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leo
strauss
philosophy
as rigorous science and political
philosophy 10
Jacob klein
21
seth
64
John
the myth
benardete a.
wettergreen
of virgil's aeneid timaeus'
on plato's timaeus and
note on the
intention
political art
martinus
nijhoff, the hague
edited at
queens college of
of new york
the city university
of
science
fiction
james harrington's
interpretation a
journal
of political
philosophy issue
volume 2
i
editors
seth g.
hilail
benardete
gildin
consulting
w.
wilhelm
hennis
erich
hula
michael oakeshott
leo
strauss
thompson
interpretation is
a
its a serious
white
editors
john hallowell
kenneth
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executive editor
journal devoted to
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editors welcome contributions
interest in
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regardless of
those
who
take
their orientation.
all manuscripts and editorial correspondence
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martinus nijhoff 9-1 1
lange
voorhout
p.o.b.
269
the
hague
netherlands.
PHILOSOPHY AS RIGOROUS SCIENCE AND POLITICAL
PHILOSOPHY*
Leo Strauss
Whoever is concerned with political philosophy must face the fact that in the last two generations political phUosophy has lost its credibility. Political philosophy has lost its credibUity in proportion as politics itself has become more phUosophic than its whole history political philosophy
ever
in
Almost throughout
a sense.
was universal while politics was par
ticular. Political philosophy
was concerned with the best or just order of society which is by nature best or just everywhere or always, while politics is concerned with the being and well-being of this or that particular society
(a polis, a nation, an empire) that is in being time. Not a few men have dreamt of rule over but they
selves or others
phUosophers. versal.
In
Unrest in
what
Hanoi, London, the linkage is
for
by
some
them
dreamers or at least regarded as such by the other hand politics has in fact become uni not to
repercussions
and other
human beings
the
is loosely,
American city has
of an
were
our age on
at a given place all
far away
demagogically, called the ghetto Moscow, Peking, Johannesburg,
say
in
places and
admitted or not makes no
is linked
difference.
them;
whether
Simultaneously
political
with
phUosophy has disappeared. This is quite obvious in the East where the Communists themselves caU their doctrine their ideology. As for the con
temporary West,
the intellectual powers peculiar to it are
and existentialism.
influence
Positivism
surpasses existentialism
and existentialism surpasses positivism
Positivism may be described
knowledge is validate or
as the view
by
neo-positivism
far in
academic
by far in popular influence.
according to
which
only
scientific
knowledge; since scienitfic knowledge is unable to invalidate any value judgments, and political philosophy most genuine
certainly is concerned with the invalidation of unsound ones,
validation of sound value
judgments
and the
positivism must reject political
philosophy radically unscientific. Existentialism appears in a great variety of guises but one wiU not be far wide of the mark if one defines it in contradistinction as
to
positivism as
and
of action
human decision kind
the view according to
are
of genuine
no other
understanding
ground than
groundless
fateful dispensation: science, far from being the only knowledge, is ultimately not more than one form among or
of viewing the world, according to existentialism
many
indicated,
which all principles of
historical, i.e. have
existentialism
all all
these forms
having
the same dignity. Since
human thought is historical in the
must reject political
philosophy
as
sense
radically
un
historical. *
of
This essay was originally written as a Shlomo Pines (Hebrew University) in
translation.
contribution
which
it
to the Festschrift in honor
was
published
in
a
Hebrew
Interpretation
2
"movement"
Existentialism is
flabby periphery
and a
To that thought
which
a
hard
That
center.
like
center
alone existentialism owes
aU such movements
is the thought
its importance
or
has
a
Heidegger.
of
inteUectual
respectabUity. There is no room for political philosophy in Heidegger's room in question is work, and this may weU be due to the fact that the occupied by gods or the gods. This does not mean that Heidegger is whoUy alien to politics: he welcomed Hitler's revolution in 1933 and he, who had never praised socialism
long
national contemporary political effort, stiU praised had been Hitler Heil and muted Hitler had been
other
any
after
transformed into Heil Unheil. We cannot
Heidegger. Moreover, radicaUy if one does not
these facts against
help holding
is bound to misunderstand Heidegger's thought see their intimate connection with the core of his
one
thought.
philosophic proper
I
as
basis for the
see, he is of the
can
his foUowers has
none of
understood
I believe that he is right, for is the same not also true, more outstanding thinkers? This does not dispense us, however, stand toward him, for we do this at any rate implicitly; in
adequately.
less,
or
that none of his critics and
too small a
afford
his thought. As far
of
understanding
opinion
him
Nevertheless, they
of aU
from taking
doing
a
it explicitly,
cule and perhaps
we run no greater risk than some needed
receiving
exposing
ourselves
to
ridi
instruction.
the many things that make Heidegger's thought so appealing to so many contemporaries is his accepting the premise that whUe human life and thought is radically historical, History is not a rational process.
Among
consequence, he denies that one
As
a
he
understood
himself
wiU understand an earlier
can understand a
he
and even as
understood
thinker better than
himself:
thinker of rank creatively,
i.e.
a great thinker
by transforming
his thought, and hence by understanding him differently than he under stood himself. One could hardly observe this transformation if one could not see the original prior
form. Above all, according to Heidegger
to him have been oblivious
fundamental respect
abyss.
Heidegger
This
of
ground of
implies the
assertion
understands
the true
his
great
all
claim that
predecessors
all thinkers
grounds, the
in the decisive
better than they
understood themselves.
In his
order to understand
Heidegger's thought
posture toward politics and political
the work
of
his teacher Husserl. The
and
therefore in
phUosophy,
Husserl is
access to
particular
one must not neglect
not rendered
difficult
by any false step like those taken by Heidegger in 1933 and 1953. I have heard it said though that the Husserlian equivalent was his con version, not proceeding from conviction, to Christianity. If this were proven to be the case, it would become a task for a casuist the dissimilarities and similarities
to
consider
to
weigh their respective
When I time was
demerits
was still almost a a
doubting
and
of
Marburg
school
boy, Husserl
dubious
begins
with
of acts and
and merits.
to me who at that
explained
adherent
of
the
neo-Kantianism, the characteristic of his own work
"the
of exceptional gifts
the two kinds
Marburg
in
school
of
about these terms:
the roof, whUe I begin with the foun-
Philosophy as
Rigorous Science
and
3
Political Philosophy
dation."
This meant that for the school of Marburg the sole task of the fundamental part of phUosophy was the theory of scientific experience, the Husserl however had
analysis of scientific thought.
realized more profound
than anybody else that the scientific understanding of the world, far
ly
from
being
the perfection
the latter in the
of
from much
of our natural
understanding,
as to make us oblivious of
way
scientific understanding:
our common
the
of
such a
all phUosophic
understanding
of
is derivative from
the very foundations
understanding
must start
the world, from our understanding
sensibly perceived prior to all theorizing. Heidegger went further than Husserl in the same direction: the primary theme is not world as
of perception but the fuU thing as experienced as part of the individual human context, the individual world to which it belongs.1 The fuU thing is what it is not only in virtue of the primary and secondary
the object
in the ordinary meaning of that but also of qualities like sacred or profane: the full phenomenon of a cow is for a Hindu constituted much more by the sacredness of the cow than by any other quality or aspect. This implies that one can no longer qualities as weU as the value qualities
term
"natural"
speak of our
the world
of
understanding
the one human reason
languages. the
the
historicity
there arises the philosophic task
of aU
to aU historical
standing
of
a
the
way
by
guided
to a
essentiaUy belonging historical period. The character stood as
of
of
"made,"
not
understanding
Yet if the insight
historical
worlds must
be
accom
that insight. This means that the under
essential structure of aU
to the character
worlds.2
back behind
thought is to be preserved, the understanding of
universal or essential structure of all
in
go
"grown"
Accordingly
panied and
the world; every understanding
Correspondingly, one must to the multiplicity of historical,
universal structure common
into the
of
"historical."
is
of
historical
worlds must
be
under
historical context, to a specific the historicist insight must correspond
specific
the period to which it belongs.
The historicist insight
is the final insight in the sense that it reveals all earlier thought as radically defective in the decisive respect and that there is no possibility of another legitimate change in the future which would render obsolete or as it were mediatise the historicist insight. As the absolute insight it must belong to the absolute moment in history. In a word, the difficulty indicated com Heidegger to elaborate, sketch or suggest what in the other man would be caUed his philosophy of history.
pels
case
of
any
may be the absolute moment simply or the ab history. That it is the absolute moment sim contention of Hegel. His system of philosophy, the final been the had ply philosophy, the perfect solution of aU philosophic problems belongs to the
The
absolute moment
solute moment of aU previous
moment when mankind
2
cf.
Zeit
Cf. Sein
und
For this
and what
339-40;
pp.
XIX
sect.
has
in
principle
its
political problem
by
21 (pp. 98-99).
follows
and
solved
505
see of
H. G. Gadamer, Wahrheit
the second edition.
und
Methode, 233-34;
Interpretation
4
first state to recognize the establishing the post-revolutionary state, the absolute peak of history, This such. as equal dignity of every human being
being
the
history, is
end of
the
at
final
of the
beginning
time the
same
Spengler has merely brought out the ultimate con re clusion of Hegel's thought. No wonder therefore that almost everyone belled against Hegel. No one did this more effectively than Marx. Marx
decline. In this
claimed to
respect
have laid bare
finality
with
which was
bound to
of aU
the
also
history, including the
of
outline
order
be
which and through which men would
in
come and
the mystery
future, but
the present and the imminent
for the first time to lead truly human lives. More pre has cisely, for Marx human history, so far from having been completed, humanity. of not even begun; what we caU history is only the pre-history the settlement which Hegel had regarded as rational, he able or compeUed
Questioning
foUowed the forever the
Orient; society
complete
deeply
the
over
vision of a world
victory
rooted,
the members
free
are
all
cialization,
and
the
of
which presupposes and establishes
the town
the country, of
over
and are so
equal, of
labor, has
the mobile
the Occident over the spirit of the
spirit of
is
the world society which
of
division
society
of
in the last
given
no
longer
analysis
a political
because
aU spe
way to the full development
of
everyone.
Regardless
of
the communist
questioned
identified the man
in his
harshness
or not
whether
man
of
the communist
without
society
this he denied that the future
determined. The
alternative to
surpassing
nobUity; the
overcoming
vision. saw of
in
Like
Owing
impossible. In
the human race is pre
of
is the over-man,
human types in ruled
a
type
of man
greatness
invisibly by
and
the phUo
to its radical anti-egalitarianism Nietzsche's
future is in a sense more profoundly political than Continental European conservative Nietzsche
vision of a possible Marx'
man
previous
the future will be
over-men of
the future.
sophers of
the last
all
He
else.
as
and greatness are
accordance with
and
writings, he
anyone
the last man, as "specialization," without the
world
limitation, human nobility
of
radicaUy than
more
vision
degradation:
utmost
of
Marx'
Nietzsche knew
the typical
communism
only the
completion of
the liberalistic demand for freedom
democratic
which
is
not a
egalitarianism and
"freedom
for"
but
from."
But in contradistinction to those conservatives only a "freedom he held that conservatism as such is doomed, since all merely defensive positions, seemed
Nietzsche century.
merely backward
all
to be with
He
democracy
incompatible
as
saw
exercised
dented iron governments
the
by age
of
with what
doomed. The future
Both
were regarded
he held to be the task
of
by
the twentieth
leading up have a future, that rule would have to a united Europe. The enormous tasks of this unprece could not possibly be discharged by weak and unstable man were
depending
to
upon public opinion.
emergence of a new
nobUity
endeavors are
and nationalism.
the twentieth century as an age of world wars
to planetary rule. If
be
looking
the over-men.
nobility Nietzsche -
The
new situation called
for
nobUity formed by a new ideal: the claimed to have discovered with finalia
Philosophy as Rigorous ty the mystery
of aU
which now confronts
Science
and
history, including
man,
of the utmost
Political Philosophy
i.e. the
the present,
degradation
and
the
5
alternative
highest
exal
tation. The possibUity of surpassing and overcoming aU previous human types reveals itself to the present, less because the present is superior to all past ages than because it is the moment of the greatest danger and
chiefly for this
reason of the greatest
Heidegger's phUosophy Nietzsche's: the
in
hope.
history has
of
the
same structure as
Marx'
and
the final insight is arriving opens the eschatological prospect. But Heidegger is much closer to Nietzsche than to Marx. Both thinkers regard as decisive the nihilism which moment
to them began in Plato (or
the people
which
and whose ultimate
-
according only Platonism for consequence is the present decay. Hitherto
before)
-
Christianity being
humanity grew out of Bodenstaandigkeit (rootedness Yet the great age of classical Greece gave birth to a way of thinking which in principle endangered Bodenstaendigkeit from the be ginning and in its ultimate contemporary consequences is about to destroy the last relics of that condition of human greatness. Heidegger's phUosophy belongs to the infinitely dangerous moment when man is in a greater danger than ever before of losing his humanity and therefore danger great age of
every in the
soU).
-
and salvation
tributing
belonging
together
toward the recovery
of
preparing an entirely digkeit beyond the most the most extreme
novel
-
philosophy can have the task of con of Bodenstaendigkeit or rather
or return
kind
of
Bodenstaendigkeit:
a
Bodenstaen
Bodenlosigkeit, a being at home beyond homelessness. Nay, there are reasons for thinking that extreme
according to Heidegger the world has never yet been in order, or thought has never yet been simply human. A dialogue between the most profound thinkers of the Occident and the most profound thinkers of the Orient and in particular East Asia may lead to the consummation prepared, ac companied
or
followed
by
a
return
of
the
gods.
everything that it entaUs, but surely not political perhaps the Heidegger severs the connection way.3
That dialogue
action of of
the
and
any kind, is
vision with poli
tics more radically than either Marx or Nietzsche. One is inclined to say that Heidegger has learned the lesson of 1933 more thoroughly than any other man.
Let
Surely
us turn
he leaves
no place whatever
from these fantastic
hopes,
political
political philosophy.
be
from phUosophers, to Husserl. Let us phUosophy is left in Husserl's philosophy.
sionaries than
for
for
more to
expected
from
vi
see whether a place
What I
am going to say is based on a re-reading, after many years of neglect, of Husserl's programmatic essay "PhUosophy as Rigorous Scien The essay was first published in 1911, and Husserl's thought under
ce."
went
many important
utterance on
3
the
changes
afterward.
Yet it is his
Was heisst Denken? 31, 153-54; Der Satz vom Grund 101; 28; Wegmarken 250-52; Gelassenheit 16-26.
Metaphysik
most
important
question with which we are concerned.
Einfiihrung
in die
Interpretation
6 No
in
one
century has
our
the call for philosophy as a rigorous
raised
"From its clarity, purity, vigor, and breadth as Husserl. first beginnings philosophy has raised the claim to be a rigorous science; science with such
precisely, it has
more
the
raised
to be the
claim
science
the highest theoretical needs and in regard to
life
possible a
regulated
by
This
pure rational norms.
[Yet] in
that
would
satisfy
ethics and religion render claim
...
has
never
its development has
of
been completely abandoned. science philosophy been capable of satisfying the claim to be a rigorous contra [in begun In yet science has not philosophy Philosophy as no epoch
.
distinction to the sciences] everything is Husserl found the most important text the difference between that way of
in the
thinking
stop the victorious itself that cannot
of
either
This
At the
Husserl
is forms
(modern)
itself
keeping
As
same
alive
understands
the
natural
"physical"
(logical,
for Husserl's supply the
of
naturalism
or
nature,
science.
This
being
is
"philo
a
necessarUy
it is
naturalism
ethical and so on).
a mere
foundation
of
dependent
ob
is is
variable
accompaniment."
both the
That form
consciousness
and
of naturalism which called
logic, theory
ethics, and pedagogic. That psychology
every
the
paraUel
special attention was experimental
scientific
which
understood as
that everything that
means
"psychic"
if it is
according to
view
"nature"
part of
consequence,
all norms
merit and
of science
Surely
the notion
time he holds that
"naturalizes"
a
philosophy
its
to the traditional notion of philo
opposition
the physical, "in the best case a secondary
of
of
constitutes
objectivity.5
naturalism
that
thing ject
all
in
up"
"system."
By
foundation
a new
alive.
its force. Perhaps the idea
of
especially for
ground
as
destroys
fully
present con
is unimportant.) In
nothing can course of science which in its ideal completion is Reason tolerate any authority at its side or above it. Husserl
naturalism
sophy from the
sophy
deal
is
the most powerful idea in modern life.
altogether
respects
(In the
naturalism."
the intention toward
at the same time a great
the contrast between
of
example
naturalism and positivism
spirit of rigorous science
.
controversial."4
in "the reigning
claim and achievement
.
claimed
psychology of
as meant to
knowledge,
esthetics,
to be the science of the
"the psychic i.e. of that which excludes in order to look for "the true, objective, or for the nature which presents itself in the phenomena,"
themselves,
phenomena physics
in
principle
or of
nature,"
physically-exact
phenomena.
secondary
Stated in very imprecise language, psychology deals
qualities as such which excludes.
mary qualities,
4
Philosophie
have
als
made use of
the Crisis of
strenge
In
physics, solely
more precise
Wissenschaft
the English translation
ed.
by
language,
W. Szilasi,
Lauer in
Philosophy, Harper Torch Books
Sects. 7-8, 11, 13, 14, 17, 65.
concerned with
pp.
one would
with the
the
pri
have to
sects. 1, 2, 4 and 5. I Husserl, Phenomenology and
71-147.
Philosophy say that the
Rigorous Science
as
and
precisely because they
psychic phenomena
1
Political Philosophy
are phenomena
nature.6
are not
As theory
knowledge
of
naturalism must give an account
of natural
science, of its truth or validity. But every natural science accepts nature in the sense in which nature is intended by natural science, as given, as
in
"being the
on
itself."
same
is
incapable
Hence
"givenness"
psychology which is based is completely blind
of
naturalism
of nature.
granted of nature
is
one, and the latter is as
preceded
in
much
the first. Hence an adequate
by
It is constitutionally
The
of a radical critique of experience as such.
taking for
scientific
true
of course
inherent in the
to the riddles
or
The
science of physical nature.
and
scientific
based
upon
positing the pre
need of radical clarification as
cannot be based on the theory in any sense of nature. The adequate theory be based on scientific knowledge of the consciousness of
knowledge
naive acceptance of nature of
knowledge
as
such, for
constitute
must
which nature and
themselves in
"nature"
being
"being"
must
or
nence";
are correlates or
and through consciousness
be
intended
that
intelligible."
"completely
made
objects
alone, in pure "imma
Such
a radical clarification of every possible object of consciousness can be the task only of a phenomenology of the consciousness in contra distinction to the naturalistic science of psychic phenomena. Only pheno
menology
its
and
supply that fundamental
can
acts
the lack
unscientific, for the latter constantly makes use
from every-day
having
experience without
the consciousness
clarification of
of which makes so-called exact
psychology radically
of concepts which stem
examined
them as to their ade
quacy.7
According
to Husserl it is absurd to ascribe to phenomena a nature: flux,"
in an "absolute Yet precisely because
phenomena appear
ture is
have no
eternal."
essences.
way
Phenomenology is
mind as practiced
by
a more original and
the study
be
In
of existence.
of
phenomena
accordance with this the
If this is so, the study
also
which under
the
order.
It includes
not
only
The
man who possesses such experience on a
is
sects. sects.
s
sects.
they
of essences and
study
of
in
the life of the
of
inquiry
of men's religious
life
than must
of
historicism
by
was about to
Weltanschauung is life-expe experience of
the world but
practical-technical etc. experience.
and
7
"na
threatened in the second place
influence
religious, esthetic, ethical, political,
said
whUe
natures,
than the study of nature.
as rigorous science was
high
no
the thoughtful historians offers to the phUosopher
thinking way turn into mere Weltans'chauungsphilosophie. rience of a
have
therefore more fundamental material
nature.8
of
a
flux,"
"eternal
essentially the study
of greater philosophic relevance
Philosophy
an
very high level is
caUed wise
to possess a Weltanschauung. Husserl can therefore speak of
14, 15, 19, 42, 46-48. 20-27, 29, 30, 32-42. 49-50, 54, 56, 57, 59, 72.
8
Interpretation Weltanschauung."
"wisdom
schauung is we mean
ingredient
an essential
the idea of perfect
by
Weltanschauungsphilosophie to conceptualize
wisdom or
to give it the form
to
the results
use
when
sophy,
presents the
taking
the
sciousness
is
science
ideas
two
"we
philosophies
kind
of rigorous
from
remain
they
Weltanschauung
the
other
had
modern
not con
of wisdom and of rigorous science
epoch
might think
would approach each other
separated
to
for
aU eternity.
epoch while
the idea
of
that the realizations of the
asymptotically in the infinite. Yet
wait"; we need "exaltation and to live
and
Weltan-
the objectives of
the
But for the
henceforth
differs from
One
life
time
same
on
of phUo
the great systems,
since
science
one another.
the ideas
and
the
at
were
separation of
of system
or, more simply,
This kind
other of
scientific phUosophies
separated
supra-temporal.
cannot
some
a
which
humanity.
of
most perfect solution of the riddles of
fact
the
has become The idea of
habitus
the attempt is made
elaboration
special sciences as materials.
the one hand and
been clearly
yet
into
comes
idea
by the being when or
virtue
Weltan
or
wisdom
still more valuable
to give it a logical
schauungsphilosophien and wisdom on
that
the form of one or the
on
relatively
The traditional
world.
of
science; this ordinarily goes together with the attempt
of of
to him
According
or
consolation"
now;
by; only Weltanschauung
or
we need
Weltanschauungs
demands.9 satisfy these justified Surely philosophy as rigo satisfy them: it has barely begun, it wUl need centuries,
philosophie can
rous science cannot
if
not
a
life
until
millennia, regulated
by
it "renders
possible
norms,"
pure rational
in
regard to ethics and religion
if it is
not at all
times essentially
incomplete and in need of radical revisions. Hence the temptation to forsake it in favor of Weltanschauungsphilosophie is very great. From Husserl's point of view one would have to say that Heidegger proved un able to resist that
The
belongs to the
being
temptation.
reflection on
Husserl's
wonder
the relation
sphere of
contribution
whether
science would not
the
that kind
the two kinds
of
philosophy obviously It comes closest to
as rigorous science.
to political philosophy. He did not go on to
single-minded
have
which most men need
ideas
of
philosophy
pursuit
an adverse effect on
to live
by
and
hence
of phUosophy as rigorous Weltanschauungsphilosophie
on
the actualization
of
the
philosophy serves, in the first place in the prac titioners of philosophy as rigorous science but secondarily also in all those who are impressed by those practitioners. He seems to have taken it for granted that there will always be a variety of Weltanschauungsphilosophien which
of
that peacefully coexist within one and the same society. He did not pay at tention to societies that impose a single Weltanschauung or Weltan schauungsphilosophie on all their members and
tolerate phUosophy as rigorous
sects.
science.
13, 67, 75-79, 81, 82, 90, 91.
for this
Nor did he
reason wUl
consider
that
not
even a
Philosophy
as
society that tolerates
Rigorous Science
and
Political
9
Philosophy
many Weltanschauungen does this Weltanschauung.
indefinitely
virtue of one particular
by
Husserl in a manner continued, he surely modified the reflection we have been speaking about, under the impact of events which could not be overlooked or overheard. In a lecture delivered in Prague in 1935 he
said:
"Those
the circle the fight
who are
of phUosophic
wiU
conservatively contented with the tradition and human beings wUl fight one another, and surely
take place in the
sphere of political power.
of
all empirical
powers."10
rigorous science and
In
order
in the be live toward
Already
phUosophy persecution sets in. The men those ideas [of phUosophy] are outlawed. And yet: ideas
ginnings
who
are stronger than
to see the relation between phUosophy as
the alternative to it clearly, one must look at the poli
tical conflict between the two antagonists, i.e. at the essential character of
that conflict. If one faUs to do so, one cannot reach clarity on the
sential character of what
10
Die Krisis der
Husserl
europaeischen
menologie, second edition,
calls
"phUosophy
Wissenschaften
Haag 1962, 335.
und
es
science."
as rigorous
die tranzendentale
Phaeno-
10 THE MYTH OF VIRGIL'S
AENEID*
Jacob Klein It is impossible to
read the
Aeneid
the Iliad and the Odyssey. Nor
of
ing and and
the
aware that
being
without
can one read
intends to glorify Rome
poem
constantly
the Aeneid
reminded
without
becom
Rome's imperial
and
pacifying power under Caesar Octavian Augustus. All of you, I think, also all VirgU commentators agree on these points. Let me quote two
ancient ones.
Servius, 4th century A.D., has imitate Homer
this to
"This is Virgil's
say:
Augustus in the light
and to praise
of
Vergilii haec est, Homerum imitari et Augustum laudare Macrobius, 5th century, explains: VirgU
but
also
intently
eyes
Homer in
upon
order
to
emulate not
its
the simplicity and power of his diction and
multifarious magnificence
intervention
of
the various
way of expressing passions; hence the
hence the
elevation
of
tracing back
his metaphors; hence
diction; hence
the
This "sweet
imitation,"
climactic splendor of single
says
imitating Homer's
the
a parentibus).
only Homer's
quiet majesty.
greatness
Hence the
heroes; hence the details; hence the natural
among his
personages
gods; hence the weight of mythical
of the
to
(Inten
tio
held his
purpose:
ancestors"
his
of
the origin of monuments;
ringing
sound
his rolling
of
incidents.
Macrobius, leads Virgil
to the point
of even
vices.
We have to note that these ancient commentators attribute to VirgU a double purpose: not only is it his intention to praise Augustus, his imitation Homer is, according to them, also an end in itself. Let me give you a series of examples of what these commentators call Virgil's imitation of Homer. I shall quote, in an English version, lines from the Iliad and the Odyssey and corresponding lines, again in an English version, from the Aeneid. of
Odyss. XII, 403: "But
when we
left that island
and
no
other
land
appeared, but only sky and sea, then verily the son of Kronos set a black it." cloud above the hollow ship, and the sea grew dark beneath Aen.
Ill, 192: "After
our ships gained
is seen, but sky on all sides loomed overhead, bringing darkling."
tion
Zeus,
This is
repeated
the son of
the
deep,
and on all sides night and
and now no
longer any land
sea, then a murky rain-cloud
tempest,
while the wave shuddered
in Aen. V, 8. (Note that Virgil does
not men
Kronos.)
Iliad VIII, 16: "Tartaros. as far beneath Hades Tartarus' Aen. VI, 578: 'While self above the .
as
.
heaven is high
earth."
descent
*
and stretches twice as
A lecture
given at
far, down through
gapes with abrupt
the shades, as the heaven-
St. John's College in Annapolis, Md.,
on
February 25, 1966.
11
The Myth of Virgil's Aeneid ward
looks up to Olympus
eye
gazing change from
a one to one ratio to a
Iliad VI, 305: Theano, break
fall
now
the
wife of
that dost
"Lady Athene,
prays:
spear of
Diomedes,
before the Scaean implore Juno: "O mighty in arms,
Antenor,
him
prone
to
spear of
earth
and
firmament."
(Note
the
priestess of
Aen.
mistress
Athene in Troy,
city, fairest among goddesses,
and grant
gates."
thine hand the
the
two to one ratio.)
guard our
headlong
with
and
furthermore that himself may XI, 483: The Latin matrons
in war, Tritonian maid, break [that is, of Aeneas], hurl
the Phrygian pirate
stretch
him
beneath
prostrate
our
lofty
gates."
Iliad I, 234: AchUles swears, in enmity towards Agamemnon: "verily by this staff, that shall no more put forth leaves or shoots since at the first it left its stump among the mountains, neither shall it again grow green Aen. XII, 206: Latinus swears, in friendship towards Aeneas: "even as .
this
scepter
branch
shall never again
and
since once
shade,
be dressed in light foliage in the forest it
was
put
and
hewn from
.
forth
the nether
"
stem
Iliad
249: "So
XVI,
seUor, heard
him,
spake
and a part
he [AchiUes] in prayer, and Zeus, the coundenied." the Father granted him, and a part
Aen. XI, 794: "Phoebus heard [the prayer of Arruns about Camilla], and in thought vouchsafed that part of his vow should prosper; the other breezes."
he scattered to the flying Iliad TV, 122: "And he [Pandarus] drew the bow, clutching at once the notched arrow and the string of ox's sinew: the string he brought to his breast and to the bow the iron arrow-head. But when he had drawn
part
the great bow into a round, the bow twanged and the string sang aloud, leapt"
(namely towards Menelaus who is not killed). Aen. XI, 858: The goddess Opis, sent by Diana, "drew the fleet arrow from the golden quiver, stretched the bow with grim intent, and drew it afar, till the curving ends met each with other, and at length, with leveUed and
the keen arrow
hands,
touched the pointed steel with her
she
bow-string."
left, her breast
with
her
Arruns who is kUled.) Odyss. XI, 206: "Thrice I [Odysseus] sprang towards her [his mother], and my heart bade me clasp her, and thrice she flitted from my arms like heart." Aen. VI, a shadow or a dream, and pain grew ever sharper at my 699: "Thrice, where he [Aeneas] stood, he assayed to throw his arms
right and with the
round
his
neck
hands that
[his father's
But
792:
[the
aims at
neck]:
thrice
the
phantom
fled through the
in vain, light as the winds and fleet as the pinions can also read in the second book of the Aeneid, verse
clutched
sleep."
of
(She
we
then I
"Thrice,
Aeneas'
neck of
vain, fled through my
[Aeneas]
strove
wife's shadow]:
hands, light
as
to throw my arms round her neck thrice the form, that I clasped in
the winds and fleet as the pinions
of
sleep."
Odyss. XIX, 562: "For two is fashioned
of
gate of sawn
But
horn
ivory
and one of
shadowy dreams, and one ivory. Those dreams that pass through the
are the gates of
deceive men, bringing words that find no fulfilment. forth through the gate of polished horn bring true
those that come
12
Interpretation them."
(Penelope is saying these issues to pass, when any mortal sees of Sleep:-of gates two 892: "There are Aen. horn, fame teUs, words.) VI, the one, through which the spirits of truth find an easy passage; the other, wrought smooth-gleaming with sheen of ivory, but false the dreams that the nether powers speed therefrom
is saying this.) These examples no point
for
can
be
above."
to the heaven
(VirgU,
the author,
many, many times. There would be But let us take notice of the fact that
multiplied
me to continue quoting.
some weighty difference embedded in the otherwise completely analogous phrasing and imagery. However the similarity between the Iliad and the Odyssey on the one hand and the Aeneid on the other goes far beyond phrasing and imagery.
there is almost always
Let me
is
give you another series of examples of what
called
VirgU's imita
tion of Homer.
When Odysseus with mist so
arrives
Ithaca, Pallas Athene fUls
in
the countryside
that Odysseus cannot recognize it. When Aeneas arrives in
Carthage, Venus conveys him in a cloud so that nobody can see him. Be fore meeting with Penelope Odysseus is beautified by Pallas Athene. Before meeting Dido Aeneas is beautified by Venus. A young man, Elpenor, faUs from the roof of Circe's house; Odysseus sees his shade in Hades and buries Aeneas' the corpse when he returns to the light of day. The pUot of fleet,
Palinurus, falls from his ship and is subsequently kUled by a barbarous tribe; his shade is seen by Aeneas in the nether world and his corpse buried later on. Diomedes and Odysseus, two seasoned warriors, engage in a spy
ing mission
at
night, kill a quantity of
Trojans
and
their enterprise to
bring
Nisus and Euryalus, two young men, try to break through the enemy lines at night, kUl a quantity of Latins and die gloriously but unsuccessfuUy at the end. The shade of Ajax keeps a con temptuous silence when facing Odysseus in Hades. So does the shade of Di do when confronted by Aeneas in the nether world. In point of fact, innu a successful and glorious end.
in the Aeneid have their
merable episodes
Odyssey. There addressed to
Aeneas,
in Book IX
and the role of
the transformation
in many himself (I, 491). There is on
the
appears
the one
hand,
and
classical
of the
parallelism
and
PaUas
pairs.
between Achilles on
the
other,
To the catalogue
and
again
of ships
in
of
games
in honor
of
on
whatever
the
the second
Patroklos
Anchises. Three times does Achilles
pursuit of
Hector,
while
Aeneas
into
mermaids
not
is
and
to
be found in by VirgU
mentioned
and their relationships.
Patroklos
the catalogue of the Latin armies in the
To the funeral
ships
Camilla. CamUla has her
between Menelaus, Paris, and Helen and Lavinia on the other, whatever
the difference between these personages parallelism
Trojan
Greek texts
Turnus, Aeneas
the
although
who,
in the Iliad or the diverse prophecies
analogues
instance,
warrior maid
however, in Penthesilea
analogue,
Homer,
as, for
are exceptions,
covers
There is
and
Aeneas
difference between these
book
of
seventh
the Iliad corresponds
book
correspond
circle the
five
hand,
the one
of
the Aeneid.
the games in honor
city
of
Priam in hot
circles on the plain around
the
13
The Myth of Virgil's Aeneid
of Latinus in hot pursuit of Turnus. To the shield of Achilles fashioned Hephaistos upon the insistence of AchUles's mother corresponds the by shield of Aeneas fashioned by Vulcan upon the insistence of Aeneas's mother. But the difference here is great: on AchUles's shield are moulded Heaven and Earth, Peace and War, Marriage and Litigation, Work and
city
Leisure, and
bounties
all the
deeds
glorious
of
What is the
the
of the earth; on Aeneas's shield are shown the Romans culminating in Octavian's victory at Actium.
this
significance of
"imitation"? In
other
Bucolics, VirgU
also
detaUed,
persistent and
yet unfaithful
before the Aeneid, especially in the imitated his Greek predecessors, especially Theocri poems,
written
tus. But this imitation involved only the general pattern, the general mood and style of the poems and hardly any of their detaUs. The tradition teUs us
Virgil, in his
that
devoted to
younger
years, conceived the
to write an
plan
epic
Rome but that he gave up that plan because glory he found the task too difficult. In his later years he took it up again, prod ded by Augustus, perhaps, and worked on the Aeneid for eleven years until his death. It is in this period that what is called his imitation of poem
the
of
-
Homer flourished
supremely. The question we face is just this: why was it necessary for VirgU to imitate Homer to the extent he did? The ancient commentators I quoted in the beginning were late commentators. Their
that one
opinion
and their
of
implied
the purposes
by
were not shared
worthy
that
opinion
of
the
poem was
an
such
the imitation
undertaking
Virgil's contemporaries,
temporaries reproached him for
borrowing
was
of
in itself
we are told.
Homer praise
His
con
from Homer. VirgU is
too much
have answered them, proudly and enigmaticaUy, that it was to steal from Neptune his trident and from Hercules his club than to
reported to easier
steal a verse
Let
from Homer. What did he
us go
praise of
back to the
Augustus
the
and
mean
by
that?
unquestionable purpose of
the Aeneid. It is the
projection of an exalted vision of
the Roman
What is the background of this praise and this projection? The answer is: a century of civU disorders and wars, beginning in 133 B.C, world.
after
the
end of
the Punic and Spanish wars, and a passionate and wide
desire for
spread
31. Let
Peace is
peace.
me quote
from
finally
modern
a
restored
by
Octavian in
the year
critic, Edward Kennard Rand: "To
VirgU's contemporaries, hardly any religious or political event could have Janus' temple had a more spectacular importance than the closing of [which act signified peace] twice in the reign of Augustus, once after the
Only once victory of Actium [over Antony] and once in the year 25 before in all Roman history had this happy event occurred, namely, at War." the completion of the First Punic .
This
is based
peace
origin of
But how to
is
Roman the
rule under
great subject of
attack so vast a subject?
ment.
We, today, have
praise
deeds
meeting
on
this Roman rule
or
or an
an
events, we
easy way caU them
historical battle took
Let of
.
.
Ceasar Augustus. And the VirgU's
epic endeavor.
us understand
dealing
VirgU's
predica
with such a subject.
"historical."
We
place on such or such a
To
historical day. In saying
say: an
14
Interpretation
this we mean to pay tribute to the importance of that meeting or that "historical"
battle. The
is
adjective
used
a superlative which confers
as
to an event a transcendent rank and the laurel of undying glory. But to
VirgU
to him alone
and not
-
the
-
is
medium of praise
not
History
but
Myth. For only the glowing light of a myth is able to Uluminate the intrin sic
unintelligibility
on
the
Greek
of
grandeur of
familiar to
word
Most
are
myths
horizon
human deeds
Virgil,
figures that
it
means
to
They
are
anonymous.
human lives
of
and sufferings.
Rome means, therefore, to
bring to
with
Can
one
pass wondrous and awesome events. "mythmakers,"
mentioned
of
in
theirs? Did
shall
VirgU
use a
fact, did
with
But there
are also
as, for example, to these mythmakers?
those mythmakers I have
just
merely imitate or modify or trans before them, just as the Greek tragedians
they
long
existence
How, then,
legends
In
myths?
invent
pose myths
did?
"new"
invent
To
there, Ming, mirror-like, the dark or sometimes terrifying
names, to names of to Hesiod, to Plato. Can one compete
myths attached to
Homer,
write an epic poem
uu6oTtoLtv.
or
splendid
To
construct a myth.
not
it? Virgil has before him
go about
related to various sites and monuments
in Rome
a plethora
and
Italy. The
Aeneas himself, of Aeneas the Trojan, the source of Roman stock, is well known in Roman lands. Can these legends lend themselves to form the nucleus of the myth Virgil is after? Must not other myths be
legend
of
taken into of
the
consideration?
VirgU himself
the ages of mankind.
succession of
Hesiod teUs it in his Works so
far
men
as
at
have
golden
the age
are
in
of
bronze,
terrible and strong,
when men were
other; then Zeus created the fourth generation
each also
fought before perish
briefly.
generations of men
one, in Kronos's time, when gods, abundantly, without hard work or pain,
came
stroying who
to have cherished the myth
us consider this myth
if they were suffering from old age; then the gods created the second genera sUver, far worse than the first, shortlived, troublesome, lacking pie
lived
tion, of ty; then
Let
Days. Five
first the
succeeded each other:
without
and
seems
called
half-gods; they besieged sake of lovely-haired
for the
Troy
carnage and war were settled
the extreme
end of
the world, with
iron, in
of
seven-gated
Helen;
those
by Zeus in the islands
de
hero-men,
Thebes and who did not
of the
Kronos, freed from bondage,
blessed, as their
live now, in which the sense king; finaUy of right and wrong has been almost entirely lost, in which force reigns and vengeance and weariness; but Zeus will destroy this generation of mor came the age of
tals
also.
Daniel,
This story
supposedly
of
the ages
written
which we
be found in the Book of before VirgU and in aU symptomatic for the myth's univer
of men can also
some
hundred
years
probabUity unknown to him, but still sality and influence. In the second chapter a
dream
King
Nebuchadnezzar had had.
of
strength and
glory; it will be
in turn
this
Nebuchadnezzar is the kingdom
the kingdom
which
of
wUl
succeeded
be followed
fourth kingdom, that
of
iron
by
and
a
book Daniel interprets to this interpretation
According
of
gold,
of
power and
by
another, presumably of silver, kingdom of brass; then will come a
clay, in
which
kingdom
men
"shaU
not
15
The Myth of Virgil's Aeneid cleave one to
another,
heaven
set
of
wiU
then, for the
myth of
But VirgU
iron is
even as
kingdom
a
up the
not mixed with
which wiU
at last the God forever. So much,
clay";
stand
ages of mankind.
knew the oriental and Greek doctrines of the Great Year. The Great Year is the time it takes for all stars and aU planets also
to return to the same position, with respect to us, that they once occupied. This time constitutes an age, an odcbv. Once this age reaches its com odcbv
a palingenesis occurs and a new
pletion,
identical
begins,
with
the
This doctrine was also preserved in the coUection of oracles preceding of the Cumaean Sibyl, which oracles constitute the books of SibyUine songs widely diffused among the people. The cycle of cosmic life, the aicov, was divided into ten great months. The end of each of these months and the transition into a new one was supposed to be announced one.
by
The
a celestial sign.
it is
and
reported that
sun grew pale after
the
rendered to the victim was end of
or
five
during
between the doctrine
ages of mankind must
by a soothsayer to beginning of the tenth.
of cosmic cycles and
have
occurred
in the
Caesar,
the funeral honors
interpreted
the ninth cosmic month and the
gamation
the murder of Julius
apparition of a comet
the
indicate the Some
myth of
course of
amal
the four
time. Each
witness
ages, from the golden to the iron one. We this in Virgil's fourth Eclogue in the Bucolics, which, I hope, most
of you
have
the
cycle repeats
succession of
Let
read.
last
age of the
last
of
of
me quote a
Cumae;
few lines form it: "Now is
come the
the great line of the centuries begins anew.
song Now the Virgin too returns, the reign of Saturn returns; now a new gene high." ration descends from heaven on The Virgin is Astraea or Justice, cated year
the immortals to leave the earth. The eclogue is addressed and dedi
to Asinius
41
PoUio,
and played a
a patron of
decisive
role
Virgil, in the
who was elected consul
in the
between the two
reconciliation
mighty leaders, Marc Antony and Octavian, at Brundisium in the year 40. But the emphasis in the ecologue is on a chUd "in whom the iron brood shall first cease and a golden race spring up throughout the The new age shaU begin in the consulship of Pollio and the mighty months world."
wiU then commence their march.
life
The babe shall have the gift of divine his father's virtues. His cradle
and rule over a world pacified through
forth flowers for his delight. Goats
shall pour
unbidden
and
the
ox
lie down
with
wUl
the lion. "On
to the milking brambles shall
come wUd
honey."
the stubborn oak shall distU
dewy The serpent wUl be no more, and the false poison-plant perish. Any linger ing traces of human crime shall gradually disappear. In the beginning in saUings across the seas, in the building these traces wUl still be visible
hang
the
purple
grape,
and
-
of walls around
Argo
shall
be
AchiUes be the trader not
towns, in the cleaving
manned
sent
to
shall quit
feel the harrow,
to
seek
Troy."
the sea, nor
.
the
.
the
But
.
when
every land
vine
of
the
earth with
furrows. Another
fleece, "and again shall the child will have become
golden
shall
the pruning
bear
hook;
all
fruits.
.
.
.The
a great a
man,
earth shall
the sturdy ploughman,
too,
16
Interpretation loose his
shall now
from the
oxen
yoke.
Wools
learn to
shall no more
counterfeit
hues, but of himself the ram in the meadows shall change his fleece, now to sweetly blushing purple, now to saffron yellow; of its own will shall scarlet clothe
varied
the grazing lambs.
This
prophetic poem
troversial
subject
in the
cognize ed
is
written
the SibyUine songs. The
haps,
Christ,
role of
and
Dante's
reflecting the
imitating, per
preponderant opinion
tends to
Asinius PoUio. Christian interpreters
guide and mentor
the Capitol in the
vein,
the chUd has remained a con re
consider
a pagan
that the Sibylline oracles, with
The
and oracular
of
prophecy of the Messiah, saw in the chUd Jesus, Isaiah. Not by chance does VirgU play the
a
in VirgU
dark
a
identity
scholars.
among
child a son of
the fourth Eclogue as
the
in
in Hell
year
83,
Purgatory. It is
and
re-assembled after
conceivable
the genuine ones had burned
have contained some Jewish oracles Isaiah's prophecy and that Virgil
might
spirit and the substance of
have experienced their spell. What seems indubitable is that the fourth Eclogue expresses the overwhelming longing for a New Beginning,
might
Peace. The
a new age of
seems ever-present to
We thus
Virgil's
the aegis
of
ancestor of
of
the completion of a cosmic
of
happy
Kronos,
factors
which
determine the
Rome
and
Caesar Augustus. The legend
Roman power,
of rebirth which
tells
the days of
of
Saturn,
mind.
glories of
perceive the
A eneid devoted to the
idea days
mythical
cycle and of a return to the
would
of the
become
the return of the
and
part
days
after completion of a cosmic cycle and the
composition of the
bounties of Peace under Trojan hero Aeneas, the
to the
parcel of
Saturn,
of
beginning
of
the myth
the golden age,
of a new cricbv.
Aeneas wUl land on Saturnian soU, in Latium. King Latinus, who rules "over lands and towns in the calm of a long and himself descends from Saturn, will teU Aeneas, an offspring of Jupiter: "be not unaware peace"
that the Latins
are
Saturn's race,
controlled of
their own free
Evander, the
"good
Aeneas
self with
at
man,"
In these
woodlands
sprung from trunks
knew tree
branches
Olympus realm. gave
how to
not
them
were
of
the native Fauns of
yoke
trees
a
the golden
and chose
safe
by Arcadians,
little by little then crept in and the passion for gain.
or
laws, but
self-
god."
is going to aUy him
shall
stand,
wiU recount
rule:
and
Nymphs
once
huntsman's
the
dwelt,
no
and a race of men
rule or art of
Jove
and exiled
the unruly race, scattered over mountain that the land be called
Latium, verb
tell of: in such perfect peace a race of worse
sort and
life,
and
busband their gains; but fare. First from heavenly
to
savage
weapons of
hiding-place [from the Latin
ages men
who
Rome
hardy oak, who had or to lay up stores, or
Saturn, fleeing from
laws,
the
and
the ox
by bond
the custom of their ancient
spot where
Saturnian
gathered together
he had found
of
nurtured them and the
came
He
king
precisely the
to Aeneas the origins
righteous not
wUl and
since
from his lost
heights,
latere]. Under his he
duller
reign
the nations; till the frenzy of war,
ruled
hue,
and
in these borders
17
The Myth of Virgil's Aeneid
And before the final triumph
of Aeneas, Juno, Aeneas's implacable enemy, but will request this from Jove: "command not the destiny, Latins to change their ancient name, nor to become Trojans and
to
wUl yield
native
be
Teucrians,
caUed
to change their tongue and alter
nor
their
attire:
let Latium be, let Alban kings endure through ages, let be a Roman stock, strong in Italian valour: faUen is Troy, and fallen let her be, together with her Jove wUl grant Juno's wish, and Rome's future will be name."
Under Caesar Augustus the
secure.
But is
Roman
begin
anew.
composition
the great
of
Is this the myth of the Aeneid? Have we not over point in the very conception of the poem, to wit, that the
epic poem?
looked
a crucial
itself,
epic poem
whUe
it belongs to? But Do
reign of peace will
this sufficient to account for the
all
in
not
embodying
each of them
with respect
a
cannot
myth,
help
the great cosmic cycles, the
are not
Argo,
the
Troy,
and
and
reflecting the age alcovec,, identical?
Caesar
to this point that a Platonic myth becomes
It is
reappear?
impor
of utmost
tance to Virgil. It
can be found in Plato's dialogue The Statesman. The interlocutors in this dialogue are the Stranger from Elea young man, a namesake of Socrates. The Stranger teUs a myth:
During
a certain epoch god
course, but of
at another
himself
epoch,
when
the allotted time, he lets it go,
it is
fashioned it in the beginning.
Thus,
a
further, "the
we read
is
and
is
universe
at
length
own accord
living being
direction,
him
since
its
and of
universe as guide
have
the cycles
opposite who
the
goes with
it
at
in its revolving
reached
the measure
turns backwards in the
endowed
guided
and a
with
one
intelligence
time
by
an
by
ex
trinsic divine cause, acquiring the power of living again and receiving renewed immortality from the divine artisan, and at another time it is left to itself and then moves
"But
revolution or
No,
by its
in
Kronos
The Stranger
ours?"
but this
also
belonged to the
and supervised
the universe
over, the
the
whole
were
divided
fruits
animals were
distributed
by
and
there
The Stranger man
And
in that
under
for they
goes on
asks:
period of
revolution,
beginning,
god
ruled parts
among
species
among them,
the earth sprang up of
and
nor
them, and, more flocks among inferior deities as the independent guardian of the
gods who
was
any
ruled
wild, nor did
they
eat
one
strife whatsoever.
to describe how god himself was the shepherd of
age.
his
all
was no war
Socrates
previous period of
again, in the same way, all the
divine shepherds, each of whom was in all respect creatures under his own care, so that no creature another,
of
For them, in the
and so
regions
Young
.
in that
to the present
at all
previous one.
by
.
answers:
belong
revolution,
.
...
the life about which you ask, when all the
their own accord for men, did not
of
own motion
the life in the reign of
was
care
came
there
to life
were
no
again
states,
out
of
nor
the
did
earth,
men
possess wives or
with
no
recollection
children; of
their
18
Interpretation
former lives. So there from the trees
and other
from
without
help
without
clothing
the abundant
Socrates,
is
the
families, but they had fruits in furnished them
earth
And they lived for the
bedding; for
that
or
states which
plants,
agriculture.
or
grass
its
said
The Stranger
to be the
age of
Zeus,
you
his tale in the
summarizes
know
by
plenty accord,
open
for their comfort,
up out of the earth furnished them soft in the reign of Kronos: but the life
grew
own
in the
most part
climate was tempered
the
of
the life of men
was
which
age,
no
were
couches.
the
of
air, and
That,
present
your own experience.
foUowing way:
long as the world was nurturing the animals within itself under the guidance Pilot, it produced little evil and great good; but in becoming separated from him it always got on most excellently during the time immediately after it was let go, but as time went on and it grew forgetful, the ancient condition of dis Now
as
the
of
order
prevailed
height,
more
and
more
towards
and
the universe, mingling but little
and
was
in danger
the
god,
of
destruction for itself the
made
who
of
order
and
the
the
good
much of
the
it. Therefore
those within
that
perceived
universe,
time
the
of
end
with
reached
opposite
its
sort,
at
that
moment
it
was
in dire
trouble, and fearing that it might founder in the tempest of confusion and sink in the boundless sea of diversity, he took again his place as its helmsman, reversed whatever
had become
world was
left to
unsound
itself,
set
the
and
unsettled
in the
in order,
world
previous
it
restored
period
and made
when
the
it immortal
and ageless.
This is the read to you
cles,
myth of the
only
themselves
which repeat
DiagrammaticaUy Old
this
can
be
and remain shown as
in
identical,
a significant way.
foUows:
pattern:
Platonic
The
Stranger in Plato's Statesman, of which I have It changes the old myth of the cosmic cy
a small part.
pattern:
identity
mittent. ginnings
of
And the of
the cycles in the Platonic pattern reversal
of
the direction
can
is,
it were, inter
as
be best
seen
at
the be
two consecutive cycles. What is important for us to see is
this: to be able to accomplish his work, VirgU has to adopt this Platonic myth and to adoption
disregard its
determines the
VirgU's true
relation to
highly
comical and
composition of
Homer. The
age of
reached
to be
in the Punic
understood as a
versal of
Homer is the
by calamitous expeditions, beginning is reflected in the Iliad
age characterized
diversity. Its
wars.
derived
the preceding age of
reverse this reversal. single episodes of
It
The
self-refuting
the Aeneid and,
context.
age of
disastrous wars, and
the
Zeus,
an
anarchical
Odyssey, its
Homeric
the
This
by implication,
climax
has What underlies this content is the re Kronos. Virgil's epic of Rome wiU have to content
of
poems
one.
cannot avoid
reproducing the
the Greek work, but it
main
wUl reverse
features
and
the
their order, shift the
19
The Myth of Virgil's Aeneid emphasis
in them,
sonages; for the
exchange the nature and
the role
of
the
leading
per
Jove is but a mirror-image of the age of Saturn. Does that mean that VirgU is bound to imitate Homer? No, on the con trary, it is Homer who cannot help imitating Virgil or, if you please, can not help imitating the epic poet of the preceding Saturnian age, who is identical with VirgU. That is why there has to be so much unfaithful re semblance
the
age of
between the A eneid
myth of
that it than
and
Homer's
Virgil's
the preceding age constitutes, it
to steal the club
was easier
of
Hercules
to steal a verse from Homer. A
is incapable Jovian
work.
own relation to
to me, Virgil's the Aeneid. This is what he must have meant when he declared
epic poem of
of
stealing
verses
from
seems
the trident
and
poet of
Jovian poet, however
a
Neptune
of
the god-led Saturnian age excellent
this
may be. It might be objected that the Platonic myth, as a Greek myth, adopted by Virgil, is itself a product of the Jovian age. I venture to think that Vir poet
gU considered words of
the dominion rus and
sages,
in
of the age
Elysium
words of philosophers as not subjugated
which
these words were uttered, just
sway of the ages. It may be hand has inscribed into a
are outside the
report to you what an unknown
as
to
Tarta
worth while
to
manuscript of
Donatus's Life of Virgil (Donatus himself wrote in the fourth century A.D.): "... although he [Virgil] seems to have put the opinions of diverse philosophers into his writings with most serious intent, he himself was a devotee Let
of
the
Academy; for he
briefly
me sketch
in VirgU's
plished
poem.
preferred
Plato's
views to all the
others."
the way the reversal of the Jovian order is accom First of all, the Odyssey precedes the Iliad here,
every commentator since Servius has remarked. But, as we shall see in moment, the first six books, which correspond to the Odyssey, still be long to the old Homeric age. When Aeneas and his men arrive in Carthage, as
a
they face
a
bas-relief
on
the temple
of
Juno
which
described in the Iliad. Their
depicts the Trojan
war
is before them. But this sojourn in Carthage. Aeneas falls in past also casts a shadow on love with Dido, who corresponds to both Calypso and Circe and resembles Aeneas' passion for this woman shows his both Medea and Cleopatra. the
and all
events
past
Aeneas'
lingering nal
foe,
affinity to the Jovian age, to which Carthage itself, Rome's eter belongs. A violent separation from Dido becomes necessary, a
separation consummated
to
Proserpine, is
planted
golden of
bough,
the land
of
the gift
joy,
the
There, in Elysium, Aeneas sees the shade of his father, while Odysseus, in Hades, meets the shade of his mother. There Aeneas is shown by Anchises the future of Rome, while Odysseus, in Hades, is told of the past and the present, except for the pro phecy of the seer Teiresias. When Aeneas is leaving Elysium, a decisive abode of the
blest in the
only in Elysium, when the Aeneas on the threshold
by
nether world.
event occurs, challenging our imagination. I quoted earlier the passage in the 19th book of the Odyssey and the corresponding passage at the end
of the
6th book
through
which
of
the Aeneid
about
the two gates
true dreams pass and one of
ivory
of
sleep,
one of
horn
through which false
Interpretation
20
issue forth. Anchises dismisses the Sibyl and Aeneas by emittit eburna). How shaU we understand these
visions and shades
the
ivory
(portaque
gate
Is Aeneas, the
words?
dream? Is the
choly Ulusion? Or do poem,
Aeneas, led on by divine power, Rome, Aeneas's treasure and burden, a
pious
grandeur of
"fulfilment"
the nether
false
melan
these words, uttered at the very center of the
not
in the
rather symbolize a cosmic reversal
marking the transition from the age "horn" and for Greek, the words for of
a
"deception."
and of
world a changed man.
of
"ivory"
Not
A
structure of
Jove to the so
reign
Saturn? In
are attuned to the
in Latin. Aeneas
re-birth
the universe,
of
has taken
meaning
emerges
place.
from
His passing
of ivory transmutes its function. From now on the poem its character, too. As the poet himself says: "Greater is the order things that opens before me; greater is the task I The task is greater indeed. The poem has to describe the beginning of
through the gate changes
essay."
of
the golden age.
This
beginning
is
marred
by
the inherited features
of
the
iron one. Violence fury display preceding Under Turnus's leadership, Amata's predilections and Juno's help, the Latins and their allies wiU oppose the Trojans, aided by the Arcadians and one, the
and
Etruscans. A
new
wiU end with
the victory of
AchUles. After and
Trojan
war wUl rage
Aeneas,
in
themselves.
wUl
a reversed order.
the new
Hector,
over
This time it
Turnus,
the new
victory there wUl be recondliation between the Trojans the Latins according to the terms agreed on by Jove and Juno. There this
wUl
be
wUl
begin its tumultuous ascent,
reconcUiation
between Jove
and
Saturn,
too. From then
until she reaches
the
height
of
on
Rome
Augustean
peace.
The tradition has it
that
Virgil,
when
he had finished (or
almost
finish
ed) writing the Aeneid, wanted to burn all he had written. Augustus him self is said to have prevented this from happening. We may surmise that
VirgU knew this
much about his myth: its truth depended on the actual Rome. And, prophet that he was, he foresaw the future pax romana, the future Roman peace, more often than not immersed in a sea of corruption, of monstrous crimes and dismal anarchy. We should be grateful to Augustus, though. For even if the gate of ivory may have pre served its Homeric character, the nobUity of VirgU's attempt and the bold ness of his mythical vision make us bow our heads and raise our minds.
destiny
of
21 ON PLATO'S TIMAEUS AND SCIENCE FICTION
TIMAEUS'
Seth Benardete
(17al-b4).
Socrates
counts out loud. He makes himself out to be some (cf. Rep. 522c5-d9). He does not say, "There are three four." of you; there should be Nor does he say, "We are all here except Timaeus?" so-and-so. Where is he, (cf. Epin. 973al-2, Legs. 654d6). So
what ridiculous
crates
there
discovers the missing fourth by a counting, as though he knew that be four but did not know which one of them was missing. He
should
if his only
speaks as
were with
acquaintance with
anonymous
Timaeus, Hermocrates,
"Fourth"
ones.
that completes and makes whole a
is
an
series.1
ordinal
Each
of
Critias
and
number,
a
number
the others is
indiffe
fourth is because of his absence diffe rently any other, rent. He is the completor only because he is absent. Although he belongs to yesterday's guests and today's hosts (cf. Rep. 345c5, 421b3), he belongs whereas the absent
with
along
"us."
Socrates to
hosts,
He, therefore, in decreasing
the number
Socrates the fourth party-member. Socrates does not count himself because he is not counting the members of the party. He is a one unlike the others, but in light of which the others are related to one another. He counts without being counted. Political phUosophy, it seems, is a part of phUosophy whUe still being apart from cosmology. of
today's
makes
Justice requires that three complete by themselves the task which So had assigned the day before to four. They cannot wait until the ab sent fourth recovers from his Ulness. Whatever strain this may put on their crates
Socrates'
injunction it does not abUity to carry out 6). A change in circumstances does not lessen their
they
owe.
rence,
from
no
There
are
difference
doing
perfectly
four
possibUities.
worth
a
mentioning,
they
what
The
promised
excuse them
duty
makes no
difference that to
do,
or all
20c5-
.
to give back what
fourth
absent
(cf
diffe
prevents them
difference in
the
the world. He cannot make aU the difference without Socrates
being
unjust
Timaeus stupid, blind as he then would be to the incapacity of himself and the other two; and if he makes no difference or no difference worth mentioning, Socrates in turn must be charged with stupidity for asking a and
question
which, if
Socrates,
and we should wait
in
Socrates'
which
then,
and
comes to
the
other
the
answer
hosts
would
then
1
-
it is
and
been, "He
wUl
him,"
would not perform
come
have
a
little later,
affected the
their collective task.
way
Timaeus,
two wiU not perform perfectly (cf. 27b7). Their justice
light in the element rank; but
rank
an accidental and
deficiency. It first comes to light in a some distinguishes between multiplicity one, two, itself only appears because of absence (and
of
what ridiculous speech which
three
had
for
low
-
rank).
Cf. E. Benveniste, Noms d'agent
et noms
d'action
en
I-E, 144-168.
22
Interpretation Socrates'
(17b5-6).
injunction,
be limited to their The others generation of man. Appa
out to
turns
which
setting the best city into motion, is not exactly expand it to include the visible whole and the Socrates
what
rently in
wartime.
in
motion
be
had
They
the deeds and
of
imaginary
an
embassies
to this. But how
agreed
differ from
among the four which his city would carry out
a conversation
expected was
have told him
would
complied with.
imaginary
would an
Once in
at rest?
city
city
the city
motion
therefore, unless imaginary motion were possible, it would no longer be imaginary. Is imaginary motion possible? Is not imaginary motion precisely the subject matter of the science Socra would
decay,
subject to
tes makes the third
Republic? And is of
has
solids
been
whether
Timaeus'
(17b7-c5). more
Socrates'
it
he
as
deliver is
wUl
he
goes
to
remind
along
them
were not
not
so
instructions. He talks
chance
the
a necessity.
at
of
entirely
that it wiU
first
as
if
anything they
very
complicated.
Timaeus have forgotten? Timaeus
perhaps
is
way to inform Socrates that there has been a change of plans; but this change is ultimately due to the character of the Republic. If the best city is literally impossible, the best city in motion is equally impossi ble; and the discussion among Timaeus and the others must have been as
looking
to how
for
Socrates'
the
Critias'
speech
can correct
long
discipline in
as the mathematics
these two sciences does not
of
instructions, however,
them could
part of
if the
as
later have
would
have forgotten. What
to
conform
exactly
Socrates
the non-avaUability
least that he
as
(Rep. 528b4-5)? One begins to
out
worked
Timaeus talks or at
mathematical
impossible
and, to a less extent,
speech
prepared;
then the fourth
and
not such a science
not yet
then,
wonder, make
and
a
they were
fies the
request
interpretation; public so as
to
to understand
Socrates'
request.
imperfectly, they
and
his
approval can
summary, then,
be
only
confirm whether or not
Socrates'
that can
now need
set
in
would
motion.
the philosopher-kings
Since
come after
they have
be intended to
His summary,
at
Critias'
Socrates'
story approval
he has
retold
understood give them a
any rate,
of
him
their
the Re
correctly.
city in
omits
satis
speech
the rule
of
and the still-undiscovered sciences needed to educate
them.
Three
pre-Socratic
found
extent
did they
The
understand speeches of
(17c6-19b2).
account of the
understand
which would remain a
they
philosophers, for
Socrates'
sophy.
its
5) 7)
the
3)
tool of
Socrates'
taste. To what
and
in motion? Did Glaucon understood it?
even when set
understanding as Socrates
or as
Critias
these questions.
"idealism"
Timaeus
answer
summary is in all
others;
seven parts:
2)
the communism of property;
communism of women
the regulations
there is no political phUo
regime to their
the best regime as a tool of understanding,
the city's future warriors from warriors;
whom
best
and
that determine
1)
the separation
of
the nature and nurture of the
4) the equality of the sexes; 6) the marriage regulations;
chUdren;
Socrates'
class
changes.
summary is
On Plato's Timaeus
Timaeus'
and
23
Science
masterly, for he
aUudes in it to every major difficulty that the Republic Far from easing the task of Timaeus and the others, Socrates puts the same obstacles in their way that they had before. Although they are now three, he does not make it any easier for them to be just. He leaves it unclear, for example, whether the warriors have an art; for where as in the artisan class the art assigned to each is in accordance with his
presents.
nature, in the case
the warriors, their nature is one
of
another; for their
nurture
includes three arts,
nurture
thing
and
their
gymnastics
for
for gentleness, and polemics as their proper craft. Socrates thus indicates the fundamental difficulty of the Republic: the structure of
harshness,
music
the city based soul.
on the arts does not coincide with its structure based on the He simultaneously indicates the nobility and the falseness of the noble
he: the
warriors
friends, but they
are
are
gentle
to their
subjects who
harsh in battle to their
their enemies. Socrates is sUent about the
barbarians,
In assigning to the ness, Socrates
Glaucon in
who are
their
by by nature
nature
to satisfy Glaucon's martial temper. phUosophic nature the cause of their gentle
guardians'
corrects
his former account, in
which
equaUy be the cause of their gentleness bl). And yet even then Socrates left it open supplement
nature
order
would
had to
by
thereby indicates that he had
the Greeks (Rep. 470c5-d2). He
enemies of
made concessions to
are
enemies who are not
their phUosophic nature
losophy"
twofold
and
the philosophic nature
harshness (Rep.
whether or not
376a5-
spiritedness
(Rep. 376bll-c5). But if "phi
spiritedness would temper, Socrates might have been in suggesting such a possibUity, Timaeus seems to take it literally (87e6-88a7). He seems to take initial anger against Socrates and Polemarchus as genuine anger (cf. Phdr. 267c7-dl). Timaeus, for aU his talk of images
can produce
be possible;
and
a
however
philosophic
playful
Thrasymachus'
and
imitation,
The
seems to
know nothing
feigning.
of
of its truth, that they have be called, even if it is, their own. Communism rests on a series of "as ifs"; it rests on the pretense that be" like" "to (cf. Rep. 463c5-7). To put in motion is the same as "to be become" the terms of such an equation would entaU that "to is the same
guardians
no private
as
to
are
believe,
regardless
possessions, nothing that
can
"to become like"; and such an equation seems to be in accord with of the "ideas": whatever becomes something only becomes
the doctrine
hke
each
something in
which
it
participates.
The ground, then,
on which
the best city rests is false phUosophically however effective it may be politically; and this ground when set in motion is possibly true philosophi
cally without its becoming any the more city in motion does not become through its
effective politically.
motion grounded
Socrates'
in the truth.
"metaphysics."
His city in motion does not iUustrate his The guardians receive as if they were moderate men.
is
sUent as
They
seem not
to
to who their masters are, and
their minding their own business
-
the pay suitable for wholly to the city, for Socrates their exclusive care for virtue
mercenaries
belong would
-
leave them
the city (cf. A p. S. 30a7-b4). The city is communized
no
in
time to care for such a
way
as to
24
Interpretation
for
guardians'
communize
To
the
concern
in
participate
is to
virtue
to
cease
virtue to
participate
itself
not
indispensable
as the
ground
that the city is the image extent that the city is the city it is not
in the city, for the city, participation in virtue,
guardians'
though the indispensable ground for the
does
participate
in
To the
virtue.
it is not the city; the image of virtue.
to the
and
of virtue
extent
the city.
exclusion of
the
Socrates'
city
Timaeus'
be the model for understanding of the visible whole. Timaeus seems to diverge most sharply from Socrates with regard to the equality of the sexes, for Timaeus makes man as superior to woman as the father-demiurge is to the mother-space. And yet Socrates speaks in such seems to
a
way
as
to leave it dark as to how
of women's natures as
if
women's
natures
mind, Socrates physician and
women are the equal of men.
He
men and not the natures of
resembling found in their
are
souls, and
soul
speaks
men; and
is the
same
as
be saying something as true as it is trivial: "The male the female physician have with respect to their soul the same would
(Rep. 454d2-3). Timaeus, however, whUe compeUed to agree with this, denies that the woman's soul is like the man's even after sexual gene ration has been provided for. He apparently ascribes eros only to the male, and the male's eros is of generation simply and not, as is the epithumia of women, of the procreation of chUdren (91b2-d5). The male nature"
seed flow out, but he does not naturaUy desire to have it fertilize the female. Through his manic desires he tries to dominate everything; and everything includes not only other men but the highest
desires to have his
lowest things as weU. Socrates does not deal in the Republic with such differences (unless the tyrant as the embodiment of eros can only be a man); and Timaeus may weU be, in seemingly departing from the literal and
teaching
of
rate, has the
for on
the
Republic, in
basis
Neither here fail to
selves.
Such
bodily
nor
conjectures could
look
light
and
an
necks chained
one another, or are
difference could arise or no be the basis for identification. The one
would
would yield
for his part,
explain
in
the
such a
bred
city"
admits,
how
parents
another.
An image
as to
be
to a single
difference
no
number,"
bringing into
again
longer understood
same results as a non-existent
speaks of generation as a
way
true
"cave", then, literaUy
solution, and the "nuptial
be
so
perceptible
no
understood,
image
"true
offspring by their resemblance to them only be suppressed if the citizens live to
have their
at or touch
type that ever
any
the arts, no women.
in the Republic does Socrates
understood, would be
terally
by
at
as much without the need
recognize their own
gether without
could
Socrates. Timaeus,
Socrates'
of needs satisfiable
cannot
unable to
with
is originaUy to satisfy it as
procreation and the art
the
agreement
gods make a man who
the
li as
Timaeus, light (91d4); but
science.
in the human, as opposed to the nonhuman, face (91e8-92al); indeed, he never discusses the face as a whole but presents the making of the first skuU in such a way as to suggest that
he
never speaks
the
skull's
of variations
is due to a degeneration, and as if he did not have had eye-sockets as weU as other apertures:
present shape
know that it too
must
Timaeus'
On Plato's Timaeus
Timaeus
gives
the
25
Science
and
for the
spherical skull a single aperture
attachment of
the spine (73e6-74al). He does not deign to describe the making
the
of
(cf. 75d5-e2).
nose
Socrates
speaks as
if the
in
number of places
fixed,
each class were
and
there could only be descent from a higher to a lower place if someone at the same time ascended from a lower to a higher place. This perfect
balance between first
acted on
ing
of
-
by
the whole feeds art
on
(33c6-dl); but
its
Timaeus'
to be equally true
the interchange among the four
account of
no waste
motion and order seems
own wastes
bodies, in and
-
of
there
is
acts and
is
which
the whole
this is before Timaeus introduces the mak
the soul, which upsets that
balance,
and
before he
excludes
earth
from undergoing any transformation except into itself. The whole would be perfect if it only consisted of bodies of the same type, just as Socrates'
first city is likewise
perfect
because it ignores the Timaeus'
needs of
demiurge
the human
his
soul
making by bodies. he tries to put together his making the kosmos like its paradigm and his making it hke himself. In making a place for himself in the kosmos he resembles Glaucon in his disgust at finding no place for himself in
that
are not satisfied
upsets
own
when
Socrates'
"true Socrates stops his summary before he introduced the philosopher-king; he stops, more precisely, just before he had returned to the question of city."
among human beings as among other in order to explain to Glau
whether communism were as possible
he had in tarn
a question
animals,
postponed
how his city would engage in warfare Socrates now wishes to repudi ate the concessions he had then made to Glaucon in order to hear from others a purer typology of war, less infected with Glaucon's private inter con
what was obvious
-
to himself
(Rep. 466el-471c3). It is
ests,
or whether
himself
"son"
(24c7-dl). But Socrates
Glaucon;
unclear whether
in the company
as the true
-
of non-Athenians
such strains are
inherent in the city
of warfare cannot consist with the
Since
he
wishes to present
the war-loving and wisdom-loving Athena did not just botch his city in order to appease of
itself, for
and
equality in the
women are more valuable than men
the requirements of women.
communism
perspective of the city's
future, one would always be reluctant to send any able-bodied front, to say nothing of those pregnant, especially since one
the
pect, if the
any time
marriage regulations
pregnant.
Everything
woman
to
would ex
work, that the best breeders would be at break down if the best female war
would
best breeders, for then two classes of women would have to be maintained; and in that case there would be no need for the class of women warriors: even Socrates admits that women would be on the whole weaker than men. These obstacles to setting the best city in motion are independent of Glaucon's request that the hero on the battle riors were not the same as the
field be
awarded sexual
favors, for
riage arrangements unless the
To
that would
brave
be fatal to the
warrior were always Socrates'
set
the best city in motion, then, is to purify biases; but to purify it of these biases
interlocutors'
does
the
city's mar good ruler.
account of
not
his
leave the city
Interpretation
26 Socrates had
pure.
His city
mit of a solution.
It is merely
Timaeus
set
that
(19b3-20c3).
Socrates
does in
betrayals
differ from the desire to
three distinctions:
in the Republic. The
that
between
ani
and that
two,
living
animal move
Motion
Socrates had
omitted
of a science that
kinematics is
clearest example of two-dimensional
in
which as an action
construction,
So
about.
and
a
see
and
betray;
hearing
not ad
principles.
see a picture of an animal move.
the possibility
the plane suggests
be
worth
imitation. The desire to
and
geometrical
betraying its
that between three dimensions
"reality"
not
would
almost erases
does
others a problem that
cannot go to war without
other
inanimate,
and
between
the
a question of which principles one chooses to
crates suspects
mate
and
Socrates had
speech
caUed
indispensable (Rep. 527a6-bl). The necessity of math construction lies in the need to make evident to ourselves what
both laughable ematical
and
by nature; and its ridiculousness lies in the unresolved tension between theory (gnosis) and practice (cf. Arist. Met. 1051a2133). Is Plato's Republic like that? Is the construction in speech of the best Socrates' city at odds with the contemplation of the best city in itself? Is summary here of its regime, which resembles a theorem without the proof, at odds with the constructive proof that the Republic imperfectly supplies is it
evident
reveals
(cf. 435c9-d5, 484a5-bl)? Do Socrates and the the sake of practice or theory? If for practice,
others
found the city for
its
then
impossibUity,
as
in the construction, does away with the theorem; and if for theory, the theorem turns out to be the impossibUity of such a theorem.
shown
Socrates
speaks
in his
comparison of
beautiful
If the
animals.
plural
is
taken as strictly applicable to what Socrates wants to hear about, then the
best city Socrates
surrounded
motion.
And if
by
other cities
the very
good eliminates
one again takes the comparison
to see beautiful animals
want
equally
to hear about. Beautiful cities together would
wants
mals?
But if
might
desire to
fighting
literally,
beautiful
thing be in
would one ever
with each other or other uglier ani
one modifies the comparison and takes see
never
animals
it to
mean
that
one
their own work, would one
doing
then want to see them generating? If no animal however beautiful is com
it does
by itself,
plete
follow that in its
not
attempt
to complete itself it
be equally beautiful, let alone more beautiful, to behold (cf. Hipp. Mai. 299al-b2). If motion necessarUy enhances the beauty of anything, the objects of the non-existent science of solids in motion would be more
would
beautiful than the to
"reality"
could of
Socrates'
his desire to
dians'
ful
is the
highest
desire to see the
virtue
Socrates'
animal
is
saying that he
the best city in motion be explicable in terms
best city art of
made more
fighting,
beautiful.
would
Only
they become
if the
more
guar
beauti
blood (cf. Xen. Cyrop. 4.4.3).
alternative
applied
for
see
is the
when covered with
If
Only if closer approximation determining the degree of beauty in things,
objects of solid geometry. criterion
to his
between
account of
either made an
a
"truly
living"
animal and a painted
the best city, then
imitation
Socrates
would
be
"real"
of
the
city
or made
the
On Plato's Timaeus "real"
Either the
city.
beauty
the
of
"reality"
of
the best city in
Timaeus'
and
the best city
speech might
27
Science would
be in speech, or being in speech,
be due to its
from
which one could not infer that it would retain that beauty if it were in deed (cf. Rep. 472d4-473a4). Socrates seems to exclude a third possibi hty: the best city in speech, precisely because it came to be in speech, is
inferior to the best city
idle but
rather
as
through its
than either the city in deed
the best city
points to the
is
not
more resembles a Timaeus'
haunts
living whole in Socrates
in
is
eidetic motion
the city in both its
being
in
being "real"
more
speech and
its
idea (592b2), though he had not excluded the idea (472b7-d3). His alternative here, in any paradox of the ideas: the truly living animal in the
was not an
possibUity that justice case,
or
this best city is far from
and
through speech. Socrates had implied in the Republic that
coming-to-be
strict sense
"idea";
participation
was an
the
in deed but the
animal
"real"
animal's
idea,
which
painting than it does any animal in deed. This paradox entire account of the demiurge's making the visible and
imitation
of
the eidetic and non-living whole.
in his
almost erases
speech a
fourth distinction: that between
hearing. The visible in speech does not differ from the audible; seeing but the visible in deed is not as such audible and perhaps not even capable and
of
being
him to
into
put
speech.
a place where
he
Socrates
can see
his hosts to transport
cannot expect
would the paradigm the best city at war though Critias does his best in the Critias
laid up in heaven be at war? to point to visible features of Attica. Timaeus, on the other hand, cannot simply point to the visible world as it now is, for his kosmos in speech in -
cludes a
kind
91al). The only is in
leading
of man
that
ceased
coming-to-be of the
to
exist after
kosmos in
with
"truly"
speech
speech
leads to
a
kosmos that
Timaeus himself asserts that speech is systematically mis regard to both being and becoming (37e3-38b5, 49b2-e4).
speech:
What Socrates hears from Timaeus bears what
the first generation (90e6-
is
at rest or what
bears. The
visible
"really"
kosmos is
as
no more or
is in
less
motion
refractory to
relation
than
to
either
Socrates'
speech as
own
the best city
in
speech is refractory to becoming visible. Socrates knows that he is incapable of praising adequately the best city and its men; and to praise them adequately is the same as to report what they did and said before and during a war. Socrates denies that he can
do for the best city
what
he
can
do for Eros: to tell the truth
the best city in wartime, and with this as a foundation beautiful parts of the truth and arrange them in the most
select
about
the most
suitable manner
(Symp. 198d3-6). He cannot do for the best city what he does not have On the basis of Republic 607a one would be to do for the "true inclined to say that what Socrates wants is to hear from a chaste Homer, a Homer bred in the best city and himself living during such a war or learning about it exactly by hearsay. No poet of this kind is known to So crates; and since he cannot exist before the best city exists, and the best city."
city cannot exist unless one of its founders is at least as competent a poet Homer was, in order to nourish his fellow citizens on the proper stories,
as
Interpretation
28
imitate
and since no poet can
be
sumes
no
in time. If its first
this is not enough, for it
take
would
could not
land to
if
and even
dispense
the
several generations
a war that
for
be the
able manner. with
up
the
The
time, the city enough extra
peace
its future
be the
model
would
so
guardians.
as
for the
think the city
it is
poetry The Iliad
war would
as
be
cannot
of
certainly in a suit
inextricably bound
with the problem of
Socrates has in
poem
To say nothing
entered upon
for the best city is
problem of war
communism of women.
the
it
Socrates
problem of
obtain
a
education of
war which
to
deserved to be
long
have
the fact that this assumes a mature population, that not
unless one as
original act of war that gave
one could
with
the
support
poet,
best city but becomes best ten who are fortunate enough
to fight
of natures which one would want
celebrated;
such a
before they in turn have had chUdren, perhaps in poet could arise who would satisfy Socrates. But
war
the second generation a
kinds
been bred to, there
not
as the
citizens are children under
have to face
not to
he has
being
possibUity of there ever that the best city does not begin
seems to
even
well what
the equality and
necessarily to
and yet seems
mind.
It is easier, according to Socrates, to be a good imitator in deed than in has not been bred to. It is easier to be a just man than
speech of what one
a good poet of
the deeds that not
easily
the just in
belong to
represent
imitation in deed between it
guish
deceive not
unless
the
"real"
can practice
the
in his fatherland
592a7-b6); but the poet can
deeds
of
the
best
it imitates, the less one thing; but the perfectly
city.
The
closer an
can or should
made
Ulusion
distin would
be the less an illusion. And yet, though Zeuxis deceived the birds, the boy who held the grapes
grapes of
deceive them
its
maker
NH 35.66). No
(Pliny
forgets himself
is the only barrier to the
edge
that
in his fatherland
comes to what and
Socrates
city.
everyone and still would not
the painted
did
bad
a
the best city (cf. Rep.
they
as
perfect
illusion,
are the masters of
made
he beholds his
Ulusion;
are
Ulusion
can
own making.
and the
only partly
be
perfect
Self-knowl
sophists, who pretend
aware of their own
self-
delusion. It is what makes them, according to the Eleatic Stranger, ironic (Sph. 268al-8). The poets can imitate what is their own without being able beyond their own;
and the sophists can make up beautiful speeches everything except about what is their own, for there is nothing that is their own if they have no grasp of either phUosophers or politicians, of
to
go
about
all
the things that
understand
severally do and say in wartime. The sophists (and hence of the city) because, in the belief
each would
nothing
of war
that there need not be compulsion,
they
(cf. Arist. EN 1180b35-1181a23). The
subordinate politics
the sophists not rooted enough; Socrates the
heaven (90a6-7), ledge
without
and
self-knowledge the
ledge with
the
philosopher
politicians are not articulate enough.
universality is the
faUing
of
to rhetoric
in the local, has his roots in
poets are too rooted
Self-know
the poet, universality without the sophist; to be without either self-know
failing
of
universality is the faUing of the politician, and to be equipped both the faUing of Socrates. The proper but seemingly impossible or
combination of
Socrates'
faUing
with
the politician's
faUing is,
in the
ab-
On Plato's Timaeus sence of
and
Timaeus'
29
Science
the best city's poet, the only avaUable way to fulfill
Socrates'
re
quest.
Socrates presents Timaeus as the complete opposite of himself. He be longs to a most law-abiding city, Socrates to an almost lawless democracy. He is as rich as the richest man; Socrates lives in ten-thousandfold poverty. He is
as nobly born as the noblest; Socrates comes from an undistinguished famUy. He has handled the highest offices of Locris; Socrates wUl hold office only once. He is most competent in astronomy and cosmology
(27a3-5); Socrates And he has
his
now
devotes his
ignorance. Timaeus
own
entire
reached the peak of phUosophy; seems
study to the human things. Socrates knows nothing except
to be the perfect
in both
gentleman
(88b5-6). The gap between appearance and reality, truth and opinion, is in his case closed. He would therefore be just the man to set in motion a city in speech. the lowest
and
(20d7-21a3). Critias is "law"
as
highest
the
sense
Socrates'
summary
preceded
Socrates
by
caUs
of
the best regime;
summary;
it, is preceded by
Book I
of
what
Socrates'
can proceed without what
he
wiU
hear;
the
prooemion
teUing,
"historical"
truth,
and
the
Timaeus
avows that
his
account would
Republic; Re Critias;
Timaeus'
of
summary too problem
problem
Polemarchus dropped his father's definition
and
his
ap So
the
of
Critias'
of
of
(357a2). There
prooemion, the three prooemia concern respectively the and since
and perhaps
the Republic as a foretaste
indeed, he called it
Timaeus'
problem
the
full account, or Socrates calls its prooemion
and
be, then, seven parts to the three dialogues: Book I public II-X; summary of Republic II-V; summary "law"; Critias. If one treats prooemion; tice, the
Republic;
the
Timaeus'
(27d4-6). Neither Critias nor Timaeus proval; they have to give him a taste of crates too gave them
by
preceded
was
Critias'
own account wUl
of
of
as a
jus
cosmology;
justice as truthlack total truthful say that the bond of
be beside self-contradictory, one could dialogues is truth: from justice without truth-teUing to three the among Between the im first a "truthful (26e4-5) and then a "likely ness and will
tale."
tale"
possible and the probable stands the who wiU aUow
Critias to
eulogize
Mother
Athens
of the
"justly
Muses (Critias 108d2), truly."
and
Socrates understands the deed to be retold by Critias as some but really done. He thereby suggests three other possibi deed recorded and reaUy done, a deed neither recorded nor reaUy
(21a4-6).
thing
not recorded
lities:
a
done,
or a
deed
recorded
but
Timaeus'
not
exemplify the first, third. The closest Socrates had
reaUy done.
Thucydides'
history
would
the second, and Greek mythology the ever come to speaking of what was
account
reaUy done was in describing the degeneration of the into timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny, where he its later had asked the Muses to instruct him in the "nuptial generation of stasis in the various regimes. If the best and the forgetting, perregime is aUowed to have once existed, Socrates shows himself to be neither recorded nor
best
regime
number,"
Interpretation
30
fectly
to describe the worse regimes at war within themselves and
able
their corresponding soul-types. Socrates can blame
the internal motions of cities, but he
in
cannot so praise
the best city. His Muses know nothing more about bad souls in motion than about
a suitable manner
the
of such praise.
of
Solon found himself in
(21a7-26el). he
crates:
forced to
was
about which
stasis,
he
also
Socrates
intervened,
not
abandon
good
bodies in
somewhat
found time to
motion
to
know
motion.
So
devote himself to If
write poems.
have had to
seems
the same position as
a national epic and
would not
external
He
had
compulsion
his
make
Ti
request of
others; he would already have had, according to Critias, just the poem he wants; or if he had traveled as widely as Solon, he could have perhaps learnt the Egyptian story at first hand. Socrates does know an
maeus and the
Egyptian story about the discovery of letters; but since that story told him only about the disadvantages of writing, he would never have asked sacred writings, nor accepted their as Solon did about the selfsophistic interpretation of the Phaethon-story, for without complete Egyptians'
knowledge he
could not
know
whether
such a
story
referred
to a "me
teorological,"
like
aU
does
not
memory
divine, or psychic phenomenon. Socrates would seem to be, Greeks, young in soul. But the short memory of the Greeks
the
truly
make them
the
reveals
young, for the Egyptians declare that their longer
eternal.
Progress
in the large. It is the
of progress
devoted to their
within a short
Greeks, then,
own remembered past as
if it
interval
who are
were
the
lack
conceals
old, for they
unique past.
are
They
ignorant of the eternal return of the same. Their ignorance, however, does make them children in another respect: they are forever fearful of are
universal
there
destruction. Their fear, however, is groundless: not only have been and always wUl be men, but there have always been
always
Athenians, Egyptians, earth;
and
and
every
other race everywhere on
the Egyptians were always
saved
the inhabitable
from destruction in
order
to
everything noble, great, or exceptional that has ever been done anywhere. National types seem to be the Egyptian equivalent to Platonic record
soul-types.
the
Patriotism is
eternal.
And
records are safe
and the
yet
from
citizens of
rooted
in the
eternal
and the written records of
the Egyptians do not offer an easy comfort: their cataclysmic rains and
fires but
Atlantis have disappeared
not
from earthquakes; A people's
without a trace.
sempiternity ultimately depends on their continued piety and not on the of their land. Egyptian piety, however, has nothing to do with
nature
happiness but only with survival: the earthquake that sank Atlantis swal lowed up the whole Athenian army. The best in deed is always precarious and
only
survives
in speech. Attica
her
because she observed that intelligent men; but it was because she was war-loving that the Athenians became like her in that respect as well: she discovered weaponry. Critias aU but says that the love (27a2-27b6).
its
Athena
moderate climate
chose
would yield
as
own
the most
On Plato's Timaeus of wisdom
is due to
nature and
tinction resembles that
and
Timaeus'
the love
between the
31
Science
of war to
the gods. Such a dis
visible whole made on the model of
the ideas and the visible whole made like the demiurge. Does the de
miurge, then, import
honor his
Socrates'
into the visible whole? Cannot hosts before they have shown that war is of cosmic signifi Empedocles' War and Strife would suggest a pre-Socra
request
Heraclitus'
cance?
war
tic background to the program of
Critias thinks
he
Socrates'
hosts. Socrates'
merely take over superbly edu Timaeus' cated men; they must first come into being in speech; and then, though their education has preceded their birth, he can, "according to the speech and law of present them to his fellow judges and have that
cannot
Solon,"
them of
"made"
that
citizens of the old
time."
To
set
though
it only
city in
speech nor as
Athens, "as if they
the best city in
motion
is to
were the
Athenians
it in time;
and time, light in speech, is neither as illusory as the best as what is neither in time nor just in speech.
comes to
put
"real"
The temporaUy
sequence, however
correct
Critias'
Timaeus'
Socrates'
speech,
-
Socrates'
and then speech of yesterday was was impossible, for indispensable for reminding Critias of the story he had heard when he was ten. Only Socrates can link Timaeus with Critias. Only the city that -
belongs
neither
beginning
to what is nor to what becomes can link what was at the
of time with what was nine
in the Athens
of
today
thousand years ago.
presented an
outline
of
an
missing in the story the Egyptian priests told; and Critias could supply it (cf. 89d7-el). One can make
Socrates'
speech
education
neither
one's
that was
Timaeus
nor
way toward the
but one can begin neither at the beginning nor with the ancestral (cf. 29b2-3, Phdr. 237b7-c2). The beginning is not first for us and the ancestral as such forbids the search for the beginning (cf. Pit. 299b2-dl). Socrates' temporaUy rooted speech about the eternal truth of political life
beginning
is the image
for bringing together that which is the eternally moving eternity with the temporaUy rooted deed of the best city in The truth of time cannot fit with the human understanding of
means of
motion.
time without
pohtical philosophy.
(27d5-28b2). equaUy in
mic criterion: opined
by
Since that which is and that which becomes both share Timaeus cannot distinguish them apart from an episte if it is comprehended by intellect with speech, it is; if it is
"always,"
opinion with
ever, to be
comprehends
Or is
becoming
is?
ceases to
Timaeus'
irrational perception, it becomes.
both
coming-to-be
and
ceasing-to-be.
Becoming, how All that
comes
be. Is it true, then, that becoming itself never perishes? merely a class-name in just the way that being apparently
becoming
account of
if there is knowledge
of
its
cause or
pays no attention at
first to cause, for
causes, it is noetically comprehensible,
is causally accountable in becoming is not becoming itself. Becoming itself would then be as causeless as being; only when becoming is made to become something and then cease to be that something, would unless what
there be
need
for
cause.
This is
a necessity.
Timaeus does
not speak of
Interpretation
32
relation to being: why there are these beings and not others be known. Since becoming is indifferent to what it becomes, and being never becomes, there must be someone or something that chooses what is to become. It is, however, unclear whether it is becoming or being
necessity in cannot
that becomes through a
become, in
since
be,
order to
since
Either
cause.
in itself it is
in itself it is
being
becoming;
without
without
needs a or
cause
becoming
in
order
to
needs a cause
being.
What is the necessity that, if the model is always, the copy be beautiful? Is to be always the same as to be beautiful? Or rather is it the case that the beautiful is as such the copy of the eternal? It could be a copy in one or beautiful
more of three ways: the
embodies
the eternal; the beautiful re
the eternal; the beautiful approaches the
minds one of
eternal.
If the
crafts
model; copy but but if he does his job less than perfectly, there is room for improvement, even though in a sense his botched making would stUl be beautiful. If the
man
does
a perfect
job, he
a second
would make not a
copy is beautiful it is lovable; and if it is lovable, one wants it to be one's own forever. Does the craftsman make the copy in order that he can have it? Since the eternal allows for its contemplation but not for its possession, the demiurge
would
have turned away from contemplation in The visible whole
to have something that was exclusively his own.
order
thus have been made out of his resentment at noetic being. The demiurge would have given up the noetic for something he can caU his Timaeus seems to be saying, "given own. "Haven't you too, up the endless quest for the ideas in order that you could have your own would
Socrates,"
city?"
The his
ma).
is only in
The
not
directly
be the
together;
Only
only in
do there
a
blueprint
cannot nor
be
idea. It is
content with
lovable.
seem
Only
a
paradeig-
ingredients out of first translate the noetic into effect such a translation, for
there are no prior
mathematics can
the noetic: points,
and not an
is
craftsman must
the realizable noetic.
construction of
model
and since
it is constituted, the mathematics
he contemplates for his model; always (toiouton ti because the eternal gives no clue as
use what
a sense such as what
eternal cannot
to how it is put which
does
craftsman
model
to be noetic parts that enter into the
lines, planes, and ones. The model is logos; but the craftsman as craftsman
this speech, for the blueprint is
neither
the visible in the strict sense of visible can
beautiful
be both; but
then the best city in speech
faUs to be either beautiful or lovable; and Socrates did not sacrifice the quest for the ideas in speaking of the best city, for he began by looking at becoming and not being. The "true
city"
was
founded
although
is the true
whole.
(28b2-29d3). never
on
Soul
with
"reaUy"
At this
completely
Timaeus
the need to satisfy
Timaeus too begins
point
by art the needs body, he cannot say
comes
of
the
that
body;
and
such a whole
first.
Timaeus introduces an ambiguity that he in his speech. Critias had said that
resolves anywhere
would speak about
the
genesis
of
the
kosmos; Timaeus began
On Plato's Timaeus with
a question
(ouranos),
about
kosmos,
or
"the or
Timaeus'
and
33
Science
whole"
and speaks
"the
of
heaven
whole
accept."
whatever
name one
would
most
If
the sky it is visible and a part; but if it means kosmos it is neither, for the distinction between heaven and earth is perceptible, ouranos means
but their unity as 28c6-8). Timaeus
a
kosmos
cannot
can
only be thought (cf.
40e5, 52b5; Phlb.
therefore conclude in the way he does that the
kosmos is generated, for if means no more than not to
one
Proclus that to be
says with
be^one's
own
principle, then any
generated
number more
than two would be equally generated. In any ordinary sense, moreover, the ouranos is no less untouchable than the kosmos in principle is neither
touchable
nor visible.
be
whole speech can
Timaeus, however, is
(cf. 91d6-el). Its faultiness becomes the kosmos within which aU
ing
as
any
of
obvious when
becoming
faulty
Timaeus
prooemion
asserts that
in becom
occurs shares as much
becoming does. The fact that every
part of
this; indeed, his
weU aware of
to correct his
viewed as an attempt
change needs a cause
means that that which comprehends all changes also needs a cause;
but
follows if that which comprehends is perceived in the same way as everything it comprehends is perceived. later introduction of "space," which is "grasped by a bastard kind of reasoning without per this only
Timaeus'
ception,"
this
corrects and
kosmos,
which occasions
important truth: the
by
"error."
same.
the indifferent use of
yet
principles of what
be the
nature must
And
this error, allows Timaeus to
The
is first for
celestial
does
not
lay
ouranos
down
an
is first differ in principle from us and of what
the terrestrial: mortal animal belongs as much as immortal animal to the noetic animal. Timaeus'
How this truth
can consist with
"visible,"
visible and touchable.
visible
of
smells,
is the theme
of
Something,
and
body
is
moreover,
an
are not on
inference from its
might
be
bodily
without
the
being being
There is thus no necessity that the whole be be bodily; it could even be merely potentially visible becoming visible, for light can either be an essential ingre
a smeU
for
because it
without ever
dient
error
"somatic"
"touchable,"
The three terms same level, for that something has visible,
that
"law."
body
example.
must
or an addition
one would
to body. If the whole were made
take delight in
it, but
one would not
of pleasant
love it
or
find it
in us the recognition of a lack; we would not be turned toward it (cf. Phlb. 51el-2). The whole was made visibly beautiful in order to make us aware of our need for something of which we should otherwise have been unaware. (cf. Rep. The demiurge is maker (poet) and father of "this
beautiful, for it
would
not awaken
whole"
to know the paradigm according but he would need someone to be the into to which the being; akin to himself. Timaeus says to be would have in turn and she mother; "father" cannot later suggests that and he the about here mother, nothing perhaps be strictly understood (50d2-3). The demiurge, however, is to
330c3-4). As father he
would not need
whole came
be strictly
kosmos,
understood as a maker.
or more
emphatically, the
He is best
a good craftsman of a of
causes of
beautiful
the most beautiful
Interpretation
34
has become. The distinction between beautiful and good seems on the way we talk about a certain kind of maker: we caU
of what
to be based
Homer
beautiful
a good poet of a
We love the
poem.2
poem and not the
The poet, Timaeus says, can be understood though it is difficult; the poem cannot be understood, though the man of the meanest capacity and demiurge himself both agree that it is beautiful (cf. 80b5-8). Since the bodUy whole comprehends all bodies it is on the highest of the lowest steps poet.
Diotima's ladder
of
being
without
love. But why
of
beautiful? It
would
should not
be, for
then
the whole be just good
example, like medicine,
It
so
likewise mething not have to be visible except in speech. Something can be an image of something else only if it is itself and another (cf. Arist. de memoria 450b but
one would need
otherwise
hold in
revulsion.
would
20-27). The whole, then, insofar as it is itself would not be beautiful; and Its beauty is as it is another, it would be beautiful but not not and cannot be coextensive with its being. But this lack of being would seem to deprive it of its being good, for something is not good if it merely "be."
insofar
has the
show of goodness.
The abiding has its
No
one wants
speeches
that are
speeches.
These image-speeches
that
extent
from
they
being
about
it but
are and are not about the
image
are speeches about the
beautiful
speeches about
Ulusory happiness.
in abiding speeches; but its image has themselves images and in proportion to the abiding explanation
the image
as
the image as
is;
about the paradigm.
The
are as
far
they
are
beautiful, but they
are
more
image. To the
image they
to the extent that
and
image they
not as
faithfully
are not
the image-speech re
flects the doubleness of the image, the less it teUs where its truthfulness hes. One is reminded of Hesiod's Muses, who told lies like the truth and, whenever
told the truth.
they wished,
Only
to the
extent
perhaps
the copy wants to be the paradigm is the image-speech true; but one never sal
know, according
to
teleology is impossible. Timaeus
proportion of the
day before
one could read off
since
as
image it is
not
speech,
of that want.
replaces opinion with trust were
speeches that constitute
in
A
can
univer
Socrates'
wholly an image, its paradigm; but
wholly an image, there is trust in it as "the it does not admit of being accounted for.
of which
Timaeus'
will speak
the boundaries
because if the image
from it the
but in terms
reality,"
he
Timaeus,
that
therefore,
both from
wUl
be imprecise
within and without
and self-contradictory, for the cave, but he wiU not teU
us, partly because he cannot,
when he is in one place or the other. The contemporary translation of image-speech would be "science fic tion"; but whereas modern science fiction deals with the future and rests
on
the proposition that human knowledge is power for the conquest Timaeus'
nature,
2
deals
with
Comford in his translation is fairly
tinction (his justificaton cannot remain so when
rests on an
he
comes
of
the past and rests on the proposition that
consistent
appeal
in
to LXX
blurring
Greek,
to translating 87c4-5.
p.
throughout this dis
22,
note
2); but he
On Plato's Timaeus
and
Timaeus'
35
Science
divine knowledge is "know-how" for the persuasion of necessity. The demiurge's know-how is no more contemplative wisdom Timaeus never calls him wise than its modern equivalent; but Timaeus must deny that we could ever have access to such know-how, for the made whole remains -
-
only through the demiurge's wiU. We must be content with imagefaU short of the paradigm not only because they are speeches
eternal
speeches that
image but because they do not teU us how to make or unmake are made like the image and prove to be indispensable for the coming to be of the image; we are not made to the same degree like the image-maker. about an
the image. We
(29d7-30cl).
The
visible whole was
originally lifeless
becoming; it became an image of being through the demiurge, whose goodness solely was
like himself naturaUy Socrates'
as
gence
and not
like being. The
and
an
and
its
paradigm
intelligent kosmos
in his making it intelligence only makes
consisted
presence of
things more beautiful, and not ideas, pictures, statues, or in speech. The demiurge, moreover, must understand intelli city his own kind of inteUigence, the intelligence of making. The visible
whole, in becoming intelligent, becomes good; but it becomes beautiful through any likeness to the demiurge but through the necessity that
not
as an
image
a matter of
the
of
it has to be beautiful. Its
eternal
the demiurge's wiU; but its
becoming
becoming
good was
alive was a
necessity,
though it was not the same necessity that compelled
it to become beauti ful. It had to have soul in order for it to have intelligence, but the demiurge neither wanted it to be alive nor did its life as such add to either its that intelligence with beauty or its goodness. The demiurge "figured out"
out soul was impossible. Neither his contemplation of the ideas nor his own desire told him that. Its discovery was more a result of reasoning than was his belief that to bring order into disordered motion was better. Timaeus
does
not now
say
whether
motion or ordered rest.
whole
hke the
the
If it
picture of
order
the demiurge brought was
was ordered
beautiful
rest, he
animals
would
have
ordered
made the
to which Socrates compared
Disordered rest, on the other hand, seems to be excluded, though Timaeus later admits that disordered rest, or rather or dered rest without kosmos, as well as disordered motion, are both indis the best city in
pensable motion
digm,
is
speech.
for kosmos. The possible.
the
difficulty
now,
If the kosmos is to be
however, is
whether
as close as possible to
ordered
the para
demiurge, one might suppose, would do the best he can and forever; but the necessity to introduce soul eliminates such a
then stop it
possibUity despite its
at the
same
time that
class-structure
being
it
reveals
that the best city in speech, the soul, is closer to body
modelled on
Timaeus'
hence that, in the reasoning of demiurge, Socrates' two-dimensional desire to see it in motion is to see it alive kinematics is impossible. This conclusion, however, is valid only if the best than to soul,
and
-
and intelligent; and Socrates was city in speech is both naturally visible in his summary about the phUosopher-king and never proved that
sUent
36
Interpretation
the city
had
by
was possible
the
made
nature.
it
move as near as
Be this
as
inteUigent animal,
whole an could
it may, the demiurge, once he could have left it to itself to
to the paradigm; he
could
have, in
short, made
way toward the ideas. But if the demiurge paradigm as he could, simultaneously made it with intellect as close to the he made the kosmos purposelessly alive; for it would be forever moving it like
a
baby
in frustrated
its
its maker; it could the demiurge
man as
individuaUy
own
impossibUity of ever
awareness of the
The kosmos,
paradigm. sent
to work
of ever
If the kosmos had
be, like its
not
maker,
toward it.
moving been
closer
to
help
ungrudgingly was
to the
but
good
Man, however, the ideas, for he
re
toward
deprived
not
was made mortal.
but like man,
made unique
not
as
closer
could not
these circumstances,
under
was
getting any
kind
a
with
in
finitely many individuals reproducing each other over time, the demiurge could have dispensed with man and had the kosmos take on the task of itself happy (cf. 34b8). There were several obstacles to such chief among them was the fact that the inteUigence of the but the plan, kosmos was made like the demiurge's so that the activity of its inteUect necessarUy consisted in a kind of making, inferior to the demiurge's but no
becoming by a
more
directed to its
making
of
improvement
own
as a
than the demiurge's
whole
the kosmos enhanced his understanding of the ideas.
(30c2-31b3).
The demiurge
to
try
must now
fit
together soul with para
digm, for once he realized that it was impossible to make every noetic being visibly beautiful, he was forced to look to himself, in whom he found life and intelligence; and thus equipped he turned back to the ideas with the question:
Which
cal answer
is
of
there is no idea this paradox;
of
the
perfect and
be
which completes
intelligence, for Timaeus, however, never faces
has
noetic animal
or mind.
either soul
instead, he introduces
tiful means to be
that that
them lends itself to life and inteUigence? The paradoxi
animal:
life
neither
a new criterion of
nor
beauty. To be beau
complete; and perfect completeness of
higher
rank
than, though
of
the
requires
same
kind
as, the things which it completes. The comprehensive must be the same as the perfect, for otherwise, if perfection alone defined beauty, everything except the highest kind would be dispensable; but if comprehensiveness alone
defined beauty, the
mal, is not in
need of another
the unceasing generation requires a
ble. The
equivalence of
for if the
kosmos,
proof,
which
visible
a part of the
but this highest
of
kosmos in
kosmoi. It
kosmos could
kosmos
part would
and
be
(cf. 30c5), for the
themselves regardless of unlike
any
other ani
to find its completeness in
be unique; but that it is unique kosmos is visi ouranos is now fatal to such a proof, can
not supply, that this
be
to be the same as the inferred
the whole
be dispensable. And
objection to such an equivalence.
were perfect
order
shown
would
by
kosmos, then,
Timaeus does
kosmos
kinds
collection of
their rank would suffice. The visible
The
visible
stars are so
kosmos
yet
and
everything
this is not the only
kosmos does
not
look
as
if it
unevenly distributed in it that
On Plato's Timaeus
they
the appearance
give
and not part of a
of
their
kosmos (cf. 48a
Timaeus'
and
its
being
37
Science
(kosmoi)
complex ornaments
6-7).3
If the parts of the complete and perfect kosmos are four, the kosmos is the fifth; and there would have to be a sixth to comprehend these five; but if the kosmos is nothing but its four parts, it is not alive. The kosmos, then, must be one of the four despite what we have said. The problem is like that of the relation of the four parts of virtue to virtue, which Plato's Athenian Stranger left to
however,
virtues,
In the
a nocturnal councU to solve.
its
each of
parts seems
be,
to
when
case of
the
strictly understood,
but if virtue is wisdom, and justice, moderation, and in their turn wisdom, there would only be three virtues the fourth as their togetherness. If, then, ouranos is the
the whole of virtue; courage are each with wisdom
cosmic equivalent
to wisdom (cf. Epin.
976e4-977a4),
one would
to distinguish between ouranos in the weak sense from
strong sense, on the one hand, in the imprecises sense,
and
ouranos
would
be the
same as
on
in the
ouranos
the other. In the
kosmos; but in
the precise
precise
weak
ouranos
sense,
it
sense
have
in the sense from
ouranos
be the
would
in the strong sense ouranos would be heaven as opposed to earth; but in the imprecise sense it would be the same as the three other kinds that in their togetherness constitute the kosmos. In this same as soul; and again
light,
one can see
why Timaeus
to the earthly kind but is are
stiU a
asserts
that,
heavenly
the dweUing-place for man's
soul
plant, and,
but
hand,
the one
on
on
man
belongs
the other, the stars
all other animals are
his degene
rate offspring.
(31b4-32c4).
The
being seen cannot be beautifully brought being solid except by a bond that makes them
cause of
together with the cause of
coextensive; but in cannot
be
cause of same as
a
order
catalyst; it
that the bond too be as beautiful as possible,
must not
being solid, it must make becoming of itself as a
the
translation
becoming
of
this
assumes
make
only
the cause
becoming
the
(sexual generation,
least, is
at
one
of
by
being
seen
it
the
the visible solid the
of
Timaeus'
bond. Now if
that the squaring
of
mathematical a
magnitude resembles
one),
if
and
we generalize
Timaeus'
the necessary condition for solidity, and hence assign the necessary condition for heat to fire, for gaseousness to air, and for liquidity to water, then the proportions fire : air :: air : water:
from
making
earth
-
earth
-
can
be
viewed as
generates a
gas,
for
seems
a
does
liquid not
quite
the
and
to be
a
sohd
with
the
for fire
as
agree
are alternative means
stating that the
earth
being
tion that the bonds
sequence, where
make earth visible.
into the
other
of perception are
air
and
The
reason
never see a solid as a solid
Timaeus, therefore, in later denying
transformed
same as
the
for
the possibility of
bonds
Cf. Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed (tr. S. Pines), II.9.
water
but only
three elements, abandons the
the
liquid
liquid, however,
"haptic"
sequence,
light to
a
to a solid generates a
"optic"
this difference lies in the fact that we as a set of surfaces.
This
gas.
heat to
application of
application of a gas
of
asser
becoming.
38
Interpretation
He thereby allows the demiurge to make solids he pays is high: the somatic kosmos, in a
price
longer be
can no
beautifully
for Pythagoras is
harmony
together.
put
out of surfaces;
but the
non-mathematical
Timaeus'
sacrifice of
sense,
Empedocles
He can only now pretend that perfect between them because he has not yet considered the to body. the twin priority of soul and not pure gain.
can exist
"space"
consequences of
(32c5-34a7).
That the demiurge completely
bodies in the
the
composition of
but
eternal
healthy
assigns to
The
not alive.
the
visible
has
sphere comprehends all other
up
each of
paraUel
the primary
to the complete
animal; but that this makes the visible
in the
no parallel
spherical
whole, is
is
visible whole
ness and uniqueness of the noetic whole ageless and
uses
noetic
shape, moreover,
not supplied
figures
by
without
animal, for it is
which
the noetic of them
any
the demiurge
animal, for the
being
a part of
it. The demiurge is thus forced to sacrifice wholeness for the sake of com prehensiveness in the ordinary sense; and even when he replaces the sphere with the
dodecahedron, he is
pentagonal
face is
no
made cannot
better off, for the be
similar
triangle out of which
its
to the triangle out of which the
pyramid, the octahedron, and eikosahedron are made. The kosmos retains three functions of the human
animal:
it thinks, it
moves, it feeds. The bond between its thinking and its nutrition is its ro tation: the circulation of its bodies in itself is like the self-completeness of thought. But
where does the likeness leave off and the difference between non-body begin? If the likeness extends to the homogeneity of the sphere, being would be, as for Parmenides; one; but if the likeness does not point to the oneness of being, the model for the somatic kosmos
body
and
would not good"
or
be the
noetic animal
"the idea
of
the
Only
too participates in the good,
it. The
noetic
noetic
which
is beyond
being
-
"the
would
be
to the extent that the noetic animal
the sphericity
of
the kosmos be akin to
just because it is noetic over just because it is somatic when it comes to the good. the kosmos would not be beautiful; and without the
seems
against the somatic
Without the
but that
good."
not
to
privUeged
demiurge's willingness to hold back nothing of himself the kosmos would not be a thinking animal; but the shape of the kosmos is independent of either model. Its goodness, in this respect at least, would seem not to be Ulusory. And yet, if the soul envelops the kosmos, the kosmos is not only invisible but shapeless, and its sphericity is just an Ulusion.
(34bl0-36d7).
The priority of soul to body is the copy; and
body does
its priority to beginning body is as much due to his beginning with being and its image (eikon) as his own participation in the random (eikei). To have begun with soul would have meant not to begin with paradigm and image, for soul is made out of other that
not entail
Timaeus'
of which
with
first because Timaeus Socratic question; but his account of soul is entirely pre-Socratic, in which he assumes that to know what soul consists of explains what soul is. This assumption, things but not
began
copied
with a what-is
from
anything.
Body
question; he began with
was
a
however,
On Plato's Timaeus
and
Timaeus'
undercuts the soul's
priority, for it is essentially
ing
and somatic
being
of noetic
39
Science
posterior
to the double be
it is composed. becoming Timaeus finds himself in somewhat the same situation Socrates got into in the Republic. Socrates had to account for justice in the individual; but he began with the city in its bodUy aspect and then, through the imposition of out of which
it, came to the soul, with the result that he bypassed individual. Timaeus likewise begins with the body of the kosmos and then has the demiurge make its soul; but he then cannot return to the a class-structure on
the
kosmos
with which
he began, the
clearest sign of which
to assert later with the same assurance as he had at one
kosmos.
The any
being his inability
first that there is only
soul consists of
in
being being
parts,
the rest
of
three
blended together, only one of which has in turn of the blending of two
parts
it;
and since each part consists
in
the strictest sense comprises
it is
not noetic
in any
way.
only
one-sixth of
Soul, therefore,
cannot
soul,
whUe
be known
by
inteUect with speech or opinion with irrational perception. Is soul, "space," "grasped with imperception by a bastard kind of rea then, like Timaeus, in any case, does not explain what meaning one should
either
soning?"
assign
to indivisible sameness and otherness, on the one
sameness and
otherness,
and partial
is that if
parts, i.e., if the paradigm is blended with its image, the ideas in the soul cease to be ideas, for they are no longer separate from everything that participates in them. The soul noetic
wholes
are
blended
hand,
the other. AU one can safely say
on
thus partly seems to be its Timaeus'
with
somatic
own model and
therefore not beautiful. It would
way saying that the soul is that which moves itself (cf. Phdr. 255d3-6). But even if this correctly explains the blending of being be
of
Timaeus casually assigns being even before it is for the double blending in sameness and otherness. The only possible guide to it lies so far in the fourfold charac terization of the ouranos. The ouranos as kosmos would be indivisible and
becoming
(to
which
blended), it does
not account
opposition to earth it would be would be indivisible otherness (nonit divisible would aU of it be divisible sameness (body). and as the kinds animals body) What has to be forced together, according to Timaeus, would thus be the blending of heaven-soul with &o,w2o,y-animals. The weak and precise sen ses of ouranos would not beautifully fit with its strong and imprecise sen
sameness
(non-body), but (body);
otherness
as
heaven in
as soul
ses, any more than man whose soul lives on the stars and who is an earthly kind beautifully fits with man as a heavenly plant who is the source of aU other animals. Neither soul nor man is as beautifully bound together as
body by itself
can
be. Timaeus'
The difference between the first and second parts of seems to be expressable as the difference between arithmetic try: the soul
triangles out magnitudes.
into
speech and geome
whUe the elementary contain irrational composed bodies are of which the primary for soul is under so the difference is not But the absolute,
is
articulated
pure-number ratios
stood as a continuous magnitude and not as a
unity
of
discrete
numbers.
40
Interpretation
have pre part, then, is indispensable for the first and should of the second part. it in light aU of never revises but Timaeus it; He revises his account of body but not of soul. What then compelled Timaeus to begin not with a likely speech but with a false speech? Was the
The
second
ceded
false the
speech about soul unrevisable?
answer
never
The circle of the in itself. Other
lation
-
to one
not
differ in itself from the
circle of the
(48a6, 55dl,
and same when applied to
identical things
are merely do differ, however, in the way they are placed in another and the motions they are given. That the trans
(36c4-5).
of soul
does
"reaUy"
(ontos) so, 48d3, 49a6-
does in the first part
same
is
cf.
than once there of saying what
more
other
relation
this question
Ti wholly determines one's interpretation of the Timaeus greater truthfulness of the second part by indicates the plainly
something that he 7, 55e3).
names
one answers
-
maeus most
speaking
However
They
into
soul of the
kosmos
-
a translation that resembles
that
of
requires that the demiurge do to only one part blueprint soul what he could have done to both parts, explains why the eternity the kosmos depends on the demiurge's will. No inner necessity keeps
idea into
an
of of
the circle motion
helical
a
of
of
-
the same unsplit; and when
the
motion
its
motion
combines
with
the
(the ecliptic), which alone makes life possible, the that results is no longer simple rotation (39a5-b2), the mo other
tion appropriate to the corporeal kosmos and most closely related to thinking (34al-5). Soul though necessary for thinking interferes with think
(cf. 40a7-b2), and, though perhaps not equaUy necessary for body, body from doing its job perfectly.
ing
prevents
(36d8-39e2). account of
form
motion
different and
Aristotle did
not raise all possible objections to
to the
Timaeus does not ascribe eternally uni he introduces time, for the soul cannot have it can stop, turn its attention to something else,
soul until
cognitions unless
then start up again; but the soul
begin to
Timaeus'
the soul's cognition.
separate out
being
in
from the
doing this would necessarUy becoming of which it is com
capable of coexisting with kosmos. The demiurge therefore is compelled to restore to the kosmos in some way its eidetic character, which the introduction of thinking soul had upset. He now has to make the kosmos in its motion an image; but time, in more
posed,
and
hence
the
cease
to be
nearly assimilating the kosmos to its
paradigm
(i.e., conferring
on what otherwise would tend to separate), puts an end to
coherence
cognition, for
speech cannot arise in an image. Time unifies the corporeal kosmos it destroys the thinking kosmos. It is an imperfect bond between soul and paradigm. The kosmos, it seems, can no more than the city satisfy
true as
the
needs of the mind.
Time another
be open-ended, its another; but Timaeus
seems to
character
and
says
image
both ends, for it is
an
magnitude comes to
light in
of
that
like that of the infinite infinite time is closed
the abiding one.
what soul
Number
apart
counts; but the numbers of
-
at
from
time,
On Plato's Timaeus though
all
present,
or
of
the "parts time"
Timaeus'
41
Science
images of one, never come to light for us without the past, future. Time so temporalizes all being that the abiding one
looks like the
by
and
one of time"
of
the
instantaneous
from taking
(37e3-4). Cosmological
permanent markers of time
now. We are rescued, however, bearings exclusively by the "forms uranian time corrects soul-time. The
our
or
sun, moon, planets,
-
toward the truth that to be means to be always.
and
Only
stars
turn us
-
the coextensiveness
heaven and time can overcome the inbred delusion of soul that it is the (cf. 40c9-d2, 41d4-7).4 Timaeus, however, admits that few men un derstand what the planets are for, which the demiurge set as a of
whole
problem
for
us.
"see"
everyone can
apparently look like a kosmos. Not that the demiurge looked to being in making it. Cos
The kosmos
as ouranos
does
not
mology must begin by appealing to sight, even as it must end with it (cf. 40d2-3), but what links its beginning to its end is not aesthetic. Ti image-speech is not on the same level as either the visible kosmos or its visible imitations. maeus'
(41a7-42d2). The demiurge makes two speeches, one in direct, the other in indirect discourse. The one in direct discourse is spoken to the cosmic the other to
gods,
human
but tells them
the whole
that to live them that
justly
consists
souls.
The demiurge laws
about the
in the
of
shows them
their
conquest of their
the
nature of
fate. He tells them passions; he does not tell own
wiUingly follow the lesser gods, about whom they never hear. He teUs them of the doubleness of human nature but not that the gods wUl buUd into the better part what will be needed by the worse (76d3-e4). He teUs them about their possible bestialization but not that the
they
be incomplete
whole would
but
they become bestial. He
unless
warns them
the necessity for sin that not all can achieve without destroying the beauty of the kosmos. He tells them that
against sin
happiness
must
not against
-
bodies but not that they are now also incomplete in The indirect discourse of the demiurge is a noble lie, but it is not the same as Socrates', for the equality with which all the souls start out, as well as the possibility that they all could equally lose their best condition, Socrates leaves as one of the darkest secrets of the city. And yet the advantage does not all lie with the demiurge. He has to suppress Socrates' the truth in lie that some wUl have to occupy inferior stations in order for the whole to be in order. The politicaUy noble lie is closer to the
they
must acquire
their
souls.
cosmic truth than
1
the
One
in this way begin to
should
becoming
of
the
before the making time", the time and after.
the noble lie
of
which
kosmos,
how time only
comes
the kosmos. Before cosmological time there
This time solely depends
as
the
from
uniformly moving
number of motion
on whatever
harmonize the
numbers someone else counts off
were a
understand
The necessity for the to
be
yet there was chaotic motion of visible
and
Aristotle defines
not allow one to equate or
if there
the demiurge.
of
body
that
moving
body;
"relativistic
according to before
one
numbers counted off
another
body
moving
was
with
bodies
observes; it does
from it
with
the
that could only be done
comprehended all
bodies.
42
Interpretation
city to have a class-structure in order to allow for the realization of man's higher potentialities, bears some relation to the necessity for the kosmos to be beautiful through evU; but what end that evU serves, apart from making the kosmos happy, Timaeus does not stiU think even if no man ever sinned. The good
explain.
The
seems not
stars
would
to come to light
in human things.
except
(42e5-47e2).
The theme
Timaeus'
parts of
the
of
is
speech
between the first
transition
in the world,
man's orientation Timaeus'
two most striking Ulustrations are human brain to the imaginings of a man Timaeus'
(43e4-8),
and
seemingly
(46a2-c6). When
head
facing
whUe
his head
someone
one's own right appears opposite the other's right without one's own position.
on
standing
gratuitous explanation of mirror-images
stands on one's
one
the
the disoriented
comparison of
when
and second
of which
In the topsy-turvy
does
position one
else,
correcting for
not need to
reflect;
remaining wholly ignorant of its ground. One is illustration remains singular but insignificant untU he
one speaks the truth whUe Timaeus'
Oedipus.
implies toward the
that we are
end
by
nature upside
down (90a5-bl). We
in the whole, for trust is not as What happens if one faUs to observe the difference
always remain unaware of our own place eradicable as opinion.
Timaeus'
between trust
account of mirror
and opinion
images
shows.
His
before, for it ignores the nature of the mirror itself. Timaeus correctly does not distinguish between the reversal of one's own right and left in a mirror and the re is
account
as
inadequate
as
everything that has
versal of another's whom one
faces. As
that the
into
case
mirror makes oneself
it is
an
image
and
in the
gone
they
reversals
another
other not an
is left
the same, but
are
out of account.
image that
In
one
Timaeus'
one sees.
upsidereasoning does not differ from the correct speech of the down man. Both are due to a self-forgetting the excessive absorption by contemplation into what it contemplates the correction of which is the
correct
-
-
burden about
of
Timaeus'
second speech.
cussion of
thinking acquire
can
for the investigation
intelligence leads to
that capacity;
It is through his
a position
and
conscious
Body,
on
the
lack
discover other
of soul
to
things were made in
this teleological investigation depends a
lover
of mind and
to know what he needs to have them.
with self-knowledge can
come ordered.
The capacity
of causes.
a consideration of what
the fact that the investigator is himself
gence.
necessity is a speech light in a dis
come to
only
body. In the first part, soul was presented as indispensable for being itself neither good nor beautiful; but soul now be
order to actualize
ing
speech about
whUe
comes the model
on
His
self-knowledge, for self-knowledge
ends
hand,
Only
and, in cannot
of science and
inteUigence an
inteUi
he is in end-directed be that
discoveering ends,
by itself
acquire
be
inteUi
can never be wholly ordered. It is recalcitrant to rule because it does not rule itself. Order is impossible without self-knowledge, the know ledge of one's own good; but body must be capable of following orders; it
gence; it
must
be,
as
the demiurge
made
it,
part of soul.
On Plato's Timaeus
(47e3-48b3). ings
Timaeus
of necessity.
He
and
Timaeus'
43
Science
opposes the crafted works of mind to the
(dedemiourgemena)
opposes a perfect
(gignomena) participle. The most
becom
to a present
obvious sign of the presence of mind
in
anything is its completed state; and the most obvious sign of the presence of necessity in anything is its incompleteness. The mixture of completeness and incompleteness is this kosmos. What leads, however, becomings to the best is necessity, once it has been persuaded mind; mind cannot do it for it
by itself,
be incapable
seems to
for itself. The
nature of
of
by devising any
irrational
necessity is to carry (pherein);
she
is
co-workers persuaded
to drive
(again). Pherein and agein characterize when put together the to tal destruction of a country by an enemy, where pherein refers to inani mate things and agein to men and cattle. Necessity, then, is persuaded to drive living beings toward the best, which from the point of view of the driven is stiU a compulsion; it is compulsion itself that has been directed to the
good.
Necessity
thus partly
ceases to wander
but it
never ceases to
compel.
(48b3-52dl). knew
what
The
mistake of the
fire,
air, earth,
"pre-Timaeans"
was
were; the mistake
and water
to
of
speak as
Timaeus
if
we
was to
beheve that paradigm and image were enough, as if we knew what an image was. The discovery of necessity is merely the discovery of what was there
all
never
is whoUy
has the capacity to be an image because it it images. "The image-speech with necessity", in terms of which Timaeus constructs body (53d5), is his way of describing the doubleness of any image. That an image is peculiarly difficult to under is
along, that
which
what
Timaeus'
by
constant use of images to describe necessity is necessity precisely that part of an image that never becomes image of anything. The image-speech about necessity is and is not an
stand
revealed
even though
an
image of necessity. Timaeus has to tackle
another difficulty before he can explain how necessity is the receptacle of becoming. Can there be a science of body? Such a science would have to be about what is here and now, and yet as a science could not be about what is here and now. A science of corporeal be
be
ing
cannot
did
not understand.
perceptible
by
about corporeal
both
rank than
I
is
what
anything
character of
though the
for they
saw
of
cannot
imaginary
be the
cannot
it becomes phenomenally, for
accurate
not
to
would
appear
to be the same as though
even
water5
to translate phantazomenon,
more
body
"pre-Timaeans"
they
started
that it becomes. That which we
something else becomes. Phenomenal
else
"phenomenal"
"imaginary",
not,"
the
what
body, then, "is",
becoming
see
and what
use
took the principles
perceptible
asserting that it "is
caU water and
5
They
body; but
becoming. This is
and
be confusing,
imaginary
principle
have
a
of
higher
phenomenal water
not
phainomenon,
for
it is precisely the that Timaeus wants to explain. since
44
Interpretation
has become just
its
establishes
has ice
which
as much as
cycle
everything
genesis,
steam
and
does
phenomenal water
in
of
its
as
not give
cannot
The
manifestations.
it
from it. Once
which comes
phenomenal water
be the
greater
being, for
the privilege of
one
being
amount
all of
it
of
can
become something else. If, however, the ground of phenome becomings is a real water, then everything would have a twofold structure. Phenomenal man, for example, would be the combination
principle
nal water's noetic
of eidetic man with eidetic
bodies; but he does
assume; but the principles
they
shapes
Timaeus does and yet
The
body. Timaeus
not
describe,
the science of
body
science of
asserts the existence of eidetic
not give an account of them
body
can
only
if
It
one accepts the
can
only
exist
"bodies"
the
science of
body is
not
really
Timaeus
expresses
image (in his
account of
example of
truth"
account of
body
about real
the difference between his
body and his solution to the problem of body "what is safest by far to say of
eidetic
bodies;
if
hypotheses
one
of the
inserts between
neither
but
shares
in
Unless science of body; but body, there can be no mathematics.
body.
science of
light
the mathematical
of the
phenomenal body and eidetic body something that is both: the quasi-eidetic, quasi-fantastic of phenomenal body is not real body there can be no unless
of
science of these mathematical shapes.
exist
mathematicians non-hypotheticaUy.
but
these mathematical shapes, which
the principles
are not
is the
of
apart
of
solution to the problem of
image
by labeUing his account (49d3-4) and his "what is safest by far to say in body is more daring than the
hypothetically"
gold)
(50M-2). The account of image because it involves the assertion, contrary to speech, of from phenomenal body (cf. 53cl), whereas to assert the exis
tence of triangle apart from the triangular is in accordance with
(cf. 51c5). In
for
speech
Timaeus'
hypothesis to be as safe as his hypothetical statement, the difference between real body and phenomenal body would have to be just like the difference between thought triangle and phenomenal triangle. The science of body, however, as Timaeus deve lops it, implies that this is not the case, for the triangles out of which body is composed are not the same as the triangles of mathematics (cf. 73b5-8). order
non-
The
relation between water and the watery is far more complex than that between triangle and the triangular. Shape is closer than body to idea (cf.
50c2-3, If
e2).
body
something
as
idea does
else
that
not mix with man as
allows the noetic
beings
idea (52a 1-4), there out of which
must
be
things are made
to mix with noetic beings which answer the question "What is?". Space was first introduced to explain how an image is other than the imaged, but it ends
up explaining how two different kinds
combine
noetically,
because it
can
combines
be
of noetic
beings
which cannot
An image is an image be otherwise combined.
combined aesthetically.
phenomenally what cannot illustrate the difference between form and matter, and it can be used insofar as it is an image to illustrate "essence;" but the way in which it illustrates essence is not the same as the way it Ulustrates
A
statue can
be
used to
On Plato's Timaeus
form
It is
Timaeus'
and
45
Science
form that it is essence but rather its own to its form. Timaeus, however, says that though noetically they are different aesthetically they are the same. The tenuous hold an image has on being is due to contradiction. The com bination of being and non-being in an image makes its look like its and matter.
is its
essence
not as
matter as
opposed
being
its non-being look like what it is an image of; but the truth is that its being is its non-being as an image whUe its non-being is its being as body. This inversion is the effect of space. That this inversion, however, does not complicate Timaeus' speech past all comprehension is primarUy
body
and
due to the
demiurge; for
difference between his fashioning something body fashioning something to be an image of something seems not to be as great a difference as it is. solution to the problem of body leads him to say that that "something" which one points to whenever one points at what is misnamed out of
as a maker the
his
and
Timaeus'
is the receptacle; anything
that that
and
is
one points at
which one
talks of
again the receptacle.
And
whenever one
yet we cannot
talks of
talk
of
it,
it. The triangle, for example, one is talking about is always other than the triangle one is pointing at, for one's speech is always pointing to being. If, however, one speaks accurately and makes the "this" point at the receptacle, one is not pointing at being, for it hardly "is." "this" If the is triangle, one speaks of being but does not point; if "this" the is receptacle, one points but does not speak of being. There is
i.e.,
give an account of
"this,"
The permanently present of which we are "explained" to us, is parallel and not entirely unaware even after it is paraUel to our incorrect speech about time (cf. 52b3-5). Space is to time as kosmos as itself is to kosmos as image. We insert into the series, no
science of
space.
"is"
if
"once,"
"now,"
in time; but and "at a later (eis authis), though they do not apply to being strictly understood, imitate being strictly understood. Our temporalized speech past, present,
and
future,
as
being
were
time"
imitates
being
without
it imitates; but the receptacle,
differences,
thing; but the
of, do not
spoken
another.
being
aware either
it imitates or that "this" of imitate the
of what
anything does
not
which nonetheless underlies our speech about anything.
manifold of spatial
the same
our
our speech about
they
manifold
refer to one
What is the
as
same
of
are spoken
temporal
of,
refer
differences,
The
to one and as
they
are
thing but to another and manifests itself as different (bo
and the same
(space)
always
is different (time) always manifests itself as same because it is an image of what is the same (being), and what is same (space) mani fests itself as different because any image that appears in it looks like it. The indivisible same is space, for that which looks other than it is the same as it; and the indivisible other is time, for that which looks the same as
dies),
but
what
is body, which looks like what is is image, which looks like the other than time; and the divisible and time) look as if they belong two indivisibles (space same of space. The together but do not while the divisibles (image and body) do not look as it is
other
than
it; but
the divisible
same
other
if they
belong
together
but do. For this
reason the
demiurge had to
use
46
Interpretation
force to fit them together in The ambiguity in the acter of
soul.
word
necessity exactly
the puzzling char
expresses
the receptable: the ground of all accidents is not itself an accident.
It therefore has more in common with being than with becoming (51a7b2). It is the ground of our dreaming whUe being itself no dream. Without
it, being would be in becoming and becoming would no longer be an image, "since that very thing (e.g., the idea man) on which condition it (i.e., phe nomenal man) has come to be (viz., to be an image) does not even belong to
itself,
only its
for this
and
in
being
reason
another
it is
that it be in something
proper
it to be
allows
not
of
for
other,"
itself but the image
of
(52c2-dl). The receptable, which can be pointed at (tode), turns out to be when spoken of (touto) a toiouton, something like what one is "here" (tode) proves speaking of. What is in the sphere of the speaker as a
another
to
be,
when
it is
put
in the
sphere of
the
in
(touto),
to
one spoken
"Here"
no
longer
into loses its very character, even though what it is universally is the ground for its being locally precise. The "water here," "here" drops out, even universalized, becomes "the watery"; the though it is the indispensable ground for "the watery"; but when this capable of
being
exactly
"everywhere"
ground
is brought to
watery"
or
anything
blance to the
of.
being
universalized
"anywhere"
and
indispensable
spoken
else.
reason that
The
light, it
receptacle
Socrates
gave
for
be any longer "the
cannot
bears
thus
poets
a
certain
being incapable
of
resem
imitat
ing well in speech that which they have not been bred to. The inabUity to universalize is ultimately due to their rootedness in necessity
poets'
Timaeus'
space; explain
tribe
so
the
account of space can
be
Socrates had
universal ground of poetry.
or
regarded as an attempt to
then contrasted the
the sophists, a
of poets with
wandering (planeton) class, who are not looks like the wandering cause, but its effect is just the opposite; reason is the cause of order, but in its effects it looks as if it does the opposite, for reason arranged the seemingly wandering planets to be the markers and guardians of time (38c5-6). The difference, rooted anywhere.
Necessity
then, between sophists and poets the contrary ways in which the cause of looks hke the cause of its opposite is the human counterpart to the Timaeus' difference in two speeches about the kosmos. And to reconcUe his two speeches would show the way to overcome the faUings of both -
each
-
Timaeus thus holds out the hope that some future So live to hear a poet praise the best may city in motion. Timaeus seems to assume that if the mold of space were not capable of
poets and sophists. crates
perfect
impressions it
appearances would racter of mind, thing. Timaeus
body occurs outside
be
which
would
be
would not all
has to be
impressions,
but
to attribute to space the cha
characterless
if it is to understand every
therefore have to
phenomenaUy in
being's
seems
order
the phenomenal range of
buted the
a receiver of
there are. He
to
body
show
exclude
that the possible range of
the
possibUity that
(cf. 50e5-8). If
space
lies
space always contri
same something of itself to everything that entered into it ("gra vity", for example), any phenomenal body would undergo the same kind
On Plato's Timaeus of distortion as any other, and longed to space and what to
Timaeus
characterless as
Timaeus'
be certain body. If, moreover,
real
is,
one of
the
47
Science
one could never
it
says
and
main
as
to
what
be
were as
space
for the
arguments
the ideas would be undercut. Their
existence is partly in ferred from the fact that everything appears to be a bad impression of it self. Every being is self-evidently incomplete. Timaeus, however, has the demiurge make the first man complete; and one wonders whether his in
existence
of
sistence on
the purity of space does not arise from his
plation seems
infecting
mind with
His implicit denial to mind of the purity of contem to force him to attribute mind's purity to space. This mis-
capacity to
the
make.
his former confusion between soul and mind. Once Timaeus had the demiurge realize that he could not give mind to body
attribution resembles
without
giving it soul, he
never
to the making of the human
If there is
order
in the
visible
at work?
Anaxagoras
seems
plainly distinguishes them until he comes Is mind just ordered soul (cf. 44a8)?
soul.
kosmos to
can one conclude
that mind
have thought so; but Socrates
is there
objected
that only the presence of good along with order points to the working of Timaeus' the mind. The first part of speech is Anaxagorean, for he cannot
there
show the goodness
of
the whole while
the whole to be the way it is (cf.
he
the necessity for
shows
Maimonides, Guide, 11.19). The thinking,
in any case, which Timaeus assigns to the soul of the whole has nothing to do with reasoning about causes (cf. Rep. 516b4-c2). Its cognition of same leads it to
The paradox, then, be that in the first part he demotes mind to soul in order to have the kosmos beautiful, and in the second part he elevates space to mind in order to make it good. and other never
put two and two together.
Timaeus'
whole speech would
of
(52d2-53c3).
Space is like
a mother
mother, for her offspring never fully into the hght. If they could
be
kosmos but
part of the
Timaeus'
revised.
Space
it is. It
said
water,
shakes
earth and
must contribute
from its
it like sion.
being
fully into
the works
a catalyst
for but
and
thus
sorts
the
from it
light,
not a
it
out, like
bond
space would not
of
ideas
have to be
the kosmos. As
receives as a
not a
never come
as the paternal
of mind would not
not as neutral to what
up
ideas; but it is
from her; they
a
Timaeus had
winnowing-basket,
fire,
That it f oUows indeed
air whUe still unshaped and non-arithmeticized.
something besides
like
a
mold, for
a
room
to what
perfectly
it
contains
elastic smoothness would make
liquid, which would in turn prevent it from retaining any impres Permanence, no matter how fleeting, requires, as Socrates in the a
Theaetetus says, and
be
would
moreover, it is
bond,
come
as much apart
speech about
and
are,
to the paternal
get separated
everything
to which,
a certain
were visible
hardness. If the kosmos
but
touchable,
were
two-dimensional, be like a mirror,
space could
never compares it. Three-dimensionality re less like mind than Timaeus pretends it to be. Its seis has nothing in common with rotation.
however, Timaeus
quires that space be mic motion
not
48
Interpretation
The distinction Timaeus draws between
(58a4-58c4).
seems to
noetic
non-body before it
depend
on the
necessity that
body and body be put
noetic
noetic
nonbecome itself phenomenaUy, whereas noetic body does not first have to assume a shape and number before entering into the kosmos. This distinction, however, could be Ulusory, for noetic ani mal lacks soul just as much as noetic body lacks shape; and it would take
in
can
order
much
subtlety
from the
body
of
paradox
There is
the capacity
to the
to give
for
appear
a
traces of non-body to
kosmos. In
which
and
is
its
never apart
Timaeus'
one
has become
whole
account of
in
-
from
to aUow
incapacity
in it before the
to understand
order
to lie elsewhere
seems
body, demiurge,
of the
bodies into
of
to fish no less than a cycle
man
to
order
the
oppose
even
cannot
transmutabUity
from
space, without the interference even
One
Their difference
water.
of space
paradox of animal without soul
shape.
without
a cycle of animal
from fire to
body
distinguish the
of animal species
separateness
another. of
of thought to
body
has to
one
distinguish three coexisting states of the whole, two of which are not in the kosmos what they would be apart from the kosmos. The first is the kosmos insofar as it is a living image of noetic animal; the second is the the whole would have if space were
order
non-cosmic power
its fuU
aUowed
to shake out the four bodies into their several regions;
but to
the two together into the kosmos requires a third ingredient: the
disordered
have been
order
by
so
which
found
bring
join its
Not only
all
the interpenetration of the various various
about the change of one
own
can
bodies together. Bodies that the imposition of
packed together
tightly
in turn could, in persuading the
shapes,
each could
order.
first
at
space would compel
that reason several
the whole
motion of
must
(58a4-c4). Chaos is
chaos not
whole of parts without
an
bodies to
body
into
a
of persuasion coincide with the goodness of necessity.
no
chaos,
bodies the
rest as soon as
most
and
so
before
condition
for
be overcome, but there would be, if it unity. There can only be kosmos if the
were,
Were there
bodies,
assume their
another
indispensable
limits
various
put
original
the demiurge had contrived to give to the
beautiful
of
surfaces, the
whole would
the now-beautiful bodies had occupied their
own
come to
territory.
whole would then consist of four kinds minding their own business. Each would be at rest. It would be as if four cities were on the earth and "just" had no business with one another. In order for these bodies to
The
form go
a
to
kosmos they
same place.
One
proper region
the
one another.
demiurge had
war against each
does
not
fight
order to get to
necessity, their
If,
on
not made
the whole,
which would
ful bodies
each
the
to
in its
other; but
are superimposed on one another and
body
but in
persuasion of
into
must go
they
war unless
the
in
order
own proper
mutual warfare
other
hand,
to
cannot
occupy the
occupy the
other's
region; and yet, through results in their changing
there was chaos at
first but the
the bodies alike enough to change into one another,
be
without
own place.
wUlingness of each
another
its
they
body
unity,
The
beauti is precisely this:
would not even consist of
persuasion of
when weaker
to
body
let itself be overcome
by
a
Timaeus'
On Plato's Timaeus
and
49
Science
body (57b2). Fire, air, and water do not fight to the death in order They prefer to acquire a shape not their own even at the cost of losing their own being. The only body which prefers suicide to surrender is earth. model for body is political. He distin stronger
to maintain themselves.
Timaeus'
it were, between the city as regime and the city as fatherland. have each been persuaded to be more attached to any air, form whatsoever than to what they are in themselves. They have been per suaded to forget their own past and acknowledge the of the as
guishes,
Fire,
and water
"justice"
stronger.
They
sion with
another, the form it has perfectly
it does
law. When
are under the rule of
is
one
stronger
agrees with the
being
a colli
it is,
and
any other form or body to exist but into itself. There are, however, two limits
not then respect the rights of
tries to change every other body to this imperialism. Earth has only been persuaded to take she
shape;
in
has
been
not
on a
cubic
persuaded when confronted with another stronger
to lose her being at the price of retaining a shape; she never forgets her past; and when she is stronger she does not force the weaker body to become part of herself. The love of her own keeps herself just even as it
body
limits the injustice strength of each
of
others.
in the
body
The
limitation
second
original chaos
is
neither
must
be that the
exactly the same, for
incorrectly
otherwise the cycle of change would come to a standstill, nor
equal, for
in the
proper sequence.
its shaking keeps the rants
bodies would neither dominate nor be dominated The cause of this limitation is space, which through
otherwise the
whole unbalanced and
excessive amount of
any
purifier of
to
its
draws
off
own region.
if
apparent confusion
body
is
not
only
between
an attempt
it
that if fire
cannot
be that
body
earth could not
"essence"
of
the four
they have in
that makes us
into
were
be that the
which
common
war
constant
body
in the ordinary
"bodies"
Timaeus'
problem of potentiality:
body
of
body
changes;
beings
and
mathe-
body but to point a body changes, rather, body must
too. If
imaginary body
different kinds
one another.
be
have in common;
common with
think that
that
sense
to distinguish between the
maticizable and the non-mathematicizable properties of out
the occasion
Space is the
the kosmos.
Timaeus'
geometric
body
and what -
they have in It is
surface.
are all
bodies
surface
and change
are his way of stating the become something is not yet
elementary triangles
how that
which will
that something but stUl must be like it. The elementary triangles repre sent the non-being of becoming; from which it follows that the non-being of
becoming
is dianoetic
and therefore
has
more
being
than
becoming
it
One has to distinguish, then, the essences of fire, water, air, and earth, which it is incorrect but convenient to call noetic bodies, from both the ground of becoming (space) and the non-being of becoming (triangles). The science of body is thus the study of the non-being of becoming in its self.
interaction
"body"
with
the essence of
science confronts gy.
and
the
ground of
becoming. This
two major difficulties when it tries to become a cosmolo
The possibility
of
image is due to space; but the possibility of image as (kosmos) is due to image apart from the ground
a stable and ordered whole
50 of
Interpretation
its
possibUity.
There is
between
a tension
by itself,
image-speech
the
for the reality of kosmos, and the image-speech with necessity that allows for the possibUity of image but by itself destroys the possibUity of the reality of kosmos. The science of body
is false, but
which
which alone allows
why heaven is exempt from change: "Earth is the first and (40c2-3). The have become within the of body must as difficulty Timaeus himself raises. If the science
cannot explain
ouranos"
oldest of aU the gods who second sume
that
fire
and the other
bodies have essences,
and a
being
is partly de
fined as that which has no need of another, then one cannot prove that there is only one kosmos. If no noetic body is essentially related to any other,
each of
with this
be in
them could
kosmos in
kosmos
a
they
which
are
by itself;
accidentaUy
the five kosmoi that, Timaeus admits, could
and these
four together
together would constitute
exist.
The
difficulty
their pos
cosmology is that it undercuts the necessity that the kosmos be perfect and complete. If there were a kosmos of fire, the stars and planets above the moon could exist but no men or beasts; and if there sible existence causes
were a
kosmos
of
earth,
beasts
men and
could exist
but there
be
would
nothing for man to look up to and so correct his belief that to be means to be in place and in time. The science of body, then, is the obstacle to proving either the eternity (59c5-d2).
Cosmology,
a result of our
or
the uniqueness of the kosmos.
is nothing but
which
relaxing from the
serious
a
mythology, comes to be of the
study
beings;
and
yet,
as
ac
cording to Timaeus, the playful and pleasurable investigation of necessity is indispensable for our happiness, which consists in the understanding of the divine (68e6-c9a5). Dialectics depends on a pseudo-physics. In the
Statesman,
the Eleatic Stranger
which gives pleasure
because
of
suggests
that every Platonic
apparent
completeness, is a
its
dialogue,
compromise
the primary goal of discovering the beings and whatever disco is the ostensible goal of the dialogue (286d4-287a6, cf. 302b5-9). very There are more direct ways than the one the Stranger chose to discover the political scientist; but there is no direct way to discover the phUosopher
between
(cf. Sph. 216c2-d2). He therefore had to put political science in a certain hght in order to make use of it for dialectics, even though his procedure distorted the nature of both dialectics and political science. This double
distortion, however, led pleasure.
The
to the
Statesman,
mythical character of
apparent attainment of wholeness noetic whole while
is
necessarily
a pseudo-whole that gives us
Timaeus'
speech
its
apparent
being dependent
on
is likewise due to its
independence from the
it. Its
pseudo-wholeness
analogous and perhaps more than analogous to the pseudo-wholes that
characterize political and
life is
manifest
human life. The
in the variety
completely the nature
of
of man.
over, have their counterpart in where the false completeness of own god and thus
turning
regimes,
These
pseudo-wholeness of political
each of which claims
conventional
pseudo-wholes,
Socrates'
second each
human
soul
to satisfy
speech of
the
is due to its
more
Phaedrus,
foUowing
its
away from the ideas. The human soul, though
On Plato's Timaeus
informed by to the
its
ideas,
the
ideas; it is
own god even
speech
is
always
does not, directed
though without
an attempt to give
The
cause
the kosmos is alive but
is
body
science of
a
The Republic
rhetoric
however,
The
could not go to the
however, is
because
a
reason
Socrates'
only be The
not
psychology,
persuades necessity.
discovery
of rhetoric.
It
of political phUosophy.
does
body
only deal
not
with simple
also with their perceptible qualities.
requires an account of
perception,
which
The priority Timaeus
and soul are combined.
Timaeus'
ideas.
that knows the limitations
on
science of
bodies but
it
the Timaeus.
must precede
(61c3-65b3). compound
eros
eros
cosmology,
therefore ultimately depends
51
Science
in the best case, go directly back away from the ideas and toward
even
by
Timaeus'
the cosmological equivalent to the Phaedrus
myth.
core of this
and
only
now gives
and
The perceptible,
arises when
body
to the perceptible
the priority he had formerly given he had wrongly begun with body. He acknowledges that perception must be presupposed but not that it has priority. The relation between them is one of mutual interdependence; but the perceptible has priority in his account because it arises from simple over against perception seems to reverse
to soul over against
and compound
body
bodies,
after
which
do have
an absolute
priority
over
the compo
body and soul (cf. Arist. de anima 402M0-16). The false beginning with body in the first part becomes the true beginning with body in the second. The body of the kosmos precedes the making of the mortal soul site of
(69b8-c3). Timaeus begins Our
with
touch.
the keenness of
perception of
In the
fire is
a non-distorted reflection of
its
perception, in the most literal sense, is knowledge; indeed, since Greeks originally spoke of heat as a cutting-up (thermon from a non-extant kermon), such knowledge is the same as lan pyramidal nature.
guage.
Timaeus had denied that fire
or a syUable
of
They
refer at
and
best to
dictionary
would
be
be
an
could
a
very
entry.
Heat
cutting-up done
by
one's
body
held,
as
words
dictionary. Not and
cold
are
solidification
in
be
of
automatically
even
in the
body
human perception, make a
heat's opposite, the same
ratio
to one
from the cold, though the
by heat, is not experienced as a freezing is to experience
experience
it
a particular
"elements"
the
of such words would not partial
tion but as a trembling. To ter-attack
letter
should not
they likened cor take the likeness literally
qualities within the range of
fire to water; but the
opposite of the
it
erred when
so, if the likeness
and to make a
another as
whether
"pre-Timaeans"
The
logos. It cold,
regarded as either a
should
human language; only
be
letters because they did not have realized that letters form
poreal principles to
enough.
should
the whole; but he left it open
regarded as a word.
could
heat,
case of
attempts to return to
its
natural
solidifica
the coun
state, for life
Perception here plays us false, for whUe we feel the heat passively and hence, like space, take a perfect impression of it, we feel cold in fighting against it, and hence our engagement with it alters our perception of its cause. Cold is the name for both agent and patient.
is hot rather
than cold.
52
Interpretation the perceptible, then, contains at least two different layers: equation of perception with knowledge, the other denies
The
science of
one
justifies the
it and
examines
those perceptions our nature gives rise to when confronted
with what threatens
Our the
third layer in the science of
heavy and light reveals a They are our experience of
perceptible.
kosmos
whole as
heavy
it.
experience of
and the whole as space.
light "subjective":
and
the difference between the
Timaeus does
is up to
whatever
not want
is light
you
to make
and whatever
is heavy. As long as we are on the earth this wUl suffice; but the sphericity of the kosmos does not allow us to determine weight by
is down to direction
everywhere.
fire has its
where of
you
natural
earth, the larger
more capable of
would
weights
lump
then,
vary
like hard
from
our
The
it
seem
and
lighter, for it
would
be
their volumes, for the larger volume
outside as
light
its
they
are
natural place.
both
are
Heavy
and
light,
according to is that they belong
measured
important
trait
the result
of our
something puts up to our to force it out of its place; but what
resistance which
attempt
the region
balance two lumps
a
returning to its natural home. If we fire while still in the region of fire, their
their more
and
in
weighed
and
insofar
but
there
to
transported
we were
be up
with
forcing
and soft
Heavy
to the unnatural. nature.
and
would
directly
their capacity to resist us;
to
home
two pieces of
would more resist our
are
moreover,
overcoming fire
however,
weighed,
If,
acting contrary lifting it arises we
do merely
making of the kosmos. There could be no ordered whole un less there were in it unnatural forces, the constraints both chaos and the demiurge put upon the four bodies to remain apart from their natural homes. Nature had first to be forced before it could be persuaded. If the
reflects the
whole
were
bodies
and
space,
four bodies; an
otherwise
become for
entirely natural, and
the result
vary
directly
weight would measure
stable system.
kosmos,
i.e.,
weight would
weight no
But
once
longer
what was
of
anything became the
already
mutual
the degree
nature was
of
for
force
reformed
shaking each of
with
of unnatural
application
The study
under unnatural constraint.
of
of
the
applied to
in
vary directly had already been buUt in;
could always
unnatural constraints and motions
weighing
of the
with volume
order
to
volume, and our
constraint to
weight, then,
the study of force, is the study of the unnatural within the natural, in which the tension between the reason of kosmos and the necessity of as
space consists. spherical
space
by
There is, however, a curious by itself does away with
kosmos itself
harmony
between them. The
up and down; and among the four bodies, for matter its size, would prove
a natural
cannot give the ratios of weight
in any other region but its own, each body, light when balanced against a body of the that region. Space grants us a
translate; kosmos
grants
us a
locally
no
that belonged to down that we cannot
same volume
correct
and
up universally correct
center
that we cannot
its naturalness, does not admit of universality; and Space, kosmos, for all its unnaturalness, is the ground of universality, even though the universality it establishes cannot be fitted with our perceptions. Nature perceive.
for
all
Timaeus'
On Plato's Timaeus cannot
dispense
53
Science
and
with either.
(64a2-67a6). Timaeus' account of pleasure and pain is at first glance simple. Pleasure arises when we are aware of the restoration of our na ture, pain in any conscious departure from it. Taste and smell, however, his
complicate
and returns
account.
it to its
The sweet is what smooths the roughened tongue (cf. 60a8-b3), for the present condition of the
nature
tongue is not its nature. Before the tongue was smooth, and taste was serves to remind us
taste
fall, in
never
of what
it
the first generation of men, the after
pleasant;
was
like
the
fall,
a pleasant
when we were perfect and
the kosmos was incomplete. Not only was the most intense pleasure absent from the beginning, for there were no women, but the sweetest of tastes was also
missing, for there were no bees. The
friendliness
imaginary
salt
beginning, for the tongue must first get can cleanse before salt it; but since it cannot stay clean, we dirty gently have only glimpses of our past, when salt was not "a body dear to the law" (60el-2). Our present nature, then, gods according to the speech of has for
is
us again recaUs us to
that
a condition
nature would
gives
the
to the whole its nature. To
the kosmos as
destroy
image
an
to
return
in
the complete return of bodies to their natural places would, them from the constraint within which
its body. We
ourselves experience
the
persuasion
is
alone
annihUation of
our own
animal, just as
of noetic
possible,
kosmos
freeing destroy
through our
pain; it is anything connected to least for all its the degree, instrument, sensitivity with kinds (eide). The greatest pleasures, as Timaeus calls them (65al-6), are ours in the half-genus (hemigenes) world of irregular solids, when
Our
nose.
from
apart
nose never smells
pleasure and
perceptual
has the
neither air nor water
we neither
desire
when
suggests what the whole was with
but faint traces
beings
of
it,
shape assigned
do
we
not
like
have it
when
when space shook out the
themselves into their
lose it,
we
primary bodies
natural places.
"If
all
discriminate"
Heraclitus says, "the
smoke,"
were
smeU, which
and a pleasant
nor regret
nose would
the
(fr.
fr. 98). A shapeless world without force pleases us but does not awaken in us any longing for it. Kosmos is too much a part of us for nature without necessity to enchant us; but it is not surprising that less intelligent
87,
cf.
animals
have
keener
a
Timaeus'
(67c4-68d7). to
Socrates,
ever
tragic
know the
various colors. of
things,
the
the
measures
unlike
after
ratios
the
causes
ratios of soul
are a
any
or
wholly
absolute size.
baffling
acknowledges
of
neither
the proportions among
sides of right-angled
never mentions
them,
or
it has been persuaded, the
is Empedoclean; it
account of color
(Meno 76e3). Timaeus
Measure belongs to
pure-number
ever
sense of smell.
measures
necessity
things,
to the
nor
cannot
operations
cannot contribute
triangles
have to
is, according
that no man could
that make up the mind, for the sizes
be traced to of
anything
more than
one another.
Dimensional numbers,
either
necessity which,
Timaeus
as physicists caU
ingredient in the translation
of
the
one
into
54
Interpretation
the many,
They
is their disappearance
as
even
the
resemble
specify how many had
gods
for the
Guide, III. 2b). There is
one.
had to
Pythagorean
whatever
collapse
law,
speech a
the way things
about
law. It is
of positive
Timaeiis'
label
perhaps to
but
in the
mix
the gods
if the
(cf. Arist. EN 11 34b 1 8-24; Maimonides,
an arbitrariness
enactments
which
chose would
they
number
chosen another number
looks like the
law, in
one must sacrifice;
victims
reason we should give
the many
when
prescriptions of sacred
what
Timaeus himself
and
that
arc
Socrates
prompted
when speak
(83e4-5). The Platonic dialo
nature"
ing
disease to invoke "the laws
of
cosmology but
was compelled of
because,
given
to delve into
again,
given
compelled to
his
treat
choice to
of
are
still
consider
not
just because it
choice to examine
details that
remark on
the
of seriousness
Athenian Stranger's denigration
803c2-804cl). Socrates
legal code;
he
was
in his
62a5-6).
Indeed, Ti
speech reminds one of which
the
deserves
hardly
legislation necessarily extends to it (Lgs. ask the question, "Whal is law?", but he can
dialogue
seriousness a
in themselves a
province regardless of whether
the human race,
of
for
too presents
legislation, he
problems of cosmology,
things that fall into its
the lack
maeus'
are not
indispensable
throw any light on the highest principles (cf.
they
the
Plato's
all sorts of
the highest importance but
and
Laws,
to the Timaeus is the
gue closest a
of
on
can
bring himself to draw up legislation; and he always asks the question, "What is?", but he never presents a physics. The closest he ever comes
not
is in the Philebus, where the pleasure cannot be decided
contest
between the
goods
of mind and of
And yet, even there, Socrates merely raises the issue of cosmology, which Aristotle agrees is the problem of the infinite (de caelo 271bl-6), but docs not settle it: the Philebus has man and
the light
the
beginning
Timaeus
they
which
no
of solid
either
even
seriously
the highest
That Socrates
man
not to
always
affects
necessarily
principles.
Timaeus
begins
with
the way in
explains change
in
bodies in motion; but according to Socrates has not yet been perfected Timaeus never men
body
inscribed in
a sphere
been dreamed. Timaeus
(69a6-70a2). soluble
with
the necessity that there bc only five
capacity to be not
end
geometric
science of solid
tions
cosmology.
and no end.
now will
understand
without
be
at
times too
Timaeus
problem; he
-
and the
regular
true
takes the
perhaps
playful about
bodies
or
their
science of motion visible
has
kosmos too
it.
his account of the perceptible with an in turns, in somewhat the same way the young
ended
now
Socrates had turned away from Anaxagoras, to man. In terms of ordinary Timaeus' speech, what remains is the head to the tale; but in terms of own
speech,
us and our
what remains
therefore
concealed
head. We think
of
the
is the
from
body
body us
as
of man.
the true the
Necessity has inverted for
relation
container
between
is primarily a conveyance for the head (cf. 44d8-45a3), it has is meant to serve the circuits of the brain. The in his head. The highest
part of man
both
our
body and body
for the soul; but the
literally
and
and whatever
life
"heart"
of man
is
metaphorically is
On Plato's Timaeus the
Timaeus'
and
What we find most lovable in
same.
is truly
the
body
55
Science
individual
of an
contains
lovable in him, for the head as skuU imitates the bodUy shape of the kosmos even as it holds what imitates the soul of the kosmos. To love a human individual is to be already on one's way to loving the whole. The humanly beautiful entirely agrees with the divinely beautiful what
most
(cf. 88b5-dl). Virtue
be for Timaeus
cannot
what
it is for Socrates,
a
problem.
It
has eight things mixed in it, because the same mixture has only been made to occupy different places in the body. Were it not for body, spiritedness and desire would be the same: spiritedness only listens to reason because it is nearer the head. To the extent that this is true, the that the mortal kind
would seem
and that
it has two different
of soul
parts
have imitated the demiurge, who in making the soul everything together before he split it into two, gave them different places, and labelled one the same and one the other. Timaeus, however, cosmic gods would
mixed
separates two of
the
ingredients
eight
fear,
pleasure, pain, confidence,
of soul
from the
spiritedness, and
other six.
hope
but not all perception and eros, he implies, are them. Passion does not always follow perception, and eros is
perception and eros; with
AU
thing
more than the
was neither escape
the
love
of victory.
pleasure which
There
leads
would
be
six
-
are mixed with
-
an eros of
mixed some
daring
that
us to evil nor the pain that makes us
from good; there would be an eros that did not give us unreasonable for either confidence or fear; and there would be an eros that can
grounds
be
never
either
context of
dissuaded
denigrating
easily led astray (cf. 88a8-b2). Within the
or
the mortal soul of man Timaeus covertly compli
ments the phUosophical eros of
in
necessities
(70a2-73a8).
mortal soul and not
Spiritedness has the
virtue of courage.
because they
Socrates. He limits himself here to the to its graces
are
It
wants
(cf. 42a3-bl).
character of almost
being by nature
to win and therefore win over the
bad but because it
wants
to be
first; it
desires,
the not
wants recognition
obedience is rewarded and it its ambition, however, is entirely unde termined by itself. It acts in concert with logos in order to restrain by force the desires; but it has nothing to do in itself with what is outside the body. It just wants to punish desire; it is not concerned with saving the body. It
at
any
fears
price
and
punishment.
therefore obeys, for its
The
is through the heart, the
body,
that the
content of
which
boiling
is the
of
source of all
thymos,
the blood coursing through injustice to
which a speech about an
has caused, makes every perceptive part of the body obey and let logos rule. The heart attaches thymos to the body, to which thymos itself is indifferent. It is the source of self-sacrifice and self-forgetting. the
body
The logos it obeys,
as
the
to the
necessarUy belong The language with ric
and
poetic; the
though the
liver that
body
which
the
metaphor of
it
akropolis
suggests, does not
occupies.
Timaeus describes thymos is
highly
language that describes desire is free controls
it
controls
of
metapho
metaphors,
it through images. The difference
56
Interpretation
between them
seems
to be related to the difference between a metaphor
Thymos, in wanting
and a simile.
it to what is inanimate things is
to
than
be first, transfers itself
itself,
without
being
in
anger
of which our animation
aware of
other
of
the clearest example; but the desire for
drink, precisely because it is directed to nizes the distance between itself and the close this
is
what
other than
other even whUe
the other. To
food
and
itself, recog
it
attempts to
in the language
of the gap demiurge's making of the cosmic soul, thymos is sameness in otherness (falsely), desire otherness in sameness (truly). Desire is connected with the and assimUate
of body has; nothing was said about nature when thymos, for desire is needed in order that the mortal be immortal. Their relation to mind, moreover, is also diffe
that the nature
needs
Timaeus
spoke of
race of men
Mind
rent.
report
itself to thymos
reveals
"reason"
is given;
-a
as a revealer
is
speak
a soothsayer
-
Thymos has
given.
itself to it logos
except
as
in the form
-
itself to desire of
or
images,
by
a
as a threat or "reason"
and no
something that never shows speeches: Timaeus only
reverence and awe of
in exhortatory
accompanied
command
a
and mind reveals
threatening
speaking of thymos. Thymos is in no way it allows the best to rule, but it does not like knowledge; desire allow the best to deliberate about the good unless it has a hand in it (70d5). Mind has a natural gentleness that it brings out in the liver; mind
uses
and never nous when
connected with
has nothing in common desire is good; but since
with thymos.
It
liver
controls the
is incapable
directly
when
is moving touching contrary to its own nature, it needs thymos to threaten desire when it is bad. The liver in pain receives angry colors; but, according to Timaeus, we can never know whether or not colors are images of anything. The liver of
or
to have a good nature; it seems to be
seems not
it is bitter
whether
mind
and rough or sweet or smooth.
what
neutral with regard
When it becomes
through the operation of mind and therefore capable like a mirror
it
images,
to
smooth of re
its true looks (idea). This tension between the neutrality of the liver and its good nature that alone allows it to be neutral reproduces the tension between space as the neutral ground of all ceiving
accidents alone
(images) it
makes
thymos, water
attains
which
space as part of the order of the
and
for the kosmos to image the imitates in its obedience the willingness possible
to sacrifice themselves in
becoming
one
kosmos,
noetic. of
and
another,
which
Between
fire, air, and desire, which
in the liver imitates the duality of space, the lesser gods have succeeded in copying the kosmos in the mortal soul. The copy, however, is not beauti ful, for the lesser gods looked at what has come into being. They were too obedient to the commands
of
the demiurge to
imitate
what
he had
imitated. The liver
keep
clean
needs
its
together suffice to at
the trough
they had
not
the
spleen to
mirror-surface
of
regulate our
the
besides
belly
do for it
desires. The
would never
given us a
what space
(cf. 50c2). But
lower
wUd
have let
belly
does for itself: to liver and spleen
not even
beast the
us
turn to
and spiraUed the
gods
tethered
phUosophy if intestines. The
On Plato's Timaeus gods seem not to
and
Timaeus'
Science
57
have done their
work well. If they knew that we were have so regulated our desire for food and drink that we would only desire the indispensable. Even then the intestines would have had to have been spiralled if we were ever to be satisfied; but the lower belly corrects an error in desire itself that is beyond the liver's capabilities. The lower marks the limit for the
fated to be
insatiate, they
should
belly
power of mind over
necessity in soul: what had to be accommodated be cause it could never be overcome. It is, like necessity itself, called a receptacle; it is at the opposite pole from the intestines whose spiral shape imitates the motion of same and other in the whole (39a6). The intestines the contribution
are
mind; the contribution of space is split among three it is the lower belly, as receiver of images the liver, necessity and as wiper the spleen. Timaeus later says that the greatest human beauty consists in a symmetry between body and soul (87c4-d3); he never speaks of a symmetry between either thymos and desire or mortal and immortal soul. The contradiction between noetic "bodies" and noetic "whats" reappears in that between thymos, which wUlingly obeys but does not of
organs: as
grasp the truth,
desire,
and
even when we are
(73bl-76e6).
one
If
thinks
have below the head
we
of a
making
by
only be enchanted but asleep images the truth.
which can
completeness and
of
Aristophanes'
men, the
spherical
would not seem
cosmic gods.
points to
Everything
be
to
explicable as
shape
the result
in the kosmos has so far been five regular solids and invi
made either round and visible or one of the sible.
Timaeus himself
seems to acknowledge
the
difficulty in now
speaking he discusses the reason for our life-span being the length it is (75b8). The marrow, moreover, inside the skull does not differ from the marrow inside the rest of our bones; they only differ by name: spherical marrow the demiurge calls of
"the
brain,
god"
and
only returning to the
cylindrical marrow
essential sameness recaUs
same word
calls marrow.
This
nominal
the sameness in composition
different
same and other to which
the
he
plural when
(epephemisen)
names were given;
in both
cases
of
difference but the circles of
indeed, Timaeus
(36c4). The brain
and
uses skull
imitate
the shape of the kosmos; but the spine imitates the shape of the before its ends were joined together into world-soul. The soul was then just a strip, which if rotated lengthwise would produce a soul
cylinder.6
Timaeus,
unlike
the human
Aristophanes,
shape.
right posture a
We
copy
are
Timaeus
making the
of
speaks
the
not need the
head
In
a
copy
of
our
sphericity (cf. 90a7-bl). We need
soul
Olympian
gods to explain
the kosmos and in our up we
are
beautiful,
our mortal
in
our
soul, which
is
of the power of the other when he describes the if Proclus is right, that there are thirty-four terms in (and hence thirty-three intervals), the number would agree
mysteriously
the vertebrae; and
articulation of
with
our
of soul.
straightness we are good
6
in
does
number of vertebrae
in
the spine of a child.
58
Interpretation
anchored on
to our
the spine, to
the circuits
put
brain in
of our
bodily
horses,
than charioteer and
cannot
Aristophanes,'
Eros in his account, as in The maker of our flesh has succeeded in
done: to
make
a year-round
felt to
protect us against
and of
linen for
falls
clothing; for if he had flesh
feres
our
with
remark, in
farming,
also
for toenaUs
and
have
and
for
as
no
the
ourselves can make.
from the
winter cold
commentators
Man's future
use
arts
of
quasi-natural
(cf. Lgs. 889d4-6), Timaeus
never men
He has
the works of reason and necessity.
fingernails; but he is arms (cheires) were
of
it inter hair. The ex
where now
needed
say that hands and feet (skele) for locomotion (45a2-3). Man is
except to
not yet
the invention
not anticipate
be understood, apart
and medicine
art as a supplement to
an explanation
does
should
the fire we
in
fall.
our
has
art
what
have been thinner
must
ignored; indeed,
gymnastics,
tions any
god
could
(74c3)
contrast with
fire is
of
covering
sensibUity, and we fire"
"this
doing
madness
that combined the advantages of
with the advantages of wool
heat. The
summer
one another
is due to
phUosophy.
pression
soul's shape
for the divine
account
Timaeus
order.
Socrates faUs in the Phaedrus, in linking our shape; but sphere and cylinder in being closer to
where
succeeds,
silent about
made
hands,
the
legs
with
along
inteUigent, according
to
Anaxagoras, because he has hands; but according to Aristotle he has hands because he is intelligent; and one would expect in so detaUed a some indication of how the hands Ulustrate mind, teleology as Timaeus'
since
especially
kosmos
the makers
of
both immortal
nothing but craftsmen, the lowest class of the best city. are
who
and
would
take if
belong
to assign them (cf. Rep.
necessity,
rise
up to
claim the
highest
looks like
position
the revenge
Socrates
now, free from
seemed political
Timaeus,
gods as their models.
concentrates all
Timaeus'
abstraction
from human
abstraction
from
Socrates'
which was a
lowly 496b5-6; 522b4-7); so
they
the
making in the gods only so that they can make like the kosmos but not like themselves (cf. 69a6). And what makes
however, us
they
speech
could on
the
of
parts
according to Socrates to
Timaeus'
the artisans
mortal
What kind
art all the stranger
in the
Republic,
to make it possible to understand the
of arts.
city
eros
city"
as
whoUy
can
for the "true and flection on Plato's Statesman city"
unfit
Skin, hair,
"true
Timaeus deny both eros and art to does he have the gods produce, who without
How, then,
of man
is that he imitates
the major reason for
without eros unfit could
supply
for
phUosophy?
man? art
Only
is
re
an adequate answer.
in
double way, according Skin, however, is the first part of the according that the gods do not it is the first time that Timaeus indicates make; body the difference between natural becoming and artful making (cf. 53bl). Skin grows and joins together with itself by itself; and once it has enveloped and nails
are each
to necessity and
the
skull
given
it
allows
Timaeus,
a
to mind.
for "the
divine"
to man in anticipation
beasts.
explained
the
of
commentators
nails; but it is hard to
see
to produce hair and nails.
his degeneration into
how that
believe,
refers to women
serves a
divine
NaUs
women and
end.
were other
fighting
If, however,
with
one
Timaeus'
On Plato's Timaeus
and
59
Science
thinks
of skin, hair, and nails together, one comes to think of the ritual mourning, in which men and women cut their hair and women rake their cheeks. Death would thus come to light along with natural becoming; and the unwritten law of burial would have its source in nature. That hair and nails both grow after death would also make Timaeus ascribe their
of
becoming
to necessity.
Timaeus,
flesh, body (74el; see Cornford cription of
its
moreover, first mentions death in his des
the god used to
which
loc). Flesh is
ad
above"
from
"bury
the rest of the necessity, for
an unwelcome
incompatibility sensitivity forced the gods to choose for us the shorter though better life. Since flesh, unlike marrow, bone, and sinew, lacks air as an ingredient, Timaeus seems to identify, as far as the body goes, breathing with life (78e5); and since air is also needed for bone
with
and
impossibility for flesh to aUow us to hear that keep our head relatively unprotected. Timaeus, at any rate, almost identifies the insensitivity we should have if much flesh covered the skuU with lack of hearing (74e9, 75b2, e7). The gods thus hearing, it
would
compeUed
the gods to
made
it
possible
both human count of
and
be the
for
be
would
his lifeless flesh
as much
benefited
hair,
and nails
As
a
Pythagorean, Timaeus diet; and since
to be part of man's original
he is instructed to
have
could not
there were
ac
his
cope with wisdom.
allowed meat
no other
if he
Law
On
aware of
is indispensable for
them. Learning by suffering (pathei mathos) Necessity seems to be altogether good.
(76e7-77c5).
obey.
as reasoning.
becomes
man experiences pain and
mortality; but through his skin,
but to
speak to one another
only to
us not
divine
animals
in the beginning, he had to provide for man's first necessary crime from being cannibalism (cf. Epin. 975a5-7). Lawful food must have been from the start naturally available. And yet Timaeus' account of plants seems to square badly with either part of his plant-food
"law". Plants
are animals;
noetic animal of which the
in
earth and
kind
a
participate
in
without
double
one of which
If,
on the other
is
suitable
for
"body"
patible with noetic "bodies"
degenerates akin to
man's nature
over, is least
if it
can
are
"a different
The kosmos animal,
would
be
cannibalism
being,
animal
while the other
is
com
be those beings in which noetic hardest to distinguish. No man ever
seem
are
become
Plants
to the
to the idea of
are part of earth's
paradigm,
Plants
they belong
belong
noetic
kosmos'
noetic
so much as to
to
to prevent
necessity if there is to be chorismos),
a
the
"whats"
and
animal".
belong
hand, they
(perhaps
or
noetic animal.
them; but if they
character
whether
image
an
but "not different from
a necessity.
has
way
unclear
animal"
of
impossible
is
no
but it is kosmos is
was
a
to
plant,
be the
even
source of
connected with soul; and
if
no
though
his
its
nature must
survival.
living thing
Flesh,
must
be
more
be kUled,
be the only way to avoid kUling and eating one's ground of vegetarianism own kin; but if the kinship of all life is not the that lifeless flesh should not support us since it but rather the opposite interferes as such with our higher faculties, then man must be herbivorous. carnivorousness
would
-
60
Interpretation
In the
kinship,
perspective of natural
hibited
and
lack
of
kinship
The
second unwritten
reversing the
law Timaeus has built into
interpretation
usual
vegetarianism, false
moreover,
and
bad
of
it. True is
cannibalism
man thus rests
and
only have unleashed the original wUdness of man's desires him savage; but farming, in domesticating plants, all of which
It
man's self-education.
this kosmos
same
is
would
its
more complete than
seem,
time as it
"education"
of
that only because that men can imitate the
however,
paradigm
the kosmos and complete his own nature. The gods were more
of
demiurge,
generous than the
73c7
is
Hunting,
carnivorousness.
originally wild, forced man to imitate their rest at the forced him to attend to the motions of heaven. Man's
soul
his
on
cannibalism
good
were
is
pro
could
and made
plants
be
should
vegetarianism
then,
encouraged; in the perspective of mind, i.e., the between flesh and mind, cannibalism should be prohibited.
cannibalism
beneficent than the ideas (cf.
nature more
77c8).
with
(77e7-81e5).
Timaeus'
One
account of
misunderstands
eating
and
breath
its complexities are primarily due to the absence of The diagrams. double-funnelled weel of air and fire the gods make must be literally understood. They first make the being-at-work (energeia) of
ing
if
thinks
one
breathing before they any
apart even
fit it to the body. As
potentiality.
from its functioning;
though we
lieve. The are
in
moment
less
rounds
gods
not make
significant
We, however, is
what
live
could not
do
a constant are
a minute
if
bodUy
breathing
in the flesh. Timaeus
conditions
body
for
be
breathing
itself. Not the flesh that
sur
determines the
circulation
so much abstracts
at
to be ours,
we were as enclosed as we
the air determines its circulation, but its
openings
regard our
outside the skin seems not
this error. The
to them than
activity, it is not
inclined to
from everything
bodily
indispensable for understanding rib-cage, heart, lungs, and muscle that the hfe we live is hardly our own: holding our breath cannot prevent
not
-
-
transpiration through the body. He
being-at-work suicide.
The
as
gods,
thereby
however,
can
only
combines
the divine
as possible with
closely
an
illustration
prohibition
of
against
make the weel's web complete
be
cause, in abstracting from the body, they abstract as weU from time. A single movement of air into and out of the mouth, foUowed by another movement of air
the
unwilled
into
and out of the
continuity
transpired through the
of
life
body
repeat the same pattern; and
-
the pleasure
7
There is
breathing
of
no
and
life partly
need
for
of
only in time woven
breathing
complete
in
itself; for
purposes
the moment of
dying (cf.
to examine
digestion imitates the way in
in
the air
order to
can this repetition occur.
at
thus proves to be
the pleasure of
our
this double movement assures
-
be
must then return to the mouth
weel, then, only gets completely
death. The being-at-work
body
cannot
which
our
The
our natural
dying,
and
81d4-e2).7
in detail how human life the whole
was
as
ordered, but
On Plato's Timaeus
Timaeus'
and
61
Science
(81e6-86a8). Timaeus seems to deal at too great length with disease. Not only should its causes be "plain by now to (cf. 53c5), but though "it is more just to hold greater discourse about the good things everyone"
than about the
bad"
(87c3-4), Timaeus
himself is far briefer
treatment of diseases than about the causes of diseases.
about the
Timaeus,
more
over, in classifying diseases, almost imitates the disorder that diseases re present (see Taylor, p. 599). Diseases are not altogether unnatural; "they
look like the
somehow
"laws
against the
animals"
nature of nature"
(83e4-5).
of
(89b5-6), however much they if "that
Only
is the
which
go
same
increases and diminishes in the same way and in proportion can that which is the same as itself remain healthy and sound". The body cannot meet this condition for two reasons. 1) Since we were made herbi vorous and not carnivorous, the body grows through the additions of bodies the
as
same
like it but
not
(81c4-6); and 2) the lower belly was made desire, and the intestines were spiralled from constant desire; but only if we ate all the time as we lost bodies to the environment, i.e., only if the
the same as it
to take care of the soul's excessive
in
order
to check us
and at the same rate
not been accommodated to the necessity of soul, could we be The health of the soul is incompatible with the health of healthy. perfectly the body (cf. Lgs. 728d3-c5); but that our makers looked first to the soul
body
had
working of mind. Disease is a necessary part of a teleological design (cf. 85a5-bl; Arist. de somno 475a9-10). Three of the primary bodies were persuaded to change into one another; but they were not persuaded to change in any sequence. Whichever of reveals the
them happened to be
stronger
the others. In the human
bone,
sinew, and flesh have
sequence
if there is
to change
by
gods and
into
order
of
in
the
bone, flesh,
just the
and sinew),
know
with
of
in
marrow,
definite
a
gods made
in
in
with
the absence
Timaeus
to
seems
the demiurge made which
food,
come
opposite and almost
for the
which
order
The demiurge did not begin by blood is formed (82c3-4), and from which nature.
with
another
their rule.
reversal with
something similar, for the the secondary bodies is the reverse
marrow, but
one
order of genesis we
its
propose
be
in transforming
the secondary bodies
be disease. Plato's Eleatic Stranger suggests in whole was essentially indifferent to the order of be
coming; and he connects the the rule
encounter succeeded
not to
the Statesman that the
of
in any
body, however,
sinew, order
they
come to
out of which
the
flesh, bone, and of rank (marrow,
the fire network,
which corpo
and thereby abstracted from really is the blood stream, in its being-at-work being-at-work. Teleologically, this makes good the material cause of its
sense; but
into
one
since plants
do
Timaeus merely to state that each
in both
: network
not
another, Timaeus
cases.
The
(plokanon)
belong
assigns
fire.
the
essential
to chaos, space,
chief proportion
of air and
to the animals which get transformed
must make
and
is this: kosmos:
priority
kosmos the space
of being-at-
same roles
(plokanon):
to
: animal
62
Interpretation
work
into
strain
of
cause of of
does
living according to both at once, Timaeus disease. As an artifact, marrow is marrow,
the second
ascribes
it
and what
consists
it to anything else, any more than a soup ladle is cognate because it too is made of wood; but as the product of becom
not relate
with a chair
ing,
priority as weU. Being-at-work must therefore be an its priority over natural becoming, which puts us under the
a temporal
and to
artifact;
necessarUy becomes bound can no longer be expressly
marrow
these origins
its
with
origins; and
corporeal
for
constituted
it, for they
also
flesh. The god made marrow out of the most perfect solids; but he thereby made it inevi table that marrow, in being repaired by less perfect solids, would never be again what it was at first (82d2-e2; cf. 77a6 with 86e2). Neither sweat nor serve at the same time as the source of
tears has any place
in the
order of
they purify daily the body and disease, for they too are a kind
bone,
sinew,
making; but in the order of
The
of phlegm.
(cf. Rep. 344e2-8); what partly of its secondary bodies minded its
natural
saves
when each
own
directly
one another.
disease; in
body is
it is its
always
artful
of
in
a
origin,
business perfectly
and
to the whole animal without contributing anything to
Timaeus
the
becoming
therefore easUy become the instruments
morbid state
contributed
and
flesh to bone
refers to what glues of
making
them he is sUent about their
when
he discusses
bond.8
(86bl-92c3). Timaeus discusses the diseases of body that come from body (81e6-86a8), the diseases of soul that come from body (86bl-87b9), the diseases of body that come from soul (87e6-88a7), and he presents the diseases of soul that come from soul as women and the other animals (90e6-92c3). Mindlessness of various degrees is indispensable for the of the kosmos; but since mindlessness is a disease, disease too necessarily belongs to its beauty. To cure the kosmos of this disease would be to destroy the kosmos; but the disease is incurable. The best one can
beauty
do is to harmonize
kosmos;
animal as priate
8
in the
to its
and
does
beautiful. And
and
between, for
kind
affect
flesh); diseases
of
with one
second
yet a
and
example, head
in imitation
the homogeneous
like every
dog
third kinds and
bone
of
each
of
kind
the of
a soul appro
other
diseases
as parts of
the
parts of
the third kind affect particular
beast
largely
the
must
consists
body. Diseases
body (marrow, bones, sinew, in the body, and most
places
them, unlike the second kind, become manifest externally; and again unlike the kind they are mixtures. The confusion in classification arises accord Timaeus'
second
ingly from
the fact that the heterogeneous parts of
the homogeneous parts, same as
be
another
itself. Disease in beauty: a dog with
soul with
not preclude
The difference between the
of the second
soul
harmonize
whole
body is
in the difference
of
body
one cannot
any dissimilar
remineed of the
faction
of
the
each of which part's which
has its
own
it corporeally
difference between the "true
needs of
the parts of the soul.
the
body
and
body are entirely composed of function that is not wholly the
constitutes.
One
cannot
help
but
city"
founded
the best city ordered
into
on
the artful satis
classes
according to
On Plato's Timaeus cease
Timaeus'
and
to be beautiful if it is to reverse the cycle
of
degeneration from
Socrates is necessarUy ugly. To atrophy the two lower parts of the soul would be best; but since they are inseparably linked with them to rest is to invite one's own death. Mindlessness always foUows which
it
63
Science
came.
beauty, war and death always follow mind. The need to imitate the motion the body, and the body cannot be at rest without being destroyed, to bring of space perfect
in
order
imitation
to
of
imitate the
to our ancestral nature, before of
motions of
the
ouranos
precludes
the ouranos. The best human life consists in a generation
had
corrupted
the
return
the highest part
ourselves; it is best not to be born (cf. 90d5-6 with Lgs. 801e7-8). The
Timaeus pays for his accounting entirely for terms is despair: the beautiful is the standard for the
price
out political
ings
by
the
phUosophy cosmology
political.
always runs
man
in
good
(87c4-5). With
the risk
of
cosmological
taking its bear
64 NOTE ON THE INTENTION OF JAMES HARRINGTON'S POLITICAL ART
John A. Wettergreen
San Jose State College
James Harrington begins Oceana*
by describing
(England)
they
as
his
major
Commonwealth
The
work,
the natural resources
the
of
empire
in 1656. That is, Harrington describes the
stand
of
Oceana
of
cha
Oceana, Marpesia (Scotland), and Panopaea (Ireland). This description is the "Introduction, or Order of the land
and of
main
body
racter of the
Work."
The
the ordering a
perfect,
immortal it
no one
(for
the Oceana
of
aught that
commonwealth."
presents
in human
Oceana's
the fundamental laws for
laws, Harrington
can
political order
have the power; thus, in Oceana
claims, "make
be foreseen) is perfect because can
prudence
interest
the power to subvert can have the
having
interest
with the
peoples of
these resources. These
of
and
the
an
by
and no one
no gentleman
"ought
to own a shame for preferring his own interest before that of a whole nation".1
Oceana is free from the fear
be destroyed from without, armed nation. Since there world,2
the Oceana ends
republic which
Oceana
Our
for the
practical
author's
gain conviction
replaced with
for the
wholly
would
Earth
out the
sole at
intention
subversion.
flood, hope
in her
of
nations
clear.
gloriously
only better
a
armed of a
in the
ordered
Quite literally, the
this empire, "Who
Liberty, Tooke seems
by
can
or
empire.
legislator
She
plague
be better
not
whole world
ing the Kingdomes of the Heav'nsby Violence."3
internal
earthquake,
by holding
holds the
ends with praise
by
of
the Kingdome
He
writes
in
sett
of
order
the
to
that England's old monarchic orders must be
view
new republican orders.
A
second and
derivative
prac
tical intention becomes clear well before the end of the Oceana. Harrington wishes
to gain conviction for the
view
that a republican England wiU
conquer all the corrupt continental monarchies
At first at
holding
first, Oceana
would then
All
references
institute wholly
Asian
ones.
Rome held
SicUy
and even the
republican
forms in
each pro
bear them.
vince which could
*
-
these conquests provincially, perhaps as
to The Commonwealth of Oceana
James Harrington's Oceana
(Heidelberg, 1924). All
are
other
to S.B. Liljegren references
are
(ed.),
to James
Harrington, Works: The Oceana and Other Works with an Account His Life by John Toland (reprint of London, 1771 edition; Dormstadt, 1963). 1 Works, p. 278. See Oceana, pp. 51-52, 193-198; Works, pp. 256-261, 264-269. 3 Oceana, p. 226. The structure of the Oceana may imitate that of the Histories of
Polybius. If
one
does
preparatory chapters,
not
a main
count Harrington's introduction, the Oceana has body divided into thirty, and a corollary.
two
Note
65
the Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
on
Whom does Harrington wish to convince? Everyone. He says, "There is nothing I so much desire, next the favor of God, as to be popularly under But for Harrington the voice of God is the voice of the people. Harrington argues that the people is more powerful, not to say more stood."
Moses" proposed the authoritative, than God. For example, "God or "ten so that they might be "voted the people of by Israel." In the wUdemess, the people passed them. In case they had not commandments"
been passed, they
The
be laws. Our
would not
author proposes
orders proposed would create perfect republics.
the interest
upon
of the whole people and
and rule of
any one interest is the cause good reason
they
are
In
or of
few
or
and
wUling for him to hope that his
popularly
in his Oceana.
orders go
therefore
orders wiU
as
Harrington claims, actions, there is
of all
be instituted
as soon as
understood.
order to propagate
his
proposal
for England's
future,
Harrington first
The Commonwealth of Oceana. All of his other works his most occasional tracts and leaflets and his posthumously
including
wrote
systematic work
wholly
the interest
opposed to
are
few. If,
some of
all
Such
are apologies
-
the Oceana. Some
for,
restatements
of,
published
or elaborations on
his critics; some arc commentaries on the laws for Oceana; there is one dialogue. We refer to his political writings, not to his writings on and translations of Vergil. As far as I can tell, Harrington never changed any of his proposals during the time he
was
of
these works are answers to
speaking
and
writing
about politics
in public,
during
the
Interregnum. What Harrington may have said, done, or proposed against Charles II, if indeed he did enter into a conspiracy after the Restoration, cannot be judged. As far as I can tell, all of Harrington's political writings, except perhaps
in short
and
the posthumously published System of
easy
The Oceana is a perfect
Aphorisms, were
written
Politics, Delineated
during the rule of
the Cromwells.
Accordingly, it was written to present nation. This nation is not presented as in any way an "imagined Modern Utopias are meant to be effectual. The Oceana is meant a modern utopia.
republic."
and even in many non-readers for a to effect hope in every reader known (or knowable) future. In order to indicate how effectual the Oceana is meant to be, its author claims that it was written about 1715 or fifty years after it was published. This book is meant to appear as, not a pro -
posal and
-
for England's future, but a history, i.e., a record, of England's future past insofar as it is relevant to the acceptance of the Harringtonian
her
backward;"
The point of view of the Oceana is "looking ton does not wish Oceana to appear as a projection or ton's reluctance to place much hope in the future is hardly the orders.
prediction.4
tic disposition
1
of a modern Utopian.
He thinks that
republican
orders
In
of
order
some
Harring Harring
characteris
to understand the problem of
kind
are
inevitable for England:
53; Works, pp. 367, 439-442, 446, 461-463, 562-563, 566. Cf. System Politics. Works, p. 467 (aphorism #5).
Oceana,
p.
of
66
Interpretation
Oceana's
briefly
appearance, we
Utopian
compare
it
Bacon's New
with
A tlantis.5 Although this theless
dern
is not directly suggested by the text, never if only because Bacon is the founder of mo In addition, we have the testimony of Harrington's bio
comparison
it may be
utopianism.
warranted
grapher, admirer, and editor; John Toland
New Atlantis,
"in imitation
was written
over, Harrington himself getic restratement
of
remarks
of
to suggest such a
seems
Oceana, The Art
titles of the two works suggest this
of
Oceana, like
that the
Plato's Atlantic
More
story."
comparison
Lawgiving.6
in his
Indeed,
apolo
the very
comparison.
Both Bensalem, Bacon's utopia, and Oceana are islands. But to reach Bacon's feigned commonwealth a long, dangerous, or at any rate difficult voyage through as yet uncharted waters is necessary. Oceana is here. It is
has been changed. For Oceana, there is no need science, like the triumph of the science of naviga growth of Oceana tion necessary for return voyages to Bensalem; The uncertainties represented by the sea, the un gives law to the certainties of chance and nature, cannot prevent the actualization of Oce ana. By faking the publication date, by making his book so plainly a histo
England; only for
a
the
name
future triumph
of
"
.
.
.the
sea."7
England, by presenting the actual written constitution of the perfect immortal commonwealth, and by certain other devices, Harrington in dicates that the actualization of Oceana depends not at aU on the passage of time, on the future or the further conquest of nature/chance. Oceana is
ry
of
and
not remote.
the case
We
Thus the Oceana is the New Atlantis.
a completed
work; nothing is
see that
in Bensalem
science of
technology is
pervasive.
"goals and tools of scientific Bensalem. Inventors are the most honored
as is
and scientists rule
New Atlantis
ends with
Solomon's House, in
Especially,
a
which
The very
power."8
names of things refer to the
floods
lacking
with
speech
by
the head scientist,
the wonders
of
her technology
Science
men there.
the Father are
of
described.
the scientists may be able to overcome plagues, earthquakes, like acts of nature. Indeed it seems that men themselves
and such
have been transformed there may be
In Oceana,
by
the rule of science and scientists; in Bensalem
neither war nor commerce. not science
but the law is
pervasive.
The
names
here
conjure
up the character of those to whom they are given. The Virgin Queen now "Parthenia." The two universities are renamed after the muses of is called history and poetry. The most honored man in Oceana is Olphaus Megaletor who
5
founded her
The
repubhcan
comparison was
Orders. The Oceana
inspired
by
ends with an elaborate
Howard B. White, Peace Among the Willows: pp. 93-166.
The Political Philosophy of Francis Bacon (The Hague, 1968), 6 Works, p. 436. 7
8
Oceana, p. 11. White, p. 102.
Note praise of
the Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
on
67
him. Oceana is
ruled by law, not by men or scientists. We see gready changed; Oceana is buUt for war and expansion. Oceana is probably as wealthy as Bensalem, but she is not free from pla gue. The laws for Oceana may make men good, for "good laws make good
that
men are not
men;"
the laws do not provide for the advancement nor
science,
This
for the
comparison might
of Oceana is
wealth
lead the
not a part of
monwealth presented
experimental
reader to conclude that
nor
The Common
the modern Utopian tradition. The com
by Harrington is
rous, healthful society,
of
to natural catastrophe.
end
not
primarily the peaceful,
the society made possible
prospe
by technology,
which
is usuaUy associated with modern Utopian writings. In his Seven Models of a Commonwealth, Harrington argues that Oceana is as much one of those "chimaeras or
Utopias"
as
any description
the laws and orders of an his
of
torical nation; Oceana is no more an utopia than Livy's
Rome. Compared
to Bensalem and all other modern Utopias, the proposal
does indeed
appear
war, make profits
very
moderate.
take
and
the moderate (but
losses,
In Oceana
get
sick,
of
men wiU still
and
the Oceana
work,
go to
die. So the Oceana holds
from the point of view of the ancient Utopians extravagant) hope for a glorious England whose empire shall have no limits and which shaU exist forever. Harrington seems to use the Utopian form for Machiavellian reasons, for purposes of propagation. Harrington judged that his Utopian form out
-
-
be especiaUy attractive to the intellectuals of his day. There is evi dence that this judgment was And when some complained that Oceana was too learned, Harrington wrote Valerius and Publicola. This dialogue is distinguished by its lack of learned quotations, Latin phrases, and historical examples. Rather the interlocutors mean to "begin upon some known and to pro namely "AU power is in the would
correct.9
principle,"
people,"
ceed to extract the perfect commonwealth
logue form
because, if it is
was selected
"ex
standing republics
his
The dia
managed, this form "is the man's sense into the under
well
for conveying a The Seven Models, which epitomizes seven Oceana, is meant to show that "the whole,
clearest and most effectual of
puris
naturalibus."
reader."
including
highest lowest capacity
or eight
and the
mysterys"
Utopian
form was essential
by
possibUity.
9
republican
debate."
form is sought
government may be brought "to the Harrington did not think, then, that the especiaUy necessary to his practical plan; but the Utopian to Bacon's intention because the society predicted or of
of vulgar
New Atlantis
be Harrington's Oceana is cannot
presented
-
even
presented as a
today
distinct
-
as a
distinct
present
possi-
p. xxi; Aubrey's Brief Lives, ed. Oliver Lawson Dick (Ann Arbor, 125; David Masson, The Life of John Milton: Narrated in Connexion with the Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of His Time, Vol. V (London, 1877), pp. 484-486. For the reaction of the philosopher of his time, see Aubrey,
See Works,
1957),
p.
124.
p.
68
Interpretation early in the Oceana are Oceana may be instituted here, today. No further developments of science including political
bUity. If the
principles of government presented
sound, then the and
now,
science
by
necessary for the Oceanic order,
are
-
civU order presented
nor are
they
encouraged
by
the Oceana.
If Harrington uses the Utopian form merely as a device, if there is no necessary connection between Harrington's immediate practical proposal and its Utopian expression, then whatever does our author mean by The Commonwealth of Oceana? That is, why "Oceana"0 Why not "Eng land," since it is obvious to every reader that Oceana is England and since the Oceana is nothing if it is not a without
Harrington's
Protector,10
mina:
is the
it
name on
for England? Harrington
proposal
On the first title
our attention to these questions.
Oceana,
page of
and without the
caUs
the one
dedication to the Lord
"Tantalus a labris, fugientia captat Flunomine, de te Fabula Why does Har
work's motto:
narratur."
Quid
rides? mutato
rington change names?
Name-changing is one.11
save
he does
the most obvious
libel
not
in
living
of
who ruled not
men
king (Henry
thing does
keep
storm
VII)? The
judgment
names;
some
their names.
We
changed names on
men,
we
must
"Morpheus"?
monarchy be
account
for
and some
the
in the Oceana
consists of an
introduction
and
four
"The Preliminaries, shewing the principles of explicitiy divides this chapter into two sections. The first principles of government
appear on "
according to the
I believe that Harrington
to dedicate
Works,
with
the
to Cromwell.
the p.
second
547.
name where
"Parts"
or
government."
interference
named
to conceal
not seem
ters. The passage in question occurs in the first chapter which is
10
Eng
for the
the context of that passage. Consider the broad outline
Oceana. This book
well's
is
name
Englishmen,
turn now to the passage
they
consider
that the
case
consistently reveal some Yet Harrington
even some
Therefore,
writes of name-changing.
are.
do
But
more
their owner's character.
Harrington
First,
of civU war than
changed names
changes as
of
not the
Besides,
"Oceana"
On the contrary, the
not change aU
It is
who attempted to consolidate the
of the author's
countries
changed.
are
not use names.
caUs comic.
innocent. It is manifest that but Hobbes? What better
the lull before the
the
"Panurgus"
anything.
This
the Oceana.
"Leviathan"
be
could
Harrington
a work which
changed names protect the
king
of
in Oceana because he does
anyone
than the names
Should
device
used
this remark occurs
land. Who
literary
in Oceana; it is not even aUuded to in his other works, In contrasting himself with his adversary, Harrington notes that
device is only
meant
ancients and
No
other
Harrington
section
treats the
the principles
of
Oceana anonymously, but Crom him to decide to reveal authorship and works are dedicated. The motto does not
to
publish
presses caused
title page. See
chap
entitled
Works,
pp.
xvi-xvii, 547.
Note
in
government
the Intention of James
on
Harrington's Political Art
according to Harrington's "own the first chapter treats the late governments general or
ond section of
69
way."
of
The sec Oceana and
in treating them reveals the modern principles of government. Because Harrington claims to side with the ancients against the moderns, we may conclude that the first section of the "Preli using Harrington's terms Prudence" Prudence." treats "Antient and the second "Modern The passage on name-changing is in the second section. At the begin -
-
minaries"
ning of the Declination
Harrington discusses the "Rise, Progresse, and The beginning of modern prudence was the end of the Roman Empire. However much the "Arms of may have weakened Rome by bringing on the rule of emperors, still it was the victory of the barbarians that founded modern prudence. Those "inundations of Goths, Vandals, Huns, and Lombards"12 finaUy and to second section
Modern
of
Prudence."
Caesar"
tally
removed
prudence from the world. But because "Nemo Harrington briefly discusses the ways in which the itself so that it could be so easUy ruined by the vigorous,
ancient
nocetur nisi ex
se,"
Empire weakened
but coarse, northerners. In conquering the
whole Empire, the Vandals, Huns, Saxons, Lombards, and Franks overwhelmed also "ancient Langua ges, Learning, Prudence, Manners, Cities Almost as though the bar .
barians
Harrington
Men."
Geoffrey."
diately before
This
Rivers,
of
the
gives an example:
be
"Edmund, Richard,
name-changing comes imme changing names becomes espe
mention and example of
the author's own practice
What is its
noticeable.
came to
the ancient world,
"the Names
Harrington
Pompey"
cially
.
adds that the conquerors also changed
Countries, Seas, Mountains, and names "Camillus, Caesar, and and
.
were not content to wipe out the vestiges of
According to Harrington, ended ancient names.
The
of
significance?
those who put
an end
to ancient prudence also
Yet Harrington uses them. In fact, we note that Harrington does not change any ancient names. For example, he discusses the rise, progress, and destruction of the governments of Oceana we stUl
know some
by considering Romans, the
new names are a sign of a new prudence.
of the ancient names.
the changes brought about "Teutons"
(Saxons),
the
by
the various conquests of the
"Scandians"
(Danes),
and
the
"Neustrians"
conquerors
(Normans). Harrington changes the names of the only. The Romans keep their name. The case is the
modern same
in
Hobbes, caUed a modern by Harrington, has his name altered. But Machiavelli, not caUed a modern, keeps his name. So do Aristotle, Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, and all other ancient writers. Bacon's other matters.
name
12
is only partiaUy
Oceana,
the Empire's
took
p.
42. In the
during
arms
place when
"strong
changed
the
Garrison"
same
the
well-armed and
guards
"ancientized"
say
-
our author remarks
context, rule
in Rome "and
held hereditarily. These
we might
-
Constantine
to "Verula-
that the reordering
of
decisive. This reordering dangerous Praetorians were removed from their distributed into divers which they of
were,
was
Provinces"
so
to speak, replaced
by barbarians.
70
Interpretation
mius."
All the
red who
lived in "ancient
Harrington the same,
except
of Oceana.^ rington with
have their
Oceana,
names changed.
in
author
only
Ethel-
Only
when
save
his
support of
posi
Selden, Hooker, Bracton, Coke) does he leave the
in the
Bacon. Harrington does
case of
From this
his
in the
contemporary
name, but this is in the
by
mentioned
times,"13
cites a modern or
tion (for examples,
once
England
rulers of
in
margin and also
pattern of
name-changing
Hobbes
refer to
support of
name
the position
that Har
we conclude
to do something like what the barbarians
major work aims
did. But
what did they do? The barbarians ended the Roman Empire
and at
the
same
time ended
the already weakened ancient prudence. They did not simply and by themselves destroy Rome and ancient prudence. Republican Rome, that "Paragon"
of ancient prudence, had been greatly weakened long before the barbarian flood. But above all, the Caesars especially Julius, Augus -
"interposed"
Constantine though "there is no
tas,
and
Prudence,
that
the A
with
Ancient years
-
she should ever still
thereafter,
did
have been
so
of
or
that,
able to come
and
up
not show
so powerful was
itself in the
world
for
over
even
Moderne
constitution of
Grapple
the barbarians were able to strike the death
ncient,"
prudence
in the bulk
appearance
necessity"
"something
blow.
thousand
a
that necessity.
Harrington imitates the barbarians. He is the vigorous opponent of mo dern prudence, which he says has already been greatly weakened by
Henry
VII
barbarians Can it
also.
Yet
and
Henry
VIII
requires also the
be, then,
Richelieu. But the full imitation of the giving of new names; this Harrington does
and
that Harrington means to restore ancient
has been utterly wrecked, hardly a Caesar and the barbarians have ruined
ancient prudence
What the rington,
arms of
armed
with a
only dence have been erased,
pen,
restore?
what will
be the
means to eradicate modern prudence
If both
prudence?
vestige remains. can
James Har
ancient and modern pru
character of politics?
from the face
of
Our
author
the earth as the
barbarians did to
ancient prudence. But the giving of new names suggests further politically theoretic intention. Reflection on a single literary device would suggest that Harrington intends either to restore ancient some
prudence, or
or
to establish some new non-ancient, non-modern prudence,
to put forth some non-prudential understanding
prudence,
new
prudence, no prudence,
whatever
of
politics.
Restored
fulfills Harrington's
politi
cally theoretic intention, that intention must be consistent with his more practical intention to establish the Oceanic order in England. A sign of this consistency
13
14 15
Oceana, Oceana, But
adopted
is, then,
p.
42.
p.
207.
consider
quickly
nation adopts
that Harrington changes only modern English
Oceana,
some
p.
other
first holds the
197. Here it is theatened that if the nation, probably
world
in its
France,
empire.
will
do
so
names.15
orders
are not
first. Whichever
Note A
the Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
on
immortal
perfect and
commonwealth cannot
be
established
by
71 modern
prudence.
To
Harrington's politically theoretic intention, we must begin explaining what he means by prudence, ancient and modern. Ancient prudence is not prudence as understood by the ancients. That is, Harrington does not wish to restore the understanding of prudence pre expose
by
sented
by
for the
prudent man
the tradition
He does not long Harrington defines prudence
of classical political philosophy.
described
Aristotle.16
by
in the
second section of
history
England up to the time of Oceana, Harrington says that the is ready for a republican government; a republic is "already in the
nation
nature of the
(the
the first chapter.
Having
recounted the political
of
[population]."
All that is
"republic"
author uses
lacking
bring
to
"commonwealth"
and
about a republic
interchangeably) is
"time (which is slow and dangerous) or art (which would be more Art is to be preferred. "But this Art is Prudence; and that part of Prudence, which regards the present work [scU. the found the insti ing of a commonwealth], is nothing else but the skill of either
secure)."
quick and
.
.
.
raising"
tutions natural to the character population can an
a
art,
be known
skill, part
a nation.
The
produce
Now
day-to-day
governments, in England.
republic
not
the population. The character the proper form
of which produces
other parts are
conducting the
of
Aristotle,
the
of
Prudence is government for
with almost mathematical precision.
skiU of
leading
of
it
"Time"
produced a population
the tradition
in
armies and the skiU
affairs of civil government.
even as
nor
the
of classical
also
may naturally fit for
political
a
philosophy,
taught that prudence was art. The ancients sharply distinguished prudence from art, because the prudent man (including the founder), but not ne
cessarily the artist, is also the morally virtuous man. But the traditional identified prudence and art insofar as both were con
classic position also
cerned with contingencies.
it does man
understands prudence to
Thus Harrington
"contemplates"
moral virtue and
the product us good
deal
Harrington
not presuppose moral virtue.
of good
laws, is
men, in
the maxim of a
with contingencies.
It is
that
fact, "Give
demagog."
laws
good
us good
says
men,
an
art;
are not and
Nor does the
not an excellence of
be
that the prudent
necessarUy they will make
art of prudence
deliberation. Harrington
his reader all too clearly how little contingency concerns the prudent showing how a decision to wage agressive war is taken under the Orders of Oceana: shows
by
About the
one and
their Annuall was
of
fortieth
Customs,
year of
reported
Commonwealth, of
Nilus [the
the
Censors according to count], by which it
census
found that the People increased very near one third. Whereupon was appointed by the Senate to bring in a State of War
War
16
the
the Pillar
For
the
Council
....
purposes
prudence with
the
of
this paper,
position of
I have identified Aristotle's
classic
defense
the tradition of classical political philosophy.
of
72
Interpretation
Harrington's deal
political art
tain as those
of
Thus, "... he not to
science.
be
it does
not presuppose moral virtue and
Prudence is
were
indicate that it is mathematical."17
by this art, demonstrates by nature, by fancy, but by demonstration out of
that demonstrates
contradicted
not
to principles as cer
called an art to
science, but it is demonstrable "as if it
a practical
is
any
does
Rather, it proceeds according
with contingencies.
and
nature.'*is
Harrington's understanding of prudence appears very much like that of MachiaveUi. (It is good to remember at this point that our author caUs the Florentine
an
ancient.) From MachiaveUi's
"Aristotle did
point of view,
founder to his human
not see that the relation of the
is
matter
funda
not
mentally different from the relation of the smith to his iron or his inani mate matter: Aristotle did not realize to what extent man is maUeable, and in particular maUeable by Harrington would agree with this man."19
ancient criticism of an
ancient, this MachiaveUian
criticism
of
Aristotle.
He follows the ancients, but he also goes his own Harrington foUows MachiaveUi, but at the same time he goes beyond him. From Harrington's way.'-0
point of
is
is the
ing
not even
view,
malleable
by
Machiavelli
Machiavelli did
man.
animate matter of the
Iron rusts; men What is ancient prudence
paper
the
how
extent
to which man
much more
founder than the inanimate
unchang
matter of
the
reproduce.'21
smith:
define
understood not realize
and
distinguish
that he avoids
and modern prudence?
Harrington does
not
in his Oceana. We only assert in this definition in his major work because he wishes
these terms
such
to make use of the ordinary understanding
of
the ancient as the authoritati
vely traditional. In his most important apologetic work, The Prerogative of Popular Government, he flatly declares his definition:
By
antient prudence
prudence
Vandals
and
or
.
.
prudence
republics and
dence,
skill
understand
upon the ruin
western countries
Ancient
I
king, lords,
that of
in
the policy of
and
of
commons,
the Roman
a
commonwealth,
which
was
and
introduced
empire, and has since
by
by
modern
the Goths
reign'd
in these
.
is
republican
prudence,
skill
in
founding
and
governing
their armies. Modern prudence in monarchic pru
leading founding and maintaining
"regulated"
monarchies.
In
order
monarchies, and
especially
mixed
that a reader have no doubts about
his definition, Harrington explains that the government established by Jo seph in ancient Egypt was of the same form as that preferred by modern prudence.23
" 18 19
20 21 22
23
Works, p. 559. Works, p. 560. Leo Strauss, Thoughts on Machiavelli (Glencoe, 111., 1958), Oceana, p. 14. Consider Oceana, pp. 64, 53, 133-139; Works, pp. 466-470. Works, p. 221. Works, p. 253.
p.
253.
Note
on the
Does Harrington the ancient
Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
understanding
the ancients. He does nated
blican
government.
in this such a
for
He
respect.
Relish
of
of government which
by
domi
of
Harrington's intention is identical with MachiaveUi's regrets the fact that the West, which has "ever had
liberty,"
thousand
over a
the form
history in its vigorous youth and in its ma infancy and old age. He wishes to restore repu
to its
as opposed
not wish to restore
of politics or ancient politics as understood
wish to restore
the ancient period
turity,
He does
wish to restore prudence?
73
has
years.
the establishment
continued
The
in the
"Gothic"
grips of
publication and propagation
monarchy Oceana
of
its
orders will end forever modern prudence and But to attempt to end forever any order and to establish another which wiU last forever free from all internal tumult, no less would be a laughable or unsuccessful project from MachiaveUi's point of view. StiU Harrington hopes to bring forth an immortal common and
its
of
characteristic policies.
-
-
disorder,"
wealth, a republic free from all "intestine that he has discovered the true principles of
because he believes More precisely,
government.
Harrington
means to teach an exact, non-controversial practical science
of politics.
In this respect, his intention is the
Hobbes's exact,
non-controversial science
same as
of politics
Hobbes's. Yet
culminated
in the
demand for monarchy, certainly not for a republic ruled "by laws, not Harrington's theoretical-political intention seems clear: the propa
men."
gation of an exact, non-controversial art of politics capable of effecting the reintroduction of the whole world eternally to the republican form of government. But this intention presupposes the fulfillment of still another.
The Oceana is meant to overcome, to improve upon the doctrines of Harrington's two great teachers, Hobbes and Machiavelli. Harrington's admiration for Machiavelli can hardly go unnoticed. Ma chiavelli is caUed "the Prince of "the greatest Artist in the World," modern "the onely Polititian of later the "incomparable Patron of the Harrington appears to have known very well the Polititians,"
Ages,"
People."
the Discourses
Prince,
(admiring
had studied), the Art of War, Machiavelli is mentioned by
As I count, MachiaveUi is to know
In the
whether or not
the
books; by
down 24
But
som
see
the remark
of
(Oceana,
p.
p.
Works,
barely
Oceana,
p.
Livy's
p.
was aware of
Machiavelli's
presented as a sober
republican,
the ancient world,
the
reminds
53. For the art of
Livy (Oceana, 212). See
153. 25
Harrington
than any man or author. in that book also. It is difficult
often
reader of
482.
also
p.
the
same
writing
223),
meaning,
(Oceana,
and
about
remark about
p.
rhetoric.24
a
prince."25
consider
216),
Oceana,
about
of old
p.
(Oceana,
The
set ap-
139. See
Machiavelli's inter
Machiavelli's "handsome
Cicero
devoted
a ponderer
"ah those black maxims
politicians, particularly Machiavel in his
about
pretation
name more
political practice of
Harrington
book more than anything he Florentine Histories. In the Oceana,
second
quoted more often
Machiavelli is
Oceana,
student of
the
and the
p.
Caveat"
38). Cf. Strauss,
74
Interpretation
pearance of Hobbes in Oceana is quite different from that of MachiaveUi. If MachiaveUi is the hero of Oceana, if he is ancient prudence incarnate,
Hobbes is the dence by justifying then
Hobbes "goes
viUain.
in the
body
mention appears to
the Oceana
of
Hobbes is
monarchy.
Every
about
these
and
be
to
But
ancient pru
relatively few times in the first chapter.
mentioned
mentions
polemical.
destroy"
are
are not
appearances
some
Hobbes in Oceana is toward its end Harrington does not change his name. After the
times deceiving? The last
mention of
in the margin, where whole of the Orders for Oceana have been reader
to conclude that the order
out of
the chaos
of view of
opposition
I have
of new
down, Harrington
allows the
be judged
"beautifuU"
from the
point
Thomas Hobbes and God as described by Plato. Harrington's to Hobbes is not simple. This is how he explains it:
opposed the politics of
his treatises
The
of civU war would
set
those fundamental laws brought
which
lights,
Mr. Hobbes, to
human nature,
of
and those which
appearance of
and
of
show
liberty
I have follow'd,
and
him
what
necessity,
and shall
he taught me,
they
are
...
for
the greatest
follow.26
MachiaveUi is likewise deceiving. WeU before Oceana
ends, Harrington has disputed
perhaps
-
disproved
-
MachiaveUi's
analysis
few, his doctrine that solid civil orders have criminal beginnings, his representations of Sparta, Rome, Athens, and other histori the many and the
of
cal
that a defensive foreign policy is the result of many other MachiaveUian essentials. A consideration disputes would involve us too deeply in Harrington's teaching, as
regimes, his
teaching
"imagination"
and
of these
opposed to
his intention.
From the point ment again a
"has
admires
him because he
choiceworthy form. Thus ancient
the peak of ancient
made republican govern
our author says
retrieve"
about to
gon
peak of modern
In
Oceana, MachiaveUi is
of view of the
prudence; Harrington
prudence.
that MachiaveUi
Hobbes
prudence; he presents the best defense
fact, Hobbes is
the only writer, as opposed to ruler,
represents
the
of
monarchy.
whom
Harrington
caUs a modern.
It is especially Hobbes's to
explain
"politics"
that Harrington opposes. In order
this opposition we must mention a certain
Imitating MachiaveUi, either monarchic
our
author
or republican.
Harringtonian teaching.
teaches and shows that ah states are
In teaching this, Harrington
the few cannot possibly rule in their own right or ways set
up
a
(regulated)
ton calls them, are
among the the
king.27
inherently
These
monarchies
unstable;
shows
that
by themselves, but al by nobles, as Harring
they tend to become either wars But, according to Harrington,
nobles or absolute monarchies.
creation of a
23
Works,
p.
27
This is
most
third estate
-
the
landed clergy
241. clearly
seen
by Works,
pp.
467, 481.
or
lords
spiritual
has
Note
on
the Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
made possible a regulated
is the
estate
result of the
Caesars (see
monarchy
"something
which
75
is relatively stable. The third introduced and fostered
necessity"
of
barbarians'
The creation of the third estate, which stands somehow between the many and the few or between the sub jects and the lords temporal, ensures the continued existence of the natu "Gothic" rally unstable regulated monarchy. Such monarchies, called by Harrington, are the worst possible form of government because they depend
by
the
more than
above).
form
other
any
the fear
on
death for their
of
the Church has declined
But
stabUity.28
as
the
has the authority and power of the authority third estate; this is in true England since Henry VII and in France especiaUy of
since
Richelieu. Without the
long.
Therefore,
were
it
the
so
third estate, no monarchy
nobles can stand
its
own accord
intrusions"
for the fact that "certain
not
by
end of modern prudence would come of
expedients
were
and
discovered which made regulated monarchy "to appear or be call'd abso lute." Certain politicians, including Hobbes, have discovered means to the regulated monarchy even without the landed Hobbes and the Hobbesians may make the claim that the traditional
dern monarchy vernments, part of
So
clergy.29
maintain
be the
can
most stable, the most
commodious,
mo
of aU go
the monarchy of the Turk. An important is meant to show that no monarchy can be
even more stable than
Harrington's teaching
as stable as a well-ordered republic.
In
order
blican
this, Harrington
to show
for their lack
not praise republics
of
commotions were a sign of political
MachiaveUi "makes
who
health. As the Oceana
did
puts
that the people in
[republics] are so Gentleman they kUl
beheve,
us
MachiaveUi,
must oppose
tumults but rather taught that repu
it,
en
him."
them, that where they meet a Now Harrington begins at the same point that MachiaveUi did in his raged against
con
sideration of republics:
There is started was
not a more
Whether
between the Senate
Harrington's
li's,
noble, or usefull
by Machiavil,
even
more, it
answer
if it is
could
and
means
the
may be
not so noble.
have been
question were
people
said
in the Politics, then that
to be found whereby the
of
Rome,
might
which
Enmity
have been
is
that
removed.30
to be much more useful than Machiavel
The enmity
could
ended with republican
have been ended;
forms
or without
what
is
resorting to
defensive foreign policy with its characteristicly oppressive domestic poli Nevertheless Machiavelli's greatness is secure. He started this question: Not that Machiavelli was the first to wonder at the commotions in Rome, a
cy.
rather
28
of
Machiavelh
The
subjects
was
fear death
the lords temporal 29
See Works,
himself develops 30
Oceana,
p.
the first to undertake a class analysis
pp.
and
472
not
by
and
only
133.
hands
of
the
king, but
(Roman)
also at
the hands
the authority of the lords spiritual.
especially 481. See
"expedients"
some
at the
of
and
also
Works,
is thanked for it
pp.
248-264. Harrington
by Hobbesians.
76
Interpretation
in
politics
preference to a regime
The
analysis.
in his
alternative point
regime analysis of
But
works.32
analysis.31
the classics
having
Harrington
barely
accepted
accepts
the class
appears as a rejected
the MachiaveUian starting
to accept the regime analysis would be ineffectual because that
-
in the presentation of an imagined Harrington draws very different conclusions from it. By showing that the dispute between the many and the few could be ended, or (using Harrington's expression) by showing that the few can be analysis
necessarUy
republic or
comes to an end
principality
included in the many, Harrington is as stable a
form
We have we
by
able to show that a republic
is
least
at
as a monarchy.
to Harrington's teaching. But
now come altogether too close
may say that Harrington is able to resolve the many-few class conflict showing that the difference between princes and peoples is not natural,
Machiavelli had
even as
between the
that the differences between princes,
suggested
few,
the
one and
were not natural or qualitative.
Instead Har
difference among men in the or servants. The doctrine for and success at land to, ability acquiring which Harrington is best known, the doctrine of the balance of domestic traces the difference to
rington
a quantitative
of government naturaUy follows or is de land (or servants) held among the one, the "gentlemen" and the few are the who having
empire, teaches that the form termined
few,
by
the
proportion of
and the people.
The
acquired more servants off
one
others'
live
off
the sweat
brows. The
of
people
live
the sweat of their own.
In coming to a conclusion, we may say that our author begins with Machiavelli's understanding. That is, he accepts Machiavelli's typology of governments, the analysis
of
the many and the few presupposed
by
that
typology, especially the resulting definition of republican government "so ordered that rule should not faU into the hands of a prince or a and
-
nobles."
On the basis
small number of
we
suggest, Harrington
much
did he
would
admire republican
But Machiavelli's
was not
have
Rome
the only
controversial political science
raw
According
account as
31
I
32
Works,
wish
compared 33
to
Hobbes,
See
cunning.
any
part
Hobbes
raised
p.
286
justified monarchy,
Oceana,
p.
.
.that
Harvey C. Mansfield,
that he did
with other passages on
monarchy.
is,
even
especiaUy two the exact,
Christian
is little better than
[of true knowledge]
suggests
so
monarchy.33
the republican preference was dictated
Prudence is only experience,
to thank Professor
for England,
detest the Christian
Harrington's day.
prudence compared to science
animal
Gothic
and
the republican preference is not scientific. That
First,
dence;
the Machiavellian evidence alone,
evidence.
objections against the republicans of
chy.
of
proposed a republic
consider
and
original
non-
monar
by
pru
superstition
or
"we are not to knowledge caUed
Jr. for teaching
me
this.
the classical alternative when
it is
the same subject.
139. In addition, Harrington
prefers even oriental
depotism to
Note experience, in
defective. an
as
which consisteth
And further, the
reasoning."3*
They
are
that in their youth
Grecian which
Roman
and
books the
having
books
commonwealths
by
ever so cruel as a popular of
read
better sort, that had been so educated, by famous men of the ancient
written
concerning their polity
popular government
monarchy disgraced
and
because it is not attained by the English republicans is very
prudence:
experience of
great number of men of the
exceeding
77
Intention of James Harrington's Political Art
on the
was extolled
by
tyranny [and
the name
assembly"]
.
actions; in
great
and
glorious
liberty,
name
"no tyrant
even though
thereby in love
.became
.
that
was
their form
with
government.35
Second, Hobbes
objected that republics are
inherently unstable. He thought
that no bearer of sovereignty could be expected to prefer the public inte rest to his own interest or that of his family. He concluded that one man
best unify
rule could citizen
has
public and private
some part of
that republics are always led chiavelli
confessed,
and threatened
Harrington
by
interest. But in
sovereignty; this part is
by
invariably
few demagogues;
one or a
republics are
republics
constantly
even as
the factious
by
plagued
every
given over so
civU war.
presents
his teaching
against
these two
objections.
He
argues
that prudence, the practical science or art of politics, is demonstrable.
is, Harrington
demonstration from
attempts to show that
cluding from what is or was to demonstration requires an hoti that."
Ma spirit
reason
Harrington
otherwise and
is so
what ought to and
reasons as
a
dioti,
be
-
experience
is
possible.
"that"
a
and
a
follows: What has been
and not otherwise will
be
so and not
-
That con
Such
a
"for the
so and not
otherwise, "except
The Oceana presents why it may be an unexampled example, a perfectly stable republic free of the factious spirit.37 The presentation of Harrington's general teaching in the "Preli is, therefore, a presentation of reasons why republics may be otherwise."36
a man can give a reason
minaries"
other than
they have
always
Harrington's doctrines republics
(including
been.
are meant
to
show
that the
the "Commonwealth of
fault with founded
all previous
Israel"
by
"Moses
he is the maker of them, rather than the with monarchies is inherent, in its very matter, for matter. But the fault of or proportion land servants held by lords as against the the balance defective. The balance is the matter, the is of people the monarchy or
God") has been
with man as
-
-
foundation,
of aU
a republican
governments.36
foundation,
By
erecting
Michael Oakeshott
31
Hobbes, Leviathan,
ed.
35
Compounded from
Hobbes, Behemoth,
1963),
pp.
6, 31.
Harrington
especially Works, p. 223. 3 Works, p. 559.
proper republican orders on
the few may be permanently dissolved into the
knew
of
(Oxford, 1955),
ed.
similar
Wm.
pp.
435-436.
Molesworth
passages
dn
earlier
(New
York,
works.
See
78
Interpretation
What Harrington had
many.
assert
confidently
the quiet
Machiavelli
against
shown
of republics
him to
allows
Hobbes. If the few (in
against
cluding the one) all come to have precisely the same interest people, and if interest is the cause of aU wUling, then how can
have the interest
have the inte
the power (if some deviant happens to
or
the
as
anyone
rest) to overthrow the government of the people?
Harrington's for
an end
practical
to the type
intention, his desire for
of politics
a republican
England
that had dominated the West for a
and
miUen-
nium, led him to study and then to oppose the teachings of Hobbes and MachiaveUi. From Harrington's point of view, both Hobbes and Machia velli, both ancients and moderns, have this in common: Both think that in
every nation one part necessarily rules some other part. That is, both think that in every nation one, few, or some of few necessarUy prevaU over the
Harrington,
others.
sition of
the
that the
law,
velli, of
no
the
on
not
population makes
prevent
other
hand,
claims to
the interest
dominates the
in itself may be
in the best
rules
men,
less than Hobbes
or even
ally himself with the po Harrington teaches
Oceana, on
the
But for Machia
ordered nations.
classics,39
the question
the law? The Orders of Oceana
or wiU of
from making law. In nation works its will ple
the
tradition of classical political philosophy:
any
any no
part
one,
one,
-
other part.
few,
some of
few, many True enough, the
no
no
is, What
are
few,
rule.
part
designed to
No
or
many
part of
spirit of
-
the
the peo
Oceana, but the spirit of the people considered be, "What care I for him? I can live without
whole of said
to
him."40
Certain difficulties
remain
for my interpretation. Nevertheless, I believe
that James Harrington's political art aims to put an
37
38 39
of
Oceana, p. 33. This is, then, Works, pp. 466-467. We
abstract
here from the
another reason
end
to rule.
for the book's
question of whether
Utopian character.
will, not reason, is the source
law. *
Works,
p.
580. Cf. Oceana,
pp.
154-158, 128-129, 141; Works,
pp.
271, 247.