France) grant free entrance to some museums. However, it seems that only those who would have visited anyway took advantage of this opportunity, so it had no impact on the diversification of social status or age of visitors (Coste 2008, 25). An explanation can be found in the increasing expectations of modern visitors. From the museum’s point of view, the value and beauty of the collections may be significant enough to attract visitors, but the public has demands of its own. They want flexible opening hours, accessibility, parking places, and, more important, communication and information. The importance given to communication in museums is the result of the “democratization of knowledge.” Museums have long been criticized for being places restricted to the elite. Nowadays they must appeal to a wider public whose background and interests do not always correspond to those assumed in years past. Good communication also involves different ways of attracting public interest, such as the use of thematic trails, workshops, and events for children and youth. Tour guides can also provide information in a more interactive way and involve the public to a greater degree by inviting questions and encouraging the expression of personal opinions.

The Beirut National Museum and Society The Beirut National Museum does not have an auditorium and is too small to set aside space for specific activities. One remedy has been to use part of the basement for temporary exhibits. In addition, some facilities have been built to accommodate the physically disabled, and a small cafeteria is being built at the back of the ground floor in a gallery overlooking the garden, as well as an entertainment area for children and young people. The Museum has also developed a strategy for communicating information about the legacy of the Beirut National Museum. This strategy is based on the following principles. 1. Reduce the number of displayed items. There are roughly 1,450 objects on display on the ground floor and in the gallery, which is considered by some to be minimal. The decision to exhibit a small number of items was aimed primarily at maintaining the larger public interest, since the Museum is not dedicated exclusively to archaeologists and a specialized audience. 2. Offer a good selection of items. Since the museum is not a storage place, it is paramount that the showcases or areas surrounding them should not be overcrowded; hence representative items must be carefully chosen. 3. Enhance information and methods of communication. A complimentary brochure given to all visitors is available in three

languages: Arabic, English, and French. It briefly surveys the Museum’s history, gives a chronological framework of the collection, and suggests an itinerary for the visit. Exhibits are accompanied by explanatory labels and, when necessary, associated with photographic or artistic reconstructions about the exhibits’ original contexts as well as maps that locate the archaeological sites. Panels with texts trace the history of the country in various periods to help the visitor place the finds in their respective contexts. A small guide to the Museum with a selection of archaeological objects is also available in hard copy, and the Museum’s website (www.beirutnationalmuseum.com) offers expanded information. An hourly screening of the short video Revival recounts the main phases of the Museum’s existence. Other videos in the Discover the Museum series are also available for visitors to buy. These introduce the general public to the various types of artifacts exhibited, such as the Byblos figurines, mosaics, glass, jewelry, or explain the process of making purple dye. An animated 3D film aimed primarily at children features Baalitto, one of the Byblos figurines, who escapes from his showcase and strolls through the museum at night, providing explanations about the museum’s collections. With the assistance of students from schools of tourism, the museum offers guided tours for school children. It has also collaborated with the French-Lebanese Grand Lycée of Beirut in order to develop educational tools. A manual entitled Educational Trails at the Beirut National Museum was adapted to different class grades (figs. 10–11). In 2007, the Museum collaborated with Start Project, a humanitarian art program for the Middle East supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Social Affairs and the British Council in Beirut. The Museum partnered with schools and various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to offer valuable educational opportunities to children from disadvantaged backgrounds. The project also encourages children to develop their creative skills and produce artwork of which they can be proud. It also includes visits to the museum by dozens of at-risk children from around the country. The Beirut National Museum is currently a partner in the European EUROMED IV project called Foundations for a Strong Future. Its objective is to promote increased accessibility to and sharing of cultural heritage to build both knowledge and pride among Lebanon’s youth and children. To help achieve this goal, local NGOs and students will develop and publish a multilingual Cultural Heritage Toolkit for educators. Finally, every December the Directorate General of Antiquities together with the Committee of the Friends of the Museum hosts an event at the Museum where a variety of activities take place. Most successful have been a thematic exhibition of archaeological artifacts and a designers’ exhibition where creations specially made for the National Museum Shop are put on display.


Future Challenges for the Beirut National Museum

use of their key resource, the collections. Funding is also a major ethical issue in the public sector and in the private one.… All museums should reaffirm their values against external actors. Faced with various changes, teaching professional ethics remains the only way to safeguard the function and values of the museum” (Lewis 2006, 8). Having survived the dark days of the Civil War, the Beirut National Museum faces new challenges today as it looks forward to serving its constituencies in the future. In order to meet these challenges, the Museum will require increased funding, an expansion of personnel, and a continued adoption of professional management standards and practices, so that its past and present commitment to preserving and displaying Lebanon’s archaeological heritage will carry on into the future.

After attending a seminar on the Management of the Preventive Conservation in Museums organized in October 2007 by the regional office of UNESCO in Beirut and the Lebanese ICOM Committee, the consultant sent to Beirut was struck by the lack of qualified human resources in the museums of Lebanon. “What we are asking those responsible for these institutions to do is enormous,” he told a local newspaper. “They have to study the objects, preserve the collections, maintain items in the storerooms, organize the exhibitions, manage human resources, and act as public relations officers. These tasks are too many and far too heavy of a burden for such a reduced number of personnel” (Makarem 2007). This remark raises a legitimate question: Should a museum that lacks the financial and human resources References for the proper transmission of knowledge be created and maintained? Should these museums raise money for this purpose, Chéhab, M. 1937. Le Musée de Beyrouth: Un trésor d’orfèvrerie syroégyptien. Bulletin du Musée du Beyrouth 1:1–6. regardless of the source or nature of the funding? ———. 1942–1943. Chronique. Bulletin du Musée de Beyrouth 6:86. Money very often becomes the key issue. When we look at the world of museums today, many have succumbed to the tempta- Coste, C. 2008. Des lieux de convivialité. Géo découverte, Hors série 24:22– 25. tion or the need to raise money. Well-known museums such as Hakimian, S. 2000. Une histoire de musées. Travaux et Jours (Université the Louvre of Paris or the Guggenheim of New York have Saint-Joseph) 66:69–80. agreed to rent part of their collections. Some Lewis, G. 2006. The Ethics of Museum Management. ICOM curators are very opposed to such actions ns Study Series 12:8–10. and criticize what they call the relocaMakarem, M. 2007. Technologie: L’idée se heurte comme tion of the Louvre and the creation of a One of the key issues for d’habitude à la pauvreté du budget de fonctionnement Guggenheim bis, since a museum is not L’informatisation des musées du Liban, un projet museums is the endless a Disneyland that can indefinitely be urgent sur le tapis. L’Orient-Le Jour. 10 November reproduced. 2007. Online: http://www.lorientlejour.com/. conflict between conIn the case of the Beirut National Poulot, D. 1988. Le musée entre l’histoire et ses servation and the use of Museum, what Geoffrey Lewis says légendes. Le Débat 49:69–83. about the ethics of museum manageSaidah, R. 1967. Chronique. Bulletin du Musée de their key resource, the ment in general is certainly applicable: Beyrouth 20:156–80. collections. “One of the key issues for museums is the endless conflict between conservation and the

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Private Archaeological Museums in Lebanon Leila Badre

O

ne might wonder if it is merely coincidence that the only private archaeological museums in Lebanon are university-based: the Archaeological Museum of the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise of St. Joseph University (USJ), both located in the heart of Beirut. This state of affairs is not entirely surprising, however, since both AUB and USJ were the earliest universities in the Arab region, and their founders, like most missionaries, were greatly interested in the history of Lebanon and the surrounding region.

The AUB Archaeological Museum The American University of Beirut’s Archaeological Museum is the third oldest in the Near East, after those in Cairo and Istanbul. It was established in 1868 around a core collection donated by General Cesnola, American Consul in Cyprus, to the newly formed Syrian Protestant College, as it was then called. During the nineteenth century, no laws hindered such a hobby as that of Cesnola or prohibited the trade or exchange of archaeological objects. In 1902, Post Hall was built on the AUB campus, and it serves to this day as the home of the university’s Archaeological

Figure 1. View of the Post Hall built in 1902. The AUB Archaeological Museum occupies the entire ground floor. Unless otherwise noted, photos by Leila Badre.


Age to the Islamic Museum (fig. 1). Since its foundperiod. The pottery, ing, the AUB Archaeological as well as other artiMuseum has grown extensively, facts, such as glass, thanks to donations, purchases, coins, bronze objects, and exchanges with other musejewelry, scarabs, and ums outside of Lebanon. This cylinder seals, were has enabled it to become, in displayed in chronocontrast to the Beirut National logical order. Museum, a museum dedicated to regional archaeology, featuring collections from Lebanon, The Renovation of Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Iraq, the Museum Iran, and Cyprus. L i k e m a n y During World War II, the colother contempolection was packed away until rar y museums, the the museum reopened in 1948; AUB Archaeologiits display of artifacts remained Figure 2. View of the Third Gallery of the renovated AUB Archaeological cal Museum, while unchanged until 1956. With the Museum. Inscriptions, sculptures, and a Byzantine mosaic are displayed. charming for its time, ongoing expansion of the archaeThe wooden beams of the ceiling are original and were integrated into the became outdated and ological collection, a larger space renovation. The staircase (photo center) leads to the new mezzanine. unsuitable for modwas needed for the exhibits. ern visitors; by 2006, Renovations of Post Hall doubled the area of the Archaeological Museum and created a Study it needed a face lift. Two major issues had to be considered for the Collection Hall. The museum was then reopened to the public renovation: presentation of the artifacts in a culturally informed in 1964. New showcases housed the collection, which consisted way; and the technical parameters of space, lighting, and inframainly of pottery across all archaeological periods, from the Stone structure. Thus began a complete rehabilitation of the facilities that respected the constraints of the historic building (fig. 2). By

Figure 3. “Glass” section showing different types of glass decoration. Center: Tableware from the Roman period with an illustration of a fresco from Pompeii behind showing glass cups and plates on the table. In the corner: Glass bottles used to store medicines and herbal remedies.


designing a mezzanine overlooking the main ground floor, the exhibition space was increased by 25 percent. In keeping with international standards of museum technology, the latest in lighting equipment, climate control, and waterproofing was installed, as well as fire detectors and alarm systems. Most important, however, were the reorganization of the collection and the development of new and more meaningful ways to convey its significance. As director, I had envisioned the solution for a long time: dividing the collection according to two main concepts, with one presenting the chronological evolution of the archaeological collection and the other focusing on various educational themes. The display of the collection is organized around these two concepts: the pottery, serving as a time line illustrating the chronology of the Near East through the ages, is displayed along the peripheral walls, while the thematic exhibits are placed in the center. Many items related to the same theme but belonging to different periods are grouped together to tell a “story” (figs. 3–4), which is standard practice for major international exhibitions today. The thematic presentations play the role of miniexhibitions within the museum, as illustrated in the following examples. Terracotta figurines are explored from the third millennium b.c.e. to the Byzantine period in order to showcase the different styles, show the development of manufacturing techniques, and emphasize the continuity of fertility symbols throughout the periods. A special and attractive space is allocated to these, plac-

ing the figurines’ evolution in a single (4-m long) longitudinal showcase. Some unique or outstanding specimens, however, are placed in groups of two or three in individual showcases. All the objects related to funerary rituals are gathered in two cases. The first covers Egyptian rituals, including items buried with mummies as funerary offerings, such as jewelry and ushabti (figurines representing the servant to accompany the deceased in the afterlife). The other showcase is dedicated to various Levantine rituals, including golden and clay masks, tear bottles, and terracotta oil lamps. The birth of writing is treated in a similar way, with the evolution of hieroglyphic writing shown in one case and the evolution of the Phoenician linear alphabet, forerunner to our modern alphabet, in the other. This diffusion in time and space is presented in a clear diagram, facilitating comprehension of this difficult subject for a wide audience. Since Lebanon is the homeland of Phoenician civilization (fig. 5), that culture needed to be particularly emphasized and a large area of the museum dedicated to it. A special educational concern was to explain the various aspects of this civilization to all visitors. Therefore, five subdivisions were created to present the Phoenicians’ five major cultural contributions: the murex shell and purple dye; trade and navigation; glass; religion; and the birth of the Phoenician alphabet. All are highlighted with photographic illustrations and explanatory texts. Here I must briefly digress and return to the question of how

F i g u re 4 . F i r s t G a l l e r y m e t a l figurines (2000–1000 B.C.E.). Most were found in temple contexts (e.g., Byblos and Kamed el-Loz), and most are of males, sometimes representing deities or just g ) ex-votos ((votive offerings) e deities. to the


Figure 5. Second Galbest to develop the lery Phoenician secmuseum’s archaeotion. In the center is logical collections, a horizontal showcase especially the Phoewith purple dye and nician part. During murex shells and a the Civil War in map of the Phoenician L eb an on ( 1 9 7 5 – expansion. 1990), with chaos prevailing in the country, a number purchase of antiquiof illicit excavations ties. Instead, many took place in variprivate collectors ous regions, espehave donated their cially in the vicincollections to our ity of Tyre. These museum, becombrought a huge ing a new source of number of Phoenienrichment for the cian artifacts to the collection. antiquities market. As a university The AUB Archaeomuseum, the educal o g i c a l Mu s e u m tional aspect of the purchased half a dozen such items to enrich its Phoenician col- collection is a major concern, so three types of explanations lection. (These items would have otherwise ended up in private were implemented during renovation: large posters along the collections and mostly outside the country.) Furthermore, in an peripheral walls introduce each chronological period; short texts effort to complete the Phoenician collection with a focus on the with graphic and photographic illustrations present the various theme of trade, I made an official request to the Lebanese Direc- aspects of each theme; and each object is individually labeled torate General of Antiquities for a permanent loan of objects with full identification. Taken together, this information can resulting from the AUB Archaeological Museum’s excavations in replace a guided tour or an audio guide, although the latter is Beirut’s Town Center. This request, generously granted, included in the process of being produced. With its didactically oriented two Phoenician storage jars, two sherds inscribed with Phoenician letters indicating their content (olive oil), and another jar that contained a large quantity of charred raisin seeds (fig. 6). All of these, along with many other artifacts, were found in an Iron Age II warehouse and were ready for export. Two more jars, one Aegean of the SOS type (large, semidecorated Attic pottery often used for transport ), and the other of Cypriot origin, indicated the origin of import. In 2000, the Lebanese Ministry of Culture implemented severe restrictions on antiquities. The most significant stopped the division of archaeological finds excavated by private expeditions (hence the loan request mentioned above). Another prohibited all trade of antiquities within and outside LebaFigure 6. Display of objects dating to the Phoenician period. To the right are jars found in a non. Consequently, the AUB Archaeowarehouse in Beirut’s Town Center. In the center are two sherds inscribed with Phoenician letters logical Museum completely stopped the indicating their content (olive oil).


approach, the AUB Archaeological Museum meets the needs of a worldwide community of students and scholars and provides a link to Lebanon’s cultural roots.

A New Prehistory Museum

Friends of the Museum The Society of the Friends of the AUB Archaeological Museum, established in 1980, extends the museum’s influence even further. This society sponsors a number of activities that advance interest in archaeology in a much broader segment of the community. For example, specialized children’s programs reach out to youngsters, while lecture series, local and regional thematic exhibitions, and publication of a newsletter appeal to adults.

The Lebanese Prehistory Museum The Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise, located on the St. Joseph University campus, was the first to focus on Lebanon’s prehistory. It incorporates material collected by Jesuit fathers from different Lebanese sites since the end of the nineteenth century. In 1900, after ten years of research, Fr. Godefroy Zumoffen (1848–1928) published La Phénicie avant les Phéniciens, which represented the first synthesis of Lebanese prehistory and marked the beginning of a scientific tradition that was advanced for half a century almost exclusively by the Jesuit community. A number of Jesuit scholars—Raoul Desribes (1856– 1940), Paul Bovier-Lapierre (1873–1950), Auguste Bergy (1873–1955), Henri Fleisch (1904–1985), and Francis Hours (1921–1987)—succeeded Fr. Zumoffen and, during a century of investigations, managed to build up a large and unique collection of artifacts from Lebanon’s prehistoric past. This collection is of primary importance for the study of Lebanese prehistory, as it constitutes a unique body of artifacts originating from over one hundred sites, some of which have disappeared due to the rampant urbanization of the country. Initially, various parts of this collection were housed in different locations owned by the Jesuits. In the 1960s, however, all these parts were brought together, neatly arranged within the drawers of a single storage space. This marked the starting point for the future museum. Called “Le laboratoire de préhistoire,” the space was located on the second floor of the original building and had a double function: storage and exhibition—in other words, to serve as a temporary museum. The collection was divided into regions and sites, with one hall dedicated to the coastal sites, another to

Figure 7. (above) General view of the lower gallery of the Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise. This museum is the first devoted to the prehistory of Lebanon. It was renovated and opened to the public in June 2000. Photo courtesy of the Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise . Figure 8. (below) Hunting tools in the Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise. Photo courtesy of the Musée de Préhistoire Libanaise .


Figure 9. Archaeological excavation inside the Greek Orthodox Cathedral of St. G e o rg e . T h e i n s i d e o f t h e church was badly damaged d u r i n g t h e C i v i l Wa r. T h e museum, housed in a crypt, is slated to open in 2010.

the Bekaa, and four showcases in the corridor to Mount Lebanon. Eventually, reorganization led to the creation of a modern museum, which opened to the public in June 2000.

A New Prehistory Museum In 2000, a modern and attractive museum was created within the existing space of the original building and according to the special demands of the prehistoric collection. The archaeological material, represented by several thousands stone artifacts, covers all the prehistoric periods from the Lower Paleolithic (800,000 B.C.E.) up to the Chalcolithic period (4,000 B.C.E.; fig. 7). The organization of this huge collection was determined by its dual characteristics: a lack of provenance and stratigraphic context and the fact that the material is almost exclusively lithic (stone). In light of these considerations and in order to re-create the artifacts’ historical and social backgrounds, the museum planners based their museographic concepts on thematic “reconstitutions” through chronological evolution. The presentation of the museum’s artifacts emphasizes the technological rather than the typological evolution of prehistoric societies (fig. 8). Thus, tours begin in the entrance hall with the re-creation of a dwelling floor in order to help visitors appreciate the omnipresence of flint tools in the ancient living space. Abundant illustrations along with textual explanations help visitors understand the numerous flints, and a large virtual reconstruction of a major stratigraphic section places the prehistoric excavation process in its scientific context. Several models of prehistoric huts and houses from different sites such as Jeita, Byblos, and Sidon-Dakerman have also been created and put on display. They serve to place the tools in a


more lifelike context and thus make the Lebanese Prehistory Museum an excellent educational resource for young students in particular and for visitors of all ages in general. A website has also been created to highlight the museum’s collections (see http://www.usj.edu.lb/mpl/).

Other Sites and Resources The archaeological crypt of the Greek Orthodox Cathedral of St. George, an on-site museum, is in its final museographic stage and is scheduled to open in 2010. The first of its kind in Lebanon, this crypt museum will house the results of the archaeological excavations undertaken by the AUB Archaeological Museum team under the cathedral, prior to its restoration at the end of the Civil War. The results consist of superimposed stratigraphic levels from the Hellenistic to the Ottoman periods (fig. 9). The main goal is to present the historical origins of the cathedral, which date back to the Byzantine period (fifth century C.E.). The present cathedral was built on the remains of five superimposed older churches. All this will be highlighted in an attractive and up-to-date virtual presentation. I cannot conclude without mentioning the most important nonarchaeological private museum: the Nicolas Sursock Museum for Modern and Contemporary Lebanese Art, which is presently undergoing major renovations. Also noteworthy is the rise of enthusiastic museological activities in the private sector during the past decade. In addition to historical, maritime, and natural history museums, several ethnological museums have been created, including the Soap Museum, the Silk Museum, the Terbol Ecomuseum of the Bekaa, and the “Molasses Press Museum” of Ras-Baalbeck. Readers who wish to learn more about Lebanon’s museums can consult the May 2009 brochure created on the initiative of the Lebanese National Committee of the International Council of Museums in collaboration with the Lebanese Ministry of Tourism. This brochure, which offers a list and a brief summary of all of Lebanon’s museums, is available at the museums and on the website of the Ministry of Tourism at: http://www.destinationlebanon.gov.lb/Links/Mus%C3%A9es%20english%20final.pdf.

Challenging Colonialism and Nationalism in Lebanese Archaeological Museums Lina G. Tahan

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hen I began thinking about doctoral research, it seemed attractive to conduct research on colonial and national encounters in postcolonial Lebanese archaeological museums. I thought of them as institutions with colonial baggage, shaped as they are by Protestant missionaries who were interested in biblical lands and fascinated by “ancient Phoenicia” as well as by the fact that Lebanon was a French mandate from 1918 until 1943.

In Lebanon, the “museum cultural prototype” at that time was nonexistent except for the American University of Beirut (AUB) Archaeological Museum. When I worked there while an undergraduate student, what really struck me was that the objects on display did not represent a “story” or carry any narrative about the past. In contrast, my expectations of “Western” museums were different, extremely high. So when I visited France in 1996, I immediately went to the Louvre in search of this difference. To my surprise, I found that, although the methods of display were diverse, there was no archaeological story. While archaeology and museology have common goals in preserving cultural remains and diffusing ideas about that past, they speak quite different languages. Archaeological communication is scientifically technical and precise, while museums are institutions that communicate archaeology to the uninitiated, to those who may never have come into contact with the subject before (Cordova-González 2000, 320). One of the fundamental concerns relating to “Western scholarship” in this part of the world is the continuous and unfaltering interest in the archaeology of the Near East (Masry 1981, 222). This, coupled with the research questions highlighted above and the complex history of Lebanon, have inspired me to develop an interesting theory about the intersection of colonialism and postcolonialism within the discourse of archaeological museums. In 1921, soon after the French took over Lebanon as a mandate, Claude Prost, the official representative of the Antiquities Service in Syria and Lebanon, explained why he considered it necessary to create three museums in Greater Syria: one in Beirut, one in Damascus, and another in Aleppo. In Beirut, the museum would be entirely devoted to Phoenician antiquities;

in Damascus, to the Arabic and Islamic periods, and in Aleppo, to the Christian and Byzantine periods. As far as the Greek and Roman periods were concerned, they would be distributed across the three museums, depending on provenance (Prost 1921). It is important at this stage to keep in mind this concept of “Phoenician” archaeology and its consequences later on in postcolonial and postwar Lebanese archaeology. The terms nationalism, colonialism, and postcolonialism within the context of archaeology and museology need to be examined closely, especially since they tend to cause confusion and are imbued with many political connotations. Colonialism can be defined as the capture and seizure of another people’s land and goods (Loomba 1998, 2). Archaeology is relevant in this context because colonists appropriated the past (a “good”) and used it for various political reasons. In a sense, colonialism imprisoned the original populations and newcomers into one of the most complex relationships in human history. One should note that colonialism is not an identical process in every part of the world. Lebanon, for example, was part of the Ottoman Empire until its defeat in World War I, after which the country was ruled by France as mandated territory. On the other hand, nationalism is a bond created between nation-states and its individual members, thus creating a sense of belonging and attachment. It is a powerful legitimizing factor relevant in many areas but differently expressed. It does illustrate the integration of the past in our society. When Lebanon became a French mandate, its boundaries were redefined as independent from Greater Syria. In this period the country’s archaeological heritage was also redefined, and an antiquities law was put into place in 1933, after the construction of a National Museum in Beirut in 1930. The history of archaeology in Lebanon can be attributed largely to France. It was initiated by Western travelers and commercial and diplomatic agents with an interest in archaeological digs and artifacts as well as in maintaining a political and diplomatic career through their respective consulates. Hence, I argue that colonialism in Lebanon first began in 1855 with the coming of these travelers and agents, who started exploring Lebanon and taking archaeological artifacts to ship back to their respective countries. All these practices contributed to shaping the history of the colonized country and the colonizing power. In the case of Lebanon, a Near Eastern country whose past was appropriated, French archaeologists began their archaeological investigations in the nineteenth century. They also claimed that several streams of cultural influences from Lebanon and elsewhere converged in France. Such a connection is quite interesting as the links of colonist versus colonized contributed to shaping an image of superiority for the conquerors as the “true heirs” of previous rulers, in contrast to the degenerated local populations, who were to be patronized (see Trigger 1984). After examining the definition of colonialism, we now turn to


postcolonialism and postcolonial archaeology. Postcolonial stud- representation is crucial to understanding discourses within which ies are generally accepted as a field of interdisciplinary studies knowledge is constructed, because it is questionable whether that encompasses a wide variety of different analyses. What links a true representation is ever possible. If all representations are these fields is a concern for the imperial past with the varieties embedded in the language, culture, and institutions of the repof colonialism within that framework and with the relationship resenter, “then we must be prepared to accept the fact that a between the imperial past and the postcolonial present. It is these representation is eo ipso implicated, intertwined, embedded, bonds concerning museums in Lebanon that interest me, and interwoven with a great many other things besides the ‘truth’ these ideas have yet to infiltrate Lebanon. It is true that Lebanese which is itself a representation” (Said 1978, 272). museums exist in what is qualified nowadays as a postcolonial Let us now turn to specific examples of colonialism and nationera, but colonialism as a narrative is still present within museum alism that have infiltrated Lebanese museums. The AUBAM displays. is the fruit of the American Protestant missionaries who estabThe term postcolonial is a subject of ongoing debate. The pre- lished it in 1868. The discourse concerning the Protestant ethic fix “post” complicates matters, since it has two implications: was discussed by Pearce, who mentions that there are many it is both temporal, as in “coming after,” and ideological, as in reasons why northern Europeans developed an interest in the “supplanting.” Critics and theorists often challenge the second past and that any discussion of the origin of its faith was central implication because the injustices of colonialism are still pres- to the Protestant ethic, which emphasized the importance of ent; one cannot proclaim that colonialism has been eradicated the individual and his or her personal history, and indeed to the (Loomba 1998, 7). Thus it is important to challenge colonial- Christian tradition, which sets supernatural events in a specific ism’s legacies. Such a position allows us to think that material place and time (Pearce 1990, 7). Linked with this is the fact that culture displaced by colonialism, such as the sarAmerican missionaries came to the region to devote cophagus of Eshmunazar II or the Yehawmilk time to intellectual interests. Besides establishStela displayed in the Louvre, still carry a ing specialized university departments, they colonial narrative because they are still Yet it may be argued that founded a museum and enriched its archaehoused there. A country such as Lebaological collection. The AUBAM kept a the choice of archaeology non may be regarded as postcolonial in colonial discourse even after its renovathe sense that it achieved its indepention. One of the first things we notice is as a medium for historidence from France in 1943, but it is still that an entire gallery is devoted to the cal self-identification is colonial because it remained culturally “Phoenician” period but only a very small dependent on France and other Western section to the Islamic. politically conditioned. countries, which is reflected in its archaeThe idea of “nationhood” has been incorological museums. Lebanon still relies on po porated into the discussion of museums as if foreign expertise to create museums and parit were an absolute, despite the fact that major ticular kinds of displays, even the decision to retain disruptions such as civil conflicts can create new the same traditional displays, revising only their appearances, as approaches that challenge the automatic inclusion of such conis the case of the AUB Archaeological Museum (AUBAM) and cepts. Lebanese national identity has been disrupted as a result of the National Museum of Beirut (NMB). the Civil War, and thus it must now be questioned in representaLebanon and France used each other to create and weave their tion. This is the main angle through which the present-day NMB identities. The French used “culture,” as they were the mis- will be examined. sion civilisatrice, representers of the Lebanese culture and heriHaving been a colonial institution, the NMB is now at a stage tage. Archaeological research and its embodiment in museums where it can become a place for reclaiming the past by focusing became closely intertwined in order to re-create and reinter- on identity and its controversial nature. In my view, the NMB pret the other. Thus, the possession of knowledge by the French should take on, rather than shy away from, the responsibility became a matter of “representation,” thus giving concrete forms that comes with being a container and bearer of cultural objects to ideological concepts, that is, making certain signifiers stand for and values of a society and recognize the responsibility of being a signifieds. The power underlying these representations cannot be national museum. It would seem, however, that no such change detached from the operations of political forces, even though it is has taken place in the actual displays in terms of having new a different kind of power, more subtle, more penetrating, and less ways of interpreting and engaging the past. The prewar models visible. Such was the case in the exploration of the “archaeologi- are still in place, since at the entrance to the museum the trunk cal Orient” and its representation in “Oriental” and “Western” of a cedar tree is displayed, the symbol of national identity par museums. excellence that was manipulated for political gain by militias In short, I tend to agree with Edward W. Said that the issue of during the Civil War. This pronouncement of national identity,


showcasing a symbol misused during the Civil War is, in a way, a denial of that war and its effects and an attempt to restore longlost ideals. This could be seen as an affirmation of the unity of the people; however, the questions remain: For whom, and to what extent is it effective? The impressions one gets from the NMB’s displays are that people in the past were innovative and sophisticated. The sheer number of beautiful objects from precious materials emphasizes that the people who lived in “ancient Phoenicia” were sophisticated artisans. The hoard of “Phoenician figurines” is one of the most remarkable to be found in Lebanon, and it is displayed in Showcases 13–17 as if they were in an “up-market gift shop.” These Middle Bronze Age bronze figurines, covered with gold sheets, were found at Byblos and Kamed el-Loz. They are often erroneously labeled as “Phoenician figurines” even though they are not from the “Phoenician period,” which stretches from the Late Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age. Nevertheless, these figurines carry unspoken messages and reveal embedded ideas relating to national symbols. They are also depicted on many leaflets of archaeological sites and museums and have become an icon of Lebanese culture. They are sold in many tourist shops, and when visitors were asked what they thought of these figurines, most of the replies matched the following sentiment: “We feel that it is always the Phoenician period dominating this museum and Byblos as the main site; even if the panel mentions that these figurines are a treasure hoard and that they are ex-votos to the gods and shed light on the cult performed to the gods, we are hindered by the fact that the past of Lebanon is not presented equally and carefully, now that we are living in a post-war era” (NMB visitor interview, 2002). Another example is the Lebanese Prehistory Museum (LPM), which gives the impression that the discovery of “prehistory” is owed to the French Jesuit priests, a clear continuation of the colonial discourse within the narrative of the LPM. None of the Lebanese scholars who worked on other Lebanese archaeological sites is mentioned. Was it an exclusive domain reserved only to the French priests? A museum brochure states: “Well before the Phoenicians … Lebanon was inhabited around a million years B.C. … Lebanese prehistory was the privileged domain of the skilful French Jesuit Priests of the Saint Joseph University.” Such a statement hints to the fact that prehistory as a scientific discipline was conceived by the French Jesuit priests. Further, the use of the word “Phoenicians” means that the curators consider the Phoenicians as important as prehistoric humans, but what about the other settlers? Are they absent? Again, the embedded ideas of “Phoenicianism” and concepts of French archaeology and methodology are present within the museum narrative. Yet it may be argued that the choice of archaeology as a medium for historical self-identification is politically conditioned. It bears a significance that transcends scientific achievement and encapsulates it in a nationalist discourse. Within that, it builds a “mod-

ern” nation and naturally seeks to build a “modern” past for itself. Hence, in the case of the LPM, a selected past is reshaped to suit the needs of the people. The LPM’s unique and self-contained character is due to its subject matter, the prehistory of Lebanon. It also compares older prehistoric traditions, making it difficult to synchronize various national histories; it addresses both a local and an international audience by comparing the antiquity of certain peoples or the speed with which they climbed the evolutionary ladder. These are as important as the celebration of specific events from the museum’s history, such as the celebration of the 125th anniversary of St. Joseph University and the inauguration of the LPM in June 2000. By way of conclusion, I refer to C. Gosden, who stated that all archaeology in a previously colonized country is now postcolonial (2001, 241). However, this is only true in a chronological sense, in that most former colonies have become independent but are still dealing with the residues of colonialism. Moreover, museums should be in practice postcolonial, yet they have retained a colonial discourse, as is the case for the Lebanese museums as well as the Louvre. It is in this sense that one should consider the impact of postcolonial theory on archaeology, on archaeological museums, and on the new legal and intellectual context of archaeology in many parts of the world (Gosden 2001, 241).

Bibliography Cordova-González, J. 2000. Teaching Archaeology at the Museum San Miguel de Azapa in Northernmost Chile. Pp. 319–24 in Cultural Resource Management in Contemporary Society: Perspectives on Managing and Presenting the Past, ed. F. P. McManamon and A. Hatton. One World Archaeology 33. London: Routledge. Gosden, C. 2001. Postcolonial Archaeology: Issues of Culture, Identity, and Knowledge. Pp. 241–61 in Archaeological Theory Today, ed. I. Hodder. Cambridge: Polity; Malden, Mass.: Blackwell. Loomba, A. 1998. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. New Critical Idiom. London: Routledge. Masry, A. H. 1981. Traditions of Archaeological Research in the Near East. World Archaeology 13:222–39. Pearce, S. M. 1990. Archaeological Curatorship. Leicester Museum Study Series. London: Leicester University Press. Prost, C. 1921. Archives de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie du ProcheOrient/Service des Antiquités du Haut-Commissariat: Annual Report No. 527 from Prost to the High Commissioner of the French Republic in Syria and the Lebanon, dated Beirut, August 11. Said, E. W. 1978. Orientalism. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Trigger, B. G. 1984. Alternative Archaeologies: Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist. Man NS 19:355–70.


Postcolonial, Neo-imperial, or a Little Bit of Both? Reflections on Museums in Lebanon Neil Asher Silberman

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t is gratifying and enlightening to read these three quite different perspectives on museum practice in Lebanon. This journal will continue to benefit from ever-greater attention to political and social contexts of archaeological work and its cultural by-products, not merely as “popularization” or “outreach” but as essential outcomes of scholarly activity. For while research reports and historical monographs reach at most a few hundred readers, public representations of the past in museums, school textbooks, and “official” national histories—further echoed in the subtle imagery of postage stamps, political speeches, and public commemorations—move millions. They move them to war, peace, xenophobia, or peaceful co-existence. Institutions such as those described in the preceding articles are nothing less than the modern machinery of collective identity. Few nations on earth possess as fragmented and contentious a brand of identity politics as Lebanon. It is to the credit of the authors of the preceding reports that they face the problems of Lebanon’s museums squarely and openly, in the context of recent history and contemporary life. Some of the challenges they describe are shared with museums all over this globalized world in our era of mass media, Internet communications, and declining museum visitation. In Lebanon, as elsewhere, curators have been forced to move away from didacticism toward livelier “edu-tainment” offerings. Exhibits need to be slicker, packaged more creatively, and aimed at a wider range of potential audiences—from bored and restless school children to bored and impatient adults. Of course, Lebanon’s recent history of civil war, internal political upheavals, and external threats makes it a special case. Its museums, like every other public institution in the country, still bear the burden of religious conflict and colonial oversight. While those elements of modern political life are certainly not absent from Israel and Jordan and other Near Eastern nations described in this journal, the presentation of the past in those countries have been firmly controlled and authorized by their central governments, each with their own orthodox ideas of history and ethnic identity. Yet in Lebanon, with its tenuous balance of power between communities, identity is often in the eyes of


the beholder—and what is dearest to one community may be anathema to the rest. All three of the commentators recognize this challenge and attempt to point the way to policies and techniques that may enable the museums of Lebanon to serve as positive, unifying cultural influences in the wider society. I would like to highlight a few aspects that strike me as worthy of further discussion. Leila Badre’s review and prospect of the role of private museums in Lebanon offers a glimpse at the legacy of the nineteenthcentury Western religious missionaries in the country, with a brief closing review of the new wave of private museums that have been established in recent years. Badre touches on some of the problematic issues now recognized in the circumstances of the older museums’ founding, namely, their basis in collections gathered (plundered?) systematically by Western diplomats and clerics as a part of the colonial appropriation of the Middle East. Today, of course, such a situation would never be tolerated, but it is interesting to note how the colonial legacy survives in some subtle yet highly influential ways. The basic emphasis on the Phoenicians in the archaeological exhibits—whether they are understood in their biblical or classical context—and the reliance on a chronological sequence of technological innovation and steady stylistic development reveals a continuing orientation toward selective visions of certain influential historical peoples and steady technical progress as the hallmarks of history. It is therefore significant that even with the thorough updating of the American University of Beirut Archaeological Museum in 2006, the main narrative of the “charming” presentation of bygone days was retained. Still focusing on the Phoenicians and still based on a rigidly linear chronology, only the infrastructure of lighting, signage, security, and design has changed. There is still a decided distance between past and present. The exhibitions remain didactic—relying mainly on the achievements and skills of the ancient Phoenicians in technology, craft, cult, trade, and literacy, as a unifying element for Lebanese society today. The updated exhibits at the Lebanese Prehistory Museum at St. Joseph’s University are likewise faithful reminders of the upward-and-onward march of civilization from barbarism to domesticity, illustrated with a sequence of flints and a parade of replica Stone Age houses from various sites. A chronologybased bridge is also featured in the crypt of the Greek Orthodox cathedral, demonstrating architectural (and implied cultural and spiritual) continuity to the earliest centuries of official Christianity. These subtle storylines assert contemporary political claims—about the centrality of Western civilization, about the inevitability of technological and economic development, even about a modern community’s historical claims. In traditional eyes, archaeological facts are objective; yet the emphasis on certain characters and certain stories within a museum context teach modern religious lessons as well. If the museums of the American and St. Joseph’s universities

The National Museum of Beirut was explicitly dedicated to displaying antiquities from within the boundaries of modern Lebanon.

Above: National Museum of Beirut.

are seen as necessarily didactic, the Beirut National Museum is described by its former curator, Suzy Hakimian, as a metaphor of survival and rebirth. What is being reborn, exactly? In the museum’s founding by officials of the French Mandatory Government and its design by French-trained architects, it embodies an art-deco, Orientalist vision of modernism in the Middle East, parallel in spirit to the “Rockefeller” or Palestine Archaeological Museum being built in Jerusalem at precisely the same time. That vision was one of empire (whether it was French, British, or American hardly mattered, except in a few architectural details). What was being constructed was not a psalter of flints and potsherds but a modern institution in which ancient wisdom, rational organization, and efficient administration were combined. Antiquity was harnessed to shape the modern nation and its unifying vision of national history. There is nothing uniquely Lebanese about this; on the contrary, every nation-state needs— and has established—a national museum to signify its sovereignty over its territory’s past. In sharp contrast to the AUB Archaeological Museum, which sought to collect the heritage of all the neighboring lands of the Bible, the National Museum of Beirut was explicitly dedicated to displaying antiquities from within the boundaries of modern Lebanon. Culturally at least, it was meant—like similar institutions in other new nations— to knit together divergent religious and regional communities

into a modernized citizenry. The displayed past was to have a unifying function, its iconic images flowing outward from the national capital, in the illustrations in schoolbooks and motifs for banknotes and postage stamps. How appropriate, then, that when the nation began to splinter in the mid-1970s, the flow of past into present was reversed. Whether by intention or by sheer topographical coincidence, the Museum became a target for both sides in the struggle for sectarian supremacy in Beirut. The efforts of the curators to ensure the security of the collections in the midst of the fighting were nothing less than heroic. It might be said they were fighting to preserve the ideal of a “national past” as much as the individual artifacts. It is therefore appropriate that the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the Museum since the 1990s has been seen—as indicated in its new welcome video Revival—as a cultural restoration and a symbol of national rebirth and sectarian rapprochement. It is a noble story of cultural resistance to tribal fragmentation; time alone will tell if national unity will prevail in the long run. Yet the main interest of much of Hakimian’s article is to place the Museum in an international perspective, and here we can also


its colonial subjects that the “mother country” is economically, technologically, culturally, and, in some cases, racially “superior.” It is this ideological dimension, more even than sheer force, that makes the colonial system seem normative and natural, even after the colonial period. And it is not just the colonizers who construct the colonial representations; the colonized—particularly the elites among them—eagerly consume and perpetuate them. In that sense, “postcolonial” is not just after the end of the colonial period, which in Lebanon came to an end in 1943. It would signify an end to the colonial consciousness, which she critiques as remaining in both the AUB Archaeological Museum and National Museum of Beirut. Her discussion of the “Protestant ethic” behind the AUB Archaeological Museum, based on a generic source about museum curatorship, can hardly explain the continued focus on Phoenician culture. Though it surely was introduced in the context of a biblical worldview, it also displays the kind of selective ethno-history that Lebanese nationalism (in its broadest sense) inspired. The National Museum of Beirut is, in her words, a former “colonial” institution, but in fact it was a part of the French mission civilisatrice, an imperial ideology proclaiming Lebanon to be a full part of the Francophone Empire, not an inferior to be exploited or tamed. And while she sees the NMB as a potentially valuable symbol of national identity and unity, she questions its Phoenicocentrism, implying in the quoted interview that “the past of Lebanon is not treated equally a n d c a r e f u l l y. ” Shechem IV What exactly does she suggest? The Persian-Hellenistic Pottery of Shechem/Tell Balâtah Ã A few of Tahan’s by Nancy L. Lapp points deserve rebuttal—the most This is the Ànal publication of the Persian and Hellenistic pottery important one from the American Joint Expedition to Shechem, 1956–1968. In an being her contenintroductory chapter, the stratiÀcation and important loci for this study are described. The next two chapters present the pottery by tion that individual type with reference to strata and loci, complete with drawings, artifacts or exhibits descriptions, and comparative material from other sites. A Ànal arranged chronochapter summarizes the important typological features and logically lack a appendixes list loci with descriptions and Ànds from them. “story.” As I tried to stress earlier, American Schools of Oriental Research Archaeological Reports, Volume 11, Series Editor Joseph A. chronological or Greene, ASOR 2009, 351 pages, 67 b/w Àgures & 48 b/w photos, ISBN 978-0-89757-079-4, $74.95. stylistic progression in themselves tell a very potent story Available from The David Brown Book Company — www.oxbowbooks.com

see, whether implicit or voluntary, a return to the spirit of the Museum’s transnational, imperial roots. The new empire is neither French nor British nor American, but global. Its citizens are tourists, consumers, and urban “children at risk.” Its standards are the international best practices of the International Council of Museums. Its floor plan must now include a gift shop, cafeteria, and play area. Among its featured attractions is a cartoon “guide” (Baalitto!) for the children and its fine museum reproductions and other products for sale. Its role for the nation is now shared with its curators’ perceived responsibility to the international museum community, for much of what Hakimian describes as the National Museum’s challenges are challenges faced by all museums, and the strategies that have been adopted to counter them are globalized rather than strictly national. Last we come to the postmodern perspective of Tahan, who readily applies the political epithet of “colonial” to the established museums and suggests “postcolonial” archaeology as a viable alternative. Yet she articulates these terms’ distinctive meanings less clearly than might be desired. “Colonialism” is not just “the capture and seizure of another people’s land and goods.” It is a system of exploitation in which a colonial power operates by force and by ideological representations to itself and

New Publications


indeed. Second, I would take issue with the statement that, in contrast to museological discourse, “archaeological communication is scientifically technical and precise.” That may be true when it comes to describing pottery scatters in a single locus or measuring the ashlars in an ancient building, but anything more general than that takes interpretive creativity. It is storytelling pure and simple, with all the ideological baggage (if not the literary artistry) of other narratives that begin with “once upon a time.…” The three perspectives presented by Badre, Hakimian, and Tahan all show an active engagement and awareness of Lebanon’s political present, help us to recognize what complex challenges the country’s museums have faced—and continue to con-

front. I would stress here that the messages about the past that the highlighted museums convey are not the result of any single philosophy or ideological representation but are the products of a kind of narrative stratigraphy. Onto the nineteenth-century biblical vision, the colonial and imperial were superimposed in the early twentieth century, followed by a nationalist emphasis after the end of the French Mandate, with a recent turn to “postcolonial” rhetoric. We can therefore see clearly from the three foregoing articles that within the constraints of the narratives created and expanded by colonizers and colonists, imperialists and imperial subjects, globalizers and postmodern critics, the museums of Lebanon are still evolving and remain a valuable source of contemporary reflection, learning, and creativity.

ABOUT THE FORUM AUTHORS Suzy Hakimian was the curator of the Beirut National Museum (1991– 2009) who supervised the museum’s rehabilitation. She is a member of the National Committee of the International Council of Museums and other commissions. Since January 2010, she has been the curator of a new museum to be created in Beirut that will exhibit a collection of minerals from Mr. Salim Eddé.

Lina Gebrail Tahan (Ph.D., University of Cambridge) is currently a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Tourism and Cultural Change at Leeds Metropolitan University and an affiliated scholar in the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge. She is an active member of the International Council of Museums, working primarily for promoting museums in the Arab world.

Leila Badre is director of the AUB Archaeological Museum and was responsible for the complete renovation of the museum. She also helped create a museum at the Greek Orthodox Cathedral of St. George in Beirut, has excavated sites in various regions, and was founder of the Friends of the AUB Archaeological Museum and the Lebanese National Committee for the International Council of Museums.

Neil Silberman is Coordinator of Projects and Policy Initiatives for the University of Massachusetts Amherst Center for Heritage and Society. He is co-author of The Bible Unearthed (2001) and David and Solomon (2006) and editor-in- chief of the second edition of the Oxford Companion to Archaeology. He is also a member of the editorial boards of International Journal of Cultural Property and Near Eastern Archaeology.


Reviews

Book Reviews of Interest

The Bronze Age in the Lebanon: Studies on the Archaeology and Chronology of Lebanon, Syria and Egypt Edited by Manfred Bietak and Ernst Czerny. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 50; Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 17. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2008. Pp. 256, with figures and maps. Paper, $140.00, ISBN 3-7001-6136-0.

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his book is the seventeenth volume in the series Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean, published by the Austrian Academy of Sciences. The present volume is the outcome of a workshop organized by the SCIEM 2000 research program and the IFAPO, held in Beirut in 2000. As the editors declare in their introduction, the term “Lebanon” in the title is not strictly geographical, and the book encompasses a much larger cultural area stretching to the north (until Qatna and Ugarit) and much farther south (Transjordan and Egypt). This is somewhat disappointing, as a volume entirely dedicated to the archaeology of Lebanon strictly speaking would be very welcome. The first five papers deal with three important sites located within the strict borders of coastal and inland Lebanon. Claude Doumet-Serhal presents the results of the ongoing project of the renewed excavations in Sidon and discusses a sequence of strata dating from the Early Bronze Age III and well into the end of the Middle Bronze Age. Among the most important conclusions of the study of the sequence: the last phase of the EB is interpreted as a continuation rather than a break in the development of Sidon’s material culture and as such shows clearer affinities to the north. The Middle Bronze Age is represented by twenty-five tombs covering five phases of the period. The most intriguing aspects of this sequence are the methods of burial (constructed warrior graves and jar burials) and the accompanying grave goods. These consist of a wide array of both imported objects


and local types, enabling a correlation of the various phases with other regions in the eastern Mediterranean. Noteworthy among these are the metal weapons in phase 1, the Egyptian imported burial jar, the Levantine Painted Ware and the Minoan Kamares cup in phase 2, and the metal objects in phases 4 and 5. These, as well as the local pottery vessels found in the tombs, form a crucial step in the reconstruction of the chronology and the foreign relations of Sidon and the coast of Lebanon in general. Following is J. A. MacGillivray’s discussion of the Minoan Kamares cup found in a clear phase 2 context. The detailed typological and chronological discussion places the cup within its wider background and highlights both its Cretan origin (in the Mesara Plain) and its relatively early date (MM IIA or early B) compared to other Kamares vessels imported to the Levant. Two papers are dedicated to the stratigraphic sequence of one of the most important coastal sites in Lebanon: Byblos. Yasmine Makaroun Bou-Assaf discusses the architectural evidence from the Dunand excavations in terms of building materials, construction techniques, and ground plans of the structures and reconstructs their development throughout the sequence. The table comparing Dunand’s periodization with Near Eastern periods and newly reconstructed architectural phases is very useful. Jean-Paul Thalmann’s paper seeks to establish a similar sequence and correlation of Byblite strata from a different aspect, that of the pottery vessels and metal weapons. Thalmann uses the well-defined stratigraphic sequence of Tell Arqa, further north on the Lebanese coast, as a comparable corpus of vessel types and ceramic development. One of the most interesting conclusions is the reconstruction of a period of cultural continuity in the last quarter of the third millennium, the so-called EB IV, similar to the main urban centers of the northern Syrian coast and inner Syria, in line with Doumet-Serhal’s suggestion for the Sidon evidence. The last paper of the group dealing with Lebanese sites is Regine Pruzsinszky and Marlies Heinz’s discussion of the texts from Kamed el-Loz (Kumidi) in the Lebanese Bekaa. The paper treats the nine cuneiform tablets found in the excavations of this site (or illegally excavated and attributed to it) in an attempt to reconstruct their chronology and set them in their historical context. These texts are letters, part of the international correspondence between the Egyptian pharaoh and his Levantine vassals and thus can serve as the basis for the correlation between the Egyptian chronological scheme and the stratigraphic sequence of Kumidi. Hopefully, the results of the renewed excavations at the site, directed by Marlies Heinz, will shed more light on material and cultural links attested by its archaeological remains between the southern Levant, Egypt, and Syria. Closing the first group of papers relating to Lebanon is a short note by Peter M. Fischer describing the find context of a jug dated to the latest part of the MB that seems to be influenced

both from Chocolate-on-White and Cypriote Bichrome vessels. Petrographic analysis suggests that the jug was produced in the southern Lebanese coast, possibly the area of Beirut. The following four papers are dedicated to sites in Syria. Three deal with various aspects of the Bronze Age strata of Tell Mishrifeh/Qatna as revealed by the Italian component of the joint international project of excavations at the site. Marco Iamoni discusses plain wares attributed to the MB II and LB Ages, from a technological and typological perspective. More than seventy fabric groups were defined, showing a high degree of differentiation during the MB and the early LB and a prevalence of mineral-tempered fabrics toward the later phase of the LB. In terms of the shapes, the author suggests a trajectory of more closed shapes in the MB II, while open shapes dominate the assemblage of LB contexts. It should be stressed that Iamoni admits that the corpus is indeed partial and the methodology of the sherd count is not specified; despite this reservation, it is commendable to see a discussion of plain pottery shapes that moves beyond the typological-chronological aspect and takes into account aspects of technology and production. Marta Luciani’s paper also deals with pottery, the decorated and imported pottery from Building 6 in Operation K. The monumental building’s four phases cover the MB II and the LB I, following which in the LB IIA it was abandoned and built over. The corpus shows a trend of overall decrease in the percentage of decorated pottery and the dominance of painted over incised pottery in the LB. Local decorated and imported pottery is presented and illustrated by very useful color plates. Imported Cypriote pottery (WP, WS, and BRI) appears only in the last phase of the building and contribute to its dating to the late fifteenth or early fourteenth century. The third paper, by Daniele Morandi Bonacossi, might have fit better as the first in the series of Qatna studies, since it addresses the EB to MB transition and the emergence of the complex urban society of the second millennium B.C.E. in Qatna. The paper includes a detailed description of the earliest phases on the acropolis, dated to the end of the EB IVB until the first phase of the MB I, with accompanying pottery tables. Despite the caution necessitated by the poor preservation of the remains, the sequence is important in reconstructing the EB–MB transition. It shows clear continuity and an uninterrupted pottery sequence, with a functional change of the area (from agricultural storage to pottery manufacture) in the beginning of the second millennium and the MB phases. The last paper in this group, by Jaques Lagarce and Élisabeth du Puytison-Lagarce, discusses the end of the LB in the northernmost site included in this volume, Ugarit and its subsidiary palaces in Ras Ibn-Hani. The authors offer a discussion of several texts found in Ras Ibn-Hani and their chronological and historical implications. They suggest the destruction of both the Maison

aux Albâtres at Ugarit and the Palais Nord in Ras Ibn-Hani at the beginning of the twelfth century B.C.E. Their paper presents several objects found in the Maison aux Albâtres that highlight the active relations between Egypt and Ugarit and Ras Ibn-Hani, including alabaster vessels of various shapes, one bearing the cartouche of Rameses II, and an Egyptian figurine. Other objects found in the Palais Nord (an Ugaritic translation of a letter to Rameses II, a quartz scarab and a seal impression) can also be attributed to the reign of this pharaoh and support the later date of destruction of the edifice. An interesting phenomenon discerned in both structures is a final phase of architectural alterations and overall deterioration of the structures prior to their final destruction. Similar phenomena were recently observed in the final phase of LB sites (Hazor, Megiddo, and Lachish) in the southern Levant and might be interpreted as cases of “crisis architecture” hinting at the social circumstances during those crisis years. The third and last group of three papers is dedicated to the Egyptian evidence, mainly from Tell el-Dab’a in the Nile Delta. David Aston offers an overview of the history of research of the Tell el-Yahudiyeh family, with a description of the various typologies suggested by scholars studying these ubiquitous vessels. This very detailed discussion forms the background for a new typological and chronological scheme, based largely on the large corpus of Tell el-Yahudiyeh jugs and juglets found in stratified contexts in Tell el-Dab’a. It is hoped that this new scheme, which is simple, coherent, and chronologically sound, will supply a common language for scholars working in Egypt, the Levant, and Cyprus. Karin Kopetzky presents the MB IIB ceramic corpus of Tell el-Dab’a and offers a detailed discussion of several families. These include the Tell el-Yahudiyeh jugs and juglets, in terms of both shapes and fabrics, Tell el-Yahudiyeh anthropomorphic and zoomorphic/ichthyomorphic vessels, the painted juglets that are imported from the Levant, the monochrome burnished juglets, dipper juglets, platter bowls, carinated and globular bowls, jugs and storage jars, and miniature or model vessels of various shapes. Kopetzky discusses the active trade between Tell elDab’a and the northern Levantine sphere, including the areas of northern Palestine and Lebanon, an observation supported also by petrographic analysis. This reconstruction indeed leaves the area of southern Palestine in the MB outside the realm of direct contacts with Tell el-Dab’a and the Egyptian delta sites. Finally, Robert Schiestl discusses the early MB “Asiatics” tombs of Tell el-Dab’a, comparing the building techniques and materials of the built tombs, their shapes, and the ground plan of the cemetery and discussing their local origin and possible foreign influences. He interprets the evidence as an intentional adoption of Egyptian traditions by Near Eastern inhabitants of this multicultural site. The volume, as usual in this series, is beautifully illustrated


with high-resolution photographs, well-executed line drawings and maps, and color plates. The book is no doubt an important addition to the accumulating body of knowledge of Bronze Age material culture and history of the Levantine coast. It will become indispensible for scholars of history and material culture working within this area, and the archaeological corpora presented here will form the basis of renewed discussions and reconstructions of this crucial area during the third and second millennia B.C.E. The volume whets the appetite, and one hopes that the finds in other major Lebanese sites currently under excavation, such as Beirut, Kamed el-Loz, Tell el-Burak, and Tell Kazel, will be presented in a following volume. In a less practical vein, one can also hope that one day the political situation will not prevent a volume such as the present one from including Bronze Age sites in modern-day Israel.

Sharon Zuckerman The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant: The Lebanon and Its Mediterranean Connections Edited by Claude Doumet-Serhal, in collaboration with Anne Rabate and Andrea Resek. Beirut: Lebanese British Friends of the National Museum, 2008. Pp. 218, figures and maps. Cloth, $89.00. ISBN 978-2913330-30-6. “Do not show an Arab the sea nor a Sidonian the desert, for their work is different” (Ginsberg 1969, 430).

T

he flourishing trade networks of the East Mediterranean during the second and early first millennia B.C.E. have been the subject of sustained research over many decades. While the prime focus remains charting the movement of different classes


of pottery between the Greek world and the Levant, more recent studies have framed interpretations within analyses of the impact of trade on social relations in the region. Nonetheless, there are still significant gaps in our knowledge, reflecting the inaccessibility of some areas as a result of the modern political situation. Networking Patterns goes some way toward redressing the situation with regard to the fundamental role played by Lebanon—the heartland of the Phoenicians—in these trade networks. Claude Doumet-Serhal has produced a beautifully illustrated volume that surveys recent developments in Lebanese archaeology. The volume presents a series of papers published as the result of an archaeological symposium held in Beirut in 2008: “Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean: The Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages.” The Mediterranean connections of southern Lebanon are presented in the first two essays: “The Kingdom of Sidon and Its Mediterranean Connections,” by Claude Doumet-Serhal, in collaboration with Vassos Karageorghis, Henri Ch. Loffet, and Nicolas Coldstream†; and “Cypriote Imports from the Phoenician Cemetery of Tyre,” by María Eugenia Aubet Semmler and Francisco Jesús Núñez. The middle section covers the Bekaa Valley in “Kamed el-Loz: The Levant, Inner Syria and Mesopotamia,” by Marlies Heinz. Finally, northern Lebanon is addressed with “Arqa during the Bronze Age: Connections with the West,” by Hanan Charaf. Two essays also contextualize the external contacts of Lebanon during the Iron Age: “Early Greek Exports to Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean,” by Nicolas Coldstream; and “Les Phéniciens à Chypre,” by Vassos Karageorghis. In this respect, given that much of the emphasis of the earlier chapters was on the Late Bronze Age aspect of trade, the absence of essays that specifically examine the wider context of second millennium trade, in particular with Cyprus and the Mycenaean world, is interesting. Only two essays locate the sites in question in a map of the Lebanon, suggesting an assumption that readers will be familiar with the geography of Lebanon. Moreover, the absence of a clear map of the East Mediterranean is striking, in particular given the geographical arrangement of the essays. The line illustration page 169 is not at all clear. “The Kingdom of Sidon” summarizes results of the British Museum excavations of the “College Site,” supplemented by color photographs from the archives of Roger Saidah; these are presented chronologically from the Early Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age—spanning the third millennium to the first half of the first millennium B.C.E. The emphasis is on traded objects, and the text is amply supported by color plates. The range of imported materials illustrates strong links with Egypt and Syro-Mesopotamia from the earliest periods and increasing Mediterranean contacts with Cyprus and the Aegean world from the Middle and Late Bronze Age into the Iron Age. The richly illustrated text clearly demonstrates the maritime wealth of the Kingdom of Sidon and iterates the importance of international connections

with high-resolution photographs, well-executed line drawings and maps, and color plates. The book is no doubt an important addition to the accumulating body of knowledge of Bronze Age material culture and history of the Levantine coast. It will become indispensible for scholars of history and material culture working within this area, and the archaeological corpora presented here will form the basis of renewed discussions and reconstructions of this crucial area during the third and second millennia B.C.E. The volume whets the appetite, and one hopes that the finds in other major Lebanese sites currently under excavation, such as Beirut, Kamed el-Loz, Tell el-Burak, and Tell Kazel, will be presented in a following volume. In a less practical vein, one can also hope that one day the political situation will not prevent a volume such as the present one from including Bronze Age sites in modern-day Israel.

Sharon Zuckerman The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Networking Patterns of the Bronze and Iron Age Levant: The Lebanon and Its Mediterranean Connections Edited by Claude Doumet-Serhal, in collaboration with Anne Rabate and Andrea Resek. Beirut: Lebanese British Friends of the National Museum, 2008. Pp. 218, figures and maps. Cloth, $89.00. ISBN 978-2913330-30-6. “Do not show an Arab the sea nor a Sidonian the desert, for their work is different” (Ginsberg 1969, 430).

T

he flourishing trade networks of the East Mediterranean during the second and early first millennia B.C.E. have been the subject of sustained research over many decades. While the prime focus remains charting the movement of different classes


of pottery between the Greek world and the Levant, more recent studies have framed interpretations within analyses of the impact of trade on social relations in the region. Nonetheless, there are still significant gaps in our knowledge, reflecting the inaccessibility of some areas as a result of the modern political situation. Networking Patterns goes some way toward redressing the situation with regard to the fundamental role played by Lebanon—the heartland of the Phoenicians—in these trade networks. Claude Doumet-Serhal has produced a beautifully illustrated volume that surveys recent developments in Lebanese archaeology. The volume presents a series of papers published as the result of an archaeological symposium held in Beirut in 2008: “Interconnections in the Eastern Mediterranean: The Lebanon in the Bronze and Iron Ages.” The Mediterranean connections of southern Lebanon are presented in the first two essays: “The Kingdom of Sidon and Its Mediterranean Connections,” by Claude Doumet-Serhal, in collaboration with Vassos Karageorghis, Henri Ch. Loffet, and Nicolas Coldstream†; and “Cypriote Imports from the Phoenician Cemetery of Tyre,” by María Eugenia Aubet Semmler and Francisco Jesús Núñez. The middle section covers the Bekaa Valley in “Kamed el-Loz: The Levant, Inner Syria and Mesopotamia,” by Marlies Heinz. Finally, northern Lebanon is addressed with “Arqa during the Bronze Age: Connections with the West,” by Hanan Charaf. Two essays also contextualize the external contacts of Lebanon during the Iron Age: “Early Greek Exports to Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean,” by Nicolas Coldstream; and “Les Phéniciens à Chypre,” by Vassos Karageorghis. In this respect, given that much of the emphasis of the earlier chapters was on the Late Bronze Age aspect of trade, the absence of essays that specifically examine the wider context of second millennium trade, in particular with Cyprus and the Mycenaean world, is interesting. Only two essays locate the sites in question in a map of the Lebanon, suggesting an assumption that readers will be familiar with the geography of Lebanon. Moreover, the absence of a clear map of the East Mediterranean is striking, in particular given the geographical arrangement of the essays. The line illustration page 169 is not at all clear. “The Kingdom of Sidon” summarizes results of the British Museum excavations of the “College Site,” supplemented by color photographs from the archives of Roger Saidah; these are presented chronologically from the Early Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age—spanning the third millennium to the first half of the first millennium B.C.E. The emphasis is on traded objects, and the text is amply supported by color plates. The range of imported materials illustrates strong links with Egypt and Syro-Mesopotamia from the earliest periods and increasing Mediterranean contacts with Cyprus and the Aegean world from the Middle and Late Bronze Age into the Iron Age. The richly illustrated text clearly demonstrates the maritime wealth of the Kingdom of Sidon and iterates the importance of international connections

to the Canaanite/Phoenician communities of the central Levant. Three seasons of excavations at the Al-Bass cemetery, Tyre, have uncovered a wealth of Cypro-Geometric and CyproArchaic ceramics, along with local imitations—although these represent only a small proportion of the overall funerary assemblage. Aubet presents the material stylistically and considers the social aspect of how the pottery is incorporated within Phoenician funerary ritual. Kamed el-Loz, ancient Kumidi, was a flourishing Late Bronze Age urban center located on a major communications nexus in the Bekaa Valley. Heinz reviews the finds from recent excavations at the site. These clearly indicate the social use of imported luxuries of diverse origins and how these were integrated within daily life in a variety of contexts: the elite burials of the Schatzhaus, the palace, the temple, and residences. Heinz’s informative discussion is supplemented with detailed line drawings and color plates. Charaf’s comprehensive analysis of the rich and diverse assemblage of Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery from Arqa (ancient Irqata) seeks to interpret changing trading patterns within a historical framework, relating these to the changing fortunes of the site within the geopolitical system of the Akkar Plain during the second millennium B.C.E. The final two papers present an overview of Phoenician international links during the early first millennium B.C.E. Coldstream provides an updated historical summary of Greek imports to the Levant between 1000 and 600 B.C.E., considering the changing fortunes of Euboean, Attic, Corinthian, and East Greek pottery and their distribution in Syro-Palestine in relation to the socioeconomic and political situation of the region. Finally, there is an excellent overview of Phoenician activities and cultural contact in Cyprus from the eleventh through the fifth centuries B.C.E. Karageorghis acknowledges that there was a taste for oriental luxuries among the aristocracies of the Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age and consequently that Phoenicians need not lurk behind every oriental object; nonetheless, he clearly demonstrates the huge cultural impact that Phoenician traders and settlers had on Cyprus during this period. All in all, this volume is to be welcomed, not only for the clear overview of the diverse international connections of Lebanon during the Bronze and Iron Ages, but in particular for the very fine illustrations that accompany each article—both color photographs and line drawings. The volume is informative and highly readable and is a welcome addition to ongoing discussions of trade, exchange, and cultural contact in the East Mediterranean.

Reference Ginsberg, H. L. 1969. Aramaic Proverbs and Precepts: The Words of Ahiqar. Pp. 427–30 in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J. B. Pritchard. 3rd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Louise Steel University of Wales Lampeter

Roman Berytus: Beirut in Late Antiquity By Linda Jones Hall. London: Routledge, 2004. Pp. xxiii + 375, with figures and map. Cloth, $125.00, ISBN 0-415-28919-X; Paper, $39.95, ISBN 0-415-48679-3.

T

his book has two aims: one is to present an “urban history” of Berytus; the other is to reconstruct the self-identity of its people. The approach is made clear at the beginning: rather than “looking for ‘structures’ in a society, the emphasis will be on listening for self-expression by the members of that society” (1). Identity is a set of definitions or “categories into which to fit oneself” (2) or into which others fit one. Of course, we need to be certain that our categories are the same as their categories if the project is to succeed. Here some understanding of the structures in a society would seem essential, because social structures are central to the formation of identities. The early chapters focus on the first of these aims, covering the geographical setting, economy of the city, and the history of Berytus until the third century. Certain chapters, such as the one on the built environment of Berytus (60–84), suffer from Hall’s decision not to incorporate the evidence from recent excavations (9). There is a lengthy chapter on governors of Syria and Phoenice (85–128), large parts of which seem somewhat tangential to the study of Berytus and the identities of the inhabitants. A list of governors also occupies appendices 1 and 2 (260–79). The discussions range across the whole of the Roman period rather than being confined to late antiquity, as the title of the book implies; readers may find this rather confusing. The last four chapters examine various categories that are considered to be those into which members of Berytian society fitted. Again the evidence ranges across the whole of the Roman period. That from Berytus itself turns out to be quite meager (7), forcing Hall to use epigraphic material from Tyre, Baalbek, and other cities in the Mediterranean region. The first of these chapters, “Paganism and Cultural Identity,” tackles a difficult subject and also raises the question of whether the category “pagan” is appropriate for parts of this discussion. Did the first- to third-century inhabitants of Berytus conceive of a social category corresponding to “pagan”? If not, then surely there can be no question of pagan self-expression, but instead identities through adherence to a specific deity or cult. I am uncertain about the


to the Canaanite/Phoenician communities of the central Levant. Three seasons of excavations at the Al-Bass cemetery, Tyre, have uncovered a wealth of Cypro-Geometric and CyproArchaic ceramics, along with local imitations—although these represent only a small proportion of the overall funerary assemblage. Aubet presents the material stylistically and considers the social aspect of how the pottery is incorporated within Phoenician funerary ritual. Kamed el-Loz, ancient Kumidi, was a flourishing Late Bronze Age urban center located on a major communications nexus in the Bekaa Valley. Heinz reviews the finds from recent excavations at the site. These clearly indicate the social use of imported luxuries of diverse origins and how these were integrated within daily life in a variety of contexts: the elite burials of the Schatzhaus, the palace, the temple, and residences. Heinz’s informative discussion is supplemented with detailed line drawings and color plates. Charaf’s comprehensive analysis of the rich and diverse assemblage of Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery from Arqa (ancient Irqata) seeks to interpret changing trading patterns within a historical framework, relating these to the changing fortunes of the site within the geopolitical system of the Akkar Plain during the second millennium B.C.E. The final two papers present an overview of Phoenician international links during the early first millennium B.C.E. Coldstream provides an updated historical summary of Greek imports to the Levant between 1000 and 600 B.C.E., considering the changing fortunes of Euboean, Attic, Corinthian, and East Greek pottery and their distribution in Syro-Palestine in relation to the socioeconomic and political situation of the region. Finally, there is an excellent overview of Phoenician activities and cultural contact in Cyprus from the eleventh through the fifth centuries B.C.E. Karageorghis acknowledges that there was a taste for oriental luxuries among the aristocracies of the Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age and consequently that Phoenicians need not lurk behind every oriental object; nonetheless, he clearly demonstrates the huge cultural impact that Phoenician traders and settlers had on Cyprus during this period. All in all, this volume is to be welcomed, not only for the clear overview of the diverse international connections of Lebanon during the Bronze and Iron Ages, but in particular for the very fine illustrations that accompany each article—both color photographs and line drawings. The volume is informative and highly readable and is a welcome addition to ongoing discussions of trade, exchange, and cultural contact in the East Mediterranean.

Reference Ginsberg, H. L. 1969. Aramaic Proverbs and Precepts: The Words of Ahiqar. Pp. 427–30 in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J. B. Pritchard. 3rd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Louise Steel University of Wales Lampeter

Roman Berytus: Beirut in Late Antiquity By Linda Jones Hall. London: Routledge, 2004. Pp. xxiii + 375, with figures and map. Cloth, $125.00, ISBN 0-415-28919-X; Paper, $39.95, ISBN 0-415-48679-3.

T

his book has two aims: one is to present an “urban history” of Berytus; the other is to reconstruct the self-identity of its people. The approach is made clear at the beginning: rather than “looking for ‘structures’ in a society, the emphasis will be on listening for self-expression by the members of that society” (1). Identity is a set of definitions or “categories into which to fit oneself” (2) or into which others fit one. Of course, we need to be certain that our categories are the same as their categories if the project is to succeed. Here some understanding of the structures in a society would seem essential, because social structures are central to the formation of identities. The early chapters focus on the first of these aims, covering the geographical setting, economy of the city, and the history of Berytus until the third century. Certain chapters, such as the one on the built environment of Berytus (60–84), suffer from Hall’s decision not to incorporate the evidence from recent excavations (9). There is a lengthy chapter on governors of Syria and Phoenice (85–128), large parts of which seem somewhat tangential to the study of Berytus and the identities of the inhabitants. A list of governors also occupies appendices 1 and 2 (260–79). The discussions range across the whole of the Roman period rather than being confined to late antiquity, as the title of the book implies; readers may find this rather confusing. The last four chapters examine various categories that are considered to be those into which members of Berytian society fitted. Again the evidence ranges across the whole of the Roman period. That from Berytus itself turns out to be quite meager (7), forcing Hall to use epigraphic material from Tyre, Baalbek, and other cities in the Mediterranean region. The first of these chapters, “Paganism and Cultural Identity,” tackles a difficult subject and also raises the question of whether the category “pagan” is appropriate for parts of this discussion. Did the first- to third-century inhabitants of Berytus conceive of a social category corresponding to “pagan”? If not, then surely there can be no question of pagan self-expression, but instead identities through adherence to a specific deity or cult. I am uncertain about the


validity of this conceptual category, which appears to be a Christian construct and therefore more appropriate to the discussion of “Hellenes” in late antiquity. A brief section examines Roman (and Greek?) religion in the territory of the colony, particularly the cults of Jupiter and Aphrodite. Inscriptions to Jupiter in the sanctuary of Deir Qalaa are examined briefly, but curiously no mention is made in the main text of Jupiter Baalmarcodes, to whom the main temple appears to have been dedicated (see now the splendid illustrated study by Lévon Nordiguian, Temples de l’époque romaine au Liban [Beirut: Presses de l’Université Saint-Joseph, 2005], 132–41). Instead, the sanctuary is claimed for Jupiter Heliopolitanus, but as Nordiguian concludes, “to judge … by the number of inscriptions dedicated to Baal Marqod, there is no doubt that the large temple was dedicated to him” (132). The two deities may have been assimilated, and dedications to Jupiter Heliopolitanus have been found at the site, but Hall seems to be missing an opportunity to examine multifaceted identities that the fascinating corpus of inscriptions from the site expresses and the assertion of identity that adherence to a specific Baal implies. A larger section is devoted to “Phoenician” religion and the interesting proposition that “the Severan dynasty consciously constructed a ‘Phoenician’ identity for paganism that particularly emphasized the legends glorified in the Aeneid” (136–37). “Phoenician” here seems to be interpreted rather broadly and without much critical analysis, which has the unfortunate and no doubt unintentional effect of chiming in with the bigotries of certain modern Lebanese sects, where everything worthy from antiquity is Phoenician and Phoenicia covers a surprisingly large geographical area. Following Herodian, Emesa and its cult are “Phoenician,” as are the members of the Severan dynasty hailing from that city. Is this really evidence of “Phoenician ethnicity” (137), or does it simply mean that by the time Herodian was writing, Emesa was in the province of Phoenice and thus its inhabitants could be described as “Phoenician” without regard to ethnicity or ancestry? Herodian’s descriptions are more of a puzzle than they might seem and merely illustrate the problems inherent in trying to recover the contexts in which statements of identity are made and the potential importance of social and political structures (in this case, provinces). Hall neatly shows how the textual evidence for cults at Berytus, drawn from Philo of Byblus and the Aeneid, concurs with much of the numismatic evidence (137–38). The use of the Aeneid as an affirmation of Berytus’s Roman identity, and Tyre’s past as well (95, 138), is a fascinating subject that might have been given more space and evidence. Hall contends that the Severan period is a turning point in the affirmation of a Phoenician identity and that Septimius Severus “re-invigorated Phoenician identity, most notably by the creation of the province of Phoenicia.” This is apparently due to Severus’s pride in his “Punic” origins and “his wife’s indigenous roots in historic Phoenicia” (95). Severan


coins of Tyre, recalling a “Phoenician” and Carthaginian past, are used as evidence of this Severan pride. (For a somewhat different interpretation, see my “Information, Legitimation, or Self-Legitimation? Popular and Elite Designs on the Coin Types of Syria,” in Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces [ed. C. Howgego, V. Heuchert, and A. Burnett; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005], 143–56, at 151–52.) Through the episode at Carthage with Dido, any scenes from the Aeneid also become an affirmation of Phoenician identity (or so the context and wording of a slightly confusing paragraph on page 138 seem to contend). Later, the emperor Julian is seen as influential in authoring a late antique ethnicity and religion, where “Hellenism” can be reconciled with local, non-Greek polytheism because “Julian’s theory of ‘national gods’ probably reflects a widespread view that the gods had local personae, whether designated by a Greek name or a Semitic one” (144). This chapter highlights the problems of the categories of “pagan,” “Roman,” and “Phoenician.” For example, how do these categories help us to unravel the self-identity of a woman with both a Greek and Semitic name who made a dedication to the ancient Roman deity Mater Matuta in the sanctuary of Jupiter Baalmarcodes? The deity is noted in the section on “Roman” religion (130), but what, apart from the name, remained “Roman” about her to her worshipers? Our knowledge of “pagan” cults is so poor that it is usually hard for us to recover what the affirmations of religious identities signify. This is clearly not the case in the chapter on Christianity (161–94), where hagiographies provide evidence for the role of ascetics and religious movements in the formation of Christian identities or categories, often in opposition to the Christianity of the established church. Here Hall makes much use of the biographies of Severus and Matrona to examine the process of conversion, “a profound alteration of selfidentity” (161). A section identifying the bishops of Berytus from the time of St. Paul onward (177–82) sits rather awkwardly here, but the latter part of it makes the salient point that “in Berytus all the great controversies and issues of the fourth through sixth centuries were well-known” (182). There were clearly many categories of Christian self-identity to choose from. Berytus was famous in late antiquity as a place to study Roman law, and it is only appropriate that a study of the city should devote a chapter to the subject. In highlighting the role of education in constructing identities for both professors and students of diverse origins, Hall has surely singled out an important “category” that was unique to Berytus. The institutions for instruction must have imparted a sense of identity to those who belonged to them. The final chapter, focusing on occupations, presents valuable observations about the importance of skilled work in contributing to the self-identity of Berytians. It is this chapter that I found most enlightening. But while the evidence for occupations in inscriptions for coastal Lebanon as a whole is quite rich

(especially for Tyre), for Berytus it is quite thin, and although the chapter elaborates on the types of occupation in Berytus mentioned in the literary sources, there is often no epigraphic evidence for these jobs in the form of epitaphs or dedications from the city. Guilds undoubtedly provided an institutional identity for craftspeople (243), but this is largely assumed rather than demonstrated. A significant proportion of the text consists of quotations, and this is one of the work’s chief merits: it brings together disparate sources for the history of Berytus and provides English translations. It also has a fairly substantial bibliography, which includes articles on the excavations that were not utilized for this book. The appendices repeat some of the information given in the chapters, although having the information in the form of a list is undoubtedly useful. Strangest of all is appendix 4, which seems to be a transcribed computer printout of coins of Berytus in the collection of the American Numismatic Society, replete with Greek letters that have either been rendered as Latin characters or gaps where the letters have dropped out altogether. There are a number of black-and-white illustrations on pages 168–69, but only a few correspond to the text, and it is not always clear what purpose they serve. For example, the first two images are a first century B.C.E. Ionian lamp “from Beirut” (no other details given) and a “coin from Beirut, Roman era, Miziminus” (sic) that is clearly a gold coin of Maximinus Daia minted at Nicomedia; presumably “from Beirut” in this case means found in Beirut, but where exactly, and what are we supposed to conclude from this information? Overall, the book tends to lack the focus promised in the introduction and frequently ranges in an undisciplined manner outside the chronological and spatial confines anticipated from its title. The urban history of an important city such as Berytus demands that the wealth of archaeological evidence, not just the textual evidence, be taken into account. The timing of the book’s publication was perhaps unfortunate, given that so much excavation material has come to light in recent years, but a great deal of it had been in print for almost a decade before publication. An opportunity has been missed: no one has yet attempted to synthesize all of the data that are emerging from the excavations, and it is a pity that Hall passed up the opportunity to bring a historian’s perspective to them. As regards the theme of self-identification, too often the chapter introductions lead us to expect much but end up delivering only a few snippets, and occasionally it reads as if the theme has been woven in among the quotes as an afterthought. Is this a case study of identities in late antique cities, drawing on some examples from Berytus, or an account of the various Berytian identities? Presumably the aim of the project was the latter, but often it reads as if the former has been chosen in despair at the paucity of evidence. This is not the definitive work on late Roman Berytus. It will form a handy resource for those seeking textual references to the

city; for those seeking other forms of evidence, the book’s bibliography is a useful starting point.

Kevin Butcher University of Warwick

Protecting Çatalhöyük: Memoir of an Archaeological Site Guard By Sadrettin Dural, with contributions by Ian Hodder. Translated by Duygu Camurcuog˘lu Cleere. Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, 2007. Pp. 160. Cloth, $65.00; Paper, $29.95. ISBN 978-1-59874-050-9.

A

ll archaeological sites should be so lucky to have a guard like Sadrettin Dural. Good guards, as Dural teaches us in his recently published memoir, work on the frontlines of archaeological site management, mending fences, warding off looters, and directing weary tourists. As full-time stewards of ancient remains, guards develop an intimate relationship with the site that seasonal field archaeologists can only envy. The relationship is due partly to their almost daily presence at the site but also because guards, often government employees, depend on the site’s preservation for their economic livelihood. The position often leads them to take on the role of mediator between the site and the community, as well as between the site and the archaeological team. For all of these reasons, site guards are poised to share a unique perspective on archaeological practice that is often overlooked. All of this and more we learn from Dural as he recounts his days as guard of Çatalhöyük, located in modern south-central Turkey and one of the largest Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements in the Middle East. The site’s importance was first established by James Mellaart’s excavations between 1961 and 1965. Beginning in 1993, a team led by Ian Hodder, a leading supporter of archaeology’s interpretive shift toward social theory, reopened the site for excavation. Çatalhöyük’s team is especially committed to promoting dialogue between archaeologists and groups rarely recognized in knowledge production about the past, such as tourists and descent communities. It is not surprising, thereNEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 73:2–3 (2010) 207

(especially for Tyre), for Berytus it is quite thin, and although the chapter elaborates on the types of occupation in Berytus mentioned in the literary sources, there is often no epigraphic evidence for these jobs in the form of epitaphs or dedications from the city. Guilds undoubtedly provided an institutional identity for craftspeople (243), but this is largely assumed rather than demonstrated. A significant proportion of the text consists of quotations, and this is one of the work’s chief merits: it brings together disparate sources for the history of Berytus and provides English translations. It also has a fairly substantial bibliography, which includes articles on the excavations that were not utilized for this book. The appendices repeat some of the information given in the chapters, although having the information in the form of a list is undoubtedly useful. Strangest of all is appendix 4, which seems to be a transcribed computer printout of coins of Berytus in the collection of the American Numismatic Society, replete with Greek letters that have either been rendered as Latin characters or gaps where the letters have dropped out altogether. There are a number of black-and-white illustrations on pages 168–69, but only a few correspond to the text, and it is not always clear what purpose they serve. For example, the first two images are a first century B.C.E. Ionian lamp “from Beirut” (no other details given) and a “coin from Beirut, Roman era, Miziminus” (sic) that is clearly a gold coin of Maximinus Daia minted at Nicomedia; presumably “from Beirut” in this case means found in Beirut, but where exactly, and what are we supposed to conclude from this information? Overall, the book tends to lack the focus promised in the introduction and frequently ranges in an undisciplined manner outside the chronological and spatial confines anticipated from its title. The urban history of an important city such as Berytus demands that the wealth of archaeological evidence, not just the textual evidence, be taken into account. The timing of the book’s publication was perhaps unfortunate, given that so much excavation material has come to light in recent years, but a great deal of it had been in print for almost a decade before publication. An opportunity has been missed: no one has yet attempted to synthesize all of the data that are emerging from the excavations, and it is a pity that Hall passed up the opportunity to bring a historian’s perspective to them. As regards the theme of self-identification, too often the chapter introductions lead us to expect much but end up delivering only a few snippets, and occasionally it reads as if the theme has been woven in among the quotes as an afterthought. Is this a case study of identities in late antique cities, drawing on some examples from Berytus, or an account of the various Berytian identities? Presumably the aim of the project was the latter, but often it reads as if the former has been chosen in despair at the paucity of evidence. This is not the definitive work on late Roman Berytus. It will form a handy resource for those seeking textual references to the

city; for those seeking other forms of evidence, the book’s bibliography is a useful starting point.

Kevin Butcher University of Warwick

Protecting Çatalhöyük: Memoir of an Archaeological Site Guard By Sadrettin Dural, with contributions by Ian Hodder. Translated by Duygu Camurcuog˘lu Cleere. Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, 2007. Pp. 160. Cloth, $65.00; Paper, $29.95. ISBN 978-1-59874-050-9.

A

ll archaeological sites should be so lucky to have a guard like Sadrettin Dural. Good guards, as Dural teaches us in his recently published memoir, work on the frontlines of archaeological site management, mending fences, warding off looters, and directing weary tourists. As full-time stewards of ancient remains, guards develop an intimate relationship with the site that seasonal field archaeologists can only envy. The relationship is due partly to their almost daily presence at the site but also because guards, often government employees, depend on the site’s preservation for their economic livelihood. The position often leads them to take on the role of mediator between the site and the community, as well as between the site and the archaeological team. For all of these reasons, site guards are poised to share a unique perspective on archaeological practice that is often overlooked. All of this and more we learn from Dural as he recounts his days as guard of Çatalhöyük, located in modern south-central Turkey and one of the largest Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlements in the Middle East. The site’s importance was first established by James Mellaart’s excavations between 1961 and 1965. Beginning in 1993, a team led by Ian Hodder, a leading supporter of archaeology’s interpretive shift toward social theory, reopened the site for excavation. Çatalhöyük’s team is especially committed to promoting dialogue between archaeologists and groups rarely recognized in knowledge production about the past, such as tourists and descent communities. It is not surprising, thereNEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 73:2–3 (2010) 207

fore, to see Hodder sponsoring and contributing to Dural’s project. Indeed, this memoir is part of an assemblage of recent writings about Çatalhöyük ranging from scientific reports to blogs to popular scientific writings such as Michael Balter’s The Goddess and the Bull, an account of the team’s latest research. Over the course of eighteen short chapters, Dural describes how he landed his position at Çatalhöyük, his daily routines as guard, his interactions with Hodder’s team, and his encounters with confused tourists and disruptive local youths. For me, the most interesting moments occur when Dural describes the site’s “other” stewards: the yatir, souls of the dead whose sinless life permits them to continue to live on earth. The nocturnal works of the yatir, combined with stories like that of Rafan and Kara, who dug up Güllü’s grave to steal her gold teeth, provide insight into the site’s role in the local community. As the dead Güllü’s teeth were ripped out, she screamed, sending the unfortunate duo running back to town with their story. Archaeologists often take these locally circulating vignettes as mere folklore shared over tea, but, in fact, they play a powerful role in protecting the site, dissuading looters from damaging antiquities. Documenting these accounts is an important contribution of this memoir. Woven between these descriptions are recollections that illustrate rural life in modern Turkey. Dural writes of trips to the beach, late-night loneliness, failed business deals, and his relationships with friends and family. Dural’s accounts are not a string of accomplishments that result in a skyrocketing career in site management. Rather, Dural is his own antihero, using a combination of tragedy and comedy to describe frustrations universally familiar to all readers. He hears ghosts, chases looters, opens an unsuccessful tourist resthouse, and is wrongfully implicated in a fraud and embezzling scheme that sends him to jail. As a result of this final event, Dural loses his position at Çatalhöyük. Hodder sums up the narrative best when he writes in the foreword: “Sadrettin’s is not a success story.” Dural’s narrative often shifts abruptly from description to allegory, a non sequitur style that is simultaneously interesting and frustrating. These departures often occur just as the reader is about to gain insight into the ways Dural thinks about Çatalhöyük and its past inhabitants. Indeed, there were several occasions when I wish I could have followed up with the author, prodding him to say more about a particular aspect of his life or work. Hodder, I sense, either anticipates or shares my frustrations. Following the memoir, an eleven-page dialogue between Hodder and Dural ensues in which Hodder further draws out the author’s perspective on archaeology and the role of Çatalhöyük. Although insightful, this dialogue reads more like a formal interview, with Hodder asking direct questions that prompt Dural’s response. Example queries include recommendations for managing the site, the irrational behaviors of archaeologists and tourists, and Dural’s own interpretation of Çatalhöyük’s ancient community. Although this interrogation captures Dural’s per-


spective, the tone shifts noticeably from a nuanced description to a purposeful explication. Alas, the reader is stuck between a meandering chronicle and an interrogation! This led me to wonder: Is the memoir the best genre to represent those voices that archaeologists have so often marginalized? The memoir industry has intensified in recent years, as any glance across a bookstore’s new release table will demonstrate. In particular, Western readers have shown a healthy appetite for female and young authors writing from the global South whose experiences with oppression and patriarchy make for tantalizing voyeurism. Although neither young nor female, Dural’s narratives of frustration loosely fit this pattern. In the foreword, Hodder describes the memoir’s production, beginning with Dural approaching him to write a “book,” the author’s struggle to learn word processing, and the appearance of a fifty-thousand-word text bearing local colloquialisms and lacking paragraph breaks or punctuation. Cleere, the translator, then transformed this text with Dural’s help, rendering it “sensible,” molding it into a genre familiar to Western audiences. Through this translation of Dural’s memories and opinions through modern technologies, a translator, and a largely Western genre, has Dural’s voice perhaps been lost or muddled? New and emerging media along with inexpensive portable technologies could have rendered Dural’s stories in a more immediate form of communication: speech. Such a path would have helped him avoid the burden of representing himself through words and writing. The work of folklorists and ethnographers is insightful here, as both groups have successfully rendered narratives in alternative modes of dissemination: podcasts, photographs, and documentary films. I am not suggesting that Protecting Çatalhöyük is in any way lacking in authenticity or purpose. Indeed, I am thankful for Dural’s willingness to write, and his book will certainly change the way readers think about the work of a site guard. This book is ultimately a good first attempt at creating the conditions for a multivocal conversation about the past, a dialogic condition for which Hodder has so passionately advocated. But if the discipline wishes to continue down this path, modes of representation that extend beyond “text” should be explored. For those thinking critically about ways to encourage alternative voices in archaeological practice, this book is worth studying for both its successes and shortcomings.

Benjamin W. Porter University of California, Berkeley

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