Native Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas: The Political Economy of North Andean Chiefdoms (Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology)

Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology General Editor: Jack Goody

59 NATIVE LORDS OF QUITO IN THE AGE OF THE INCAS

For other titles in this series turn to p. 275.

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas The political economy of north Andean chiefdoms

FRANK SALOMON University of Wisconsin, Madison

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CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521302999 © Cambridge University Press 1986 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1986 This digitally printed version 2007 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Salomon, Frank Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas. (Cambridge studies in social anthropology; no. 59) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Indians of South America — Ecuador — Quito Region — Politics and government. 2. Indians of South America Ecuador - Quito Region - Economic conditions. 3. Incas Politics and government. 4. Quito Region (Ecuador) History. I. Title. II. Series. F3721.Q55S25 1986 986.6'13 85-5761 ISBN 978-0-521-30299-9 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-04049-5 paperback

FOR LAUREL

Contents

List of tables, figures, and maps

page xi

Preface

xiii

Acknowledgments

xvii

Introduction On the practice of ethnohistory Scope of the study The sources Criticism and evaluation of the visitas

1 2 9 10 13

1. The problem of the "paramo Andes" Central Andean and north Andean civilizations The Quito region as a north Andean habitat Vertical tiers of the inter-Andean Guayllabamba Basin Vertical tiers of the outer slopes (western cordillera) Complexity and the paramo Andes

21 22 29 35 40 42

2. The llajtakuna Locating the llajtakuna ecologically and chronologically The humid inter-Andean valleys The dry inter-Andean valleys Bocas de montana The Yumbo country The regional economic constellation

45 45 51 59 64 65 70

3. Local and exotic components of llajta economy The maize complex: local popular staples The hunting complex: local sumptuary goods

72 73 81

vn

Contents The Yumbo complex: exotic popular goods-cotton The Yumbo complex: exotic popular goods-salt and capsicum pepper Coca and wealth objects: exotic sumptuary goods The hierarchy of goods and the political hierarchy

83 88 89 95

4. Interzonal articulation The "tiangueces": centralized exchange The mindaldes: "merchant Indians" The Yumbos: exchange at the level of domestic units Amazonian contacts Kamayujkuna: archipelago elements Specialized and nonspecialized modes of interzonal articulation

97 97 102 106 108 111

5. The dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities Demographic scale of the chiefdoms Political organization The image and ideology of native lordship The revenue sources of lordly households Political authority, marriage, and inheritance Supralocal organization How politically complex were north Andean chiefdoms? Evidence from Quito and theories of chiefdom

116 117 122 124 127 131 134 138 140

6. The Incaic impact Incaic Quito The apparatus of coercion and defense: fortifications The apparatus of transport and communication: roads and way stations The apparatus of social control: mitmajkuna The annexation of aboriginal elements in the Inca center The tribute apparatus Imposition and diffusion of Incaic culture Reactions to the Inca presence

143 144 148 151 158 167 169 172 180

7. Quito in comparative perspective Degrees of Incaic impact The Puruha case The Otavalan case The Pasto case Toward a comparative synthesis

187 188 192 201 205 212

Vlll

114

Contents Notes

219

Glossary

237

References

242

Index

269

IX

Tables, figures, and maps

TABLES

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Names and areas of the highland basins of Ecuador Average temperatures, Province of Pichincha Forasteros (resident nonlocal aborigines) The visita in figures Yumbo population c. 1580 Yanakuna (servitors) as percentage of population

page 32 36 113 119 121 128

FIGURES

1. (Detail of) Carta de la provincia de Quito y sus adiacentes por Don Pedro Maldonado 2. "Landscape belts" of the tropical Andes 3. Vertical distribution of climates with freezing temperatures in the tropical Andes, with relation to the upper limit of agriculture and the level of permanent snow cover 4. Vegetation profiles of the tropical Andes 5. East-west profiles, Ecuador 6. Basins of the Ecuadorian highlands 7. North-south profiles of the Ecuadorian highlands 8. Classifications of north Andean environments 9. Scheme of subregional divisions 10. The Quito basin 11. Valleys of Machachi and los Chillos 12. Altiplano (high plain) of Quito 13. Some sites of medium- and long-distance exchange activity 14. Schematic reconstruction of pre-Hispanic road net

XI

11 23 25 26 30 31 33 37 47 50 53 58 98 159

Tables, figures, and maps MAPS

1. 2. 3. 4.

Humid inter-Andean valleys Dry inter-Andean valleys Bocas de montaha Yumbo country in western foothills and lowlands

xn

52 60 64 65

Preface

If I had not happened to begin my Andean travels twenty years ago in what were once the rebellious hinterlands of the Inca empire, perhaps I would have shared most travelers' fascination with that ready-made "Andean world" about which the Incas still posthumously indoctrinate visitors to southern Peru. Instead, an Andeanist education that began at the periphery awoke me to something less familiar than the Inca empire, and, in my eyes, equally remarkable. This was the endurance, after some five centuries' alien imperial rule both Inca and Spanish, of Ecuadorian "Indian" collectivities still recognizably continuous with pre-Inca groups. How has it come about that the historical project of being "Canari," "Caranqui," etc., went forward through so many episodes of domination, lacking as it did the armor of statecraft? In principle, it was possible to do this achievement the homage of study via any of several Ecuadorian cases, but Quito had some advantages: a rich document record, relevance to major problems in both Inca and colonial studies, and the opportunity to combine archive work with residence in a Quichua-speaking village. Another reason for concentrating on Quito was that unlike adjacent "Indian" groups (in the regions of Otavalo and Riobamba, for example), whose societies appear distinctive to nonnative eyes because their cultures happen to include many traits we construe as "ethnic markers," the Quichua-speaking people of Pichincha Province have been all but totally neglected by ethnography. Quito, a city hungry for knowledge of its native antecedents, has so far contrived not to notice its native contemporaries. The scene of this study may be defined historically as the colonial "corregimiento of the five leagues of Quito," that is, the jurisdiction bounded by a five-league radius around the city; or geographically, as the inter-Andean basin of the Guayllabamba River ("hoya de Quito," "cuenca del Guayllabamba") plus the western slopes of the western cordillera between the Guayllabamba's left bank and the Rio Toachi, as far as xm

Preface the lower foothills and the easternmost part of the littoral plain; or politically, as the modern Province of Pichincha, Ecuador, with the exception of its westernmost reaches beyond approximately longitude 79° west. The vagueness of the western border is inherent in the loose definitions used in early colonial sources, which in turn reflect incomplete conquest and exploration of the Andean foothills. To the traveler, this area presents a startling contrast between the steamy rain forests and dizzying mountain ramparts of its western part, and the cool, bright countryside of the high inter-Andean valley. Since there are cultural differences as marked as the geographical ones, most visitors are surprised to learn that the rain forest and the high interAndean plateaus counted as a single political unit during the colony (except for a short interval in the eighteenth century) and during the republic. After long study I am convinced that there is nothing arbitrary in this association, and that their unity is deeply rooted in prehistory. The study has been based on the exclusive use of early colonial written sources. Preferentially I have used documents of the pre-Toledan era, 1534-1569, since these depict indigenous society before it was deformed by extensive forced resettlement in artificial nucleated villages. However, where sufficient data of this period are lacking, I have admitted some sources up to 1600, and a few later than 1600 for topics where Hispanisms are easilly detected (notably crop lists). In general textual translations have been preferred over paraphrases or summaries, in spite of the cumbersome language of the originals, in order to permit readers an independent judgment on the meaning of the texts. Unless otherwise noted the translations are my own. For all extended passages the original text is given in endnotes. The following rules have governed the treatment of primary sources: Paleography: Where paleographic transcriptions by other authors are used, their respective systems have been left intact. Suspected errors have not been corrected unless comparison texts were available. In particular, readers should bear in mind that the texts cited to the Collection Vacas Galindo (CVG) are often defective in paleography and that they should ideally be compared with their originals. For this purpose the equivalent siglas (classification numbers) of the Archivo General de Indias, as given by Vacas Galindo (in the old AGI classification), are included in the References. Where the paleographic transcriptions were made afresh, the criterion was to conserve the text as much as possible, modernizing only in the following aspects: (1) Abbreviations were expanded; for example, "magd" becomes "magestad." (2) The initial letters of place names and names of persons are rendered in capitals. (3) The initial rr has been replaced by r. xiv

Preface The following sixteenth-century characteristics have been conserved: pagination by folios, to which the signs r and v have been added to indicate recto and verso sides respectively; the absence of punctuation and written accents; the cedilla (9); and the nonstandardized orthography of numerous words, including some proper nouns. Quichua and Hispano-Quichua usages: Following modern local pronunciation, the Quito-area dialect has been called Quichua, the Cuzco dialect Quechua. In words belonging to the technical vocabluary of Inca government the contrast of simple, glottalized, and aspirated stops has been signaled with zero, apostrophe, and quotation marks respectively: klk'/k", etc. Neither this series nor the klq (velar/postvelar) contrast can be established as existing in early colonial Quito Quichua from the evidence in hand, and no attempt has been made to render them in local anthroponyms and toponyms. In order to avoid confusion between indigenous terminology and Spanish terms derived from indigenous words, which never denote the exact original meaning, quotation marks and italic have been used to signal Hispano-Quichuisms and other pseudo-ethnological words, while the true indigenous vocabulary is signaled with italic only. For example, "mita" refers to conscript labor under the Spanish regime, mit'a to cyclical labor under the Inca system. References: Published sources are cited in American Anthropologist style, using square brackets to indicate date of original publication or completion of manuscript if widely different from publication date. The same system has been modified for citation of unpublished manuscripts, in the following fashion: in, for example (AGI/S Justicia 671:f.61v-68r), AGI/S means Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla; Justicia 671 the document packet from which the material is extracted; and f.61v-68r the folio location. At the corresponding entry in the References, date and content are indicated. There are three exceptions to this system: the visita of 1559 is cited (M y SM 1559), the visita of 1557 is cited (M y R 1557), and the letter of instruction for the two visitas is cited (Ramirez 1557). The list of archive abbreviations appears at the beginning of the References, in which both published and unpublished sources are listed. I hope to publish the principal manuscript sources in the near future.

xv

Acknowledgments

This book is the product of a long and on the whole happy journey through the communities, archives, and universities of several countries, originally resulting in a doctoral dissertation (Ethnic Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas, Cornell University 1978) and now in a revised, updated text with translations of all non-English sources. During this venture it was my good fortune time and again to meet people who gave their help with an open hand. It was, especially, a boon to enjoy the unfailing support of Dr. John V. Murra. This study was nourished by the example of his incomparable devotion not only to Andean research, but to the cause of Andean peoples. I am also deeply indebted to my other academic advisors, Dr. Davydd Greenwood and Dr. Donald F. Sola. Dr. Greenwood, who taught the uses of anthropological self-awareness, and Dr. Sol&, who opened my way into the world of Andean speech, greatly improved the fruits of research by sticking to their critical guns. The support of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia in Quito was of great value over several years. For this thanks are due to its Director, Arquitecto Hernan Crespo Toral. An equally cordial vote of thanks is due to P. Jose Maria Vargas, Curator of the Dominican Archive in Quito, who patiently put at my disposal the resources of the Coleccion Vacas Galindo. The archivists and librarians who guided my way into the Andean past are almost too numerous to name, but among them I wish to thank especially Licenciado Alfredo Costales Samaniego, former Director of the Archivo Nacional de Historia, Quito, and Dr. Juan Freile-Granizo, the current Director, whose generosity in helping me find and decipher documents there was a valuable aid. Sra. Rosario Parra, Directora, and Sra. Maria Teresa Garcia, Subdirectora, of the Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, furnished important microfilms by mail. Among the curators of ecclesiastical records my benefactors include P. Julian Bravo S.J., Librarian of the Biblioteca Ecuatoriana Aureliano Espinosa Polit S.J. in Cotocollao, P. Agustin Moreno O.F., who tends Quito's Franciscan archive, and P. Octavio Proano O.M. of the Mercedarian Monastery. With xvii

Acknowledgments his customary magnanimity the late Dr. Joseph B. Casagrande of the University of Illinois enabled me to study the microfilms he assembled under National Science Foundation Grant GS1224. In Bonn, West Germany, Dr. Udo Oberem, who has contributed more to the ethnohistory of Ecuador than any other living person, contributed to this study not only access to the library of the Seminar fur Volkerkunde, but also his counsel on many occasions. It is deeply appreciated. Dr. Jose Alcina Franch of the Universidad de Madrid and his students Antonio Fresco and Lorenzo Lopez provided an opportunity to visit the Inca-Canari site of Ingapirca. The late Carlos Manuel Larrea afforded the memorable gift of a day's study in his jewellike private library. On many occasions my contemporaries supplied valuable critical insights, moral support, and document leads. Among these were Juan Castro Velasquez, Jorge Marcos, Kathy Klumpp, Joanne Rappaport, Roger Rasnake and Inge Harman Rasnake. Dr. Seguiido Moreno Yanez of the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador is particularly to be thanked for his meticulous critique of parts of the project. Berta Ares and Licenciado Fernando Plaza Schuller also provided help at key points. While staying in the community of Zambiza, Canton Quito, it was my privilege to live among people whose kindness and steadfastness in the face of adversity educated me in a more disciplinary sense. Among these were Manuel Mesias Carrera, a folklorist and lover of Andean music, and the late Angel Gualoto Lincango, who proved a fascinating informant and a good friend. Several people helped prepare the manuscript, among them Maria Teresa Larrea, Betty Osorio, Sally McBrearty, Dorothy Osborne, and Mary Hoffman. At the University of Wisconsin Carol Block, Anne Gunther, Rick Keir, and Bill Kelly supplied computer expertise. Linda Nicholas drew the Figures. Neither my effort nor theirs would have come to fruition without the support of Cornell University and the Fulbright-Hayes Commission, which funded the bulk of the research. Sra. Blanca Alarcon Gaybor of Quito generously lodged and fed me and helped through every hardship. It is thanks to my parents and grandparents that the pleasures of study have been mine in such lavish measure. To them, the peoples of Ecuador, and especially to Laurel Mark, who always bore the human costs of the enterprise with faith and good cheer, this work is an offering of heartfelt gratitude.

xvin

Introduction

Quito, Ecuador's metropolis on the Andean heights, has in earlier incarnations been a Spanish colonial city, an Inca provincial capital, and a crossroads of pre-Incaic aboriginal peoples. Most of the remains which Quito's past has left to us-documents, handiworks, folkloric memories are palimpsest-like artifacts on which various peoples and ages have left their messages superimposed. Any scholar, whether anthropologist, archaeologist, or historian, must begin his work with the discovery of their stratigraphy, separating out superimposed texts. Only then is there a hope of reconstructing past civilizations and the forces that shaped their succession. But if the record is a palimpsest, it is not one of those on which a miscellany of unrelated texts has been written. Rather, each successive text is, in a sense, a commentary on the preceding ones; and all share a common theme, the relation between the author's culture and its natural and human environment. Each of the authors has been influenced by the very text which his own writing obscures. The present work deals with two of these authors substantively, the pre-Incaic aboriginal societies and the Inca empire, and a third heuristically, the Spanish regime through whose records we have some verbal evidence about the first two. Its central goal is to reconstruct the political and economic institutions of the oldest and most obscured stratum, aboriginal Quito. To Quitenos it will look obvious why the strands of testimony are worth disentangling. The prehispanic origins of their city have proved an almost completely intractable problem, heavily freighted with patriotic emotion and encumbered by old, unforgiving polemics. But its interest has not faded. As an idiographic problem-an attempt at knowledge of a unique reality-it is fascinating. The present work is intended, among other things, as a vindication of idiographic inquiry, and as a contribution to the Quitenos' enterprise in historical self-knowledge. But it also addresses some more general themes: First, aboriginal Quito 1

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas appears a promising case for the study of chiefdoms. Like Polynesia and Central America, the northern Andes offer ethnohistorical evidence of how stratified and centralized but stateless societies functioned. Archaeologists, who cannot count on recovering the same functional aspects covered in the document record, regard such cases as windows on the emergence of complex society. Like the Polynesian and Central American cases also, Quito-area evidence clarifies likenesses and differences between chiefdom and state by allowing us to observe the two kinds of unit in conflict and (later) in interlocking organization. But unlike the other two, the Quito case presents us with the panorama of an invading state that is non-European. The Inca conquest of aboriginal Quito allows one to consider such phenomena as colonialism, political frontiers, etc., in a more thoroughly comparative light than most others do. Second, the case bears on larger issues in New World prehistory. Ecuador is one of the areas which Willey (1971:254-359) classified in an "Intermediate Area" connecting the Andean and Mesoamerican culture areas but belonging to neither. Is this area "intermediate" only in geography? The evidence from Quito suggests that it is also "intermediate" in a cultural and organizational sense. Aboriginal institutions in Quito resemble both Aztec and Inca polities, combining traits usually thought of as distinctive to one or the other. It is an old and traditionally evaded question whether South American and Mesoamerican empire-building traditions have a common prehistory. If we can get a clear view of polities that seem ontogenetically prior to either, located halfway between them, we have at a minimum an interesting problem in distinguishing between common origin, independent invention, and contact effects. Third, the case is methodologically interesting. The attempt to reconstruct a social order from testimony obscured by not one but two layers of alien discourse demands some special effort in the way of source criticism and interpretation. That it can be done to any useful degree is a hopeful sign for ethnohistory, since a large number of other nonliterate societies appear in the document record only through similarly multilayered, many-voiced, culturally distorting testimonies. On the practice of ethnohistory

Any rendering of the past is, among other things, an exploration of the potentials of the author's own culture: specifically, of its ability to give its own bearers an intelligible place in the flux of events, and an intelligible relationship to other times and peoples whose foreignness would, if uninterpreted, fill the world of thought with chaos and anomaly. Cultures differ profoundly in their ways of doing this. Some have interpreted change and difference in a way irreducibly different from what we call 2

Introduction "history," by conceiving them sub specie ceternitatis, as manifestations of fixed structural relationships which exist, not in prior time as opposed to the present, but beyond time itself and behind all experienced realities. Others have seen past events as outward signs of inherent directionality built into the nature of time, whether cyclical, eschatological, or teleological in an indefinitely progressive sense; consciousness of this directionality is then itself the means of decoding testimony about events. Variation exists even within recent Western historiography. Some students have adhered to a positivist vision in which time is felt to be to some extent transparent, so that the remains of other times and peoples are capable of telling their own story in a way which breaks through and overcomes the limitations of the historian's own experience. Others, including the present writer, despair of apprehending the past "as it really happened" in a final sense, and yet see in the study of the past an essentially reflexive value. Although one can only see the past and the foreign in the mirror of one's own culture, a person who turns that mirror in new directions will see more than just his own reflection; he will see other people using other mirrors. By observing their actions he may be able to create within the limitations of his own culture an awareness, both of how people "make history" through other systems of thought, and of the possibility that the inner content of their action is ultimately beyond our reach. How great a degree of validity one attaches to these visions depends on how confident one is of knowing the shape and properties of the instruments through which one looks. The value of such study is reflexive in the sense that it encourages us to create special instruments anew and examine our old ones. The ethnohistorian dwells at one of the uncomfortable but exhilarating points where all these problems must be kept in constant view. His special instruments for perceiving the foreign past are insights and categories derived from the fieldwork of ethnologists, and whatever confidence may be reposed in them derives from the fact that they were created in a dialogue with the living. Although the conceptual problems of working with live informants are similar to those of interrogating testimony from the past, the element of accident and loss is less destructive, the variety of voices that can be heard is greater, and therefore the pretension to a holistic picture of a society less unrealistic. Thefieldethnologist has more opportunities than the historians to seek out situations that will reveal to him where his perception has been influenced by unrecognized cultural premises. For these reasons such ethnological categories as "chiefdom," "redistribution," or llajta (Andean settlement) are used instead of terms borrowed from the ethnologically untested terminology of traditional historiography. Nonetheless it is necessary to deal consciously with the question of how we propose to reconstruct past institutions ethnologically while working 3

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas from testimonies whose own terminology and tacit assumptions we may not share or even fully grasp. There is a difference in basic assumptions between the spirit in which the palimpsest-like written record is used here, and the way it has been used by the recompilers who create synthetic narrative histories based on chronicles. A colonial chronicle is a document of at least three strata: the Spanish author has construed in light of his own culture the data offered by Inca informants, or those who knew them, concerning not only Inca but also aboriginal peoples. The modern recompilers have tacitly, perhaps unconsciously, assumed that the best hope for understanding aboriginal cultures is to seize upon the historical kinship which we and the chroniclers share as members of a west European tradition. Our informants may not be Andean themselves, but at least they are people we can hope to understand when they speak of Andean things. There exists an excellent critical literature for this purpose, and there can be no doubt that such study has been fruitful as regards the understanding of colonial origins. But however skillfully one negotiates the cultural bridge between us and the sixteenth-century Castilians, the question remains, How strong is the bridge between their mental image and the Andean world it tried to apprehend? Each chronicle must be studied individually in this respect. But certain tenets of the European thought of the period were so universal and deeply rooted as to form latent axioms which cannot help but have influenced their renderings of Andean reality. Since their time our cultural agenda has changed a great deal, and whole new subcultures, among them anthropology, have made new demands on the past. It has become necessary to take into account the likelihood that these latent assumptions color the data in a way which, from our point of view, obscures precisely the points we most urgently want to explore. Quite apart from the sheer scarcity of chronicle evidence about Quito, certain considerations of this kind lead modern ethnohistorians to turn aside from, or at least to supplement, classical sources in Andean historiography. First, the chronicle record is strongly colored by the assumption that change is best understood as the product of clashes between elite groups through military means. The notion that changes in livelihood or in cultural rules about the uses of goods may be causative forces is usually absent. Second, the notion of society implicit in most chronicles is that of separate strata in a constant relationship to each other, with the active principle of mobilization and change embodied in a privileged minority, and the principle of repetitive, cyclical action in the vassal majority; there is little suggestion of any internal dynamic or tension leading to change, so that any deviation from an idealized estate-like model is seen as social pathology rather than history.

Introduction Third, the idea of history as the teleologically driven working out of the salvation of the world through universal Christianity, in which Spain was to play a militant role, not only interferes with efforts to understand Andean religious and social thought as an intelligent approach to the environment, but more fundamentally inhibits the perception that the Andean past was something wholly unfamiliar. Many writers were driven by a need to find ways of subsuming it in a familiar scheme of unified salvation history, lest the existence of an inexplicable form of humanity call in question their entire world view. Fourth, chroniclers were disposed to admire and even morally justify modes of government they saw as similar to European ideals of kingship and empire. Even as they deplored Inca paganism, they often upheld Inca claims to a mission civilisatrice. As a result most chroniclers take little interest in non-Inca local lords. Disdain for these nobles, apparently seen as comparable to Spanish warlords whose luchas de bandas y linajes ('factional and dynastic struggles') threatened the nascent nation state, is often particularly strong in those authors who had served as crown officials. If there were no sources but the chronicles, there would be little hope of circumventing these assumptions and their consequences. Fortunately there are other sources, namely, the vast body of administrative and judicial documentation on native communities which accrued in the course of routine government work from the earliest days of European rule. These documents were researched and compiled for practical administrative purposes and required types of knowledge much more congenial to the anthropological agenda. Whatever ideology their writers may have held, they were constrained by the functional necessity of treating native communities as systemic wholes in whose survival the Crown had a vested interest, and therefore they had no choice but to understand the local lords as parts of a more general social and economic order. Unlike chroniclers of apical institutions, fieldworker-bureaucrats sought detailed depictions of whole communities, down to the last orphan child or resident alien. They considered productive capacity and mechanisms of exchange as integral parts of political order. They were capable of taking stock of differences between culturally ideal and de facto political behavior without indignation. They considered the differences between local and imperial levels of government without presupposing them to be a moral issue, or considering local levels less worthy of study. Perhaps the most decisive advantage of such sources is the practice of presenting raw data in the organizing categories supplied by Andean witnesses themselves. Although these researchers worked from motives far different from those of ethnographers, the compiling of opposed testimony in adversary proceedings and the evaluation of results according to their usefulness in the laboratory of practical politics sub-

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas jected this research to validity tests at least as rigorous as any used by narrative chroniclers. It is possible, as John V. Murra first demonstrated, to undertake true ethnographies of the Andean past by using such sources. The first part of this study (Chapters 1-5) is an attempt at a specialized ethnography, concentrating on the political economy of the northern chiefdoms-that is, the relations between the mechanisms of exchange locally prevalent and the power structure of villages and regions. It begins with a sketch of the problem in its historical and geographical context (Chapter 1), continues by tracking down in detail the collectivities and productive systems involved (Chapter 2), locates their respective products as parts of a regional economic web (Chapter 3), focuses on the institutional links which channeled them (Chapter 4), and finally studies the aboriginal political order as a system of privilege based on advantages in manipulating these links (Chapter 5). Some of the detailed material in Chapters 1 and 2 will be of interest primarily to Ecuadorianists. It is presented in a fashion designed to allow skimming. Our incomplete knowledge of chiefdoms is not a result only of the paucity of well-studied cases. It also derives from the fact that we, as products of highly state-centered societies, have trouble in conceiving how the play of small units, none of which has decisive dominion over the rest, can result in an integrated system of political economy on a more than local scale. In some measure early colonial observers suffered the same handicap. When trying to describe chiefdoms, sixteenth-century writers usually called them behetrias, a medieval jural term meaning a community entitled to choose its own ruler because it has no legitimate overlord. In the era of the Hapsburgs it carried connotations of chaos and misrule. But the supposition that rule by chiefs entails political chaos does little to explain the situation we actually find recorded, and it was utterly alien to the minds of people who testified about chiefdoms from firsthand knowledge. Nor is there any warrant for supposing the political life of chiefdoms to be more "simple" than that of states. The process of maneuvering and adjusting in a human environment over which no single chief had full dominion must have been highly complicated, and unless we assume that on the whole chiefs were willing to hazard danger and economic disruption to an infinite degree, we must admit the likelihood that some more or less stable order resulted. This is not to deny that the system was conflict-ridden, or that chiefs fought wars. It does deny that we are entitled to confuse historical chiefdoms with that purely speculative hypothesis, the war of each against all. Such an ethnography of the past, however, does not address the more strictly historical calling of ethnohistory. It concentrates on function, not on change, and would be open to all the criticisms leveled at "ethno6

Introduction graphic present" treatments if it failed to give some account of the fact that the chiefdoms as we know them were not only in a state of change, but in the crux of a great historical upheaval: the irruption of central Andean Inca civilization into the northern Andes. History provides any number of instances of chiefdoms which fell into the crucible of a great centralizing power, but few more intriguing than this. Chapters 6 and 7 address the question of how ehiefdoms were made over into elements of a state which, like all states, despised the behetria type of rule, but which differed from states nearer our own experience in at least two important respects: first, its rulers were intimately familiar with Andean chiefdoms, so that their mode of operation shows a subtle understanding of chiefdom politics; second, their vision of their own role, and of the transformation they proposed to effect, belonged to an intellectual order very different from that of any European empire. The sources for Inca rule are richer than those on local lords, and as a result it is possible not only to reconstruct some of the specific operations by which the Incas transformed the chiefdoms, but even to gain some clues from their behavior about the meaning of this process as seen under the assumptions of Inca thought. Structuralist students of Tawantinsuyu such as Wachtel and Zuidema have made advances toward elucidating the logical and ideational framework in which the invaders from Cuzco organized experience. These authors, by teasing out the principles latent in Inca testimony and artifacts, have shown that the Incaic perception of diachrony was far more alien to our mentality than, for example, the telelogical world view of militant Spanish Catholicism. In fact it had little in common with what we call history. Action over time was not conceived as changing the world, but as representing on the canvas of time the same supra-temporal structures that were also represented in space through the sacred geography of holy places, in plastic material through the use of imagery, and in social interaction through ritual. For these reasons it is not possible to read Inca accounts of the past as if they were chronicles or histories. They are parts of a different enterprise altogether. Yet it is not necessary either to conclude from this fact that Western paradigms are of no use in studying the Inca past, or> on the other side, to slough off the fascinating problem of the inner content of Inca history by assuming it to be merely an ideological veneer hiding more fundamental "-etic" considerations. We know that Andean modes of thought, although a world apart from our sciences, provided an utterly practical and highly refined apparatus for solving ecological and adaptive problems. And similarly we must conclude, because the record of Inca domination is conclusive, that they also provided in ways we have yet to understand an equally practical guide to the tough realities of statecraft. Perhaps the most striking single fact about the sequence of events that 7

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas constituted the making of northernmost Tawantinsuyu is the fact that, when one brings together testimony from numerous native witnesses, diverse in their ethnicity and their attitudes to the Inca state, what emerges is not a record of rough-and-tumble opportunist forays but a pattern of regular sequences so sharply defined that one cannot help suspecting a will on the Incas' part to design history itself in the image of a structural ideal. Perhaps some day we will be able to see how human conflict-the hard facts of scarcity and war-were conceived not as disruptions of a patterned time-space, but as yet another medium in which, as in art, architecture, and ritual, the fundamental pattern of the Inca universe might be made manifest through human action. In the context of the modest findings reported here, such a hope is Utopian. But there would be little point in following a craft as arduous as ethnohistory if one did not have high hopes for it in the long run. When speculating on the maximum ambitions of Andean ethnohistory, we might well ask whether it is not within our power to take up, from our side, the project which Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala first proposed from the Andean side. It is fitting that we should become students of a master from among the defeated, because the victims of conquest, unlike the victors, do not have the option of denying the reality of the deep cultural differences between the two sides. As victors, some of us have evaded the problem of foreignness by subsuming foreign peoples under familiar categories ("peasant," "primitive," etc.) and trying to derive the subjective qualities of their historic action on the cheap by making deductions from these imposed terminologies. Such an evasion is not possible for the defeated, on whom the culture of the victors has been forced. They experience it as an efficacious reality; they cannot deny its difference, because they suffer the consequences of the difference. One element of an ideal ethnohistory, then, is literally "ethno-history" in a sense analogous to ethnobotany or ethnoscience; that is, an attempt to render a foreign group's perception of the meaning of historical change by studying the latent or overt principles of thought through which it ordered action. But it is equally important to remember that Guaman Poma did not presume in some way to jump outside his own culture and portray the two cultural worlds as if from a European viewpoint. His insistence on his identity as a man of the Andes, rooted in the legitimacy of a local chiefdom, has its intellectual counterpart in the fact that he tries to apprehend and appropriate foreign reality by applying to it characteristically Andean modes of analysis. His historiography is an operation within his own culture, an attempt to expand its capabilities by apprehending what lay outside it. Similarly the ethnohistoric ideal would be a historiography with an inside and an outside. It would contain a rendering of behavior in terms of explanatory concepts indispensable to our own system of thought (such as 8

Introduction scarcity and decision making, social integration and conflict, complexity and simplicity, culture and nature, etc.), which would make foreign peoples' historic acts intelligible in a way that meets our standards for explaining action in general. Indeed we have no choice but to do so, consciously or unconsciously. But this explanation should not rest on arbitrary attributions of motives to the people studied; on the contrary, its value would lie in its being joined to an "inner history" showing that this intelligible action may be achieved through foreign systems of thought. The ultimate mission of the ethnohistorian is not just to turn anthropology to advantage in broadening the practice of Western historiography. It is to develop a more genuinely anthropological attitude toward history itself by showing how cultures possess inwardly different diachronic senses-different premises about the relation between human action and change-and that these condition the way each "makes history" in its own terms. Scope of the study

Our point of departure has been the work of John V. Murra, and especially that phase of it which is synthesized in his essay "El control vertical de un maximo de pisos ecologicos en la economia de las sociedades andinas" ('Vertical Control of a Maximum of Ecological Floors in the Economy of Andean Societies' [1972] 1975). Since some of its terms and theoretical elements recur throughout the present work, it will be convenient to sketch them before undertaking the argument. Murra has called attention to an inescapable functional imperative facing Andean societies, namely the need for access to the natural resources of multiple ecological zones located at widely varying altitudes. Some societies have drawn on levels all the way from the beaches of the Pacific to the barren pinnacles of the New World's highest mountain chain, and eastward into Amazonia. Others have exploited smaller segments of this "vertical" array. The multitiered landscape, and the many human groups inhabiting its different "pisos" or "stories," offered extraordinary cultural and natural riches, but also challenged the ingenuity and the might of every group which hoped to guarantee its material autonomy. The combination of cultural elements serving to deal with them is termed the "vertical control apparatus." Although this apparatus varied in its scale and political organization, study of ethnohistorical sources and the results of field studies during the 1960s afforded strong evidences of a characteristic constellation of vertical controls observable in very many central and south Andean societies, from small villages to the Inca empire itself. This constellation, nicknamed the "vertical archipelago," rests on the management of several more or less small enclaves located so as to control crucial resources at multiple 9

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas vertical and ecological "stories," sacrificing territorial contiguity to economic autarchy. In particular, the "vertical archipelago" consisted of a relatively densely populated settlement, culturally more or less homogeneous and self-identified as a single collectivity, where both political authority and the production of the major foodstuffs centered, and multiple remote enclaves in such crucial "vertical outliers" as high salt pans, lumber-bearing forests in the montana belt (sub-Andean tropical forest), cocafieldsalong irrigable semiarid valleys, and the fishing waters of the Humboldt current. The persons stationed in such outliers retained full rights in their home community. But their neighbors at the outliers ordinarily came from many "foreign" groups, including some of self-consciously different ethnicity. This pattern, although it existed in a characteristically Inca variant, is thought to originate in remote pre-Incaic times. The spatial limits of its distribution are by no means clear. The clarification of these limits, and of alternative solutions to the "vertical" problem, promises to help define intra-Andean cultural differences and the level of organization at which we can hope to find pan-Andean traits. It may also contribute to eventual explanation of the peculiar trajectory of Andean "horizon" cultures, with their explosive expansion and rapid fragmentation. In regard to the case of the Quito region (see Figure 1), which differs from those studied by Murra in the 1960s both in its ecology and in its relatively tenuous connection to pre-Incaic "horizon" cultures, the following positions will be argued: First, that it is possible to detect, through the double curtain of Incaic and Spanish impositions, the outline of certain institutions foreign to both and aboriginal in origin. Second, that the chiefdoms ("cacicazgos" "curacazgos") to which these belonged were, although small in scale, highly centralized and stratified. Third, that their economies solved the "vertical" problem in a manner qualitatively different from that seen in "archipelago" formations by developing diversified exchange links over medium and long distances. Fourth, that the power of chiefs {"curacas" "caciques") rested in large measure on the ability to guarantee such links and to further them through the use of politically authorized exchange specialists. Fifth, that the Inca conquest brought with it the gradual dismantling of such systems and their replacement by ecologically equivalent "archipelagos." The sources

Attempts to define the polity of ancient Quito have not been lacking. But in general the inquiry has bogged down in interminable debates about a 10

Figure 1. (Detail of) Carta de la provincia de Quito y sus adiacentes por Don Pedro Maldonado

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas single controverted source, Juan de Velasco's late eighteenth-century history of a purported pre-Inca empire based in Quito. Velasco's version, compiled long after the death of the last eyewitnesses to pre-Hispanic Quito, now appears interpretable as an oral tradition with heavy mythic content, misinterpreted and ideologized by Velasco as a dynastic chronicle. It retains great interest under the rubric of myth, but none of its assertions about prehistory have been verified independently. The study of aboriginal toponymy and anthroponymy was until recently a popular approach in Ecuador. Although it avoids the Velascan pitfall, most work done on onomastic lines predates the introduction of modern linguistics to Ecuador and suffers from insuperable methodological defects. Archaeology so far offers only scarce and preliminary data on the region. It was in the hope of escaping these difficulties that the present study turned toward a search for new document testimonies from the early colonial era. Ultimately, it is hoped that the results will be used in conjunction with archaeological research since the two methods are complementary. The distribution of remains corrects the geographical vagueness of many written descriptions; the selection of archaeological data by durability is counterbalanced by the writer's attention to materials of current economic and social importance; the difficulty of obtaining finely focused chronology from artifacts is partly balanced by precise written dating; the dishonesty of bureaucrats and interested witnesses may find its antidote in the unconscious testimony of human debris; and, while the archaeologist discovers material culture in the place of its abandonment, the ethnohistorian encounters it in its context of use (Renfrew 1975:40). With these advantages in mind, the data have been studied with a view toward framing archaeologically testable hypotheses. The unpublished sources were read in various Ecuadorian, Spanish, and United States archives and libraries (Espana 1966; Gomez Canedo 1961; Vogel 1974). They derive from virtually the whole gamut of official paperwork in which indigenous persons and communities appear: lawsuits, probanzas de meritos (autobiographical testimonies given with witnesses, in support of petitions), correspondence between royal officials and their superiors in Spain, ecclesiastical papers, acts of Cabildos (councils of Spanish settlers in colonial municipalities), notarial copybooks (including testaments, donations, deeds of sale, powers of attorney, contracts, and other quotidian legal records), sentences of courts, residencias of officials (exit hearings on alleged misdeeds of outgoing officeholders), cedulas and reales provisiones (decrees of royal policy), encomienda titles (grants to govern and tax aboriginal populations), petitions to royal au« thorities, books of tasacion (tribute quota records), accounts and deliberations of the royal treasuries, visitas (inspections of native communities 12

Introduction for the purpose of fixing tribute quotas) and many other kinds of records. When secondary sources are cited, it is either because they contain primary data which have not been more directly available, or because they are useful for relating primary data to ancillary sciences. In the selection of chronicles and other printed primary sources, the main criterion has invariably been the degree of familiarity with the Quito region which the author demonstrably possessed. For this reason little use has been made of some first-rate chronicles, while others, not highly regarded by authors whose attention centers on Cuzco, here take on the highest importance. This is the case with Lope de Atienza, whose Compendio historial del estado de los indios del Peru contains little or nothing that is original regarding Inca civilization, and whose moralizing style is disagreeable to modern readers. But these defects do not diminish the value of his descriptions of the daily lives and beliefs of the Quito-area natives with whom a long career as a middle-level church functionary brought him in close contact. Similarly Miguel Cabello de Balboa, usually considered a chronicler of secondary importance where the Inca court is concerned, has few rivals as an authority on Quito thanks to his long residence and far-flung explorations in the Andean north. Among the authors of relaciones geogrdficas ('geographical reports') compiled by Jimenez de la Espada, the Anonimo of 1573 rises above the ranks of ink-stained administrators and parish priests by virtue of his rich knowledge of indigenous agriculture. Sancho de Paz Ponce de Leon, an early crown official of Otavalo, also shows an ethnographic bent which would justify further search for his writings. The chronicle of Juan de Anello Oliva ([1628] 1953) has been omitted, not out of indifference to its unusual mythological contents, but because they are not susceptible to the methods used here. Criticism and evaluation of the visitas

Despite the diversity of sources, there is one which forms the backbone of the study, and whose discovery first awakened the ambition of carrying it out. This is the visita (administrative field study) of six native communities close to Quito conducted in 1559 by Gaspar de San Martin and Juan Mosquera. The official letter of instruction which guided its compilation has come to light, and also extracts of another visita made according to the same instruction (see Chapter 7). The ethnological value of visitas has been amply proved by Murra and other authors. No other class of sources rivals the minute detail and methodological rigor with which they describe village-level socioeconomic organization. But even the best sources must be used critically. The following are some of the considerations which have guided its use. 13

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Critique of the visita Technical factors, the inherent limitations of cross-cultural description, and the vested interests of the parties create some hazards in the interpretation of the visitas. Among technical considerations one must bear in mind that the text used is not the original made by the scribe of the visita, but an authorized copy introduced as evidence into the exit hearings of the Licenciado Juan de Salazar Villasante at the request of a Greek cloth merchant outraged by Salazar's complicity in tribute abuses (AGI/S Justicia 683). The copy appears sound and presents no unusual paleographic problems except the resemblance of ai/cu, but there is a possibility of errors especially in native anthroponyms (personal names). In fact our ignorance of the language to which those anthroponyms belonged is perhaps the severest obstacle to understanding cultural data from the Quito area. Stark (s.f.) to the contrary notwithstanding, it is highly probable that at least one non-Incaic language, not obviously related to Quichua, survived in the Quito region into colonial times. In fact the evidence of a later visita (AJ/Q:f.llr) whose proclamation was made to the natives of Cotocollao first "in the Inca language" and then "in the mother tongue" seems conclusive. Since the interpreter employed in 1559 happens to have been a native of the same Cotocollao, the vernacular of at least some areas visited was presumably that of Cotocollao. The fact that an "Indian from Cuzco" served as an interpreter in a local 1565 lawsuit, however, suggests that local tongues were at least supplemented in governmental affairs by Quechua (ANH/Q 3a notaria juicios 1694 f.l4v). Another cultural obstacle is pro-Cuzco bias. The instructions reflect the Cuzco experience of their author, Gil Ramirez Davalos, who had recently served as corregidor (crown district governor) in the Incaic capital (Gonzalez Suarez [1890] 1969 1.1:1247) and had developed a penchant for Incaic terminology which tended to cast a shadow over the local terminology. He encouraged his field researchers to use such typically Incaic administrative terms as waranka (unit of a thousand households), pachaka (similar unit of a hundred), ayllu (localized descent group), kuraka (local native ruler), mitmaj (member of a transplanted population), waka (Andean shrine), and mit'a (Incaic cyclical corvee; Ramirez 1557:f.233v). The inappropriateness of these terms is reflected in the replies of the native witnesses, who simply declined to use them. The use of an Inca lens in the scrutiny of aboriginal societies, an inevitable concomitant of Spanish reliance on the Inca elite for intelligence and administrative expertise in the newly conquered Andes, is notable even in those writers (such as Cieza and Cabello) most sensitive to local detail. Just as deceptive is the presence of many classifying concepts either 14

Introduction imported from Spain (pueblo 'village,' parcialidad 'sector of a village,' principal 'native noble') or Hispanicized from American languages ("yanacona" 'servitor,' "mita" 'corvee,' etc. from Quechua; "tianguez" 'native marketplace,' "cacique" 'native lord,' etc. from other tongues), generally with a great loss in precision. The multiplication of such terms responded to the need for a way of simplifying the infinite variety of New World societies into categories which bureaucrats without field experience or ethnological sensitivity could compare and manipulate. From study of functional data it is sometimes possible to reconstruct part of the detail lost in these simplifications. Among the vested interests which inject an element of mendacity into all colonial documents is that of the aboriginal elite, whose main defense against rises in tribute levies was feigned poverty. This is evident in their testimony on agricultural productivity, clearly minimizing local wealth. Much the same was true of human resources. The Spanish field inspectors suspected, but could not prove, that part of the subject population was being hidden. Francisco Ruiz "el contador," who held the encomienda over the natives, may also be suspected of causing distortions. He is known to have intimidated local nobles asked to testify about his elaborate innovations for turning tributary rights into mercantile wealth (Perez 1947; CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18t.2:524). However nonnoble native witnesses were usually eager to denounce such Hispanic distortions, since they were illegal and could be fought in court. Defense of the visita

Other factors, which increase the ethnographic value of the visita, counterbalance these limitations. Not least of these is the cultural conservatism which the visitadores encountered. In spite of their nearness to Quito, the six communities studied in 1559 had not yet felt the full cultural impact of the European invasion. While it is true that the native lords seem to have been baptized between 1551 and 1559, if one may judge by the acquisition of Christian names, the overwhelming majority of their subjects whether adults or minors used only aboriginal names. The transformation of the native lords into bicultural ladinos (Hispanicized natives) had not yet begun, nor did any know Spanish well enough to dispense with the interpreter. When the people of Uyumbicho were interviewed in 1551 "they said they were Christians," but in reality they had scarcely become acquainted with the supposedly mandatory new religion: When asked what missionary teaching they have received and receive at present, they said that . . . the priests have come to visit their villages but only a few times and that Father Alonso Hernandez baptized and married a few of them, and the 15

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas rest of the clerics did little; and that the person who teaches and instructs everyone is a brother of their native lord (AGI/S Justicia 683 f.796v-797r).1 Still less had European indoctrination penetrated into the outer fringes of the Quito region. In the same year the noblemen of the tropical forestdwelling Yumbos settled in Cansacoto declared "that they have never received any missionary teaching and do not receive any now" (AGI/S Justicia 683:f.795r). Another element of cultural conservatism is the survival of authentic categories of native social thought as latent organizing principles of the visita. Fortunately for Andeanists, the visitadores did not take on themselves the task of organizing the demographic data, but left it to the initiative of the native lords who, in turn, consulted the k"ipu (knotted cord) record. A look at the methodology of the visita shows how it embedded an indigenous record in a foreign matrix. For each community, the following materials were compiled: 1. The swearing-in of witnesses, usually including all the local native nobles. 2. The "personal" visita in which every member of the community (including resident aliens, minors, etc.) was brought physically before the native and Spanish officials. The purpose was to correct and update the k"ipu records earlier transcribed as a "k"ipu visita" by Diego de Sandoval and Pero Mufioz in connection with the general inspection ordered by Pedro de la Gasca in 1549 (Helmer 1955:1-21; M y SM 1559:f.867v). In the "personal" visita, each paragraph seems to correspond to a domestic unit of some sort, perhaps a "house" such as forms the basic unit of the visita of Huanuco (Ortiz de Zufiiga [1562] 1967-1972), or the minimal unit endowed with land rights. Ordinarily it consists of a nuclear family with aggregated dependents, especially widowed parents and other unmarried adults. Although lateral extension is rare, the presence of a married son sometimes gives the appearance of a stem family household. The rarity of married daughters suggests a virilocal tendency in the formation of households. There are numerous exceptional paragraphs consisting of seemingly disconnected individuals or pairs which could scarcely be economically independent, such as unaccompanied orphan children or infirm widowed elders. For this reason we think the paragraph represents a juridical, not a de facto notion of the basic social unit, and have accordingly preferred the neutral term "census unit" to any concrete term such as "household." Each individual is described by name, civil condition (single, married, widowed, infirm), gross age classification if adult or age in years 16

Introduction if minor, kinship status with reference to head of unit, and, if not consanguineally related to the head, affinal, adoptive, or servile relationship to head. In each community the enumeration begins with the family of the highest noble, always polygamous, followed by his dependents and various units of yanakuna ('servitors'). The listing of units directly subject to him follows, and then in turn similar listings headed by each principal ('subchief') containing his subordinates in like order. Each of these sectors is termed a parcialidad. After the visita of the village sectors, foreign or anomalous groups are dealt with in appendices. 3. Having finished the "personal" visita, the visitadores interview the chiefs and subchiefs on points specified in the instruction. These include the jurisdiction and rights of native lords, the role of native lords under Inca rule and Inca tribute systems, geography and natural resources, livelihood of the common people, Spanish tribute quotas, and abuses suffered at the hands of Ruiz or other Spaniards or Africans. 4. The visitadores assign a new tribute quota, expressed as the amount owed by each healthy adult male each year or half-year. The encomendero (holder of grant to tax natives) and the local nobles are notified. 5. The previous tribute levy, authorized in Lima in 1551, is copied into the record. Since it is given in aggregate figures for the community as a whole it is difficult to compare to (4) above. This ends each village inspection in the visita of 1559. The order in which the communities were inspected simply reflects the geographic trail of the inspectors, but within each community the order of data is largely that of the knot record. Even when the explicit terminology is inauthentic, the latent categories represented give clear signs of authenticity. For example the segregation of "outside" groups in appendices where their Incaic or post-Incaic origin is specified suggests that the remaining pardalidades are ethno-categories proper to the llajta. The categories that define individuals are in all likelihood those of the original knot record: "suckling child," "child of n years," "unmarried youth," "married person," "old person," "infirm person," "widow," "orphan of n years." The combination of the three variables age, sex, and health to determine duties calls to mind the "general inspection of the Indians of this kingdom by the Incas" drawn in its age grades by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala ([1613] 1936:193-233). Although data are lacking on the ethnocategories which ordered the communities on a regional scale, part of the lacuna can be made up from the "knot record and memorandum" which the same native lords interviewed in the visita presented to Ruiz in support of a demand for back wages: 17

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Illustrious lord, the Indian nobles of my encomienda bring their knot record and memorandum of all the Indians whom they have given to carry cargos, both by Your Mercy's order and by that of your lieutenants . . . namely the following: Don Juan Zangolqui cacique of Hurinchillo ninety-three Indians XCIII Don Amador ninety-two XCII Another noble under the said Don Juan gave nine IX Don Juan Oyunbicho XVII Indians XVII Don Sebastian Guara lord of Pipo gave fifty-seven Indians LVII Don Diego of Pingolqui LXXVII Indians LXXVII El Ynga gave twenty-eight Indians XXVIII CCCLXXIII Which is, including all these Indians, three hundred and seventy-three Indians. Your Mercy will order me what as Christians they should be paid (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.2:537-538).2 The principle of ordering implicit in this k"ipu is not self-evident. It seems to reflect a hierarchy of demographic size, but, more significantly, lists villages of the Quito area's "upper" or southern moiety ahead of those located in the "lower" or northern moiety. It serves to confirm that the units called pueblos by the Spanish were considered separate and comparable by the Andean peoples and were not artifacts of Spanish administrative convenience. Finally, it is a singular merit of the visita that, although it was carried out to solve the problems of January 1559, it is not just a synchronic snapshot of contemporary conditions but an ethnohistorical study in its own right. Because Spanish legislation forbade tribute in excess of the Inca levies, the visita compilers were obliged to study pre-Columbian political economy in some detail. Some of the people interviewed on these topics had already reached adulthood when the Spanish invaded Quito, and all had learned about the place of their communities in Tawantinsuyu from eyewitnesses. Their replies form the most detailed and credible source so far found concerning the functioning of Tawantinsuyu and its vassal chiefdoms in what is now Ecuador. Gil Ramirez Davalos ordered his researchers to investigate the following topics: What order is followed by those who have fields and plantations of coca as far as cultivating and harvesting is concerned, and in what (crossed out: seasons) and places they stored and store it at present, and how many leagues' distance is it from their villages to the coca and from the coca to where they deposit it, and what villages and Indians are the ones who cultivate and harvest it? Item, how much of it have they been accustomed to cultivate and by whose order, and of what climate is the land where it grows, and how many times or turns in each year is it harvested; attempt to see and understand these matters. Item, what was the usual weight of the baskets [for coca] and whether it has increased or decreased, and since when? Item, what system was followed in former times by the chief nobles and lesser nobles and peasants and fishermen and other artisans of any trade, specialty or 18

Introduction business whatever, in contributing and handing over tributes and services which they owed to the Inca and to the paramount lord, and to the other nobles and lords which they had, and at what times did they deliver, and what Indians used to serve them and attend their service ordinarily and for warfare? Item, in what manner did they pay the said tributes, and how many persons were included under each taxpayer's account, and whether each Indian man or woman or boy or husband or wife or sons was obliged to pay the tribute he owed individually, or all together; and if it was [assessed] by the person, or by the household, or by their landholdings or the fields they had, and if all the Indians paid tribute equally the one no less than the other, and if there was variation in this and in what regard? Item . . . what service of Indian men and women and what tributes the Indians used to give in the times of the Inca to the huno, who is the paramount lord, and to the other lords, who are the nobles that command them, and whatfieldsand houses and other things they made for him, and if the service of Indians which they owed was given on a lifetime basis or if the service rotated each year, and how many villages, or Indians, or provinces were to contribute such things, and what were their names? Item, whether in former times the huno, paramount lord, and other nobles used to pay the Inca any tribute, or used to do him any service, for his family and servitors, through the things that they raised and harvested and through their enterprises, and in what quantity, or were they [i.e. nobles] exempt and free not to pay? Item . . . what system did they use to have in succeeding to office, and whether the Inca installed the hunos and native lords, and whether they were natives or mitmaj [transplanted], or whether they were elected by the other native lords, and what system existed in this matter; and whether it was for a limited time or perpetual for a lifetime, and whether the sons or brothers succeeded, or who? Item, what privilege and power did the said hunos and native lords have over the Indians, and whether they could kill Indians or punish them for the crimes they committed, and who apportioned tributes among the Indians, and how they were paid? Item, what plantings and lands and livestock did the Inca have in their lands as his own private holdings, or for the sun and for the wakas, and whether these had earlier belonged to the Indians of the said repartimiento [group of villages entrusted to a Spanish encomienda-holder], or whether the Inca cleared, tilled, and sowed them anew, and brought the livestock from elsewhere? (Ramirez 1557:f.235v-238r).3 Essentially, the visita text consists of two chronological strata: descriptions of institutions active in 1559, and descriptions of the institutions of the last years of the pre-Hispanic era. Incaic governance must be reconstructed from data of the second type only, since what was not destroyed by the Spanish was so transformed as to preclude extrapolation backward into time. But, since the first stage of the Spanish conquest consisted of the decapitation of the Inca state, not its dismantling, the larger part of the middle-to-lower level administrative apparatus was left in place. Middle-ranking Inca functionaries often became agents of "indirect rule" (Burgos-Guevara 1975:219, 258), while aboriginal chiefdoms not only survived but flourished anew as unsettled conditions of civil 19

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas war allowed them a growing margin for autonomy. For these reasons the local tradition in political economy, even allowing for specific instances of co-optation of lords by encomenderos, exhibited far more pre-Hispanic continuity than did the Incaic tradition. Therefore in the analysis of the local institutions it is possible to turn both ethnohistorical and contemporary (1559) data to account in reconstructing the aboriginal mode of governance. The following criteria have been employed to distinguish aboriginal institutions from Incaic impositions: (1) practices named with Cuzco terms, or explicitly mentioned as Incaic impositions, have generally been attributed to Tawantinsuyu; (2) practices named with words which are neither demonstrably Quechua nor Spanish are generally classed as aboriginal; (3) in doubtful cases, comparisons with more central parts of Tawantinsuyu have been sought; where parallels are lacking, the case has been classified as aboriginal; (4) by way of control, an extensive comparison among native governments under varying degrees of Inca control has been included in Chapter 7.

20

The problem of the "paramo Andes'

The first European who thought to look for a relationship between the variety of Andean landscapes and the variety of human groups that inhabited them was Pedro Cieza de Leon: Many are amazed at how these Indians [i.e. of Popayan], despite having many of their villages in places liable to easy conquest, and despite the fact that the weather in the region is nowhere (except in the city of Pasto) very cold or hot, and despite other factors favorable for conquest, have nonetheless turned out to be so indomitable and stubborn; while the [Indians] of Peru, whose valleys lie among mountains and snowcapped crags and many cliffs and rivers, and who are far more numerous than those here [in Popayan], and who dwell close by great uninhabited expanses, do serve (the Spanish) and have turned out to be so tame and docile. About this I will say, that all the Indians subject to the governance of Popayan have always been and still are peoples without hereditary overlords [behetrias]. Among them there were no rulers who could make themselves feared. They are slack and lazy, and above all they detest to serve others or to be governed; which by itself would be enough reason for them to resist being under foreign rule and in its service. Yet this by itself would hardly guarantee their having their way, because, if pressed by need, they would do what others do. But there is another and much greater cause, namely that all these provinces and regions [around Popayan] are very fertile, and on all sides there are dense thickets of jungle, canebrake, and underbrush. So that when the Spanish press them, they burn the houses they live in, which are made of wood and straw, and go away a league or two as they see fit, and in three or four days they make another house, and in as many more, sow as much maize as they want; and inside four months they reap it. And if [the Spanish] search them out there too, they can advance further on, or go back, leaving the place, and anywhere they go or stay, they find food to eat and rich soil ready to give them fruits. And for this reason they serve [the Spanish] when they choose to, and hold war and peace in their own hands, and never lack food. The [Indians] of Peru serve well and are docile because they are more civil than these, and because all were subjugated by the Inca kings, to whom they gave tribute, serving them constantly, and they were born in this condition. And even if they were not willing, necessity constrained them to it, because the land of Peru is all waste land, full of mountains and crags and snowy steppes. And if they went out of their towns and valleys into these deserts they could not live, nor would 21

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas earth give fruits, nor would there be any place for them other than their own valleys and provinces; so that merely in order not to die, and lose all livelihood, they must serve and never abandon their lands ([1553] 1962:64-65).l

It is an insuperable tribute to Cieza's genius that four centuries later this idea continued to be crucial in the thinking of two modern scholars who were among the most effective in reawakening interest in the adaptation of humanity to the Andean habitat, Carl Troll and Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff. Central Andean and north Andean civilizations

In his lastingly influential essay of 1931, republished in 1958 as "Las culturas superiores andinas y el medio geografico," Troll once again framed Cieza's question. Why is it that the most inviting parts of the Andes have generated stateless societies, while the least hospitablelooking parts gave rise to states and empires? His answer was as follows: First: That the impact of environmental factors which vary with elevation over sea level (atmospheric pressure, insolation) changes according to the incidence of other factors, which vary with latitude (precipitation, cloud cover, prevailing winds, daily duration and annual variation of daylight). At the same time, differences between the climatic regime of the Pacific coast, which is governed in large part by the Humboldt and Nino ocean currents, and that of the Amazon Basin give rise to properly longitudinal effects. Second: By synthesizing these groups of factors, one may build a threedimensional representation of the Andean environment (see Figure 2). For zonating the tropical Andes climatically, it is better to start with the upper region, that is, with the altitudinal tiers between the upper limit of agriculture or of forests, and the lower limit of the perpetual snows. We recognize, then, that in a manner very similar to what occurs in tropical lowlands, they break down into four climatic belts or zones according to the degree of humidity. In the lowlands they are 1) The ever-humid equatorial belt of tropical forests; 2) the semihumid tropical belt, with seasonal rains, humid in summer and dry in winter, composing the savannas or humid steppes; 3) the tropical belt of steppes with spiny and succulent plants, also characterized by seasonal rains, humid in summer and dry in winter, but overall semiarid; and 4) the desert belt. In South America, these belts are distributed unevenly on the two sides of the Andes, chiefly because of the influence of the mountains, which act on the east by precipitating humidity out of the southeastern prevailing winds, and on the west by functioning as an "umbrella." Consequently, on the eastern flanks of the Andes, the ever-humid belt not only extends through the whole tropical zone, but reaches at its farthest extremes to latitude 27°S in the region of Tucuman. On the western side, to the contrary, the Atacama Desert extends into the region of the equator, with its farthest manifestations reaching into the Santa Elena Peninsula of western Ecuador. 22

Figure 2. "Landscape belts" of the tropical Andes (Source: Troll [1931] 1958:21)

23

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas From this it follows necessarily that the regional climatic zones reach diagonally across the mountains, from northwest to southeast [see Figure 2]. In the upper regions too, above the limits of cultivation, climatic zones correspond to the degree of humidity (seen in neighboring lowlands): the rainforest lowland zone corresponds to the ever-humid paramos; the lowland savanna zone to the moist or normal puna (gramineous puna), humid in summer and dry in winter; the thorny lowland steppe with succulents to the dry puna or spiny and succulent puna (the "tola zone" of the botanists); and the desert of the lowland plains, to the desert of the high mountains or desert puna, such as we have described in earlier works. In the ecology of the vegetation, in the soil types, and in hydrology the same articulation can be seen with equal clarity (Troll [1931] 1958:22; for further detail see Troll 1968 passim.)1

Third: That these correspondences produce a divison between two great classes of Andean landscapes, the "puna Andes" and the "paramo Andes." In the former, the upper slopes are characterized by scant rainfall, strong insolation, and sharp diurnal temperature variation regularly producing nighttime freezes. In the latter, the upper slopes receive considerable rainfall and drizzle but little direct insolation. They do not freeze as regularly. The true "paramo Andes," that is, montane areas in which no puna occurs, extend northward from a line running approximately through Trujillo and Cajamarca, Peru. Some paramo may occur in the eastern cordillera south of this line as well (see Figures 3 and 4). Fourth: That there is a marked co-distribution between "puna Andes" and certain cultural traits fundamental to Andean imperial civilizations. The natural conditions of "paramo Andes" neither offer the prerequisites nor impose the functional necessity for the development of these traits. The traits are: Artificial irrigation: The scarce rainfall of the puna formed an incentive to technology for channeling the melt-off from high-altitude ice and snow into the upper cultivated fields and to high pastures, an art perfected (Troll held) under the Incas. Herding of large domestic animals: Llamas and alpacas are, in Troll's view, members of the puna biological community and not suitable for domestication outside the dryer highlands ([1931] 1958: 29). Except for the dry highlands of modern Chimborazo Province, Ecuador, no part of the northern Andes has supported successful llama herding in recent times. The use of the llama and other camelids enabled southern peoples to produce clothing warm enough for the rigors of the heights, to develop long-distance transport without major expense of human energy, to use dung for fertilizer, and to add occasional large amounts of high-quality protein to their diet. Cultivation and preservation of high-altitude tubers: While it is true that the Andean tubers (potatoes, mashua, ulluco or melloco, oca, 24

Limit of regularly occurring freezes [ Bands of highest-frequency variable freezes (about 50 days/year) r

Upper limit of agriculture

' Zone of cultivation with regular freezes /?$%0s> Region of permanent snow ?..:i::>:;>::4- Limit of permanent snow

Figure 3. Vertical distribution of climates with freezing temperatures in the tropical Andes, with relation to the upper limit of agriculture and the level of permanent snow cover (Source: Troll [1931] 1958:38)

ts) OS

**B

Figure 4. Vegetation profiles of the tropical Andes (Source: Troll [1931] 1958: 41-42)

Profile

4

The problem of the "paramo Andes" etc.) can be produced in paramo lands, their preservation in the form of ch'unu (dehydrated tubers) depends entirely on the alternation of dry bright days with freezing nights which makes outdoor "freeze-drying" possible. Even where the upper paramos are sufficiently cold, heavy cloud cover hinders the daytime drying part of the process. Therefore northern peoples lacked the facility to make durable lightweight provisions for mass mobilizations of manpower, with a consequent loss in potential for massive efforts in war, cultivation and construction. In Troll's argument, it is not environment as such which determines "development," but rather the interaction between human invention and the environment to which it responds. If this argument has the defect of simply positing the interaction on the basis of co-distribution, it also has the merit of leaving room for anthropological explanations which give the interaction some concrete content. One anthropological tradition, that of "subjective ecology," has sought the content in the Andean mental schemata ("ethnoecology") and symbolic systems which furnished a theoretical frame for converting the highlands into a seedbed of civilizations. Others have paid more regard to the exteriorization of these projects as seen in material artifacts and outward behavior. Recently these traditions have begun to meet in the work of, for example, Stephen Brush and Tristan Platt. In this sense recent Andean anthropology is still very much in Troll's debt. Nonetheless, Troll's ideas have given less fruit where the "paramo Andes" are concerned, because, in his model, these emerge only as a negative and residual case. All that is attributed to them by way of culture is the absence of Inca traits, a reflection of the "limiting," or rather, unchallenging nature of the northern environment (Troll [1931] 1958:27,39). Surely human invention does not come to an end where the paramo begins. What were the positive attributes of the relation between human beings and north Andean nature? What opportunities and constraints did it present to political and economic organization, and how did aboriginal groups confront them? Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff responded to this question in his essay "The Agricultural Basis of the Sub-Andean Chiefdoms of Colombia" (1961:83). According to Reichel-Dolmatoff, The Colombian chiefdoms . . . were small, class-structured village federations, politically organized under territorial chiefs. The precise character of this chieftainship varied from group to group, and while some were hardly more than village headmen, others were warchiefs or became eventually the leaders of small incipient states. 27

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Among the variables influencing these differences, Reichel-Dolmatoff mentions the spectrum of agricultural bases, which varied from types similar to tropical forest horticulture to specialized paramo types; trade in certain privileged goods such as gold, cotton cloth, and salt, a factor permitting a certain level of intercommunal specialization; and the military potential of each group for controlling choice (usually maize-bearing) lands. In general these polities were able to accumulate surpluses beyond their accustomed levels of consumption, and show the cultural traits that regularly accompany such accumulation (for example, ostentatious elaboration of the political and priestly functions). Yet, in spite of high productivity-in one case, yield/seed ratios of 100:1, never reached in Ecuadorian evidence of the period-and for reasons not fully explained, these groups suffered a vicious cycle of population pressure and local warfare which made the growth of secure, spatially stable centers rare or impossible: The general orientation toward agriculture led to a type of warfare which necessarily was only of a local nature because the social units carrying on war were themselves based on a technology-ecology which was also local. This reinforced the regional character of small chiefdoms whose political power was under constant threat. The spread into the mountains was also followed by decentralization, cultural isolation and regionalism in what I have termed the Colombian microenvironments . . . the eventual population pressure did not lead to a more intensified agricultural system nor to an integration of wider political controls, but rather led to migrations and small local but highly destructive wars . . . Those who did not choose to compete in the struggle for the fertile slopes settled in areas which were marginal to the core-land of intensive maize farming. Although some of them created relatively complex local cultures, the discontinuity of such factors as occupancy, population density, favorable environment and cultural impulse, inhibited further advance (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1961:88).

Certainly this formulation marks an advance over the negativism of Troll. Yet it does not entirely escape the habit of addressing non-imperial or incipiently statelike societies, not with the question "How did it work?" but with the question "Why didn't it become an empire?" As a study of constraints it may be correct, and still not serve as a description of chiefdoms. In order to overcome the presupposition that Andean chiefdoms were states somehow truncated in their development, or epiphenomena of Tawantinsuyu, it is necessary to establish the chiefdoms as a field of study in their own right. Although worthy contributions toward this venture have been made (Kroeber 1946; Broadbent 1964; Tovar Pinzon 1970), mostly with regard to the Chibcha, the greater part of the "paramo Andes" remains poorly understood. How profitable such a restudy might be is clearly visible in the case of the Amazonian and Pacific littoral areas. As notions of environmental limitation imported from other regions have been discarded, a new per28

The problem of the "paramo Andes" spective has emerged which is likely to transform our ideas about tropical forest prehistory (Lathrap 1970, 1975). Obviously the aim is not to abolish the idea of environmental limitation, nor to diminish the explanatory importance of adaptation to a natural environment. On the contrary, the goal is to avoid the a priori use of such concepts; or, in other words, to emulate Troll's pathfinding insight that the very conditions which, to a stranger's eye, look like "limitations" (for example, the nocturnal freeze or the concentration of scarce water in the ice of remote crags), may be, in the native's eye, not obstacles but opportunities (for the manufacture of freeze-dried tubers, the irrigation of high pastures, etc.). Lacking as we still do full data on the organization, ideas, and technology of north Andean peoples we cannot yet say what aspects of their environment constituted limits. But it should be possible to move toward a less ethnocentric concept of their relationship to nature by defining, first, the character of typical north-Andean habitation zones, and second, locating the pre-Hispanic natives more precisely within them (Agro 1972). The Quito region as a north Andean habitat

In Peru as well as in Ecuador a large part of the inter-Andean highlands consists of small closed valleys separated by nudos or "knots" (subsidiary mountain ranges connecting the major Cordilleras). But it is in Ecuador where, due to the exaggerated narrowness of the inter-Andean strip, this type of geography is seen most clearly and regularly (Teran 1962:1-2). David Giovanni Basile, in his study of Quito-area agriculture, notes that at its narrowest part, 1° south (about seven kilometers south of Latacunga) the distance between the exterior extremes of the two mountain ranges is only 130 air kilometers, and that in no part of the republic do more than 220 air kilometers separate the littoral plain from Amazonia (see Figures 4, 5). The comparable figure for Colombia is 450 kilometers, while in Bolivia and part of Chile it reaches 755 kilometers. The interior width of the inter-Andean high valley in Ecuador, from summit to summit, is on the average only 60 kilometers. In all likelihood it is precisely this narrowness which has allowed volcanic lava to flow completely across the inter-Andean corridor in so many places. According to Basile these "knots" demarcate no less than fifteen distinct inter-Andean valleys (1974:12; see Figure 6 and Table 1). According to Agro (1972:180) there are thirteen. Another characteristic of Ecuadorian orography is the difference in profile between the eastern and western mountain chains. The Cordillera Oriental or eastern range is a good deal taller, wider, and more continuous than the Occidental or western (see Figure 7). Its average height is some four thousand meters, the Occidental's some three thousand. The 29

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Meters 6000500040003000200010000

Eastern Cordillera

Pacific Ocean

Cojimfes

Cojimies Hills I R. Guayllabamba

6000500040003000 20001000 0

. Cotacach! I Ibarra

Western Cordillera

Eastern

Cord

-

plmam

P | r 0 \y^ Amazonia

Cordillera

s. Sierra Mt. Filocorrales Pan de Azucar^

6000-

Eastern Cordille

5000-

Western Cordillera

4000-

s. Sierra /

3000 20001000-

40003000-

Westem Cordillera

E " * * " Cordillera

20001000-

Vertical scale - 10 X exaggerated

Figure 5. East-west profiles, Ecuador (Source: Basile 1974:9)

difference in width (i.e. the extension of paramo and rocky crags which separates the inter-Andean lands from the forested outer slopes), appears clearly in Figure 5. Although there are impressive snowcaps on either side, nearly all the volcanic activity of historic times has been in the eastern cordillera, with Pichincha Volcano, at the center of the Quito region, being the only exception. A third orographic characteristic, the greater hydrographic "porosity" of the western Cordillera, follows from the above. Whereas only three rivers pierce the eastern Cordillera to empty into Amazonia, ten cut through the western and flow into the Pacific (see Figure 6). "Among the inter-Andean basins none is more typical or classical than that of the Guayllabamba River or of Quito," wrote Misael Acosta Solis in his useful monograph "Fitogeografia y vegetation de la Provincia de Pichincha" (1962:30). He sketches the basin as a rectangle, whose long western and eastern walls are the parallel chains of snowcapped volcanoes, and whose shorter northern and southern ends are blocked off by "knots." The rectangle of high-lying lands is almost entirely closed. "The gigantic frame of mountains presents only a single narrow gap, at its 30

The problem of the "paramo Andes"

Basin

5 6

9

Cafiar Basin

Ibarra Basin

10 Cuenca Basin

Quito Basin

11 Jubones Basin

oachi Basin Ambato-Latacunga Basin

12 Loja Basin 13 Zaruma Basin

Riobamba Basin

4

°00

14 Catamayo Basin „ , _ . 15 Macara Basin

7 Guaranda Basin 8 Alausl Basin

Figure 6. Basins of the Ecuadorian highlands (Source: Basile 1974:10)

northwestern corner, through which the basin's whole copious water catchment plummets in a torrential flow." If we take as cornerstones the four peaks Cayambe, Cotopaxi, Iliniza, and Mojanda, this basin appears as a narrow corridor, somewhat narrower in the south and tilted toward lower elevation at the north. Its 31

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Table 1. Names and areas of the highland basins of Ecuador Area6 Basin name"

River

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Carchic Chota-Mira Guayllabamba Patate Toachi Chambo Chimbo Chanchan Canar Paute Jubones Zamora Puyango Catamayo Macar/

Tulcan Ibarra Quito Ambato'' Toachi* Riobamba Guaranda Alausi Canar Cuenca Jubones* Loja Zaruma Catamayo* Macara*

Principal town

Miles

Tulcan Ibarra Quito Ambato

166

430

1,617 1,734 1,679

4,189 4,492 4,350 1,512 3,635 2,086 1,232 1,155 3,933 3,600

_

Riobamba Guaranda Alausi Canar Cuenca _

Loja Zaruma -

584

1,403

805 475 446

1,518 1,390

233

1,059 1,505

603

Kilometers

604

2,744 3,899 1,562

"Basins arranged in their order of occurrence from north to south. b Area compiled by planimeter from map. Ecuador, Instituto Geografico Militar, Mapa Geogrdfico del Ecuador (Scale: 1:1,000,000), 1950. Tributary to the Guaitara River in Colombia. d A more complete name, one which would include the two major towns in the basin, would be Latacunga-Ambato. ^Basins with little or no population and without a significant town or population settlement. The name of the basin is that of the major stream. ^The Rio Macara (downstream known as the Rio Calvas) forms the boundary between Ecuador and Peru. Source: Basile 1974:11.

"floor" is about 140 kilometers long and 20 kilometers wide on the average. The overall area of the inter-Andean high plain is about 2,800 square kilometers; there are also lower-lying canyon lands within this highland rectangle (Acosta-Solis 1962:30-31), and wide upward-sweeping slopes around it. Basile, who calculates the interior area apparently from summit to summit without taking account of elevation, arrives at an area of 4,492 square kilometers (1974:13). A look at the profiles of the two mountain ranges immediately suggests the greater ease of transit through the western cordillera. The western range near Quito is low (by Andean standards) and narrow, save for the sharp peaks that punctuate it. Between these peaks with their skirts of windy grassland there are passes that allow transit out of the basin without requiring an ascent through the cold and desolate lands at the upper end of the paramo belt. There are at least two relatively easy routes into the exterior slopes on the Pacific side, one by way of Aloag, with its 32

Meters 6000 50004000 30002000 1000 0

Eastern Cordillera

Cord. Pimampiro Paramo de las Juntas

Mt. Filocorrales Mt. Cotopaxi M t . sincholagua

R

Peruvian Border

Y | Mt. Altar Mt. Tu'ngurahua

Patate

Mt. Cayambe

Sierra-lnterandean Region Latacunga-Ambato Basin

|

Riobamba -Chambo Basin

Alausi| Chanchan i Cartel

Cuenca -Paute Basin

II

Jubones Basin

Loja- Catamayo 1 Zaruma 1 Basin 1 Macara Basin Basin

TgualataT | ^V'AzuayHfcaftar f^Ponete^ 'Quito i Tiocajas "Knot* 'Bueran Tinajillas lojanda | Tiopullo 'Knot' | Ambat'o Sanancajas "Knots" I "Knot* 'Knot' "Knot'R 'Knot* R, Guayllabamba Latacunga Riobamba Alausf R. Carter Cuenca -

Western Cordillera 7000' 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0.

R. Mlr'a

R. Guayllabamba Mt -

Ptchincna

Mt. Chimborazo Mt. Corazi

R. Alausi or Chanchan 'El Tamb< R. C R

Vertical scale - 10 X exaggerated

Figure 7. North-south profiles of the Ecuadorian highlands (Source: Basile 1974:8

Peru

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas highest pass at 3,470 meters, and the other via Calacali, which scarcely reaches 3,000 meters. These routes all but eliminate the crossing of the paramos. Additional favorable routes exist through Lloa, at about 3,000 meters and, to the north of Quito, through Chaupicruz and Nono. As will be seen, the ethnohistoric evidence supports the suspicion that these would be axes of transit between western tropical forest and interAndean peoples (Acosta-Solis 1962:30-32). The orographic profile of the eastern chain overlooking Amazonia is far more imposing. From the perfect cone of the giant volcano Cotopaxi, at the rectangular basin's southeast corner, to the rugged mass of Cayambe Volcano at the northeast, the eastern peaks are loftier and tend to be connected by vast expanses of high-altitude paramo. The jagged ravines that break their windy openness do not offer easy passage eastward (Acosta-Solis 1962:33). In short, a traveler leaving Quito for the Amazonian montana by a direct route has no prospect of avoiding the crossing of broad paramos over four thousand meters (Acosta-Solis 1962:40). It is true that the Papallacta route, which connected Quito with the Quijos of the eastern forest in a straight line, already functioned in Inca times. But, taking into account the fact that to the west one might gain access to land ecologically similar to that of the Quijos, by a far easier route, and with the additional advantage of access to the maritime resources of the Pacific and the wealth of the Esmeraldenos, it is not surprising that the western route was of greater importance to the sierran peoples. (Although it anticipates the argument, it may be useful to point out here that these facts by no means negate the importance of sierranAmazonian contacts in pre-Columbian times. The intent is only to distinguish between favorable passes into Amazonia, such as PimampiroChapi, or the Paute Valley, and secondary avenues of access such as the Papallacta trans-paramo route.) The two transverse ranges which close off the ends of the Guayllabamba Basin are far less imposing. The Mojanda-Cajas "knot" in the north, although it reaches the snow line at two points, is broken by a low and narrow pass (Acosta-Solis 1962:33) admitting transit. If the peoples immediately to its south do not seem to have been tightly integrated with Quito, the reason is perhaps that the deep, arid Guayllabamba canyon presented a greater obstacle to Quito traffic than the Mojanda "knot" did to Otavalo or Caranqui traffic. At the southern end of the basin the Tiopullo "knot" presents a broad barrier, but, at some three thousand meters, it is not especially difficult to cross. Passing over the western brim of the high basin and descending westward into the Pacific-slope subsidiary ranges, the traveler enters a completely different landscape. From Iliniza Volcano and Pichincha Volcano 34

The problem of the "paramo Andes" a labyrinth of rugged hogback ridges, canyons, and cliffs spreads outward and downward toward the foothills. The ample rainfall of the west-facing paramos drains through them as a seeming infinity of tumbling whitewater streams. They gather into two river systems, one tributary to the lower Guayllabamba and the other to the Rio Blanco. Clouds moving eastward from the Pacific, as they strike the mountain wall, drop yearround rainfall and clothe the region in a dense, lush, blackish green rain forest. It remained almost empty of European settlers until the 1950s, and is still incompletely mapped today. In the sixteenth century, however, it was populated at a substantial level of density by a people known as the Yumbos, and at that time was regularly visited by travelers from the highlands. Various trails passing through the Yumbo country connected with the coastal plain and the maritime peoples of the Guayas, Manabi, and Esmeraldas coasts. Vertical tiers of the inter-Andean Guayllabamba Basin Basile (1974) and Maggio Peiia (1964) have offered altitudinal classifications of the Quito environment based on climatic criteria. Specifically ecological classifications for Ecuadorian use have been designed by Holdridge (1947), the Instituto Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonizaci6n (IERAC s.f.A), Acosta-Solis (1968), and Basile (1974) (see Table 2, Figure 8). Posterior to the research reported here, Luis Canadas Cruz published a useful Mapa bioclimdtico y ecologico del Ecuador (1983). All these authors take as their point of departure the fact that the inter-Andean environment has been radically transformed by human use. Agriculture in its lower parts and grazing in its upper have removed an original vegetation which once included extensive forests, and have rendered the soils susceptible to severe erosion (Holdridge 1947:26). These processes had not advanced so far in pre-Columbian times and it must be borne in mind that the aboriginal chiefdoms inhabited a countryside quite unfamiliar to modern Quitefios. (On deforestation, see AcostaSolis 1954, Ellenberg 1979, and Walter 1971:183-193.) A synoptic resum6 of the ecological classifications follows. Extreme high altitudes From the permanent snow and ice of the volcanic peaks of both Andean ranges there extends downward a belt of thin vegetation called tundra pluvial (tp-A] and composed largely of lichen growing on scree slopes or bare cliffs (IERAC s.f.A:51). Acosta-Solis defines the highest life-supporting level as a Faja Altiandina Gilida (microtermia gelidofitia) from 4,700 meters upward. In it 35

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Table 2. Average temperatures, province of Pichincha (average temperatures from 12 to 24 normal hours over 7 to 11 years, calculated by thermal gradient and representative meteorological and seasonal averages in centigrade degrees in shade) Temperature (°C) Height (m.) above sea level 6,000 5,500 5,000 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 300

(1)

3.3 4.5 6.4 8.1

10.7 13.1 16.4 18.8 19.6

(2)

10.5 13.5 16.4 20.1 23.4 25.2 27.3 28.2 29.2

(3)

(4)

- 8.0 - 4.5 - 2.8

- 6.7 - 3.9 - 1.2

0.5 3.5 5.0 8.3

10.1 14.0 17.5 20.9 23.5 24.0

2.4 5.0 8.5

11.0 15.0 7.0

20.0 23.5 24.2 24.7

Note: Temperatures are keyed as follows: (1) Lowest normal average temperature (2) Highest normal average temperature (3) Normal average night temperature (4) Normal average day temperature Source: Maggio Pena 1964:51.

"simple" plants-lichens and mosses-predominate, accompanied by a very few woody plants. These "grow more underground than toward the atmosphere; rhizomes and roots are highly developed, while the leaves become simplified" (1968:92). The paramos There is some discord on the vertical extent of paramo. According to Acosta-Solis, it ordinarily appears from 3,300 to 3,500 meters upward. His term is Paramos y Pajonales Andinos (graminetum microtermico). The paramo subalpino or p-SA of IERAC begins around three thousand meters. According to Maggio Pena the paramo of the Cordillera Occidental averages some four hundred meters higher. Because this ecological tier is not only typical of the northern Andes but of vast extent (some 18% of Pichincha Province being paramo), and in need of anthropological study, it is worth a closer look. Paramo weather is usually chilly, overcast, and damp, with some 1,500 millimeters of precipitation falling annually on the upper slopes of the eastern cordillera and some 2,500 to 36

Ecological Classifications A Basile (1974)

Acosta-Solis (1968)

Phytogeographicai Classification A Acosta-Solis (1962)

IERAC (n.d.)

Faja Altiandina Gelida (Microtermia Gelidofitia)

'(F.G.) Tundra Pluvial Alpino (tp-A)

Pan Paramos y Pajonales Andinos Sotobosque

(Graminetum Microtermico)

Ceja Andina (Higrofitia Andina) Bosque Submesotermico Deforested

(Paramo) Paramo Subalpino (p-SA)

(Higrofitia Subandina)

Mesothermal Valley

SeJva Pluvial Mesotermico Subandina (Higrofitia Nublada)

Desforestado Callejon Interandino (Andropofitia "Temperada" de la Mesotermia Interandina) Formaciones Xerofflicas de los Valles Interandinos (Xerofitia Mesotermica)

Bosque Pluvial

Bosque

Montano

Muy Humedo

(bp-M)

Montano (bmh-M)

Bosque Muy Humedo Montano Bajo (bmh-MB)

Bosque Humedo Montano Bajo (bh-MB)

Bosque Seco Montano Bajo (bs-MB)

(bp-MB)

Bosque Pluvial Subtropical

Selva

(bp-ST)

Submacrotermica (Higrofitia

Tropical)

0 Meters

Interandean

West Slope

Interandean

Figure 8. Classifications of north Andean environments

West Slope

Interandean

Interandean

Eastern Cordillera

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas 3,000 millimeters on the west. During the rainy season, dense banks of fog and low-hanging cloud usually cover the paramos, and drop a cold intermittent drizzle locally known as garua (Maggio Pena 1964:28-29). The distinctive paramo landscape consists of a seeming infinity of rolling slopes covered with dense clumps of coarse grasses, chiefly various species of Festuca and Calamagrostis, Stipa ichu, Stipa mucronata, and Andropogon tener. The grasses share a characteristic adaptive form, with long cylindrical or linear leaves, stiff and heavily silicified. Paramo grasses grow in dense tufts or clumps separated by larger or smaller bare patches depending on soil quality (Acosta-Solis 1968:88). The tawny color of the paramos when seen from afar is due to the fact that their cold climate impedes the decomposition of dead outer foliage, almost completely hiding the green of new growth (Basile 1974:27). Since paramo vegetation has been amply described by Diels and other botanists, it will be sufficient to mention briefly a few species associated with the grasses: the giant bromeliads called achupalla, the famous "pillow plants" (Azorella and others); the many small herbaceous plants with woolly leaves which grow crouched to the soil; and the mosses and lichens which abound, especially, in the upper margins of the paramo. Up to as high as three thousand meters the paramos will support the planting of barley and the Andean tubers. Maggio Pena (1964:31) adds wheat to the list. Ethnohistorical particulars of high cultivation have yet to appear. Probably the situation in Quito was not very different from that recorded in 1557 in what is now Chimborazo Province, where potatoes {Solarium tuberosum), ocas (Oxalis tube rosa), mashuas (Tropeolum tuberosum), mellocos or ullucos (Ullucus tuberosus), and the protein-rich quinua (Chenopodium quinoa) were planted (M y R 1557: f.242 et seq.). There is no mention of canihua, nor do we yet know up to what level the ancients cleared the paramo for planting. From 3,600 meters upward the paramo seems to have been utilized for pasturage of camelids in Inca times, and, since the remotest preceramic, for hunting. It is likely that the lower margin of the paramo belt has been somewhat lowered in historic times as a result of human action, particularly deforestation of the middle altitudes. The inter-Andean "ceja" Without agreeing on a name for it, the ecologists agree that the margin between paramos and deforested valleys constitutes a distinctive ecological type. Acosta-Solis terms it Ceja Andina or Formacion Submesotermica (higrofitia andina), drawing on its resemblance to the ceja de la montana (literally, 'eyebrow of the forest') or uppermost rainforest of the outer 38

The problem of the "paramo Andes" slopes. He locates it from 3,200 or 3,400 meters down to the lower paramos around 3,500 meters. For IERAC, the bosque muy humedo Montano (bmh-M) is located on the inner slopes of the Cordilleras, over the inter-Andean valleys, especially to the north of the Tiupullo "knot" or transverse range, between 2,800 and 3,500 meters (IERAC n.d.A:49). Basile speaks of a "sotobosque" ('thicket-forest,' a usage repudiated by Acosta-Solis) located in a narrow discontinuous strip which rises highest in sheltering arroyos, and dips toward the valley floor on exposed slopes. This belt presents a ghostly, eerie appearance due to the abundance of leathery-leaved dwarf plants, tree ferns, and twisted, stunted trees hung with funnel-shaped bromeliads and tatters of moss. Together with its drifting fog and startling insect life, these make it a disquieting place for visitors (1974:27). Typical species include Polylepis, Gynoxis, and several woody vines. The annual average temperature varies between 6° and 12°C. and precipitation between 1,000 and 2,000 millimeters per year. After removal of the natural cover these lands have been used for growing of broad beans and tubers as well as for pasturage, but their preColumbian use is unknown. Perhaps part of the firewood always mentioned in indigenous tribute lists was cut here. Interandean cultivated lands The farmlands of the comparatively flat inner valley floors can readily be divided into an upper, relatively humid part, and a lower, dryer part. Relatively humid cultivated lands: These areas supported the nuclei of some of the best-known highland polities, those of, for example, Otavalo, Cayambe, and, in the Quito region, the Chillos Valley. They belong to the Desforestado Callejon Interandino (antropofitia "temperada" de la mesotermia interandina) of Acosta-Solis, the Unforested InterAndean Plateau of Holdridge, the bosque humedo Montano Bajo (bhMB) of IERAC, or "cultivated zone" of Basile. They begin at 2,000 to 2,200 meters (IERAC s.f.A:44, Acosta-Solis 1968:94-95), register annual average temperatures of 12°-18°C, and receive precipitation from 1,000 to 2,000 millimeters per year. For the most part they present exceptionally fair landscapes of softly rolling slopes covered with foliage of a vivid green, broken by tree-shaded stream canyons and ringed by snowcapped volcanoes. In pre-Columbian times they were maize lands par excellence, but one should not assume that their vegetation was like that which surrounds today's maize plantings. It seems increasingly probable that expansive agriculture has displaced an originally forested climax ecosystem, especially between 3,200 and 3,400 meters. Vestiges of inter-Andean forest 39

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas are still visible in a few inaccesible parts of the basin (Acosta-Solis 1968:95). Basile, Ellenberg, and Holdridge corroborate this conclusion. The surviving remnants of the former inter-Andean temperate forest, according to Acosta-Solis (1968:95) allow partial reconstruction of a flora that included various willows, reedlike plants, agaves, cacti, and the capuli (Prunus serotina var. salicifolia), a small tree whose fruits resemble wild cherry. Relatively dry cultivated lands: The deep canyons cut by rivers which slice through the great mountain ranges to drain westward or eastward, and the higher valleys and tablelands which border them, show distinctive arid and semiarid characteristics (Troll 1968:46-50; Acosta-Solis 1970). Acosta-Solis recognizes, as a separate ecological type, the Formaciones Xerofilicas de los Valles Interandinos (xerofitia mesotermica), found in the semidesert valleys of the Chota, Pat ate, Yunguilla, Jubones, Catamayo, Malacatos, and Vilcabamba rivers. In the Quito region, it is represented by the Guayllabamba River canyon and associated lands between 1,600 and 2,200 meters. IERAC establishes the bosque seco Montano Bajo (bs-MB) from 2,000 to 2,800 meters, in order to include the dry canyonedge lands which border these rivers. Along the canyon edges rains average about 500 to 1,000 millimeters per year, while in the canyons themselves occasional cloudbursts give a scarce 300 to 350 millimeters per year. The canyon floors are jagged and desolate, broken by scattered patches of gardenlike greenery where water is available. Highlanders find the canyon floors oppressively hot. The upper canyon edges vary from parched scrub to rich fruit groves. A substantial part of the pre-Hispanic population inhabited the upper part of this tier in small farming settlements, gathering more densely where riverine niches allowed irrigation. Its typical flora include some trees native to the Andes: algarrobo (Acacia pellacantha), algarrobo pequeno (Mimosa quitensis), guarango (Coultheria tinctoria syn. Tara spinosa), molle (Schinus molle), ovo (Spondias mombin L), willow (Salix humboldtiana), and others. Pakay (Inga, varous species) and other fruit flourish in the less dry portions. Maize and several types of agave-like plants (Fourcroya, various species, and Agave americana) were cultivated. Cacti of several types, notably Opuntia, abound throughout (Acosta-Solis 1968:104-105; IERAC s.f.A:42). Vertical tiers of the outer slopes (western cordillera)

The frigid heights, the paramo, and the uppermost forest tiers do not differ markedly between inner and outer faces of the western range, but the levels ranging from the "eyebrow" downward on the outer slope consist of true tropical forest which has no inter-Andean counterpart. 40

The problem of the "paramo Andes" High forests Acosta-Solis (1968:74), but not the other ecologists, distinguishes a type of forest which is found in disconnected patches on the western flanks of the great snowcapped volcanoes just below the "eyebrow" forest, and terms it Bosques Submesotermicos de los Flancos Externos de la Cordillera Occidental (higrofitia subandina); in the IERAC map it forms part of a larger class, bosque pluvial Montano (bp-M). Its lower margin is about 2,800 meters. "The trees and bushes of these levels are generally twisted, many-branched and knotty from the base up, so that the trunks and branches are of little use for lumber" (Acosta-Solis 1968:75). Cloud forests The Selva Pluvial Mesotermica Subandina Occidental (higrofitia nublada) of Acosta-Solis (1968:67-68), from 1,200 to 2,600 meters, or bosque muy humedo Montano Bajo (bmh-MB) of IERAC (s.f.A:45) between 1,800 and 2,800 meters, shows clear rainforest characteristics: an extremely varied arboreal flora under conditions of heavy rainfall (2,000-4,000 millimeters per year), support a highly complex biota on fragile edaphic bases. The ramparts and crags of the upper western face, bathed in continual rains, drizzles, and fogs from the rising, cooling Pacific Ocean cloud masses, nourish innumerable species of trees, bushes, and epiphytes. Especially luxuriant are the bromeliads, begoniaceae, piperaceae, orchids, ferns, mosses, and leafy lichens. A tangle of living plants and deadwood snarled in lianas and epiphytes, together with extreme topographic relief, makes passage difficult. Whether these lands were cultivated by pre-Hispanic peoples is not clear. There are strong grounds for suspecting terrace agriculture in the corresponding niche of the exterior, i.e. Amazonian, flank of the eastern Cordillera and even in the eastern ceja over the Quijos country (Lathrap 1970: 171-179; Porras 1975:48-50). It seems to have lasted into late preHispanic times. In modern times a spontaneous mestizo colonization of the west slope has produced sugar, fruit, and cattle operations extending well into the "cloud forest" (IERAC s.f.B:86-87). It is true that these create ecologically unstable systems subject to landslides and severe erosion, and therefore in danger of collapse. But a hypothetical pre-Hispanic agriculture employing terraces or a swidden system may have made more stable productive use of this seemingly unlikely habitat. Forest of the western foothills The pre-Hispanic Niguas, and perhaps some of the Yumbos, inhabited the lands below 1,200 meters classified as Selva Submacrotermica (higro41

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas fitia subtropical) by Acosta-Solis. Today, the Tsatchela ("Colorados" ) practice swidden agriculture here. These lands are no less rainy than the "cloud forest," and even warmer, with annual average temperatures between 18° and 24°C. The extremely broken and steep terrain of the mountain wall eases into more rounded foothills and gradually into the littoral plain. Unlike the higher tiers, it is traversed by navigable rivers which probably provided an avenue of communication between the Yumbo region and the Esmeraldas coast. Complexity and the paramo Andes

At first glance there would seem to be no lack of opportunities for complex productive and exchange organization in these environments. Yet on the whole, having once established that the peoples who inhabited them were not subjects of a single state unifying the ecological array prior to the Inca conquest, observers have not so much solved the problem of integration and complexity as simply dropped it. Instead of exploring the kind of integration achieved by noncentralized mechanisms, the tendency has been to assume that the situation was merely the opposite of what we expect in states and empires. In particular, six plausible errors have flourished in the absence of research: (1) that the highland chiefdoms were small local enclaves without stable regional ties; (2) that relations among them were normally hostile and mutually isolating with the exception only of emergency military confederations; (3) that these traits were still more pronounced among the more "primitive" forest-dwelling tribes; (4) that the chiefdoms depended on narrow, local subsistence bases; (5) that they were materially poor and under severe population pressure; (6) that their internal organization was simpler and less stratified than that of communities long enmeshed in state systems. This stereotype of the aboriginal behetria, of which Garcilaso and other Inca apologists were fond, is only now gradually being replaced by sounder images. As incomplete as the data is (the lack of an ethnoecological monograph comparable with Pulgar Vidal's 1946 study of puna Andes categories is especially hampering), it should be possible to sketch some elements of the relation between the north Andean population and the surrounding landscape, and suggest some implications for economic and political organization. First: Total populations toward 1500 were probably not very large, nor did they press heavily on the primarily maize-based subsistence complex. Although Athens and Osborne (1974) as well as Reichel-Dolmatoff postulate Malthusian pressure as a motor force of chiefdom politics, 42

The problem of the "paramo Andes" they offer no proof of its existence. On the contrary, the colonial record suggests rather low densities (see Chapter 5). The Chillos Valley, for example, had in 1559 perhaps some five to ten thousand native inhabitants. Even if we postulate a "depopulation ratio" due to European epidemics comparable to the severe 3:1 reduction suffered, according to Smith, by some south Andean peoples (1970), the population per square kilometer of the valley would not have been much over twenty to forty. Thus far no records of larger aboriginal concentrations have come to light, not even in the richest parts of the Quito basin. Pending further evidence, it is more reasonable to hypothesize a thin population relative to carrying capacity than a Malthusian crisis. This would imply, on the one hand, a potential for major exportable surpluses of food, and on the other, certain limitations on potential for military control of remote locations. Second: All the ecological niches surveyed here are found within a short radius of the highland centers. Thanks to the narrowness of the interAndean corridor and the steepness of its western wall, residents of any given tier can reach the rest in a journey of a few days, even allowing for rough terrain. Unsuitability for equestrian and wheeled traffic, not sheer distance, foiled Spanish attempts to integrate the forested west politically. Thus, while aboriginal societies may not have been in a position to spare people for military or other prolonged absence, their ecological "reach" was nonetheless considerable. Third: Among the diverse ecological tiers, there is none offering all the products necessary to the culturally approved level of subsistence as far as we know it. Consequently there was no option of pure enclave self-sufficiency. Given the existence of very small political units, this implies the existence of means of long-distance interzonal exchange practicable on a small scale. No single mechanism of interzonal articulation seems to have met all these constraints. No north-Andean analogue to the kamayuj system of delegated specialists, whose extraordinary flexibility seems to have adapted it to almost all branches of production in the central Andes, has been found in the north. Instead, the northern peoples seem to have responded to the limitations and opportunities of their environment by building qualitatively diverse links with the surrounding niches. Among these we will encounter dynastic ties, exchange relations between households or other small units, intercommunal exogamy, longdistance exchange specialists, extraterritorial residence for purposes of apprenticeship or curing, extraterritorial sharecrop arrangements, the formation of ethnically mixed colonies, and military alliance. Partly because subsistence surpluses permitted specialization in some of these 43

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas functions, the smallness of the societies did not prevent marked differentiation of social strata. In fact the combination of small scale with complex organization is a hallmark of north Andean societies. The actual web of relationships in which each community engaged through these external linkages must have been immense. In a sense, the revolution-from-above engineered by the Incas constituted a radical simplification. The political economy of Tawantinsuyu, in its ideal form, had a certain quality of formulaic repetition; like the molecular matrix of a crystal, which, by repeating itself identically at ever more inclusive levels, produces ever larger but formally similar structures, the Inca state produced at least the appearance of a macrocosm-microcosm relation between state and community. This "crystalline" ideal was translated into reality by melting older local structures in the crucible of imperial coercive power. Prior aboriginal formations do not seem to have shown such formal regularity. Lacking the overwhelming power of the empire, they bore the imprint of local and historical idiosyncrasies in their environment. They might be compared to the twisted trees of the heights, in whose shapes one sees a concrete history of the struggle between their internal, genetic logic, and the external circumstances of their environment. No two of them are alike in shape, but they are not for that reason of different species. Similarly it is precisely the ability to grow under idiosyncratic, imperfectly controllable circumstances that gave the chiefdoms their vitality. But it will require the study of many more cases to tell what parts of their shapes express their inner logic, and which the forces around them.

44

The llajtakuna

The rule of native lords narrowly defined was a communal matter, most clearly visible when studied most locally. But the political economy within which the "cacique" operated only becomes visible when one studies the circum-Quito region as a whole. In the present chapter the aboriginal communities will be identified and grouped into small phytogeographical regions in order to highlight their environmental variety and suggest the differentials in production which contributed to regional interdependence. The word llajta, plural llajtakuna, of Quichua origin and usually translated as "village," has been used to designate the unit called pueblo de naturales ('native town or village') by the early Spaniards and "community" by modern social scientists. We have chosen the Quichua word in order to avoid anachronistic or ethnocentric connotations. For example, it is not meant to imply territorial integrity as a necessary condition, nor the existence of a nucleated center, nor fixed location. Its definition here consists only of traits demonstrably common to all the collectivities studied: a llajta is a group of persons sharing hereditary rights over certain factors of production (particular lands, the labor of certain people, and specific tools and infrastructures), and recognizing as a political authority a privileged member of their own number. Such an authority is termed "native lord" to distinguish him from rulers who were not acknowledged as members of the group. This term is equivalent to "chief" in Reichel-Dolmatoff s terminology and that of Steward and Faron, and includes the categories called "cacique" ('chieftain'), "senor natural" ('native lord'), and "principal" ('subchief,' 'leader' or 'notable') in colonial terminology. Locating the llajtakuna ecologically and chronologically

In order to group the ancient communities into economically significant subregions, we have employed, with some modifications, the scheme of "small regions" worked out by Francisco Teran (1962) and Misael 45

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Acosta-Solis (1962) for the plan Piloto del Ecuador sponsored by the Pan-American Institute of History and Geography. Teran's divisions are orographic and hydrographic, Acosta-Solis' phytogeographic, but they coincide well with each other and with the anthropological data. In Figure 9 the naming of the subregions corresponds to the sections of the present chapter in which they are discussed. Names of subregions are in Spanish when taken from Acosta-Solis, and in English when they represent a telescoping or expansion of Acosta-Solis' categories. The phrase "locating llajtakuna chronologically" is intended to draw attention to the movable quality of aboriginal settlements. They were not nomadic, but historical pressures have caused a great many of them to change locations one or more times. For this reason it is wholly misleading to equate modern places with ancient llajtakuna whose names they share, even when there is every likelihood of cultural continuity, without first consulting the diachronic record. This is especially true where economic and adaptive considerations are at stake, since colonial pressures caused systematic distortions in "vertical" organization. The problem has been studied with some success by the historian Carlos Emilio Grijalva (1921, 1940, 1947), but all his studies deal with regions to the north of Quito. Confusion between ancient and modern toponymy is due to the following hazards: Repetition of toponyms Some place names are not unique to particular places but reappear in widely separated locales. This phenomenon has been explained in part by P. Jesus Arriaga (1922) in regard to the Canar country, but the possibility that repetitions express ethnoecological or "sacred geography" ideas remains to be studied. In the Quito region, for example, three separate places are called "El Inca" (probably "Linca" in an Andean tongue; see Navas 1926:19). Distortions originating in the Spanish conquest At times the Spanish transferred names of prestigious places, especially royal Inca lodgings, to nearby places where they chose to make their own settlements. Grijalva shows that such was the case with Otavalo (1940). Distortions originating in the civil wars among Spaniards The first fourteen years of Spanish rule saw major wars fought among conquistador factions and against royal emissaries. While such armies 46

A Chillos Valley B Machachi Valley C Quito Plateau D Cumbaya Flatlands E Canyon and rims of the Guayllabamba River F Bocas de Montana G Northern Yumbos H Southern Yumbos

Figure 9. Scheme of subregional divisions

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas foraged for porters and supplies, life along the chief highways became intolerably dangerous for native communities. Some of these sought refuge at a distance from former sites. Such was the case of Uyumbicho, examined in detail below. Distortions originating in the process of forced resettlement By far the greatest source of toponymic confusion is the attempted resettlement of many, perhaps most, communities in artificial nucleated parishes. These campaigns of reduccion were extremely widespread under Viceroy Toledo and warrant suspicion of any toponymic data after 1570. The distortion can be measured in two dimensions: vertical foreshortening, and horizontal concentration. Vertical foreshortening resulted from the Spaniards' unwillingness to tolerate settlement in places hard to reach by horse, either because of remote situation on the upper slopes, or because of rough canyon and forest terrain. Locations between about 2,000 and 2,800 meters seem to have been preferred. These levels probably absorbed the population, and the toponyms, of llajtakuna formerly higher or lower. Horizontal concentration was an effect of the Spaniards' preference for large, nucleated settlements where a great number of natives could be supervised, indoctrinated, taxed, and recruited for conscript labor by a small number of Spaniards. Many smaller llajtakuna were forcibly consolidated to form such strategic hamlets (some of which, however, rapidly disaggregated). Sometimes their members identified themselves as "Indians from x village relocated in y village." The names of their former homes therefore often continue to appear in the document record long after the sites had become ghost towns. Non-Indians, too, used the ruins of depopulated settlements as landmarks. In the later sixteenth century such places sometimes figure in records as "the old village of *," to distinguish them from living settlements of the same names. Misreadings Modern writers unfamiliar with these hazards, including some generally reliable scholars, tend to mistake names of forgotten llajtakuna for misspellings of others, known today, whose names they superficially resemble. An example is Jimenez de la Espada's interpretation of Guanguilqui, a place between Guayllabamba and El Quinche (AM/Q t.79A:f.34r et seq.), as a variant of Sangolqui (An6nimo [1573] 1965:215). Uyumbicho, a llajta studied in the visita of 1559, offers a complex case of the problem of wandering communities. In 1559, prior to the major campaigns of forced resettlement, Uyumbicho had already migrated once 48

The Uajtakuna from its pre-Hispanic site, as we learn from a lawsuit of 1694 in which one of the litigants introduced a transcript of an early (1565) suit between the native lord of Uyumbicho, Don Juan Zumba, and the conquistador Hernando de Parr a: Very Powerful Lord, I, Don Juan Zumba, Cacique of the town of Uyumbicho under the encomienda of Francisco Ruiz, on my own behalf and in the name of the Indians of the said town, appear before your Highness, and in the best way and form that in law I may employ, set forth a claim against Hernando de la Parra, public magistrate [alcalde hordinario] of this city [Quito]. And I say thus: that Hernando de la Parra has intruded and is interfering by plowing and trying to sow against our will certain lands and cultivable fields in our town which I and my subject Indians have peacefully held as our own, since antiquity and the times of the Incas, always plowing, sowing and cultivating them among the Indians who have acquired them by inheritance from their fathers and ancestors . . . [Testimony of Don Francisco Condi, subchief of Uyumbicho] . . . [the witness] said he does not know how old he is but that he clearly remembers Wayna Q"apaq [Inca] and that he was already a man [in Wayna Q"apaq's time] and from his aspect he seemed very old, over seventy years, because his hair was entirely white . . . that the said Cacique had his houses and his Indians there as his own town, and that afterward when the Spanish came, since that place was downslope, and they [Spanish] would order them [Indians] to build their streets, they [Indians] moved to where they are now, with their fields and plantations remaining where they had always remained . . . [Testimony of Andres Zimbafia, native of Quito, weaver] . . . [the witness] said that he does not know how old he is, except that when Wayna Q"apaq came to this land he was already a full-grown youth . . . He said that he was acquainted with the grandfather of Don Juan Zumba, and that he [grandfather] had had his plantings on the lands that the current lawsuit concerns, and that he had had his town made there as on his own land, and that in the time of Gonzalo Pizarro, this witness saw that the Spanish who came with him [Pizarro] used to conscript the Indians in press gangs, since the said land was near the highway, and that for fear of this, they moved away to live where they are now, and they left their agricultural settlements [ranchos] in the said lands, and they still are such now, and that is where they still have their plantings (ANH/Q 3a notaria juicios, 1694:f2r, 14v, 1 15r, 17r, The Uyumbicho people's place of refuge from the Pizarran armies, likely to be the same place in which they were inspected in 1559, is probably not equivalent to the modern parish. The "cacique" who conducted the lawsuit of 1694 identified the first Uyumbicho as being at Tambillo. Since his testimony is late, this can be taken as meaning the modern parish of the same name. It was abandoned because it was too close to the royal highway and too "downslope," i.e., too near the traveled part of the valley floor. The refugees resettled at a place a league and a half away, and presumably uphill from Tambillo. Modern Uyumbicho is lower than Tambillo. There are two possible places which satisfy the conditions of being a league and a half from Tambillo, higher, and more distant from the highway: one is on the slopes of Pasochoa to the 49

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas MOJANOA "KNOT"

/ / ^ N I ( — ^ _ / ~ CUBH-LAN

/ / /7 : - :::::: \

COTOPAXli^U J 5.897

4>30

°

(

Figure 10. The Quito basin (Source: Teran 1962:2)

southeast, the other on those of Atacazo, to the west (see Figure 10). If the second Uyumbicho, the refuge site, is also the visita site, the latter is more likely, since it satisfies the visita specification of being equidistant with Anan Chillo (Amaguana) from Quito. This center is likely to have been among those emptied in the forced resettlements, replaced by a 50

The llajtakuna third Uyumbicho at the modern site. If any ruins remain, they are likely to be found in the upper cultivated zone, high pasture, or marginal paramo.

These data are ecologically suggestive. If pre-Hispanic Uyumbicho centered at or near Tambillo of today, it inhabited the lower part of Acosta-Solis' "Antropofitia 'temperada' ," that is, the finest maize lands. This goes against the Incaic and central-Andean norm of locating habitation centers slightly above the upper limit of maize agriculture, often on rocky places of marginal arability. Such a location suggests that the Uyumbicho residents felt little pressure on the productivity of their plantings. The second, or refuge, site is fairly likely to have been located in the extinct inter-Andean forest, since in 1551 city officials found hidden plantings of maize in the midst of the "forest of Uyumbicho" (2do LCQ t.2:383, 397). Uyumbicho's history suggests that the spacial separation between llajtakuna and their hereditary maize fields was not simply a product of conquest but a feature of native adaptation. The flight to the wooded heights took place under the command of native lords trained before the arrival of the Spanish, and is likely to have been a standard maneuver in the aboriginal adaptive repertory. Under the native order, plantings are likely to have been more or less fixed while centers of population might have migrated upward or downward as strategic conditions suggested. This would not necessarily imply nucleated settlements, but wartime and refuge settlements would have been less dispersed than those of peacetime. Cabello mentions that the Incas found the aborigines confident in the strategic strength of their rugged hillsides ([1586] 1951:369). Forests might have been choice refuge sites since temporary plantings could be prepared in places hard to find and harder still to attack. Such plantings, presumably prepared on short notice, may have implied the use of swidden agriculture as an alternative subsistence strategy. If such was the common practice of the Late Intermediate period (which, in the Quito area, extends almost to hispanic times), future archaeological studies will have to take account of the likelihood of multiple habitation sites prepared by single llajtakuna or else risk inflated estimates of population. In the following review of the subregions and their llajtakuna an attempt is made to take account of the wanderings, replacements, and renamings of settlements insofar as the data allow. The humid inter-Andean valleys

This group of subregions makes up the southeastern portion of the Quito region; it is predominantly bh-MB in ecology, formerly wooded, excep51

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas

Map 1. Humid inter-Andean valleys: A, Chillos Valley; B, Machachi Valley; C, Quito Plateau

tionally productive of maize, and, in pre-Hispanic times, one of the most densely settled zones (see Map 1). The Chillos Valley Boundaries and environment: The northern boundary is the isolated peak of Ilal6, the western, Pasochoa Mountain, the eastern, Antisana volcano (a snowcap of 5,756 meters), and the southern, the peak of Sincholagua (see Figure 11). Its east-west and north-south dimensions are each about 25-30 kilometers. Teran (1962:18) gives the overall elevation of the valley floor as 2,500 meters, but there are more or less level lands up to 2,700 meters. The flattest and richest parts, on both banks of the San Pedro River (i.e. upper Guayllabamba), fall entirely in the "Antropofitia 'templada' " or bh-MB ecological level. A thin cover of alluvial soil moistened by moderate and predictable rains nourishes a dense natural and cultivated growth. The slopes of Antisana and Pasochoa offer immense extensions of paramo (p-SA). In two places, El Tingo and La Merced, thermal and mineral springs occur. 52

oCUNUCYACU

HOT SPRINGS • g? 4,457

PARISH (MODERN) OROGRAPHIC FEATURE METERS ABOVE SEA LEVEL

Figure 11. Valleys of Machachi and los Chillos (Source: Teran 1962:10)

53

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Principal llajtakuna: The location of the main settlements prior to resettlement can be established from the itinerary of the 1559 administrative researchers: Places inspected Puembo, 17 Jan. 1559 Pingolqui, 19 Jan. 1559 El Ynga, 20 Jan. 1559 Urin Chillo, 22 Jan. 1559 Anan Chillo, 26 Jan. 1559 Uyumbicho, 30 Jan. 1559

Distance from Quito 4 leagues (f.811r) 2.5 leagues (f.804v) 5 leagues (f.818v) 3 leagues (f.839v) 3 leagues (f.858r) 3 leagues (f.870r)

The last four localities belong to the Chillos Valley. Since the route is clearly north to south, one may suppose the two Chillos to be north of Uyumbicho, in the central part of the valley. The names of their respective "caciques" at the time of the inspection give a clue to more exact location: the Urin lord, Juan Zangolqui, may be related to the modern parish of Sangolqui (this toponym was already in use before 1600), and the Anan lord, Amador Amaguaiia, to the parish which bears his name, slightly south of Sangolqui. Of the places called El Ynga (Bell 1965, Perez 1960), only one, the modern Hacienda El Ynga on the slopes of the eastern cordillera east of Alangasi, satisfies the specification of a fiveleague distance from Quito. Other llajtakuna of verifiable antiquity are Alangasi, Conocoto, Pintag and extinct Changally. Agricultural production: The Chillos Valley was the maize zone par excellence in 1559 and still is. According to Acosta-Solis (1962:55) it is fertile of all the temperate highland crops, but especially of the grain known throughout the country as Chillo maize, a large-grained bright yellow variety with tall thick stalks. The people interviewed in 1559 invariably named maize as the most important of their crops (M y SM 1559:f.817r, 838r, 856r, 869r). El Ynga reported seed to yield ratios of 1:20 "and some years up to thirty when the weather is good." In Urin Chillo, Don Juan Zangolqui seems to have been protecting his wealth by minimizing it when he reported 1:10 for his own fields and 1:6 or 1:7 for commoners' fields. Anan Chillo reported 1:25 and Uyumbicho 1:60 or 1:70 except in years of excessive rainfall. Spanish witnesses, less disposed to minimize the agricultural riches of the area (because not taxed for them) gave figures of 1:20-40 (Anonimo [1573] 1965:212) and 1:40-50 (Valverde and Rodriguez [1576] 1965:170). Modern techniques give yields of 1:60-120 (Acosta-Solis 1962:55). Although certain European crops, notably wheat and barley, had come into wide use by 1559 none equaled maize in productivity. 54

The llajtakuna All the communities reported producing potatoes in 1559, but none kept knot records of them "because they sow them for their own sustenance" (that is, because tubers were considered a subsistence base apart from the tributary economy; M y SM 1559:f.856r). The same may be said of the beans and lupine and "other roots (probably tubers such as oca and melloco) which they eat." Urin Chillo informed the Spanish that potatoes "grow badly and in small amounts" (f.838r). The remaining Andean tubers are attested in Uyumbicho, where "native melons," perhaps zambos, are also mentioned without explanation. Other production: The inter-Andean forests which distinguished the Chillos Valley attracted the attention of the Spanish, and their demands for structural lumber to build colonial Quito soon resulted in the destruction of the "Uyumbicho forest" and other stands. As early as 1551 the Quito city council persecuted Uyumbicho people inhabiting the coveted forest (2d0 LCQ t.2:383,397). In 1559 Urin Chillo had had to recall its four "carpenters" because large trees had become scarce (M y SM 1559:838r), where before they could cut "lintels," "rafters, "beams from twenty-five to thirty feet long," "truss rods," "doorframes, and braces" within a league and a half of home (f.869r, 870v, 842v, 860v). Evidently they had local access to trees much larger than any now found in the inter-Andean corridor apart from artificially introduced species. In spite of conservationist measures initiated in the 1560s (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.l:733; CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:238) a large part of the lumbering industry seems to have moved to the external west slope forest before 1580 (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:115). Overexploitation of the Yumbos in this new industry was one cause of their population decline around 1580-1600 (AGI/S Aud. Quito 86 .12:f.lv). Nonetheless the making of wooden goods by artisans continued to be a Chillos industry even after the depletion of local timber (AM/Q V Libro de Censos:f.l56r). Among other wild resources exploited by aborigines were the fruit of the guabo or pakay and, in the Conocoto area, certain "canebrakes and reed thickets" claimed by two natives in a late sixteenth-century suit (ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.925r). Apart from the llama herds assigned to local groups by the Inca state, the only domesticated animals mentioned are guinea pigs, which were eaten, and hunting dogs (M y SM 1559:f.817r, 856r, 869r). A large part of the protein diet derived from hunting, for which El Ynga, located higher than the remaining communities and at a distance from dense human population, had a marked advantage. Only the El Ynga chief had "an Indian hunter who brings him game and wild goods for his household" (M y SM 1559:f.817v). 55

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas The Machachi Valley Boundaries and environment: The flat-bottomed valley surrounding the modern town of Machachi extends from Tambillo to the Tiopullo "knot" in the south, and is about five kilometers wide from the slopes of El Corazon Mountain in the west to those of Ruminahui Mountain in its southeastern corner. It lies somewhat higher than the Chillos Valley, with Machachi at 2,940 meters (Andrade Marin 1945:112) and borders on enormous stretches oi paramo which today nourish a prosperous livestock economy. It is noticeably more humid than the Chillos Valley. Principal llajtakuna: Machachi, the major town of the subregion today, was in pre-Hispanic times inferior to the Inca-developed Panzaleo (not to be confused with another Panzaleo in modern Cotopaxi Province). Although Panzaleo ceased to exist during the colony, it seems to have been located approximately within a triangle formed by Machachi, Aloasi, and Aloag (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63). A16ag and Aloasi also are aboriginal settlements of pre-Columbian origin. Agricultural production: Early ethnohistoric data are not yet available. In 1650 the area was characterized as very productive of potatoes, but its maize production did not merit mention (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63). In modern times it is noted for green vegetables of good quality and may have abounded in yuyu (edible greens). There were preHispanic hydraulic works, but it is not known whether they were intended for irrigation, drainage, or for the baths which were typical retreats of the Inca elite: "close to the waystations on the royal road which passes through these towns, there flows in canals, dating from the time of the Incas, a quantity of water that tastes slightly of iron" (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63). Other production: A fragment of a 1557 document (ANH/Q Legajo varios 4°; copia mecanografica "tomada del libro de cedulas de 503. pagina 440" according to a copyist's note) states there were forests "beyond Aloa going along the royal road on the right-hand side" and also "a large marsh at the cigzales of the way station next to the field which extends down from the town of Machachi." "Cigzal" presumably means a place abounding in sigsig, a hollow reed used in recent times as a source of oil for lighting and also for making spinning distaffs. The Quito Plateau Boundaries and environment: Orographically one may consider as a single subregion the entire raised plain extending, with a slight downward 56

The Uajtakuna grade, from Turubamba and Chillogallo in the south, through urban Quito past Cotocollao toward Pomasqui and San Antonio (see Figure 12). It forms a sort of shelf on the lower flanks of Pichincha Volcano, bounded to the east by the ridge of which Ichimbia forms part. Teran describes it as "a step or ledge . . . formed by the high plateau which spreads from Atacazo Mountain as far as Tanlagua and ends with the descent of the Guayllabamba Canyon" (1962:17). Urban Quito occupies its central and narrowest part. In spite of orographic unity, however, it is impossible to place all its lands in a single ecological class. From the southerly parts, more elevated, cold, and humid, toward the northerly parts, which are lower, hotter, and dryer, one observes a marked transition in both natural and cultivated vegetation. For this reason the northern part (i.e. north of Cotocollao) is treated together with other relatively xerophytic areas in the following section. The moist southern part ecologically resembles the Machachi Valley. It is inhabited today beyond three thousand meters in newly settled neighborhoods of Quito, and in ancient times it is likely that the limit was higher. Like Machachi, it had ample marshes and forests (l r LCQ t.l:84, 94, 96). The part which today houses the urban center was crossed by deep transverse ravines. The northern outskirts were distinguished chiefly for their lacustrine resources, which, on the whole, are scarce and prized in the northern sierra. "Next to this city of Quito, there are two sweetwater lakes . . . they are clean and healthy" (Salazar Villasante [1562?] 1965:133; see also T LCQ 1.1:69-70, 145). These "lakes of Afiaquito" were later artificially drained to open further urban expansion. Their reserves of aquatic plants and animals, and the green meadow surrounding them, had attracted population since the remote Formative period. Principal Uajtakuna: Machangara and Machangarilla to the south of the urban center, which became swollen with urbanized natives during the colony, probably had pre-Hispanic roots. Chillogallo conserved more of the character of a llajta. To the north lay Afiaquito or Inaquito, also an urban-native center of ancient origin, Cotocollao, and the extinct Ypia or Hipia (AM/Qlr Libro de Censos:f.l26r, 169r) and Guabro (CVG l a ser. vol. 31:521). Agricultural production: The south Quito high plain is of special importance for understanding the agricultural bases of native polities because archaeological remains clearly display a system of raised field agriculture (Knapp and Ryder in press). Located near Chillogallo, these earthworks probably date to the period 1250-1515 A.D. Raised fields, called camellones by the Spanish, are repeatedly attested in the northern highlands. 57

CASJTAGUA 3.514 * POMASQUI

RUCU PICHINCHA 4.324 COTOCOLLAO GUAGUA PICHINCHA 4.783

PARISH (MODERN) OROGRAPHIC FEATURE 3,514

Figure 12. Altiplano (high plain) of Quito (Source: Teran 1962:6)

58

METERS ABOVE SEA LEVEL

The Uajtakuna By modifying water flow, microclimate on planted surfaces, availability of humus and silt, and growth of protein sources in ditch waters, raised fields seem to have sharply increased the productive value of moist highland plateaus. The raised fields near Chillogallo exhibit unusually deep ditches and short wavelength, factors suggesting high labor inputs in ditch cleaning, which might be justified by double-cropping of maize and potatoes. It seems likely that such infrastructures underlay the maize-based polities of the north. At least this idea helps explain the frequent association of such chiefdoms with marshy flats and lacustrine areas. The southern part was reported especially productive of tubers (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63-64). The lakes of the north were certainly used for irrigation in colonial times and possibly before (Anonimo [1573] 1965:212). According to Acosta-Solis the lands of the entire subregion "have been intensively worked since pre-Incaic times, not only in the valleys, bottomlands, and flats, but also on their hillsides and upper extensions more than 3,300 meters above sea level" (1968:51). Other production: Wild resources of the inter-Andean forest were exploited in the southern half (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63-64). The lakes of Anaquito were heavily populated with birds and offered good hunting: "Reeds grow in it; and so many wild ducks and herons gather among them that they cover the water" (Salazar Villasante [156?] 1965:133). Rodriguez Docampo thought the lakes were created especially as game preserves: "a great lake which Wayna Q"apaq made for his recreations, the hunting of ducks and herons and other birds" ([1650] 1965:212), but this is not corroborated in earlier sources. Presumably the lakes of Anaquito, like others of the sierra, were centers of totora (Scirpus) reed artisan production. The dry inter-Andean valleys

The northeastern part of the Quito region consists of lower, hotter, and drier lands than the southeast; its terrains vary from true desert to irrigable river margins of extraordinary fertility, and in pre-Hispanic times contained numerous small settlements together with a few intensively developed irrigation sites (see Map 2). The dominant ecological type is bs-MB. The flats of Cumbayd

Boundaries and environment: The modern parish of Cumbaya lies in a broad, flat valley floor which stretches from the Guayllabamba River to the lower slopes of the eastern cordillera. To the south Halo peak divides 59

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas

Map 2. Dry inter-Andean valleys: D, Cumbaya flatlands; E, canyon and rims of the Guayllabamba River

these flats from the Chillos Valley. To the north, it is closed off by an incomplete "knot" extending from the eastern cordillera. The central parts, around modern Tumbaco and Cumbaya, are warmer and drier than the marginal parts, at the foot of the eastern cordillera (Teran 1962:19). Typical altitudes are Tumbaco 2,332 meters; Puembo 2,444 meters; Pifo 2,599 meters; El Quinche 2,632 meters. During the "summer" (dry season), the area presents a parched, windswept appearance, but during the rains, and all year where irrigation is practiced, it is rich in flowers and parklike greenery. Principal Uajtakuna: The modern towns of Tumbaco, Puembo, Cumbaya, Gu&pulo, El Quinche, Pifo, and Yaruqui are eponyms of ancient Uajtakuna. They also absorbed a large number of smaller pre-resettlement centers. Among the ghost towns of the sixteenth century were Apianda (lr LCQ 1.1:139 AM/Q lrLibro de Censos:f.l75v) and Pingolqui of the visita (l r LCQ t.2:202-203, AM/Q V Libro de Censos:f.l56r). Both were neighbors of Tumbaco. Itulcache seems to have been a separate community (2d0 LCQ t.2:302-303), but the existence in the documentation here and elsewhere of thousands of microtoponyms, mostly names of cultivated fields, 60

The llajtakuna makes the identification of subsidiary centers hazardous. "El pueblo de las guavas" ('the village of guava fruit'), a phrase which appears repeatedly in the earliest stratum of documents, seems to refer to Cumbaya or a nearby locale (Rumazo in footnotes of l r LCQ; for a different interpretation, see Costales 1960:233). The town of "old Puembo" is mentioned in 1570 (APS/Q LB 2°:f.suelto 3v). An undated document probably of the 1580s (ANH/Q 5a notaria t.3:f.220v-221v) includes a testimony of certain "caciques" of Yaruqui and Cotocollao about "some lands for sowing grain and other foods, forage and pasture of their livestock, which in ancient times were the site of their houses and population center [poblazon], called Raracachi and Chinangachi, common lands, hills and ravines, which extend toward a paramo called Cumburu and the villages of Cachuqui, Ciquiluli, and Pillaquil, which they have held and hold and possess as their own property, and population centers where the Inca had them settled . . . and their fathers and ancestors for a very long time before the Spanish discovered this kingdom." The paramo of Cuniburu was "on the heights of Pifo" (AM/Q V Libro de Censos:f.208r); Chinangachi and Cachuqui belonged to what is now Yaruqui. Agricultural production: The visita of 1559 gives some data on maize yields in the area. If one can credit the testimony, they were high in the center of the plateau (seed to yield 1:50 in Pingolqui) and low at the cooler edges (1:5 in Puembo; M y SM 1559:f.803v, 809v). The same source mentions that neither cotton nor coca could be produced locally, and that potatoes yielded poorly. The most successful agriculture of the area may have been that of fruits and vegetables. In 1650 Rodriguez Docampo observed that the warmer parts were known for "chickpeas, beans, broad beans, peanuts, red pepper, quinces, figs, and guayabas" (1965:62). The guabo or pakay, a fruit still considered symbolic of the region, is frequently mentioned from earliest conquest times (l r LCQ 1.1:116, 120-121, 139-140). Chirimoya (Annona cherimolia 'custard apple'), guayaba, and the Andean black cherry capuli can also be grown. It is likely to have been because of its handsome fruit groves and flower gardens that part of the Cumbaya flatland was chosen for private lands of the Inca (see Chapter 6). All of these products depend heavily on irrigation, and it is known that aborigines of the sixteenth century maintained waterworks at least in one of the llajtakuna but their origin remains unclear. Other production: "Hunting of rabbits and deer" is mentioned in Rodriguez Docampo ([1650] 1965:62). The area probably lacked forests, lakes, and marshes. The thermal springs at Cunucyacu (Quichua: 'warm water') appear to have become an Inca spa (Uhle 1930:10). 61

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Canyon and rims of the Guayllabamba River Boundaries and environment: Throughout the northern Andes, areas where rivers break through the mountain walls show markedly xerophytic landscapes (Troll 1968), not only in the river canyons themselves but on surrounding rimlands. Here several of Acosta-Solis' "small regions" are consolidated, all partaking of this regime to varying degrees. The first of these is the northern extreme of the Quito plateau, that is, from Cotocollao northward through Pomasqui and San Antonio de Pichincha (historic Lulunbamba), including the tablelands of Zambiza, Calderon (historic Carapungo) and Marianita de Jesus. The second consists of the dry lands of the Rio Pisque basin extending toward Cayambe, to the north of the Guayllabamba, which resemble the corresponding southern tablelands. The third is quite different, being a true desert rather than a meso-xerophytic environment. It consists of the various small plateaus found in the bottom of the gigantic Guayllabamba Canyon at slight elevations over the river itself. The highest of these barely surpasses 2,000 meters. The first two, with typical altitudes between 2,300 and 2,700 meters, are, like the Cumbaya flats, seasonally green. Rainfall is scarce, in some parts barely reaching five hundred millimeters per year (Ferdon 1950:73). Drought-resistant trees such as the guarango (Tara spinosa) and molle (Schinus mollis) as well as various cacti such as the fruit-bearing tuna (Opuntia tuna) and three types of agave (Fourcroya siseliana, F. gigantea, and Agave americana) typify these lands. The third class, canyon-bottom plateaus, supports a meager vegetation of xerophytes save where irrigation has fostered fruit groves. Principal llajtakuna: In spite of difficult conditions, these lands housed numerous small settlements. In the first sector Zambiza, Lulunbamba, Pululagua, Posolqui, Pomasqui, and possibly Tanlagua and Carapungo are artificially nucleated, but probably not transplanted, aboriginal centers. In the second Oton, Cayambe, Tabacundo, Cangahua, and the extinct Guangiiilqui, Cochasqui, and El Guanca show verifiable antiquity. In the canyon itself, Guayllabamba, Puellaro, and Perucho are probably ancient settlements. Agricultural production: The ecological and agronomic literature on the dry lands is ample, thanks chiefly to Acosta-Solis, who has done his most detailed work in them (1941, 1953, 1969, 1970). Unfortunately archaeology and ethnohistory have not yet advanced to where this research can be used to full advantage. 62

The llajtakuna The first sector probably subsisted, as it still does, on a somewhat precarious maize agriculture augmented with fruit, squash and gourds, beans and garden vegetables, with a specialization in growing and processing of agave. The various agave-like plants, although not lacking in any part of the sierra, are especially evident here and find many uses: the fiber is made into cord and sandals, and, in pre-Hispanic and early colonial times, served for a humble grade of clothing (Atienza [1575?] 1931:52). Tsaur mishki, the sweet juice, is drunk fresh, or fermented to make warapu. The green inflorescences can be pickled or cooked, and the tall mast of the mature plant, tsaur kiru ('agave tooth'), when dried, forms a durable and lightweight structural material. The dried root makes slow-burning firewood. Evidence on the agriculture of the second sector was not collected for lack of ethnohistorical correlates. The agriculture of Pomasqui is more than usually interesting since there are signs of irrigation, either Incaic or pre-Incaic (l r LCQ 1.1:108-115). Although its rains only reach some 430 millimeters per year, and although its temperatures are as high as those of parched Calder6n, Pomasqui was the apple of the conquerors' eyes and was their first choice in the sharing out of lands. This would be inexplicable without irrigation. Rodriguez Docampo extolled its lands: "They are rich in wheat, maize, barley, beans, and great quantities of flowers and vegetables; it [Pomasqui] is the greatest treasure of this city, because of the gardens that exist in it" ([1650] 1965:62). As will be seen in Chapter 6, these "gardens" were almost certainly Inca-administered. Irrigation gives still more spectacular results in the desert lands of the Guayllabamba Canyon floor. Today, the passage from the scorched waste outside Guayllabamba town into its lush and shady fruit groves is unforgettable, and Cieza was also impressed when passing through before 1550: From Cochasqui one walks to Guayllabamba, which is four leagues from Quito, and where, because the land is low and almost exactly on the equator, it is hot; but not so much so as to prevent the place from being well populated, and everything needed for human sustenance is available . . . Along the roads that go through these lodgings [aposentos, i.e. Inca way station at Guayllabamba] there are some rivers, and they all have their bridges, and they are very neglected [van bien desechados], and there are great buildings and many things to see ([1553] 1962:127).2

It is hard to see how such a place could be "well populated" in the absence of irrigation but it is not known whether the hydraulic works were originally Incaic or pre-Incaic. Incas certainly did make use of it, as we learn from a native witness who, around 1558, reported that "Tupaq Yupanki" expropriated his "irrigation canal" in the Guayllabamba Valley. It was used to produce "michiay" maize, probably a mistranscription oimichka 'early-ripening variety' (Monroy 1930:159). 63

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas

Map 3. F, Bocas de montana

Other production: Nothing is known of hunting or wild products from ethnohistorical sources. Forests were probably lacking or sparse. Bocas de montana In Ecuadorian Spanish the phrase boca de montana ('mouth of the forest') refers to any of the steep, funnel-shaped valleys that open from the inter-Andean highlands out and down toward the coastal or Amazonian foothills and forests (see Map 3). These gaps present distinctive landscapes which Acosta-Solis considers as "small regions" in their own right. The bocas to the west of Quito are San Jose de Minas, Calacali, Nono, Lloa, and Tandapi (1962:66-67). Their ethnohistoric interest derives from their constituting the most convenient passages between sierran and west-slope lands. (The pass through which the Guayllabamba River tumbles into the western foothills, although it makes a straight path into the Yumbo country, is forbiddingly steep, rough, arid, and hot, and is less likely to have been a major avenue of traffic.) 64

The llajtakuna

Map 4. Yumbo country in western foothills and lowlands: G, northern Yumbos; H, southern Yumbos

Lands inside these great gaps tend to be cool and misty, and intensely green because of the moisture that continually arrives with the cloudbanks boiling up through their narrow necks. In modern times these places are used chiefly for the farming of potatoes, ocas, mellocos, wheat, barley, and livestock. The original forest cover has been destroyed. Ethnohistoric data are still scarce, but a major population center on the scale of the Chillos existed at Calacali (AGI/S Aud. Quito 23). The Yumbo country

The gradation of forested ecological tiers which follow each other down the western or seaward slope of the western cordillera forms a fairly constant pattern from south to north. The division into two sub-regions used here is based on hydrographic, not ecological, factors. The northern Yumbo country (G) consists of lands drained by the lower tributaries (see Map 4) of the Guayllabamba, while the southern Yumbo country (B) is drained by the Rio Blanco and its tributaries. The Yumbo country as a whole, and most or all of the Nigua country, was bounded by the western 65

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas cordillera, and by these two rivers up to their junction, which forms the Esmeraldas. This division seems to correspond to a bipolar pattern of Yumbo population, but it is possible that the clearing up of some still murky toponymic questions will show a bridge of population to have existed between the two concentrations. It is necessary by way of prologue to eliminate a longstanding confusion between the ancient and modern meanings of the word "Yumbo." This matter is also treated in Porras (1974:165-175), where additional documentation tending to the same conclusion will be found. The word "Yumbo" in its modern acceptation is a generic, and more than slightly scornful, term for any member of any tropical forest tribe. It is most commonly used of the peoples of the western Amazonian Basin, particularly the Quijos. In modern Quichua folklore of the sierra it is associated with the idea of the naturmensch, a fierce, vain, impulsive, imperfectly socialized person with a special mastery of magic powers. In the sixteenth century, on the other hand, "yumbo" was not the name of a cultural archetype but a specific ethnological term, referring to the natives of Pichincha Volcano's western flanks. The distinction between Yumbos and Quijos is quite clear in Cieza: Between this town of Panzaleo, and the city of Quito, there are some settlements toward one side and the other among forests. To the western [sic] side is the Chillos Valley and Langazi [sic, for Alangasi] where . . . the natives are friends and confederates . . . From here one takes a road which goes to the forests of Yumbo, in which there are some settlements where the natives are not of such good service as those neighboring Quito, nor so docile, but rather more vicious and haughty; which results from their living in such rough country, and from having in it, because it is hot and fertile, much natural wealth . . . Another road heads toward the rising of the sun, and it goes to some settlements called Quixo, populated by Indians of the same kind and customs as these ([1553] 1962:132-133).3

The ambiguous reference of "these" in the last phrase has caused some controversy about this passage: to whom are the Quijos being compared? Jij6n y Caamano (1940-19471.1:286-296; t.2:546-547) saw a comparison with the inhabitants of "this town," i.e. Panzaleo. Verneau and Rivet considered it a comparison with "those neighboring Quito," that is, the Chillos people (1912:62). But it is at least as likely that "these" refers to the Yumbos. First, the juxtaposition of Quijos with Yumbos forms a rhetorical antithesis ("a road . . . another road"), so that one would expect the people associated with the former road to be compared with those associated with the latter. Second, it is characteristic of Cieza, especially in the north Andean chapters, to take an interest in the relation between "customs" and natural settings; he might well have wished to compare two instances of the indomitable "haughtiness" of tropical forest-dwelling peoples. 66

The Uajtakuna By this reading, Quijos and Yumbos could not possibly be synonyms. But even the cited authors, who do not share it, never allow, as certain modern authors do, terminological confusion between Amazonian tribes and "the true Yumbos, dwellers on the western slopes of the Andes" (Jijon's phrase). The use of "Yumbo" for Amazonian peoples seems to begin in post-Toledan times and may be connected with the rapid decline of the true Yumbos after their belated conquest by Spain or with an expanded use of the term among Jesuit missionaries familiar with both western and eastern forests (AMer/Q:t.1:53-55; Nolasco 1966:187; AGI/S Aud. Quito 86.12f.lr-v), but the matter has not been systematically studied. More precise data on the location of the true Yumbos is found in an anonymous "Report on the Indians who live in the province of the Yumbos and the towns that exist there" ([1582] 1965:335-336). The Yumbo settlements mentioned are Gualla (Gualea), San Juan de los Niguas, Llulluto, Nanical (Nanegal), Alambi, Camoqui, Cachillata, Zarapullo, Napa, Alaqui, Canzacoto, El Ambo, Topo, Mindo, and Tuza. Those of the list still in use refer to western Pichincha Province, not Amazonia. Furthermore, a 1562 criminal trial refers to "Yanbe de los Yumbos" (CVG l a ser. vol. 31:714-727); Maldonado (see Figure 1) records "Yambe" west of Lloa. In 1580 Archbishop Pedro de la Pena wrote about the "province of the Yumbos, which descends toward the Pacific ocean over the Bay known as San Matheo" (CVG 3a ser. vol. 1:728). But the author who fixes the Yumbo region with the most precision is Miguel Cabello de Balboa: "This province of Yumbos . . . covers over twenty leagues in length, and has on its east the city of Quito, on its west the Bay of Tacames [i.e. Atacames], and to its north the mountains of Lita" ([1579] 1945:62). As Yumbo settlements Cabello lists "Gualea, Cachillacta, Nanical, Alanbi, Mindo, Jit an, Embitusa, Alosqui, Nappa, Cansacoto and Bilau Carapullo; this being the last town going toward Sigchos." Although Cabello, like the archbishop, first used the word "Yumbo" to cover a strip all the way to the Pacific, he later clarifies that not all the peoples between Quito and the coast are properly Yumbos by cultural or political criteria: Farther down [from the towns just mentioned], close to where the land is flat, there is another province, where, although it is true that the people are also called Yumbos, they are not really such, because their language and customs and their clothing are different; these are the ones called Niguas, of whom I made mention earlier. Some of these Niguas are still in their liberty, and do not serve or pay tribute to anybody (Cabello [1579?] 1945: 62-63).4 The Yumbos, unlike the still sovereign Niguas, were at peace with all their neighbors (Cabello [1579?] 1945:58). 67

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas From these data one may infer that the Yumbos were a west-slope population of the forested foothills, located somewhat dangerously between sierran peoples hungry for tropical goods and lowlanders intolerant of highland intervention. (Periods of conflict between the Spanish and the Niguas were characterized by assassination of Yumbo chiefs; CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.2:530.) The balancing of military danger against economic opportunity must have determined in major part their still obscure political history. Northern Yumbos Boundaries and environment: The bulk of the population seems to have concentrated on the small affluents of the Rio Alambi, which, in turn, joins the lower Guayllabamba near ancient Cachillacta. The absence of data antedating the Toledan interventions makes it hard to situate the population ecologically, but after 1570 it centered about 1,200-1300 meters above sea level in the lower "cloud forest" (see Figure 1). Principal llajtakuna: The Maldonado map (Figure 1) shows a number of colonially influenced villages which are likely to have some continuity with true llajtakuna'. Cachillata or Cachillacta (Quichua: 'salt village'), which was a region on the south bank of the Guayllabamba upriver from the confluence with the Alambi; Alambi, on the river of the same name; Gualea, on the west side of the same river and probably the most populous of the northern centers; and Nanegal, on the upper waters of the Alambi. If the anonymous author of the 1582 report meant to list sites in north-south order, Llulluto and Camoqui belonged to this group. A group of "Bola Niguas," probably related to the non-Yumbo Niguas Cabello described, are shown by Maldonado as near neighbors, just west of Gualea. Agricultural production: Among the "natural wealth" which Cieza thought the Yumbos enjoyed, aji (red peppers), peanuts, maize, yuca (i.e. manioc), camote (i.e. sweet potatoes), and jiquimas are confirmed by Rodriguez Docampo ([1650] 1965:61). Jimenez de la Espada identifies "jiquimas" as Pachyrrhizus tuberosus, and the "coco" of Yumbos as cacao. It is more likely, however, to have been coca. Surviving tribute records of the 1580s show them to have had impressive facilities for both the growing and processing of cotton: The Indians of Gualea and Niguas pay as tribute a peso and a half of gold of nineteen carats and three grains per person per year, and a mantle of white cotton, lightweight, of single thread, two and a quarter varas long and two wide, 68

The llajtakuna and half a fanega of maize, and two birds. And those of Llulluto [pay] a peso and half of gold of the same purity, an arroba of cotton, and two birds. The Indians of Alambi and Nanegal pay their encomenderos a peso and half of gold of nineteen carats and three grains per person per year, and a mantle of lightweight cotton of single thread, two and a quarter varas long and two wide, and half a fanega of maize and two birds every year. And those of the towns of Camoqui and Cachillata: the Camoqui people two arrobas of cotton and one mantle of the standard type, and those of Cachillata two silver pesos, one mantle of the standard type, and an arroba of cotton ([1582] 1965:334-336).5

In post-Toledan times there are some grounds for suspecting a division of labor between the riverine centers, for example Cachillacta and Camoqui, which tributed in raw fiber and ordinary mantles, and those situated at some three to five hundred meters over the rivers, which tributed in the "lightweight mantle of single thread." Possibly cotton planting took place on the river margins and its elaboration into luxury goods in sites slightly removed from them. Other production: Rodriguez Docampo's list of apparently wild resources ([1650] 1965:61) does indeed suggest "natural wealth." Guadua, i.e. Guadua angustifolia, a thick bamboolike cane used in house building, was collected, as well as "cedro" wood (much prized in Quito), plantains, avocados, pineapples, lucumas (i.e. Achras), "palmitos" "cidras" (i.e. citron?), limes, oranges, guavas, guayabas, and medicinal roots and herbs. Collection of "caucho" (latex) and resins for incense are mentioned. For none of these products is it clear what role artificial planting played. Various wild animals were hunted. But none of these surpassed the product which gave Cachillacta 'the salt village' its name: Perez (1960:323) mentions that the spring from which it was refined is still used by local people. Southern Yumbos Boundaries and environment: Although they are now thinly settled, the Rio Blanco tributaries once housed a considerable number of aboriginal communities. If the post-Toledan data, which show Cansacoto at an altitude of some two thousand meters, may be trusted, southern Yumbos seem to have settled somewhat higher in the "cloud forest" than their northern counterparts (see Figure 1). Principal llajtakuna: The communities which apparently suffered forced resettlement included Mindo, on the Mindo River upstream from the junction with the Saloya; Topo, on the shores of the Tofo; Yambe, near 69

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Topo on the Yambe River where it joins the Calapi; Cansacoto, straight west of sierran Sangolqui behind the peak of Cutuglagua; Zarabullo or Bilau £arapullo, probably on the Zarapullo River which springs from headwaters on the heights of Iliniza and joins the Pilaton River; Alorqui, at or near modern Alluriquin; and, probably, Jit an, Embitusa, and Nappa. The Niguas of the south, like those of the north neighbors of the Yumbos, appear close to Yambe at "Coca Niguas" on Maldonado's map. Agricultural production'. Like their northern compatriots, the southern Yumbos seem to have managed an economy markedly specialized in cotton. An interview between Spanish authorities and the Yumbo lords of Cansacoto, "Don Francisco Quillagaco paramount chief and don Baltasar Caco Ypiraxage and don Luys Montaguano and Guacha and Quichata Xiychata Cana Yangarima subchiefs and Xicasi and Tasintuna and Pilatuna," was held in 1561. It shows that the Cansacoto Yumbos ordinarily tributed in "shirts," "liquidas" (lijlla, large shawl forming the outer garment of Andean women), cotton tents or awnings, kerchiefs, and "a hundred balls of thread larger than a person's head" plus hundreds of arrobas of crude cotton fiber. They also gave peanuts and capsicum peppers (AGI/S Justicia 68 3:f.795r-v). Topo, Mindo, and Tuza added moderate amounts of gold (Anonimo [1582] 1965:336). These locales may not have produced as much cotton per person as the Guayllabamba River Yumbos, but there is no doubt of their ability to supply surpluses to outside consumers. Other production: Presumably resources were similar to those of the north. Rodriguez Docampo ([1650] 1965:63) mentions fish, and the 1561 interview, honey. The regional economic constellation

Each of the "small regions" contains within itself an appreciable "vertical" variation, and from what is known of chiefdoms of the area, it is likely that each of these enjoyed access to a more or less representative array of nearby tiers and resources through the device which Oberem (1976b) calls "microverticality" (i.e. short-radius multiple exploitations of niches adjacent to llajtakuna). But precisely for this reason, polities within a given subregion are likely to have shown a centripetal tendency. In the absence of complementary differences which might allow an "organic" relationship, or of demographic pressures which might allow a populous but hungry sector to impose a coercive unification, the chiefdoms seem to have striven for local autonomy. It is true that in the sierra there appears a tendency for a larger, richer formation to appear in the 70

The Uajtakuna central part of each subregion, but these formations are not known to have exercised a governmental integrating function over the rest. Neither do the sets of subregions which have been classified together constitute in themselves units for a complementary integration. Although culture itself may manufacture grounds for exchange (see Chapter 5, where such use of communal exogamy is discussed), the resource bases of, for example, the humid inter-Andean valleys are too alike to invite it. It may be that this was the level of politics which produced the local wars with which the "warring chiefdoms" (Steward and Faron's phrase) are commonly associated (for example, the Otavalo-Caranqui war mentioned by Cieza). It is between the sets of subregions, not within them, that major axes of interdependency are evident. The precise cultural content of interdependency will be reviewed in the next chapter, but even from the gross overall constellation certain conditions and their likely consequences are plain. First, no single chiefdom is known to have enjoyed political dominion anywhere outside its own "small region." This implies that the political dimension of economy consisted in good part of the struggle to guarantee access outside the reach of coercive controls. Therefore we can hypothesize that the establishment of diverse, flexible exterior exchange links will be a prime consideration in cacical politics. Second, it is geographically evident that there are two potential channels for such links: direct penetration of the "foreign" zones, or indirect access via a central exchange enjoying favorable transport links to Yumbo forests, humid valleys, and dry valleys alike. The most likely place for a central exchange would be Quito, not in itself a typical llajta site (being poor in level land, broken by ravines, and closed in by ridges), but close to natural portals into both north and south Yumbos, the humid valleys, and the dry valleys. Finally, the interest of flexibility suggests that both direct and indirect access will have been developed by each "cacicazgo." For these reasons, the term "warring chiefdoms" under which such formations are sometimes classed calls attention to a surface aspect of political behavior without suggesting its functional bases. The existence of warfare and autonomy on a small local scale does not necessarily imply the absence of economic integration on a large regional scale.

71

Local and exotic components of llajta economy

So far, the "vertical" character of north Andean polities has emerged only circumstantially. Potential axes of interdependence may be drawn on a map, yet this does not prove that in any given community economic practice actually reflected the "vertical" problem, or that political behavior obeyed its demands. The matter is not self-evident, because, as Reichel-Dolmatoff demonstrates, some locales could have solved the problem of sheer nutrition by forming a sort of agrarian fortress sufficient to itself. In fact, however, the evidence from around Quito shows that this was not the case. Community members were able neither to enjoy a culturally acceptable standard of living, nor to conduct the transactions that signaled their status as full and active adults, without sharing directly in the production of large exportable surpluses and the importation of diverse exotic goods. To identify the demand forces which caused these goods to flow then becomes a key step in mapping the political field in which native lords operated; similarly, to describe the cultural context in which each of these goods was consumed becomes a step toward understanding what kind of control over people any given commodity control implied. This agenda theoretically applies to any of the regions studied. But, because very little data has come to light on the internal life of Yumbo communities, the following generalizations apply primarily to the llajtakuna of the "humid inter-Andean valleys" group, and, with some differences, to the higher portions of the "dry inter-Andean valleys" group. Because the object is to clarify political, rather than household, economy, those goods which were produced and consumed entirely within domestic units are not taken into account. It should not be inferred, however, that such goods-including the chenopodacea and probably the bulk of Andean tuber production-failed to play a large role in the total sustenance of the native population. In the following discussion, goods are grouped according to two variables: local versus imported provenience, and popular versus sumptuary 72

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy status. Local goods are those which were produced or collected within the jurisdiction of the chiefdom where consumed or otherwise disposed of. All others are imports. Popular goods are those in whose acquisition and disposal native lords had no qualitatively unique advantage; sumptuary goods are those in which they did. The maize complex: local popular staples

Descriptions of native diet invariably list maize and its derivatives as the staff of life among the ancient Quito-dwellers, although never maize alone: The Indians . . . nourish themselves with toasted maize, made into dumplings and gruel; they eat potatoes and some worms that grow in the ground, fat ones, which they call cusos, and another kind of little fish which grows in the rivers, called choncho, and ocas, ollocos, maxuas, arracachas, zapallos, jiquimas, and avincas, roots which grow under the ground, like potatoes, which are called [i.e. in Spanish] truffles; and likewise red pepper, together with another food which is called chiche and which tastes and smells like small shrimp; and as well with some herbs which they call yucas [sic, for yuyu], of different kinds: some are called paico, which is good for the stomach, belly, and toothaches; and others yuyoslluto, guacamullos, chimborazo, chulco, turnip leaves, lupines, beans, broad beans, cowpeas, and quinua; the last is good as rice, for comfrey with comfrey [sic], and its infusion, for urinary ills (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:7s).1 Their usual sustenance is wine made of maize, which the Spanish call chicha and the natives azua, and some herbs which they call yuyo, and potatoes, and beans, and cooked maize; their daily bread is any of these cooked with a little salt, and what they consider as a good seasoning to put in their stewed foods, is red pepper. They harvest all these things around their houses (An6nimo [1573] 1965:226).2

In the first of these passages, Jimenez de la Espada interprets "yuca" as yuyu 'garden vegetables or edible herbs' and corrects "yuyoslluto" to llullus Hutu 'tender leaves of ulluco.' "Chulco" he renders as Oxalis gigantea, and "huaccamullu" is defined in the Quechua dictionary of Gonzalez Holguin simply as "a certain edible herb" ([1608] 1952:165). If the first passage may be taken as a statement of what was esteemed a good and varied diet, and the second a mediocre daily sustenance, Atienza, in describing the light viands a poor person might carry on a journey, gives an idea of what would have counted as a bare, minimally acceptable ration: "a pint of toasted or boiled maize and three or four red peppers with a fistful of salt" ([1575?] 1981:52-53). Indeed, the abundance of maize and its stature as prime cultigen was virtually a trademark of north Andean economy, as differentiated from the southern Andes and from Amazonia. Murra has explained how, in the Peruvian Andes, "maize was cultivated above all to make maize beer 73

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas for ceremonial purposes and for hospitality . . . maize cultivation on the grand scale became possible only when the rise of a state permitted the achievement of major public works" ([I960] 1975:53,57). The daily sustenance of southern villages depended chiefly on tubers. In the north, as will be seen, the use of maize was so much greater and more varied that it would hardly be an excess to speak of "maize Andes" and "tuber Andes" where Troll spoke of "paramo" and "puna" Andes. Provenience and technology Modern agronomy registers a variety of maize races, capable of occupying lands of many ecological tiers, and this was in all likelihood already true in 1500. But most of the sustenance of people near Quito probably came from races well specialized in middle-altitude niches: Sabanero (average altitude of modern samples, 2,660 meters), Chillo (2,520 meters), Morochon (2,410 meters), and Cuzco Sabanero (altitude not given; Timothy et al. 1963:28, 32, 52, 60; see also Grobman 1961). Since these types are not produced in montana environments, and are highly esteemed (especially Chillo), their export to lower-lying areas is readily understandable. The existence of a maize heartland in the Chillos Valley was mentioned in Chapter 2, but its importance should not be exaggerated. Maize was produced in every known inter-Andean llajta. The 1573 Anonymous chronicler, who is often at his best when observing agriculture, has left a few notes on maize technology. They cultivate . . . maize on raised fields [camellones], with a little over a foot between one [i.e. plant?] and another; a hole is made with the finger, throwing two grains of maize and one of beans into it, when they wish to sow. The beans, as they grow, cling to and wind around the maize stalks and thus they become strong enough to get off the ground. The Indians sow potatoes in their plots as well as maize, but separately from the maize. They always keep their plots very neatly weeded and clean, with the earth well softened, which is the reason they produce more and better. Maize is sown in such a way that one cluster [macolla] is about a foot from another ([1573] 1965:212).3 The tools with which they cultivate the earth, are certain bars of tough wood, five or six palms long and about one palm wide, and in the middle a notch which makes a grip for pushing hard, to give a stronger impact, and they are much more comfortable tilling the land with these, than with hoes, both because they are used to using them, and because they crumble the earth better ([1573] 1965:227).4

Although their remains have been found only on the south Quito plateau, it is likely that raised fields supplied a major part of production on moist flats throughout the region. These earthworks, widely reported in Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, and other parts of native America (Denevan 1970), and notably in highland Ecuador to the north of Quito (Batchelor 1980, Gondard 1983), convert poorly drained flatlands into zones of di74

Local and exotic components of llajta economy versified, intensive agriculture and possibly pisciculture. Knapp (1983) offers an ideal-type model of highland polities as centered on their politically organized management. The maize year began in October, just before the first rains: From October until March it is winter and usually rains in these months, except for fifteen or twenty days before Christmas [Pascua] and as many again afterward, because at that time there is usually a warm spell of about thirty or forty days ([1573] 1965:205).5

Maize today reaches maturity in about eight or nine months, that is, in June and July, and presumably the pattern was the same in ancient times (Basile 1974:109). Certain types ripen somewhat more slowly, including some used in the Chillos Valley, and on the average each additional hundred meters of altitude delays the harvest about two weeks. However, the manipulation of microclimates and date of sowing allows substantial latitude in scheduling the harvest of any given place. Because there are no indications of more than one maize harvest per year, it is likely that both the ceremonial consumption of maize and its export had an appreciably seasonal character. Although Troll laid great stress on the favorable storage qualities of dried tubers, tubers may not have had much advantage over maize in this respect. "Maize ordinarily lasts six or seven or eight months. It preserves better in its husks, as it its harvested in dry weather. Many times I have seen that the Indians keep it hung, and in hot lands, sometimes smoked, where it stores much better than otherwise" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:212). The practice of hanging corn from house rafters {wayunga) has survived until the present. The production of dehydrated hominy (muti), also exceptionally durable but not a favorite food because it sacrifices part of the taste and nutritional value of maize, is probably also of ancient origin. Another method of preserving maize, with better culinary results, is to lightly toast grains that are halfway between tender and ripe (kau) and then sun-dry them; the product is called chuchuka (personal information of Angel Gualoto). The several varieties of beans grown interspersed with maize, of course, also produce a convenient storage food. It is not therefore likely that food perishability was a serious constraint on aboriginal mobilizations. What little evidence remains of how cooking and brewing were done, shows equipment and techniques literally identical to those which can still be seen in the houses of the rural poor. Lope de Atienza's description of a house and its kitchen could be modern: In the second or back room of the house they have their pantry, full of big pots and small ones, some on top of the ground, others buried in earth as vats for straining and preparing their wines. In this place they have great crowds of cuyes, 75

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas which we call guinea pigs, and this is where they feed them with quantities of grass; and the amount of their droppings, together with the grass that covers it, is such that the smell is unbearable ([1575?] 1931:52-53).6 Maize was ground on a stone mortar with a handstone: "Maize is ground by hand with great effort, on stones, and it would be hard to introduce any other method among the natives" (Atienza [1575?] 1931:52). Context of use Maize may have been the daily bread, but it did not for that reason cease to be a ceremonial food. Because of its multivalence, it is best discussed separately in its different contexts. First, as a mundane sustenance, it was commonly eaten inside the dwelling (Atienza [1575?] 1931:52), on the road, or at work, either toasted, or parched and boiled as hominy. Second, it was consumed socially or ceremonially on a wide variety of occasions, and for the most part in the form of beer brewed in homes or at the chief's compound. The general description of such gatherings calls to mind the ceremonial meal still practiced in some settlements near Quito, and called santa miza ('sacred table'): Their usual dining table is the ground . . . In this respect the native lords are equals of the rest, except that in seating themselves the most prominent and powerful distinguish and exalt their presence by sitting, as a sign of rank, on a duo, which is like a little throne of empire. Others who are less powerful sit on a handful of straw which they bring along for the purpose, with their boy pages behind them to serve at such occasions. And just as they display signs of rank in seating, likewise they make distinctions in adorning the ground which they use for a table, placing on it, instead of a tablecloth, a little green grass. On it they put their food in mates, which substitute for plates and bowls; these are halves of calabash shell, which they plant for this purpose. The rest of the community sits down together with the notables on the ground. When they eat together they offer each other food, taking much pleasure in the poor and simple fare each one brings as his own . . . They do not drink until they have finished eating as the occasion requires. And when they do it beforehand as an aperitif, they accompany it with a little red pepper and salt, for they take the same relish in these, as a good workman [i.e. in Spain] does in his pork sausage . . . The women, who serve the meal, sit behind them, and the men receive the food from them, hand to hand. The best-loved and most beautiful ones appear there . . . the men never eat from one plate with their women, and indeed would consider it a disgrace, and take it as such, if they were forced to do so (Atienza [1575?] 1931:41-43).7 Spaniards responsible for the imposition of Christianity found these occasions scandalous because of their sexual and religious connotations: It is a widely prevalent evil to celebrate superstitious drunken parties . . . when they conduct a funeral or harvest the fields, they perform takies [pre-Hispanic 76

Local and exotic components of llajta economy dances with song], and reenact their ancient rites, which require the witches [i.e. priests] to dance with the idols, and in these there arise diabolical acts of incest and loathsome sins and idolatries and carnal excesses (Actos sinodales del obispado de Quito, 1570. CVG la ser. vol. 13:619).8 However the moralistic protest over ritual drunkenness need not be taken at face value, since it seems that what Spaniards outside the clergy really objected to was not so much the alleged harm it caused as the fact that natives were drinking maize which Spaniards would have preferred to consume themselves. "The Indians of this land made great drinking parties and in them used up the maize they harvested, and it was necessary to remedy this because in these routs they did a lot of damage, besides which it caused a shortage of maize, which is a major sustenance of this city," complained a witness at President Santillan's exit hearings. The Spaniards of Quito did not enjoy Santillan's characteristically dry reply: "Let the Indians drink it in good health; after all, they harvested it" (CVG l a ser. vol. 27:231). Santillan may have had justice on his side, but the colonists were right to consider the ceremonial expenditure of maize a major factor in the regional economy. This becomes evident when one takes account of the many occasions on which feasting and drunkenness were obligatory. One group of ceremonies was associated with the high points of the agricultural year. Sowing probably had its ritual aspect, since Albornoz speaks of special shrines for the occasion ([158?] 1967:20), but the great festival was that of harvest. Each producer was pleased to redistribute among his equals a large share of the crop: The drinking bouts that they conduct . . . [occur] because it happens that an Indian, harvesting the field of maize which he has grown and which he has worked to sow and cultivate, and in which he harvests enough for the yearlong subsistence of himself and his household, from sheer happiness at having harvested, or from any other occasion that gives him pleasure, will give a drinking party in which making the maize beer will use up the greater part of what has been harvested (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8:f.lv; 1584).9 A much more impressive celebration must have been the vast fiesta which, to judge by its date, probably celebrated the harvest on a collective communal level. It may also have been related to the summer solstice: It has been reported to this Royal Audiencia that the natives of this province formerly, in the time of their paganism, at a certain time of the year used to gather to conduct a great festival at their command, with many drunken routs and ceremonies. They worshiped the sun, and for this purpose they chose a house where they gathered, and by way of offering or sacrifice, worshiping the devil, they took along a great amount of maize beer and many kinds of birds and animals and a certain type of firewood with which they had to cook what they offered. In the house where they gathered thus, they practiced many kinds of 77

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas ceremonies, dances, and drinking parties and other things greatly offensive to God and even against natural law. It seems that they practiced this festival of theirs in summer, almost at the time when the Holy Catholic Church celebrates the fiesta of the Holy Sacrament, and it seems that with the preaching of the gospel the said natives have been abstaining from the festival and ceremonies, or at least from carrying them out in public. As they see that the Christian Spaniards celebrate with solemnity the festival of Corpus Christi at that season, they ask permission of their missionary priest to rejoice in it, and that he should appoint from among them someone to carry a standard that they own. When he has appointed such a person, all the natives go to his house and bring along the said offering of animals, maize beer, and other things in remembrance of their ancient custom and paganism, and they perform many idolatries, drunken routs, and ceremonies (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8 f.3v).10 The trick of wrapping this celebration in the banners of Corpus Christi was so successful that it has survived to the present day in the Quito area. The fact that the modern festival cycle has as its high point the "yumbo dance," a costume dance concerning lowland visitors in the sierra, suggests that it may have been associated with a seasonal climax in the sierra-foothills traffic. The Anonimo of 1573 paints what appears to be the same celebration as a gathering of vast scale: The main festival that the natives perform is a general gathering of their land and neighboring people to drink for four or six days, during which they do nothing but dance and sing according to their custom by day and by night, making many rings of dancers, each of which contains at least a hundred people. Once the drinking is over, they find themselves so exhausted and besotted that they need to sleep two or three days to come back to their senses (Anonimo [1573] 1965:225).n If one accepts three hundred persons as the smallest number satisfying the text's "many rings of dancers," and if six liters per person per day may be taken as a conservative estimate of beer intake, then any one of these gatherings could have consumed no less than 10,800 liters of beer. Another family of ceremonies demanding mass expenditure of maize concerned rites of passage. One of these was a ritual first haircut not very different from the rutuchikuy of nuclear Tawantinsuyu save for its peculiar tinge of lunar astrology: They gather the same congregation (with the same offense to God and the same forgetfulness of their own souls) to give their children their first haircuts, being sure to do so in the conjunction of the moon, within a margin of only a few minutes; it [the gathering] lasts three or four days and nights, until, with the light of the new [moon], they take leave of each other with great rejoicing. And if by any chance they cut the hair without this ceremony so esteemed among them, they leave on the child's crown, occiput and viejos [sic, for cejas, 'brow'?] some tufts, which they canfinishcutting at the appropriate time with pomp and diabolical ceremony (Atienza [1575?] 1931:109).^ 78

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy The ceremony of male puberty also entailed maize redistribution: When the young men had their first sexual contact with women, they put on them a guara (which we call a breechclout) inviting for the occasion a great crowd of people to be present at the drinking party and the acts which the most senior men perform, holding the youths abscuras [sic; 'in darkness'?], tied to a post or beam of the house. Here they lash the youths' legs (the common and usual punishment of the Incas), telling them how they must live, what they must conform to and carry out, and whom they must respect. There they act out the ancient rites and customs, in such a fashion that, having executed the punishment and put it into practice, they at once put on the breechclout and the onlookers offer what they can, each according to his ability. Having done this they confirm the deed by conferring on each youth a new name and taking away the one given on the day of his birth, which they hold so much in memory that, instead of giving their Christian names first, they leave them for the end (Atienza [1575] 1931:109).13 And finally, in the funeral pomp, beer was lavished not only on the living but on the dead as well: At their funerals loud voices and wailing are heard. When they took the dead to be buried, they were seated on a tianga ['throne stool'] and carried on a litter over the bearers' shoulders. And to the music of their dance, they would advance a little, weeping, and then retreat the way they had come; so that to carry a nobleman to burial the distance of a stone's throw, they would have to delay two or three hours. Once carried to burial, they placed him seated on his throne stool and put into the grave with him his most beloved woman. There would be disagreements among the women about who it would be. They buried them with all their golden and silver treasure, with stones and other things they valued highly, putting into the vault a large number of pitchers of maize beer. The other ordinary Indians, at the time of their burial, were seated with guaduas, or thick canes, in their mouths, and the other end of the canes protruding out of the ground about half a person's height, and since they were hollow, the dead persons' wives and relatives would pour their maize beer down the canes, saying it was for the nourishment of the dead. (Anonimo [1573] 1965:225-226).14

Atienza mentions that even after the grave was sealed cooked food was left on top of the mound. The feeling that maize remains necessary to souls in the other world is still very much alive in modern folk religion ([1575?] 1931:154; see also Aranibar 1969-1970:120-121, 132). Besides the mundane and the ceremonial use of maize, a third kind of consumption must be taken into account, namely, its use in curing: In these illnesses, they make use of some health-giving herbs with which they massage the body, toasting or heating them ahead of time. They use ground maize, placed on the belly or any wound, when they have it, considering it medicinal . . . they cut some stitches, which they call hangos, in the foot, arm or leg or any other part of the body, making there a wound like the bite of a vampire bat, and anoint it with tobacco or coca and with maize grains broken in the mouth (Atienza [1575?] 1931:75).15 79

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas This may not have been of great quantitative significance, but the fourth type of expenditure, exportation, surely was. In pre-Incaic times maize was shipped into ecologically foreign regions. This practice continued well into Spanish times. The payment of large amounts of maize to the Inca state should also be counted under this heading, because, in spite of the legal technicality that it did not proceed from fields belonging to the community, it did cut into the total productive potential of the community. It is not clear whether separate maize fields for the imperial solar cult existed around Quito. Cultural connotations The production of maize was very much a political matter, but it was not uniquely political. Indeed it appears that, whatever the quantitative differences may have been between maize production of lords' and commoners' households, the uses they made of it were qualitatively and formally alike. Because the maize complex is consistently the most conservative aspect of aboriginal culture, even today showing marked continuities with pre-Hispanic tradition, it may be permissible to illustrate this by using current field observations (mostly from the Zambiza-Calderon area) as an index to the incomplete ethnohistorical record. The system by which nobles' maize fields were worked was probably that of commoners' fields writ large. The collective labor gatherings at which subjects prepared their lord's field, which was the characteristic aboriginal (as opposed to Inca) tribute corvee, did not differ in kind from the "private" minga or work bee in which any villager might mobilize his whole personal network to work his capital goods. The product of this labor served, and serves, different social ends depending on its degree of elaboration. In its least elaborated form, that is, uncooked, maize appears a socially neutral good. It readily crossed the communities' bounds in the form of exports, and it remains a common commodity, vendible to anybody. No distinction between chiefs and commoners is known in this regard. To make a prestation of raw maize is not by itself an act of hospitality. For example, one may use it to pay for labor (kambalachi), but if the laborers are also part of one's social network, cooked food should accompany it. A plain gift of raw maize is suitable as charity for an unknown mendicant. Cooked maize, in ancient and modern times, does convey hospitality. In fact one might say that the giving of cooked maize ratifies the existence of a social tie. For example, one brings cooked maize to a new neighbor, or gives it to all members of the social network of one's deceased kin on the Day of the Dead, or gives equal shares of it to all the people present at a ceremony which one sponsors. One does not sell it to people one 80

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy knows; this is permissible only for people of ambiguous ethnic identity. To recompense the network he mobilizes in productive labor, a host redistributes the product in cooked form. This was no less true of ancient nobles than it is of commoners today (Anonimo [1573] 1965:226). The elaborated form of maize par excellence, however, is beer. If cooked grain registers the existence of a social tie, home-brewed beer expresses its emotional tone. Whereas cooked food is often shared out in a climate of grave correctness (for example, in the first and sacred phase of the 'sacred table,' where prayers and solemn exhortations to fraternal behavior accompany its redistribution), the sharing-out of beer is always accompanied by laughter and expressions of affection. Beer, more than other products of the home, has received, as it were, the imprint of its makers' personalities, and much is made of its distinctive taste-the unique savor of the household. It is a sign of its importance as a social bond that nobody, however drunk he may already be, can refuse beer offered by a person to whom he owes some allegiance. In these respects, too, the role of native lords appears to have been that of any ritual sponsor, performed on a more inclusive scale. From these uses of maize two generalizations can be drawn. First, the prestation of maize, either dyadically or redistributively, expresses bonds that are felt throughout the community, cutting across distinctions of rank, age, etc. Its meaning is qualitatively the same whether it is offered by a chief or an equal. Second, these demonstrations are made in essentially the same way from the smallest to the largest scale-from small kin-group functions to communitywide festivals. It may be concluded that the chief's claim to mobilize all village members to produce his maize, and to offer all of them processed maize in return, was a signal of rank only in the sense that his social network was (locally) all-encompassing. The obverse side of the gesture was an emphasis on solidarity, shared identity, and kinlike fellowship. Power over maize was, one might say, power over shared sentiment. But, as will be seen when extralocal needs are taken into account, each producer had to balance the value of such expenditure against the potential value of export strategies. The hunting complex: local sumptuary goods

Provenience and technology That part of the protein intake of common people which did not proceed from maize and beans probably derived largely from edible insects (juzu, jatzu; Cobo [1653] 1964 1.1:344), freshwater fish (chichi) and arthropods (Cobo [1653] 1956:289-290), and land snails. But the Quito area was also well known for its good hunting, and this, augmented by camelids of Inca 81

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas provenience, provided a meat supplement. The chief prey were animals of the paramos, deer especially, and also partridges and rabbits (Cieza [1553] 1962:130). Rabbits were hunted en masse by surrounds, although no testimony on this practice from Quito itself is known. Deer were caught with snares, according to that enthusiastic sportsman Juan de Salazar Villasante, who considered Quito a great land for hunting; there are so many deer, that a soldier can go out with a crossbow and bring back six or seven deer in the evening. And they seem never to run out, even though both Indians with snares and Spaniards with crossbows hunt them heavily. There are a great many rabbits, not more or less than in Spain . . . and they put them (rabbits) in their stew, which they call logro, with a lot of red pepper. There are plenty of partridges, as big as hens some of them, and others small; they are gray, speckled, and neither their beaks nor feet are red . . . There are many turtle doves and ducks and herons . . . So many wild ducks and herons flock (to the lakes of Anaquito) that they cover the water. There are few people who hunt them, because with such an abundance of deer, they prefer to go after big game; they are a quarter of a league from Quito (Salazar de Villasante [156?] 1965:132-133).16 The 1573 An6nimo confirms that local natives had "rabbits, partridges, and other birds" and deer in quantity (1965:220), which they prepared in a cured form which may be identified with charki 'jerked meat'. As Salazar mentions, fresh meat was stewed with capsicum pepper. The only domesticated food animal known was the guinea pig (kuy), raised in every rural kitchen then as now. If contemporary practice is any guide, it is easy to overestimate their value as a protein source. They are killed only on rare festive occasions, their chief daily usefulness being to convert weeds into fertilizer for dooryard gardens. Dogs were domesticated but there are no reports that they were eaten; instead, they were trained to hunt, and were very highly valued: The ones who serve them as companions at these times (i.e. festivals), are their household dogs and even the dogs of the neighborhood. They allow these to poke their snouts in the dishes, and they take their conversation and entertainment from the show that the dogs themselves provide, farting and otherwise acting like brute animals, without [the diners'] feeling offended or sick to their stomachs from any of this. At most they scold them and throw them out, and then at once go back to pampering them and treating them lovingly, for they believe that if they were not to do so, they would not find [the dogs] alert for hunting and the chase, nor would they have security and a guardian for their houses if the dogs were lacking (Atienza [1575?] 1931:42-43).17 Both men and women were accustomed to pet dogs, and even, if one may believe the suspicions of the censorious Atienza, had sexual relations with them ([1575?] 1931:133). Dogs from the sierra were traded to the Amazonian foothill dwellers (Borja [1582] 1965:249), a practice which survived well into the twentieth century. 82

Local and exotic components of llajta economy Context of use Access to meat, unlike the maize production system, uniquely favored native lords over commoners. Hunting does not appear to have been forbidden to common people, but at least part of what they hunted was considered (as "wild" goods in the Andes usually were) rightful property of the native lords, and had to be handed over as part of tribute (M y SM 1559:f.839r, 856v). Specifically, this rule applied to birds and rabbits. In addition, some lords occupied full-time specialist hunters to supply them with "products of the hunt and the wilds for their household" (M y SM 1559:f.817v). Presumably the occasions for meat eating were the major festal days, since the only known data on deer slaughter refer specifically to sacrifice (Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965:262). Cultural connotations Modern field observation confirms what these ancient fragments suggest, namely, that the consumption of meat had marked overtones of rank and privilege. Whereas at ceremonial occasions today all vegetable food (whether in the "sacred table" or in the principal meal which follows it) is distributed equally regardless of standing, the sharing-out of meat makes explicit the rank of each person present vis-a-vis the sponsor of the ceremony. For example, a senior male who has held major communal offices, or a senior relative who has helped finance the gathering, might receive a bowl crowned with a large cut, perhaps two choice pieces of meat, while at the other extreme a humble guest such as a beggar or peddler might have to be content with an egg or a piece of cheese. In aptly performing such a demonstration of hierarchy, the sponsor elevates his own rank a notch. Control of protein food, in a sense, is control of visible rank. The more often a person can persuasively make known his estimate of where people stand, the greater voice he has in the power structure of the community. Here, too, the native nobility held a commanding position. The Yumbo complex: exotic popular goods-cotton

In connection with sierra-lowland relations, three items appear inseparably: cotton, salt, and capsicum peppers. It will be suggested that they are in some senses part of a single economic and cultural complex, but since the substantive data on cotton and other fibers are too complex and too extensive to combine with different topics, cotton must, for purely expository reasons, appear apart. 83

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Provenience and technology Pending further research, the likeliest known sites for the origin of cotton worn by Quito-area highlanders are riverine lands along the lower GuayUabamba and its tributaries, especially the Cachillacta-Gualea area. No details on spinning and weaving technology are available, save that cotton used by common people was brought to the sierra in fiber form and processed within the llajta. There is some confusion about whether textile labor was apportioned to men or women. Cieza ([1553] 1962:130) claimed that women worked the fields while "the husbands spin and weave and are busy making clothes." But in this he contradicted the native witnesses, who ordinarily spoke of spinning and weaving as female specialties (M y SM 1559:f.817r, 836r, 869r). It seems likely that the male weavers Cieza reported were specialists, qompikamayuq dedicated to making fine cloth for collection by the Inca state. At least this fits in with the fact that Urin Chillo, the only community which in 1559 claimed to have "yndios" (masculine grammatical gender) who knew how to spin and weave, was also the only one which had supplied "cumbi" cloth to Tawantinsuyu (f.838v). The most urgent question concerning textile technology is the relative standing of plant and animal fibers. Here, too, Cieza goes against the grain of native testimony. Cieza's description of the clothing he saw around Panzaleo gives first place to llama wool: They go dressed in tunics without sleeves or collar, simply opened along the sides for the arms to pass through and likewise at the top for the head, and in their long cloaks of wool and some of cotton. And of this clothing, that of the nobles was very excellent, with numerous and very perfect colors. For shoes they use sandals [ojotas] of a root or grass which they call cabuya, which puts out large blades, from which there come certain white fibers, like those of cane, very tough and useful, and from these they make their sandals or ojotas which serve them for shoes. And on the head they wear certain cord headbands [ramales]. Some of the women dress in the Cuzco style, very elegant, with a long mantle which covers them from the neck to the feet, with only the arms exposed, and around the waist they tie what is called a chumbe, like a very elegant and fine sash but somewhat wider. And on top they put another lightweight mantle, called liquida, which falls over the shoulders and reaches down to cover the feet. To fix these mantles they have big stickpins of silver or gold, widened at the end, called topos. On the head they put a ribbon called a vincha, more than a little stylish. With these and their ojotas they go about. All told, the clothing style of the Cuzco ladies has been the best and most elegant and rich seen thus far in all the Indies. They take great care in combing their hair, and those of the district especially in tying up the hair, because by this means their descent groups [linajes] and their native provinces can be recognized ([1553] 1962:131-132).18 But locally based authorities describe the costume as predominantly of cotton: 84

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy They dress in clothing of cotton and wool, and since there are so many Castillian sheep, they take advantage of their wool for their clothes although the greater quantity of clothing is of cotton which they sow in hot lands and which is their barter merchandise [rescate] in this city (i.e. Quito) (Valverde and Rodriguez [1576] 1965:170).19 The natives go dressed in their traditional and common costume, the men with cloak and tunic and the women with anaco [i.e. wraparound skirt] and liquida, which are mantles made of cotton. On their heads they wear certain small painted kerchiefs of cotton called xoxonas, and the women go with their hair hanging loose, very black because they treat it to make it so (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:114-115, testimonio de Domingo de Orive, [1577]; see also Anonimo [1573] 1965:225).20 Cotton is the only fiber mentioned in Atienza's description of native attire: In general, they all go barefoot and barelegged, the arms exposed. Instead of jacket and shirt, they put on a cuzma, which we call a tunic, of the same cut and style as a sack,, unstitched along the sides to put the arms through and open on top to expose the head; it reaches to their knees. For capes they use certain thin cotton mantles, two and a half varas long and two varas wide, with two contrasting selvages . . . For the protection of their hair, which they treat and grow with so much care, they normally cover their heads as Spanish women do, with a mantilla, and when they see fit, they put on their heads certain kerchiefs which they call jojanas, and which they fold in such a fashion that they pass beneath the chin, leaving only the face exposed. Instead of a handbag they carry a bag without closures which they call pixa, hung under their arm on a cord of hair or leather. They use many different kinds of clothes, distinguishable only in their colors and ingenious fabrics. Some, to distinguish themselves more, pierce their ears and nostrils and the lower lips of their mouths, from which they hang pendants of gold or silver, made by their own hands; on their necks they wear chokers which they call chaquira, of bone of different colors, or of gold, depending what they may own (Atienza [1575?] 1931:37-38).21 Moreover, early tribute records leave no room for doubt but that the Quito region produced huge amounts of cotton clothing and very little of wool. In 1551, and again in 1559, the people of El Ynga, Urin Chillo, Anan Chillo, Uyumbicho, and Puembo were specifically directed to render tribute in cotton clothing (M y SM 1559:f.811v, 820r, 842r, 860r, 872r, 819v, 841r, 859r, 871r). Francisco Ruiz found it possible, by extorting extra cotton from the Yumbos of Cansacoto, to swell this production still further during the 1560s. The people of the highland communities reported that, while they knew how to work wool as well as cotton, they only processed wool "when it is available" or "when they have it" (M y SM 1559:f.838v, 856r). The great age of Quito's woolen industry, and the rise of obrajes (primitive factories), had still to await the multiplication of European sheep herds. How then to explain the discrepancy between Cieza and the local record? Since Cieza left us a redaction prepared some time after he had seen 85

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Cuzco and come heavily under Inca influence, it is possible that he unintentionally slighted the non-Inca clothing he had seen years before. But this would be an uncharacteristic error, and better explanations are at hand. For one, his route through the Quito region does not seem to have strayed far from the Inca highway, so it is likely that the part he saw of local culture was the most Inca-assimilated part. More significantly, there is a chronological question; the local testimonies are slightly later than Cieza's, and in this case (since clothes wear out) short intervals could make big differences. Consider Cieza's use of verb tenses: "They have a great quantity of cotton, from which they make clothes for their own dress and to pay their tributes. There was in the confines of this city of Quito a great amount of this live stock which we call sheep, but which really resemble camels more" (i.e. camelids; [1553] 1962:130; emphasis added). The llama herds are in the past tense, evidently destroyed by the Spanish or lost for lack of Inca care, while cotton is the fiber of the present. Yet as he passed through Quito before 1550, Cieza might well have seen a lot of clothing manufactured under Tawantinsuyu still in use. The association of wool with specifically Inca economy is also reflected in the testimonies of 1559, where statements about weaving of camelid wool are invariably in past tense and refer only to production for the state, never to local nobles' or private revenues (M y SM 1559:f.838v, 856v). By 1573 such production had ceased. The few llamas there were around Quito were employed ordinarily as beasts of burden (Anonimo [1573] 1965:213). Thus the aboriginal textile industry must have passed through several brusque changes between 1400 and 1600. A local tradition of plant-fiber weaving, primarily cotton and secondarily agave, survived throughout the era, partly because the Inca empire itself had a cotton-weaving tradition, partly because conditions for access to cotton remained favorable, and partly because, in the interval between the decline of the Inca llama herds and the rise of sheep herds, there was little choice. Indeed the period 1534-1548, when aboriginal society was thrown back on its own resources, may have seen in more than one respect a resurgence of some pre-Incaic institutions. The Incaic introduction of wool industry, insofar as Quito was concerned, was mostly an artifact of the state sector and a revenue-raising, strategic-stockpiling device. Unlike more southerly provinces, it did not produce herds held widely at chiefdom or lower levels (see Chapter 7, where a contrasting case appears). Communities in the Chillos Valley reported production for the state only (M y SM 1559: f.817v, 838v). Nonetheless Inca clothing did have a profound effect on local culture. While woolen clothes probably never reached every community or every social class through redistribution channels (Murra [1958] 1975:147-148), 86

Local and exotic components of Uajta economy they did everywhere affect ideals of style, provoking the evolution of derivative styles analogous to the ceramic styles which Meyers (1976:174) calls "imitation Inca," "mixed style," "Inca-influenced," and "colonial Inca." Paradoxically, the proliferation of "colonial Inca" clothing, as so many other postconquest Inca-isms, depended in large part on promotion by the Spanish elite. In particular, the explosive success of sheepherding in the northern Andes added to the cotton economy a wool sector that soon grew far beyond what the Incas had established. But in producing the titanic quantities of "native clothing" which warmed the miners of Potosi and elsewhere, the "sweatshop of South America" (Phelan 1967; Tyrer 1976; Landazuri Soto 1959) continued to draw on aboriginal and Inca skills and organizational devices. The earliest phase of obraje economy thus presents the paradoxical spectacle of a primitive capitalism invented in order to put an Incaic institution (weaving as a political duty) at the service of a neo-feudalistic appetite for seigneurial display. Context of use Although we know what Quito-area clothing looked like, not much is recorded of its functional setting. Clothing was so widely used as a form of concentrated value and a state "gift" in Tawantinsuyu (Murra [1958] 1975 passim) that north Andean idiosyncrasies in this regard become striking. Around Quito, common subjects owed local-level authorities no textile tribute at all. The privileged access of lords to clothing rested on entirely different practices. Indeed what is known of fiber commodity flows suggests that fiber for use of commoners was brought from the Yumbos through extrapolitical channels, and processed at the level of domestic economy. This does not preclude occasional redistribution by chiefs, especially since they ordinarily commanded enough labor to produce a textile surplus, but if chiefs did distribute clothing it is more likely to have been of exotic manufacture and imported through political channels. Aside from narrowly utilitarian considerations, clothing shows two symbolic functions. First, it seems to have been (as it still is) a finely tuned code for expressing ethnic identity. Cieza ([1553] 1965:132) mentioned headdress as the means of signaling one's "descent group" (linaje) and "province." Second, it had distinctive functions in delimiting age classes (and, possibly, corporate age sets), as seen in the ceremony of male puberty in which the newly adult members received a loincloth. The first haircut ceremony for infants also commonly involved gifts of clothing for the child, although this is not locally documented in Quito. Clothing was often mentioned as a key part of the grave wealth buried with the dead. 87

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Cultural connotations Most of these functions are essentially pan-Andean in distribution. What stands out distinctively in Quito is not the symbolic role of dress, but the relatively small part which political channeling seems to have played in the distribution of ordinary clothing. So far as cotton clothes for daily use are concerned, the household or kin level of organization seems to define the unit of manufacture and exchange. The use of clothing as an outward expression of self-definition is common enough, and the giving of clothes in life-crisis ceremonies can be seen as literally making the person. The fact that this affirmation of personality, of individualized status, is endorsed by a relatively small and nonpolitical group (except in the case of chiefs themselves) suggests a less complete penetration of the socializing function by political authority in the northern chiefdoms than elsewhere to the south. To some extent, the level of organization that achieves autonomy in clothing defines its members' sense of collective selfhood. Attempts of chiefs to attain increasing power over their communities, therefore, are likely to have been expressed as attempts to break into the nonpoliticized textile sector with clothing prestations beyond its capacity to duplicate. The Yumbo complex: exotic popular goods-salt and capsicum pepper

Salt and red capsicum pepper pods, called aji in Spanish and uchu in Quichua, are consistently named together with cotton as imports from the Yumbo country. Provenience and technology Both of these staples were available in more than one variety. Among the several types of pepper, at least one, the rocoto, is capable of being grown in the highlands; but this was evidently not considered the preferred kind, since it is a near-universal of highland economy to import peppers. In contrast to the south sierran pattern of production in relatively dry lands, the northern supply appears to proceed from true forest zones. By "salt" the highland records refer not to sea salt, but to salt refined from certain mineral springs in the canyons and outer flanks of the western cordillera (Caillavet 1979). "The salt which they make from [the salt springs of Mir a] is gray and bitter; only the natives like it; the Spanish supply themselves with sea salt, of which a great deal is brought to Quito" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:207). 88

Local and exotic components of llajta economy Context of use All sources agree that the use of salt and capsicum pepper with meals was not only universal, but the absolute minimum of comfort which divided acceptable subsistence from deprivation. Atienza mentions that at a minimum, one would at least carry salt and red pepper to season one's traveling ration, and comments that "No matter how drab and humble the rest of their meal may be, the [Indians] enjoy it as much as any luxury, as long as they can season it with red pepper, their principal spice, and salt to cool their body heat, and a little corn beer to drink; and they do not look for any other delicacies, nor care for them in the least in comparison with the pleasure they get from salt and red pepper" ([1575?] 1931:67-68). On occasions when for ritual reasons deprivation and discomfort were desired (as for example during the dyeing of hair to a perfect black, which was a solemn, spiritually dangerous moment for aboriginal women), salt, red pepper, and meat were the taboo foods (Atienza [1575?] 1931:58-59). Cultural connotations As with cotton, these goods were considered basic necessities, yet do not seem to have fallen within the sphere of political economy as such. There are no testimonies of tribute involving them. Presumably the redistribution of maize by political authorities implied salt and capsicum also, but not as separate "gifts." It would appear that the ability of nonpolitical kinship and household units to guarantee these minimal comforts was a symbol of their economic competence and sufficiency, and conversely their scarcity a sign of weakness and damaged autonomy. Coca and wealth objects: exotic sumptuary goods

There remains a large class of objects whose importance in native society impressed Spaniards, yet which differ from all the above in two respects: first, they seem to have been privileged articles, treasures, or wealth objects rather than utilitarian consumption goods; and second, they are associated with faraway places outside the circum-Quito economic region. From an "inside" point of view coca and wealth objects may not belong in a single class, but they do seem to have behaved in related ways when considered as part of the total flow of goods, and will be treated together. Provenience and technology Coca was not named as a product of the Yumbo centers, but of certain very limited locales in and near the dry, cordillera-cutting transverse river 89

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas canyons, and of Quijos Amazonia. Two riverine sites stand out in the record: the area of Pimampiro and Amboqui in the Coangue (now called Chota-Mira) Valley, which is the upper part of the Mira River drainage and which plays a part in the ecology of Imbabura analogous to that of the Guayllabamba in Pichincha's; and the area drained by the tributaries of the Pastaza River, east and northeast of modern Ambato, ecologically similar to the above but part of an eastward-running river system that plunges past Tunguragua Volcano down to the Amazonian Quijos and Canela country (M y R 1557:f.244r, 245v, 250r; Anonimo [1605] 1868; Borja [1582] 1965). The technology of coca production is well treated in Cobo and in several modern syntheses, and since no local idiosyncrasies are known it will not be detailed. However, the political organization surrounding it is of interest. There were at least two systems still in practice during the early colony, the one at Pimampiro being apparently aboriginal in origin and the one at Huambalo and other Tunguragua-area sites being apparently Incaic. The former vested control of coca lands in the hands of local lords, who enjoyed vast advantages by their monopoly and received several types of service from highland polities seeking permission to remove part of the crop. The second placed coca in the hands of a higher, nonlocal state authority, but, like the first, it made access to coca a strictly political transaction. The details of these regimes are examined in later chapters. It is somewhat surprising that no clear evidence has come to light concerning coca exploitations in the Guayllabamba River area, save a late mention of a chief's coca field at Niebli, on the upper outskirts of the northern Yumbo country, under the control of a Tumbaco lord (ANH/Q 6a notaria t.2:f.667r-668r). Under the circumstances, it seems likely that the Quito-area chiefdoms relied substantially upon the two above-mentioned coca zones. Regarding the origin of tobacco (Quechua: sayri), which was commonly classed together with coca, nothing certain is known, but it may well have reached Quito from the Quijos country together with that area's contribution to the Quito coca supply (Oberem 1971 t.l:171). Among the treasures which the Anonimo classed as "the jewels they prize the most" one finds listed certain "rough necklaces of insects" (moscas [1573] 1965:225). These may hypothetically be identified with a kind of necklace, still worn today, which the Amazonian peoples (notably the "Jivaro" or Shuar) manufacture from the brilliant green wing covers of certain beetles. The same source gives as another treasure "certain bracelets of silver in the manner of a Moorish anklet." This is almost certainly the same as the chipana which Atienza mentions as a sign of Inca rank often used without 90

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy license by aborigines. Colquechipana, the form given by Gongalez Holguin ([1608] 1952:111), identifies it as being made of silver. The tupu or stickpin used in female dress was also made of silver. The origin of silver jewelry is not mentioned but in all likelihood lay in the far southern sierra. Chaquira de oro, that is, wealth consisting of tiny seedlike gold beads, is amply attested archaeologically and ethnohistorically, and appears to be associated especially with the coast, from Puna Island through and beyond Esmeraldas Province (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 1.1:218, 299-300, 311-313, 423-425, 522, 697). The Anonimo of 1573 names both gold and silver chaquira as treasures. Silver chaquira is not mentioned elsewhere, but gold is corroborated in Atienza as being used to make "chokers." The mention of gold treasures among aborigines is so frequent that one can hardly escape supposing it to have been a precious and privileged substance even before Spanish tribute laws caused a native gold fever. It was associated with noble burial and with special tribute from privileged persons to nobles (Paz Ponce de Leon [1582] 1965:236). Among the treasures named by the Anonimo ([1573] 1965:225-226) the most familiar is "mantles." The use of major garments as wealth objects seems to be a pan-Andean trait, and it is not surprising to find that they, together with gold, appear in the list of elite tribute. But two of the items "which they prize the most" remain enigmatic, not so much in their own right as in their relation to other cultures: "reddish or white bone beads which they make," and "hatchets for cutting wood" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:225-226). Both bear resemblances to widespread kinds of treasures, whose distributions reached far beyond the sierran valleys. Yet both differ from these related wealth objects in ways that would seem to have impeded mutual circulation. The "reddish or white bone beads" appear through a long strip of the northern sierra, including Quito (Atienza [1575] 1931:38), Imbabura (Paz Ponce de Leon [1582] 1965:236) and far into the Pasto country (Cieza [1553] 1962:99). They figured in the elite tribute of the former and, in the latter, were produced in enormous amounts for tribute of all kinds including Spanish (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.206v-207r and passim). Like gold, they were bartered for goods of all sorts. The sources are unanimous on their being of bone, and of red or white color. These beads bear a resemblance to the carato bead currency of the Amazonian foothills which could hardly be accidental. Udo Oberem, working from Diego de Ortegon's 1577 report on the Quijos and from other sources, has summarized what is known about carato. A string of carato had twenty-four beads and its value was conventionally set at one day of work or one night with a woman. About 1595, Diego Lobato de Sosa reported on their money equivalency, putting a string at one tomin, 91

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas and in 1604 some Quijos paid their tribute in carato (Oberem 1971 t.l:17M72). The doubt which Oberem voices concerning carato applies as well to sierran bone beads: "One must suppose that the bone came from some very rare animal or one hard to hunt, or an imported one, because inflation would surely have resulted from the contrary" (1971 1.1:172). Nor is a treasure-bead complex lacking on the Pacific littoral. The Ecuadorian coast from the Bay of Guayaquil northward, from Formative times to the conquest, and perhaps even after, exported vast amounts of small beads called mullu made from the red and white porcelainlike shell of the spiny oyster Spondylus. They were treasured far down the Peruvian coast, throughout the Inca heartland, and even, in certain periods, in interior Mexico. Mullu was esteemed the proper sacrifice for the deities whose favor protected agriculture (Avila [1598?] 1966:135), and thus became, in the Andean view, one of the vital supplies that kept production going. As a result the north coast mullu traders not only became very rich-if one may judge from the sumptuous cargo that mullu freighter intercepted by Pizarro's pilot was carrying-but formed the central link in a maritime network stretching from far southern Peru to the west coast of Mexico (Murra [1971] 1975; Paulsen 1974; Leon Borja de Szaszdi 1964; Marcos 1977). Little is known of the use or absence of mullu in the northern sierra in Inca times, though it was certainly sought avidly by the inhabitants of Cafiar in much earlier periods. It is most unlikely that all three of these bead treasures were in fact the same. One can hardly suppose that any observer, much less all of them, would mistake shell for bone, or that the twenty-four-bead string of carato could be the "great cords" of highland beads. Yet the three do seem to be different glosses of a common concept, and it is quite likely that the cultures of the three areas were fully aware of the neighboring systems. The Yumbos, whose terrain lay between highland and coast, were active in chaquira trade (Aud. Quito 86:12 f.lr). The possibility of a common substrate, or a synchronic interchange between the variants, merits further investigation. A somewhat similar relationship seems to have existed between the kinds of hatchets which were treasured in different regions. From Atienza [1575?] 1931:94-95) we know that hatchets served as Quito-area bride wealth. The Anonimo held that it was functional hatchets, "with which they cut firewood," that were highly esteemed around Quito ([1573] 1965:226). Whether they were stone or metal is not specified. But data from the Caiiaris of the southern sierra suggest that it was not only usefulness in woodcutting that made hatchets precious: Gonzalez Suarez, pioneer archaeologist of the Ecuadorian sierra, found in Canari or pre-Canari tombs quantities of hatchets, up to five hundred ([1890] 1969 1.1:445). In 92

Local and exotic components o/llajta economy the 1560s, when a band of Spanish looters opened graves which local Canaris identified as their ancestors', hundreds, and according to some witnesses, thousands, of "little copper hatchets" {hachuelas de cobre) came to light. A few of these were used to bribe indignant Canaris. If they resembled Canari hatchets in modern collections, they were large and heavy enough to have been functional, yet there were exceptions. The "little golden hatchet" which appeared among them cannot have been other than a symbolic treasure. Whatever their original function may have been, their massive use as grave wealth clearly implies a sacrifice of their utilitarian value to expressive value (CVG l a ser. vol.30:237, 570, 705, 733, 742, 745, 753, 756). Among the Yumbos, functional hatchets for cutting swidden plots in the forest were highly prized. Carlos de Salazar, the most important encomendero of Yumbos, on one occasion had 1,500 hatchets fabricated for them in payment of a debt (AGI/S Aud. Quito 86.12:f.lr). On the coast, too, the hatchet symbolized value; indeed it evolved in a form so specifically symbolic that Olaf Holm has seen fit to write of "hatchet-coins" (sometimes translated "axe-money;" 1975 passim). The "hatchet-coin" could by no means have been used to cut wood, since it consisted of a copper blank a few centimeters long, no thicker than a European coin, and with no cutting edge. These objects are found in numerous tombs from Puna Island as far north as Manta, dating 800-1500 A.D., sometimes in accumulations of many thousands, in various "denominations" or sizes, occasionally arranged in groups totaling round decimal sums. The case which Holm makes for their use as some sort of currency is highly convincing. Here too it would seem that there is in the background a shared concept of the hatchet as a treasure, yet the sierran hatchet, less portable, divisible, and specialized than the coastal "hatchet-coin," is not likely to have been made for transport and circulation outside its own province. Archaeological research is clearly in order. Nor is the case lost to ethnohistory, since as late as the end of the sixteenth century, an explorer found himself well-received by the coastal people on handing out "little hatchets, which is what they value most" (AMer/Q t.3:104-116). Context of use Many of these goods were not simply "used" in the sense of being "used up" on a given occasion. Their careers were more complex. Some, such as metal ornaments and fine "mantles," expressed their value by being conserved and displayed over a long, even intergenerational period. Some were transferred in order to validate an interpersonal transaction, serving, for example as nuptial prestations; this was the case of hatchets 93

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas in the Quito area. Atienza complained that, in arranging marriages, the natives "are no longer content with one little hatchet nor with two as they were formerly in their paganism" ([1575?] 1931:94-95). Still others were intentionally put out of use by burial, like hatchets in tombs, or destroyed, like coca in sacrifices: "The main item of wealth is coca (a herb very well known to all for its excellence, and much prized by these poor people, together with tobacco, which they call saire). These two herbs are what they most value, because they make use of them for sacrificing" (Atienza [1575?] 1931:48). It is hazardous to guess whether chaquira gathered by chiefs in tribute was disposed of in ways similar to impersonal sale, since no description of transactions is available, but the possibility cannot be ruled out. Cultural connotations The most evident common feature of this otherwise mixed bag of goods is that nobles enjoyed distinctive and advantageous ways of procuring them. Some were rendered to the lords by their privileged subjects; such was the case with coca, finished clothing, gold, and bone bead wealth. Others entered the orbit of privilege as "spin-offs" from the Inca development of Quito, such as the silver chipana bracelet. But they were not sumptuary goods in the sense of pertaining inseparably to noble office, incapable of "downward" movement. Only the throne-stool of native political office seems to have had this character. Rather, they functioned as symbols and sources of power precisely because they could be moved in almost any direction, inside or outside the llajta. Inside the llajta they appear to have been exchanged (or sacrificially destroyed, which might be considered an exchange with the unseen) chiefly in ceremonial or otherwise multiplex, personal, culturally loaded transactions. Outside the llajta the picture is unclear, but at least where bead wealth is concerned, there appears a possibility of "naked" exchange. Insofar as treasure goods had connotations of rank and power they resembled the redistribution of cooked food, especially meat. But there were differences of emphasis. First, food redistribution tended, and still tends, to be a collective function, with one giver and many beneficiaries at a given moment. The prestation of precious goods, on the other hand, appears more typically to have occurred in one-to-one fashion. Second, the reward given in the form of prestige goods was more tangible and durable. In food redistribution, the food itself was not the sum of the reward; it was the esteem reflected on the favored person which bettered his social situation by increasing his overall respectability and credit-a reward which public, or elite, opinion could revoke and time could erode. The recipient of treasure goods, however, has increased his power in a 94

Local and exotic components of llajta economy more personal and controllable way, more purely his to dispose of. In this sense treasure goods seem to have been not so much symbols of relative rank, the shifting place of a person in the overall web of relationships, as of power moored to personality in almost the same way that physical strength resides in an individual's body. The preeminence of the native lord in accumulating such goods might be linked to the cult of his personal spirit as immovable, rocklike, and domineering, and the dealing out of treasure to the deputation or even infliction of such power. From the giver's point of view, treasure transactions may have represented alterations in power structure - the investment of power-while food transactions only represented the acting out of a status quo. The hierarchy of goods and the political hierarchy

Outside those needs which were supplied by household production and followed a purely domestic circuit of distribution and consumption, goods appear to fall into a relatively few categories, each of which had a characteristic ecological origin and a characteristic role in political economy. First, a group of goods associated with the llajta itself, and with basic subsistence, consisted mainly of maize but also of legumes and cucurbitacea. It was controlled by both native nobles and commoners. The former controlled it on a larger scale, but through mechanisms qualitatively similar to those used by commoners. Its ceremonial disposal at both levels seems to have reflected ideals of solidarity and shared loyalty. At both levels, production in quantities above self-sufficiency was the norm. Second, there was a group of goods associated with the farther margins of the llajta territory, with hunting and gathering, and with prestigious supplements to the first category of sustenance. These resources were commanded by "caciques" with markedly more ease than commoners, a claim legitimated by the deputation of specialist hunters working for chiefs, and, with the introduction of herds, by chiefs' monopoly on their exploitation as meat. The distribution of meat is unclear but probably reflected, as it does today, the relative rank of recipients vis-a-vis a given donor. In colonial times substantial amounts were exported. A third category consisted of exotic goods from the western forestdwelling Yumbos, consisting not of basic caloric or protein minima but of the supplements that transformed a bare subsistence into a socially acceptable diet, namely mountain salt and capsicum pepper. The fact that sea salt was unacceptable suggests that biological necessity was not the only crucial factor in their valuation. Cotton for clothing also belongs to this group, and like it, marked a standard level of well-being. It seems to have been associated with the autonomy and dignity of each unit that achieved access to it. 95

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas A fourth category consisted of certain portable, highly processed, valuable goods with exotic associations either because they were produced in places beyond the llajta and beyond the zones that bordered it, or because in the normal course of exchange they would circulate into such areas. These included choice personal adornments, coca, finished major garments, gold, bead wealth, and, apparently, hatchets. In their procurement nobles had unique advantages, and their ability to dispose of them was associated with personal power. These groups can, in turn, be associated in larger complexes which seem to coincide with very general levels of economic organization. The first and third groups, the "popular" staples, seem to relate to a sphere of interaction between montaha and sierra lands at the level of domestic units, which obtained them without political mediation. Within each llajta the political redistribution of these goods by chiefs derived symbolic significance precisely from the likeness between political and domestic economy where these basic stuffs were involved, as if to claim that chiefdom was domesticity writ large. This complex must have constituted a dense net of interaction throughout the ecological range from the lowest foothills of the western cordillera to the uppermost fringes of maize lands on the eastern cordillera. The second and fourth groups, which had a "sumptuary" character and connotations of rank and power held by nobles over common people, were associated with ecological extremes. On the one hand, their products derived from the exploitation of inter-Andean forest and paramo above the altitudes of the llajta maize lands. Such hunting and gathering was practiced generally but to the special benefit of chiefs, and correspondingly, when reflected in redistribution, expressed relative standing of individuals within the producing group. On the other hand, the sumptuary category also derived from contacts at the lower extreme-the Pacific coast-and at outward extremes beyond the normal radius of operations of the agriculturalist common people. In the procurement of imports from these places and in exportation to them the commoners had no share, and the allocation of such treasures seems not so much to have reflected relative prestige within a producing group, as more absolute and personal kinds of economic or political power. The web of interactions which carried these goods, mapping out the quest for economic power on a macroregional scale, must have formed a thin but far-flung network covering a substantial portion of native South America.

96

Interzonal articulation

Several recent studies have sought to identify exchange mechanisms through which north Andean peoples dealt with the "vertical" problem. Some specialists, such as Plaza (1976:12), hypothesize something similar to a central Andean "closed" or self-sufficient system of multiple-niche control (see also Athens and Osborne 1974). Others, most notably Oberem, envision a more mixed system including both "archipelago" mechanisms on a small scale and exchange with outside groups via a variety of mechanisms, some of them still quite obscure. Still others, including Hartmann (1971) have given heavy emphasis to "market" and "commercial" elements. Having looked at the termini of the Quito region's economic network and the major "exports" flowing between them, we turn now to the institutional mechanisms which channeled them, and to the identification of those which belonged to a specifically political sphere of exchange (see Figure 13). The "tiangueces": centralized exchange

The evidence for a "central place" for barter of commodities among aborigines independent of Spanish influences is strong, indeed almost irrefutable, in the case of Quito. Since this evidence has been compiled and examined in detail by Roswith Hartmann (1971), no more will be attempted here than a brief review and a suggestion for integrating it with other known local institutions. Hartmann has proposed the following points: First, that from the earliest encounters onward the Spanish saw places which to them were clearly native "markets," not only in the peripheries of the Inca empire but in Cuzco itself; second, that the products offered in these were plentiful and varied, including basic necessities as well as luxuries; third, that both Quechua and Aymara languages as recorded in early dictionaries had specialized terminologies for buying and selling; fourth, that the Incaic government made no attempt to suppress the market system but only to 97

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas

0 TUSA

TULCAN

HUACA

0 ©

SALINAS DE MIRA » ® AMBOQUI 0 ^ACH^LLACTA GUALEA

fc^^O^V

0

PIMAMPIRO

• CARANQUI OTAVALO

COCHASQUI © CAYAMBE

KILOMETERS

Figure 13. Some sites of medium- and long-distance exchange activity

regulate it in accord with its interests. No specifically Quito-based evidence has been available on the third and fourth of these points. Concerning the first, the city council minutes of the newborn colonial city show that the "tianguez" was already a going concern in its earliest years. Instead of an act authorizing the founding of a market, the entry of 20 May 1535 records Captain Sebastian Benalcazar's permission for Span98

Interzonal articulation iards residing in the newly conquered Inca center to trade with "the Indians of its tianguez" (V LCQ 1.1:79-81). In April 1536 an entry mentions the "old tianguez," which implies both that it already was long established, and that either the Spanish or the natives had seen fit to relocate or augment it. As one would expect from the original Nahuatl usage (tianquiztli), which referred specifically to a market place, Spaniards always referred to the "tianguez" as a fixed installation and not a fortuitous or mobile gathering. An act of 1538 gives some idea of its size, which was evidently sufficient to allow equestrian sports: "let no person skirmish or run any horse or mare in the tianguez which is in the plaza of this city" (l r LCQ 1.1:470). As for its location, several witnesses in a trial mention that a certain brawl took place "in the doorway of the church which opens on the plaza" or "in the tianguez and little plaza of San Francisco" (CVG 3a ser. vol.1:2-18).l These data suggest that the commercial activity which still bustles in the shade of the Franciscan monastery today may continue the tradition of the "tianguez " Since it was usual in European cities of the time for markets to jostle churches, this position may reflect the abovementioned relocation of the native "market." Regarding the second thesis, the variety and importance of "tianguez" offerings, there is some reason to credit Hartmann's interpretation. In 1535 the city councilmen noted that merchandise included "gold, silver, stones and pearls" (l r LCQ t.l:79). This clearly implies connection to an acquisitive network of very long reach, since none of these prestige articles are native to Quito. Gold probably arrived from either the north coast or the south Colombian Andes; if the stones were emeralds, as jewels of the area usually were, they came from the north coast of Esmeraldas or the Choco; pearls were fished from Guayaquil northward (ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.l034v-1035v, 1195r-1196v); silver, on the other hand, is likely to have been brought from an unknown location farther south in the highlands. Gold and silver as merchandise in the "tianguez" are confirmed by Domingo de Orive (CVG 4a ser. vol.l8.:114-115), in whose opinion (in 1577) the natives were accustomed to trade "everything they have." Other exotic merchandises attested during the decade following 1570 are salt (CVG 4a ser. vol.l8.:114-115; Atienza [1575?] 1931: 84; Anonimo [1573] 1965:228), coca (CVG 4a ser. vol.18.:115; Atienza [1575?] 1931:84), and red peppers (CVG 4a ser. vol.l8.:115; Atienza [1575?] 1931:84). Cotton, "which they sow in hot land and which is their barter merchandise in this city" (Valverde and Rodriguez [1576] 1965:170), is confirmed by Orive (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:114), who saw it sold both crude and woven into cloaks. The presence of the last three suggests that part of the Yumbo harvests reached the "tianguez." The contribution of the nearby sierran communities to the trading con99

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas sisted mostly of food. It is said in the visita of 1559 that "In the tianguez of the city of Quito" as well as in the Yumbo country, people from Urin Chillo "buy with maize and other things they harvest . . . some cotton for their clothing and they also buy some salt and red pepper for their sustenance" (M y SM 1559:f.838v ). The same is told of Pingolqui and El Ynga (f.803v, 817r), while Anan Chillo added "roots," i.e. Andean tubers, to the list (f.856r). Uyumbicho, the only inspected community not reportedly involved in the Yumbo traffic, did take part in the Quito "tianguez,'" bartering its crops for cotton, salt, and red pepper as the rest (f.869r). Orive (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:115) and the Anonimo of 1573 (1965:228) confirm maize as merchandise. Aside from these staples, specialty and prepared foods played some part. Cobo ([1653] 1964:344) mentions as a highland delicacy the grubs called juzu: "some worms the size of silkworms, white and hairy; these grow in cultivated land and in some places they are a delicious treat for the Indians, as in the Province of Quito, where baskets of them are generally for sale in the plaza." Some highlanders sold cooked food and maize beer to travelers on the road "in exchange for what they lacked and needed, as for example salt, red pepper, and coca" (Atienza [1575?] 1931:84). One may assume this refers to travelers going to some exchange function, else they would hardly be carrying available surpluses of these foods. In the period 1562-1572 Yumbos came to Quito to exchange tropical produce for finished artisan products. Although they sometimes used coinage as an intermediate stage in transactions, they made no use of it in their own territory: About forty or fifty years ago (the Yumbos) used to travel to this city to barter, bringing along bananas, pineapples and many other fruits and some cotton, and if they gained one or two pesos, they would take it away converted into a comb, a knife, a hatchet to cut down the forest, needles, or little beads [chaquirilla] in such a fashion that they took no coins back to their land with them, not so much as a maravedi (AG1/S Aud. Quito 86.12 f.lr).2

Except for the introduction of iron tools in Hispanic times, this barter is likely still to have conserved the character of pre-Hispanic exchange. The same witness reports that the Yumbos possessed gold in nuggets valued up to one thousand ducats, with which they paid Spanish tribute. Even at relatively late dates the "tianguez''' conserved some nonSpanish norms, such as a preference for barter over coinage in most transactions: The usual and most ordinary practice is for the natives to barter among themselves one thing for another, as for example, if I need salt, I give in exchange maize, cotton, wool, or anything else I may have . . . There is no more contract involved, than to say "Give me this and take that in exchange." And having 100

Interzonal articulation agreed on an exchange, they carry it out. If, before they separate, one of the parties changes his mind, each one can readily take back what had been his; but as soon as they part, if one wishes not to make the trade, it is executed anyway (Anonimo [1573] 1965:228; see also 220).3 The rotative scheduling of minor functions, recorded in 1573 by the Anonimo (1965:220) may also be autochthonous: 'The Indians conduct their markets in their villages in such a fashion that today it takes place in one village and tomorrow in another nearby, and so on through their cycle." But this is not confirmed in earlier sources. Evidence of autochthonous "tiangueces" must be weighed against the fact that centralized exchange was one of the native institutions earliest and most thoroughly transformed by European, and sometimes African, intervention. As early as 1535 the Cabildo took measures against Spaniards' forcing natives to sell gold, silver, and jewels against their will, specifying that coercion invalidated sale. In the same year we first hear of a wrangle between Africans and natives in the "tianguez " later a perpetual policing problem (l r LCQ 1.1:101); in 1548 a special constable was appointed to punish "the black men and women who may enter in [the market] or mistreat the Indians of the tianguez" (2 do LCQ t.2:69). Spanish intervention modified the supply factor in cases like that mentioned in a royal policy decree of 1567, where a suspicion is evident on the crown's part that encomenderos had hindered the bringing of produce to market, the better to preempt it in the form of tribute (AGI/S Aud. Quito 211). But by far the most severe distortions were due to the ready adaptability of the "tianguez" to the needs of colonial mercantile economy. It soon became an indispensable part of urbanism, more vital to the colonizers than to its own founders. By the end of the sixteenth century "tianguez" hypertrophy had reached such an extreme that the members of the governing Audiencia complained that their headquarters had fallen outside the mainstream of city life, because of its location at a distance from "the plaza where the natives conduct their markets" (AGI/S Aud. Quito 9). A description by the Anonimo of 1573 (1965:220) suggests to what a degree the Spanish depended on the "tianguez" for their diet: The city provides itself with wheat and maize from neighbors and dwellers who farm as a source of income [granjeria]; aside from this, there are many natives who regularly come bringing it to sell at their tianguez which they hold in the city plaza, where one finds the vegetables and fruits that the land yields . . . Rabbits, partridges, and other birds and chickens and eggs are provided by the Indians who habitually sejl them in their tianguez . . . Preserved beef comes from whoever wishes to make it in his house, and venison can often be found in the tianguez.4

But even at earlier dates the Spanish pressed on the pre-Hispanic "tiangueces" to satisfy their demands, and often organized new ones. Fer101

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas nando de Santillan, president of the newly founded Audiencia of Quito, ordered the inauguration of "tiangueces" in practically every place where colonists lived, and as a result, at his exit hearings in 1568, the witnesses affirmed that "tiangueces" could be found far and wide but that one could not always tell which existed "by the order of the said President and judges of the Audiencia" and which were "an ancient thing among the Indians" (CVG l a ser. vol. 27:58, 67, 69, 76, 85, 95, 104, 170, 185, 198, 278, 332-333, 340, 350). For this reason it is incorrect to accept the existence of autochthonous centralized exchange places except where, as in the case of Quito, documentation of the earliest stratum corroborates their authenticity. The mindaldes: "merchant Indians"

Beside the common people who came to barter, there was an elite specialist group, called mindaldes, who, according to San Martin and Mosquera, "live in the city of Quito bartering [rescatando] in the tianguez" (1559:f.829v). These twenty-six domestic units, although they belonged politically to Urin Chillo, did not fall under any of the ordinary political categories of their llajta, neither common, nor noble, nor servile, nor foreign. They were enumerated as a separate subsector, yet did not have a "principal" as leader; instead they recognized a primus inter pares, Domingo Nynaquiza, "mindald who has charge of the rest"" (M y SM 1559:f.829v; see also Espinoza 1975: 389-390). Their tribute rule was unlike that of all other natives, entailing neither labor nor produce payments to the Spanish, but only gold. They formed an indivisible corporate group resident in a privileged district of the Incaic city. Since the existence of such a group in Andean societies has not been generally noted, the mindaldes merit close examination. The word mindald is still in use in north sierran Spanish and some, but not all, subdialects of Quichua. (Although the modern pronunciation is accented penultimately, the sixteenth-century sources are unanimous in using the plural mindalaes. Because the e would not have been needed in the absence of an ultimate stress, we have supplied a written accent in contexts other than paleographic transcription.) In the Spanish of Tulcan, according to Zenon Ponce (1955:44), "mindala means small and stingy." Manuel Moreno Mora, a scholar of Cuenca, southern Ecuador, gives its Quichua sense as "a woman who makes rounds in the country buying and selling food" (1956 1.1:293). Another lexicographer of the same region, Alfonso Cordero Palacios (1957:193), defines mindaldes as "Indian women or women of the lowest class, who sell food, spices, vegetables, etc., at retail, either daily in a fixed place, or walking from town to town." 102

Interzonal articulation Cordero notes, in addition, two derived expressions: "to have a mindala mouth," which means "to have, like squabbling mindaldes, a large and filthy vocabulary" and mindalapachi, a syncope combining mindald with Quichua apachiy 'to load' so as to denote a "special way of loading a cargo onto a beast of burden, like the way mindaldes do it; the sacks are placed onto the animal, and when they have been tied, in a handy and safe manner, they hang on the harness like saddlebags." Dario Guevara, refuting Moreno's hypothesis of a "Cakchiquel-Chibcha" etymology, offers the opinion that "Mintala or mindala is nothing but a syncope of Spanish mindanga, and this word, according to the Royal Academy [i.e. of the Spanish Language] is a variant of pindonga, which means 'woman of the streets' " (1975:163). Guevara points out, correctly, that the word is not found in Quechua dictionaries ancient or modern, of Peru or Bolivia, but he does not establish any New World instance of pindonga or its alleged derivatives. Aquiles P6rez gives a "Colorado" (Tsafiqui) etymology signifying "to touch the road" (1962:224). Perez has chosen the most plausible and conservative solution in seeking an etymology in a language of the Chibchan group, to which the extinct aboriginal tongues of the north sierra appear (on admittedly inadequate evidence) to have belonged (Loukotka 1968:246, 250), and in looking first among those spoken within demonstrable contact zones of the ancient highlanders. Another speculative etymology might be proposed from the same ram- root as it appears in Jijon's summary of various scholars' work on "Cayapa o Nigua," reputedly a relative of Tsafiqui or "Colorado," spoken today in Esmeraldas Province by the riverine Cayapa or Chachi. Jijon (1941 t.2:382) gives will take a walk (M) mi=to walk-n=future-de^^permanence of quality-su=passive voice suffix-yw=durative of state. MINDESUYOOOO-I

The elements mi-n-de, then, express (according to Jijon) the notions of walking, future time, and some degree of duration. Jijon also gives 4a as a noun suffix which "indicates that the word which bears it is a generic noun, name of a group or class" (1941:312). It appears, for example, in "su-pu-la- woman -female organ, body, class" (1941:302). The hypothetical form *mi-n-de~la would denote a member of a class of persons who walk protractedly in future time, that is, emissaries, extraterritorials, or itinerants. The distribution of early colonial mindald evidence so far uncovered is almost wholly limited to the extreme northern periphery and frontier of the Inca empire. From Quito southward mindald evidence is very scarce. The best candidates for southerly mindaldes are the "merchant Indians," a term used as a synonym of mindaldes in the visita of 1559 (f.841r), whom the explorer Andres Contero met in the western lowlands in 1569. 103

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas These were natives of "Sicchos Angamarca" (Carranza [1569] 1965:88), near modern Guaranda. The indefatigable Perez, in a study of more than six thousand names of aboriginal persons and places in the modern provinces of Tunguragua and Cotopaxi, over a chronological span of four centuries, gives only one example, a woman surnamed Mindala in Quero in 1700 (1962:224). In his even larger study of the Puruhaes, the next ethnic group further south, not a single example appears (1969-1976). By contrast mindald is attested in many places from Quito northward through Imbabura and Carchi Provinces and into Colombia. At Cayambe the mindaldes still formed a group apart in 1782 (Perez 1960:160). In Otavalo Sancho de Paz Ponce de Leon observed "merchant Indians" before 1582 (1965:236), and their successors appear, still as a corporate group named mindaldes, in a fragment of a visita of 1645 (IOA/O 1645:f.647-702). At this time they, like the Quito contingent, were treated as subjects of the main local lord but privileged to live extraterritorially. Mindald also occurs as the name of an arroyo near Otavalo (Perez 1960:109). Jijon (1941 1.1:209) cites a datum of Grijalva about a person called Mindald resident in San Antonio, probably Caranqui, near the future site of Ibarra, in 1592. Grijalva himself gives some text fragments from the trial of one Juan Cuaya Mindala, "merchant Indian from Huaca" near modern San Gabriel, in Carchi Province (1937:81-84; see Chapter 7). Beyond the Colombian frontier, in the Pasto country, a great many mindald groups were inspected in 1570 (see Chapter 7). Mindala occurs as the name of a place near modern Buenos Aires, in southern Colombia (IGAC 1971 t.2:797). In 1607 mindaldes were doing business with miners at Guambia, in today's Cauca Province (Aud. Quito 9). Finally, in 1730 mindaldes were active in the Choco, and especially in "the province of Tatama . . . from the port of San Juan de Chami as far as the port of Andaguera" (Arboleda Llorente 1948:108-111). It is not known how much of the northward spread of mindald activity was due to a colonial hypertrophy similar to that which swelled the number of "tiangueces." But the likelihood is that at least the distribution from Sicchos to the northern Pasto country was autochthonous. So far no functional description of the mindaldes has come to light. But a document preserved in the Franciscan Monastery of Quito, entitled "Register [Padron] of the Indian parishioners of this church of San Sebastian both yana and tributary, and of the others who live in this parish," gives some diachronic depth to the data on Don Juan Zangolqui's mindald corps. The "Padron" lacks signature and date, but was probably compiled by P. Garcia de Valencia, parish priest of San Sebastian, in connection with his suit against the Franciscans for jurisdiction over the heart of Incaic Quito. Its date would then be c.1582. It contains a list of all the mindaldes 104

Interzonal articulation and their households a generation after the visita, when Francisco Ruiz had died and been replaced as encomendero by Juan de la Vega. The indigenous leadership, however, had not changed (AF/Q 1582:f.82v-83r, 85 v). The fact that they lived in the San Francisco-San Sebastian neighborhood strongly suggests that they belonged to the native elite of the city, since this area, probable seat of the household of Atawalpa and certainly that of his son Francisco Atauchi "the Auqui" (Oberem 1976a:34), formed a virtual citadel of aboriginal and Inca nobility and their servitors (see Chapter 6). Since there were no other mindald delegations, it is likely that Juan Zangolqui enjoyed a local monopoly throughout the south-Quito area. Some details on mindald merchandise and routes can be retrieved from the fragmentary sources. It is known, for example, that the "Sicchos-Angamarca merchant Indians" traveled from the sierra into the littoral plain in order to barter "some little satchels of salt which weigh a little over a pound and a half" for gold, cotton, red pepper, and dried fish (Carranza [1569] 1965:88). Paz Ponce noted that Otavalo's "merchant Indians" "did not serve their lords as the rest did, but only paid them a tribute of gold and mantles and bead wealth [chaquira] of red or white bone beads" ([1582] 1965:236); the imperfect tense verbs in this document refer specifically to pre-Hispanic times. Domingo de Orive probably had mindaldes in mind when writing of "the native dealers {contratantes) who have their trades and businesses (tratos y granjerias) bartering gold, silver, salt, coca and other such things which are their normal trade" (CVG 4a ser. vol.18:114). A mindald of Toledan times doubled as a silversmith in Quito (ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:f.l59r-v). A mindald active in Carchi province in the 1560s commanded apparently very large amounts of "coca and chaquira" (Grijalva 1937:81). Later and probably more Hispanicized mindaldes offered a broader range of goods: in Popayan around 1607, they included "maize beer, agave beer, coca, bread, wine, meat, cheese, mantles, tunics, breechclouts, and hats" (AGI/S Aud. Quito 9). The presence of mindaldes in Amboqui, close to the famous coca fields of Pimampiro and ecologically similar, suggests continuing reliance on coca (IOA/O 1645). The late mindald trade in the Choco seems to have depended on the use of certain adornments as media of payment: "flannels, chokers, chiriquies [?], parumas[l], beads [chaquira], bracelets . . . of the kinds that they [mitayo Indians] use" (Arboleda Llorente 1948:108). In general it appears that prior to 1600 mindaldes were specialized in the importation of extra-sierran goods, from the lowlands and the transverse river canyons, usually of high prestige and high unit value. (It was the presence of gold among these which attracted the Spaniards' attention 105

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas and caused them to assign the mindaldes the unique and extremely high all-gold tribute quota of four pesos per tributary per year; M y SM 1559:f.841r.) Most of these appear to come from remote sites controlled by "foreign" cultural groups. Some of these goods were handed over to the sponsoring lord as tribute. The rest, apparently, were taken to the "tianguez" and by this route eventually reached villages in the hand of common subjects. Being at once purveyors of essential and highly regarded goods, and agents of political authority, mindaldes must have played a major part in both intra-llajta and regional politics. Nonetheless, little is known of their recruitment and career save three items. First, there was some hereditary tendency in their recruitment, since two of the new mindaldes of the 1580's were sons of mindaldes. But there must have been some other channel of recuitment as well, because not all the newcomers seem to be kin to senior members. Second, mindald careers were long, probably lifelong (though a rotative scheme cannot yet be excluded), because nine of the later mindaldes had already been active in 1559. Finally, it was possible, at least toward the end of the sixteenth century, for women to be titled mindald (ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:f.663r-666v). Indeed, the denotation of the word today is exclusively female. The Yumbos: exchange at the level of domestic units

The dependence of highland llajtakuna on peoples of the western forests for clothing fiber, salt, and red pepper found its institutional expression in direct exchange linkages, with highland agriculturalists trekking into the Yumbo country without any apparent political sponsorship or escort (Rodriguez de Aguayo [s.f.] 1965:202). When asked about their "trades and businesses," the 1559 witnesses uniformly spoke of these expeditions as a functional alternative to at least some kinds of "tianguez" dealings: (Urin Chillo:) the dealings [contrataciones] which they have, are to buy in the tianguez of the city of Quito, and in the lands of the Yumbos, which are ten or twelve leagues from these their own lands, some cotton for their dress and also some salt and red pepper for their sustenance, with the maize and other things they harvest (M y SM 1559:f.838v). (Anan Chillo:) as dealings, they go to the Yumbos with the things they raise in their said lands, and for these they barter cotton with which they make clothing for their own dress, and besides this they go to the city of Quito and with the maize they harvest in their aforementioned lands, and with the tubers, they barter some red pepper and salt, and no more of it than for their own sustenance (M y SM 1559:f.856r). (El Ynga:) in the tianguez of the city of Quito, and in the Yumbo lands, which are twelve leagues from their lands, they barter some salt and cotton and other minor things and some red pepper for their sustenance (M y SM 1559:f.817r-v). 106

Interzonal articulation (Pingolqui:) in the city of Quito their dealing is to take maize or some wheat, and in Yumbo they also take maize and other things for which they get cotton (M y SM 1559:f.803v)5.

The journey to the Yumbos, although it involves crossing some rough country where roads are not easily maintained, was not especially long. Thanks to the Audiencia's early interest in building a European road to take advantage of the Esmeraldas route used by native travelers, information on the journey into the northern Yumbo country is fairly complete: From the said city of Quito to the town of Cotocollao two leagues From Cotocollao to the town of Nono two leagues From Nono to the town of Alanbi four leagues From Alanbi to the town of Gualea two leagues From Gualea to Tanbillo three and a half leagues From Tanbillo to the town of Niguas four leagues From the town of Niguas to the wastes four leagues (Arevalo [1600] 1949:34; see Figure I) 6

2 2 4 2 3 1/2 4 4

There is general agreement that the distance from Quito to the Niguas was seventeen and a half to eighteen leagues (Anonimo [1582] 1965:336, Cabello [1579?] 1945:60). According to Cabello the journey to Gualea was twelve leagues, according to Arevalo ten. Since Arevalo ([1600] 1949:28) reports that Spaniards reached Gualea in three days, it is likely that natives, better familiarized with the route, could reach it in less. If we draw from these reports the conclusion that foot traffic advanced through the "cloud forest" at three to four leagues per day, then the people of El Ynga, whose settlement was the farthest of those visited from the Yumbo frontier ("twelve leagues from their lands," f.817r), would have been able to meet their Yumbo counterparts after only three or four days on the road. A fortiori one may assume the other groups to have enjoyed still quicker access. The role of the Yumbos themselves in these exchanges is not very clear. In all likelihood a major part of their offerings were locally produced, but Carranza's report ([1569] 1965:88) plainly states that some Yumbos, namely those of Cansacoto, and also people from the west-slope salt center of Tomavela, took part in a network reaching still farther west. This is particularly evident in regard to the salt trade. The spring-refined salt of the western cordillera (muru kachi 'spotty or grainy salt'), prepared in small bagfuls in ancient times and today in loaves, was exploited at the Salinas de Mira in Imbabura Province and at Cachillacta in the northern Yumbos as well as at Tomavela. These places were centers of extraordinary importance in the pre-Columbian transport and exchange network. Almagro, emerging from the western forests into the highlands on his epic but futile expedition of 1534, found "a place where they made a lot of salt for trading" which may have been Tomavela (Herrera 107

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas [1601-1615] 1950 t.ll:19). Tomavela was the site of a complex colony under Inca governance (Cantos [1581] 1965:258-259). In 1569 it was a center for traders from Cansacoto, Sicchos Angamarea, and probably the western littoral plain. The terminus of this network seems to have been at or near the Pacific coast, since dried fish was among the commodities involved. So highly was mountain salt esteemed that is was possible to trade it for gold and for other treasures among peoples who must have had ample access to sea salt (Carranza [1569] 1965:88). These facts suggest that the Yumbo communities were not limited in their exchange linkages to the sierran peoples, but that in their own right they conducted a far-flung network. Thus the extrapolitical links of highland households with Yumbos, although only of medium-distance reach, may have formed parts of a more extended organization whose total extent might rival that of the mindald apparatus. Amazonian contacts

The overwhelming bulk of the early ethnohistoric record about interzonal contacts refers to ties between sierran and west-slope peoples, and we believe that this imbalance accurately reflects the greater quantitative importance of the western axis. For geographical reasons already mentioned, the Amazonian montana was probably less attractive to highland travelers other than specialist traders. Nonetheless the peoples of the Amazonian slope themselves had pressing reasons for wanting contacts with the highlands, and have maintained them in spite of great obstacles over an extremely long prehistoric and historic span. Nineteenth-century witnesses saw the pre-Hispanic route to the Quijos still in use. Exhausted Quijos travelers fresh from the transit of the eastern paramos customarily rested in Quito to heal their inflamed and wounded feet, and many were said to die of cold and fatigue on the eastern heights (Oberem 19711.1:176). Quijos-Quito contacts may never have reached the proportions of a continuous massive traffic, but neither have they been broken in any period of history. Europeans and Incas, as Francisco (1971) acutely observes, have been accustomed to think of Amazonia as "remote" only because of their own failures in governing it. In light of these now well-established facts, it would be impossible to assess the role of long-distance exchange in ancient Quito without taking some account of Amazonian links. Archaeological work by P. Pedro Porras suggests the great pre-Incaic antiquity of these links, or rather, of a cultural movement across the eastern cordillera. Remains of his "Cosanga phase" are found in the sierra as well as in the Quijos Valley where they seem to have originated at least four hundred years B.C. According to Porras, the group that 108

Interzonal articulation made Cosanga ceramics, as a result of incursions in their homeland by another group, climbed over various passes and low spots in the eastern range to inhabit highland valleys from the San Gabriel region in the north (Pasto) through Guapulo and Cumbaya of the Quito region, Salcedo and Latacunga, to Pillaro in the central highlands. They left in all these places artifacts classed as "Cosanga-Pillaro" and engaged in a cultural interchange with earlier-rooted inhabitants of the highlands. In Cochasqui, at the northern edge of Pichincha Province, Porras dates Cosanga-Pillaro remains to 700 A.D., and identifies as part of the same culture remains found by Max Uhle at Cumbaya. The discovery of related remains at Oyacachi and on the paramo heights of the ancient Quito-PapallactaBaeza route is strong evidence of direct contact (Porras and Piana 1975:160, 241-242; Porras 1975:89-98). The Cosanga-Pillaro distribution takes a leap into the west slope of the Cordillera Occidental at Sicchos and Angamarca (Porras 1975:98). Apparently the trans-sierran link through Angamarca lasted well into the colony, for in 1610 a Spaniard reported seeing ninety "rebel Colorado Indians from the lowlands [yungas] of Angamarca" traveling on the road to "the [Amazonian] Canela country" via Ambato. They said they had come from "Teschela cupi" (almost certainly meaning the Tsatchela or "Colorado" country) and were carrying ceramic, golden, copper, and silver figurines and other objects to trade for "certain herbs which they refused to identify." These data suggest that the traffic in religious objects and plants of shamanic importance formed an important part of the Amazonian exchange (Carrera (1981:148). If any route in the Quito area proper played an analogous role it was probably the pre-Incaic trail from Baeza through Papallacta to Quito (Oberem 1971 1.1:175). It was probably not through this aboriginal route, however, but through Chapi in Imbabura, and "a valley of one of the Napo tributaries" to the south of Quito, that the Incas made their several incursions into Quijos country, according to Oberem's synthesis of Cabello, Montesinos, and Toribio de Ortiguera. Montesinos mentions that the Incas on these expeditions brought with them numerous bearers, which suggests that their intent was to pass as highland merchants-a stratagem which presupposes Quijos familiarity with such persons (Oberem 1971 t.l:145; [1967] 1974:108-109). The list of Amazonian products which were shipped to Quito and other highland centers includes"cinnamon," known in another context as one of the treasures of Atawalpa's encampment (Oberem 19711.1:171) and mentioned by Cieza as an article of trade much esteemed for its medicinal value ([1553]1962:130). The vegetable coloring bandul with which aborigines painted their faces on ceremonial occasions also came from Amazonia (CVG l a ser. vol. 13:616). Coca from the east seems to have been shipped 109

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas by specialist Quijos (Oberem 19711.1:171). It is possible that some of the slaves and animals known to have been sent to the sierra via Chapi reached Quito (Oberem [1967] 1974:355). From 1577 onward there are numerous records of shipments of "Quijos clothing," apparently luxury goods, into the highlands, but it is not known whether this had a pre-Hispanic antecedent (Oberem 19711.1:141-142; ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:146v-147v; ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.ll50v-1152v; ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.l006r-1007r; ANH/Q l a notaria t.2:f.86r; ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:503v-507r, f.649r-652v; ANH/Q l a notaria t.4:f.91r). The best documented of the commodities with which the sierra traffic supplied the eastern forest peoples are, interestingly, the same ones which highlanders in turn obtained from Yumbos of the west. Cotton was generally in short supply among the eastern groups, and they seem to have relied in large part on supplies brought by highlanders. Salt, which was chronically scarce, was also brought from Quito. A veteran of an Inca expedition to Quijos reported that the Quijos would exchange gold for it (Oberem [1967] 1974:348). The practice of selling highland dogs in Amazonia, which persisted until recently, has ancient roots. Ortegon in 1577 reported that eastern shamans would sell their knowledge in exchange for dogs and other domesticated animals (Oberem 1971 1.1:163). The termini of these shipments seems to have been "tiangueces," the one at Quito and another at Jatun Quijos in western Amazonia, also of probable pre-Columbian origin, which met weekly. Although the Papallacta road connecting these two points runs straight through the territory of the visita of 1559, and although the k"ipu reproduced in the Introduction, which is a record of highlanders forced to bear cargoes to Quijos over it, shows that a large number of highlanders must have known the Quijos at first hand, there is no indication in the visita or elsewhere of Quijos natives' bartering or cultivating in the highland llajtakuna. This suggests that then, as now, the Quijos exerted a relatively direct and intimate influence on highland thought, through the channel of curing and other ideological experiences undergone by the highlanders who traveled in the montana, but only an indirect and mediated influence, via the "tianguez" in Quito, on the economy of highland villages. Nonetheless the Spaniards of the later sixteenth century took very seriously the possibility that the pende (shamanic) revolt and others of the time, epidemic to the forest population, might spread to the sierra. This was not unreasonable, considering the relation of visionary and shamanistic curing to the messianist politics of western Amazonia. The great lowland shamans were and still are figures of awe to highlanders. In some cases, notably that of Cuenca, menaced by the "Jivaros" or Shuar, facts bore out Spanish fears (ANH/Q Fon.Cor.Sup. No.8 LARH 1596:f.52v). In the case of the Quito region, however, the highlanders proved less 110

Interzonal articulation susceptible than the Spanish, at the moment of crisis, imagined. Probably at the urging of P. Diego Lobato, son of the collaborationist Inca noblewoman Isabel Yarucpalla, the Audiencia disarmed the highlanders, deprived them of horses, and undercut the cultural coherence of the movement by exiling native lords to the coast and substituting foreign puppet rulers (Oberem 1971 t.l:75; CVG 3a ser. vol. 1:743). The suspicions about Indian revolutions which circulated, really arose from sayings of Indians in gatherings and drunken parties; and if they had had a leader or someone to aid them, it is believed these might have had some effect, but God has seen fit to soften and calm them merely at the sight of some courage and prudence and vigilance [i.e. on the Spanish side]. And thus we dare to affirm, as far as our discreet inquiry can indicate, that, after our having banished some leaders and imposed foreign Indian governors like those the Incas used, and having taken away their weapons and saddles, and having kept them busy in workshops and paid cattleherding, and having influenced them with words and jailings and sometimes with flattery, there is no trace of the evil in these natives [i.e. highlanders], nor even any outward disposition to it; as for what is within them, only God our Lord knows (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8:f.lr).7

These measures seem to have sufficed to quell whatever Quito-area support the pende idealogy had accumulated, a fact suggesting that there were limits to the sway of lowland cultural leadership. Kamayujkuna: archipelago elements

The Quechua word kamayuj or kamayuq ("camayo" "camayoc"), as a loan-word adopted into Spanish, appears in the visita of 1559 and many other Spanish papers in a sense close to its Andean meaning. A kamayuj was a person who exploited a natural resource or processed a raw material, not for subsistence purposes, but as the delegate of a community, political authority, or religious cult. Very many specialist roles were classified as kamayuj in the Quechua-speaking world: for example, "cachicamayo" 'salt gatherer or refiner'; "cocacamayo" 'guardian and gardener of coca plantations'; "cumbicamayo" 'weaver of fine fabric' (for a fuller list, see Falcon [1571] in Rostworowski 1975:334-336). Frequently the persons in charge of an "island" or "outlier" in the system nicknamed "vertical archipelago" were labeled kamayujkuna. Kamayujkuna were exponents of a solution to the interdependency problem qualitatively different from those so far mentioned. Systems of barter, whether based on direct reciprocity or mediated, centralized exchange, preserved the territorial integrity of the respective communities, albeit at the risk of scarcities should the exotic commodities for any reason be released in another direction. Indeed mindald operations might be seen as a way of minimizing this risk. But the "archipelago" is a more radical solution. It goes much farther than local "microvertically" in 111

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas abandoning territorial integrity, achieving an ecologically plural self-sufficiency through the deployment of permanent extraterritorials in outliers. The most clearcut "archipelago" documented in the northern Andes was that seen in the Province of Chimbo, some one hundred kilometers south of Quito, and especially at Chapacoto. Here a number of delegations called "camayos," from various remote communities, found themselves and a quantity of mitmajkuna (transplant populations) lodged together in a local enclave surrounded by territory of another group (Cantos [1581] 1965:256; see also l r LCQ t.2:383-384). In the Chillos Valley a few small "islands" of kamayujkuna were registered by the 1559 inspection. They do not seem to add up to a full-fledged "archipelago," but demonstrate a curious mingling of different kinds of vertical apparatus. The kamayujkuna of this locale probably represent an incipient "archipelago," the cutting edge of an Inca-promoted institution (see Chapter 5). Specifically, there were three bodies of kamayujkuna registered. Two of these were, so to speak, incoming delegations; that is, they were bodies of foreigners lodged in the llajta of Anan Chillo. One was multiethnic in a small way: "In the lands of Domingo Ysicna, subchief [i.e. of Amador Amaguaiia] there are four camayo Indians, two of them belonging to the village and chief of Panzaleo and the other two to Tomavela, with their houses, wives, and children settled in the said village and lands of the said Domingo Ysicna." The other, stationed in a different sector (parcialidad) of the same llajta, was homogeneous: "six more camayos in the lands of Don Francisco Quingalumbo, subchief of the said Don Amador, who are of the village of Atun Sicho of [the subchief?] Zunba" (M y SM 1559:f.855r). The resource which these people were sent to exploit was probably the inter-Andean forest. At least this seems to be the case with the Tomavela people, who were recorded in their own homes as being absent "in Chillo with the carpenters" (Cantos [1581] 1965:259). Although the kamayujkuna did not cease to be community members with full rights in their places of origin, they also had tributary duties where they were stationed: "For the use of the lands which they sow and cultivate, which are those of the said lord Don Amador and his subchiefs, they have the custom of helping to make and work the said lord's and subchiefs' maize fields . . . and it has been thus since the time of the Inca" (M y SM 1559:f.869r). This presumably made their presence more palatable to local nobles. Uyumbicho-it is not clear whether the community as a whole or one of its sectors - commanded an outgoing delegation: "they have two Indians in Tunguragua who cultivate a little cotton for their clothing supply" (M y SM 1559:f.869r). "Tunguragua" probably refers to one of the warm valleys of the Rio Pastaza drainage, toward modern Bafios, where pro112

Interzonal articulation Table 3. Forasteros (resident nonlocal aborigines) Resident in

Subjects of

Puembo Don Alvaro

Pingolqui

Urin Chillo

Anan Chillo

Don Crist6bal Lumyano yana of D. Bonifaz D. Alvaro Ura Ynbla D.Juan Amaguana Zangolqui D. Alonso Ate Lumyano

Zimba (also called Zunba) Lumyano Alonso Paria Tanta

Total

Llajta of origin Otavalo Pinta Puratico Collaguac,os Sicho Pangaleo Puratico Pinta Anan Chillo Urin Chillo Latacunga (Sicho) Latacunga Tenecochi Sichos Panzaleo Atun Sicho Tomavela Latacunga Sicho Panzaleo Chimbo Mulahalo

No. of units 4 6 ?

1 1 1 3 4 3 1 1 2 "ciertos" 20 4 3 3 1 1 1 at least 64

nounced multiethnic formations could still be seen at the end of the sixteeenth century (Anonimo [1605] 1868). Besides the kamayujkuna, who were stationed in Inca times, four communities reported the presence of groups of forasteros. The term forastero designated persons who had arrived from other places after the Spanish conquest, about 1544 according to the visita testimony, and resided by permission of the local native lords. They did not constitute political sectors in their own right, but, like the kamayujkuna, remained as a residuum after the inspection of the sectors (see Table 3). The tribute regimen of these newcomers seems to be a Hispanicized version of the kamayuj rule, including as it does payments in kind as well as in labor. Santiago Guanbiango, lord of Puembo, reported that they remained members of their home communities, but also paid him: They have the custom that each married Indian of the above-mentioned [i.e. forasteros] gives half a fanega of maize, except those from Puratico, who sometimes give the maize but usually not; and some birds and eggs each year, and they help to carry the maize which they give according to the tribute quotas to the city of Quito, and they also help to make the fields for the chief and repair his house 113

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas when necessary, and give some food to the priest when he comes to indoctrinate them and baptise their children, and they help to build the church (M y SM 1559:f.810v).* It is a subtle stroke on the native lords' part to minimize their own responsibility for the Christian incursions by making their most conspicuously "outsider" subjects pay for it. In spite of such hispanicisms, Oberem is probably correct in suggesting that the forastero phenomenon, which grew to immense proportions later in the colonial era, began in part as a continuation of the kamayuj tradition adapted to the unstable conditions of the early Spanish regime (1976b:ll). Specialized and nonspecialized modes of interzonal articulation

Although the evidence is imperfectly synchronized, it strongly suggests that at least three different institutions simultaneously channeled products between zones: kamayujkuna, traffic by nonspecialist persons disposing of household surpluses, and traffic by the politically authorized specialist mindaldes. The institution of kamayuj control is probably of Inca origin and will be discussed with other Inca phenomena in Chapter 6. The nonspecialized travelers, who seem to have come from the common ranks of agriculturalist villagers, are not known to have reached beyond the nearest of the forest zones, the Yumbo country, and seem to have traded in articles grouped under the non-sumptuary import categories in the previous chapter. The specialists in long-distance exchange and transport, mindaldes or "merchant Indians," constituted a privileged sector, and are known to have dealt in goods of markedly exotic origin and high sumptuary standing. Their radius of action was probably very much greater than that of common travelers. The actors in interzonal exchange can be grouped not only according to their higher or lower rank in their home communities, but also spatially. The nonspecialist travelers operated with their homes as base of operations, while the specialists did not reside in their llajta at all but in Quito, close to the "tianguez" which was their base of operations. This is not to suggest total segregation. The nonspecialists could go to the "tianguez" as well as directly to the Yumbo sources of supply, and it is possible that mindaldes did not always leapfrog over the Yumbos to reach faraway "tiangueces." But it does suggest that in the aboriginal world there were two very different loci of exchange action. On the one hand, there were points like Quito, to which exchange specialists from as far away as the Amazonian forests voyaged with the purpose of meeting other specialists, or humbler suppliers of goods scarce in their home locales. It is likely that the typical "tianguez" was sponsored or administered by a particular mindald corps, since we know that the Chillos mindaldes were the only 114

Interzonal articulation ones resident in the southern part of Quito. On the other hand, the llajtakuna where most of the goods channeled from exotic zones were eventually consumed, do not in themselves give any evidence at all of having contained places where direct exchange could be conducted in a public and impersonal manner. Rather, the evidence on internal governance of llajtakuna suggests the predominance of reciprocal, ceremonialized prestations within given social strata, and of equally "multiplex" redistributive ones between them, in filling the exchange function. (For details of intracommunal institutions see Chapter 5.) It has been mentioned that neither of these modes seems to be unique to the area around Quito, but, on the contrary, common to at least the regions southwest of Quito (Sicchos, Angamarca) and north of Quito (Imbabura, the Pasto region). As a tentative reconstruction of preColumbian exchange networks, we suggest that these two modes may have constituted a far-flung general web of relationships. The upper layer of the system would have consisted of a web of "tiangueces" located at strategic intersections of transport routes in both highland and lowland zones, frequently near major ecological frontiers (marine/tropical forest; montana/siena; xerophytic/humid), each sponsored by the elite specialist organization(s) of a given area. Their function, from the sponsors' point of view, would have been primarily to afford access to prestigious goods from remote, politically and ecologically foreign zones, and their mode of operation would have included some relatively "naked" or "single-stranded" exchange although not necessarily a fully monetarized or price-making market. The lower tier of the system would have consisted of a web of relationships passing in part through "tiangueces" but fundamentally organized on a llajta-to-llajta basis, its links consisting of relatively enduring, perhaps ceremonious, relationships of reciprocity between households or other small units belonging to communities in neighboring but ecologically complementary zones. From the viewpoint of participants, the goal would have been a relatively secure supply of ecologically foreign, but culturally indispensable, consumption goods. Its radius of operations would have been relatively short. It is not impossible that each link of the lower tier, connecting with a similar link to farther locales, might ultimately connect with far-distant zones in a kula-like fashion, perhaps even including a kula-like component of wealth objects. But in long distance exchanges, the mindald tier would ordinarily enjoy the decisive advantage of being unbound by agricultural duties and perhaps also of military protection. For this reason the chiefs, as sponsors of mindald corps, would possess a commanding advantage in the ability to reward services with redistributive largesse, and especially with objects of the highest symbolic value. 115

The dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities

The study of relations among the cultural and ecological zones of the Quito region shows that the chiefdoms taken together form an emergent system, but it says little about the inner constitution of each one. How many people were nourished by the interzonal web, and on what scale were they organized into explicitly political units? How did ecological interdependency shape the practice of leaders and the conduct of political institutions? To what degree had political functions crystallized into specialties separate from the daily labor of the aboriginal masses? Such questions matter more than locally, because they relate to the question of how nonstate sedentary societies in general function. Archaeologists, and to a lesser degree other anthropologists, regard the problem as important because the dynamic of state origins seemingly begins in some function or dysfunction of certain "intermediate" societies. If any such dynamic is to be reconstructed it can better be done from ethnographically valid descriptions of the prior condition than from retrospective deductions based on the later one. But one should bear in mind that "intermediate societies" seem to possess considerable stability and adaptive potential in their own right, and that the prehistory of South American peoples was played out in large part through relations among them rather than through processes transcending and obsoleting them. From either point of view, the Quito area data allow one to reconstruct at least the political and economic facets of several such societies with unusual clarity. On closer inspection the problem of "intermediate societies" has a tendency to decompose into complicated typological issues, so much so that the term may have outlived its usefulness. Feinman and Neitzel, in confronting twelve major attempts at typology with New World evidence, reach the conclusion that "diversity was continuous rather than discrete and no clear societal modes or subtypes were readily apparent." Further ethnohistorical work, they hold, will be of value in building "long-term, processual" models revealing the historic bases of diversity, not in un116

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities covering simple cross-cultural likenesses that give the problem of chiefdoms a uniform framework (1984:77-78). Suchfindingscertainly preclude extrapolating from any of the published models to supply features missing from the document record. With these caveats, however, it remains reasonable to make use of ethnologically based typologies, as Helms (1979) did in Panama, as a way of locating equatorial native lordship on the broad canvas of chiefdom studies; a later section of the chapter sketches such comparisons. Throughout, it is important to bear in mind that none of the data deal with the northern chiefdoms in a pristine pre-Incaic state, but rather with formations which to some degree bear the stamp of Cuzco's hegemony. In the present chapter traits of likely Incaic origin are pointed out, to be dealt with more thoroughly in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 offers a systematic comparison on a macroregional scale intended to clarify the relative impact of Inca dominion over Quito and other areas. The data gathered here come almost entirely from the sierran part of the Quito area, and particularly from chiefdoms of the Chillos Valley and the Cumbaya plateau. While sufficient to illustrate contrasts and likenesses in the governance of two ecologically divisible subregions, these findings are no substitute for the cross-sectional, representative survey which further research should eventually make possible. In particular, it must be borne in mind that almost nothing is yet known of the internal affairs of the Yumbos and Niguas. Demographic scale of the chiefdoms

The visita of 1559 affords the most detailed body of data so far found concerning the demography of native Quito in early colonial times. The methods demonstrated by Hadden (1967), Smith (1970), and Cook (1981) should permit the future elaboration of an estimate of preconquest population. Pending such analysis, any consultation of the raw figures should be conditioned by two caveats. The first is that the visita is not a regional survey, but a survey of a subset of the region's communities, namely, those held in encomienda by Francisco Ruiz. Thus it may legitimately be taken as a sample of the demography of aboriginal communities, but not as an aboriginal census. The only way to reach an estimate of total regional population (for, e.g. the Chillos Valley) would be to classify each known llajta as prima facie comparable to one of the inspected communities and pro-rate population accordingly. The rough estimate of population density in Chapter 1 was reached in this highly tentative fashion. Second, there is every reason to suppose that the population of 1559 was very severely depressed by warfare and epidemics of European diseases. Accordingly any approach to pre-Colombian demographic scale 117

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas requires a defensible estimate of "depopulation ratio." The arrival of immigrant micro-organisms in advance of the European populations which had introduced them to the Caribbean had already undercut the population base of the Inca state by the 1520s; Dobyns (1963:496) and Crosby (1967:335) agree that the death of the Inca Wayna Q"apaq from a sudden unexplained illness in Quito was a reflection of "the first New World pandemic." Moreover the visita followed shortly on a second wave of mortality: "In the year of 58 [i.e. 1558] there was a general dying-off from smallpox among the natives" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:203; see also Dobyns 1963:499-500). When one takes into account the additional deaths caused by the Inca wars of conquest, the Inca dynastic war, and the civil wars among Spaniards (which were particularly bloody around Quito), it becomes clear that the llajtakuna of 1559 were much shrunken from pre-Hispanic levels. Robson Tyrer (1976:3-10), whose demographic history of Quito is the best available, concurs that by the 1550s native Quito had suffered a precipitous population drop but does not consider available evidence sufficient to frame detailed population curves or an overall depopulation ratio. (The existence of apparently coordinated visitas dated 1557 and 1559 confirms, as Tyrer suspected, that the aU-Audiencia figures compiled in 1561 contain a mixture of data from before and after the 1558 epidemic; this is one of the obstacles to drawing population curves.) Pending further clarification, it might not be out of place to accept as a guess a depopulation ratio in the neighborhood of the 3:1 figure which Smith (1970:458) derived for a similar period in a highland area (Chucuito) afflicted by similar kinds of mortality. Still less clear is the population history of the Yumbo and Nigua west slope. Tyrer (1976:11-12) considers it significant that "in the 1580's the Yumbos were more populous than the coastal provinces. This probably does indicate that the rate of population decline was less in the mountain slope regions than the tropics since it seems likely that the coast supported a heavier pre-Conquest population." However, even if the Yumbos and Niguas were not as immediately affected by the devastating epidemics typical of coastal areas, the fact that after 1580 the Yumbos fell into such headlong decline as to become nearly extinct in the early seventeenth century suggests that there was nothing markedly advantageous in their position (AGI/S Aud. Quito 86.12:f.lr-v). It is safer to assume that their losses prior to 1580 were as severe or severer than those of sierran peoples. The status quo of six sierran communities in 1559 appears in Table 4. For comparative purposes one must bear in mind that the column "Units" is not strictly parallel to statistics of "tributarios" which are usual in later sixteenth century tribute papers, since in each community a 118

Table 4. The visita in figures Llajta Puembo

Pingolqui

El Ynga

Urin Chillo

Anan Chillo

Sector (parcialidad)

Persons

Units" 6

SANTIAGO G U A N B I A N G O (1) "Cacique" complex' (2) Yana of "cacique" complex (3) Tributaries Forasteros D I E G O TUBCA (1) "Cacique" complex (2) Yana of "cacique" complex (3) Tributaries (4) Yana of tributaries Forasteros ALONSO ANACUNBA (1) "Cacique" complex (2) Yana of "Cacique" complex (3) Tributaries JUAN Z A N G O L Q U I (1) "Cacique" complex (2) Yana of "cacique" complex (3) Tributaries (4) Yana of tributaries (5) Mindalaes Francisco Ruiz Cuxiata, mitmaj (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries Forasteros Martin Tubga (1) Principal complex (2) Tributaries Alonso Tubga (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries Pedro Lala (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries (4) Yana of tributaries AMADOR AMAGUANA (1) "Cacique" complex (2) Yana of "cacique" complex (3) Tributaries Forasteros Francisco Quingalumbo (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries

3 8 47 \2d

70

282

83

383

1 5 38

44

177

1 24 67 1 26

119

523

2 8 66 1

13

2 4 35 4e 1 13

16 126 14

45

14

-276

12 65

169

77

1,156

1 1 41

43

3 161

172

55

10 193

215

43 15 443 151

652

1 2 51 1 5 2 97 33

If

137

31

2 1 41

50

.223

4 207

273

• 1,088

Table 4. (cont) Llajta

Uyumbicho

Total

Sector (parcialidad) (4) Yana of tributaries Kamayuj Domingo Ygicna (1) Principal complex (2) Tributaries Kamayuj JUAN ZUNBA (1) "Cacique" complex (2) Yana of "cacique" complex (3) Tributaries Lorenc.0 Cango Yci (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries Hernando Taz Cunga (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries Francisco Condor, mitmaj (1) Principal complex (2) Yana of principal complex (3) Tributaries

Units8

Persons

36

40

22 > 481 37

29 3,567

Note: The italicized Quichua terms are Incaic, the terms in Spanish are taken from the visita, and the English terms are supplied. "Each unit corresponds to a paragraph of the visita but not necessarily to a household, for reasons mentioned in the Introduction and also because in several places multiple paragraphs appear to belong to single households. However, the problems of interpretation preclude reformulation in household terms. 'The "caciques" appear in upper case, the principales in lower case. The "cacique" complex consists of all persons inspected together with the "cacique" and listed in his household(s) prior to those of his yanakuna. This category includes his close kin, dependents, and "serving women" (i.e., secondary wives.) The principal complex is defined analogously. 'Only four paragraphs, but the text specifies that they contain twelve men with their respective families (f.810r). ''When inspecting forasteros and kamayujkuna, the visitadores did not break down the population by persons but simply recorded the number of "men with their women and children." To estimate the number of persons, an average of the number of nonnoble persons per unit in the parcialidad which ruled the foreign group was calculated, and then multiplied by the number of foreign "men" in the colony. 'In Urin Chillo the number of forasteros was not recorded, but only the presence of "certain" newcomers from four foreign communities. Their population has here been estimated as four units, since this is the lowest figure which satisfies the text, but it probably understates their true number. 'In a few cases, yanakuna appear within paragraphs headed by non-yana persons. The "units" column includes as yana only whole paragraphs headed by yana, but the "persons" column includes as yana those grouped within an ordinary unit. For lack of criterion on the hereditability of servile condition, all the members of ya^a-headed paragraphs are counted as yana.

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities Table 5. Yumbo population c. 1580 Llajta (reduction?)

Tributaries"

Persons'5

Gualla (Gualea) S. Juan Niguas Llulluto Nanical (Nanegal) Alambi Camoqui Cachillata Carabullo Napa Alorqui (Alluriquin) Canc,acoto Topo, Mindo, Tuga El Ambo Total

357 158 84 89 95 115 91 97 47 56 36 470 55 1,750

1,240 469 262 348 337 347 378 411 165 173 156 1,645' 192' 6,123

"Combines the first two entries of each locality, namely, "married tributary Indians" and "unmarried and widowed tributary Indians." ''Corresponds to the entry "all souls" of each locality. Scribal errors have been corrected for San Juan Niguas and Alorqui. 'For these localities only the entry "married, unmarried, and widowed tributary Indians" was given. These figures appear in the column "Tributaries." To derive an estimated number of persons in these localities, the number of persons in the preceeding eleven communities was divided by the number of tributaries in the same population, yielding a persons:tributaries ratio of 3.5:1. This factor was then applied to the "Tributaries" figure for Topo, Mindo, Tuc,a and El Ambo. Neither this adjustment nor the correction of scribal errors appears to have been employed by Tyrer (1976:11), hence the substantial discrepancy between these totals and his.

number of "units" (i.e. paragraphs of the visitas) were headed by people ineligible to tribute. The column "Persons" contains totals of the "visita personal" and may be compared to aggregate figures from the Peruvian "house-to-house" visitas or to the entry "dnimas" (total persons) in tasaciones (tribute quota records). Regarding the Yumbo component of the circum-Quito population there are no data of the 1550s. The earliest population estimate is 12,000 for the early 1560s (Salazar Villasante [158?] 1965:137). The "Report on the Indians who live in the Province of the Yumbos and the towns that exist there" (RAH/M 1582), which appears to be a summary of a visita and tasacion made slightly earlier, shows a marked decline from this level. Its original text has been used here (Table 5) rather than the version published by Jimenez de la Espada in Relaciones Geogrdficas de Indias, which omits some demographic detail. Arithmetical errors of the scribe have been corrected. 121

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas These figures are difficult to interpret, since we know neither how severe a population drop they reflect, nor whether the scale of aggregation shown is that of aboriginal societies or an artifact of the forced mission resettlements organized by Mercedarian missionaries from the 1570s onward (Nolasco 1966:187; AMer/Q 1.1:53-55). It is even possible that the flight of highlanders victimized by the land theft and tribute abuse which were already becoming endemic may have swelled the number of forest dwellers. If, as Spaniards of the period thought, the natives of "hot lands" had been worse hit by depopulation than those of "temperate lands," the pre-Hispanic population of the Yumbos may not have been dramatically inferior to that of the sierra. The demographic profile overall shows a range of communities in both highland and forest of very widely disparate size, with variations up to 5:1 and (in the visita) a spectrum from tiny hamlets like El Ynga, with under two hundred people, to Urin Chillo, home of over eleven hundred. If one posits a "depopulation ratio" of 3:1, the smallest of these must still have been very small in pre-Columbian times, and the largest not very large by comparison with those registered in central and south Andean documents. Yet the internal organization of these communities does not seem to have been markedly less complex than was the case in the south, and if the relative weight of the noble sector in total economic activity is any measure, they might be said to be more politically centralized. Political organization

As Table 4 shows, political organization employed only one fundamental unit. This was a small collection of households headed by an aboriginal noble and his dependents, each consisting ordinarily of twenty to a hundred units and about seventy to four hundred persons. These fundamental modules were termed parcialidades by the Spanish. Neither they nor the aboriginal witnesses seem to have seen fit to use the Quechua term ayllu but, whatever the native term may have been, the formation itself seems to resemble the Peruvian ayllu. The term ayllu became a part of Spanish administrative jargon {"haillo" "aillo") and, in one of those retroactive Inca-izations typical of the Quito region, becomes common in local paperwork of the later sixteenth century. Its application to these modules may or may not be historically correct but it does seem to have been accepted firmly into colonial Andean culture. There were two ways of constructing llajtakuna from parcialidades. On the one hand, a single parcialidad might constitute an autonomous community, in which case its head bore the title "cacique" Such was the case in the three small northern settlements, El Ynga, Pingolqui, and Puembo. On the other hand, several parcialidades might be aggregated as a single 122

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities political unit. Where this occurred, one of the parcialidades occupied a superior rank to the rest, and its head was called "cacique" or "curaca" whereas the remaining native lords were principales with lesser privileges. This was the case in the larger and more southerly centers, Urin Chillo, Anan Chillo, and Uyumbicho. The sector head elevated to supremacy over the multisector polity sometimes delegated a kinsman as lieutenant to rule his home sector. (The same order prevailed among the Chibcha; Broadbent 1964:22-37.) To what degree the sectoral organization of such complex polities was plastic, and how it changed, remains unclear. Caillavet, in a study of the testament left by Don Diego Collin (a lord of Machachi on the south Quito plateau), offers an example of plasticity (1983). Well prior to making his final will, Collin divided his subject population in slightly uneven parts, so that the man designated as his successor could rule the larger part as principal until the eventual succession. Until then he himself as senior lord retained both the overall chiefdom ("cacicazgo" "curacazgo") and the sectoral rule of the lesser sector. He also divided the various ray as - probably raised fields-of the lands endowing his chieftainship. Collin explained that he had done so "because it seemed appropriate for good government" and in order to avoid succession struggles. Caillavet thinks the partitioning of the political domain reflects a moiety system hidden from Spanish eyes, but this seems less likely than a system permitting fission under certain triggering conditions, since moiety divisions were commonly made explicit and respected in Spanish law of the time (Caillavet 1983:21-22). In either case, these data are a caution against interpreting organizational charts as manifestations of unchanging fundamentals of cultural structure. Since very little is known of aboriginal land tenure, it is difficult to reconstruct the ecological definition of a highland llajta. At a minimum it appears to have consisted of a center where a major maize field was cultivated in the name of the political leader and where the lord had his household, with the remaining population settled in a nonnucleated pattern through neighboring maize lands. At least in the northern part of the region studied here, and more certainly in the Otavalo region, an earthwork pyramid mound associated with intensively cultivated raisedfieldsmade the political center visible (Knapp 1983). Chiefs apparently could redistribute lands, but individuals could lay claim to newly broken virgin land (Anonimo [1573] 1965:228). Since colonial chiefs sometimes claimed ancestral right to lands of considerable, even paramo, altitude, it is likely that political claims to territory extended to tiers above the maize heartland. Oberem (1976b) has shown that chiefs' control often extended to lands of differing ecology that bordered the llajta, but these claims lacked both the "island" remoteness, and the multiethnicity, of Peruvian "archipelagos." 123

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Did the various parcialidades making up a compound community form subdivisions of a single integral territory, or were they "islands" with regard to each other? The latter is more likely, since in the contrary case it would be hard to make sense of the testimony of the 1573 Anonimo: The natives live in sectors [parcialidades] one separate from another . . . The chiefs have their captains [capitanes], whom the Indians of each sector obeyed; both the Indians and the captains obeyed their cacique, who, when he wanted them to do any tillage for him or bring some lumber from the forest or build some building, would send a herald whom he employed, and who would proclaim his will in a loud voice. The captains, who ordinarily had their houses close to those of the chief, and dwelt there or else kept persons there to advise them of whatever happened [i.e. during absences], on understanding [the cacique's wishes], would send their cachas, which means messengers, who then gathered the people to carry out the will of their lord ([1573] 1965:224,227).1 Apparently each principal had a dual residence, in the locale of his parcialidad and at the chief's court. When not present at court, he left a proxy. The word cacha, from Quechua kachana 'to send,' is suggestive of Inca influence. The concept of aggregating vassal lords around a great lord is also typical of Inca rule, and can be seen practiced on a far grander scale in Quito (see Chapter 6). The image and ideology of native lordship

Thanks to Chantal Caillavet's discovery of the 1598 testament of Don Diego Collin, we know what regalia made the power of a native noble visible to his subjects. Don Diego's insignia consisted largely of jewelry, with emphasis on bead wealth. He listed first and foremost "eight collars of chaquira" reserved for his heirs "so that they may honor and celebrate the feasts of the calendar with them, as is the custom among native lords [curacas"] (1983:15). A bracelet and a diadem of chaquira went with these. Collin also had three llautu (Quechua 'diadem') headdresses of beaten silver with silver feathers, and thirty-six little bells. All this metallic jewelry was divided among the heirs. His clothes were of qumpi, the luxury-grade Inca fabric. He had as well a "feather tunic of the ancient style," probably similar to the brilliantly colored featherwork garments known from Inca sites. His ceremonial weapons were two "chambachuques" or lances "such as it is the custom of native lords to hold" (1983:16). Don Diego Collin also owned a remarkable quantity of decorated vessels for drinking maize beer. Enameled keros, large beakers made in pairs for mutual libation, always figured among Inca regalia and symbolized the power of rulers to redistribute plenty in the form of ceremonial drinks. The Machachi lord owned four separate heirloom collections of 124

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities "painted" keros. He also had a set of black keros, a set of painted drinking gourds, and a set of "Mexican" gourds. Evidently his public mystique centered in good part on his splendor as a host at drinking parties (1983:16). In a separate part of his will, Don Diego recorded a collection of regalia different from the above, and suggestive of tropical forest connections. It included a blowgun, three feather diadems, some "strings of beads which the natives call catuc" interpreted by Caillavet as finger bones, and two "drums of the Quijos" (1983:17). Worn together these objects would form a virtual Amazonian costume. Whether the forest-oriented image of the chief was connected with costume representation in dancing, or with exchange links to the forests, or both, is a key question for future definition of his role. A few other elements of the ideology of chiefdom can be partly reconstructed from extant sources. It appears to emphasize three constant themes. The first of these is the idealization of the lordly personality as harsh, fiery, and strict: "The government they had in former times, was that the chief, each in his territory, was feared more than words can say, being a harsh man, and what he wished, had to be done without a thought of disobedience; for if the chief suspected any such, the vassal would die for it" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:227). This description necessarily refers to pre-Incaic times because the native lords themselves unanimously agreed that Inca law did not allow them jurisdiction over capital crimes (M y SM 1559:f.818r, 839r, 858r, 870r). Otavalan witnesses corroborate this point (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:236). The second theme is the association between the native lord and abundance, especially of food and maize beer, expressed in terms of "institutionalized generosity" (Murra 1964:433-434), that is, the ostentatious sharing out of "gifts" to subjects. "The most respected man among the natives was the bravest chief or principal, or the one who made the best plantings; for, since he would use them up in giving the Indians food and drink, they would attend him with more good will and affection than they would those who failed to do so" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:226). For this reason the beauty and fertility of the chief's plantings must have been a matter of some importance, and with measurable results; in Urin Chillo the chief's fields gave higher yields per unit of seed than the rest (M y SM 1559:f.838r). The third theme is the ideal of the house of the native lord as a symbolic center, not only of political activity, but of cosmic order. This was demonstrated ceremoniously in its building, repair, and design. In fact the ideal of the house as expressing aspirations to a sacred harmony is evident even in humble dwellings, whose doors opened eastward to facilitate morning worship (Atienza [1575?] 1931:152). In noble houses 125

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas the expression was more elaborate. On a political level, the building of a house was a metaphor for the structure of a compound community: "for the houses of the chiefs and captains, the Indians bring the lumber that is needed, and if it is heavy structural timber, a certain number of Indians subject to each captain go to the chief, having been recruited according to the number of subjects each captain has" (Anonimo [1573] 1965:226). But the ceremony went beyond the purely political recognition of rank, exalting the house, and by extension the institution dwelling in it, as a living thing greater than the sum of the political contributions to its making: When they build an important house for a lord who is a powerful chief, the job takes a long time, but nonetheless there is never any lack of ceremonies, all directed to the devil, sun, and moon, so that the house will be firmer and more durable. And in return and payment to the false Deceiver (with whom they often converse, and who appears to them in diverse forms), they sacrifice some of the most valuable animals they own, as for example live deer, llamas, guinea pigs, and coca, removing the hearts from these animals while they are still alive. These, together with the blood, are the foremost offerings, and afterward they eat them raw. They anoint the walls of the house with the blood and ground white maize, because they believe in it and are fooled by the devil, who teaches them by himself and through his ministers the native priests [hechiceros, 'witches'], that this is the house's nourishment; and that some of the time, at their call, he will be with them (Atienza [1575?] 1931:167).2

Certain details of the ceremony, notably the llama-heart sacrifice, suggest Inca influences. The concern with the solidity of the house may reflect not only political problems but a more general insecurity about the relations between people and earth, also seen in the belief that in earthquakes the earth wanted to devour human genitals (Atienza [1575?] 1931:167). It is interesting that in spite of local documents attesting the existence of religious specialists-"witches [hechiceros], oracles [omos], conjurors [condeviegas] and healers [hanbi camayos]" (CVG la ser. vol. 13:616-617)-there is no testimony of any special religious buildings' having existed in llajtakuna. Other than shrines or deified landscape features, the chief's household itself is likely to have been the main place of ceremonial action. Another example of the connection between making an elaborate dwelling place for the ruler and demonstrating religious devotion was the very elaborate burial of nobles, with coburial of favorite wives and belongings. It is not surprising, then, that the building and repair of the chief's houses, and especially their roofing with thatch, was both a universal element in the tribute of commoners and a major ceremony (M y SM 1559:f.804r, 805r, 817v, 839r, 869v). In some parts of the Andes today, the contribution of labor to roof-raising is still an act of homage to kinsmen, rich in connotations of rank and loyalty (Mayer 1974:214-327). 126

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities The chief's household was invariably the largest in the community, and in some cases grew to enormous size. Don Amador Amaguana, "cacique" of Anan Chillo, gathered forty-two dependent persons around himself (M y SM 1559:f.844v-845r), all apparently his kin. This and similar complexes (see Table 4) in themselves contained about 4% of the total visita population, and if one adds to them the similar complexes grouped around principales, the figure reaches 7.35%. Since the head of each complex usually had an ample servile retinue these people were probably exempt from the normal demands of agriculture. They form a relatively constant proportion of each llajta: El Ynga, 5.6%; Puembo, 13%; Pingolqui, 8.6%; Anan Chillo, 7.35%; Urin Chillo, 4.7%; Uyumbicho, 7.5%. It would appear that in native ideology the ability to collect a large kindred together was a mark of high prestige, and that the k"ipu knot record ranked people by this criterion. At least they always begin with the greatest household of a given parcialidad or sector, and end with a series of more or less disconnected individuals (orphans, widows, etc.). The revenue sources of lordly households

Giant households were unmistakably a noble privilege. But such central houses should not be imagined as purely ostentatious or unproductive. On the contrary, the chief households seem to have been powerful nuclei of production, commanding several types of labor: Labor of yanakuna Here as throughout the Inca domains, the yanakuna ('servitors') appear to have been detached from normal communal obligations in order to concentrate their labor entirely on the resources of a master, usually but not always a noble. The native lords heading villages commanded yana groups composing, usually, about 10% of their total subject population. Uyumbicho's 7% is low but comparable with the rest. Only Anan Chillo, deficient both in yana of chiefs and in yana generally, forms an anomalous case. The proportion of yanakuna in the population rises further when the servitors of principales and a few commoners are taken into account (see Table 6). These figures are remarkably high in comparison with those of older, more central provinces of the Inca state. In the Lupaqa kingdom on the shores of Lake Titicaca, whose population in the last years of Inca rule had reached one hundred thousand or more, the proportion of yanakuna in the population did not exceed 2 or 3% (Murra [1964] 1973:235). The native lordships of the Huanuco region, such as the Yacha, though much smaller, did not differ from the great lakeside state in this respect. In the 127

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Table 6. Yanakuna (servitors) as percentage of population Llajta

"Cacique" 's yanakuna

Total yanakuna

Puembo Pingolqui El Ynga Urin Chillo Anan Chillo Uyumbicho MEAN PERCENTAGE

10.6

10.6 9.9 13.0 14.0 1.8 11.6 10.2

9.6

13.0 10.5 1.4 7.5

8.8

Note: Here, as in Table 4, all members of a unit headed by a yana have been reckoned as yana for lack of a criterion on the hereditability of servile condition.

absence of firm data on the recruitment of yanakuna it is difficult to explain the northern hypertrophy, but several possibilities are worth looking into. First, it is possible that the hypertrophy is a post conquest deformation, due to the seeking of refuge by people uprooted in civil wars or orphaned by epidemics and therefore easy prey for native elites. This is unlikely, since the yana consist for the most part of normal nuclear and stem families, which, if anything, show a lower incidence of disconnected people than the tribute-paying villagers. The excess of widows and orphans one might expect in a refugee population is not in evidence. Second, it might be that the yana consisted of a defeated or displaced population of another ethnic group, partitioned out at the whim of the victors. This has a superficial plausibility since the yana status, lacking an independent resource base, would politically neutralize its incumbent. But it appears that yanakuna tended on the whole to be, if not compatriots of their masters, at least not conspicuously foreign. The anthroponymy of yanakuna attached to mitmajkuna (transplant populations, mostly from northern Peru) tends to contain a high ratio of Quechuisms, while that of yana who served native lords not only seems to belong to a local non-Quechua lexicon, but can on occasion be politically identified as local. Such is the case of a certain servitor of Don Juan Zangolqui who was called an "Indian of Tup^a," that is, a subject of one of the three local lords who bore this name (M y SM 1559:f.824r). Third, it is possible that the people in question were not yana at all, but members of some unfamiliar north Andean category legitimated ex post facto by the Inca state under the title of yana. This explanation has the advantage of simplifying the problem, but also a serious weakness: if large servile populations were a local idiosyncrasy, one would expect to find servile ratios in the mitmaj populations more like those of the central 128

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities Andes. In reality, the proportion of yana among mitmajkuna are quite typical of the Quito region, in the neighborhood of 10%. Finally it is possible that the high yana percentage is a reflection of Inca policy in the administration of new and politically unreliable provinces, where both discontented local lords and mitmajkuna might be placated with a special largesse of retainers. Yanakuna are also found attached to houses of principales, although in smaller numbers and less uniform percentages, the largest delegation being four units. Yana were occasionally registered in households of persons who do not otherwise seem to be privileged. It is not clear whether they entered as "gifts" from a native lord (perhaps in return for wives added to the chief's house) or in some other way. The five communities with high yana ratios span the entire demographic gamut, from the tiny polity of El Ynga to Urin Chillo, preeminent in the region. For this reason it seems that the yana ratio does not reflect local idiosyncrasy or the de facto power of each lord (e.g. military strength or wealth), but some normatively established level. This level might be set either by internal functional considerations, such as the degree of productivity which the chief's house had to maintain in order to meet the lord's reciprocal and redistributive obligations, or by a regimentation imposed from above. Labor of women All native lords had plural wives, from two in the case of El Ynga up to fourteen in Anan Chillo. As with the yana, polygamy occurred at a relatively constant proportional level. Except for Pingolqui, where the wives of the village chief composed over 2% of the population, they ordinarily made up about 1%. Principales, too, were generally polygamous, and one, a mitmaj subchief in Urin Chillo, had seven women. However four principales lacked multiple wives. A few nonnobles were also favored, for unknown reasons. Polygamy was not unknown among yanakuna, a fact strongly suggesting that yana status did not by itself imply poverty or degradation of rank. In order to satisfy Spanish law the native lords always claimed to have only one "wife." Their categorization of the remaining women as "serving women" may not be entirely misleading, however, since some among them, called "old women," were presumably valued primarily for their work. Probably the function of the wives was similar to that explained by a Chibcha noble who said that chiefs "have serving women because without them it is impossible to make food for all their subjects, which is the custom and grandeur of the chiefs so they will be obeyed" (Tovar Pinzon 1970:29). It is also likely that the women of the chief's house helped spin 129

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas and weave textiles, for export and to satisfy the quotas of Inca and Spanish tribute. Polygamy, unlike "yanaconaje," is unquestionably an aboriginal institution, since it occurs in Andean communities irrespective of Inca presence or absence. However it is not certain to what degree the Inca state regulated it. Atienza believed that the Incas had regulated it strictly ([1575?] 1931:118). If so, the post-Incaic era may have seen a reversion to more liberal pre-Incaic norms. Collective labor of subjects In every community a major part of chiefs' revenue derived from the labor of common people in general, sometimes in the form of individual work reserved for the purpose but more characteristically in specific collective corvees. The former mode was applied mostly to the hunting and gathering of "natural" goods, i.e., not processed by human labor and not found in the immediate chief's preserve; the goods involved were typically firewood, game, straw, etc. (Murra [1973] 1975:251). The latter was applied within the chief's precinct, to raw materials and capital goods belonging to it. Some functions, such as the house-raising already mentioned, combined the two modes. These were among the most conservative elements of the political order, enduring from pre-Incaic times through the interlude of Inca rule and well into the colony. As late as the 1580s Canari witnesses were quite specific about its pre-Incaic antiquity (Gaviria [1582] 1965:286). The testimony of El Ynga is representative, explaining that in Inca times and likewise at present they make a communal maize field for the chief and all the Indians in general help him to build his houses, and they bring him the firewood he needs to burn in his house, and they give him game from what the said Indians catch in the hunt, and the said chief also has service in his own right who help him in serving it [i.e. his house?], as well as Indians in his house, and he has an Indian hunter who brings him things from the hunt and the chase for his house (M y SM 1559:f.817v).3

By "service in his own right" yanakuna were probably meant. The game is specified as rabbits and birds (f.839r, 856v). Other communities added the transport of water (no small matter in an environment where it often has to be carried from the bottoms of deep arroyos) and the offering of first fruits of maize (f.856v). Textile-working tribute, an invariable element of Inca tribute, was not practiced at intracommunal level. These rules do not stray far from general Andean norms, which minimize or ideally eliminate payments in kind derived from factors of pro130

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities duction to which tributaries had household rights. It is not surprising, therefore, that they also followed the Andean norm which classified tributation as an act of asymmetrical reciprocity requiring a formal request on the part of nobles; in Uyumbicho, witnesses commented that "many times the chief petitions them to do it" (f.869v). Such petitions reflect the ceremoniousness, not weakness, of rule by local lords. Labor of families attached to the noble houses The visita outlines, faintly, a tribute mandating the attachment of certain whole nuclear families which were not yana. In Anan Chillo Amador Amaguana "has from his own sector ten married Indians and their children for the service of his house and other things that the said chief orders" (f.856v). Aside from the contingent from the chief's own sector, the principales of other sectors each contributed a lesser portion, two families each in the case of Uyumbicho (f.869v). Urin Chillo reported having had the same custom but that it had fallen into decay by 1559 (f.839r). Although there is no declaration to the effect, this tribute is probably the Incaic mifa and consequently entailed rotative rather than permanent assignment of "helping" families. The system of apportionment, unlike that of aboriginal tributes, does not operate in fixed ratio to total number of subjects. It apparently failed to win a strong cultural mandate, since, alone among intracommunal tributes, it disappeared without Spanish encouragement during the early colony. Labor of mindalaes In the Urin Chillo records the details of mindald tributation are not specified other than that the Spanish, probably following the local norm, exempted them from the corvee of the common maize fields (f.841r). But Otavalan and Pasto data clearly show that mindalaes owed their sponsors specific parts of what they obtained in their extraterritorial work. The tribute consisted of finished prestige goods proceeding from exotic zones: gold, bead wealth, and clothing. Political authority, marriage, and inheritance

Aside from the native lords' role in land tenure and their jurisdiction over crimes, not much is known about the intracommunal uses of cacical authority. One exception is the manipulation of affinity and inheritance by aboriginal rulers, apparently a mainstay of their power. According to Lope de Atienza, the customary law demanding the endorsement of a 131

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas native lord as the measure of legitimate marriage persisted well into the Hispanic era: In former times and today as well, for the most part, no Indian may have a wife unless she first be given to him by the hand of the chief, and if she is, they consider her just as much a legitimate wife as if they really were married. They hold this opinion of her until such time as the chief or chiefs by whose hand she was received, becomes angry with them, because if they do not serve him and punctually meet his needs and orders, then without any remedy by higher appeal, the [chiefs] take them [i.e. wives] away and give them to other men who have shown themselves disposed to serve them with more loyalty and good will ([1575?] 1931:81).4

The testimony of Atienza, a churchman hypersensitive on the subject of concubinage, would be suspect were it not corroborated by that of the secular-minded Sancho de Paz Ponce de Leon: "The Indians did not have anything beyond what the chief let them have, in such a fashion that he was the lord of all that the Indians possessed, and of their wives, sons, and daughters" ([1582] 1965:236). Atienza's phrase "chief or chiefs" implies that at times marriages were arranged exogamously across political boundaries. An interesting example occurs in the case of a Wayakuntu ("Guayacondo") mitmaj resident in Uyumbicho, who married five foreign sisters: Another married Indian called Chirao, and in Christian [i.e. Spanish] Juan, and his wife Chuzun Ticla . . . (and) four sisters of this same Indian's wife, one called Chame Guaca, and another called Luzca, and another called Muchu, and the other Pasco; it seems they were daughters of a Sicchos Indian named Yanzagane, who gave these Indian women to him (M y SM 1559:f.867v).5

If such a marriage could not occur without political consent, this must have been a fairly weighty diplomatic transaction. It should be interesting in future research to find out to what point matrimonial alliances underlay political ties. Oberem has noted a peculiar corollary to such ties: "In order to strengthen these ties [i.e. affinal ties between aboriginal lords], they were accustomed to raise the child of a lord of one chiefdom in the family of another." This was seen, for example, in the permission given by the Puento lords of Cayambe for their child to be raised by the Ango lords of Otavalo, and also in the practice of Don Sancho Hacho of Latacunga, whose wife left her newborns "wherever the birth pangs caught her" so that the nobles of their birthplaces would bring them up (Oberem 1976b:3-4). A similar maneuver must have caused the situation recorded in the house of a mitmaj subchief, Francisco Condor of Uyumbicho, who said he had a son whom he had "given" to the mitmaj Morco in Panzaleo "because of the right he had to him" (M y SM 1559:f.867r-v). Later, a man named Morco appears as a lord of Uyumbicho (Perez 1960:395-396). 132

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities It is hard to judge, however, whether the case bears on indigenous norms because all the people concerned in it were mitmaj. Exogamy occurred not only between communities but between social strata. Atienza was scandalized by how little the nobles keep their daughters guarded and cloistered, and consequently come to lose their nobility through marriages with lowly and very dirty people. The parents undergo this without expressing any regret at all . . . because of the profit they expect to obtain from such sons-in-law, by imperiously reducing them to servitude ([1575?] 1931:95).6 Atienza reduces the practice to its economic terms: the noble parents of the bride can exact a more rigorous brideservice of a commoner son-inlaw. He might also have mentioned the dynastic advantage of insuring that not all daughters could produce claimants to rule. Because, as will be shown, the succession of rulers was normally turbulent, this could avoid costly bloodshed. But the same data might fit into Zuidema's collanapayan-cayao model (1964; for north sierran applications, see BurgosGuevara 1975). Atienza's testimony suggests a rule of parallel descent: "In former times, when anyone married any young man, whether foreigner or native, when either of the two died, they attended to the partition of the offspring in the following way: the sons went to the father's side [se seguidn la parte del padre], and the daughters, together with the mother, to the other" ([1575?] 1931:92). The office of chief appears to have passed in the male line, but in a complex fashion allowing optional designation of "nephews" as heirs. There are no local examples of "cacicas" (female chiefs, attested in some western lowland chiefdoms). Political succession was not entirely regularized, lacking a fixed rule to select among eligible males. Pingolqui witnesses reported that "the Inca did not impose the chiefs, but rather, when a chief or subchief died, his son or nephew whom he left would inherit the office, and if he had no son or nephew his brother could inherit, and this is how it has been as far back as the witness can remember" (M y SM 1559:f.804v). A brother could also succeed when the sons of the deceased lord, "lacking talent for command" could be eliminated in open struggle (f.858r, Anan Chillo). However, since chiefdom was a lifetime office (f.870r, Uyumbicho) and sons were preferred (f.818r, El Ynga), there would normally be a number of contenders. In light of these data, the huge number of lawsuits over chiefdom succession typical of the colony may be a product of intrinsic tendencies in aboriginal law as much as of imbalances caused by colonial processes. The reports on succession help explain the favored position of brothers of native lords, who repeatedly appeared as privileged with yanakuna and multiple wives (M y SM 1559:f.825v, 863r, 806r). The brother was the 133

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas ruler's most dangerous rival, since he posed a legal alternative not only to the ruler's sons, but to himself, and therefore had to be placated. Even prior to the post mortem struggle, the brother of the chief exercised special powers. The Puruha country in 1557 presented a case of a local lord who ruled his own parcialidad or sector not directly, but through the intervention of his brother, and the same seems to have occurred in Puembo, Urin Chillo, and Uyumbicho. It is obvious that most of these rules and practices are also found in records of many other Andean locales. The political manufacture of matrimony is widely attested, exogamy across strata was no monopoly of either Cuzco or Quito, the built-in struggle as a feature of succession has been explored by Rostworowski (1960) among Incas, and the special status of brothers is likely to be related to the role of the Inca king's institutional alter ego (inkap rantin 'Inca's stead,' called his "second self" [segunda persona] by Spaniards). It is at least as likely that these rules are parts of a pan-Andean mold in kinship, as that they belong peculiarly to Inca or to north Andean rule. Supralocal organization

To what extent did the regional integration established through economic exchange correspond to an explicitly political organization? James Lockhart, after a close study of early encomiendas, concluded that their patterns of aggregation largely preserved those of pre-Hispanic polities. Where Inca rule had created large regional entities whose administrative apparatus afforded a ready means of control, the Spanish created equally large encomiendas in their image. Where native polities were small and numerous-that is, outside consolidated Inca provinces, and especially in forested lowlands-so too were the encomiendas (1968:11-12). The Quito-area encomiendas were clearly of the former type, Francisco Ruiz's being an almost archetypal example. But this does not prove that the Incas created such units ab nihilo. Inca conquests were limited precisely to those areas where the Cuzco warriors and bureaucrats found structures they could seize on and convert to imperial structures of the kind the Spanish found so congenial. Where they were lacking, as in the Peruvian montana, eastern Bolivia, parts of Chile, and most of the Ecuadorian littoral plain, Inca functionaries performed no miracles. Since the Incas had made rapid progress toward creating provinces in the northern highlands, it is necessary to ask what they built upon. Two bodies of knowledge contribute toward the eventual solution of this problem. First, we know something about the minimal components of the system, the sectors or "aillos" (at least those of the highlands). We know that the properly political element in their economy, that is, the 134

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities portion of goods and services channeled through the central power nexus formed by the cacical household, consisted of two elements, one very sharply localized and the other very far-flung. The localized element is that of tribute by common subjects: it proceeds from a narrow slice of the tiered landscape as well as a small patch on the map. The pre-Incaic mode of agricultural tribute seems to imply a norm that political commodities should come from maize fields, and specifically from those close to the local dynastic center. Even the tubers, neighbor crops to maize but producible in less fertile or higher lands, were literally of no political account. And the nonagrarian tributes, with the partial exception of hunting, came from immediately adjacent paramos and forests. The far-flung element, that of mindald tribute, was a manner of moving goods whose production lay wholly beyond the reach of political control, into the political sphere of distribution. Second, we know something about the manner in which these minimal collectivities were arranged into larger political aggregates. Since the early repartimientos, the sharing out of Andean humanity under title of encomienda, occurred, as Lockhart observes, at a time when the Spaniards were still under Inca tutelage, they conserve the outlines of Inca political divisions at a level lower than that of the "province" and higher than the llajta. It is not altogether inconceivable that the Incas invented these units arbitrarily, but, considering that Inca administration tended to rest on close study of earlier political and ecological arrangements, conserving the overall terminology and structure of the older order even when major interventions were planned, this is not a likely supposition. (Note, for example, the persistence of pre-Incaic structures and relationships in the Huarochiri area, where major "social engineering" was not lacking; Avila [1598?] 1966 passim.) Even the most intolerably hostile pre-Incaic polities were not abolished in favor of arbitrary units, but conserved, name and all, under a separate and relatively abstract system of decimal controls. Given these facts it is of interest that encomiendas are not territorial subsectors, but agglomerations of widely separated llajtakuna and sometimes parts of llajtakuna. If each encomienda were painted a different color on a map, the colors would show some tendency to concentrate but not without much overlapping, spattering, and intermingling. As a rule the grants were ecologically heterogeneous. The encomienda entrusted to Francisco Ruiz, for example, would make a broad, continuous stripe through the Chillos Valley and the Cumbaya plateau, but also a spot in the Machachi Valley and four spots in the Yumbo country. It is not at all unusual in this respect, only larger than most. The ancient political unit it reflects, then, would have been an association of parts not only ecologically but culturally heterogeneous, yet capable of direct, reciprocal, 135

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas peaceful linkages between their respective llajta members, not in themselves necessarily political but seemingly secured under some type of political umbrella. Specifically, many (not all) Quito-area encomiendas take the form of associations between Yumbo settlements and a mix of nearby interAndean settlements. This is not a result of any particular Spanish greed for Yumbo connections. In fact the encomenderos themselves could hardly be bothered to govern them, and sometimes tried to rid themselves of Yumbo repartimientos (AGI/S Justicia 671). There were no pure Yumbo encomiendas and no combinations of Yumbos with peoples of the coast or littoral plain. The Yumbo-inter-Andean combinations were the following: Juan Arias Altamirano: Ambato; Zambiza; Yumbos (not specified) (CVG l a ser. vol. 18:102). Francisco de la Carrera: Pangaleo; Yumbos (Camoqui, Cachillata) (CVG 4a ser vol. 18:103; Anonimo [1582] 1965:335-336). Bonifaz de Herrera: Ambato; Zambiza; Pululagua in Pomasque; Yumbos (not specified) (ANH l a notaria t.4:f.24r-30v, 1594). Francisco de Olmos: Quincha (Quinche?); Yumbos (Mindo, Anbe, Topo, Tuza); Inguanca (CVG 4aa ser. vol. 18:103; Anonimo [1573] 1965:216; Anonimo [1582] 1965:336). Francisco Ruiz: Aloa; Pifo; Chanan; Anan Chillo; Urin Chillo; Uyumbicho; Puembo; Pingolqui; El Ynga; Yumbos (Cansacoto, Zarabullo, Alaqui, Napa) (CVG 3a ser. vol. 1:394; CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:103; Anonimo [1582] 1965:336). Carlos de Salazar: Cotocollao; Chillogallo; Yumbos (Gualla, S. Juan Niguas, Nanical, Alambi, Llulluto) (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:103; Anonimo [1573] 1965:216; Anonimo [1582] 1965:336). This may be the same as the earlier encomienda of Joan Lobato, including Angamarca, Chillogallo, Cotocollao, Yumbos (not specified) (Oberem 1976a: 17). Rodrigo de Salazar: Otavalo; Collaguazos; Cumbaya; Yumbos (not specified) (AGI/S Camara 922A:f.l51v; Anonimo [1573] 1965:215, CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:102). Alonso de Xeres: Passa; Zambiza; Yumbos (not specified); Encula (Anonimo [1573] 1965:215). Pedro Cortes: "In the Puruha province the lord who is called Duchiselan and the lord of the town callled Tangaos, another town called Yaluquis [i.e. Yaruquies] and the lord Poyan of another town which is called Cachan and the lord Chalpaver, another town called Juiquis and the lord Bima, as well as in the province of Yumbo, a town which is called Zamo and its lord Chinbila" (Burgos 1975:215, citing a 1540 litigation over the encomienda of Mocha). 136

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities Although the dates of some of these listings are late, and the encomiendas changed hands repeatedly, they ordinarily changed hands intact; substitutions are not a likely contaminant. These, then, are likely to be fossilized outlines of archaic political affiliations. But what political mechanisms held each of them together? The first possibility that comes to mind, that of a centralized formation with a single paramount authority, receives scant support from the witnesses. There are only two vestiges of a tribute hierarchy among sectors. One is the subordination of Puembo, whose inhabitants recognized "the chief of Pingolqui to whom they are subject," a relationship expressed in the alternate-week sharing of tribute duties between the two llajtakuna (M y SM 1 559:f.809r-v). The other is the supplying of helpers by subchiefs to chiefs, probably, as will appear in Chapter 7, an Incaic imposition and certainly a cultural failure. On the contrary, what stands out in the 1559 data is the equality of ideal standing among chiefs, each enjoying qualitatively comparable privilege and ceding in nothing but numbers to his fellows. Even Urin Chillo, the grandest of the chiefly courts, claimed no command over the remaining communities. In no text of the visita or others of the period does any native lord acknowledge a superior, macroregional authority other than the Incas. A likelier possibility is that the various llajtakuna within the archaic unit were linked by a web of nonhierarchical, symmetrical alliances in which such human transactions as exogamy and child loan paved the way for material transactions, and, conceivably, military alliance. (Since our data are weak on military aspects, this remains conjectural.) There are in fact some testimonies suggesting that such ties were still kept up in 1559. In Anan Chillo, a certain Nato, subject to Amador Amaguana, married a woman called Yunbo Ylin, and another member of the same parcialidad took one Tuleze Yunbo as his secondary wife. Pixoasiqui of Uyumbicho had a son named, simply, Yunbo (M y SM 1559:f. 850r, 848v, 867r). One of the principales of the same place, Hernando Taz Cunga, reported having four whole families absent in Cansacoto, suggesting a more or less prolonged residence there (household-level expeditions to the Yumbos appear to have been conducted by lone travelers without their families). However, this kamayuj-Mke arrangement may be of Inca origin. The entire matter of regional alliance is still very dark, and can only be handled hypothetically. But it would seem that, pending more data, the political world of the aboriginal community is best seen as a concentric structure of three shells. The llajta as such formed an inner shell, controlling a group of contiguous zones within a given subregion. A second shell was the outer ring of allied communities, with which regular, direct, reciprocal, and not necessarily political ties could be expected; these gave 137

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas access to resources of zones beyond contiguous access, ecologically quite foreign. Finally, the outer world was bound only by the reach of mindald operations which won access to highly valued exotic objects and may also have scouted out potential alliances. In pre-Incaic times, if ceramic evidence is reliable, Quito's remote contacts reached north and south through the sierra into other highland basins (Meyers 1976:181-182), and the evidence of a "Sicchos" and "Otavalo" presence in the llajtakuna implies that they lasted into the colony. In addition to these there seems to have existed an enclave of neutral or secure territory at the "tianguez," where relationships pertaining to all three radii might be mingled under the benign but interested supervision of a regionally eminent mindald corps. How politically complex were north Andean chiefdoms?

Comparative studies of "intermediate societies" differ widely on axes of comparison employed: various authors attach primacy to demographic scale, rules of succession, degrees of stratification, or range of functions politicized. As a result no two authors group the cases alike. For the purposes of the remaining part of the present study-that is, for the understanding of relations between north Andean chiefdoms and the elaborately stratified Inca state-it is not necessary to weld these criteria into a uniform typology, but only to appreciate the approximate position of the Quito lords compared to other chiefs and the distance separating their polities from the Inca model. Was ancient Quito a strongly stratified society? If stratification is taken to include both sumptuary privilege and the right to transmit it, it surely was. Helms (1979:12-21) gives special importance to stratification, using Sahlin's (1958) Polynesian typology to document the likeness between Central American native lords and chiefs of Sahlins' type Ha polities (the upper part of the middle bracket between nearly egalitarian and nearly statelike polities). Insofar as the model applies, Quito lords fit the same bracket with even greater certainty. Like Polynesian societies of this type, Quito polities showed two basic status levels with a tendency to form a third, servile level. Like these, they lodged stewardship of strategic resources in chiefs, and vested in chiefs the power to dispossess commoners, confiscate their goods, or severely punish them. Like the Polynesian societies of type Ha also, Quito collectivities concentrated control of communal and craft production in the upper level, but did not politically control household production. The redistribution system shows signs of the two-tiered organization Sahlins posits. High-ranking nobles were exempt from subsistence production, used conspicuous symbols of rank, and regulated social processes of adjudication and marriage. The remain138

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities ing criteria of type Ha are not clearly evidenced in Quito. But other indices of stratification - the building of special houses for nobles, noble polygyny, unique burials, abundance of servitors, access to luxury food also point unambiguously to a sharp status break between commoners and nobles. If one looks instead at the status systems through which power was exercised, as Goldman (1970:20-24) does, Quito continues to fall in a middle bracket by the Polynesian standard; as with Goldman's "open" type, the Quito chiefdoms did not give genealogical position priority over all other claims to authority, but placed them in counterposition to the claims of achievement in an arena of intense rivalry. In this respect, however, even the Inca state resembles a chiefdom so the criterion may not be useful in South America. Feinman and Neitzel (1984:49-56), drawing on several researchers, examine the range of chiefs' functions as an index to concentration of power. Of fifteen possible leadership functions, Quito lords clearly exercised eleven: ambassadorial affairs, war leadership, village labor administration, controlling trade, leading ceremonies, punishing wrongdoers, settling disputes, enforcing moral norms, sponsoring feasts, storing information, and distributing goods. The large number of functions, and especially the information-storing and distributing functions, place them high in the bracket of "strong" chiefdoms, that is, those where political power was relatively concentrated and versatile. Some further comparisons justifiable in theory cannot be carried out in practice because of evidential problems. For example, the number of administrative levels present is useful for comparison, but Inca interference and ambiguity of local terms make it difficult to specify anything beyond the minimum presence of dual (chief/subchief) levels. In sum, the Quito-area aborigines had by Inca times created polities which, despite being numerous and unstable in their relations to each other, showed a surprising degree of centralization and internal complexity. The local chiefs, far from being the mere warlords depicted in Inca and Spanish ideology, occupied a role which passed the boundaries of "rank society" privilege to occupy a coordinating and to some degree a strategic function. The conflict with the Inca state, therefore, cannot be understood in terms of a simple opposition between stratified and egalitarian societies. In terms of raw coercive power, it is all but certain that pre-Inca native lords enjoyed more than those who came to function as leaders of the "colonial tribes" (in Morton Fried's term) which Inca rule created. The transition to Inca rule, therefore, must be understood not in such simple terms as centralization, but with regard to more subtle shifts in the intracommunal uses of wealth and power. 139

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Evidence from Quito and theories of chiefdom

On the whole evidence from highland Ecuador vindicates the line of argument developing from Oberg (1955) through Sahlins (1958), Steward and Faron (1959), and Service (1962), lately reviewed in a critique by Carneiro (1981). This line of argument maintains that chiefdoms formed a level of organization not reducible to either egalitarian or state categories, because the presence of marked political stratification cross-cutting a dominantly kinship-based organization produced a distinctive dynamic of social differentiation. But the Quito evidence also puts to the test some of the specific propositions advanced within the tradition of chiefdom studies, especially assertions about the importance of political conflict and of redistribution. Both Carneiro's circumscription argument (1981:62-65) and Service's redistribution argument (1962:133-140), which, between them, overshadow the far less developed arguments based on theocratic and technological factors, frame the chiefdom problem as one of ''origin," and leap from functional data to phylogenetic conclusions with an eagerness one may think twice about emulating. But they are nonetheless approachable through the largely functional data presented here. Carneiro has placed political dominion at the center of his discussion both typologically and processually. Typologically, he denies that any formation belongs in the chiefdom category unless it comprises "a number of villages or communities under the permanent control of a paramount chief" (1981:45). In processual terms, paramountcy of a central chief has its origins in the victory of one contender over others in a struggle for land resources scarce in proportion to population (1981:64), and the task of maintaining and expanding hegemony largely conditions chiefdom institutions. In the area of Quito, accepting multivillage hegemony as a defining trait would mean defining out a number of cases which otherwise clearly belong in the chiefdom category. Of the six political units we understand well, none clearly was multi-communal and yet all display numerous chiefdom features. Milisauskas (1978:166) has provided a synthetic list of such traits; every Quito polity shows some fifteen of his twenty. The three southerly polities of Uyumbicho, Anan Chillo, and Urin Chillo may fit Carneiro's multivillage type if one takes the term parcialidad to mean a subordinate village. But the three northern polities of Puembo, El Ynga, and Pingolqui are unambiguously single-village formations. Nonetheless they showed organizational systems much like those of multi-village polities. Is this simply an artifact of "secondary chiefdom" (Service 1962:141-142) resulting from interaction with the Inca state? Almost certainly not, in view of the fact that Pasto villages lying beyond the political hegemony of the Inca state had virtually the same scale and form of organization. 140

Dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities As regards the importance of circumscription and warfare, clear evidence in favor of the hypothesis is lacking. In the six polities, Inca repression may have stifled earlier warfare. In any case the informants were not asked about it. As to land scarcity, the lowered 1559 population would have relieved any land-hunger problems extant c. 1500. But, even if Knapp is correct in isolating moist mid-altitude flats as a crucial, circumscribing resource for maize-based chiefdoms, it would have taken a preepidemic population much larger than common depopulation ratios indicate in order for the predicted effect to occur. The question must be left open pending archaeological data on demography. The second major theory about "origins" of chiefdoms rests on Service's argument that "the rise of chiefdoms seems to have been related to a total environmental situation which was selective for specialization in production and redistribution of produce from a controlling center" (1962:133-134). The argument has two cardinal points: first, specialization, and second, redistribution. Either because producers work in differing productive environments, or because they exercise different skills, chiefs achieve predominance by combining specialties and redistributing the products. This practice can take the form of collecting and redistributing from varied niches, or of pooling diverse skills in collective projects whose products are then redistributed. Quito-area evidence confirms the idea that redistribution upheld chiefs' predominance. But it forces one to revise Service's ideas about the ecological basis of the phenonmenon (Earle 1977). In the first place, the subsistence bases and skills of the units making up the polity were fairly uniform and mutually available between units so that the redistribution of goods made by subjects is unlikely to have become a power-yielding monopoly. In the second place, when households needed subsistence goods not locally available, they obtained them by exterior exchanges apparently free of political mediation; they simply trekked to the producing "foreign" zones. The management of ecological and occupational diversity, within the polity or across frontiers, seems to have been achieved in good part outside political channels. To the degree that chiefs did centralize local labor and skills, they did so as "a form of taxation" (Earle 1977:226) heavily embedded in feasting and ceremony. Nonetheless something of Service's "redistributional society" image remains standing when one considers the native lords' preeminence in gathering and giving exotic high-status goods from remote places. The practice of sponsoring long-distance trader corps, even when partly stifled by Inca rule, remained a key to chiefs' power. Long-distance operations yielded power in several ways. First, wealth objects of remote origin were tokens needed for almost all important social transactions (rites of passage, worship, marriage, etc.), so that advantage in procuring them 141

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas amounted to leverage on the reproduction of society itself. Second, most such objects were similarly recognized throughout the northern highlands, so that possessing them amounted to potency in relations with exterior groups. A chief wealthy in treasure had means to suborn, marry into, or otherwise manipulate outside formations that might threaten his own group if not somehow managed. Third, treasure goods were storable, allowing a margin for planning of strategy beyond the momentary conjuncture, and easily portable, allowing them to be redirected freely. Such findings do not clarify the "origin" of chiefdoms. They do however open the way for some inquiries about it. The proposition that chiefs generated political power by parlaying ample subsistence into an increase of external geographical "reach," and thereby into leverage on the security and internal processes of the plebeian community, has readily derivable implications for archaeology. If, as has often been suggested, the northern Andes conserved some traits "archaic" relative to other highland zones, the case may also have a bearing on the remoter origins of formations that eventually diverged widely from the equatorial examples. These might include the predecessors of Andean states and empires.

142

The Incaic impact

The splendor of Tawantinsuyu, the Inca empire, and its superficial likeness to European empires, made it for centuries the main and usually the only focus of historical research on Andean peoples. But it has become clear that focusing on the apical institutions of the short-lived empire leads into an ideological blind alley unless one also studies the smaller, more diverse and resilient, formations which preceded, supported, and finally outlived it. It is no longer the allegedly Utopian achievements of the lords from Cuzco that interest politically-minded anthropologists, but the question of how a state with no marked technical or demographic advantage over its neighbors so quickly worked innumerable native polities into a web of dependencies over thousands of kilometers. How, then, did Tawantinsuyu propose to make autonomous chiefdoms over into components of a state whose very principles of organization were alien to them? By concentrating on the means the Cuzco lords used in grappling with native polities, and by looking for clues to the native reaction, it should be possible to describe the Quito area as an example of the intra-Andean imperializing process as it stood when frozen in midadvance by the Spanish invasion. The focus, therefore, is on specific points at which aboriginal and Incaic societies came to grips: the use made by the Inca state of local resources, human and natural; the means of control and extraction by which it dominated them; the infrastructure of communication and military hegemony; assimilation and resistance in aboriginal responses to these forces; and aboriginal postures in the Benalcazar invasion crisis as an index to feelings about Tawantinsuyu. For readers with a more general interest in the Inca conquest or the Inca-Spanish wars, several substantial, although partial, syntheses are available. On military aspects the works of Gonzalez Suarez ([1890] 1969), Larrea (1971), Bossano (1972), and Hemming (1970) are recommended. On cultural aspects, those of Murra (1946, 1956), Jijon y Caamano (1941-1947), Holm (1958), Salvador Lara (1972), Uhle ([1909] 1969; 1930), Costales (1960), 143

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Vargas (1948), Verneau and Rivet (1912), and Burgos-Guevara (1975) contain useful materials. Incaic Quito

Newcomers to the study of Quito's history are often surprised by the contrast between the high ideological pretensions of the Incaic city-"let there be another Cuzco in Quito" (Guaman Poma [1613] 1936:185; Cieza [1553] 1943:263)-and the small quantity of Inca remains which have been unearthed in its territory. In itself this is not unusual. Even in such highly developed Inca centers as Huanuco, Inca buildings were very scarce away from the Q"apaq nan or central highway. The paucity has also been explained in part by Spanish demolition (Salvador Lara 1972:261-263), and in part as due to lack of excavation on the higher slopes of the Quito plateau, which are likely to have housed substantial Inca developements. But it is also necessary to take into account two intrinsic factors: Incaic Quito's still inchoate state in 1534, and the probability that its importance was not defined by massive population but by other properties (Meyers 1976:181). The first, or chronological, factor is in urgent need of archaeological clarification, but ethnohistoric clues are not altogether lacking. There was a widespread tradition to the effect that not only Quito, but most of the far-northern empire, was founded by "Topa Inca," i.e. Tupa Inka Yupanki; Cieza, for example, credits him with originating the project of a new Cuzco in Quito ([1553] 1962:263), and Cabello, Sarmiento and Garcilaso were also inclined to the idea of Tupa Inka as deeply involved in northern conquests (Sarmiento [1572] 1943:212-218; Cabello [1586] 1951:339; Garcilaso [1609] 1941-1946 t.3:26.34). There is no reason to discard the idea of such early incursions, perhaps implanting military outposts, given whose presence the period of Inca cultural influence might be substantially longer than that of actual imperial government. An aboriginal witness mentioned c. 1558 that "Topinga Yupangue" had expropriated lands from his grandfather at Guayllabamba, a key highway station (Monroy 1937:159). But this version must be taken with a grain of salt, for two reasons. First, it comes to us from Inca and pro-Inca informants almost exclusively. Cabello probably learned it from Matheo Yupanqui "brother or half-brother of the Inka Atahualpa" (Cabello [1586] 1951:xvii-xxii, xxvxxvi; Oberem 1976a:33); Sarmiento researched only in the south, and had no members of the Atawalpa faction, still less aborigines, among his Inca consultants. Garcilaso was to an extreme degree influenced by court ideology, and even Cieza, although he knew Quito first-hand, did not write about its conquest until after he had been living and studying among the 144

The Incaic impact Inca veterans resident in the Cuzco region. Atienza, who never fell directly under the sway of the Inca court, does not hesitate to attribute the effective conquest to "Guainacapac" ([1575?] 1931:21). Second, in the authors hospitable to an early version of conquest chronology there are recurrent motifs so regular as to suggest that events have been cast in the mold of ideal normative structures. Northern conquests are almost always told in a stereotyped format in which Tupa Inka the father conquers the northern barbarians but is then betrayed by them, after which Wayna Q"apaq the son must reconquer the "rebellious" native lords. It is likely that such sequences did occur. Indeed they may well have been foreseen and planned into Inca policy. The stereotyped libretto of revolt, then, would not represent a fabrication, but a structured retelling conditioned by Inca understandings of how the process of conquest did or should work. But this should not be misinterpreted to mean that Quito in the time of Tupa Inka was already a consolidated province. Even if one postpones the conclusive subjection of the Quito region until the reign of Wayna Q"apaq, it cannot well be placed within the early phases of his north Andean career. This is true because effective Inca occupation of the inter-Andean valleys of the far north (i.e. all the provinces north of the Canar country) was much slowed by the disasters of the Caranqui wars. In this matter the testimony of Cabello takes precedence, since he alone of major chroniclers lived a long time in the locale of the problem and was informed by Quito Incas who had witnessed the wars. Far from being subdued prior to the Imbabura chiefdoms, says Cabello, the Quito area-specifically, the Chillos Valley-was not pacified until after the final hecatomb of the northerners at Yahuarcocha: From the midst of this furor and fighting, a valiant and courageous captain of the Caranqui forces, named Pinta, escaped with some thousand-odd soldiers who cast their lot with him. Guayna Capac, leaving plans and orders for the safeguarding and repair of the hard-won [Caranqui] fortress, set out for Quito. There he sent people to capture the captain Pinta, who, they had heard, had entrenched himself in some forests neighboring Quito over the Chillos Valley, with the purpose of subverting and raiding all the lands conquered by the Inca, and had in fact begun to do so. Only at the cost of lives and time was he brought imprisoned before Guayna Capac, who pardoned him the acts committed up to then, on the condition that there be no more. But the barbarian Pinta was so stubborn and so tenacious in his ferocity that he refused even to eat what the Inca sent him . . . and so on the day that he died, [the Inca] ordered him skinned and a drum made of his body, to perform in Cuzco the Inti Raymi, which is a set of dances in honor of the Sun ([1586] 1951I382-383).1

Because it was not unusual for Spanish writers to identify "caciques" by the names of their domains rather than anthroponyms, this last-ditch resistance can be attributed to the llajta of Pintag, on the eastern margin of the Chillos Valley. Cieza also names Pifo, on the Cumbaya flats, as 145

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas one of the chiefdoms allied with Cayambe in the resistance to Wayna Q"apaq, Throughout the northern wars the Cuzco army did not make its base in Quito but always retired to Tumibamba (i.e. Cuenca), in the Canari south, between campaigns (Cabello [1586] 1951:368, 370, 378-379, 383). It seems, therefore, that Quito at this time was not even militarily secure, still less a developed Inca court. Although the date given by Cabello for the end of the Caranqui wars, 1492, cannot be taken literally because it suggests an attempt to make American and European chronology coincide, new evidence gathered by Waldemar Espinoza Soriano confirms that the pacification of Imbabura and Pichincha must indeed have been quite late. A group of mitmajkuna stationed at Uyumbicho during the northern wars reported in 1577 that they had passed through only two generations of political leadership, so that even if each of the mitmaj lords had enjoyed a long reign, the colony could not have been implanted much before 1500 (Espinoza 1975:360). After a careful scrutiny of chronicle chronology Larrea reaches similar conclusions (1971:87; Jijon y Larrea 1918). The period of actual Inca rule might be estimated at thirty to forty years, with a period of Inca influence via enclaves and emissaries of indeterminate length prior to conquest. The second intrinsic factor bearing on the scarcity of Inca urban remains is the likelihood that the Quito of the Incas was not founded at an exceptionally dense population center. While it is true that some chronicles refer to aboriginal populations of Quito ("the natives of Quito are called Quilacos"; Cabello [1586] 1951:321, 408), one must take into account the usage of "Quito" as a broadly regional term. Moreover the closer one comes to early sources the more evident is the rarity of firm references to non-Incaic aboriginal groups native to urban Quito. Among the early encomiendas no such group has come to light. Salazar Villasante thought he remembered "an act of settlement that took place in the council of this city when it was founded, in which agreement was reached with the Indians who were in this city, that when the Spanish city would be enlarged, they [Indians] would move to a place which the council would assign them" (CVG la ser. vol. 31:544), but it proved impossible to locate the text. Although references to "natives of this city" abound in documents after 1570, the city had by that time become markedly a colluvies gentium such that there is no guaranteeing their status as Quito's aborigines. The obscure group known as Pillajos, whose original llajta is not known, may have been true Quitenos (AF/Q Legajo 8 no.l:f.7r, 9v; 1559-1560). Similarly references to native lords of the city are extremely rare, the only strong candidates being "Don Hernando Quito Guana cacique of this province of Quito and Don Martin Zangoquicio likewise cacique of this province of Quito" (1564; Leon Borja y Szaszdi 1971:285). But even here the word "province" suggests a regional, not llajta, referent. 146

The Incaic impact As has been suggested, it is likely that the importance of Quito derived more from its strategic location than from its demographic or political status. It occupies the place where the major Yumbo routes come closest to coinciding, and forms an avenue of north-south traffic which weighed in the routing of the Inca royal highway and the modern Pan-American Highway. Probably it stood astride the traffic of precious exotic goods, such as that between Latacunga and Pimampiro (Borja [1582] 1965:248). One need not take it for granted that a "tianguez" is always accompanied by a city; many examples of major exchange points which, aside from exchange gatherings, were almost empty, are known from archaeology and ethnology (Polanyi [1963] 1968). But it may nonetheless be a place of supreme prestige and economic importance, from which an invader who understood the economic order could dominate the flow of wealth without displacing the producers. Ability to menace Yumbo traffic, or the network of north-south contacts which have left an archaeological trace in affinities between the "Panzaleo" styles of Quito and ceramics of both the Puruhaes to the south and the Imbabura groups of the north (Meyers 1976:181-182), may have been a powerful weapon in the Inca political arsenal. The scarce body of early testimony about Inca buildings in Quito is only slightly augmented by recent archaeology. The best-documented Inca building was "the houses of pleasure of the native lord" (l r LCQ 1.1:103), also mentioned as "the former pleasure houses of Wayna Q"apaq" (l r LCQ 1.1:128) and "some ancient buildings where were certain pleasure houses of the native lord" (l r LCQ 1.1:241); these phrases date from 1534 and 1537 (see also Guaman Poma [1613] 1936:1085). "Pleasure houses" probably means houses for recreation and hospitality, possibly harems. Cieza observed that (Quito) is built on some ancient lodging houses which the Incas had ordered built in the time of their dominion on that site, and Guaynacapa had adorned and enlarged them, and also his father the great Topa Inca. The natives called these lodgings, so rich and so important, Quito, so that the city took its name from the same one the natives had ([1553] 1962:128).2 The Franciscan convent was built "where the Inca palaces formerly stood" (Oberem 1976a:34). The houses belonging to Francisco Topatauchi Inca, called "the Auki" a son of Atawalpa and the highest eminence of Quito's colonial Inca aristocracy, probably contained components of Inca architecture. In 1609, one could still see "[in] the parish of San Roque . . . a wall which backs onto a lodging [aposento], now fallen, of the buildings of tile-roofed houses which belonged to Don Francisco Auqui" (ANH/Q 5a notaria t.3:f.542v-544r). Aposento is not an Inca word, but Spaniards usually applied it to Inca buildings of the type called kallanka. These were reserved for the use of the nobles, called "big-eared ones" in reference to 147

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas the earspool insignia of Inca privilege. Another Incaic complex probably stood below the waterfall today called La Chorrera, a steep walk up the flank of Pichincha (Salvador Lara 1972:248-261). Jijon explored fragmentary remains of Inca burial sites and a "viaduct" (Meyers 1976:181). Finds of luxury-quality imperial Inca style artifacts, but not building ruins, have given a clue to the locations of apparent retreats of the Inca nobility in La Magdalena, at the southern edge of the old city, outside it in the Chillos Valley (Meyers 1976:181), near Tumbaco and at the thermal baths of Cunucyacu (Uhle 1930:10). The apparatus of coercion and defense: fortifications

The outline of Incaic Quito's military architecture has remained far plainer than its faint traces of ceremonial buildings and dwellings, as one would expect of a center which was only beginning to outgrow its role as an encampment. Unlike "Tomebamba" (Tumipampa, i.e. modern Cuenca), a center evidently built in the expectation of peace, Incaic Quito crouched on a narrow, broken shelf of land, encased in a carapace of fortifications. This uncomfortable location puzzled Spaniards of later times; both the Anonimo of 1573 (1965:221) and Salazar Villasante ([156?] 1965:132) agreed that "the intent of the [Spanish] founders of the city was to put it in a strong location where they could defend it from the natives, because they were many and the Spanish few." In doing so they simply followed the Inca example. Rodriguez de Aguayo wrote that the Incas preferred the site because it was dissected by deep canyons, which could be crossed only by bridges and therefore formed natural fortifications ([s.f.] 1965:201). The major architectural component of Quito's inner ring of defenses seems to have been a hardened perimeter along the eastern edge of the Quito plateau. Jijon y Caamano was still able to explore a segment of it at Guangiiiltagua, overlooking the Cumbaya flatlands, in 1907 (Larrea 1971:178-179). Presumably ravines and the awesome mountain wall of Pichincha Volcano helped to defend the remaining sides of the Inca citadel. In addition to the inner ring, Quito was defended by an outer armed cordon which in some places was so much fortified as to resemble an Andean Maginot Line. Its longest segment seems to begin at the northeast corner of the Cumbaya flatlands, including the sites at Pifo and El Quinche where, according to testimony of 1539 by the conquistador Diego de Sandoval, the Inca general Ruminawi prepared the final battles against Benalcazar (AGI/S Patronato 93 no.9 r°3 f.6r). It then swept along the heights of the eastern cordillera, forming a chain of forts dominating the whole Cumbaya flatland and the entire Chillos Valley as far as 148

The Incaic impact Sincholagua. As late as 1750 a "large fortress" could be seen on the heights over Yaruqui (AM/Q t.79A:f.211-214). The "fortress of Pinta" (i.e. Pintag), further south, was a well-known landmark used in two staked claims for the looting of native tombs (ANH/Q 4a notaria juicios 1675:f.367v, a datum of 1596; ANH/Q la notaria t.8:f.l75r-176v). A seventeenth-century map clearly shows a pukara or native fort at the southern extreme of the Chillos Valley on the paramos of Sincholagua (AGI/S M y P Panama 363). This chain of forts may have been designed not only to intimidate the llajtakuna but to close off possible connections with the Amazonian east. Cieza claims Quito was one of many places equipped with special defenses facing Amazonia, manned by transplanted contingents ([1553] 1943:132), but none of these have been identified. Neither have the possible pre-Incaic antecedents of the eastern forts been explored. A second armed perimeter appears to have been designed to close traffic between Quito and the areas north of the Guayllabamba. The Quitoloma group of forts has been studied archaeologically by Oberem (1969), and the Guayllabamba-San Antonio de Pichincha segment by Fernando Plaza (1976). Although it is not certain whether they were built by native or Inca armies, it is clear that they were used in wars of the Inca era. They are extraordinarily numerous and densely emplaced; some twenty of them are still visible today (map in Plaza 1976; map in Gondard and Lopez 1983). A comparison of their wedding-cake shape with a report by Salinas Loyola suggests that they were Incaic, and belonged to an early stage of the conquest: In the time when the Incas, native lords, conquered the said provinces, they made a practice of building forts on high moutain ranges, making three or four enclosures of stone walls, to be strong and safe, and so that the people whom they left in the said provinces would also be safe, until they could completely conquer and domesticate them; which forts they called, in their language, pucaras (Salinas Loyola [1571?] 1965:299).3

A third group of fortresses was located in the southwestern Chillos Valley and parts of the Machachi Valley, and seems to have been directed against movements from the south toward Quito. They are not known archaeologically but the document record shows that the Spanish feared them, and defeated them at some expense. When the conquistador Hernando de la Parra gave his sworn autobiography in 1560, he remembered severe resistance at Quito's southern portal: There were big covered pits, with long sharp stakes inside them; and having broken through many bad spots as far as where this city of Quito is now, we had many struggles in winning and defeating the defenses they had built against us so we might not pass, as in Mocha and Ambato, and in Muliambato which was a fortified pass where the Indians had a fortress that we won; and we passed 149

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas onward to the town of Panzaleo and the town of Uyumbicho, where we met stiff resistance, and from there we arrived at this city where we made our settlement (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:13).4 The Spanish then made some assaults on neighboring "provinces." Among these the last to yield was the Chillos Valley: When Captain Diego de Almagro went to the Chillos Valley I went with him, and we found a fortress where there were many Indians, and they were so strong that it was impossible to break in. They had wounded and mistreated many soldiers, and among them was Diego de Agiiero, a burgher [vecino] of Lima. By the means of making a mobile fence with three crossbowmen (of whom I was one) and three shieldbearers the fortress was won and the said Indians were defeated and the said valley was pacified (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:18).5 It was apparently in this encounter that Almagro took from the "native lord [curaca] of Chillo" three sons of Atawalpa in hiding from the Spanish (Gonzalez Suarez [1890] 1969 1.1:1097). This report suggests that the fort was manned, if not by Inca troops, by local troops whom the Incas considered trustworthy since otherwise they would not have been given such priceless hostages. This is not the only ground for positing the existence of a pro-Inca aboriginal force in the Chillos Valley. Certain council acts of 1538 identify another fort, a "palisade" apparently close to the Inca fort, which later served as a landmark: "the palisade of Quyngalunba around an Inca fortress" (l r LCQ t.2:147), probably the same as "in the Chillos Valley . . . the fortress that the Marshal conquered"(l r LCQ t.2:17). "Quingalunba" is not a toponym, but the name of an aboriginal leader known from two sources to have fought to the end in defense of Tawantinsuyu: They captured the chief lords of these provinces, of whom it was presumed and considered certain, that they knew about the gold and silver which the provinces supposedly held. They were Oromynabi [i.e. Ruminawi] and Cocogopagua and Quingalunba and Rrasorraso and Syna and some others their allies and friends. Every possible measure was taken with them, and we worked hard on guarding and watching them, and also going with them to many places they mentioned; notwithstanding all of which, they did not wish to reveal anything, either collectively or individually, for which reason, and also because of the crimes they had committed, they have been tried, in such a fashion that at the present moment none of them exists (l r LCQ t.l: 102-103).6 In the chronicle of Herrera ([1601-1615] 1950 1.11:34), the names of two chiefs who remained loyal to Tawantinsuyu and mobilized their people against Spain are given as "Tucomayo lord of Latacunga" and "Quimbalembo lord of Chillo." This Inca hero was probably a man of local, not Incaic, ethnicity, since the 1559 visita turned up another "lord of Chillo" of the same name: Francisco Quingalumbo, principal of an aboriginal 150

The Incaic impact sector in Anan Chillo (M y SM 1559:f.850v). It is not impossible that they were kinsmen, since the inheritance of anthroponyms, although it was not universal, was already known among the aboriginal elite in pre-Toledan times (e.g. the Hachos of Latacunga and the Puentos of Cayambe). No documentation on fortification of the bocas de montana has yet come to light. Overall, the military map suggests a Quito still very much in the shape of a garrison, its back pressed to the mountain wall of the western cordillera, a shield of local forts before its face, and a stockade of forts standing guard both over the ever-suspect peoples of the Quito basin, and over the passages through which other provinces might attack. The behavior of people inhabiting this map suggests that the Inca attempt at pacification was bearing at least some fruit, because it was possible to mobilize loyal aboriginal troops in the southerly part of the valley. Perhaps Quito was not too far from a moment when, ceteris paribus, it might have developed in a less one-sidedly military direction, but the pro-Inca politics of Anan Chillo and Uyumbicho were far from general, and the moment never came. The apparatus of transport and communication: roads and way stations

Incaic Quito's road network probably consisted in large part of pre-Incaic routes broadened and paved to make room for the heavy traffic of imperial armies and llama trains. Such, at least, was the case in the Canari country: uTopa Inca governed the land, and had roads two fathoms [brazas] wide built, which had formerly been no more than narrow paths where the Indians traveled in single file as is their custom" (Pablos [1582] 1965:267). The roads were punctuated by shrines of many sorts, including numerous "camongas" (from Quechua kamuni 'stop along the road'; Gongalez Holguin [1608] 1952:48), which functioned as milestones. Other roadside shrines included the entrances and exits of the paramos, mouths of springs and lakes, and high peaks, all of which were accounted as waka or sacred places (1570; CVG l a ser. vol. 13:631). Since the earliest Spaniards commonly used roads as landmarks for the sharing out of lands, data about them are available from a very early moment. This is fortunate, since the period of the Pizarran wars saw them much neglected, and the period following them witnessed a growth in demand for transport by colonial elites which, while it produced an interesting trail of paperwork concerning the administration of "tambos" (Inca way stations or tampu reestablished as colonial infrastructures) and the protection of bearers {"tamemes" "cargadores"), it also produced innovations that obscure the Andean substructure. The intensification of commercial links with the "maritime depot" (desembarcadero, i.e. Gua151

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas yaquil) and with distant sierran mining districts eventually caused a hypertrophy which makes it difficult to retrieve Andean content from testimony of the last part of the sixteenth century. Nonetheless, it is possible to reconstruct several aspects of the transport and communication function even where pre-Toledan data are lacking. The roads were surfaced with adobado ('baked earth'), not stone flags. Alonso de Paz, a very early witness, testified that this was an Incaic custom: "In Inca times and ever since the Indians have had the custom of covering the roads with adobe" (CVG la ser. vol. 27:327) and encomenderos were expected to maintain the road-repair and "tambo" duties of their respective Incaic sectors (lda LCQ 1.1:276; 2do LCQ 1.1:125). It may be possible to discover archaeologically whether "adobar" referred to the use of adobe bricks, blocks of the naturally hardened soil called cangahua, or the laying of a uniform pavement over the road. At least four classes of traffic are known to have traveled the Inca roads. The first was that of privileged travelers, administrators adorned with the earspools of officialdom, who traveled in the litter or hammock (rampa in Quechua; CVG la ser. vol. 31:497; Atienza [1575?] 1931:123) and who rested at aposentos or royal lodgings. These luxuries were emulated by the Spanish, who if anything increased the demand for palanquin and hammock bearers. The second was that of the cWaskikuna or "chasquis " relay runners of the Inca postal service whose services were still required under Spanish rule. As with all other colonial Inca institutions the Spanish made labor demands on "chasquis" beyond what Andean tradition could allow, and native lawsuits resulted. Presumably the indigenous ch'aski organization had made demands less onerous than those mentioned by two lords of Chimbo, whose subjects, because they lived by the Guayaquil road, were in 1558 virtual servitors of the highway: Alonso de Marchena, a burgher [vecino] of Guayaquil, ordered this witness and other subchiefs of the said town and the other towns around it to give him 36 Indian chasquis to put them on the roads from the bridge at Guayaquil to the road substations [tambillos] of the paramo, which is on the far side of Chimbo. And this witness gave the said Marchena the thirty-six Indians from his sector and parcialidad. Marchena put them on the said road and had their huts and fields made there in each stretch of road, and for about a year the said Indians were there constantly, going back and forth as chasquis with letters and other charges (CVG l a ser. vol. 27:379-380).7

A letter of the Archbishop of Quito from the 1560s mentions that the "chasquis" were stationed one to one and a half leagues apart (4.2 to 6.3 kilometers; CVG la ser. vol. 13:465). If this figure is comparable with Incaic reality, and if Cieza was right in describing the "royal highway . . . which left this city [Quito] and arrived as far as Cuzco" 152

The Incaic impact as equipped with "very elegant and beautiful lodges or palaces for the lords, richly furnished" every three or four leagues (12.5 to 16.8 kilometers ([1553] 1962:131), then there were probably one or two small cWaski huts in each stretch between "lodges." The runners' stations may have coincided with the "tambillos" or lesser way stations often mentioned in early papers, and the "lodges" may be the same as the great tampu or royal tampu. CWaski runners also served as highway patrolmen on guard against unlicensed travel. They hung ropes with bells under bridges or across the right of way so as to ring if anyone tried to pass at night. This technique is probably pre-Hispanic (testimony of Alonso de Paz, 1568; CVG l a ser. vol. 27:328; see also pp. 301, 376, 379, 382). A third class of travel was bulk transportation, presumably including that of mindaldes and their porters, armies, and llama trains carrying state supplies. Although the Anonimo of 1573 corroborates the use of llamas for cargo around Quito (1965:213), they were not very numerous, and the greater part of cargos moved on human shoulders. Lope de Atienza was one of many Spaniards appalled at the sight of people carrying enormous loads: It is a pitiful thing to see the excessive and unbearable loads which these unhappy people put on their shoulders. The weight that the ragamuffin peons and Moorish halfbreeds of la Palanca [in Spain] pile on themselves, is light as air compared to what these poor people carry. For the most that the porters of la Palanca do, is help in moving furniture from one house to another, or carry what cargo they can for a short distance; but these Indians, the women as well as the men, do such work without respite, and they walk four or six leagues at a stretch with loads of three arrobas" weight, or a two-arroba wine jar, or a pot of maize beer or water. They carry a load of firewood that no beast of burden would ever haul. And they are used to this work and consider it something natural . . . because they are habituated to it from the age of four years, moderating the load and the distance according to their tender age. And so the boys never walk without some load such as their little meals and bag lunches, both in town and in the fields, where, in the company of their parents, they work with as much vigor as if they were grown up ([1575?] 1931:113-114).8

Spanish abuses of this extraordinary ability, and unavailing attempts to suppress them, are an omnipresent motif in sixteenth century records. If Atienza's figures are correct (they equal a cargo of 34.5 kilograms carried about twenty-five kilometers per day), human porters could move heavier loads faster than could llamas (Murra 1956:87). Unlike llamas, also, they did not always demand rest when they needed it. Atienza mentions that porters would whip their feet with straw when fatigued, or magically throw away their exhaustion in a chewed coca quid ([1575?] 1931:113-114). A fourth class of traffic consisted of poor families carrying only their viands. Atienza has left us a vivid description of how they traveled: 153

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Those who travel with their legitimate wives or concubines walk slowly and never break their stride or double the day's march. The women are the ones who suffer and they, poor things, are the ones who work, for, besides carrying their little children on their backs, they load onto themselves a good heavy pot, nor do they leave out a drinking gourd; and finally, they pile onto their battered shoulders everything needed in a saloon, tap, and kitchen, without leaving out any known utensil. Their husbands and male friends go along tossing sticks the whole way, perfectly relaxed. At the end of the day's journey, wherever nightfall finds them, they make their encampment, and there they lodge with their poverty and misery. Instead of tinder and flint, they take two sticks that they carry for the purpose, protected from dampness, and with them they start a fire. Meanwhile, the poor women prepare their pitiful meals, with which they refresh the men and relieve their fatigue, comforting themselves with the thought that at least by such extreme subservience they can keep them [i.e. men] happy during the time they rule over them [i.e. women]. And in case this left them too easy and careless on the road, besides carrying their heavy load, they also busy themselves spinning, or they go along weaving some net bags called gicaras, or chewing maize to make ferment for the maize beer they will drink that day . . . Their beds, both on the road and at home, are always the same, and do not cost them much in curtains and less in mattresses, for all they do is lie down on the ground. At most, they put under themselves an old reed mat, if they can spare one, and that serves them for a mattress. For sheets and blankets, they have only their own clothing, and for pillows, a stone or a piece of wood (Atienza [1575?] 1931:49-50).9 Apparently colonial "tambos" did not serve the common people, and the pre-Columbian reality may not have been very different. Not only vignettes of highway life, but a substantial part of the preColumbian highway map, can be retrieved from early records. The following are the best-known stations, junctions, and crossroads: Mulahalo The southern gateway of the Quito district, Mulahalo was an important center some three leagues south of Panzaleo. Cieza saw it already in a condition of decay: "the lodge and town of Mulahalo, which, although now it is a small town because the native population has shrunk, had lodgings in former times for the Incas or their officers when they passed through, with large warehouses for supplying the armed forces" ([1553] 1962:133). In 1602 one could still observe "the warehouses of the Inca two leagues this side of Mulahalo, at the descent from the paramo of the said town as one goes toward this city [i.e. Quito"] (AM/Q Y Libro de Censos:f.75v). It is listed in a "tambo" checklist of 1549 (2do LCQ t.2:214-221). Panzaleo The site of the "tambos" of Panzaleo can befixeda little north of Panzaleo itself (l r LCQ 1.1:143) within the triangle formed by Machachi, Aloasi, and 154

The Incaic impact Aloag, close to an Inca aqueduct and a swamp with sigsig reed banks (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:63; ANH/Q varios 4°:f. non num.) Guaman Poma ([1613] 1936:1085) lists "Panchalia" as a "tambo that lacks a town," correctly rendering its location outside its namesake llajta. There were two roads from Quito to Panzaleo, one of which followed a typically Incaic high route through the inter-Andean forest and paramo of the western cordillera, dipping downward at way stations and warehouses, while the other followed a low route through or alongside the Chillos Valley. In 1535 the city council reserved for ejido or common pasture "from the royal highway which passes on the right-hand side over the slopes of the great mountain range, everything from one highway to the other as far as the forest village, that is, as far as the descent which one makes in going to the forest road, where there are some little ravines, and on one side there is a swamp and on the other the road which is where Captain Benalcazar slept when we came to populate this settlement the second time" (i.e. the second founding of Quito, following the abortive original founding near modern Cajabamba; Y LCQ t.l:96). The high road, "on the right hand," departed Quito from a place "on the right side of the round hill," that is, behind Panecillo hill (l r LCQ t.l:128; 1535). It was in relation to Panzaleo that Cieza wrote about the two roads going to the Yumbos and to the Quijos, but it is not clear whether he meant that they left directly from Panzaleo, or whether they left from the "Valley of Uchillo and Langazi," which he discussed under the heading of Panzaleo ([1553] 1962:132-133). The Panzaleo "tambos" appear in the 1549 list. Uyumbicho Uyumbicho is not named in the 1549 list, but this is likely to be due to the evacuation of its caretakers during the Pizarran wars rather than to lack of ancient antecedents. In 1570 new "tambos" were built on the site of a holy place ("five burials or shrines or tombs or adoratories;" ANH/Q l a notaria t.l:f.20v-21r), but the ruin of "the ancient tambos of Uyumbicho and ancient royal highway which goes to Panzaleo on the right-hand side" was still remembered in 1604 (AM/Q Y Libro de Censos:f.85r). Late material on these "tambos" and on others is found in LCQ 1573-1574:55-92, 15-16, 45 and in CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:147-181. Cansacoto A 1548 land grant classifies the road to Cansacoto, a southern Yumbo center, as a "royal highway," which in the period usage usually means an Inca road (2do LCQ t.2:63). 155

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Pintag

The road from Quito to Pintag was well known and important in the earliest years of the conquest (l r LCQ 1.1:143, 131, 148). It passed by a "fallen tambo" which was already in ruins in 1535; whether because of the Inca civil wars, or epidemics, or flight, is unknown. Of exceptionally large size and located close to the likewise deserted site of Changally (l r LCQ 1.1:131, 269), the "tambo" may have been related to the apparently major military complex called the "Pinta fortress:" uthe Pinta fortress is where we climb up from the said town [Pintag] toward the paramo on the old highway of the Incas" (ANH/Q 4a notaria Juicios 1675:f.367v; the testimony dates from 1596). These reports seemingly reflect the desolation of former Inca sites after the failure of the pro-Inca resistance in southern Chillos. Conocoto The "Conoto highway" mentioned in 1536 is interpreted by a later scribe as Conocoto, in the Chillos Valley (l r LCQ 1.1:191). It would seem to be a segment of the Pintag road. The "Chillo highway where there is a tanbillo" (l r LCQ 1.1:130) may have been identical, or possibly part of the "left-hand highway" to Panzaleo. El Ynga A 1537 reference to a "highway that goes to El Ynga" has survived (l r LCQ 1.1:137). It is virtually certain to be another name for the first part of the Quito-Quijos route via Papallacta, that is, the part passing through Pifo and still known in Maldonado's time (see Figure 1; Y LCQ 1.1:393). Quito The road terminals inside Quito are still mostly obscure. It has already been mentioned that the "right-hand" road south began somewhere behind Panecillo. The approach to the "left-hand" road appears to have begun somewhat south or southeast of the Inca complex at what is now Plaza San Francisco, to judge from a 1556 act assigning to one Diego de Torres "a site for his native lords [i.e. those of his repartimiento] which is from a cross that stands on the other side of San Francisco, belonging to the sodality chapel [cofradia], as far as the descent to the royal road; it borders with the water that passes along that side where there are some abandoned tambos; all that is above his farmstead [estancia] as far as the overlook of Chillo" (l r LCQ 1.1:129). There appears to have been a complex of "tambos" a short way 156

The Incaic impact south of the city: "a distance of perhaps a quarter of a league from this city [i.e. Quito], which is on the left side of the royal highway which goes to Panzaleo from this city, near the swamp where there are some huts belonging to some tambos" (l r LCQ t.l:93; 1535). Guaman Poma ([1613] 1936:1085) lists Quito as having a tambo of the highest rank, and mentions a "tambillo" at its northern exit in "Anequito" (i.e. Anaquito). Pueblo de las Guavas (Cumbayd?) Although it is not certain where the road through the 'Town of Guavas" led, it is clear that there was at least one pre-Hispanic "tambo" in the Cumbaya flatlands: "going from this city [i.e. Quito] to the Pueblo de las Guavas on the left side of the river in front of a tambo of the said town" (l r LCQ 1.1:139, 1535). Possibly this complex connected Quito to the fortifications over Pifo and Yaruqui, in a manner analogous to the Changally-Pintag complex in the Chillos Valley. Cotocollao A road leaving northern Quito skirted the margins of the lakes of Anaquito, reaching Cotocollao (l r LCQ 1.1:69-70) and then turning west into the northern Yumbo country. Route through Nono to northern Yumbos In 1535 the city councillors noted "a farmstead which is on the far side of Cotocollao and is where there are some buildings belonging to some tambos which are on the left side of the lowest road by which we go to Yumbo, and further down toward a town which is called Pasuli" (l r LCQ 1.1:139). This was classified as a "royal highway that goes to Yumbo" (l r LCQ 1.1:148; 1535). Details of the Nono-Yumbos route appear in Chapter 4. Zdmbiza Unlike the modern Pan-American Highway, which makes an arc through Calderon (historic Carapungo), the Inca road into the far north via Guayllabamba and Cayambe (a section of the Q"apaq nan) followed the shorter route through Zambiza (l r LCQ 1.1:145). Guayllabamba On the "road to Cayambe passing through Guayllabamba" (l r LCQ 1.1:426) there stood a complex of bridges and "tambos" which Guaman 157

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Poma ([1613] 1936:1085) considered to have a "town" character and which were, in Cieza's eyes, impressive even in the decay which the 1540s had brought ([1553] 1962:127). The "tanbos of C^i" near Oton may have been related to this group (AM/Q lr Libro de Censos:f.34r). In 1604 a witness mentioned "the old road to Otavalo which passes through the old tambos" at this or a nearby spot (AM/Q V Libro de Censos:f.84v, 207r). From here the road and "tambo" chain continued through Cochasqui, Cayambe, and Otavalo. In general, the roads called "royal," although they probably all had been controlled by the Inca state, are likely to be aboriginal in origin. The likeliest exceptions to this rule are the roads servicing the outer fortifications of the Inca complex. The vertebral column of the system was the great north-south Q"apaq nan, probably a modernized version of aboriginal routes between the major highland basins. From it at least two roads headed westward into the Yumbo lowlands, and one eastward over the Pass of Guamani to Papallacta and the Quijos. Additional roads crossed the thickly populated parts of the Cumbaya plateau and the Chillos Valley, apparently ending at the paramo-level fortresses. Quito is unmistakably the main nexus of the long-distance routes (see Figure 14). The apparatus of social control: mitmajkuna

The Quechua word mitmaj or mitmaq ("mitima") apparently designated any more or less permanently transplanted person, but in the present context it refers only to people transplanted by the Inca state, a category whose internal diversity is in itself very great. In recent years research by Waldemar Espinoza Soriano has demonstrated a variety of functions served by mitmajkuna (1973b, 1973c). Little by little the role of exiled north sierrans in mitmaj operations is becoming known. For example a large detachment of Cayampis (i.e. people from Cayambe, presumably "political" mitmaj removed in the wake of Cayambe's fierce anti-Inca resistance), were stationed at the coca plantations of Ancara (Espinoza 1973c) and in Huanuco (Ortiz de Zuniga [1562] 1967:295). "Quitos" turned up along the shores of Lake Titicaca (Ramos Gavilan [1621] 1976:43) and even Caranquis and Pastos from still farther north. The presence of several colonies of "incoming" mitmajkuna around Quito has long been noted (by the authors synthesized in Murra 1946:810), but both new data and the need to take account of previously neglected functional questions require a fresh examination. The Chacha In a study of "police troops" employed in Cuzco by the later Incas, Oberem and Hartmann observe that "the Canaris and the Chachapoyas 158

The Incaic impact Cochasquf

t

S. Antonio Yumbos

Guayllabamba Pueblo Guavas

IN

M

Quijos Yumbos

Pintag

To

Mulahalo

w u

Tambo Mayor,"

Tambo Menor,"

w

Aposento"

tt

Tambillo"

Fortification(s) Figure 14. Schematic reconstruction of pre-Hispanic road net

are mentioned together, although often mention is made only of the Canaris" (1976:8-9). In Quito, too, colonies of Canaris and Chachapoyas were already rooted at the time of the Spanish invasion, and may have played a "policing" role. But in Quito it is the Chachapoyas or Chacha, originally inhabitants of a wide vertical swath of the outer flanks of the eastern cordillera in what is now northernmost Peru, who emerge more clearly from the documentation. As early as 1535 one hears of "a place 159

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas which is where one goes leaving this city [i.e. Quito] toward Cotocollao passing the bridge which is next to the settlements where the Chachas of Juan Diaz are" (l r LCQ t.l:136). This suggests that one Chacha colony was implanted in the northern outskirts of the city. Another act of the city council, in 1537, makes reference to a certain battle between Spaniards and Chachas, perhaps during the initial assault on Incaic Quito: "the tambos where they captured the Chacha" (l r LCQ 1.1:137). "The Chacha," a leader otherwise forgotten in the chronicles, apparently commanded people not only here but at a long distance from Quito, as is evident in a 1537 act mentioning "some huts which belonged to the Chacha next to the settlement of Otavalo" (l r LCQ 1.1:142 ). Other Chacha posts extended into the south of Quito: "four leagues from this city [i.e. Quito] between Panzaleo and Uyumbicho which is where the Chachas used to dwell on the left hand toward the fortress" (l r LCQ t.2:102; 1540). The "fortress" might well be the same one where Parra fought the Chillos armies. It would be interesting to know if the Chacha of Quito, like those of Peru, sided with the Europeans in a "Hispano-Chacha alliance" (Espinoza 1967). All these Chacha groups seem to have been small homogeneous enclaves forming a far-flung net of small mitmaj operations. They appear characteristically at the outskirts of former aboriginal sites which had been converted into Inca centers, and may have had responsibility for controlling the interaction of aborigines with the privileged population of the new citadels. But aside from these a number of "loose" Chachapoyas became integrated into aboriginal parcialidades in the southern part of the Chillos Valley. Juan Zumba, lord of Uyumbicho, had among his subjects "Chachapoya and his wife Xillimpazo" and "Pedro Chacha" (M y SM 1559:f.864r-v). In Urin Chillo the native lord Juan Zangolqui counted among his yanakuna one "Chacha and his wife Naguazo" (f.824v). The names of the wives are typical of local ethnics. It is likely that these men were detached from the nearby Chacha enclave, but whether this was a result of the disruptions following 1534, or a normal part of the mitmaj process, remains to be seen. The foreignness of Chacha identity was enduring. As late as 1587 the son of "Juan Chacha the blacksmith," for example, identified himself as "Juan Yoplachacha, a native of the mitmaj of this city," notwithstanding the fact that the occupation of father and son suggests substantial assimilation to Spanish culture (ANH/Q la notaria t.l:f.568r-v). The Canaris Oberem and Hartmann, basing themselves on council acts and on the researches of Aquiles Perez, cite the existence of Canari groups "for ex160

The Incaic impact ample, in El Quinche, Cotocollao, and Pomasqui near Quito" (1976:10). The data from Cotocollao and Pomasqui are no less early than those on the Chacha, and suggest a similar role (l r LCQ1.1:109,133,236). Similar, too, is the durability of the ethnic category "Canari" in Quito society (ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:f.35r-36r). The Wayakuntu An enclave of Wayakuntu ("Guayacondo," "Huayacondo") in the Chillos Valley seems to have differed widely from the Chacha and Canari "policing" colonies. The Wayakuntu, natives of Huancabamba and Ay abaca Provinces in northernmost Peru, have recently been studied by Espinoza via the autobiographical testimonies of their colonial chiefs. Since they also appear in the visita of 1559, they come into slightly clearer focus than other mitmaj groups (Espinoza 1975; M y SM 1559:f.862v, 867r-869r). Don Diego Figueroa Caxamarca, a Wayakuntu noble who rose to the highest colonial post open to natives, the Alcaldia Mayor de Naturales ('supreme native magistracy') was a prototypic figure of that sector of the Andean nobility which might be called the syncretic politicians. Their power rested on the ability to mediate between the Spanish legal system and the authority of the native nobles. They were among the cream of bicultural or ladino society, sophisticated witnesses on both colonial matters and Andean political economy (Spalding 1974; Salomon 1975; Espinoza 1960). For this reason Don Diego's official autobiographies are documents of unusual interest. Among the witnesses he mobilized, Espinoza treats four as particularly expert: two of Caxamarca's countrymen, Alonso Misaguanga and Juan Guaygua; a native of Pachacamac resident in Quito whose Andean name is not mentioned; and the same Domingo Nynaquiza, "mindald who has charge of the rest," whom we met in another context. The story they tell is, in simplified outline, the following. The Wayakuntu mitmajkuna originated in the Pampamarca parcialidad, subject to a certain Apu Guacall or Guacalla. While still resident in the homeland, Guacall showed a markedly pro-Inca inclination and consequently won the ceremonial rank of "brother" of the Inca. When Wayna Q"apaq went to war against Cochasqui, Cayambe and Caranqui, he recruited a sector of the Wayakuntu for expeditionary troops under Guacall's own leadership, and although Guacall returned home after the campaign, a group - apparently a pachaka or hundred tributary units-was left behind to become mitmajkuna in the immediate area of Quito. They received subsistence lands of their own at an unknown site named Tucanca. Guacall's son Carguatanta became the "curaca" of the mitmaj colony, always 161

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas maintaining a principled affiliation with the Wayakuntu homeland. When the Inca dynastic war broke out, he and a part of the colony marched home, perhaps to escape the Atawalpa mobilization, but were slaughtered in an unexplained massacre by either Inca combatants or the Spanish, who had at this moment just arrived on the Peruvian coast. Meanwhile, in Quito, the same Cajamarca who would later be baptized Diego Figueroa took charge of the mitmaj subchiefdom. Like his predecessor he made a pilgrimage to his ethnic homeland, and like his predecessor, fell prisoner while making it. This was the period when Pizarran bands were ravaging Peru. One of them captured Caxamarca and for uncertain reasons sent him off to Chilean exile with a boatload of other enemies. But a prisoners' mutiny broke out aboard ship off the Peruvian coast, and the victorious mutineers turned the prow toward Mexico, where the crown was preparing its forces for the counteroffensive against the Pizarros. Liberated in Mexico, Caxamarca set to obtaining a European-style education which enabled him, on his return to the Quito of the La Gascan era, to attain a career in colonial politics in advance of other local lords. Caxamarca made his home in Quito, pursuing interests peripheral to the internal polity of the mitmaj colony. But the colony did not cease to be a distinctive political entity. In the inspection of 1559, there appears in Uyumbicho a sector headed by Francisco Condor, "Guayacundo native." His subjects, numbering twenty-nine units, seem to have been affiliated on equal terms with the aboriginal parcialidades under the chiefdom of Juan Zumba. But they appear culturally distinct, at least insofar as their anthroponymy was markedly Quechua. Their servitors too appear to have been of southern origin. Among them a carpenter and a silversmith are named as specialists. The former was a characteristic livelihood of the locale, but the latter is quite unusual since silver was not locally mined, nor did the Spanish encourage Andeans to take up this most prestigious among artisan trades until a later period. Espinoza holds that the Wayakuntu mission in Quito was one of "armed repression," a deterrent to ethnic autonomism, and although he gives no instance, the idea is not unreasonable given the probable political volatility of the Chillos district until after the end of the drawn-out northern wars. But their status as foreigners subject to a local lord then becomes problematic. It would seem that, after the phase of point-blank military confrontation between chiefdoms and invaders, what had begun as a Wayakuntu garrison, instead of being repatriated or converted to "police" uses, was made over into a part of an Inca apparatus of indirect rule. The subordination to a local llajta and its chief becomes more intelligible if one assumes that the Wayakuntu mission was in part cultural: to 162

The Incaic impact demonstrate to newly conquered peoples what was expected of them under the empire, and to awaken interest in the rewards a compliant population might expect from the state redistributive economy. This policy would compaginate with Meyers' finding that ceramics of Imperial Inca style were quickly accepted in even the most refractory provinces as the measure of nobles' prestige (1976). Nonetheless such strategy probably did not go so far as to envision the dissolution of mitmaj cultural identity in the local ambience. The curiously repeated motif of Wayakuntu lords returning to their homeland during moments of crisis (the witness Guaygua had himself made the journey) suggests, as Espinoza notes, that mitmaj status by no means annulled the tie between a person and his llajta. Indeed Espinoza suggests that mitmaj chiefs enjoyed a special eminence among their compatriots at home, recompense, perhaps, for the sacrifices of expatriation. The enclave at Uyumbicho was by no means the only Wayakuntu colony in the northern sierra. At Chapacoto, a multiethnic settlement in the Chimbo region, there were 327 Wayakuntus around 1580 (Cantos [1581] 1965:255). In this locale, unlike Uyumbicho, they were the leading sector and their lord a ''cacique." In 1603 a visita of the Achambo region, in modern Chimborazo Province, brought to light a Wayakuntu group called "ayllu and parcialidad of the mitmaj " commanded by Don Miguel Condo and numbering 317 persons (AGI/S Camara 919A). Like the Uyumbicho colony, it was subordinated to a local chief. In Latacunga in 1593 one Catalina £isintulli named her husband as "Pedro Guaycundo, a native of Yagual in the jurisiction of Cuenca." Of this colony we know no more than its mere existence (ANH/Q l a notaria f.2:f.324v-327v). The mitmajkuna of El Quinche Not all mitmaj colonies consisted of homogeneous enclaves of foreigners in aboriginal lands. Aquiles Perez was the first to identify El Quinche as a zone of multiple and ethnically diverse mitmaj delegations including sectors named Angara, Canaris, Guangas, Ichingui, Tacuri and Yauyos (1960:242). Angara, probably the Ancara of Espinoza (1973c) is of particular interest because a large number of "Cayampis" were sent there; the arrival of Ancara mitmajkuna suggests a geographical reciprocity. "Guangas" can probably be identified with the toponym El Guanca, not far from El Quinche, and while their point of origin is not clear, it might well be the Wanka ethnic group of the Xauxa region. In 1580 Don Diego Guaman Naupa, the head of this parcialidad, was obliged to ask the native magistrate to retrieve some vassals of his who had fled to Quito. Their names are clearly exotic, mostly Quechua with a touch of Aymara: 163

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Don Pedro Chaquipa Don Juan Guacra Poma Don Andres Sacsa Don Francisco Chagua Don Miguel Pedro Pisco Juan Mochanga Pedro Tito Bartolome Chipana Andres Alanguia Diego Cuyca Alonso Manta Juan Cusi Atau Felipe Lorenzo Atoc (AGI/S Aud. Quito 26). Benalcazar apparently found out that El Quinche was a major Inca site, since he went there to loot Inca treasure immediately after the conquest of Quito. It was also the first objective of a terrorist offensive against Ruminawi's resistance: Since the Indians who were in Quito were much interrogated so that they might reveal hidden treasures, they said that some of it must be buried in Caxambe [sic]; Belalcazar went out with his people, to satisfy them and to let them know that he shared equally with them their disappointment about the failure of their hopes for treasure in Quito. And arriving at a place called Quioche [sic], next to Puritaco, they found in it not a single man, but only women and children, because the men were on campaign with the enemy [i.e. Inca] army. He ordered all of them killed on the grounds that it would be a deterrent to make the rest of them return to their homes, a weak excuse to satisfy cruelty unworthy of a Castillian man. Ten pitchers of fine silver were found, two of high-purity gold, and five of lacquered clay that had some metal worked into them with great perfection (Herrera [1601-1615] 1950:t. 11:35).10

The description of the "pitchers," especially those with "lacquer," i.e. glossy polychrome finish, could hardly fit the local ceramic vernacular but does fit Imperial Inca aryballoids. Indeed modern archaeology has discovered at El Quinche ceramics of a more purely Inca style than those found in Quito itself (Meyers 1976:182). The functional standing of the Quinche multiple mitmaj complex is not clear, except that it may have been intended as a counterweight to the intransigently anti-Tawantinsuyu chiefdoms of Cayambe and Cochasqui, which appear to have spread their influence into the Cumbaya flatlands and especially Pifo. The mitmajkuna of Pomasqui The document published by Jose Gabriel Navarro under the title "Foundation of the Town of Pomasqui" ([1573] 1941), actually an act proclaim164

The Incaic impact ing the forced resettlement of its Indians, describes another agglomeration of ethnically diverse mitmaj colonies. But it should not be equated with that of El Quinche. Whereas the El Quinche groups were all brought from remote regions, mostly the central Andes, the Pomasqui contingents belonged to northern provinces conquered in the reign of Wayna Q"apaq. By 1573 Pomasqui had two kinds of population, the people brought in by the Incas to cultivate, and later "yanaconas forasteros" introduced by Spaniards. This said valley and its lands, before the Spanish entered the land, were the Inca's, and he held and possessed it as his own without there being in it any Indians who might be natives of the place, except those whom the said Inca brought from other places and put there as cultivators so that they would cultivate and care for them. And at the time the Spanish entered into this land and took the said lands of this valley for themselves, the adelantado [chartered expeditionary] Don Sebastian Benalcazar and the said Francisco Ruiz gave the Spaniards encomiendas of the Indians who were placed in them [i.e. plantations] by the Inca. These are the ones who appear to have titles and encomiendas there, and outside these, all the other Spaniards who have acquired lands and lots in the said valley, have populated them with yanaconas forasteros (Navarro [1573] 1941:266).n If one removes from the list of Pomasqui's indigenous leaders the "yanaconas principales" the remaining list of nobles, who commanded "those whom the said Inca brought from other places," contains: Don Sancho Hacho cacique principal of Latacunga Don Diego Sancho his son, who has Indians here Don Juan Micara and Don Pedro Guaman cacique [sic] of the encomienda of Juana Murioz, widow Don Martin Milachami and Juan Chacal cacique [sic] of the encomienda of Francisco Ponce Don Hernando Zimbana cacique of the encomienda of the said Don Rodrigo de Bonilla Don Juan Collaguazo and Don Diego caciques of the encomienda of Captain Rodrigo de Salazar Don Andres Guantoc cacique of the encomienda of the said Garci Duque de Estrada Andres Chuejos principal of the encomienda of the said Francisco Ruiz Miguel Sasa principal cacique of the encomienda of Hernando de Villanueva Don Diego Hame cacique of the encomienda de Juan Arias Altamirano of Nevli Don Diego Naza cacique of the encomienda of the minor Diego Montanero Don Juan Pillca and Don Antonio Nacatac and Don Juan Juanin cacique of the encomienda of the minor Mateo de Galarraga (Navarro [1573] 1941:267) A comparison of the list with encomienda summaries of the period affords many clues to the places of origin of these groups. The subject of Milachami and Chacal can only have come from places close to Pomasqui, namely Pozoqui or Guayllabamba. Possible homes for Zimbana include Macas, Curia, Latacunga, Alangasi, Canar, and Pachamama in the 165

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Quijos country. His name, however, is typical of Alangasi or possibly Latacunga. The ancestral llajta of the Collaguazos, soon to become a widespread but mysterious group, is not known for sure; it is likely to have been in the area of Guayllabamba-El Quinche-Puritaco (AGI/S Camara 922A:f.l51v; Cieza [1553] 1962; ANH/Q SCC 7° grupo no.6). Chuejos could have been linked to any of Francisco Ruiz' encomienda communities, all close to Quito. Sasa was probably of the nobility of Tulcan. Hame is known to belong to Niebli, at the near edge of the northern Yumbos. Naza could have originated in Pizoli, Guangolqui (Guanguilqui), Tiquizambe, Tomavela, or Cotocollao. Pillca and his companions were probably natives of nearby Calacali (Anonimo [1573] 1965:215-216; CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:101-104; CVG la ser. vol. 27:293-294; Leon Borja and Szaszdi [1564] 1971). If one accepts in every doubtful case the most exotic possibility, the most remote provenience at Pomasqui is exactly as remote as the least remote provenience at El Quinche. If one opts for the least remote possibilities, the formation at Pomasqui appears a gathering of groups from within a very short radius, with the unique exception of the Tulcan delegation. The claim that these people displaced no aboriginal llajta, which at first glance seems absurd, may actually be a clue to the function of the Pomasqui "plowmen." Under purely natural conditions Pomasqui is extremely hot and dry, almost arid. It owes its wealth entirely to the use of its river in irrigation works, and may indeed have been a poor place to inhabit prior to hydraulic development. Pomasqui was coveted among conquistadores as a "garden" or irrigated zone and suffered the usual fate of Incaic state lands, early sharing out in private grants (l r LCQ 1.1:108-115). It is not known that the aboriginal quitenos were incapable of such works, but it is known that the irrigation of newly conquered lands was a high Inca priority (Kelley 1965). The object of such development was not just to increase production in a general way, but specifically to reward and coopt certain political sectors who were allowed to enjoy the results by investing contingents of manpower. A clear analogy is seen in the region of Pelileo, which, like Pomasqui, is a hot semiarid valley of middle altitude formed by a tributary of one of the cordillera-cutting river canyons. As late as 1605, an anonymous reporter found that Pelileo housed a special section whose members were "the camayos, who belong to diverse encomiendas and chiefs of other provinces; for since the time of the Inca they are assigned as camayos and gardeners of the chiefs to take care of the coca" (1868:463). It was apparently Inca policy to construct such centers on a regional basis, both as a didactic measure teaching kamayuj economy, and for the political pur166

The Incaic impact poses of providing native lords with prestige produce and Inca administrators with a ready-made collection of hostages. Other mitmaj groups Urin Chillo housed a parcialidad headed by Francisco Ruiz Cuxiata and classified as "mitimas subject to the said Don Juan [i.e. Zangolqui]" (M y SM 1559:f.829v-831v). In scale and political status it resembles the Wayakuntu of Uyumbicho, but its origin is not stated. Without citing his source Espinoza Soriano affirms that there were in the jurisdiction of the "Incas of Quito" mitmajkuna "Huamachucos, Lupacas, Huampus, Cuismancus-Chuquimancus, etc." (1975:357). The supposed implantation of mitmajkuna in Zambiza (Murra 1946:810) has not been corroborated. Uhle (1930:10) mentions mitmajkuna in Cotocollao and Anaquito. It was possible for a yana to be at the same time a mitmaj (Murra [1964] 1975:232); apparently this occurred when people from far away were brought in as servitors to the Inca court. A 1590 document mentions "ten mitima yanaconas who are without an encomendero because of the death of the said Don Alonso Auqui Ynga" (AGI/S Aud. Quito 25). Mentions of "mitimas" abound in notarial papers of the late sixteenth century. It is likely that the mitmajI forastero distinction remained clear, but these evidences must still be interpreted with great caution because under the fluid demographic conditions of the period, a good many people rightly called mitmaj in their places of official residence were only forasteros or estantes (temporary residents) in Quito. The annexation of aboriginal elements in the Inca center

Although the Incaic city built ramparts between itself and its aboriginal neighbors, it should not be imagined as hermetically sealed off from them. On the contrary, part of its power over the native communities derived precisely from the ability to annex and coopt within its precincts some of the most culturally potent elements of aboriginal society. Even when idealized as a harmonization of cultures, as for example in the practice of incorporating local deities in the imperial pantheon or educating heirs to chiefdoms in imperial institutions, and even though it did increase the comfort and prestige of "caciques'" and other elite personages allowed to live at court, this policy had an unmistakable component of blackmail. One might say that it achieved on a cultural plane what the "gardens" of Pomasqui or Pelileo achieved on an economic one. The register of indigenous groups in the parish of San Sebastian, for167

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas merly the center of the Incaic city, which was mentioned in connection with mindaldes (Chapter 4), gives a clear view of this phenomenon. As one might expect from its late date, it contains a number of Hispanisms in its organizational plan. Certain categories consisted of "millers" of various encomenderos, others of people attached to private holdings of Spanish burghers, and still others of members of post-Columbian artisan groups. Christian baptism, of course, had become general. The register does not, however, contain people only temporarily living in Quito (such as "mitayos"), since these would not qualify as parishioners. The register might be considered as a matrix of Inca organizational categories which has been expanded to make room for colonial groups who would otherwise have lacked any social definition within the Spanish city. The mindaldes of San Sebastian, though far from their llajta, lived only steps from both the native market and the Incaic court. This, and the fact that the mitmaj potentate Diego Figueroa Caxamarca chose their chief as one of his witnesses, suggests that the mindaldes, far from being a minor group scarcely tolerated by the Inca state, were considered important enough to merit wholesale cooptation. As will be seen in Chapter 7, this reflected specific properties of newly formed imperial provinces. Another group classified by occupation and apparently of more than common rank was that of the "carpenters." Like the mindald Nynaquiza, the carpenter Misaguanga was among Caxamarca's allies, and the Spanish turned to the carpenter "Jeorge Llacta" when they needed an agent to form the mass of uprooted urban "vagabond" natives into artificial "ayllos" for tributary purposes (ANH/Q Varios 8° LGT 1594:f.78r-v; ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup no. 8 LAARH: f.48v, 50r, 51r-v; ANH/Q LGT 1597:f.64r-65r, 154r). Some of the carpenters had typically north sierran names but little can be said of their origin except that it presumably followed the distribution of the inter-Andean forests. Like Tawantinsuyu's potters and weavers, other specialist groups of high repute, they presumably made luxury-quality artifacts for court use and redistribution. Nine groups were explicitly identified as "ayllos." The first named was the "ayllo of Hernando Ona," all of whose members gave both Christian and native names. Their native names are characteristic of the Quito region, e.g. Quichoazamen, Zangoquiza, Pillaxo, Usina, Loazamen. The members of the "ayllo of Alonso Amanda" for the most part registered names which, while not Quichua, do not seem local either: e.g. Amanda, Pasto, Hoczonzo, Tigisil, Chatilombo, Yomichasi, etc. The "ayllo of Juan Chauca" takes on special interest because of its identification as "Indians of Don Francisco Ynga (i.e. the 'AuquV) who are settled next to his house." Two of them were Chachas, and some were artisans, including a painter. The "ayllo of Yacha anaconas" are unusual both in their servile 168

The Incaic impact identity (could a whole ayllu, politically or hereditarily defined, be made into yana collectively?) and in their possible origin among the Yacha people of the Huanuco region (Murra [1964] 1975:240-241). The "ayllo of Pambamocha" contained five silversmiths and three potters; names listed include Mitima, Pillaro, and Sicho. The "ayllo of Diego Cuzquillo" listed a Chacha and two Sichos. Among the "ayllos of Corillo" one finds both Cuzco Quechua names (Cosipoma, Quispe) and exotic ones. Much the same can be said of the large and heterogeneous "ayllo of Don Pedro Caxas," whose leader's name suggests Wayakuntu origin but which contains people called Sicho, Pangaleo, Collaguazo, Chimbo, Angamarca, Yunga, and Tomavela. If these are true ayllukuna they must have been organized in a different fashion from those of the countryside, where descent and local affiliation were defining criteria. Perhaps these were defined by their relationship to the court of Atawalpa. Three sectors were identified by their place of origin: the "Indians of Loloncoto . . . whose principal is Don Francisco Pillacho," the "Sichos Indians whose principal is Joan Guanoconga," and the "Indians of Pisingalli." The last of these abounds in Quechua names (Atauguru, Ticgicuro, Guallpaguanca, Runto etc.) and may well be mitmaj. Two groups, the "Anaconas of urban Santo Domingo hill" and "the Pillcocancha people" are identified only by their place of urban residence and thus may be suspected of being "vagabonds" or otherwise disconnected from their llajtakuna. The register ends with a remarkable list of more than fifty "houses of the chiefs resident in Machangara." Besides being a virtual directory of chiefdoms of the entire region from the center of Quito southward, it shows a concentration of aboriginal nobility around the Inca court comparable in scale to that of Cuzco. This concentration presumably was what Gil Ramirez Davalos had in mind when he saw fit to warn his field researchers that native lords were as likely to be found in Quito as among their subjects, and that if so they should be sent home in advance to prepare the visita (Ramirez 1557:f.233r). The tribute apparatus

Tawantinsuyu's state revenues proceeded from a vast territory, most of which is ethnohistorically unexplored, and cannot be fully described in a merely regional study. It is important to know how the tributary regime operated in a limited zone, but equally important to remember that this sample reflects a moment in the early phase of imperial consolidation, not a demonstration of full-blown dominion. Atienza, whose treatment of imperial institutions is often derivative 169

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas and apologetic as his local reporting is not, describes a tribute system similar to that known from central Peru ([1575?] 1931:123-124). But the testimony of the native lords who actually managed the tribute is different. Anan Chillo testified that The service they used to perform for the Incas, was to collectively make him [sic] a large maize field in his lands, and after harvesting it they took half of it to the city of Quito or wherever they ordered it taken, and the other half they stored in their own lands in special places for this purpose. They also brought him firewood and they sent mifa workers for the service of his house, and people to make him some woolen clothing, and they also used to give him Indians for warfare, as many as he sent for. The chief and the Inca's managers [mayordomos] used to share out all this to each house according to the people living in it (M y SM 1559:f.856v).12 Urin Chillo, unlike the other communities, reported giving qompi, a fabric of superior quality (f.838v). Both Urin Chillo and El Ynga mentioned a duty to guard his camelid herd (f.838v, 817v). People from Uyumbicho brought the Incas "straw to sit on and some vegetables to eat from what they grow in their lands" (f.869v). Pingolqui informants mentioned that the Inca's maize was grown in a special, reserved field (f.804r). State storage facilities, called "warehouses" (depositos) were located close to El Ynga (f.817v), at the "tambos" of Uyumbicho (f.869v), and in Quito (f.838 v). These rules of paying tribute follow the usual Andean norms about provision of raw materials and capital goods by the levying power, and about hunting and gathering as a category apart. The expropriation of aboriginal lands for state use may have been rationalized as the opening of virgin soil, which, as was noted, appears to have constituted a title by local criteria. What stands out is the lack of notices about a state "vertical" apparatus: was there no state channel for tropical goods? In all probability there was, but its personnel were either persons wholly attached to the state, or tributaries from other regions. Its weight did not fall on the people immediately around Quito. In fact the "vertical" dimensions of the state tribute were the same as those of the chiefdom tribute, limited essentially to the maize fields, the paramos, and the inter-Andean forest. The substitution of domesticated for wild animals in the paramo component and the concomitant introduction of textile labor with animal fiber are certainly important changes (f.858v, 838v, 817v, 869v, 804v). Perhaps there were other technical changes. But the definition of which kinds of production and service were matters of political account was remarkably conservative, and one wonders whether there was not a conscious attempt to liken the "rights" of Incas to those of native lords. Whatever the intent was, it was constant; the policy was quite standard over the area of the visita. 170

The Incaic impact The part of imperial revenues destined for the royal households, what Murra (1957) called "crown" revenues, bears more resemblance to familiar modes, probably because those who supplied it were in large measure brought from older and more consolidated provinces. The relatives of Atawalpa enjoyed incomes derived from special lands reserved exclusively for the purpose. What little is known of this practice indicates an analogy with Cuzco insofar as its organization parallels that of royal lands in the Urubamba Valley near Cuzco (Oberem 1976a:p. non num. 8). The "Auqui" Francisco Topatauchi Inga, heir to the Quito-based Inca king Atawalpa, held the encomienda of Cotocollao, Conocoto, and Chambo. It is possible that the Spanish grant overlay his Inca endowment. But it is much more likely that lands he held in private ownership, rather than llajtakuna held in encomienda, reflect the preHispanic locale of his "crown" lands. These have been studied by Oberem through various novel sources, mostly probanzas de meritos of Atawalpa's descendents. The "Auqui" owned lands on the outskirts of Quito, in Puellaro, Perucho, Yaruquies, Pelileo, and Cumbaya, and possibly also Ambato, Latacunga, and Otavalo. His Pelileo lands were in the same zone of imperial development, Tunguragua, where Chillos kamayujkuna grew cotton. The Cumbaya property, largest and best of his private lands, was still known as Hacienda el Auqui in the nineteenth century. Far into the colonial era the Quito Incas commanded corps of royal yanakuna resident on the estates, and Oberem thinks these perquisites had existed continuously since before the Spanish invasion (Oberem 1976a:38-39). Atawalpa's agricultural yanakuna appear to have been not humble people or captives but "relatives of the Inca Atahualpa who had come from Cuzco to work;" this at least was the case at the royal coca plantation in Pelileo (Oberem 1976a:40). Much the same was true of Don Pedro Pasto, who said that "this witness was a yana of the said Atahualpa and served him, because he is the son of a subchief named Mira" (Oberem 1976a:52). These examples of honorific "yanaconaje" suggest that the practice was used both to keep the royal kindred closely integrated, and to coopt key members of outside groups whose cooperation the empire coveted. Pedro Pasto is a case in point, since his father's name (or title?) suggests dominion over a sector of transverse valley lands in the far north that would have been crucial to future development of Inca "vertical" apparatus in and beyond the Caranqui country. Royal "yanaconaje" also proved one of the more durable imperial institutions. In 1597 Beatriz Ango, widow of the "Auqui" mentioned in her testament that she still had kamayujkuna caring for her coca in Tunguragua (ACM/Q Sec. Parroquiasxaja 1). A document connected with the above-mentioned ecclesiastical suit 171

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas over the native parishioners of San Sebastian (AF/Q Leg. 8 no. 1), together with the more general register, gives some clues to the membership of the ayllu called "Indians of the Auqui." Among them were Juan Chacha "yanacona of the Auqui," "Ysabel widow of the Auqui," and two other widows, "Luys, Indian of the Auqui," "Juan, carpenter of the Auqui," "Sueca, yanacona of the Auqui," "Pedro yanacona of the Auqui," and "Anton Silquigua del Auqui." These lived under the leadership of Juan Chauca. Anton Silquigua was the son of Cabello's informant Matheo Yupanqui and an ambitious member of the bicultural elite. In general, the list seems to reflect that in the urban court as in the country, yana status was compatible with a close and privileged position at court. Aborigines were not notably well represented among royal yana. Imposition and diffusion of Incaic culture

Did the Incaic regime, hardly more than an episode on the grand scale of New World chronology, produce a fundamental transformation of aboriginal culture? Insofar as one looks at the most visible externals of culture, the answer would have to be affirmative. Cieza judged that the Quito peoples had learned from Cuzco "the order in which they now live, because formerly they were like their neighbors, badly dressed and without technique in building" ([1553] 1943:263; [1553] 1962:129. The "neighbors" were probably the southern Colombian peoples, whom Cieza had studied just before his arrival in Quito). A very prominent part of the aboriginal costume, especially female, was derived from Inca models, and Inca ceramics won acceptance among aboriginal nobles as symbols of power and wealth. For a short time the introduction of camelid herding must have produced a multitude of new products. In short, the productive capacities of Tawantinsuyu, drawing as they did on large reserves of specialist labor and the expertise of many subject peoples, must have been a dazzling display to the first northern highlanders who encountered them. The deeper question, however, is to what degree aboriginal culture absorbed, not the products of Tawantinsuyu, but its internal and latent principles of thought and practice. Did it only consume Incaic culture, or did it produce a new version of it? A minimal index to the situation is the relatively class-bound nature of Inca influence. In northern Ecuador, unlike the Canar country and the far south, mixed or synthetic styles of ceramic combining Inca and local idioms to produce a new popular vernacular are not found. Rather the pattern outside Inca sites themselves seems to have been a small, concentrated use of imperial ware by local elites (Meyers 1976:85, 179), while poorer people apparently continued the local utilitarian tradition. In architecture the few imperial-style buildings appear to have influenced 172

The Incaic impact noble houses, or at least the ceremony of their dedication, but did not provoke wide emulation. Atienza continually complains that where the controls of Inca legislation had been relaxed, common people reverted to practices which the Spanish (who, outside religion, were not always quick to scorn the Inca order) regarded as backward and anarchic. In religious practice what is known of politically sponsored cult and even popular worship does show signs of Inca influence. But the most detailed report on popular religion (which comes from the Puruha country and not Quito; Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965) also registers a good deal of local idiosyncrasy, especially at the levels of folk belief, curing, and minor ritual. A more comprehensive answer might be sought by tracing particular Inca projects directed to the conceptual reorganization of aboriginal society, that is, measures to begin among conquered peoples a process of spontaneous replication, rather than passive consumption, of Inca culture. How was this attempted, and under what circumstances did it succeed? The linguistic question, fundamental to the theme, is still too obscure to be treated more than tentatively. There is no doubt that imperial Quechua had by 1534 become well rooted in Quito as the language of administration and as an interregional lingua franca. Yet if one considers the degree to which aboriginal witnesses used Quechua terms to describe their own situations and institutions, the paucity of Inca vocabulary (as compared with sources from central and southern Peru) is striking. The word ayllu, an indispensible one in Incaic administration, does not appear at all widely in pre-Toledan documentation from Quito. It only becomes routine in postToledan times, in contexts suggesting that it was the expectation of colonial Spanish administrators which reinforced its use. Ayllu is not found in the oldest book of native baptisms conserved in Quito, 1569-1570, but from 1594 on certain (not all) priests used it regularly (APS/Q LB 1°, 2do). The word kuraka, an Inca term meaning 'native lord,' appears once in the testimony of a local noble in 1563, but not in any earlier text so far found (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.2:521). Hatun runa 'adult male, tributary' appears in 1584 in a letter from a group of Spanish clergy (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8) but not in early visitas. The famous decimal terminology appears only in testimony of mitmajkuna (Espinoza 1975:387). Chakra ('planted field'), mit'a ('rotative service'), waka ('shrine or holy place'), and mitmaj do appear early, from the 1550s onward, but since they were also accepted into Spanish government jargon at this time it is often hard to judge the authenticity of the usage. As late as 1623 a visita covering places all over the inter-Andean Quito basin made auxiliary use of a "lengua materna" still unknown to us (AJ/Q:f.llr). There are sufficient grounds to accept a hypothesis of Quichua as used everywhere, but not by everybody or at all times. Like the luxury products of the state sector, it diffused beyond the 173

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Inca political circle, but not beyond political channels as such. The replacement of the aboriginal tongues by Quichua was probably quite gradual and relatively late, although not as late as in Imbabura or Chimborazo. Another cultural promotion favored by late Inca regimes was the replication of the "sacred geography" of Cuzco in subsidiary centers. Quito, like Tumipampa, was certainly construed as "another Cuzco." It had its Pilcocancha, its Guanacauri in the area of modern San Juan (ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.6r-v; l a notaria t.l:f.397r-399r; l a notaria t.l:f.l33r), and its Yavirac, the modern Panecillo (ANH/Q la notaria t.l:f.l37v). Montesinos gives other Quito examples, Anac-huarque and Cayminga, which Salvador Lara interprets respectively as the crest of Ichimbia and the site of the modern Congressional Palace (1972:247; see also Burgos-Guevara 1975 and, for comparable Cuenca data, Albornoz 1948:44-45). But it is not known whether any such tendency existed outside places where people from Cuzco dwelled. Because the ideal of "another Cuzco" may have been restricted to places of high ideological rank, it does not offer a true test of cultural impact. But the elaboration of community-level moiety systems in terms of the ananlurin contrast was a south Andean principle firmly endorsed by the Incas, and may be taken as almost a signature of the Inca presence in the north. (It should be clear that the existence of a moiety organization opposing "high" and "low" sides, which is found widely in various parts of South America, may well be pre-Incaic; what is Incaic is the ananlurin terminology and perhaps some of its political uses.) The classic statement of the Inca moiety principle is Matienzo's: In each district or province there were two sectors [parcialidades]: one which is called hanansaya, and the other hurinsaya. Each sector has a chief [cacique principal] who commands the subchiefs and Indians of his sector, and does not interfere in commanding the other, except that the native lord [curaca] of the hanansaya sector is the leading personage of the whole province, and he is the one whom the other lord of hurinsaya obeys as he is told. The chief of hanansaya gets the best place when seated and in everything else which reflects this order. The members of the hanansaya sector sit on the right side and those of hurinsaya on the left, at their low seats which they call duos, each one according to his rank. Those of hurinsaya go on the left behind their chief, and those of hanansaya on the right behind their chief ([1567] 1967:20).13 The appearance of this complex of traits in a given locale may well be taken as an Inca influence, and the degree to which it approached the Inca ideal as a clue to the degree to which Inca and local thought about social organization had been harmonized. Two cases are available. The first is the macroregional organization used in ordering llajtakuna of the whole Quito region. Although the evidence on this is mostly of late sixteenth-century dates, it is abundant and convincing in its unanimity: the region was divided into anansaya and 174

The Incaic impact urinsaya halves by a line running through the middle of Quito approximately east-west and extended at least as far as the two Cordilleras. The resemblance to Cuzco is striking. This ananlurin scheme appears in 1549 in the council books (2° LCQ t.2:230), before Spaniards had made any substantial attempts to manipulate indigenous government administration. In 1576, when "Don Pedro, brother of Altamirano chief of Zambiza" received his first appointment as native magistrate {alcalde de naturales) the native magistracy had already been divided by moieties. One native magistrate was to rule the "division [partido] from Quito to Riobamba," and the other "the division from Quito to Otavalo" (LCQ 1575-1576:179). The title awarded Don Diego Figueroa Caxamarca in his first term as supreme native magistrate {alcalde mayor de naturales) in 1579, employs the phrase "anansaya and urinsaya" (Espinoza 1960:218). Unfortunately the records for the decade of 1580 have not come to light, but from 1594 onward the native magistrates were invariably named in ananlurin pairs (LCQ 1593-1597; LCQ 1597-1603; LCQ 1603-1610). With very few exceptions, the native magistrates were members of communities on the say a they governed. It is possible to reconstruct with some precision the moiety affiliations of the llajtakuna. Burgos-Guevara (1975:244-257,264-266) has reproduced a 1695 document with saya-divided lists. Less direct, but perhaps more reliable, evidence is available from earlier sources. Since, for example, the syncretic politician Don Pedro de Zambiza held only the urin magistracy until 1597, a look at his many commissions to that date generates a gazetteer of the urin jurisdiction: Anaquito Apianda Calacali Carangue Cayambe Cochesqui Collaguagos Cotocollao Cumbaya El Guanca Guapulo Guayllabamba Malchingui Otavalo Perucho Perugache Pifo 175

Pillaxos Pimampiro Pomasque Pingolqui Posoqui Puellaro Puembo Pululagua Puratico El Quinche Los Quitos San Antonio Tanta Tomocallo Tumbaco Zambiza

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas The list of "houses of the chiefs resident in Machangara" which forms part of the San Sebastian registry of 158? consists of noble households whose provenience forms a neat geographical complement to the above, and may be taken as a directory of the anansaya chiefdoms: la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don la casa de Don 176

Joan Chilian Hernando Catossi Alonso Saplay Diego Cando Joan Tigalima Diego Osca Diego Llangarima Sancho Lema Sancho Carona Joan Ponin Gaspar de Riobanba Hernando Cossi Alonso Carbay Gon^alo Alomaliza Pedro Mocha Joan Amanda Joan Ponyna Luys de Angamarca Ventura de Angamarca Joan Hati Diego Llocssa Gongalo Yancapanda Sancho Latacunga Diego Sancho Sancho Lanys Francisco Alaque Sebastian Mitima Joan Mitima Alonso £aclahalo Hernando Chicayza Diego Zanypatin Francisco Cando de los Sichos Diego Quispe Pedro Toquinga Joan Chiussi Sancho Sicho Francisco Montalvan Diego Tucmango (Lucmango?)

The Incaic impact la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa la casa

de de de de de de de de de de de de de de de

Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don Don

Diego Collin Baltasar Aloa Francisco Zaguano Cristoval Murco Joan Zumba Tomas Amaguana Francisco Nazimba Joan Zangolqui Pedro Lala Francisco Pinta Hernando Cando Hernando Guaraca Joan Cuzubamba Joan Ysanba Gon^alo Yona (AF/Q legajo 8 no. 1 f.l01r-102r)

Evidently the moieties were separated by a line running through the center of urban Quito, probably north of the San Francisco Plaza, and through the summit of Halo peak, thus dividing the Chillos Valley from the Cumbaya flatlands. As one might expect, the house of the reigning Inca fell in anan. The plan expressed the maximum jurisdiction of Quito, reaching to the borders of that of Tumipampa in the south and beyond Otavalo in the north. Whether it applied to the Yumbo west is unclear. "Yona" could well be a Yumbo anthroponym but this evidence is insufficient. One glaring peculiarity of the Quito moiety system compared with Cuzco's is that it is geographically inverted. Where Anan Cuzco lay to the north of the center, Anan Quito lay to the south. Although we do not know whether this decision rested on considerations of calendric astronomy, geomancy, hydrography, or pure abstract formality, it remains clear that the moiety system, applied on an imperial scale of organization, was a durable and coherent one with a clear formal likeness to that of Cuzco, predictably expressed in political behavior over a long time with no major anomalies. The second example of moiety organization is a local one, that of Anan Chillo and Urin Chillo. Here political behavior did present some major anomalies with respect to the expectations Matienzo's norms would suggest. For one thing, the balance of privileges falls decisively on the side of Urin Chillo. As has been seen, the proportion of yana servitors ordinarily came to about 10%, the great majority of the yana being servitors of the local chief. But Anan Chillo is an exception, its chief being endowed with only 2 yana units among 222 of subjects. Even if one assumes that his "ten Indians . . . for the service of his house" are yana and not people serving their rotative corvee, which is unlikely, the proportion remains 177

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas abnormally low. Why should the side which was theoretically entitled to superior privilege be the one lacking an ample sector of servitors? Several reasons are plausible, including extraneous ones such as a punishment by the Spanish for the pro-Inca, anti-Spanish posture of Quingalunbo's sector, which was subject to Anan Chillo. But a simpler explanation would be that the position of being Anan was simply a factitious measure, created by Inca fiat, and rendered empty by pressures from a deeper, aboriginal strain of politics. The greater power of Juan Zangolqui, the Urin lord, might be linked to his having sole control of the mindaldes. Also, no site, gathering, or collective function manifests the overarching whole of which the two villages are named as schematic halves. Indeed the whole concept of the two communities as halves of a single whole may well have been an Inca imposition. Such an imposition, like that of mit'a tribute payable by lesser lords to greater ones, would have posited a level of integration foreign to the aboriginal political tradition, and like it, too, would have won little mandate and soon vanished. This is what the record seems to show. The terms anan and urin disappeared from local toponymy by about 1600. As for more complex devices of Inca formal organization, the tawantin or fourfold partition, and the radial array of shrines and their sacred lines called "ceques" the evidence suggests only an incipient development, primarily on imperial and not local scale. There are no explicit testimonies on any tawantin division similar to that which placed Cuzco at the junction of four world-quarters. But a clue to its possible existence appears in a document of 1564 in which the chiefs of the region petitioned for the reappointment of Juan de Salazar Villasante to the Audiencia. This petition is of no use to political history as such, because it is suspect of coercion or fraud on the part of Salazar's allies (Leon Borja and Szaszdi 1971:284; CVG la ser. vol. 30:77, 104, 156). But it may still be of anthropological interest. This interest derives from the fact that it is one of a very few documents ordering native formations, not according to encomiendas, but according to a native geographical scheme. The scheme here is an unfamiliar one, not found in papers written by Spaniards for Spaniards: Native lord Don Bonifaz Cunba Don Hernando Chicca Don Sancho de Velasco Don Juan Llamoca Don Rodrigo Toaca Don Cristobal Lumiano Don Alonso Quinatoa 178

Llajta Pancaleo Mulahalo Latacunga Sicho Pillaro

The Incaic impact Don Pedro Canta Angamarca Don Martin Chacha Ambato Don Martin Cocha Mocha Don Juan Pilalonbo Tomabela Don Alonso Cabay Don Lorengo Cibray Don Francisco Vina Don Martin Chabra Puruha Provinces Don Diego Cocha Don Gaspar Tica Don Mateo Inga Yupangue Chinbo Don Carlos Marin Ingas Don Juan Chilian Chillo Don Juan Zangolqui Pinta Don Juan Topica Pingolqui Don Diego Topica Pipo Don Sebastian Guara Lalacachi Don Hernando Gurca Yaroqui Don Francisco Zalanbla Quinche Don Cristobal Tuquiri Cunbaya Don Alonso Guanona Province of Quito Don Hernando Quito Guana Province of Quito Don Martin Zangoquicio Cotocollao Don Juan Pillaco Pizoli Don Pedro Quincaceme Calicali Don Antonio Nacata Pozolqui Don Francisco Yucrauara Zanbiza Don Francisco Namiria Guelabamba Don Juan Cancacoto Cochisqui Don Alonso Andaparinango Cayanbe Don Geronimo Punto Otavalo Don Luys Farinango Carangue Don Sancho Cavascango Mira Don Francisco Guanput Caypiza Tulcan (Pastos) Don Garcia Cxca (sic) Gualea (Yumbos) Don Sebastian Yuchina Cancacoto Don Juan Totucis (Leon Borja and Szaszdi 1971:284-285. See also Vargas 1970.) Diagrammatically considered, the list consists of the following segments: (1) the series which begins with Panzaleo and ends with Chimbo, a list ordered by increasing southward distance from Quito; (2) the series from Chillo to Cumbaya, which follows an arc-shaped circuit out of Quito, 179

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas through the Chillos Valley into the Cumbayaflatlands,finallycurving back toward Quito; (3) Quito itself, considered as a larger unit ("province") made up of two parts; (4) the series from Cotocollao to Pozolqui, which leaves Quito and bears toward the northwestern settlements; (5) the series from Zambiza to Tulcan, following the northward parth of the Q"apaq Nan; (6) a residual set of northern, then southern, Yumbos. In general the plan could be summarized as four paths going out from the center of the moiety-divided "Province of Quito," with the Yumbos considered as an appendix. This radial pattern has obvious affinities with the highway system but cannot be strictly assimilated to it because we do not know whether a road along the foot of the eastern cordillera connected Pintag with El Quinche in order to complete the second series. The evidence is sufficient to give a prima facie warrant for a comparison with the Cuzco model as explained by Zuidema (1964; see also Wachtel 1973b). In particular, it would be of interest to know whether the inversion of anan and urin relative to Cuzco, which was demonstrated empirically, can also be demonstrated formally by an analogy of the four paths with the four suyus or quarters. No analogue to the fourfold partition has so far been detected in aboriginal communities outside Quito. Regarding the radial shrine-line system, Burgos-Guevara (1975) claims to have found suggestive data on a system of ceques around Quito. However it is far from complete or convincing. No analogue has so far been found in the aboriginal communities. In summary, Incaic cultural influences appear to have been very strong in the realm of style, appearing first as a series of spectacular innovations in elite consumer goods and, where technology and supplies permitted, gradually affecting the material culture of humbler strata. In language and religion, also, Inca innovations achieved great power by transmission through native elites. Economic innovations, to be studied in the next chapter, were beginning to transform the flow of goods in the Quito area. Yet if one judges the situation by the readiness of aboriginal people to use Inca terms and concepts in organizing their own political life, or in explaining it to outsiders, there still appeared a marked discontinuity. As much as they may have admired the grandeur and largesse which Inca Quito, already in transition from garrison to court, was beginning to demonstrate, there remained limits to their willingness to take Inca ideas as models for their own action. Reactions to the Inca presence

Something of the same ambivalence can be detected in the reactions of native elites during Tawantinsuyu's moments of crisis. Evidence of genu180

The Incaic impact ine loyalty to the Cuzco regime is not lacking. Chroniclers whose research belonged to the later sixteenth century heard much about the mobilization of circum-Quito peoples in support of Atawalpa, both in the Inca dynastic war and against Spain (Cabello [1586] 1951:427; Herrera [1601-1615] 1.11:34). And, although these sources may be criticized for pro-Inca bias introduced by informants, one may take less skeptically the testimony of Atienza, to the effect that among local people the remembrance of Atawalpa as generous with "gifts and women" and "valiant and spirited" was a source of respect for his descendants ([1575?] 1931:21-22; see also ANH/Q 3a notaria Juicios 1694). The evidence for a pro-Inca mobilization against Benalcazar in the southern half of the Chillos Valley has already been mentioned. Following the conquest, the memory of the Incas was apparently a rallying point for the aboriginal chiefs who before 1540 conspired against Spanish rule, since they admitted a widow of Atawalpa, Ysabel Yarucpalla, to the secret (Gonzalez Suarez [1890] 1969:1102; 2do LCQ 1.1:309-310). As the gravity of their situation under colonial rule became ever more plain, nostalgia for Tawantinsuyu became a political force, such that Atienza could speak of the Inca age as "that time which they remember so vividly, feeling that it was better than the present" ([1575?] 1931:21). In 1573 the Archbishop of Quito warned his king that the grief and rage which Quito's Incas felt over the execution of the captured Inca resistance leader Tupa Amaru might well be communicated to their aboriginal followers and turn into an ideology of revolt: There is another, much graver problem [i.e. than indigenous resentment of tributation], something that is deeply rooted in their hearts. As Your Majesty will see from accumulated evidence, the death of the Inca [i.e. Tupa Amaru], of which Your Majesty is informed by your Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, although it was thought correct and opportune, has turned out completely the reverse of what was intended. For all the Incas are upset and restless in their hearts, and there are a great many of them, and all the others follow them, and they take from the [Incas] occasion to subvert and agitate the country (CVG 3a ser. vol. 1:176).14

Much later, in the seventeenth century, Inca memories were to become themes of messianist movements in, for example, Otavalo (Klumpp 1974). Nonetheless the political momentum of early pro-Inca movements has, on the whole, been overestimated. Cabello claims that Atawalpa was able to rally all the communities within six leagues of Quito to his cause in the dynastic war. Yet the only chiefdom which testified to having actually supported him, the Ati lords of what is now Cotopaxi Province, does not even come from within that radius (AG I/S Aud. Quito 32; 1633). It has not been generally known that in the Spanish invasion, substantial parts of the aboriginal population seized on the first chance to ally 181

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas themselves with the newcomers against Ruminawi and the Incas. According to Gonzalez Suarez, Benalcazar had no sooner finished his terrorist attack on El Quinche than, on returning to Quito, he found waiting seven local chiefs who offered to ally themselves with him ([1890] 1969 1.1:1012). Perhaps the massacre of the mitmajkuna at El Quinche aroused autonomist hopes among local lords who had submitted only grudgingly to the Inca regime. In any case, a crisis quickly broke out between the "big ears" and their rebellious subjects. P. Diego Lobato, mestizo son of the collaborationist Inca noblewoman Ysabel Yarucpalla, was a famous bilingual preacher and a shrewd adviser to the Spanish on matters of native politics. He has left his testimony on the part played by anti-Inca secession in the last weeks of the pre-Hispanic epoch: Since this witness is writing the events of the conquest of this land and other things related to it, he has found out from a large number of old Indians long resident in it, that the said Don Marcos Suquillo, father of the said Don Pedro de Zambiza, and other native caciques of the Quitos, Pillajos, and Collaguazos, joined with the chartered expeditionary Don Sebastian de Benalcazar and his people when they first came to conquer this country. They offered peace to the said conqueror, and this was a reason for [his] treating them with greater gentleness while subjugating this land. Because of the obedience that Don Marcos Suquillo and the others offered, a captain of Atahualpa Inca named Ruminahui cut the throats of more than four thousand Pillaxo, Zambiza, and Collaguazo Indians in the canyon of San Antonio in Pomasqui; this caused a great diminution of the said Indians (AGI/S Aud. Quito 26:f.93-94; see also Vargas 1974).15

The fact that the reprisal massacre took place in Pomasqui may be related to the presence of special Inca installations there. The figure of four thousand victims is not as incredible as it at first sounds. Aside from Lobato's known veracity and his rich acquaintance with both Inca and native nobility, it is corroborated by two Spaniards of Quito who heard about it apparently during the 1560s and said that at the time it was common knowledge. Considering that we have no chronicle of the conquest of Quito written before Toledan times, our ignorance is not too surprising. But the most convincing defense of Lobato's evidence is the fact that similar genocidal revenges for pro-Spanish collaboration are recorded elsewhere. Espinoza tells of the fate of the Peruvian Wankas, early allies of Pizarro, who lost 969 lives at the hands of an Inca general's executioners (1973a:141). Even by such atrocious measures, the Inca generals proved totally unable to reverse the swift disintegration of northern Tawantinsuyu's territorial and social bases. The famous burning of Quito by Ruminawi and his choice of guerrilla tactics rather than the frontal warfare and siege used by the Inca defenders of Cuzco indicate that his regional base was 182

The Incaic impact lost almost instantaneously in the first phase of the war (Lopez de Gomara [1552] 1932 t.2:40). Indeed the war against Spain soon deteriorated into a war against Spain's aboriginal allies. In 1539 a Spanish veteran, speaking at the probanza de meritos of Alonso Hernandez, remembered that "Quizquiz, a general of Atabalica [i.e. Atawalpa] . . . waged much war in the said land [i.e. around Quito] killing the natives who had come to make peace with the Spanish" (CVG 4a ser. vol. suelto 7:9). Quito was to experience neither a concerted onslaught on the newly conquered center, as did Cuzco, Lima, and Guayaquil, nor a major and protracted guerrilla resistance such as the Incas of Vilcabamba were able to mobilize. In view of the total failure of Inca defense in the highland provinces, where Tawantinsuyu had elaborately prepared means not only of military dominion, but also of cultural persuasion, it is a striking paradox that the defeated Incas found their refuge where one might least expect it: among the Yumbos, who scarcely figured in any of the Inca institutions so far described. The relation between Tawantinsuyu and the west-slope peoples (as indeed of all the empire's tropical forest contacts) remains one of the more obscure parts of its story. Cieza credits their conquest to "Topainga Yupanqui . . . and . . . Guaynacapa" ([1553] 1962:133). The most credible chronicle account of the Inca-Yumbo encounter is that of Cabello, who reports that during a lull in the dynastic war, the general Wanka Awki, hoping to keep his troops at a full level of mobilization, organized expeditions against the neighboring forest groups both Quijos and Yumbo: Guanca Auqui . . . made a sally into the provinces of the Quixos, which lie east of the city of Quito on the other side of the great cordillera in the Atlantic watershed. And after his captains had reduced the provinces of Maspa, Tosta, Cozanga and the Coca to obedience, and also some others around them, they returned to Quito tired of conquering such unprofitable and impoverished nations. Then, the next summer following, they made expeditions against the provinces of the Yumbos. Having conquered and subjected those naked people, and having become acquainted with their poverty and slight worth, they returned to Quito ([1586] 1951:437-438).16

Wanka Awki's role as a general active in campaigns against the westslope peoples is corroborated in a report of Geronimo de Aguilar, where he appears as a combatant in the Cahuasqui-Quilca area of western Imbabura ([1582] 1965:246). Cieza casts the Yumbo war in the standard mold of ideology, claiming that it was Tupa Inka Yupanki who conquered them and gave them the solar religion ([1553] 1962:132-133). But this is less credible than Cabello's account, according to which the Yumbos were 183

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas literally the very last of the empire's conquests before dynastic war and invasion swallowed up its military resources altogether. This version also harmonizes better with the signs we have observed in the transport and formal administrative networks, that although the Yumbos were in some way taken into account in Inca planning, they usually appear as a sort of coda or afterthought. Not fitting into the model inter-Andean province, they cannot be left out either. As has been seen, this is likely to be true because of established and necessary economic ties. Inca control of the Yumbo country may have rested at the level of an inactive hegemony, allowing a liberal traffic of materials to and through the western montana, for the sake of attaining access to lands wholly out of political control. It is not likely to have included the full apparatus of government. This arrangement is a matter of some interest, since it soon gave rise to a phenomenon curiously parallel, on a small scale, to the Vilcabamba of the Cuzco Incas. Martin de Mondragon, a veteran who testified in Parra's 1560 probanza, recalled that it was in the montana, both western and Amazonian, that the Incas made their stand after the highland provinces collapsed: He said he knows . . . because this witness went to the said conquest of the said Yumbos, where the said Hernando de la Parra went, and where they captured certain sons of Atabalipa and princesses [pallets] and a lot of other people, and they went chasing the said captains of Atabalipa, who were named Ruminavi and £ocogo Paucar. And this witness found out how they had set fire to this town (i.e. Quito) because the Indians had heard that the able people were on the move in the Yumbos and the weak ones remained in town. Afterwards this witness and the others returned to this town and the said two captains of Atabalipa left and fortified themselves, the one in the Quixos and the other in Pillaro (CVG la ser. vol. 9:23).17 According to Parra, the Incas only fled to the Quixos after a failed attempt to hold out in the Yumbo west: (Parra) went to the Yumbo provinces, which is a very heavily wooded and rugged area, where, with the greatest exertions and sleepless nights, they captured certain sons of Atavalipa and many other people, and they went in pursuit of two very valiant captains of Atavalipa, who traveled with many people, and they were called Ruminabi and Zocozo Paupar. Understanding that the best people were with the said captain [i.e. Parra] pursuing them in the said Yumbos, they went to the said city [i.e. Quito] and set it afire, and assaulted it, and later, when those who were marching in the Yumbos returned, the Indians were defeated, and the said captains and many other people retreated to the province of the Quixos (CVG l a ser. vol.9:6).lg

Thus the intransigent warriors of Tawantinsuyu forsook the Yumbos for the Amazon forest. But a part of the imperial court, presumably the noncombatants, stayed behind at a certain lowland citadel of which the 184

The Incaic impact explorer Andres Contero heard while traveling on the upper River Daule some fifty leagues north of Guayaquil: uthe lake where, they say, certain Incas who came down from Quito when the Spanish entered the land are sheltered" (Carranza [1569] 1965:88). The crushing victory of Benalcazar's and Almagro's forces over northern Tawantinsuyu resulted not only from the commonly cited factors of epidemics, Inca dynastic warfare, and Spanish technological advantage, but from the fact that in 1534 the governance of the area was in a delicate transitional state. The conquistadores may have been bitterly disappointed not to find "another Cuzco" waiting for them at Quito, but they found something equally interesting from an anthropological point of view: a "Cuzco"-if the word may be used to designate any idealized or exemplary Inca center-in the process of coming into being. The years after the victory over the Caranqui alliance had been crucial ones for the new lords of the north. At the moment when Spanish invasion put an end to their labor, Inca administrators and mitmajkuna were engaged in several projects to make over the Quito region in the image of more established provinces. The military citadel on the Quito plateau was being transformed from an armed camp to a ceremonial center-a place from which the northern peoples could be ruled through cultural and political, as well as military, dominion. Selected elites from aboriginal societies were gathered under the watchful eye and generous hand of the imperial state. Correspondingly, in the llajtakuna, Tawantinsuyu was seeking delicately for ways to levy substantial tributes on the newly conquered and still restless communities, without at the same time outraging the native lords by making them party to exploitation beyond the bounds of consuetudinal legitimacy. The state was already engaged in works of economic infrastructure designed to widen the ecological reach of redistributive economy, both downward into the hot valleys and upward into the paramos, and some native lords were already being granted small shares in the less onerous parts of these works: llama herding and "gardens" in the irrigable valleys, for example. Measures were being taken to articulate the complicated array of autonomous llajtakuna into a single intellectual and economic structure, not only through the modification of road networks, but through the development of encompassing models of "sacred geography," which were transmitted to the local peoples through such devices as the gathering of local nobles according to their ideal spatial categories. The hierarchical character of the state, and theflowof tributes that expressed it, was also being shown to local people by creating small replicas within chiefdom organization: the concepts oimit'a and pyramidal organization of standard modular parts were being promoted, probably through the favoring of compound over simple community organization. In the southern part of the circum-Quito area, where people 185

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas were perhaps more guarded from the seditious far north and closer to the great Inca installations of highway and royal lodges, these measures were already enjoying some success and winning some loyalty. Nonetheless, nascent Inca Quito was still a frail structure, because still a compromise between autochthonous and imperial normative orders. If the concept of chiefdom autonomy was in some ways manipulated and even downgraded, it had not been frontally attacked. Some characteristic forms of regimentation had not been attempted (e.g. the decimal system) and those which had were only partly internalized. And, perhaps most crucially, regional economy still depended on a system of interactions outside the properly imperial channels and unconfined by the territorial control of the empire. It might be said that the cultural manipulation of the north had, for the moment, outrun its economic reorganization. When, in crisis, the Incas had to retreat into the lowlands, they had not left behind them in the highlands an economic or political apparatus sufficient to keep their resistance alive.

186

Quito in comparative perspective

In the political economy of the Quito region we have seen some classically Inca institutions interlaced with others, markedly different, of local origin. They can be separated analytically, but in concrete reality they did not exist in isolation from each other. They existed in a problematic, and apparently unstable, state of interaction. Relations between Tawantinsuyu and economies of fundamentally foreign constitution have, in the last few years, become the object of intensive case study in the distinguished works of Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1970, 1975) and of bold generalizations in a synthesis by Alfredo Torero (1974). The very fact that we find these systems in interaction, and even in part functionally interdependent, makes it hard to reconstruct the historical process of which the state of affairs around Quito formed one moment. The Quito case does not present any single aboriginal society in a state of pristine autonomy, but always constrained and modified by Inca pressures. And although we know that the Inca state in its northern variant did not show all the traits typical of the Inca heartland, we do not know whether to attribute this to a "Quito-ization" of the regime under aboriginal pressures, or to an incipient phase of Inca governance as opposed to a mature one. Given the limited time depth of ethnohistorical techniques, these problems might best be solved by employing Eggan's "method of controlled comparisons" (Eggan 1954). By comparing a number of societies whose ecological bases are relatively similar, so that natural variables can be to some extent controlled, and whose relative antiquity as parts of Tawantinsuyu is also known, it should be possible to decide to what degree the variation between them as seen in the early colonial record was due to (1) differences between the underlying cultures and societies and (2) differences in the degree to which Tawantinsuyu managed to modify them in the image of south Andean society. The results should afford tentative answers to two general questions which underlie most specific topics in north Andean ethnohistory: Was there an identifiable general schema in 187

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas the organization of north Andean societies distinguishable from other regional types? And if so, was there some systematic sequence in the encounter between north and south Andean governments which would give a clue to the differences between particular north Andean societies as we find them at the dawn of the Hispanic era? Degrees of Incaic impact

It is almost self-evident that some highland societies bear the Inca stamp more than others. But it should be useful nonetheless to trace out degrees of Inca assimilation along the Andean corridor from south to north in more detail, because the resulting pattern will provide a preliminary clue to the questions above. If there is an appreciable decline in Inca traits from inner provinces to frontier, this suggests that Inca assimilation proceeded cumulatively and acted on a socio-cultural raw material of approximately constant resistance. If the level of Inca assimilation does not vary much, this would suggest that the Inca state desired only a middle halfway state of cultural conquest on the periphery, or else that some adamant characteristic of local societies set a limit to assimilation. If the pattern shows irregular variation, the likeliest explanation would be a wide and idiosyncratic variation among the underlying socio-cultural substrata. If Inca assimilation appears at a maximum farthest from the heartland, with lesser degrees appearing between frontier and center, the likelihood would be that the empire concentrated on flooding its outermost edge with cultural attentions, or else that, while initial influence at the frontier was easy to attain, some corrosive influence tended to undo it in the rear guard. As a measure of Inca influence we propose a rough trait count considering as positive any practice or belief of known Inca provenience reported in descriptions of specifically non-Inca ethnic groups. The intent is to avoid the propagandists account which has caused most chroniclers to maximize Inca influence everywhere. The body of data consists mostly of the Relaciones Geogrdficas de Indias ('Geographical Reports of the Indies') compiled by Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, which describe some twenty-five local groups in what is now inter-Andean Ecuador. Most were written in 1582 by missionary priests and provincial administrators in reply to a crown questionnaire about the ethnological and economic character of their provinces. Two were guided by a similar but earlier and slightly more extensive questionnaire; they are the reports on Loja (1571) and Quito (1573). One, from Chimbo, was based on a visita c. 1580 rather than the author's observations. Even given the limitations of their relatively late dates, they constitute a singularly valuable corpus because of their local, down-to188

Quito in comparative perspective earth focus on the aboriginal majority. Because their authors usually show little sign of holding a brief for Inca rule, they have become the favorite sources on aboriginal societies. One group of traits seems to have enjoyed an advanced distribution, appearing regularly up to the farthest frontiers. Among these is the use of "the language of the Inca" as a lingua franca complementing the aboriginal tongues. It had begun to penetrate the Pasto country, especially that part which belongs to modern Ecuador. Borja observed that certain "merchants" from the Pastos, surely mindalaes, understood it although it had only barely begun to penetrate the coca lands of Pimampiro where he encountered them ([1582] 1965:249, 252). It had also become the "general language" in Quilca and Cahuasqui to the northwest, where Wanka Awki had led late Inca advances. It is possible that bilingual Spaniards did something to further its advance, although probably not much in view of the known inefficacy of Quechua preaching in the early far north. There is little room for doubt but that the lingua franca use of Quechua was well known in Otavalo (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:235) and from Quito southward in the sierra it is unquestioned. Nearly all communities affirmed its use, and even those which did not introduced Quechua words beyond the common Hispano-Quechua jargon of administration. Testimonies about warfare between Incas and locals covary closely with testimony about Inca language. The northwestern periphery, Cahuasqui and Quilca, which knew Quechua, had fought the Inca armies, whereas Pimampiro to the northeast, which reported little or no Quechua, also reported no war with Incas although its military history is given in some detail (Aguilar [1582] 1965:245-247; Borja [1582] 1965:251). Beginning with Otavalo, places which give strong Quechua indices also report frankly also having been defeated by Incas (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:238), and also report the abolition of capital-crime jurisdiction for native lords. In Xunxi, a Puruha center, the conquest was attributed to Wayna Q"apaq (Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965:262) and similarly in Paute and Canaribamba further south (Pereira et al. [1582] 1965:272). But the Canaris of Puelusi (modern Azogues; Gallegos [1582] 1965:267), Leoquina-Pacaibamba (Arias Davila [1582] 1965:279) and Cuenca (Pablos [1582] 1965: 267) believed that earlier Incas than Wayna Q"apaq had subjected them. Although this testimony may reflect the adaptation of memory to ideology, archaeological evidence (Meyers 1976:182-184) suggests that Canar did indeed have a longer Inca history than the Puruha and northern peoples. Archaeology and documentation alike record the presence of very numerous wedding cake-shaped fortresses in the far north, at least to the edges of the Pasto country (Plaza 1976, Gondard and Lopez 1983: 109-131). A report from the Palta country, modern Loja, makes it plain that these pertained to an early phase of conquest and that for the Paltas 189

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas the "pucaras" with their "three or four perimeters of stone wall" on the paramo heights were already archaeological remains (Salinas [1571?] 1965:299). The herding of llamas also seems to have advanced as far and fast as the military frontier. Llamas were known in Otavalo uin former times" (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:237) and were a sumptuary food of native lords. Nonetheless they are not mentioned as a source of fiber. To the south, in Quito, they are mentioned only as beasts of burden (Anonimo [1573] 1965:213). Still further south their use becomes increasingly associated with both textile industry and cult sacrifice (Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965:262; Gomez et al. [1582] 1965:284; Salinas [1571?] 1965:303). In Xunxi, their sacrificial and devotional use is specified as an Inca innovation. The testimony on distribution of mitmajkuna has in part been reviewed. Both extraction and emplacement certainly reached into the theatre of the Caranqui wars, and the extraction process touched even the Pasto. The Q"apaq nan or principal Inca strategic road apparently crossed the Chota River between Pimampiro and Amboqui (Borja [1582] 1965: 248), suggesting at least a partial penetration of the Pasto lands to the north. These, then, belong to the complex of Inca institutions whose diffusion advanced farthest into the northern periphery, and relate to the initial foundations of the imperial edifice. All reached into the areas which Meyers' synthesis of ceramic evidence identifies as having been subdued after 1500 (1976:184). Foundation, and not scaffolding, is the appropriate metaphor, since they were not temporary structures. If some parts of the military structure eventually became less prominent, the military was only one dimension of the Inca advance. The functions of communication and transport, herding and tribulation, and social control seem to have been as prominent and as permanent in the vanguard structure as in the mature form of Inca government. It is altogether possible that post runners, herders, and interpreters did no less to conquer the north than soldiers did. A report of Cieza's comes to mind, that the first act of the Incas among the Pastos was to leave them some llamas ([1553] 1943:308). The increments of Inca influence to the south are seen chiefly in the areas of religion, spatial schemes signifying ideals of social organization, and economic reorganization. In the field of religion no specific Inca innovations are mentioned north of Quito. The lords of Cuzco introduced in Xunxi the use of llamas for shrine herds and the sacrifice of deer (Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965: 262). In Chunchi, on the PuruhaCariar border, there was testimony of new shrine cults and sacrifices brought by the Inca state (Gaviria [1582] 1965:286), and likewise at Alausi (Ytaliano [1582] 1965:288). Among the Canari of Paute modifica190

Quito in comparative perspective tions of the solar cult were attributed to Tawantinsuyu (Pereira et al. [1582] 1965:272). From Leoquina-Pacaibamba, there is testimony of an Inca solar-lunar temple (Arias Davila [1582] 1965:279). Still further south, in Loja, the Inca religious establishment took on characteristics more reminiscent of nuclear Tawantinsuyu, and presumably costly to local people: the recruitment of mamakuna (women wholly dedicated to temple or shrine functions) and the support of cults through the working of a landed endowment (Salinas [1571?] 1965:304). Where spatial schemes signifying ideals of social organization are concerned, the record is still scant. The appearance of an ananlurin division (lacking the Inca terms, however) in Ibarra, part of the Caranqui territory of the far north, in 1606, may signal Inca use of moiety planning at an early stage, but the lateness of the datum casts a doubt (l r LCI:25). In Quito ananlurin was applied generally and the decimal order to mitmajkuna. Cuenca added to these a program of Cuzco emulation apparently more advanced than that of Quito, while in the far southern Palta country (Salinas [1571?] 1965:304), the decimal order came into play. Although the introduction of llamas to the far north must in itself have had a major impact on economy, attempts to reorganize chiefdom economy from above are not recorded. In Otavalo nothing is said of Inca-style tributation. We have already seen data on Inca tribute at Quito and noted its limited nature. Quito also seems to be the outermost point at which the characteristically imperial multiethnic "gardens" for chiefly use are recorded, though the Chota-Mira area of the far north, which in Borja's 1582 report still shows peculiar non-Incaic institutions, may have been under preparation for future conversion to this use. The "camayo" system which Borja describes has a unique character very different from the clearly Incaic kamayujkuna reported from the southerly part of Quito's district, and seem to be called by the same term only via Hispano-Quechuism. From Quito south the use of "gardeners" (hortelanos) who appear to be kamayujkuna emplaced in "archipelago" outliers, becomes common. The Puruha mode detailed below is more developed than Quito's. It is also in the Puruha country that Inca levies begin to include labor in state "archipelagos." This brief survey hardly closes the case, but it does suggest that of the four models proposed at the beginning of this section, the one which fits reality best is that of a relatively regular and cumulative process of Inca assimilation advancing in orderly progression. The absence of spectacular exceptions suggests that the socio-cultural substrata of different regions were similar enough to allow a uniform policy. It also suggests that within the array of Inca institutions, those that made up the empire's characteristic "vertical" apparatus were among the later-imposed ones. If so, the 191

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas study of the provinces that now make up central highland Ecuador should reveal the functioning of a new but moderately consolidated "archipelago" system, while the study of those from further north than Quito should bring to light in less modified condition the archaic or pre-Incaic solutions to "vertical" problems. The next three sections test these ideas via more detailed regional comparisons. The Puruha case

The Puruha chiefdoms, inhabitants of the Riobamba basin (Basile's term; see Figure 6), which makes up modern Chimborazo Province, became subjects of Tawantinsuyu somewhat earlier than those of the Quito area. As has been seen, the pacification of Quito occurred no earlier than the end of the Caranqui wars, while that of the Puruhaes seems to have occurred about halfway through the era of the northern struggle. According to Cabello the Puruhaes, along with the other sierran groups, rose up against the Incas during the second northern campaign and attacked their northbound convoys ([1586] 1951:368). But when Wayna Q"apaq's troops crossed the Puruha country en route to the third campaign, and once again en route to the fourth, they made use of finished Inca roads and lodged in established way stations built with Puruha acquiescence (Cabello [1586] 1951:376-377, 381-382). This suggests that the differences between Puruha and Quito variants of Inca government reflect changes over a period shorter than the total duration of the Caranqui wars, which is commonly but not necessarily reliably estimated at seventeen years. Fortunately, a good source for the study of such differences has been preserved. This is the sister-visita of the one made by San Martin and Mosquera in the Quito region; it dates from 1557, and records a study made by the Franciscan Pedro Rengel, together with Diego Mendez, of several Puruha communities held in encomienda by Juan de Padilla. Like the 1559 visita, it has come down to us as evidence read into a lawsuit (AGI/S Justicia 671). It has the singular merit of being comparable to the 1559 visita not only chronologically, but also methodologically, because both were conducted under the same set of instructions. The full text of the instructions (Ramirez 1557) is conserved alongside the Puruha visita to which it is explicitly connected (see Introduction for details of its content). Its kinship to the 1559 document could be demonstrated from internal evidence alone, such as the ordering of materials, the neatness with which it satisfies Ramirez' instructions, and the inclusion of verbatim fragments of Ramirez' wording; but this is unnecessary because a 1564 lawsuit plainly identifies the 1559 visita as ordered by Ramirez (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.2:534). Presumably he chose to use the same protocol twice for reasons of comparability similar to those that interest us. 192

Quito in comparative perspective Because the litigants had the 1557 visita written into the evidence only in the form of excerpts, leaving out the bulky enumeration of households, not every relevant aspect can be checked. For example the part dealing with mindalaes, if there was one, is missing. So too are those that would illuminate polygamy and yana status. It is of course possible to reach only a gross estimate of demographic dimensions. If one assumes that the annual monetary tribute assessed to the Puruhaes came to about the same amount per capita as that levied around Quito, that is, about one and a half pesos per adult male, the overall demographic dimension (to be taken only as an "order of magnitude" index) comes out approximately equal in both regions. That is, the 1557 visita is likely to have inspected somewhat over three thousand persons. The excerpts which were copied consist of interviews with five Puruha native lords, and although one might regret the loss of the bulk of the text, there is little doubt that these are its cream. On matters of ecology, tributation, and political relationships, their precision equals or even surpasses that of the Chillos data. By comparison with the Chillos-area data, Puruha polities were framed in a more unified hierarchical structure. Signs of extreme local autonomism such as the concession of the title "cacique" to heads of isolated parcialidades, or the right of even the tiniest political unit to tribute directly to the Inca without recognizing any local superior, were routine around Quito. They were absent here. Among the Puruhaes of Juan de Padilla there was one cacique principal or paramount chief, Don Gaspar Tiqui. He ruled over five "aillos" (here, as in Chimbo, ayllu and parcialidad were used synonymously), four of which had principales of their own, and one of which Tiqui ruled through a "segunda persona" or administrative alter ego, his brother Juan Sabla. This ayllu was listed first and seems to have enjoyed pride of rank over the rest. The ayllus Tiqui commanded were more considerable units than the parcialidades or sectors of the Quito area c. 1559, so much so that even the smallest of them had, apparently, more people than certain whole chiefdoms of the north. But it remains to be seen how much of this difference is due only to the plague of 1558. What is certain is the larger formal scale of aggregation: the entire collectivity of the Puruhaes visited resembles in plan a single compound llajta of Chillos, with the exception that each of its component parts is associated with a separate toponym and seems to constitute a llajta in its own right. There is no explicit testimony on whether this scheme resulted from the artificial combination of pre-Incaic units or whether it belonged to the local political tradition. But it is certainly significant that the peculiar aspect of tributation which expressed this pyramiding, namely the contribution of small quotas of mi fa rotating labor sent by principales to 193

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas their chiefs, was already lapsing into disuse by 1557 just as it did farther north (testimony of Tiqui and the principal Aguar^aca; M y R 1557: f.246r, 251v-252r). The "crystalline," pyramiding tendency of Inca rule barely masked rooted localist traditions. It is not too surprising, then, that the decimal classification either was never imposed, or was immediately abandoned in these areas. The particular group which Tiqui ruled contained no mitmajkuna. But on the whole there were at least as many transplanted settlements in the Puruha country as around Quito. The Wayakuntu of Achambo have already been mentioned. In 1540 an unidentified settlement of mitmaj called Ticaguacon was cited as being "in the province of the Puruhaes" (2do LCQ t.2:320). In 1570 the ecclesiastical government of Riobamba had jurisdiction over a group subject to "Don Sancho Chacha" (CVG 3a ser. vol. 11 1.1:141-142). In 1582 Paz Maldonado, author of the excellent "Geographical Report" of Sant Andres Xunxi, took note of "the mitmaj who are from Condesuyu" (i.e. the Peruvian coast; 1965:262). More data on this matter can be found in Perez' Los Puruhayes (1969-1970). The Puruha lords, like those of Chillos, made their political headquarters and housed the bulk of their subjects in inter-Andean valleys of middle altitude, places suitable for the production of maize and tubers. The paramount llajta from which Tiqui operated was Guayllabamba, a short way southeast of Riobamba. (This site must not be confused with its homonym north of Quito. The toponym is Quichua and means 'plain of green grass.') According to Tiqui, its climate was on the cold side for maize culture: What they sow and harvest in this said district and its towns, is maize, and from half a fanega or one fanega of seed, if it is a good year and does not freeze, they harvest twenty. If it is not a good year or there is frost, they harvest ten measures for one, and in some places not so much. And likewise they sow and harvest potatoes, oca, mashua, ullucos, and quinua in all the other towns of this district and in some places beans; but they keep no more account of these, than that they yield reasonably well (M y R 1557:f.243v).1 Because Guayllabamba is one of the warmer parts of the Puruha country, it is likely that the other centers depended on tubers even more. Nonetheless, the same rule seen in the Quito area, that tuber production was not a matter of political account, held throughout Tiqui's domain. Deer, partridge, and rabbit contributed protein to the diet (M y R 1557: f.244r, 247r, 250r, 253v). The people of Guayllabamba, but not those of the subsidiary centers of Chultos, £igibes, and Puemay, were reported to be "potters." This is a matter of some importance, because producers of special Imperial Inca pottery for state redistribution were privileged (Meyers 1976:175). It may 194

Quito in comparative perspective well be possible to find the archaeological remains of their production sites. Chillos and the Puruhaes may have shared some basic assumptions about relations between agriculture and politics, but there were also telling differences. For example, maize agriculture was the primordial service owed by vassals to lords in both, yet it took on different nuances. In the Quito area the cultivation of chiefs' fields took place within the llajta and almost amounted to a ceremonial definition of the llajta. In the Puruha country, the chief's fields were no longer located in the llajta at all, but in select maize lands at some distance from it. In fact, it took on something of an "archipelago" character. The Puruha lord Tiqui had "two Indians in Pillaro looking after his maize plantings" (M y R 1557:f.245v). Pillaro is not close to Guayllabamba. It belongs to the hot lands of the Pastaza tributaries, and may have been one of the Inca-sponsored irrigation zones. Neither do the "two Indians" appear to be people serving a simultaneous collective function, but rather people serving the cyclical mit'a. Much the same could be said of the principal Aguargaca, who had a remote maize field in Ambato, and his rank equal Pocha, who had one in "Pilahalo." This toponym could refer to either Pillaro, or more probably, modern Pilalo on the west slope at the latitude of Pujili (M y R 1557:f.247v, 250r). On the other hand, the maize which Tiqui's people had cultivated for the Inca did have a local provenience. The Inca's fields were located "past the Chambo bridge" (M y R 1557:f.243v, 252r), and the product was deposited in Riobamba (M y R 1557:f.251v; Cieza [1553] 1962:138). If there were local maize fields of sufficient quality to satisfy the state sector, then the location of nobles' fields at a great distance must have had other than purely productive purposes. It is likely that it served the purpose of integrating the local lords into an establishment where they could at once be flattered by the "gift" of fine lands, and manipulated by the creation of a dependency. The information on the camelid component of political economy is scarce and confused, due probably to the destruction of herds which generally accompanied the Pizarran wars. There were a hundred head of llamas in Guayllabamba, which, according to Tiqui, had been "given" by the encomendero Padilla (perhaps as a restitution or as a capital investment; M y R 1557:f.244r). The llamas which Padilla treated as his own were probably the remains of the state-owned herd, because it was usual for encomenderos to claim as property Inca state assets under the care of their tributary Indians. The existence of state herds is also known in the Chillos Valley, but the Chillos lords do not seem to have possessed, as the Puruha lords did, herds of their own (M y R 1557:f.252r). Like maize 195

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas agriculture at remote sites, llama herding for chiefs was organized in pyramidal mi?a (M y R 1557:f.252r). In synthesis, the levies used among the Puruhaes show the same Inca traits seen to the north, but extend them further and consequently take a further step toward draining the local political tradition of its economic potency. It is true that a superficial continuity has been maintained, insofar as the bizonal complex of cacical income - maize and household service, and animal products of the paramo -was still the mainstay. But the Incaic reworking of the chiefdoms is visible in three tendencies. First, a substantive likeness between local and imperial tribute is heightened by assigning the native lords herds and textile rights similar to those of the state. Except for military recruitment (M y R 1557:f.251v), there is no material difference between higher and lower levels of tributation. Second, formal likeness between imperial and local government has been promoted by extending to more different functions the pyramidal mi?a, in which each unit supplies a quota of rotative labor to the immediately superior official. In Chillos this method was mentioned only in relation to household service, but among the Puruhaes it extended to maize work and herding as well. Third, the bizonal tribute tradition, although conserved in an abstract sense, has taken on an altogether different political meaning insofar as its fruits come, not from ancestral resources, but from "gifts" of the state (herds, remote maize fields): native lords won access to capital goods of select quality in exchange for the reconstitution of chiefdoms as state prebends (Murra 1956:250-251). The differences in "vertical" administration - the management of links to remote zones of differing ecology-are even more striking. In general the vertical landscape of the Puruha country resembled that of Quito, albeit with slightly cooler and dryer conditions, and its interzonal dependencies were also similar. The 1582 report from the Puruha village of Xunxi, for example, mentions that cotton was brought "from the hot lands" and salt from unspecified places in the west (Paz Maldonado [1582] 1965:261). Even though the jurisdiction of Chimbo lay between the Puruhaes and the far west slope, Riobamba had western connections at, for example, Bucay (CVG 3a ser. vol. 11 t. 1:141). If the ecological relationships were similar to those of the north, however, the political apparatus that managed them was markedly different. The native peoples of the west played no officially recognized part analogous to that played by the Yumbos farther north. Instead of trafficking with the forest dwellers, the Puruhaes produced cotton, salt, and red pepper in specialized west-slope enclaves manned by highland villagers acting as specialist delegates. The kamayuj system which appeared in the southern part of the Chillos Valley on a small and tentative scale here bloomed into a full-scale "archipelago." 196

Quito in comparative perspective Of the "islands" that made it up, five were cotton outliers, and of these two stand out: the one at Chanchan, on the Chanchan River near modern Chunchi, about seventy air kilometers from Guayllabamba, and the one at Chalacoto (sometimes written Chillacoto), whose location is not known. Cieza has left a description of the former: "the lodges of Chanchan are in the low-lying part, which, because it is hot land, is called yungas by the natives, which means hot country. There, because there are no snows or excessive cold, trees and other things lacking in cold country grow" ([1553] 1962:141). The term "lodges" [aposentos] in Cieza usually refers to Inca royal facilities, and it is likely that the Chanchan site was an Inca development zone. Nine households of Tiqui's people lived there working the cotton fields. They represented all the ayllus but one. Chalacoto, with 22 of his households, served all the ayllus and was by far the biggest of the "islands." In fact cotton was by far the largest component of the "archipelago" system. Of all the people engaged in operating outliers - those whom Paz Maldonado called "gardeners" ([1582] 1965:262)-60% were cotton specialists. Their importance is reflected in the fact that three principales each sent three or more of their households to additional cotton outliers, in Pallatanga and Chilian (parts of the district of Chimbo) and even to faraway Telimbela, deep in the lowest foothills at the edge of the littoral plain. These last sites are not mentioned by Tiqui and may have been post-Incaic initiatives on the part of his subchiefs. Only one salt outlier was recorded, the one at Tomavela. Its remains, which are likely to be near the modern town of Salinas on the western flank of Chimborazo Volcano, would be worth seeking out because it appears to have been a complex multiethnic outlier. Although delegations from all Tiqui's ayllus went there to refine salt, they could not have formed more than a small fraction of the salt colony. Around 1580, a complex multiethnic site was still functioning there (Cantos [1581] 1965:259; Oberem 1976b:9). So highly valued was the salt of Tomavela (like other mountain salt) that the encomendero of the locale (presumably governing its aboriginal population) excused his tributaries from all tributes except salt, including those which in themselves were precious: "they give no tribute but salt, not mantles nor cotton, nor coca, nor tents, nor any other special product" (CVG Sueltos 49-6-9/18 t.2:383). The location of the red pepper outlier, Ypo, remains unknown. In 1557 two ayllus failed to keep specialists there; presumably the pre-Hispanic case was otherwise. Coca also reached the Puruhaes through an "island" of kamayuj specialists but the coca lands lay in another direction. All the ayllus sent coca farmers to Guanbahalo, probably Huambalo of today, a site in the transverse valley of the Rio Pastaza between Ambato and Bafios. Ecologically 197

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas this area belongs to the family of hot, lightly watered lands bordering cordillera-breaking rivers. The visita of Rengel and Mendez is one of the very few sources which gives an account of the channeling of "archipelago" products back to the llajta. In this respect it brings some surprising news, namely that the outlier harvest was always evenly divided between the kamayujkuna who produced it and the political authority which sponsored them. The half which flowed through the chief's household was later redistributed among subjects who had contributed their labor to the chiefly sector: "The custom they have followed as far back as memory reaches, is that, where coca and cotton and salt and red pepper are concerned, the Indians who produce it take half, and the other half they bring to the house of the principal and to the others, and the principal parcels it out among those Indians of his ayllu who work" (M y R 1557:f.255v). Although not all the nobles interviewed listed all four "archipelago" products under this procedure, they were in complete agreement on how the crop division worked (M y R 1557:f.246r, 248r, 251v, 253v). Pedro Pocha held that this was a matter of Inca law: uHe [i.e. chief] always shares it [i.e. coca] out to the Indians who work, and likewise they did the same in the times of the Incas . . . he gives the said coca and cotton because the Incas were accustomed to do so" (M y R 1557:f.248v). What was the relation between these local outlier systems and the Inca state's approach to "vertical" procurement? Jiirgen Golte, author of a detailed study of two visitas concerning coca lands in Bolivia, holds that the state structure was similar in plan to the smaller ones, but capable of offering a unique and politically vital advantage of scale. The large web of outlier operations, superimposed on the small ones, enjoyed a monopoly on goods beyond the small system's reach. To this effect Golte quotes Castro and Ortega Morejon, authors of an early report from the Peruvian coast: "The Incas shared out to Chinchaysuyu [i.e. the Peruvian north] tribute that Qollasuyu [i.e. highland Bolivia] contributed, because each lacked what the other had, and for this reason their gifts were held in high esteem and there arose a special friendship" (Golte 1970:479-480). As one would expect from Golte's findings, the Inca state operated a network of "islands" comparable to those of the native lords. Hernando Aguargaca explained that "the Indians of this district used to serve the Incas by giving them whatever Indians they asked for to cultivate coca and red pepper in the said hot lands" (M y R 1557:f.251v). Aguargaca did not specify whether the sharecrop rule applied, but he does report the interesting detail that "he gave the Inca Indians who harvested coca for him in the Yumbo country" (M y R 1557:f.251v). This is the only testimony on "archipelago" elements in the Yumbo country, and may be 198

Quito in comparative perspective related to the rare instance reported in Chapter 5 of a Yumbo center grouped together with Puruhaes in encomienda. Matienzo ([1567] 1967:178) explains that the harvesting (coger) of coca was considered an entirely separate class of work from its cultivation (beneficio), and a much less prestigious one. It was the usual practice for separate delegations to be sent to the coca harvest, leaving only the supervision to kamayuj extraterritorials. Nor is it surprising that this applied to the fields in the Yumbos. But it is surprising that people from as far away as the Puruhaes were chosen to do the work, when the immediate outskirts of Quito were far closer and had no lack of people. As has been seen the Quito-area subjects had no local "archipelago" of their own, and Inca administration apparently exempted them from the work of maintaining the Inca's. This is another example of the rule of congruence between chiefdom and imperial tribute law. But, if so, how had the outlier in the Yumbo country begun, and what was the point of this cumbersome arrangement? As a conjectural answer, it might be suggested that Tawantinsuyu had arranged for the pioneering of new tropical outliers corresponding to the newly pacified north to be carried out by natives of more consolidated provinces, pending the full integration of the new vassals. When the politically opportune moment arose to introduce new subjects from the Quito area to this "archipelago," they would have the double advantage of having been pretrained in the Tungurahua outliers and of entering in the least laborious way: as heirs to a prefabricated outpost. Later on, as they became heavily committed to this type of political economy, the native lords might in their turn be expected to pioneer the imperial "archipelago" still further north. Tiqui and his subordinate chiefs also had several "carpenters" stationed in the "forest of Tungurahua" (M y R 1557:f.249v, 252v, 254v). They are not presented as part of the outlier organization, and seem to resemble the specialist hunters commanded by certain Chillos chiefs. But it is not clear whether they were yana or some other type of exempt subject, nor whether the delegations of miners sponsored by the nobles had a preColumbian precedent of this type. It is not certain, either, whether the "archipelago" organization entailed the modification or abolition of a mindald corps. But it does seem to have displaced the institution of external exchange at the level of households. Instead of trafficking with the lowland groups in order to obtain fiber, the common people bartered it at the outlier sites: "The Indians know how to weave, and they weave mantles of cotton with what they declared [i.e. llama wool] and with what they barter in the said places [i.e. cotton fields of Chanchan, Chillacoto, and other outliers"] (M y R 1557:f.244r). Tiqui stated that they "buy cotton in the stated places" 199

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas where the context can refer only to the same cotton outliers (M y R 1557:f.244v). These statements help clarify the destination of the halfcrop which accrued to the kamayujkuna: at least a large part of this portion must have been disposed of in barter transactions with households from the inter-Andean llajtakuna, apparently without political mediation. Thus intracommunal links of reciprocity could be mobilized to integrate economy over long distances. The system was not without conservative aspects. The outlier operators might be called "internal Yumbos" insofar as they kept alive the tradition of direct barter with lowland dwellers. On a more speculative plane it might be compared with data from communities much farther north, and less modified toward the Inca norm. A report on the Coangue Valley (modern Chota, in the Otavalo country) mentions that "these Indians, [i.e. owners of coca fields] do very little work, as a result of the coca trade; for they are accustomed to having the foreign Indians who come to buy the coca cultivate their fields for them in order to ingratiate themselves, and so that [the owners] will not sell it to other Indians. They are like 'parishioners,' as they say" (Borja [1582] 1965: 249; Oberem 1976b: 17). If one accepts that a part of the coca harvest belonged to the local coca lords, it might be said by analogy that the Puruha lords had worked themselves into a favorable position something like that of the Coangue nobility. The coexistence of interzonal "barter" (rescate) with "archipelago" formations can be seen in various of the "Geographical Reports" of southern Ecuador, especially the Canar country, a circumstance which suggests that the arrangement was by no means a temporary placebo for the appeasement of aboriginal desires, but a stable feature of imperial rule. Indeed the Huanuco visita of 1562 gives many suggestive examples, including a specialist yana servitor whose behavior resembles that of a status trader or mindald (Ortiz de Zuniga [1562] 1967:31, 63, 68, 179; [1562] 1972:102, 108). Nonetheless the "archipelago" was inherently a radical measure, a true revolution from above. It substituted for the premises of interdependency and complex alliance, typical of the aboriginal world, flatly contrary principles of economic closure and trans-zonal self-sufficiency. At some point this must have meant for the aboriginal leaders a total reversal of the political agenda which all the subtlety and largesse of Inca policy could not render less than bewildering. The reasons why Tawantinsuyu insisted on this laborious transformation everywhere are far from obvious. It is true that the "archipelago" system had the effect of channeling the entire produce of a given special niche into highland llajtakuna at a small expense in expatriated manpower and materials, where external exchange would acquire but a part of the same produce. But this only sets a limit to total acquisition by the llajta when there is some ecological or substantive 200

Quito in comparative perspective reason why production at the outlier cannot be expanded to meet demand, and such reasons can only be grasped at speculatively in the present state of knowledge. Perhaps the key factor is the ability of highland agriculture to support both extensive and intensive development, while the special "vertical imports" (mountain salt, coca, cotton) proceed from niches which may be developed intensively, but rarely expanded (salt springs, middle-altitude valley floors, tropical river-margin lands). Finally, it should be noted that the elaboration of the "archipelago" had the effect of increasing the centralized redistribution function of the political net, but not by increasing the personal income of the native lord. It is a redistribution system, not a tribute system, and the nobleman's part in it is that of a director and administrator of communal goods, not a "big man" dealing out his personal wealth. Ramirez' "instruction" contains specific and well-formulated questions about tribute owed to the lords, but the lords never referred to outliers or tropical goods in answering them; tribute belonged to the bizonal sphere only. Information about the "archipelago" was elicited by questions on the identity and location of political subjects (one instance), on crops (four instances) and on coca (one instance; Ramirez 1557:f.234r-v, 235v; M y R 1557:f. 244r, 245v, 247r, 249v, 253r, 255r). It is precisely at this point that one may say the native lords made the transition from a chiefdom to a state form of organization. The Otavalan case

Since the peoples of modern Imbabura province were decisively conquered at about the same time as those of the Quito area, one might expect to find a more or less similar relationship between Inca and aboriginal institutions. Unfortunately only small fragments of the pre-Toledan record have come to light for this region, and although later documentation is not scarce it must be used with special caution because the exceptional wealth of the area invited, at first, unusual depredations by encomenderos and later, unusual interventions by the crown. It will require broader documental bases to discern the true aboriginal polity. However it is already possible, using the tribute quota records remaining from the 1552 visita of Pedro Moreno and Pero Munoz and similar tribute papers, to outline some characteristics of interzonal articulation which do suggest a strong affinity with the circum-Quito case. The ecological profile of Imbabura is quite similar to that of Pichincha: The province of Otavalo, most of it, is temperate land; its four towns tend more toward cold than to warmth, but one, namely Intag, is in the tropical forest and is extremely hot, wet, and unhealthy. Two other towns, called Urcoqui and Las Salinas, are very temperate lands and tend somewhat toward heat, especially Las 201

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Salinas . . . all the land in general is fertile and abundant both in water and in food. Plenty of wheat, maize, potatoes, beans, lupines, barley, and the other kinds of foodstuffs that these Indians live on, is harvested there. It is extremely abundant in pasturage, because all year there is ample grass in punas ox paramos (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:234-235).2

The existence of Otavalan mindaldes or "merchant Indians" is welldocumented and has been discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. As in the Quito region, they worked under direct political sponsorship, extraterritorially and with tribute exemption. Their operations probably centered on the coca valleys and directly or indirectly seem to have reached both eastern and western lowlands. But, also as in Quito, this traffic coexisted with a more generalized type of exchange, indeed a tradition of long-distance dealings exceeding the Quito norm. Already in 1552 the inspectors justified an unusually high assessment of monetary tribute with the remark that the Otavalenos "have all the barter business of all Quito and its outskirts, or most of it" (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a:f.l65v). In 1562 the visitadores Gaspar de San Martin (the same who co-researched the Quito inspection) and Nuno de Valderrama offered fuller information: They have access to temperate land, neither hot nor cold, which yields cotton, coca, maize, beans, wheat and many other vegetables which the natives eat, trade, and cultivate for their barter trade with which they earn to pay tributes. They have cotton for their own clothing, which they get by going to barter for it with the vegetables they plant and cultivate. Besides dressing themselves with it, they make clothing and sell it, by which means they get gold for their tributes. They have salt within the bounds of the district. They have places to raise cattle of all kinds, both Castilian and native. The said district is ten or twelve or fifteen leagues from the city of Quito, and the natives take advantage of this to sell birds and maize and potatoes and other vegetables, which they take along to barter, and also by building houses, plowing fields, guarding cattle, and selling firewood and grass; they dwell by the royal highway. Among these Indians there are merchants, weavers of luxury textiles [cumbicamayos], potters, carpenters, and other artisans . . . These travel to the neighboring towns on account of their crafts, transactions [contratos], and businesses [granjerias], to sell their merchandise, salt, coca, clothing, and cotton, which yield them great returns (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a:f.l69r-v).3

Although this account certainly contains some Hispanisms, such as the selling of labor and the use of European animals, it precedes the era of the "tribute conversion" (conmutacion de tributes)-an early attempt to make tribute payable only in gold, which resulted in a pathological hypertrophy of commerce including even sale of women and children (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3 a :f.l02r)-and can bear comparison with the Quitoarea records of the time. The authors of the above text have divided their attention between two kinds of "barters." The first concerns "the natives" in general and describes them as buyers of cotton and sellers of foodstuffs, not only in exchange for cotton but in various contexts. The 202

Quito in comparative perspective second concerns people with "barter" specialties ("merchants, weavers of luxury textiles, potters, carpenters") who offered, beside their own products, salt, coca, cotton, woodwork, and clothing. This treatment parallels the ecological associations of general and specialist exchange as seen around Quito, but adds a clearer statement of what was only dimly seen to the south: that the high-status crafts of ceramics, woodworking, and fine weaving were - at least in the kind of outer display Spanish bureaucrats could understand - elevated above the common rank of economic actors. As in the Quito area too, three kinds of locations were magnets for exchange activity outside the highland centers. The first of these was the cotton centers on the west slope, whose role paralleled that of the Yumbos. The best documented were Lita, Quilca, Cahuasqui, and Intag. Lita, which stood in the thick of the cloud forest ("by day and by night, it never stops raining, and the town with its outskirts for three leagues around are covered with a fog that never lifts") took little part in the traffic (Rodriguez [1582] 1965:244). But Cahuasqui, whose climate was less damp, had a marked cotton specialty. "The only business [granjeria] which these Cahuasquies have, is that of the cotton which they harvest yearly within the radius of one league of this town, in a hot valley sloping toward the Mira River" (Aguilar [1582] 1965:246). Still more fortunate was Quilca: "They have a lot of coca, which they harvest every three months, and a lot of cotton from another valley two leagues from their own land which they also possess; these are rich people" (Aguilar [1582] 1965:246). Paz Ponce also affirms that coca and cotton were "the best business [contratacion] which the Indians of this district have, and the Indians who are lords of these lands [i.e. coca lands] are considered rich" ([1582] 1965:240). The tributes assessed in Intag on the forested west slope fell into the Yumbo pattern, maximizing gold and cotton at the expense of other wealth. The 1576 tribute quotas exempted Intag completely from food and artisan goods payments and specified instead two pesos of gold and one mantle per tributary per year, "without their encomendero giving or having to give them cotton to weave it with, since they have it in their own harvest and they have more resources than the Indians of any other town" (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 2a:f.8r-10r). Cotton is not the only parallelism between the northwest of Imbabura and the Yumbos. The above-mentioned high gold tribute is another. It is an intriguing regularity that "those naked people," as Cabello called them, could, without Spanish-managed mines, give even two pesos each. But sometimes the gold wealth was still greater; in one year Carlos de Salazar's Yumbos were assessed 1,100 pesos "from their barters" (AGI/S Justicia 671:f.66r-68r). Their strategic situations were also similar; just as the Yumbos had to look to the Niguas, the 203

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas people of Lita and Quilca warred against "Lachas" and "Utubies" (Aguilar [1582] 1965:244; Rodriguez [1582] 1965:244). Finally, both western lowland regions mounted armed resistance against Spain which held out long after sierran resistances collapsed (l r LCQ 1.1:443-448; 2do LCQ t.2:92-95; AGI/S Patronato 112 R° 8:f.5v-45r; CVG 3a ser. vol. 11:515-565; AGI/S Justicia 671:f.9r-10v). The second of the special resource locales which attracted interzonal traffic was the semiarid transverse valley of the Chota-Mira drainage. Its most important sites were Pimampiro, Coangue, and Amboqui, all famous for coca, described by Antonio Borja ([1582] 1965) as exhibiting a rich array of unique institutions that regulated access to coca by outsiders. These may well be taken as clues to methods of control antedating the Inca intervention. Although the specific devices varied, ranging from mindald missions to the "parishioners" arrangement of licensed residence mentioned above, to a large settlement of resident Pastos locally acculturated, all give a clear impression that it is the local lords and not the highland outsiders who dictated terms of access. The third type of site forming a nexus in flow of goods was the salt springs. Just as among the Puruhaes and Quito peoples, they were considered vastly valuable. The chief site was the one now called Salinas, on the Mira River, which was described by the Anonimo of 1573 as belonging to Otavalo (1965:207). Sancho de Paz Ponce de Leon has sketched its technology and its remarkable exchange traffic: There is . . . a town . . . where the Indians who stay there harvest the soil, which is like saltpeter, and they cook it in certain pots, and make from it a very poor grade of salt. They produce large amounts of this salt and do a tremendous business [contratacion] in it with the said Indians native to that town, who go to retail [mercar] it in all the surrounding towns. The infidel Indians who have not yet been conquered and who live in lands close to these towns of this jurisdiction also come to deal in it. And in these lands there are also many cotton plantations which the said Indians of the town of Las Salinas sow, and they trade the cotton ([1582] 1965:240).4 This "grayish and bitter salt" was sufficient to bring Las Salinas into the bracket of special-tribute communities, being assessed only in gold and cotton cloaks with exemption from the usual food and labor levies (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 2a:f.8r-10r). It is not yet possible to draw conclusions about the political status of all these relationships. The discovery of a typically highland tola or earthwork pyramid mound in Intag, mentioned by the archaeologists Athens and Osborne (1974:7) suggests that pre-Incaic sierran groups had either an enclave there or some peaceful form of prolonged contact. There are signs that the major chiefdoms of the Otavalo area attained larger size, and perhaps greater ecological reach, than those of the Quito region, but 204

Quito in comparative perspective it is not clear yet, for example, whether the control of the Mira salt springs by an Otavalan lord was a colonial or aboriginal phenomenon. The archaeologist Plaza writes of the "slight historical impact of the Inca presence in this territory," which, he holds, can be detected in small local points of contact but not massive areal phenomena (1976:114). This would suggest that Inca control around Otavalo was just as circumscribed as it was around Quito at the time of the European invasion, a condition which improves the prospect of finding ethnohistorical clues to more archaic formations. The Pasto case

The Pasto country was the utmost hinterland of northern Tawantinsuyu, the farthest and least consolidated of imperial outposts. Even its Inca landmarks and boundaries are unclear. Cieza ([1553] 1962:114) places the final frontier at a "biggish river called the Angasmayo, which is as far as the king Guaynacapac advanced." It must have been somewhere in the region of Pasto. Modern scholars disagree on its identification, however. Morales y Eloy (1942:tab.8) identifies it as the modern Guaitara River, but Hernandez de Alba considers it the same as the modern Mayo River (1946:919) and Moreno Ruiz (1971:19), probably the best judge, nominates "a stream . . . between the town of Funes and Contadero." As for the boundaries of Pasto population, Jijon deduces not only a very large sierran territory, but a vast extension into the coastal plains including a "colony" on the upper Daule River and its affluent the Colima (1945:72; see also Martinez 1974:652-653, where other writings on Pasto geography are summarized, and Grijalva 1947:1-109). If Moreno Ruiz is correct, and if the scarce ceramic evidence may be trusted, it appears that the Inca advance moved rapidly up the interAndean corridor as far as the middle segments of the Pasto territory, but made relatively little impact to the east or west of this path. Even along it, the Inca impact appears slight and ephemeral, leaving a thin ceramic record and a scattering of Quechua words including fututu 'conch trumpet,' and Mayo River (mayu 'river,' a redundancy suggesting that most locals were not Quechua speakers). La Cocha Lake (kucha Make,' a parallel case), and Valle Viciosa de Atunllacta (hatun llajta 'large village') are other examples. The use of Quichua in southern Colombia today may have begun, or at least expanded, with the arrival of people from farther south brought as servitors of Hispanic newcomers. One may expect, therefore, that data on government and interzonal articulation among the Pasto will include a substantial component of conservative aboriginal practice. Most of what is surveyed here derives from a bulky book of tribute quotas compiled on the basis of the visita of 1570 205

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas in Pasto (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2). Aside from the tributary records as such, the book contains a collection of advisory statements and interviews of senior colonists, men well acquainted with the Pasto settlements since the earliest days of conquest. Their testimony is the precipitate of experience dating back to Benalcazar's time and therefore weighs heavier in the ethnohistoric balance than the merely administrative judgments usually found in such papers. The "vertical" cast of the Pasto subsistence system is no less prominent than that of more southerly economies: This extremely varied habitat offers a great range of food resources and of possibilities for agricultural crops. In the high, cold mountains and altiplanos, between 2,500 and 3,000 m. (about 8,200 to 9,800 ft.) elevation, where the mean temperature is 11 to 15° C , the principal crops were potatoes {Solarium tuberosum), ullucos (Ullucus tuberosus), and cubios (Tropaeolum tuberosum). In the medium zone, between 1,600 and 2,500 m. (about 5,200 to 8,200 ft.), with a temperature of 15 to 20° C , the main crop was maize (Zea mays), but arracacha (Arracacia esculenta), quinoa {Chenopodium quinoa), and sweet potato (Ipomea batatas) were also cultivated. In the low, warm zone between 500 and 1,600 m. (about 1,600 to 5,200 ft.), with a temperature of 20 to 28° C , the main crops were maize, sweet manioc or yuca (Manihot utilissima) and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris) (Hernandez de Alba 1946:818; see also Moreno Ruiz 1971:16-19).

North of the Pasto country, among the Quillasingas of Almaguer, such ecological differences were seized on to diversify the maize crop. It was divided into an annual harvest of "large cold maize" on the heights near major settlements, and a twice-yearly crop of morochuelo and blanquillo in warmer valleys. "If they were not to sow in both zones," reported a witness, "this town could not sustain itself" (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2: f.l9r-24v). Some such "microverticality" was probably known among the Pastos too. But the "microvertical" gamut does not include lands productive of coca, cotton, or red pepper. The supply of these necessities must have depended in major part on the networks of long-distance exchange whose high elaboration typified pre-Hispanic Colombia (Wassen 1955, Trimborn 1949:174-193). The Pasto economy, like those to the south, depended not only on long-distance traffic, but on access to montana lands of the middle distance. Here too, a western lowland partner-population appeared: the "Abades," a little-known forest people, whom the Spanish considered poor and primitive, and who dwelt in the western part of the Guaitara River valley. This valley, or at least a neighboring part of it, was called a "land abounding in all the foods and vegetables that the Indians habitually eat and trade" (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.208v-210v). But it was not the Abades themselves who conducted the "trade" (trato). Pasto travelers came to acquire tropical goods, which they then brought to what appears 206

Quito in comparative perspective to be a "tianguez" much like that of Quito. As in Quito, the highland subsistence crop produced an exportable surplus which spurred this trade: The Pastos . . . have to obtain it (i.e. gold and garments to pay Spanish tribute) both through their commerce [granjerias] and the markets they conduct, and by going to the mines of the Abades and Yasqual and other places where there is gold, to look for it [i.e. gold], and with this they barter for some cotton, from which they make the mantles. This witness has seen among the said Indians that they have gold and mantles and that all the women know how to spin and weave, and that in their markets there is no lack of cotton, because he has observed that they bring it to the said markets to sell it in quantity . . . and he knows that they make plantings of maize and potatoes and sell and barter with them; and the same regarding reed mats which they produce in quantity, and they sell them for gold and bead wealth (chaquira). In some towns they make saddlebags and sell them and they raise pigs (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.206v-207r).5

This passage is especially interesting for the corroboration of gold and chakira as quasi-monetary wealth objects (see Chapter 3). The use of gold as a medium of exchange was already known under the name of "chaguales," small buttons of polished gold (Wassen 1955:98) widely distributed in Colombia and found as far south as the Canar country. The bead wealth which served a similar purpose would seem to be the same recorded at Otavalo and described locally by Cieza as "great strands of small white and red bone beads which they call chaquira" ([1553] 1962:99). So general was the circulation of bead wealth in the Pasto region that it was not only a universal component of the tribute which vassals rendered to chiefs within each community (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.220r-353r), but from the 1550s on an equally ubiquitous tribute demanded by the encomenderos for their own use. The usual quota was one half-brazal ('fathom'?) or one brazal per tributary per year to the native lord and an equal amount to the encomendero. According to a price list of 1570 (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.217v), each rope (braza) of bead wealth was worth two tomines of gold, or in other words, the sixth part of the value of a cotton cloak, two-thirds the value of a pound of cotton thread, or a quarter of the value of a load of pepper. Another prominent commodity of the markets was salt, also imported via "barter" (Cieza [1553] 1962:117), which was available in two grades, a fine salt worth half a peso per loaf, and a cheaper local salt from Mallamas and Yasqual. The Pasto settlements were capable of weaving and exporting large amounts of clothing from imported cotton, and it is omnipresent in their tribute quotas (AGI/SAud. Quito 60:2:f.212v-213r, 208v-210v). Aside from these middle-range montana trading and "tianguez" operations, the Pasto settlements had a highly developed mindald complex. 207

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Like mindaldes within Tawantinsuyu, they tributed directly to their chiefs under special quotas, were exempt from normal corvee, and served their lords by contributing cotton clothes. According to the 1570 data, the following communities had mindald corps: Chungana Guachaocal Mallamas Carlusama Muellamas Yasqual Tuquerres Cumbal Paztaz Pupiales Gulmatan Capuis y Calcan Guaitara Ypiales Putiznan Yasquaral Puerrez Canchala Yles Chapal Tezqual (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.220r-253r). This list includes the overwhelming majority of the Pasto communities inspected, and certainly bespeaks a less centralized control of mindald operations than that which prevailed deeper in Tawantinsuyu. But it is improbable that all settlements indiscriminately could command mindald contingents. First, there was apparently a demographic minimum beneath which it was not possible; Nastar, the smallest village, lacked them. (In absolute terms, if one uses a 4:1 ratio of persons to tributary males, the largest Pasto settlements had over 2,500 people while Nastar had under 400.) Second, as will be seen further on, there apparently existed a class of special settlements distinct from the highland centers, whose structure probably precluded them. Certain intriguing data on the political role of Pasto mindaldes appear in a book by Carlos Emilio Grijalva entitled La expedition de Max Uhle a Cuasmaly o sea, la protohistoria de Imbabura y Carchi ('Max Uhle's Expedition to Cuasmal, or, the Protohistory of Imbabura and Carchi'; 1937:81-84). Grijalva's passage on the activity of a certain mindald turned politician is worth reading in full: In the year 1563, it appears that the main centers of population in the missionary parish of Tusa were three: the Greater Village, which was probably that of San Sebastian de Canchahuano, the Lesser Village, which might have been located 208

Quito in comparative perspective near the modern city of San Gabriel, and the village of Cuasmal. The first was governed by Don Cristobal Cuatin; the second by Don Hernando Paspuel; and the third by Juan Cuaya, styled the mindald, a merchant Indian from Huaca. The chief of the Lesser Village must have been a very sour old man, and surely not at all agreeable to the local encomendero, because the Indians subject to Paspuel were progressively scattering in different directions. I may say in passing that the flight of Paspuel's Indian subjects has been the means through which names of towns and peoples which would otherwise have passed into eternal oblivion have been conserved. The chief Paspuel complained to the governor of Quito, Don Melchor Vasqez Davila, about his subjects' absenteeism and about Juan Cuaya's transgressions. On this score we reproduce a fragment of one of his petitions: "Very magnificent lord, I, Don Hernando Paspuel, principal of the town of Tuza, say that a mindald of the said town of Tuza, whose name is Cuaya, has with the support of Don Cristobal (i.e. Cuatin) interfered and is interfering in ruling the Indians of my chiefdom, which I inherited from my father Chavilla. For this purpose he gives and sends them many gifts of coca and bead wealth [chaquira], and other things, to such an extreme that he has won over to him a large number of Indians; as a result of which, I am notoriously aggrieved and harmed. I ask Your Mercy to order the said mindald Cuaya, on pain of grave punishments, not to interfere in the rule of Indians in my chiefdom or disturb my succession to it. Likewise I ask you to order the said Indians of my chiefdom to follow and obey me as their principal and lord, and give me the tributes they are required to give. And I ask that Your Mercy order Hernando de Paredes, as delegate judge on your behalf, to send an Indian Constable of Tuza town to guarantee obedience, and to make sure that they [i.e. subject Indians] understand what Your Mercy has ordered. On this matter I, Don Hernando Paspuel, ask for justice." This affair was first raised before the Governor Vasquez Davila and later continued before the Licentiate Salazar de Villasante, who was still titled Oidor of the Royal Audiencia of Lima. At the moment when the sentence was about to be issued, Juan Cuaya appeared to speak against Paspuel's petition and to ask for title as principal of Cuasmal on the grounds that he had forty Indians there who had for more than seven years obeyed, served, and tributed to him, and also who had also paid their tributes to his [i.e. Cuaya's] encomendero Sancho Paz Ponce de Leon. (At this time account was kept only of the tributary Indians, so that if we multiply the number of tributaries by four, we reach a total of 160 persons brought by Cuaya.) He added, too, that the Indians Hernando Paspuel had charge of were not those of Cuasmal village but those of the Lesser Village. The Audiencia of Quito finally decided the suit, and definitively repudiated Cuaya's claims, ordering that the Indians of Cuasmal obey Paspuel in accordance with the act issued on July 29th, 1567. Cuaya appealed, but the act was confirmed by another of August 19th of the same year, issued under the Presidency of the Licentiate Hernando de Santillan. In Tuza, the corregidor Hernando de Paredes carried out the order and commanded Paspuel to declare the list of Indians whom Juan Cuaya mindald held, in the presence of the witnesses Friar Andres Gomez and another witness whose name I could not decipher in the document at hand. (Note: the name may be Father Esteban Matoso, despite the difficulty of believing such a name could exist.) Paspuel, in turn, petitioned that Cuaya declare the names of the Indians he was to turn over. The pertinent part of his declaration reads as follows: "And then the said Don Juan Cuaya (interrogated?) by the said corregidor, 209

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas declared and showed himself to have the following Indians of Don Hernando Paspuel, namely: Izgas with his wife and a son and a daughter Quespaz with his wife and sons Yrtapaz with his wife Candefe with his wife Tolaquim with his fera (sic) Coctar with his wife . . . ba Patan with his wife and . . . T . . . nemtar with his wife Coambued with his wife Chamba Paz with his wife Quetamac with his wife Guangavilca with his wife Quezaca with his wife Churte Quezaca with his wife and son Chulambaz with his wife and son Chinguad with his wife and children Chaguanbaz with his wife and children Juan Chaguam with his wife and daughter Acuepaz with his brother Yrtapaz, bachelor Chavcal, bachelor Tud Guelan with his wife and son Chutes, an old man, with his son and wife Acar with his wife and son Tad Mai with his wife Erchasuem with his wife Tesamac with his wife Cazbuepud with his wife and daughters Curvsnai with his wife and chil . . . . . . tasa with his wife and chil . . . (Pa?)quay with his wife . . . " Some eleven more lines of names whose final letters alone survive follow. I will not leave unmentioned the fact that, according to Cuaya, Paspuel had ninety Indians in the Lesser Village, so that the number of his subjects must have been about 360 (Grijalva 1937:81-84).6

The mindald Cuaya is described as being at the same time "from Tusa" and "from Huaca"; this can be explained by assuming that he, like other known mindalaes, had both a seat of political affiliation and a seat of business. The chief of the Pueblo Mayor, therefore, seems to have recruited a mindald who owed allegiance to a different noble, to serve as his operative in the subversion of Cuasmal. It is not likely that he could have done so without the acquiescence of Cuaya's sponsor. This situation opens the way for analysis of the mindalaes as political agents in a very direct sense: not only could they collect "coca and chaquira and other things" to swell the cacical sector of their home polities, but they could be authorized to redistribute it in a manner that would strengthen 210

Quito in comparative perspective their sponsor or his chosen beneficiary. Thus what seems on surface examination to be an example of pre-Columbian commerce, on closer examination turns out to be a method for adapting the redistributive mode of politics to a situation of permeable and shifting political boundaries. Beside the relationship with the Abades and the mindald system, Pasto economy provides two examples of an additional and unusual method of articulating highland with lowland production not seen in prior cases. This method consisted essentially in the formation of permanent remote settlements where Pasto extraterritorials were intentionally allowed to assimilate to local lowland culture and join the local society. The first of these is a famous text of P. Antonio Borja, in which he explained that in the coca lands of Pimampiro there were "more than two hundred Indians of the Pastos, who come to the same barter trade [i.e. coca]. There are eighty Pasto Indians who are like natives; these are camayos, as they say, who are like managers [mayordomos] for the owners of the coca plantations, and they are permanently with these natives, because they [i.e. natives] give them lands on which to sow, and and so they are already like natives" ([1582] 1965:252). In spite of the word kamayuj this appears to be a purely aboriginal and non-Incaic establishment. In the first place, the owners of the coca were local lords, and it is contrary to the kamayuj tradition that a kamayuj should serve as manager for such lords. True kamayujkuna bore a political relationship to the local lord of lesser responsibility than that borne by common local vassals (see Chapter 4), and it is most unlikely that they would become his managing representatives. Second, the demographic scale of the colony would be uncommonly large for a non-state kamayuj colony, especially considering the small sizes of Pasto home communities. Third, the statement that the Pasto colonists "are already like natives" goes against the uniform status of kamayujkuna as enclaved cultural and political aliens. All these contrasts can be seen clearly when the Pimampiro site is compared to the multiethnic kamayuj outlier of Chapacoto, in the Corregimiento de Chimbo: It seems that in the missionary parish of Chapacoto there is a quantity of up to twenty married Indian tribute-payers, emplaced by the chiefs of the towns of Sicho, Latacunga, Mulahalo, Puruhaes, and Panzaleos, who are installed as kamayuj of their chiefs. Although they have houses in the said town and ordinarily dwell there, they are not registered here because . . . these kamayuj appear in the registers of their own towns (Cantos [1581] 1965:256).7 That this or a related device could be employed in the lower-lying forests as well as in the transverse valley coca lands emerges from the case of a curious formation at Ancuya, in the western lowlands. This settlement, mentioned by Hernandez de Alba as the warmest site occupied by Pastos, presented the visitadores with some surprises: 211

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Some Indians of the said town of Ancuya speak the Pasto language and others are Abades and speak that language, even though they are settled together . . . they have very fine lands, both cold and hot. Ancuya . . . is located close to the Abades' mines, and it has more dealings with the Abades than with the Pastos, and [the witness] knows that it has hot land where one can harvest cotton and other tropical products, and it also has cold lands where one can harvest maize, and hot lands for maize, peanuts, and red pepper. Ancuya . . . belongs to the Pastos . . . but they must be listed under the category of the Abades . . . Asked if the said Indians have all the same things and conduct the same dealings and transactions as the Pasto Indians, and also whether they have hot-land maize, cotton, coca, peanuts, bananas, and the other things that tropical peoples have [the witness] said that he knows the said Indians have hot lands where everything mentioned in the question grows, but he does not know if they own it or sow it, or are dedicated to it. About dealings and transactions, they do not have what the Pastos do, since they are not in the habit of trading, nor, as far as this witness can tell, are there any mindaldes among them as there are among the Pastos. It is for this reason that this witness has stated that they could better be categorized with the Abades, and also because a great many of them are of the said nation of Abades (AGI/S Quito 60:2:f.213r-214r, 210v-212v, 210r).8 The fact that there were no mindaldes among the Pastos of Ancuya, and the fact that the Pastos of Ancuya did not conduct any trade in their own right, strongly suggests that their role in these places was limited to the provision of goods whose transportation and distribution were managed by others. Probably these others were the same Pasto travelers who were earlier mentioned as entering the Abad country to obtain gold and cotton. The three interzonal mechanisms taken in con j unction -mindaldes, nonspecialist exchange, and mixed colonies - seem to have afforded certain Pasto lords an extraordinarily far-flung web of contacts on the littoral plain. The presence of a "Guangavilca," that is, a Wankawilka or native of the coastal settlements of modern Guayas and Manabi, among the subjects claimed by Cuaya the mindald is suggestive. So too is the fact that, toward the end of the sixteenth century, when the Spanish were in sore need of a way to win the war against the Pacific coast "mulattos of Esmeraldas" and their allied tribes (Alcina 1974), the Audiencia of Quito trusted in a Pasto chief, Garcia Tulcanaza, to subjugate the Cayapa and other tribes within the rebel sphere of influence (ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup no. 8:f.64r-83r, 99r-103v). It is entirely possible that pre-Incaic mechanisms created a tighter and wider set of sierran-littoral links than anything which will come to light in areas where the "archipelago" organization became the paramount ideal. Toward a comparative synthesis

The comparison of data from around Quito with data from other, ecologically comparable, regions with differing political histories suggests some 212

Quito in comparative perspective generalizations that may, in turn, produce testable models for future north Andean studies. The first group of generalizations concerns the workings of the chiefdoms as such. The aboriginal components of political economy in various zones, although not without local idiosyncrasy, show enough common traits to suggest a roughly formulated "ideal type" along the following lines: populations ranging from a few dozen persons upward to a few hundred were aggregated in minimal or modular political units probably similar to the politically defined "medial" or "maximal" ayllu of Peruvian societies (in Tristan Platt's terminology), each headed by a privileged household with a male leader and a marked concentration of kin, servants, and dependents. One such unit could by itself form a community acknowledging no local overlord, but might also aggregate with others to form a larger compound polity with population numbering into the thousands. In such cases one sector of each aggregation had a leading role and its chief supremacy over the whole complex. This process of compounding is characteristic only of the southerly part of the region studied. This fact may reflect a discontinuity within the aboriginal orbit, or may have resulted from military pressures, stimulus diffusion, or perhaps outright Inca intervention. Political relationships were expressed through commoners' tribute to chiefs, payable in labor and in goods gathered or hunted in natural settings. In the former case, tribute labor was applied to the chief's household itself or to capital goods considered part of it. The direct subsistence base, like the bulk of the tribute base, was essentially local. Highland chiefdoms ordinarily commanded resources of the immediate "small region" in which they resided, from paramos downward to warm maize lands (the equivalent dimensions for western lowland chiefdoms are not known) in a "microvertical" pattern. The various chiefdoms of a given "small region," though different in size, tended to be similar in ecological reach. Each depended for certain culturally and even nutritionally indispensable goods on the ability to secure products under the political control of chiefdoms centered in ecologically foreign regions, usually at a distance of a day's to three or four days' journey. The subsistence apparatus had a concentric structure: a "microvertical" organization at the center, a system of generalized exchange connecting the center with ecologically complementary zones of moderately distant chiefdoms, and a long-distance organization to attain exotic goods from beyond the working radius of people with agricultural commitments. The second or middle-distance tier of this system was operated by at least two means. On the one hand, commoners from any given highland llajta were able to travel directly to the source of, for example, mountain salt or cotton and conduct barter with producers. These links appear to 213

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas have been stabilized between paired polities of neighboring, ecologically complementary regions, and may have been associated with marriage or other, more than nakedly economic, transactions. On the other hand, highland polities sometimes sent or allowed portions of highland population to reside permanently in such regions, becoming subject to local political authority and assimilated to local cultures. These people then remained in contact with highlanders of their original ethnicity via traffic of the sort just mentioned. The full dimensions of these mechanisms, and their interrelationships, are still dark and are likely to be among the institutions most disturbed by Inca intervention. The third or long-distance tier of the system was the part most thoroughly politicized. That is, as Golte predicted, the most exotic components of economy were the most prone to be channeled through specifically political institutions. The prime mechanism in doing so was the commissioning of mindald corps of specialist import-export operators. These were privileged persons forming a separate closed collectivity, responsible only to the sponsoring chief. Their role consisted of exchanging products from their community of origin, proceeding probably from tribute labor and the productive power of noble households, for other products whose redistribution would redound to the advantage of the sponsoring lord. These might include products of prime subsistence necessity, but more typically included goods of high unit value, from far-off sites, which were of special symbolic prestige as wealth objects, or of known usefulness as quasi-monetary media of exchange with a wide area of circulation. The concentration of the former in the hands of native lords gave the rulers an advantage in the manipulation of relationships where their prestation was necessary (including rites of passage, marriage, burial, curing, and religious sacrifice), and consequently afforded them a strong hand within their communities. The concentration of the latter probably served the purpose of guaranteeing access to exotic goods regardless of momentary fluctuations of exportable surplus. The mindaldes were often, perhaps always, extraterritorial residents, dwelling at certain sites advantageously placed astride the routes connecting the major ecological zones (humid high valleys, dry high valleys, transverse semiarid valleys, montaha ), also forming links in the more remote articulation of the various inter-Andean basins and of these with the remoter coast and Amazonian regions. These places were sometimes, perhaps always, the locales of what Spaniards called "tiangueces": central places for bartering, at which mindaldes played a special, perhaps managerial, part. Less specialized types of traffic also may have taken place. The ranges of goods accessible through these media were in part overlapping, especially where marketplace bartering entered. The relative importance of the tiers probably varied in accord with changing political 214

Quito in comparative perspective circumstance. Dependence on politically channeled imports presumably rose when other mechanisms were obstructed. Conditions triggering such a shift would include the hostility of certain lowland groups, competition with other communities for scarce supplies, climatic or geographic obstacles, agricultural cycles with strong peak labor demand, military emergencies within the home zone, and regimentation imposed by foreign powers. Any of these might have had the effect of strengthening the mindaldes and their sponsors. But their power would not have disappeared in less difficult times, since under any circumstances the mindaldes, being free of agricultural chores and backed by coercion as well as wealth, must have developed stronger links over longer distances than other persons could. The art of chiefdom politics under such conditions must have been exceedingly complicated. Whereas polities operating along the lines of the "archipelago" model developed for southern and central Peru seem to have minimized their need for exterior links by controlling small complementary outliers, the northern style demanded a maximization of exterior links. Since the incentive to alliance seems to have been the existence of complementary differences in productive potential, the resulting political map is likely to have consisted of complex alliances each of which in itself formed a scattered "archipelago"-like constellation, interpenetrating with other, not necessarily friendly, alliance webs. The second group of generalizations concerns the intrusion of Tawantinsuyu into this landscape. The equatorial highlands presented the Cuzco elite with a singular problem in social engineering: how to conserve, outwardly, the authority of local lords, while at the same time reducing their dependence on unconquered, exterior polities and creating a dependence on an encompassing centralized authority without a mandate in local tradition. The way in which this was achieved becomes visible from a study of Inca administration at various stages of the encounter. One of the most conspicuous traits of the Inca revolution from above was its pseudo-conservatism. At every stage, from preliminary incursions to the consolidation of relatively established provinces far back from the military frontier, Inca administrators appear to have observed a norm demanding a superficial formal congruence between the imperial and aboriginal levels of government. Innovation was clothed in a conservative rhetoric. In the first stages of the encounter, the Inca outpost probably acted much as a chiefdom among chiefdoms; a remembrance of this stage appears in Cieza ([1553] 1962:159) where an advanced garrison on the unconquered north coast is directed to do what its neighbor-polities do, namely, "barter" the goods which moved along the sea lanes and inland. Following military victory, the empire demanded tributes, but not the characteristic imperial tributes. Instead the bizonal tribute demanded by native lords was simply levied at a more inclusive level, while seeds of 215

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas more elaborate systems were gradually planted. This state of affairs, in which the empire acted as a chiefdom over chiefdoms, had come to fruition and was already being superseded in Quito. With the growth of administrative apparatus, and the end of armed resistance in neighboring districts, the Incas could attempt a more radical intervention, rearranging the economic parts of communities so as to make them formally similar to the imperial structures concurrently being built up in the locale. This process took place both in the realm of ideal structures, such as the simultaneous introduction of Incaic moiety divisions at local and imperial levels, to be followed, presumably, by more elaborate models, and in the realm of economic management, such as the concurrent building up of the state "archipelago" and the establishment of a parallel "archipelago" under the command of native lords. With this last change it became possible to demand of subjects the types of service known from nuclear Tawantinsuyu, as was already becoming evident among the Puruhaes. It was a useful corollary to this rule that whatever type of goods or services Tawantinsuyu might lay claim to, the native lords of a given region would begin to receive the same type of benefits simultaneously or very soon afterwards, so that in the normal course their acquiescence could be expected. We know that the Incas conceived of the building of Quito, and of other major provincial centers, as the creation of "other Cuzcos." This notion has in general been taken quite literally, as indeed it should in view of the imposition of Cuzco toponyms and the development of formal categories of social and spatial organization in the image of the center of Tawantinsuyu. But there is reason to believe that the phrase "other Cuzcos" should be taken to refer not only to the construction of sacred enclaves but to the process of imperial integration generally. The replication of the pattern of the sacred center appears to have proceeded outward in space and downward into levels of ever smaller social scale, toward some ideal vanishing point at which the entire world would reflect in political practice the same structural vision expressed supremely in the geography and ritual order of Cuzco. Just as Guaman Poma expanded this schema outward indefinitely to bring order to a newly perceived macrocosm, so Incaic administrative theorists must have sought ways to apply it microcosmically in creating a local apparatus of imperial rule. For both, the point of political action was to make political reality a faithful image of a cosmological vision. It would seem strange, superficially, that such an extremely hierarchical and uniformitarian program could be of any use as a guide to the realpolitik of dealing with thousands of more or less refractory chief doms. Yet Tawantinsuyu's rapid advance over the Andean landscape suggests that the Incaic program did in some way take realistic account of the interests 216

Quito in comparative perspective of local power elites. The aspiration to a "crystalline" kind of regularity, in which larger social structures would appear formally congruent to smaller ones, seen in such formal schemes as moieties, quadripartition, and the decimal order, implied that the economic system of the great centers should also have a counterpart in the internal economies of lesser centers. In practice, this implied that at the same time as chiefdoms were incorporated into the imperial economy, their economies should be endowed with resources and exchange mechanisms analogous to those of the empire as a whole. Such a rule would in turn have mandated both the introduction of new and valuable productive bases, and the integration of productive zones on a new basis-the "vertical archipelago"-which guaranteed the chiefdoms access to exotic goods through a locally governed apparatus rather than through shifting alliances with outside groups. Thus from a local autonomist point of view, imperial rule might be seen as enhancing, not destroying, the adaptive independence of chiefdoms. The rule of "crystalline" integration applied not only to a projected end-moment of the process. It also applied diachronically, in the sense that at any given moment in history, the formal and economic constitution of large and small units should be qualitatively similar. Thus the cumulative sequence of changes and increasingly complex orderings that transformed a raw frontier into "another Cuzco" would proceed pari passu on local scale. Seen synchronically, the rights and duties of a local lord would be qualitatively similar to those of Inca lords as they applied in his district. No native lord could then call in question imperial institutions without at the same time questioning his own prerogatives. The effectiveness of this technique is seen around Quito in the fact that it was precisely those chiefdoms farthest south (i.e. closest to more established provinces), nearest the Inca central highway, and most heavily modified in the Inca image (moiety terminology, kamayuj economy, mitmajkuna) which proved loyal to Tawantinsuyu during the Spanish invasion. Under such a system, obviously, the Inca frontier should not be imagined as an impermeable wall, or a line moving forward and painting the map red, but as a gradual process which advanced cumulatively. The Inca empire, as Aranibar has observed (1969:37-38) had very few if any linear borders, but rather fringe areas across which a complex economic and cultural influence was encouraged to move. The strategem of leaving in place for a long while such mechanisms as the mindaldes and generalized barter across political frontiers not only had the advantage of securing goods from hostile areas, but of allowing Inca ideas and examples to march in the vanguard of Inca troops. It is not unlikely that the first invaders often found already implanted the imperial lingua franca, the use of llamas, a road network interlaced with the Inca royal highway, and a wide demand for the kind of artifacts the Inca state "gave" to its friends. 217

Native lords of Quito in the age of the Incas Finally, it must be added that this system, as subtle and acute as it was, did not always work. Because of the porosity of the Inca frontier, each subjugated province retained strong cultural and organizational likenesses to its less subjugated neighbors, and in all likelihood kinship and exchange ties as well. Consequently any Inca defeat in the farther outposts was prone to roll backwards through the rear provinces as a wave of "rebellion." While the frontier did not advance, the process of cultural and economic intervention in the rear could not advance much either. And, most seriously, it proved impossible at the same time to conserve the outward authority of the traditionally legitimated native lords and simultaneously quell their autonomist urges. These factors in conjunction led to a disastrous split between pro- and anti-Inca forces among the native peoples in 1534, and within a short time to the collapse of all the Inca effort that had gone before. With the arrival of the European invaders, a whole series of forces foreign to the field of this study began to press on aboriginal society. But the vitality of native political and economic organization was not extinguished by the catastrophes of the 1530s and 1540s, nor even by the crushing weight of the colonial society that grew up afterwards. It continued to adapt itself and exert itself indefatigably, beneath the surface of the new alien rule. The study of this almost forgotten struggle will be a signal contribution toward defining the peculiarity and the greatness of Quito's civilization.

218

Notes

Introduction 1 dixeron que . . . algunas vezes los dichos sacerdotes los an ydo a vesitar a sus pueblos pero pocas vezes y quel padre Alonso Hernandez bautizo y caso a algunos dellos y que los demas clerigos hizieron poco e que un hermano del cacique es el que los dotrina y ensena a todos. 2 Ilustre senor estos principales de mi encomienda traen el quipo y memoria de todos los yndios que an dado para lleuar cargas asi por mandado de vuestra merced como de sus tenientes . . . que son los siguientes Don Juan Zangolqui cacique de Hurinchillo noventa y tres yndios ... XCIII Don Amador noventa e dos XCII El dicho Don Juan dio otro principal suyo IX indios IX Don Juan Oyunbicho XVII yndios XVII Don Sebastian Guara casique de Pipo dio cinquenta e siete yndios . .. LVII Don Diego de Pingolqui LXXVII yndios LXXVII EL Ynga dio veynte e ocho yndios XXVIII CCCLXXIII Que son por todos estos yndios trescientos y setenta y tres yndios vuestra merced mandara como cristianos pagarle lo que fuere servido . . . 3 que orden es la que a tenido los que tienen chacaras e sementeras de coca en el sacar y beneficiar della y en que (tarjado: tiempos) partes la ponian e ponen al presente e de la distancia y leguas que aya desde sus pueblos a la coca e desde la coca a donde la ponian e que pueblos e yndios son los que la benefician e sacan yten quanto aquello an acostunbrado a beneficiar e por que mandado e de que tenple es la tierra donde se da e quantas vezes o mitas se coge cada ano e procurareis de lo ber y entender yten que peso solian tener los cestos y si los an crescido o desminuido e de que tiempo a esta parte yten que manera tenian antiguamente los caciques e prenzipales e labradores e Pescadores e otros oficiales de qualquier arte trato oficio o grangeria que fuese en el contribuir e acudir con los tributos e seruicios que daban al ynga e al cacique prenzipal e a los demas prenzipales e a los otros senores que a tenido y en que tiempos lo ponian e con que yndios solian seruir e acudir para el seruicio hordinario e para la guerra yten de que manera se pagaban los dichos tributos e quantas personas se 219

Notes to pp. 1-22 entendia una cauega o heran obligados a dar el tributo que les cauia y si lo pagaua cada un yndio o cada una yndia o muchacho o marido o muger o hijos juntos y si hera por sus personas o por los asientos de sus casas o tierras o chacaras que tenian e sy pagaban los dichos tributos todos los dichos yndios ygualmente tanto el uno como el otro y si auia diferencias en esto y en que manera yten . . . que seruicjo de yndios y yndias e que tributos daban los yndios en tiempo del ynga al huno ques el cacique prinzipal y a los demas curacas que son los prenzipales que los mandaban e que sementeras e casas e otras cosas le hazian y si el seruicjo de yndios que davan lo daban de una bez por toda su bida y si lo remudaban cada ano e quantos pueblos o yndios o probincjas heran los que contribuyan con las dicha cossas e como se llamaban yten si antiguamente pagavan el tal huno cacjque prenzipal y los demas prenzipales algun tributo o hazian algun seruicio al ynga por su familia e seruicio e por las cosas que criaban e cogian e por sus grangerias y en que cantidad y si heran esentos e no las pagaban yten . . . que horden solian tener en el subgeder de los cargos y si el ynga ponia los hunos e curacas o si heran naturales o mitimaes o si se hazian por elegion de los demas curacas y la orden que a (a uido?) en ello y si hera por tiempo limytado o perpetuo hasta que morian o si subgedian los hijos o hermanos o quyenes yten que senorio e mando tenian los tales hunos e curacas sobre los yndios e sy podian matar yndios o castigarlos por delitos que cometiesen o quien repartiese los tributos entre los yndios e de que manera se pagaban yten que chacaras e tierras e ganados tenian en sus tierras el ynga suyo propio e para el sol y en guacas y si abian sido primero de los yndios del dicho repartimiento y si las labro ronpio e beneficjo de nuevo el ynga y si traxo el ganado de otra parte (Ramirez 1557:f.235v-238r). 1. The problem of the paramo Andes

1 Muchos se espantan como estos indios (de Popayan), teniendo muchos dellos sus pueblos en partes dispuestas para conquistarlos, y que en todo la governacion (dejando la villa de Pasto) no hace frio demasiado ni calor, ni deja de haber otras cosas convenientes para la conquista, como han salido tan ind6mitos y porfiados; y los del Peru, estando sus valles entre montanas y sierras de nieve y muchos riscos y rios, y mas gentes en numero que los de aca, y grandes despoblados, como sirven y han sido y son tan subjetos y domables. A lo cual dire que todos los indios subjetos a la gobernacion de Popayan han sido siempre, y lo son, behetrias. No hubo entre ellos senores que se hiciesen temer. Son flojos, perezosos, y sobre todo aborrescen el servir y estar subjetos, que es causa bastante para que recelasen de estar debajo de gente extrana y en su servicio. Mas esto no fuera parte para que ellos salieran con su intention, porque, constrenidos de necesidad, hicieran lo que otros hacen. Mas hay otra causa muy mayor, la cual es que todas estas provincias y regiones son muy fertiles, y a una parte y a otra hay grandes espesuras de montanas, de canaverales, y de otras malezas. Y como los espaiioles los aprietan, queman las casas en que moran, que son de madera y paja, y vanse una legua de alii o dos o lo que quieren, y en tres o cuatro dias hacen una casa, y en otros tantos siembran la cantidad de maiz que quieren, y lo cogen dentro de cuatro meses. Y si alii tambien los van a buscar, dejado aquel sitio van 220

Notes to pp. 22-49 adelante o vuelven atras, y a donde quiera que van o estan hallan que comer y tierra fertil y aparejada y dispuesta para darles fruto; y por esto sirven cuando quieren, y es en su mano la guerra e la paz, y nunca les falta de comer. Los del Peru sirven bien y son domables porque tienen mas razon que estos y porque todos fueron subjetados por los reyes ingas, a los cuales dieron tributo, sirviendoles siempre, y con aquella condicion nascian; y si no lo querian hacer, la necesidad los constrenia a ello, porque la tierra del Peru toda es despoblada, llena de montanas y sierras y campos nevados. Y si se salian de sus pueblos y valles a estos desiertos no podian vivir ni la tierra da fructo ni hay otro lugar que lo de que los mismos valles y provincias suyas; de manera que por no morir, sin ninguno poder vivir, han de servir y no desamparar sus tierras ([1553] 1962:64-65). 2 Para la division zonal, climatica, de los Andes tropicales es mejor comenzar por la region elevada, esto es por los escalones de altitud entre el limite de la agricultura o de los bosques y el limite de las nieves perpetuas. Reconocemos entonces que de modo muy semej ante a lo que ocurre en las tierras bajas del tropico, en las montanas tambien, entre el ecuador y los sub-tropicos, se escalonan cuatro fajas o zonas climaticas segun el grado de humedad. En las tierras bajas son: 1) la faja ecuatorial, siempre humeda, de los bosques lluviosos; 2) la faja tropical semihumeda, de lluvias periodicas, humeda en verano y seca en invierno, de las sabanas o estepas humedas; 3) la faja tropical de las estepas con plantas espinosas y suculentas, igualmente de lluvias periodicas, humeda en verano y seca en invierno, pero ya semiaridas; y 4) la faja desertica. En America del Sur, estas fajas se hallan desigualmente repartidas, a uno y otro lado de los Andes, principalmente por el influjo de las montanas, las que en el oriente substraen la humedad de los vientos alisios del S.E. y en el occidente actuan como paraguas. Por consiguiente, en las laderas orientales de los Andes, la zona siempre humeda no solo se extiende a toda la zona tropical sino que llega con sus ultimas manifestaciones hasta los 27° de Lat. S., a la region de Tucuman; en el lado occidental, al reves, el desierto de Atacama se extiende hasta la proximidad del ecuador, con sus ultimas manifestaciones hasta la peninsula de Santa Elena, al occidente del Ecuador. De ello resulta forzosamente que las zonas climaticas regionales se extienden oblicuamente sobre las montanas, de noroeste a sudoeste [Figure 2]. En las altas regiones, por encima del limite de los cultivos, corresponden segun el grado de humedad: la zona de bosques lluviosos de las tierras bajas a los paramos siempre humedos; la zona de sabana de las tierras bajas a la puna humeda o normal (puna de estepa de gramineas), humeda en verano y seca en invierno; la estepa de espinas y plantas suculentas de las tierras bajas a la puna seca, semiaridas o puna con espinas y plantas suculentas (zona de tola, de los botanicos); y el desierto de las llanuras bajas, al desierto de las altas montanas o puna desertica, tal como lo hemos descompuesto en trabajos anteriores. En la ecologia de la vegetation en los tipos de suelos y en la hidrologia se manifiesta con toda claridad la misma articulation (Troll [1931] 1951:22). 2. The Llajtakuna 1 Mui Poderoso Senor, Don Juan Zumba Cacjque cleJ pueblo de Uyumbicho de la Encomienda de Francisco Ruiz por mi y en norqbre de los Yndios del dicho pueblo ante Vuestra Alteza parezco y en la mejor via y forma que puedo y devo de derecho propongo demanda contra Hernando de la Parra Alcalde 221

Notes to pp. 49-69

2

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5

Hordinario de esta Ciudad y digo que es assi que posseyendo y teniendo quieta y passificamente yo y los dichos Yndios mis sujetos por nuestras y como nuestras propias unas tierras y chacras de sementeras en el dicho pueblo que antiguamente desde los tiempos passados de los yngas y despues siempre las hemos labrado sembrado y benefficiado y los yndios que las poseen han subcedido y subseden en ellas por subcesion y herencia de sus padres y antepasados el suso dicho Hernando de Parra se entro y entremente a labrar y querer sembrar en ellas contra nuestra voluntad . . . [Testimony of Don Francisco Condi, Principal of Uyumbicho:] . . . Dixo que no saue la hedad que tiene e que se acuerda muy bien de Guaynacava y era ya hombre e por su aspecto parecio muy biejo de mas de sesenta anos porque tenia todo el cabello bianco . . . que alii tenia sus cassas y sus Yndios el dicho Casique como Pueblo suio y despues que vinieron los Espanoles como aquello era questa abajo y mandasen que hiziesen sus calles se pasaron donde estan agora quedando como quedaron siempre alii sus chacaras y sementeras . . . [Testimony of Andres Zimbana, native of Quito, weaver:] . . . Dixo no sabe la hedad que tiene mas de que quando Guaynacaua vino a esta tierra era ya moso grande . . . Dixo que este testigo conosio a su abuelo de Don Juan Zumba que tenia sus sementeras en la tierra sobre que es este Pleito e que alii tenian hecho su pueblo como tierra suya e que en tiempo de Gonsalo Pissarro vido este testigo que los Espanoles que con el vinieron rrancheavan a los yndios como era la dicha tierra cerca del camino y que por temor de esto se pasaron a poblar adonde estan agora y dexaron sus rranchos en las dichas tierras y lo mismo se estan agora y que alii tienen sus sementeras todavia (ANH/Q 3a Notaria Juicios, 1694: f.2r, 14v, 15r, 17r, 18r). De Cochesqui se camina a Guallabamba, que esta del Quito cuatro leguas, donde por ser la tierra baja y estar casi debajo de la equinoccial, es calido; mas no tanto que no este muy poblado y se den todas las cosas necesarias a la humana sustentacion de los hombres . . . por los caminos que van por estos aposentos (de Guayllabamba) hay algunos rios, y todos tienen sus puentes, y ellos van bien desechados, y hay grandes edeficios y muchas cosas que yer ([1553] 1962:127). Entre este pueblo de Panzaleo y la ciudad del Quito hay algunas poblaciones a una parte y a otra en unos montes. A la parte del poniente [sic] esta el valle de Uchillo y Langazi, adonde . . . los naturales son amigos y confederados . . . De aqui se toma un camino que va a los montes de Yumbo, en los cuales estan unas poblaciones, donde ios naturales dellas son de no tan buen servicio como los comarcanos a Quito, ni tan domables, antes son mas viciosos y soberbios; lo cual hace vivir en tierra tan aspera y tener en ella, por ser calida y fertil, mucho regalo . . . . Otro camino sale hacia el nacimiento del sol, que va a otras poblaciones llamadas Quixo, pobladas de indios de la manera y costumbres destos ([1553] 1962:132-133). Mas abajo, cercano a lo llano, hay otra provincia, que aunque es verdad, que tambien son llamados Yumbos, no lo son en efecto, porque su lengua y costumbres y su traje son diferentes; llamanse estos Niguas, de quien otras veces se ha hecho mention, estan alguna parte de estos Niguas en su libertad, que no sirven ni dan tributo a naide (Cabello [1579?] 1945:62-63). Pagan de tributo los indios de Gualla y Niguas cada uno en cada un ano un peso y medio de oro de diez y nueve quilates e tres granos y una manta de 222

Notes to pp. 69-76 algodon blanca, delgada, de un hilo de dos varas e cuarta de larga y dos varas de ancha y media fanega de maiz y dos aves. Y los de Llulluto, un peso y medio de oro de la misma ley, una manta de la manera dicha, una arroba de algodon, y dos aves. Pagan de tributo cada indio a su encomendero de los pueblos de Nanical e Alambi en cada un ano, peso e medio de oro de diez y nueve quilates y tres granos, e una manta de algodon delgada de un hilo de dos varas e cuarta de larga y dos varas de ancha, y media fanega de maiz y dos aves cada ano. Y los de los pueblos de Camoqui y Cachillata, los Camoquies dos arrobas de algodon y una manta de la marca ordinaria, e los de Cachillata cada uno dos pesos de plata, una manta de la marca ordinaria, y una arroba de algodon (Anonimo [1582] 1965:335-336). 3. Local and exotic components of llajta economy 1 Los indios . . . sustentanse con maiz tostado, hecho bolas y mazamorra; comen papas y unos gusanos que se crian en la tierra, gruesos, que llaman cusos, y otro genero de pescadito que se cria en los rios, que llaman choncho, y ocas, ollocos, maxuas, arracachas, zapallos, jiquimas y avincas, raices que se dan debajo de la tierra, como las papas, que se llaman turmas; y asimismo aji, que con otro que llaman chiche sabe y huele a camaroncillos; asimismo con yerbas que llaman yucas, de diferentes maneras: unas se nombran paico, que 6sta es buena para dolores de estomago, vientre y muelas; y otras yuyoslluto, guacamullos, chimborazo, chulco, la hoja del nabo, altramuces, frijoles, habas, albejas y quinua, esta es buena como arroz, para suelda con suelda [sic], y su agua para la orina (Rodriguez Docampo [1650] 1965:75). 2 Su mantenimiento ordinario es vino hecho de maiz, que los espanoles llaman chicha y los naturales azua, y unas yerbas que llaman yuyos, y papas, y frisoles y maiz cocido; cualquiera cosa destas cocida con un poco de sal es su mantenimiento, y tienen por buena especia, de que se aprovechan en sus guisados, el aji. Todas estas cosas las cojen alrededor de sus casas (Anonimo [1573] 1965:226). 3 benefician . . . el maiz en camellones, habiendo poco mas de un pie de uno a otro; hacese un agujero con el dedo, echandose dos granos de maiz y uno de frisoles, cuando los quieren sembrar, los cuales, como van cresciendo, se cinen y abrazan con las canas del maiz y ansi tienen fuerza para se levantar del suelo. Los indios en sus labranzas siembran con el maiz papas, aunque apartadas del maiz. Siempre tienen sus labranzas muy deshierbadas y limpias y mollentada la tierra ques causa de producir mas y mejor. Siembrase el maiz de manera que esta una macolla de otra como un pie (Anonimo [1573] 1965:212). 4 Las herramientas con que labran la tierra, son unas palas de madera recia, de cinco o seis palmos en largo y como uno en ancho, y en medio tiene una muesca que hace empunadura con que se hace fuerza, para dar mayor golpe, y con ellas labran la tierra mas a placer que con azadones, ansi por el uso que dellas tienen, como porque desmenuzan mejor la tierra (Anonimo [1573] 1965:227). 5 Desde otubre hasta marzo es invierno y comunmente llueve estos meses, ecepto quince o veinte dias andes [sic] Pascua y otros tantos despues, porque comunmente hace por este tiempo un veranillo de treinta o cuarenta dias (Anonimo [1573] 1965:205). 6 En el segundo retrete de la casa, tienen su bodega, llena de ollas grandes y pequenas, algunas encima de la tierra, otras soterradas como tinajas para 223

Notes to pp. 76-78

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trasegar y hacer sus vinos. En este lugar, tienen gran fuerza de cuyes, que nos llamamos conejos de las Indias, adonde los sustentan con mucha hierba, cuyo estiercol es tanto, que, accompanado con la hierba que alii se cubre, es cosa insufrible . . . (Anonimo [1575?] 1931:52-53). Sus mesas y comer, ordinariamente, es en el suelo . . . Los senores con todos los demas, son en esto iguales, salvo que en el asiento se diferencian y extreman los mas notables y senores, asentando se por grandeza en un duo, que es como un banquillo de emperador; otros, que no son tan senores, en un manojo de paja que, de industria, traen para el efecto, con sus pajes, muchachos, detras de si, que sirven de este menester. Asi como en los asientos hacen extremo, por consiguiente, en adornar el suelo, que tienen por mesa, se diferencian, poniendo, en lugar de manteles, un poco de espartillo verde, sobre lo cual se les pone la comida en sus mates, en lugar de platos y escudillas, que son unas medias calabazas que siembran para usar de ellas en este menester; la demas comunidad se siente, junto a estos nobles, en el suelo. Convidanse, cuando comen juntos, contando con mucho regocijo con la pobreza y miseria que cada uno tiene para si . . . No beben hasta haber acabado de comer de proposito, y, cuando lo hacen antes para desayunarse, ayudanse con un poco de aji y sal, por ser tan apetitoso para ellos, como la cecina de puerco para el buen oficial. Las mujeres que alii los administran, se sientan detras, y de mano en mano, lo reciben los varones; alii parecen las mas queridas de mejor parecer y mas hermosas . . . los varones nunca comen con sus mujeres en un plato, antes lo tienen por cosa afrentosa y por tal lo recibirian, si a ellos los obligasen (Atienza [1575?] 1931:41-43). Es mal general hazer borracheras supresticiosas . . . quando se entierran y cojen las sementeras hazer taquies en ellas y refieran sus antiguos rictos los quales hordenan los hechizeros bailan con los ydolos y en ellas se causan diabolicos yncestos y pecados abominables e idolatrias y carnalidades (Actos sinodales del obispado de Quito, 1570. CVG la ser. vol. 13:619). Las borracheras que hazen por que acaece coger un yndio la sementera de mayz que tiene hecha y en que ha trabajado para sembralla y veneficialla y que en lo que coxe ay para el sustento de sus persona casa y familia un ano y asi por el contento de averlo coxido como de otra cossa de que toma plazer haze una borrachera en que hazer la chicha que beven gasta la mayor parte de lo que ha cogido (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8:f.lv; 1584). A esta real audiencia se a hecho [sic] que los naturales desta provincia antiguamente en tiempo de su ynfidelidad en cierto tiempo del ano se juntavan una vez a hazer una gran ffiesta a su mandado con muchas borracheras y cerimonias y adoravan al sol e para esto elexian una casa donde se juntavan y en modo offrenda y sacrifficio adorando al demonio llebavan mucha cantidad de chicha y muchos generos de aves y animales y cierto genero de lena con que se avia de guissar lo que offrendavan y en la tal cassa donde ansi se juntavan usaban de muchos generos de cerimonias bayles y borracheras y otras cossas muy en offensa de dios y aun contra ley natural y esta su fiesta parece que la hazian en el tiempo del verano casi al tiempo que la santa yglesia catholica celebra la ffiesta del santissimo sacramento y paresce que con la predicacion evangelical los dichos naturales se an ydo absteniendo de la dicha ffiesta y ceremonias a lo menos de la hazer en publico y como ven que los cristianos espanoles por el dicho tiempo celebran con solenidad la dicha ffiesta del corpus cristi piden licencia al sacerdote que los doctrina para se regocijar y que les senale de entre ellos una persona que lleve un estandarte 224

Notes to pp. 78-79

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que tienen y que aviendoles senalado la tal persona acuden todos los naturales a su casa y llevan la dicha offrenda de anymales chicha y otras cossas en recordacion de su antigua costunbre e ynffidelidad y hazen muchas ydolatrias borracheras y ceremonias (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8:f.3v). La mayor fiesta que los naturales hacen, es un general ayuntamiento de su tierra y comarcanos para beber cuatro o seis dias, que dia y noche no hacen otra cosa mas que cantar y a su uso bailar, haciendo muchos corros, que en cada uno habra cient personas. Acabada la borrachera, quedan tan cansados y beudos, que han menester dormir dos o tres dias para volver en si (Anonimo [1573] 1965:225). La misma congregacion (con igual ofensa de Dios y con el mismo olvido de sus propios animas) hacen para trasquilar la primera vez a sus hijos, procurando ejecutarlo en la conjuncion de la luna, sin descrepar muchos minutos; durales tres o cuatro duas con sus noches, hasta que, con la luz de la nueva, se aparta con mucho regocijo; y si acaso los trasquilan sin esta ceremonia, tan celebre entre ellos, dejanles en la mollera, celebro y viejos, unos mechones, con que en su tiempo debido con pompa y ceremonia diabolica, se lo acaban de quitar (Atienza [1575?] 1931:109). A los varones, en conociendo mujer, les ponen una guara (que nosotros llamamos zaraguelles), invocando para ello gran caterva de gentes, para se hallen presentes a la borrachera y practica que los mas viejos les hacen, teniendolos, abscuras, atados a un poste o estante de la casa, a donde las azotan en sus piernas (castigo ordinario y general del Inga), diciendoles como han de vivir, lo que han de guardar y hacer, y a quien han de respetar. Alii les representan sus costumbres y ritos antiguos, por manera que, hecho este castigo y propuesta su practica, immediatamente les ponen los zaraguelles y los circunstantes les ofrecen de lo que tienen, cada cual segun su posible. Hecho esto, los conflrman luego, puniendoles otro nombre y quitandoles el que les dieron el dia de su nacimiento, el cual tienen tan en la memoria que, en lugar de manifestar primero el nombre de cristianos, lo dejan para la postre (Atienza [1575] 1931:109). En sus mortuorios hay grandes voces y planto. Cuando los llevaban a enterrar era sentados en una tianga y sobre una barbacoa que iba en hombros, y al tono de su baile iban llorando andando un poco y volviendo atras desandando lo andado; de manera, que para llevar a un principal a enterrar trecho de un tiro de piedra, habian de tardar dos y tres horas. Llevados al entierro, lo ponian sentado en su tianga y metian con el la mujer mas querida; y sobre cual habia de ser, habia entre ellas diferencia. Enterraban con ellos todo su tesoro de oro y plata, pedras y cosas entrellos estimadas, poniendo en la boveda muchos cantaros de chicha. Los demas indios ordinarios, al tiempo que los enterraban, era sentados con una guadua que es cana gorda, en la boca, y subia medio estado encima de la tierra, y como era hueca, le echaban su mujer y parientes de su vino, diciendo que era para el sustento del difunto (Anonimo [1573] 1965:225-226). En estas enfermedades, se aprovechan de algunas hierbas virtuosas con que se refriegan el cuerpo, tostandolas o calentandolas primero; usan del maiz molido, puesto en el vientre o en alguna llaga, cuando tienen, hallandolo medicinal . . . les cortan unas cucidas, que ellos llaman hangos, del pie, brazo, o pierna, o de otra cualquiera parte del cuerpo, haciendole alii una llaga, como picadura del murcielago y untansela con tabaco y coca y con maiz quebrantado con la boca (Atienza [1575?] 1931:75). 225

Notes to pp. 82-85 16 tierra de gran caza; hay tantos venados, que acaece salir un soldado con un arcabuz y traer seis y siete venados a la noche, y parece que jamas se agotan, aunque les cazan mucho asi indios con perchas, como espanoles con arcabuces; hay gran cantidad de conejos, ni mas ni menos que los de Espana . . . y los (conejos) echan en sus guisados cocidos, que llaman logro, con mucho agi. Hay muchos perdices grandes como gallinas, unas, y otras chicas; son pardas, pintadas, y no de picos ni pies colorados . . . hay muchas tortolas y patos de agua y muchas garzas . . . (a las lagunas de Anaquito) acuden tantos patos bravos y garzas que cubren el agua; hay poca gente que los tiran, que como hay tanto venado, mas se van a la caza grande; estan un cuarto de legua de Quito . . . (Salazar Villasante [ 156?] 1965:132-133). 17 Los que delante de si tienen en estos tiempos (i.e. las fiestas) por compafieros, son los perros de sus casas y aun de su vecindad; a estos consienten meter el hocico en el plato, con estos tienen conversaci6n y entretenimiento por las ocasiones que los mismos perros les dan, ventoscando y haciendo otras cosas como brutos animates, sin de cosa alguna recibir alteration ni pesadumbre en el estomago; cuando mucho les rinen y echan de alii, y sin dilation alguna, los vuelven a regalar y traer a mucho amor, pareciendoles, si asi no lo hacen, no los hallaran prestos en sus cazas y monterias, ni en sus viviendas y moradas ternian custodia ni seguridad, faltandoles (Atienza [1575?] 1931:42-43). 18 Andan vestidos con sus camisetas sin mangas ni collar, no mas que abiertas por los lados, por donde sacan los brazos, y por arriba, por donde asimismo sacan la cabeza, y con sus mantas largas de lana y algunas de algodon. Y desta ropa, la de los senores era muy prima y con colores muchas y muy perfectas. Por zapatos traen unas ojotas de una raiz o hierba que llaman cabuya, que echa unas pencas grandes, de las cuales salen unas hebras blancas, como de canamo, muy recias y provechosas, y destas hacen sus ojotas, o albarcas, que les sirven por zapatos y por la cabeza traen puestos unos ramales. Las mujeres algunas andan vestidas a uso del Cuzco, muy galanas, con una manta larga que las cubre desde el cuello hasta los pies, sin sacar mas de los brazos, y por la cintura se la atan con uno que llaman chumbe, a manera de una reata galana y muy prima y algo mas ancha. Con estas se atan y aprietan la cintura, y luego se ponen otra manta delgada, llamada liquida, que les cae por encima de los hombros y deciende hasta cubrir los pies. Tienen, para prender estas mantas, unos alfileres de plata o de oro grandes, y al cabo algo anchos, que llaman topos. Por la cabeza se ponen tambien una cinta no poco galana, que nombran vincha, y con sus ojotas andan. En fin, el uso de vestir de las senoras del Cuzco ha sido el mejor y mas galano y rico que hasta agora se ha visto en todas estas Indias. Los cabellos tienen gran cuidado de se los peinar, y los comarcanos especialmente en la ligadura de la cabeza; porque por ella son conocidos las linajes de los indios y las provincias donde son naturales (Cieza [1553] 1962:131-132). 19 se visten con ropas de algodon y lana, y como hay tantas ovejas de castilla, se aprovechan de la lana para sus vestidos aunque la mayor cantidad de ropa es de algodon que siembran en tierra caliente y es su rescate en esta ciudad (i.e. Quito) Valverde and Rodriguez [1576] 1965:170). 20 Andan los naturales vestidos en su antiguo y comun trage los varones con manta y camiseta y las mujeres con anaco y lliquida que son unas mantas hechas de algodon traen en las cabezas unos panos pequenos y pintados de algodon que llaman xoxonas y las mujeres los cabellos sueltos y tendidos muy

226

Notes to pp. 85-107 negros que los curan para que lo sean (CVG 4a ser. vol. 18:114-115, testimonio de Domingo de Orive [1577]; see also An6nimo [1573] 1965:225). 21 En general, andan todos descalzos y en piernas, los brazos descubiertos; en lugar de saco y camisa se ponen una cuzma, que nos llamamos camiseta, de la misma hechura y manera que un costal, descosida un poco por los lados, para sacar los brazos y abierta por arriba, para descubrir la cabeza; llegales a los hinojos. Por capas se sirven de unas mantas de algodon delgadas, de dos varas y media en largo, de dos varas en ancho y de dos piernas . . . Solo para resguardo del cabello, que con tanto cuidado curan y dejan crecer, se cubren de ordinario las cabezas, como las mujeres espanoles con el manto, y cuando les parece, se ponen unos pafios de cabeza, que ellos llaman jojanas, los cuales se tocan de tal manera que les dan vuelta por debajo de la barba, dejando solamente el rostro descubierto. En lugar de esquero, traen colgado debajo del brazo, con un tira, cabello, cuero, una bolsa sin cerraderos, que ellos llaman pixa. Usan de muchas diferencias de vestidos, diferenciando solo en los colores y curiosa tela. Algunos por mas diferenciarse se horadan las ore j as y narices y el labio inferior de la boca, de donde traen colgado sus pendientes de oro o plata, obrado de su mano; al cuello traen unas gargantillas, que ellos llaman chaquira, de hueso de diferentes colores, o de oro, segun lo pueden haber (Atienza [1575?] 1931:37-38). 4. Interzonal articulation 1 In the transcribed text, the phrase is ". . . playuela de San Francisco." Playuela ('little beach') is interpreted here as a transcription error for plazuela ('little plaza'). 2 Agora 40 y 50 anos salian (los Yumbos) a esta ciudad a rescatar sacando platanos pifias otras muchas frutas algun algodon y si sacaban uno o dos pesos se conbertia en llevar un peyne un cochillo o machete o acha para desmontar agujas chaquirillas (etc.?) de forma que no bolvian a su tierra lo que fuese moneda balor de un marabedi (AGI/S Aud. Quito 86.12 f.lr). 3 lo comun y mas ordinario es trocar entre los naturales una cosa por otra, como si yo he menester sal, doy por ella maiz, algod6n, lana, y otra cosa que yo tenga . . . No hay mas contrato que daca esto y toma por ello esto, y habiendose concertado, pasan por ello; aunque si antes que se aparten alguna de las partes se arrepiente, con facilidad vuelve cada uno a tomar lo que antes era suyo; pero, en apartandose, si alguna de las partes no quiere, pasa adelante su concierto (Anonimo [1573] 1965:228). 4 La ciudad se provee de trigo y maiz de vecinos y moradores que tienen por granjeria la labranza; demas desto, hay muchos naturales que de ordinario lo traen a vender a su tianguez que hacen en la plaza de la dicha ciudad, donde se hallan las legumbres y frutas que se dan en la tierra . . . Los conejos, perdices, y otros pajaros y gallinas y huevos, se proveen que los indios los suelen vender en su tianguez . . . Cecina de vaca la hace el que quiere en su casa, y de venado se halla muchas veces en el tianguez (Anonimo [1573] 1965:220). 5 (Urin Chillo:) e que las contratagiones que tienen es que con el mayz e otras cosas que coxen compran en el tianguez de la Ciudad de Quito y en tierras de los Yumbos ques diez o doce leguas destas dichas sus tierras algun algodon 227

Notes to pp. 107-124 para su vestir y tambien conpran alguna sal y axi esta para su proveimyento (M y SM 1559:f.838v). (Anan Chillo) tienen por contratacjon de con las cosas que crian en las dichas sus tierras van a Yumbo y por ello rescatan algodon de lo qual hazen ropa para su bestir y que demas desto van a la ciudad de Quito y con el mayz que coxen el las dichas sus tierras y con las raices rescatan algun aji y sal y esto no mas de para su sustentimiento (M y SM 1559:f.856r). (El Ynga) y que en el tianguez de la ciudad de Quito y en tierra de Yumbo ques doze leguas de sus tierras rescatan alguna sal y algodon y otras cosillas y algun agi para su proveimiento (M y SM 1559: f.817r-v). (Pingolqui) en la ciudad de Quito tienen por contratacion llevar maiz o algun trigo y en Yumbo tambien llevan maiz y otras cosas por las quales traen algodon (M y SM 1559:f.803v). 6 Desde la dicha ciudad de Quito al pueblo de Cotocollao dos leguas 2 De Cotocollao al pueblo de Nono dos leguas 2 De Nono al pueblo de Alanbi quatro leguas 4 De Alanbi al pueblo de Gualea dos leguas 2 De Gualea al Tanbillo tres leguas y media 3.1a Del Tanbillo al pueblo de los Niguas quatro leguas 4 Del pueblo de los niguas al despoblado quatro leguas 4 (Arevalo [1600] 1949:34) 7 Las reboluciones y sospechas que se tubieron de los naturales realmente nascieron de dichos de yndios en juntas y borracheras y si tuvieran cabeza o quien les ayudara se cree hizieran algun efecto a sido dios servido que se an mitigado y sosegado con solo mostrar animo y cuidado y vigilancia y con hazer otras diligencias de desterrar algunas cabegas y ponellos governadores yndios de los que los yngas se Servian extrangeros y quitalles las armas y sillas y cavallos y ocupallos en obrajes y guardas de ganado pagandosel (es?) [torn] y por fueros de cargeres y palabras y otras vezes por halagos y ansi osamos afirmar que a lo que la discrecion puede colegir no ay rastro de mal en estos naturales ni aun dispusiciou del lo oculto sabe dios nuestro senor (AGI/S Aud. Quito 8:f.lr). 8 tienen e an tenido de costumbre dar cada'un yndio casado de los suso dichos media hanega de maiz salvo los de Puratico que dan el maiz algunas veces y no comunmente y algunas aves y huevos cada ano y ayudan a llevar el maiz que dan por la tasa a la ciudad de Quito y tambien ayudan a hacer chacaras del cacique y reparalle su casa cuando es menester y dar alguna comida al clerigo cuando viene a doctrinalles y a bautisalles sus hijos e ayudar a hacer la yglesia" (M y SM 1559:f.810v). 5. The dimensions and dynamics of chiefdom polities

1 Los naturales viven apartados una parcialidad de otra . . . Los caciques tienen sus capitanes, a los cuales obedescian los de su parcialidad, y los capitanes y indios obedecian a su cacique, el cual, cuando queria que se hiciese alguna labranza o traer alguna madera del monte o hacer alguna casa, mandaba a un pregonero que tenia, que con voz alta declarase su voluntad, y entendido por los capitanes, que de ordinario tenian casas cerca de la del cacique, donde residian o tenian personas que les avisasen de lo que se ofreciese, enviaban 228

Notes to pp. 124-145 2

3

4

5

6

luego sus cachas, que aca quiere decir mensajeros, y luego se juntaba la gente para cumplir la voluntad del senor (Anonimo [1573] 1965:224, 227) Cuando edifican alguna casa principal de Senor, Cacique poderoso, dura mucho tiempo la obra, pero jamas les faltan ceremonias que hacer, todas dirigidas al demonio, sol, y luna, para que aquel edificio sea mas fijo y durable; y en remuneration y paga que el falso inganador (con quien muchas veces hablan), apareciendoles en formas diferentes, les da, sacrifican animates de los mas estimados que tienen, como son venados vivos, carneros de la tierra. cuies y coca, sacando a estos animales, estando vivos, los corazones, los cuales juntamente con la sangre ante todas cosas le ofrecen y luego se los comen crudos; y con la sangre untan las paredes de la casa y con maiz bianco molido y con la coca, debajo de ser persuadidos y enganados del demonio, el cual les hace entender por si y por sus ministros, los hechiceros, ser este el sustento de aquel edificio, a donde, por su llamado, ha de estar con ellos parte del tiempo (Atienza [1575?] 1931:167). ansimismo hazen al presente tambien una chacarra de communydad para el cacique y todos los indios en general y le ayudan a hacer sus casas y le traen la lena que ha menester para quemar en su casa y le dan de la caza que los dichos yndios cogen y que tambien el dicho cacique tiene servicio de por si que le ayuda al servicio della demas de yndios en la dicha casa y que tiene un indio cazador que le trae cosas de monte y caza para su casa (M y SM 1559:f.817v). Antiguamente y el dia de hoy, por la mayor parte, ningun indio ha de tener mujer que no le sea primero dada por la mano del Cacique, la cual tiene tan por mujer legitima, como que realmente fuesen casados; durales esta opinion hasta tanto que el Cacique o Caciques, de cuya mano la recibieron, se enojan con ellos, porque si no los sirven y se hallan prestos a sus necesidades y mandatos, sin remedio de minguna apelacion, se las quitan y dan a otros, que con mas amor y voluntad se subiectan a servirlos (Atienza [1575?] 1931:81). Otro yndio casado que se dize Chirao y en cristiano Juan y su muger Chuzun Ticla . . . (y) quatro hermanas de la muger deste dicho yndio llamadas la una Chame Guaca y la otra Luzca y la otra Muchu y la otra Pasco parecjo ser hijas de un yndio de Sicho que se dize Yanzagane las quales se le dieron (M y SM 1559:f.867v). la poca guarda y recogimiento que los nobles ponen en sus hijas y asi, vienen a perder su nobleza por casarse con gente baja y muy suez. Pasan los pabres [sic, for padres?] por ello, sin hacer sentimiento alguno, . . . por el provecho que de los tales yernos esperan haber, avasallandolos con imperio (Atienza [1575?] 1931: 95).

6. The Incaic impact

1 De en medio deste furor y armas se escapo un valiente y valeroso Capitan de la valia de los Caranguis llamado Pinta, y con el mas de mil soldados que quisieron seguir su fortuna, y auiendo (dexado) Guayna Capac la orden y recado necesario para guarda y reparo de la bien ganada fortaleza enderezo su viage para el Quito y de alii despacho gente a prender al Capitan Pinta que tenia noticia que se auia hecho fuerte en unas montanas fronteras de Quito sobre el valle de Chillo con intento de inquietar y robar toda la tierra sugeta a el Ynga como lo auia comenzado a hacer, y aunque con gasto de vidas, y

229

Notes to pp. 145-152

2

3

4

5

6

7

tiempo fue auido en prision, y puesto delante de Guayna Capac el qual le perdono lo cometido hasta entonces con tal que en lo futuro hubiesse enmienda mas el barbaro Pinta estuvo tan pertinaz y tan obstinado en su corage que ni aun comer no quiso de lo que el Ynga le mando dar . . . y ansi el dia que murio lo mando desollar, y hacer de su cuerpo un atambor para hacer en el Cuzco el Ynti raymi que son ciertas bayles en honor del Sol (Cabello [1586] 1951:382-383). (Quito) esta asentada en unos antiguos aposentos que los Ingas habian en el tiempo de su senorio mandado hacer en aquella parte, y habialos ilustrado y acrecentado Guaynacapa y el gran Topainga, su padre. A estos aposentos tan reales y principals llamaban los naturales Quito, por donde la ciudad tomo denomination del mismo que tenian los naturales (Cieza [1553] 1962:128). Del tiempo que los Ingas, senores naturales, conquistaron las dichas provincias, se aprovecharon de hacer fuerzas en sierras altas, haciendo tres y cuatro cercas de pared de piedra, para estar fuertes y seguros y que lo estuviesen las gentes que dejaba en las dichas provincias, hasta domesticarlos y subjetarlos del todo; a las cuales fuerzas llaman en su lenga pucarais (Salinas Loyola [1571?] 1965:299). avia grandes hoyos cubiertos con grandes e agudas estacas dentro dellos e rompidos muchos malos pasos de donde asta esta cibdad de Quito tubimos muchos fuertes en ganar e desbaratar defensas que nos tenyan hechas para que no pasasemos como fue en Mocha y Ambato y en Muliambato que hera un paso fuerte y los yndios tenyan una fortaleza la qual ganamos y pasamos al pueblo de Panc.aleo e pueblo de Oyumbicho donde hallamos mucha resistencia y de alii llegamos a esta cibdad donde hezimos asiento (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:13). yendo el capitan don Diego de Almagro al Valle de Chillo yo fue en su compania e hallamos un fuerte donde avia muchos indios y estavan tan fuertes que no se les podia entrar y avian descalabrado e maltratado muchos soldados entre los quales fue Diego de Aguero vecino de Lima e por industria de una tapia con tres vallesteros que yo fue uno dellos e tres rodeleros se dio horden como se gano el dicho fuerte y se desbarataron los dichos yndios e se pacifico el dicho valle (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:13). se prendieron los prencjpales senores destas prouincjas que se presumya e tenya por cierto que sabyan del oro plata que se desya en ellas abya que son Oromynabi e £ococ.opagua e Quingalunba e Rrasorraso e Syna e otros sus alyados e amygos con los quales se hizyeron todas las deligencjas posybles e se trauajo mucho con ellos en los velar e guardar como en yr con ellos a muchas partes quellos desyan no enbargante lo qual no quisyeron ellos ny alguno dellos dezir cosa ninguna por rrazon de lo qual e de los delytos que cometieron se a fecho justicia dellos por manera que al presente nynguno ay (l r LCQt. 1:102-103). Alonso de Marchena vecino de Guayaquil mando a este testigo e a otros prenzipales del dicho pueblo e de los demas pueblos de la redonda que le diesen treynta y seys yndios para chasques para los poner en los caminos desde la puente del enbarcadero hasta los tanbillos del paramo questa de aquel cabo de Chinbo y este testigo le dio al dicho Marchena los dichos treynta y seis yndios de los de su repartimiento y de su parcialidad los cuales dichos treynta e seis yndios puso el dicho Marchena para el dicho camino y tubieron hechos sus ranchos a trechos del tienpo de un ano continuo poco mas o menos que los dichos yndios chasquis yban e venian con cartas e otros recaudos (CVG V ser. vol. 27:379-380). 230

Notes to pp. 153-165 8 Es cosa de mucha lastima ver las excesivas e incomportables cargas que estos miserables ponen sobre sus hombros. El peso que sobre si echan los picaros ganapanes y moriscos de la Palanca, es aire respecto de lo que esta pobre gente hace, porque cuando mucho los de la Palanca ayudan a mudar las alhajas de una casa a otra, o llevan poco trecho la carga que pueden; pero estos indios, asi varones como mujeres, son continios [sic] en este trabajo y caminan de un golpe, cuatro y seis leguas con tres arrobas de peso o una botija de vino de dos arrobas, una olla llena de chicha o agua dentro; train [sic] una carga de lena, que no hay acemila que mas cargue. Y son inclinados a este trabajo y tienenlo por cosa natural . . . por el habito que tienen hecho en ello, desde que son de edad de cuatro anos, moderando la carga y trecho conforme a la tierna edad y asi, jamas andan los mochachos menos que cargados con sus comidillas y meriendas, asi en los pueblos como en las rozas y sementeras, adonde, en compania de los padres, trabajan con tanto animo, como que fueran de mucha edad (Atienza [1575?] 1931:113-114). 9 Los que caminan despacio, con sus mujeres ligitimas o adulterinas, nunca salen de su paso, ni doblan Jornada. Las mujeres son las que lo lastan y las pobres son las que lo trabajan, pues, demas de llevar sus hijuelos a cuestas, ponen sobre si una carga asaz pesada; consigo llevan la comida, no se les olvida la olla, ni dejan el calabazo para beber; finalmente, encima de sus desastrados hombros, llevan todo lo necesario a la botilleria, despensa y cocina, sin faltarles pieza conocida, y los maridos o amigos se van tirando varas todo el camino muy descansados, y al cabo de la Jornada, donde les toma la noche, alii asientan real, adonde estan aposentados con su pobreza y miseria. En lugar de yesca y pedernal, sacan dos palillos que llevan para el efecto, guardados de la humidad y de ellos sacan lumbre; en el interin, las pobres mujeres aderezan sus miserables comidas, con que recrean a los varones y descuidan y alivian su trabajo, consolandose con entender los tienen contentos por la mucha subjecion en que viven durante el tiempo que sobre ellas predominan; no van tan descuidadas ni holgando por el camino, que no se ocupen en mas que llevar su pesada carga, porque o bien hilan, o van tejiendo unos costales de red, que llaman gicaras, o mascan maiz para el vino que nan de beber aquel dia . . . Sus camas, asi de camino como de asiento, siempre son unas: gastan poco en cortinas y menos en colchones; tiendense en el suelo y cuando mucho ponen debajo una esterilla vieja, si la alcanzan y esta sirve de colchon; por sabana y frazadas, sus propio vestidos; por cabecera, una piedra o un pedazo de un banco (Atienza [1575?] 1931:49-50). 10 Como los indios que estaban en el Quito eran muy solicitados para que descubrieran los tesoros escondidos, dijeron que debia de estar parte de ello enterrado en Caxanbe [sic]; salio Belalcazar con la gente, por darles satisfaction y porque entendiesen no era menor su sentimiento de haberse hallado frustrados de la esperanza de los tesoros del Quito y llegando a un lugar llamado Quioche [sic], junto a Puritaco, no hallando en el hombre ninguno, sino mugeres y ninos, porque los hombres andaban en el ejercito enemigo, los mand6 matar a todos con motivo de que seria escarmiento para que los otros se volviesen a sus casas; flaca color para satisfacer la crueldad indigna de hombre castellano; hallaronse diez cantaros de fina plata, dos de oro de subida lei, cinco de barro esmaltado y entremetido en ellos algum metal, con gran perfection (Herrera [1601-1615] 1950:t.ll:35). 11 Este dicho valle y sus tierras antes que los espanoles entrasen en esta tierra fue del ynga e lo tenia e poseya por suyo sin aver en el yndios que fuesen 231

Notes to pp. 165-183

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15

16

naturales del mas de los que el dicho ynga truxo de otras partes y puso en estas dichas tierras como labradores para que se las beneficiasen e cultibasen e que al tiempo que los espanoles entraron en esta tierra y tomaron para si las tierras desde dicho valle rrepartiendoselas el adelantado don Sebastian de Benalcazar y el dicho Francisco Ruiz se hizieron encomiendas a los tales espanoles de los yndios que en ellas estavan puestos por el inga que son los que parescen tener titulo y encomiendas e que fuera destos todos los demas espanoles que tienen e an adquerido tierras y suertes dellas en dicho valle las an poblado de indios yanaconas forasteros (Navarro [1573] 1941:266). El servigio que solian hazer a los incas era de comunidad nacelle una chacara grande de maiz en sus tierras y que despues que la cojian le llevavan la mitad dello a la cjudad de Quito o donde se lo mandaban y la otra mitad le guardavan en sus tierras en lugares que tenian para ello y tambien le llevavan lena y ponian mitayos para el servicjo de la casa y gente que les hacjan alguna ropa de lana e que le davan indios para la guerra los que el inga enviaba a mandar que le enviasen y que repartian todo este servicio el cacique y los mayordomos de los ingas a cada casa conforme a la gente que en ella habia (M y SM 1559:f.856v). En cada repartimiento o provincia havian dos parcialidades: una que se dice de hanansaya, y otra de hurinsaya. Cada parcialidad tiene un cacique principal que manda a los prencipales e indios de su parcialidad, y no se entremete a mandar a los de la otra, excepto que el curaca de la parcialidad de hanansaya es principal de toda la provincia, y a quien el otro curaca de hurinsaya obedece en las cosas que dice el. Tiene el de hanansaya el mexor lugar de los asientos y en todo lo demas, que en esto guardan su orden. Los de la parcialidad de hanansaya se asientan a la mano derecha y los de hurinsaya a la mano izquierda, en sus asientos baxos que llaman duos, cada uno por su orden: los de hurinsaya a la izquierda tras su cacique principal, y los de hanansaya a la mano derecha, tras su curaca (Matienzo [1567] 1967:20). Ay otro muy mayor inconveniente y tienen mas arraygado en el corazon segund seria entendiendo [sic] por muestras alladas que es la muerte del Ynga de que vuestra real magestad esta ynformado de vuestro virrey don Francisco de Toledo que aunque el creyo cierto y que convenia assi a vuestro real servicio fuera de proposito sale al reves por que todos los yngas estan sentidos e ynquietos en el corazon y son muchos y todos los siguen y asi toman destos ocassion de ynquietar y desasosegar la tierra (CVG 3a ser. vol. 1:176). Como esta este testigo escribiendo los sucesos de la conquista de esta tierra y otras cosas tocantes a ella ha averiguado con mucho numero de indios viejos ancianos de ella que el dicho Don Marcos Suquillo padre del dicho Don Pedro de Zambiza y otros caciques naturales Quitos Pillajos y Collaguazos acudieron luego que llegaron a esta tierra el adelantado Don Sebastian de Benalcazar con gente que venia a conquistar esta tierra a dar la paz al dicho adelantado y que esto fue causa para que con mas suavidad se allanase esta dicha tierra y que por esta obediencia que habia dado el dicho Don Marcos Suquillo y los demas caciques un capitan de Atahualpa Inga llamado Ruminahui paso a cuchillo en la quebrada de San Antonio de Pomasqui mas de cuatro mil indios de los dichos Pillaxos Zambizas y Collaguazos de que hubo mucha diminucion de los dichos naturales (AGI/S Aud. Quito 26:f.93-94; see also Vargas 1974). Guanca Auqui . . . hizo la entrada en las Provincias de los Quixos, que caen a el oriente de la Ciudad de Quito, de la otra parte de la gran Cordillera, vertientes a el Mar de el Norte, y hauiendo sus Capitanes puesto a su ovedien232

Notes to pp. 183-202 cia las prouincias de Maspa, Tosta, Cozanga, y la Coca, y otras de sus arredores, se salieron a el Quito, cansados ya de veneer Naciones tan desaprovechados y pobres. Luego otro verano siguiente hizieron jornadas contra las Prouincias de los Yumbos; y auiendo vencido y sugetado, aquellas desnudas gentes, y conocido su pobreza y poco valor se boluieron a el Quito (Cabello [1586] 1951:437-438). 17 Dixo que save . . . por que este testigo fue a la dicha conquista de los dichos yunbos donde el dicho Hernando de la Parra yba donde prendieron a ciertos hijos de Atavalipa e pallas y otra mucha gente y anduvieron en seguimiento de los dichos capitanes de Atabalipa que se dezian Ruminavi e £ocogo Paucar e supo este testigo como se avia puesto fuego a este pueblo [i.e. Quito] por causa de tener entendido los indios que la buena gente andava en los Yunbos e que la flaca quedavan en este pueblo e despues vinieron este testigo e los demas a este pueblo y los dichos dos capitanes de Atabalipa se fueron y se hicieron fuerte el uno en los Quixos y el otro en Pillaro (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:23). 18 (Parra) fue a las provincias de Yumbo que es de parte muy montuosa e fragosa donde con grandes trabajos y trasnochadas predieron a ciertos hijos de Atavalipa e otra mucha gente y anduvieron en seguimiento de dos capitanes muy valerosos de Atavalipa que andavan con mucha gente los quales se dezian Ruminabi y Zocozo Paupar los quales entendido que de la mejor gente yba con el dicho capitan anduvieron en su seguimiento en los dichos yumbos fueron a la dicha sibdad y le pusieron fuego y estavan sobrella y luego como llegaron los que andavan en los yunbos los indios se desbarataron y los dichos capitanes con mucha gente se retiraron a las provincias de los Quixos (CVG l a ser. vol. 9:6). 7. Quito in comparative perspective 1 lo que sienbran e cogen en este dicho repartimiento e pueblos del es maiz e de media fanega o fanega que sienbran si es buen ano e no se yela se coge beinte e si no es buen ano o ay yelo se coge de bna medida diez e que en algunas partes no se coge tanto e que ansimismo sienbran e cogen en todos los demas pueblos de este repartimiento papas e oca e maxua e ollucos e quinua y en algunas partes frisoles e que desto no tienen quenta mas que se da razonablemente (M y R 1557:f.243v). 2 La provincia de Otavalo lo mas della es tierra templada; tocan los cuatro pueblos della algo mas en frio que en templado, y el uno, que es Inta, esta en montana y es calidisimo y humedo y enfermo. Los otros dos pueblos, llamados Urcoqui y Las Salinas es tierra templadisima y tocan algo en caliente, especialmente las Salinas . . . toda la tierra en general es fertil y abundosa asi de agua como de mantenimientos, que se coge en ella mucho trigo y maiz, papas, frisoles y altramuces y cebada y otros muchos generos de mantenimientos de que se sustentan estos indios; y es abundosisima de pastos, porque siempre en todo el ano en las punas o paramos hay mucha yerba (Paz Ponce [1582] 1965:234-235). 3 Alcangan tierra caliente tenplada ni fria en la qual se da algodon e coca e mayz e frizoles e trigo e otras muchas legumbres de que los naturales se sustentan granjean e benefician para sus rescates de que sacan sus tributos tiene algodon de que para su bestir ban a rescatarlo con las legunbres que ellos labran y benefician de lo qual demas de su vestir hazen ropa e venden de 233

Notes to pp. 202-210 donde an oro para sus tributos tienen sal en los terminos del dicho repartimimiento tienen donde criar ganados de todo genero de Castilla e de la tierra esta el dicho repartimiento a diez leguas e doze e quinze de la ziudad de Quito donde los naturales se aprovechan de vender abes e maiz e papas e otras legumbres que lleban por su rescate y en hazer casas y labrangas guardar ganados vender lena y yerba y estan en camino real ay entre estos naturales mercaderes cunbicamayos olleros e carpinteros e otros ofkiales . . . los quales por sus oficios e contratos e granjerias van a los pueblos comarcanos a sus granjerias e a vender sus mercaderias sal y coca e ropa e algodon de que son muy aprobechados (AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a:f.l69r-v). 4 Hay . . . un pueblo . . . donde los indios que estan en el cogen la tierra que esta como salitre y la cuecen en unas ollas y hacen della una sal muy ruin, y desta sal hacen much cantidad y con ella tienen grandisima contratacion los dichos indios naturales de aqual pueblo, que se la van a mercar de todos los pueblos desta comarca, y tambien vienen a mercalla los indios infieles que no estan conquistados y viven en tierras cerca destos pueblos deste corregimiento. Y hay en esta tierra muchos algodonales que siembran los dichos indios del pueblo de las salinas, y contratan el algodon (Paz Ponce de Leon [1582] 1965:239-240). 5 Los pastos . . . tienen de que sacalla (i.e. el oro y las mantas en que son tasados) assi en sus granjerias y mercados que hazen como porque van a las minas de los Abades y Yasqual y otras partes donde ay oro a buscallo y con esto rresgatan algodon de que hazen las mantas y este testigo ha visto entre los dichos yndios que tienen oro mantas y que todas las mugeres saben hilar y texer y que en sus mercados no les falta algodon por que a visto que se lo traen a los dichos mercados a vender en cantidad y este testigo lo ha visto . . . y sabe que hazen sementeras de mahiz y papas y lo venden y rescatan con ello y lo mesmo petates que los hazen en cantidad y los venden por oro y chaquira y en algunos pueblos hazen petacas y las venden y crian puercos (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.206v-207r). 6 Por el ano de 1563, parece que eran tres los centros principales de poblacion en la Doctrina de Tusa: el Pueblo Mayor, que debio ser el de San Sebastian de Canchahuano, el Pueblo Menor, que pudo hallarse localizado cerca de la actual ciudad de San Gabriel, y el pueblo de Cuasmal. El primero se hallaba governado por Don Cristobal Cuatin; el segundo por Don Hernando Paspuel; y el tercero por Juan Cuaya, apodado de Mindala, indio mercader de Huaca. Muy viejo y agrio debio ser el cacique del pueblo Menor y seguramente nada complaciente el respectivo encomendero, porque los indios de Paspuel se iban ausentando en varias direcciones, y asi dire de paso, que la fuga de los indigenas de Paspuel ha sido parte para que ahora conservemos nombres de pueblos y personas que sin esto habrian pasado al eterno olvido. El cacique Paspuel se quejaba al Gobernador de Quito, don Melchor Vasquez Davila, de la ausencia de sus indios y de las fechorias de Juan Cuaya, a cuyo proposito vamos a reproducir un fragmento de una de aquellas solicitudes: "Muy magco senor don hermando paspil principal del pueo de tuca. digo que un mindala del dicho pueo de tuca que se nonbra cuaya con fabor de don xpoval [Cuatin?] casique principal del dicho pueblo se a entremetido y entremete en mandar los yndios de mi senorio, que me dexo mi padre chavilla y para el dicho efeto les da y enbia muchos presentes de coca y chaquira y otras cosas, hasta tanto que los a traido ensi mucha cantidad de yndios de que yo rrecibo notorio dano y agravyo pido a vra. mrd mande al dicho cuaya 234

Notes to /?. 210 mindala so graves penas que no se entremeta en mandar los yndios de mi senorio ni me perturbe la subcesion dellos y ansimismo mande a los dichos yndios de mi senorio que me acuden e me acaten como a su principal y senor y me den los tributos que son obligados a dar y para que aya cumplimiento el mandado de vra merced cometa a hernando de paredes juez de comision de vra merced para que enbie al dho pueblo de tuca un alguazil yndio al dho efeto y les de a entender lo por vra mrd mandado sobre que pido justicia don hernando pas pil" Este asunto, iniciado ante el Gobernador Vasquez Davila fue continuado despues por el Licenciado Salazar de Villasante, que todavia se designaba "Oidor de la Real Audiencia de Lima." A punto de expedirse la sentencia, se presento Juan Cuaya contradiciendo la petition de Paspuel y pidiendo que se le declare principal del pueblo de Cuasmal, en donde tenia cuarenta indios que hacia mas de siete anos le habian obedecido, servido, y tributado, y que durante este tiempo habian pagado los tributos a Sancho Paz Ponce de Leon, su encomendero (en este tiempo no se hace cuenta sino de los indios tributarios; de manera que si multiplicasemos por el numero de tributarios, tendriamos aproximadamente que el total de personas que Cuaya habia traido de Cuasmal era 160). Agrega, ademas, que los indios que tenia a su cargo Hernando Paspuel no son los del pueblo de Cuasmal, sino los del pueblo llamado "El Menor." La Audiencia de Quito llego a sentenciar el pleito y, en deflnitiva rechazo las pretenciones de Cuaya, ordenando que los indios de Cuasmal se sujetasen a Paspuel, segun el auto que dicto el 29 de Julio de 1567. Apelado esta auto por Cuaya, se lo volvio a conflrmar en virtud de otro, fechado el 19 de agosto del mismo ano, siendo Presidente de la Real Audiencia de Quito el Licenciado Hernando de Santillan. En Tusa, el Corregidor Hernando de Paredes ejecuto la sentencia y ordeno que Paspuel declare con juramento los nombres de los indios que tenia Juan Cuaya Mindala, a presencia de los testigos Fray Andres G6mez y otro que no pude interpretar en el documento de que me ocupo. (Nota: talvez fue el nombre del p. Esteban Matoso, por dificultad de aceptar que existiese tal apellido). Paspuel solicito, a su vez, que Cuaya declare con juramento los nombres de los indios que debia entregarle. La parte pertinente de esta declaration dice asi: "E luego el dicho don juan cuaya (interrogado?) por el dicho senor corregidor declaro y manifesto ten(er?) yndios siguientes del dho don hernando paspuel primeramente izgas con su muger e un fijo e una fija quespaz con su muger e fijos yrtapaz con su muger candefe con su muger tolaquim soltero con su fera (sic) coctar con su muger . . . ba patan con su muger e . . . t . . . nemtar con su mu(ger) . . . coambued con su mug(er) chamba paz con su mug(er) quetamac con su mu(ger) guangavilca con su mu(ger) quezaca con su muger 235

Notes to pp. 210-212 churte quezaca con su muger e fij [s/c-FS] chulambaz con su muger e ft*jo chinguad con su muger e fijos chaguanbaz con su muger e fijos juan chaguam con su muger e fija acuepaz con su fermano yrtapaz soltero chavcal soltero tud guelan con su muger e fijo chutes viejo con su fijo e muger acar con su muger e fijo tad mal con su muger erchasuem con su muger tesamac con su muger cazbuepud con su muger efijas curvsnai con su muger e fij . . . . . . tasa con su muger e fij . . . (pa)quay con su muger . . . " Siguen mas o menos once renglones de nombres de los que han quedado solamente las ultimas letras. No dejare sin referir que, segun Cuaya, Paspuel tenia 90 indios en el Pueblo Menor, luego el numero de sus subordinados debio ser el de trescientos sesenta (Grijalva 1937:81-84). 7 Parece que en la doctrina de Chapacoto hay cantidad de hasta veinte indios casados tributarios, puestos por los caciques de los pueblos de Sicho, Latacunga, e Mulahalo e Puraes e Panzaleos, los cuales estan puestos por camayos (mayordomos o capataces- MJE) de sus caciques; e aunque tienen casas en el dicho pueblo e de ordinario asisten en el, no van aqui especificados porque . . . estos dichos camayos se asientan en las vesitas de sus pueblos (Cantos [1581] 1965:256). 8 Algunos yndios de los del dicho Pueblo de Ancuya hablan la lengua pasto y otros son abades y hablan la lengua aunque estan poblados juntos . . . tienen muy buenas tierras assi frias como calientes (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2: f.213r-214r). Ancuya . . . esta cerca de las mynas de los abades y tiene mas trato con los abades que con los pastos y que sabe que tiene tierra caliente donde se puede coger algodon y otras cosas de tierra caliente y tiene tambien tierras frias donde se coge mahiz y calientes para mahiz y mani y agi (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.210v-212v). Ancuya . . . es de pastos . . . han de entrar debaxo de la orden de los abades . . . preguntados sy los dicho yndios tienen todo lo que tienen tratan y contratan los yndios pastos y demas tienen mahiz de tierra caliente y algodon coca mani platanos y todas las otras cosas que tienen los de tierra caliente dixo que sabe que los dichos yndios tienen tierra caliente donde se puede dar todo lo contenido en esta pregunta pero no sabe si ellos lo tienen siembran ny se dan a ello y que quanto al trato y contrato no tienen lo que los pastos por no estar acostumbrados a tratar ny aver entre ellos myndalaes a lo que este testigo ha alcanzado como lo hazen los pastos y por esta causa este testigo ha dicho que podrian entrar mejor debajo de lo de los abades y porque muchos dellos son de la dicha nascion de abades (AGI/S Aud. Quito 60:2:f.210r). 236

Glossary

The glossary covers non-English terms which appear repeatedly through the text. Foreign words that occur only in single contexts are glossed parenthetically where they first occur. As in the text, Hispano-Quechuisms and other pseudo-ethnological words are signaled with quotation marks. The language to which each term belongs or from which it originates is given in parentheses. altiplano: high plain, intermontane plateau (Spanish) anan, anansaya (variants: hanan, hanansaya): "upper" moiety of Incatype dual organization (Quechua) arroba: weight of approximately 16.5 kilos (Spanish) Audiencia: governing body of the colonial Kingdom of Quito, consisting of a president and judges (oidores) (Spanish) aposento: lodging house (Spanish, usually applied to Inca structures) ayllu (variants: "haillo," "aillo," etc.): localized kindred or larger localized group self-defined in kinship idiom (Quechua) behetria: polity entitled to choose its own ruler, either freely or from among certain lineages, because it has no legitimate overlord (Spanish) boca de montaha: funnel-shaped valley opening downward from the interAndean corridor toward the eastern or western low-altitude rainforests (Spanish) Cabildo: city council of Spanish colonial city (Spanish) "cacique": ruler of a native polity (Hispanicized Arawakan) "cacicazgo": native polity having a single leader; hereditary office of such a leader (Hispanicized Arawakan) 237

Glossary Canari: linguistic and ethnic group native to southern highland Ecuador (Quechuized Canari?) cedula: decree of crown policy issued by a king of Spain (Spanish) Chachapoya (variant Chacha): ethnic (and linguistic?) group originating in eastern highlands and west Amazonian slopes of modern northern Peru (Quechuized non-Quechua?) chakira (variant "chaquira"): small beads of gold, shell, bone, or other material employed as wealth objects or special-purpose currency (Quechua?) ch'aski: post runner of the Inca empire (Quechua) corregidor: Spanish colonial administrator of a district (corregimiento) larger than the parish and smaller than the audiencia (q.v.) (Spanish) "cumbF see qumpi "curaca" see kuraka "curacazgo": hereditary office of a kuraka, especially in colonial context (Hispanicized Quechua) encomendero: holder of an encomienda (q.v.) (Spanish) encomienda: Spanish colonial title of trusteeship over native population, conferring privilege of collecting tribute and responsibility of converting natives to Catholicism (Spanish) fanega: dry measure variously estimated from 1.6 to 2.58 bushels or 58 to 91 liters (Spanish) forastero: native living as resident alien in a native polity other than that of his origin (Spanish) granjeria: transaction or exchange undertaken as a source of income rather than as a political or social duty (Spanish) kamayuj (plural kamayujkuna, variant "camayo"): person specializing in the production of a good, or exploitation of a resource, as delegate of a community, political authority, or religious cult (Quechua) k"ipu (variants "quipu," "quipo"): mnemonic record, usually numerical, made of knotted cords (Quechua) kuraka: native lord of a non-Inca polity (Quechua) 238

Glossary llajta (plural llajtakuna). politically defined native group sharing rights and duties in regard to a given set of resources, lands, and infrastructures, and having a member of its own number as ruler (Quechua) ladino: native person (Inca or aboriginal) well versed in Spanish language and culture (Spanish) mindald: specialized, politically sponsored and privileged long-distance trader (unidentified aboriginal language, possibly "Panzaleo") "w/to": Spanish colonial reworking of Incaic cyclical corvee, used to man mines, factories, and public works with teams of forced laborers at nominal wages (Hispanicized Quechua) mit'a: Incaic cyclical corvee, used to man armies, public works and infrastructures, and productive resources of the state (Quechua) mitmaj (plural mitmajkuna)\ transplanted person or population, especially if transplanted by the Inca state (Quechua) montaha: rainforest, especially that of the western and eastern foothills of the Andes. In sixteenth-century usage, any forested or overgrown area (Spanish) Otavalo: a corregimiento (q.v.) immediately north of the Quito district, housing a large native population often called "Cara" or "Caranqui" (unknown aboriginal language, possibly "Cara") pdramo: high-altitude humid grasslands characteristic of northern Andes (Spanish) parcialidad: localized native group recognizing a member of its own number as ruler and integrated as a sector in a larger polity (Spanish) Pasto: linguistic and ethnic group inhabiting the southern part of modern Narino Province, Colombia, and the neighboring part of northernmost Carchi Province, Ecuador (Pasto?) principal: native noble acting as leader of a parcialidad (q.v.) or sector and as subchief in relation to the ruler of the polity to which it belongs (Spanish) probanza de meritos: autobiographical deposition offered with testimony of witnesses, usually in support of petition for a crown pension (Spanish) pueblo: town or village, pueblo de naturales native town or village (Spanish) 239

Glossary pukara (variant "pucara"): pre-Hispanic fortress puna: dry high-altitude grasslands with frequent nocturnal freezes, characteristic of southern Andes (Quechua) Puruha: linguistic and ethnic group inhabiting modern Chimborazo province and neighboring terrain in highland Ecuador south of Quito (Puruha?) Q"apaq nan: central north-south highway of the Inca empire (Quechua) Quechua: the official language of the Inca state (Quechua) Quichua: Quechuan language spoken in Ecuador (Quichua) quinua: Chenopodium quinoa, a protein-rich high-altitude Andean crop (Hispanicized Quechua) qumpi: luxury quality fabric (Quechua) relaciones geogrdficas: geographical reports about Andean parishes and corregimientos sent to Spain in reply to crown questionnaires (Spanish) repartimiento: the set of politically defined collectivities and populations alloted to a Spaniard in encomienda (q.v.) (Spanish) rescate: barter (Spanish) residencia: exit hearings to which major crown officials were subjected before leaving office in order to detect and remedy abuses (Spanish) sigla: classification number in an archive (Spanish) "tambo": colonial road way station, patterned on Inca tampu (q.v.) (Hispanicized Quechua) tampu: road way station of Inca highway system, with provision for lodgers and llamas (Quechua) tasacion: document setting tribute quota to be paid by a given native population (Spanish) tawantin: fourfold, quadripartite (Quechua) Tawantinsuyu: Incaic name of the Inca empire (Quechua) "tianguez": native marketplace (Hispanicized Nahuatl) urin, urinsaya (variants hurin, hurinsaya): "lower" moiety in Incaic-type dual organization (Quechua) vara: staff of office used by colonial native magistrates (Spanish) 240

Glossary visita: detailed field study of native settlements made for the purpose of fixing tribute quotas (Spanish) waka: shrine, holy object, superhuman or sacred personage (Quechua) Wayakuntu: ethnic and possibly linguistic group resident in western Andes and Pacific watershed slopes of northern Peru (Quechua?) yana (plural yanakuna): servitor exclusively attached to a household or political authority, without normal local rights or duties (Quechua?) "yanacona": colonial servitor of a private person, treated as dependent and paid nominally (Hispanicized Quechua) Yumbo: member of an ethnic and perhaps linguistic group inhabiting the forested western slopes of the Andes near Quito (unknown non-Quechua language) yunga: hot land, subtropical land; dweller in such land (Quechua)

241

References

The following listing contains both the unpublished manuscript sources and the printed works consulted. They have been ordered and identified according to the following norms: Printed sources: Multiple works of a single author appear chronologically. Where the work is republished, the date used is that of the edition consulted, with the date of original publication in brackets. Unpublished sources: Manuscripts and unpublished facsimiles of manuscripts have been classified according to repository. Archives are identified with the following abbreviations: ACM/Q: AF/Q: AGI/S: AJ/Q: AM/Q: AMer/Q: ANH/Q:

APS/Q: CVG: 242

Archivo de la Curia Metropolitana, Quito Archivo del Convento de San Francisco, Quito Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla Archivo Jesuita, Quito (located at the Biblioteca Ecuatoriana Aureliano Espinosa Polit S.J., Cotocollao) Archivo Municipal, Quito Archivo del Convento de La Merced, Quito (Collection of AGI/S facsimiles) Archivo Nacional de la Historia, Quito (employing the following abbreviations for sections:) Fon Cor Sup: Fondos de la Corte Suprema de Justicia LAARH: Libro de Autos Acordados de la Real Hacienda LGT: Libro General del Tesorero SCC: Sentencias Criminales y Civiles Varios: Unclassified miscellaneous bundles Archivo de la Parroquia El Sagrario, Quito Coleccion Vacas Galindo (in Convento de Santo Domingo, Quito; AGI/S facsimiles)

References IOA/O: Instituto Otavaleno de Antropologia (incorporating former first and second notariats of Otavalo) RAH/M: Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid Within each archive heading, the materials are listed in the section or class of holdings to which they belong, alphabetically; and within each section or class, in numerical order of legajos (document bundles) or volumes according to the particular archive's system. In some archives, notably ANH/Q, where classification and cataloguing was far from complete at the time of research, the section listings may have changed. Where the document bears a title, whether the author's or written in by later functionaries, it is given. Where such a title is lacking, a description or title has been supplied in parentheses. Where two dates are given for a single unpublished manuscript, material of the bracketed earlier date has been transcribed in a document of the later. Some of the sources listed are not directly cited in the text. They were employed in heuristic or critical background studies of sources, or pertain to colonial aspects of people and places whose aboriginal facets have been treated here. ACM/Q Secci6n Parroquias Caja 1 1597 (Testamento de Beatriz Ango, viuda de Francisco Atagualpa, a favor de Don Carlos Ynga su nieto.) ACOSTA-SOLIS, Misael 1941 Anotaciones sobre la vegetaci6n del norte de Quito. Quito: Universidad Central del Ecuador. 1953 Las tierras aridas y xerofilicas de los valles del Chota y Guayllabamba. Quito: Editorial Ecuador. 1954 La forestacion artificial en el Ecuador central. Quito: Editorial Quito. 1962 Fitogeografia y vegetation de la Provincia de Pichincha. 1968 Divisiones fitogeograficas y formaciones geobotanicas del Ecuador. Quito: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana. 1969 La lucha contra la sequia y la erosion en la mitad del mundo. Sociedad Mejicana de Historia Natural, t.30. Mexico City. 1970 Geografia y ecologia de las tierras Aridas del Ecuador. Re vista Geografica 5. Quito. AF/Q Legajo 8 no.l:f.4r-v y 8r-llv 1560 (Tasacion de diversos pueblos de la limosna que deben dar a los franciscanos, dada por Francisco Falc6n en nombre del governador Gil Ramirez Davalos.) AF/Q Legajo 8 no.l:f.5r-8r 1559 (Tasacion de diversos pueblos de la limosna que deben dar a los franciscanos, dada por Francisco Falcon en nombre del governador Gil Ramirez Davalos.) AF/Q Legajo 8 no.l:f.82r-102r 1582? Padron de los yndios parroquianos desta yglesia de San Sebastian assi anaconas como tributarios y los demas que residen en esta parroquia. 243

References AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1578 (Cedula real dirigida a la Audiencia de Quito sobre restitution de tierras ilegalmente tomadas, Madrid, 10 noviembre 1578.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1580 (Carta mandada por la Audiencia de Quito a Su Majestad, tocante a recientes rebeliones en el oriente, firmada por Francisco de Hinojosa y Francisco de Auncibay.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1584 (La Audiencia de Quito presenta a Su Majestad recomendaciones para legislation protectora de naturales, firmadas por Pedro Venegas de Canaveral.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1590 (Carta del licenciado Alonso de las Cabezas Meneses a Su Majestad, 1 abril 1590.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1593 (Oficio mandado por la Audiencia de Quito a Su Majestad tocante a diversos asuntos del gobierno de Quito, 11 mayo 1593.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 8 1607 (Tasa y reglamentos de tributos de los naturales de Guanvia [i.e. Guambia], Xambalo, Socomito y siete comunidades mas de la jurisdiction de Popayan, dada por Don Diego de Armenteros y Henao, Oidor de la Audiencia de Quito.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 23 1562 [1543] (Confirmation del titulo de la encomienda de Calacali a Martin de Galarraga, dada por la Audiencia de Los Reyes, con tasacion.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 23 1587 (Probanza de meritos hecha por Pedro de Arevalo.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 25 1590 (Tiitulo de encomienda de Conocoto concedido a Diego de Arcos.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 25 1599 [1573] Los yndios de Pinta suplican se les confirme una prouision de la Audiencia de Quito de amparo de tierras y las que se le an quitado despues desta prouision se le buelben. AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 26 1600 (Probanza de meritos de Don Pedro de Zambiza, cacique de Zambiza y Alcalde Mayor de Naturales.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 27 s.f. (Carta del corregidor del distrito de las cinco leguas de Quito, Don Sancho Diaz de Urbano, a Su Majestad. c. 1600-1610.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 32 1633 (Probanza de meritos de Don Francisco Garcia Ati.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 56 1605-1606 Cuentas de tributos de varios pueblos presentadas por Hernando de Cevallos, vecino de Quito, ante Diego de Valverde teniente de corregidor.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 60:2 1570-1571 Tassacion de los tributos de los naturales de las ciudades de San Joan de Pasto y Almaguer de la governacion de Popayan hecha por el senor licenciado Garcia de Valverde oy de la Real Audiencia de San Francisco del Quito Ano de MDLXX y MDLXXI anos con las ordenancas y relacjones de la visita y otros autos a ello tocantes. 244

References AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 86.12 1612 Memorial a su magestad del padre Hernando de Villanueva vezino de San Francisco de Quito clerigo presbitero muy antigo [sic] criollo de las indias. AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 211 1612 (Cedula real dirigida al presidente Santillan de la Real Audiencia de Quito, fechada en El Pardo 30 enero 1612.) AGI/S Audiencia de Quito 211 II:f.l94r-195r. 1587 (Merced concedida a Don Antonio Silquigua y sus hermanos, hijos de Capac Yupanqui, para llevar espada y daga y ser exentos de tributos.) AGI/S Camara 912A 1572 Pieza 5a relacion sumaria de la que enbio el obispo de Quito al Consejo de las doctrinas, doctrineros de todo aquel obispado y de las prebendas de aquella iglesia y de las calidades de los prebendados a 15 de mayo 1572. AGI/S Camara 919A 1603 Traslado de la vissita original del repartimiento de Achambo, de la encomienda de Don Lorengo de £epeda ffecho por el capitan Joan de Munoa Ronquillo juez de comission y escrivano mayor de vissitas de la Real Audiencia de Quito . . . acabada a postrero de henero de 603 anos. AGI/S Camara 922A piezas 2a y 3a 1548-1583 Dona Leonor de Balenzuela mujer del capitan Rodrigo de Salazar con el fiscal y la comunidad de los indios del repartimiento de Otavalo. AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a:f.lr-116v 1577 Informacion fecha de oficio contra el capitan Rodrigo de Salazar en cuya encomienda esta el asiento e partido de Otavalo sobre los tratamientos de los yndios de la dicha encomienda e sobre las otras cosas en la dicha ynformacion contenidas (ante el senor licenciado Diego de Ortegon, visitador general). AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a:f.l51r-152v 1548 (Titulo de la encomienda de Otavalo y Collaguazos concedida a Rodrigo de Salazar por el presidente Pedro de la Gasca.) AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3af.l67v 1552 Tasa fecha por mandado de la real audiencia de Lima del repartimiento de Otavalo . . . por Pedro Moreno e Pero Munoz. AGI/S Camara 922A pieza 3a f.l69r-v 1562 (Tasacion del repartimiento de Otavalo por Gaspar de San Martin y Nuno de Valderrama.) AGI/S Justicia 671 f.9r-10v 1576 Autos seguidos en la Audiencia de Quito, a instancia de Juan de Padilla, y por muerte de este, don Francisco de Arellano, vecinos de Quito, contra Carlos de Salazar de la misma vecindad sobre la pertenencia del repartimiento de indios de Yumbos. AGI/S Justicia 683 1563-1565 (Residencias tomadas del licenciado Juan de Salazar Villasante por Alonso Manuel de Anaya, juez de comision, y el presidente Santillan.) AGI/S Justicia 683:f.795r-796v 1561 (Informacion hecha por el gobernador Melchor Vasquez Davila sobre abusos de la encomienda de los Yumbos por parte del Contador Francisco Ruiz. Testigos los caciques de Canzacoto.) AGI/S M y P Panama 363 1661? (Mapa originalmente incluido en) Don Fernando de Tera y Flores, 245

References vecino de la ciudad de Quito, sobre posesion y propiedad de las tierras y dehesas del valle de Hichubamba. AGI/S Patronato 93 R° 3 no. 9 1539 (Probanza de meritos de Diego de Sandoval hecha en Quito ante Hernando de Sarmiento teniente de gobernador.) AGI/S Patronato 112 R° 8:f.5v-45r 1564 (Probanza de meritos de Gines de Hernandez, vecino de Zamora de los Alcaldes, hecha ante los alcaldes ordinarios de la misma.) AGRO, Robert J. 1972 Algunas sugerencias ambientales determinantes que se relacionan con la geografia politica del Peru pre-incasico y del sur del Ecuador. Cuadernos de Historia y Arqueologia 39:186-209. Guayaquil. AGUILAR, Geronimo de 1965 [1582] Relation fecha por mi, Fray Geronimo de Aguilar, del Orden de Nuestra Seriora de las Mercedes, Retention de Cautivos, de la doctrina y pueblo de Caguasqui y Quilca, que dotrino y tengo a mi cargo, en cumplimiento de lo que por S.M. se me manda y en su nombre el muy illustre senor licenciado Francisco de Auncibay, oidor en la Real Audiencia de Quito. In Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, ed. t.2 pp.245-247. Biblioteca de Autores Espafioles, t.184. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas. AJ/Q 1623 (Visita hecha por Don Manuel Tello de Velasco de los indios Collaguazos.) ALBORNOZ, Cristobal de 1967 [158?] Instruction para descubrir todas las guacas del Piru y sus camayos y haziendas. Journal de la Societe des Americanistes 56(l):7-39. ALBORNOZ, Victor Manuel 1948 Cuenca: Monografia historica. Cuenca: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana, Niicleo de Azuay. ALCINA FRANCH, Jose 1974 El problema de las poblaciones negroides de Esmeraldas, Ecuador. Anuario de Estudios Americanos 21:33-46. AM/Q l r Libro de Censos 1584-1630 Censos en favor del cabildo ano de 1584 a 1630. AM/Q l r Libro de Censos f. 75v 1602 (Censo hecho por Francisco de Cevallos de doce caballerias de tierra) en los depositos del ynga dos leguas mas 14 aca de Mulahalo. AM/Q I1 Libro de Censos:f.85r 1604 (Censo hecho por Francisco de Arcos y Juan de Arcos de seis caballerias de tierra) tres leguas desta cuidad junto a los tambos antiguos de Oyunbicho y camino real. AM/Q lr Libro de Censos:f.l26r 1606 (Censo sobre una estancia en Anaquito.) AM/Q l r Libro de Censos:f.l75v 1612 (Donacion hecha por Madalena Ynguilla hija de Juan Gusman y Barbola Pasna, a favor de Maria Asango su tia, de cinco solares de tierra en Apianda.) AM/Q l r Libro de Censos:f.l56v 1619 (Donacion hecha por Elena nacaxa a favor de su hija Catalina y Juan Garcia Rengel, de tres caballerias de tierra en Uyumbicho.) 246

References AM/Q l r Libro de Censos:f.l69r 1621 (Donation por Don Sancho Collaguasso de tierras en el pueblo viejo de Hipia a su hija Magdalena.) AM/0 l r Libro de Censos:f.l56r 1619 (Donation hecha por Elena Nacasa a favor de su hija Catalina de dos pedazos de tierra en Tumbaco llamados Pingolqui.) AM/Q t.79A:f.34r ff. 1713 (Pleito de composition de tierras sobre terrenos en Guanguilqui.) AM/Q t.79A:f.211r-214r 1750 Don Joseph de Astorga jues comisionario de tierras y nombrado por el senor licenciado Don Diego Ballejos para la bista de ojos a las tierras denunciadas por Don Mathias Pasmino. AMer/Q 1.1:53-55 1578 Ordenanzas para los Yumbos. (AGI 126-3-13) AMer/Q t.l:64 1601 (Fragmento de informe sobre doctrinas mercedarias nuevamente establecidas en los Yumbos.) AMer/Q t.l3:104-116 1598? Relation que hace Hernan Gonzalez de Saa vecino de esta ciudad de Sant Francisco del Quito a vuestra altesa como persona que ha andado en la reduction de los naturales cayapas lachas y ambas [sic] chilangos altas malabas barbacoas y nurpes y bajado a la mar del sur por comision de esta real Audiencia y del Doctor Juan del Barrio de Sepulveda vuestro oidor . . . ANDRADE MARIN, Luciano 1931 Altitudes de la Republica del Ecuador. Quito: Ediciones Selectas. ANELLO OLIVA, Juan de 1953 [1628] La tradition del quipucamayo Catari. Carlos Vivanco, ed. Museo Historico 18:66-81. Quito. ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup no. 8 LAARH 1596:f.48v 1595 Libro de autos acordados de la real hacienda, 1595. ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup No. 8 LAARH 1596:f.52v 1596 (Auto acordado de la real hacienda sobre defensa de Cuenca y castigo a los Jivaros alzados, y que Juan de Alderete gobernador de Yaguarsongo vaya a pacificarlos.) ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup no. 8 LAARH 1597:f.65r 1597 Libro de autos acordados de la real hacienda, 1597. ANH/Q Fon Cor Sup no. 8 LAARH:f.64r-83r 1597-1599 (Autos acordados de la Real Hacienda sobre gastos de) Conversion de ynfieles. ANH/Q l a notaria t.l:f.20v-21r 1583 (Registro de una guaca por Juan de Texera clerigo.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.l:f.l33r 1583 (Venta hecha por Antonio L6pez de Herrera de dos solares de tierra en el Cerro de Guanacauri, a Diego indio natural de Quito.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.l:f.l37v 1587 (Registro de una guaca en el Cerro Yavira junto a San Sebastian por Alonso Redondo.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.l:f.397r-399r 1586 (Venta de un terreno en el cerro Guanacauri a Baltasar Guanacauri, natural de Quito.)

247

References ANH/O l a notaria t.l:f.564v 1587 (Poder otorgado por Alonso Yupangue, Diego Usca, y Francisco Atauquixi hijos de Sebastian Guana, a Rodrigo del Rio, para pleito con Diego Cuica y Pedro Hacho sobre un solar de tierra en Anaquito.) ANH/O l a notaria t.l:f.568r-v 1587 (Poder otorgado por Juan Yoplachacha natural de Quito de los mitimas a Rodrigo del Rio para pleito con Juan Bilca herrero y su cunado Diego, sobre tierras en Pisingalli.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.2:f.86r 1588 (Testamento de Juana india natural de los Quixos.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.2:f.324v-327v 1593 (Testamento de Catalina £isintulli natural de Latacunga casada con Pedro Guayacondo.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:f.l22r-123r 1595 (Donation hecha por Dona Juana Atabalipa, hija de Francisco Atahualpa, mujer de Domingo Munoz, a favor de Don Andres Collaguazo cacique de Cumbaya, de cuatro solares llamados Nubara.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:f.503v-507r 1596 (Testamento de Maria de Amores yndia natural de Quito, hija de Don Diego Tucunango y Joana Palla.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:f.663r-666v 1597 (Testamento de Dona Maria de la Barreda.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.3:f.649r-652v 1596 (Testamento de Antonio Fernandez portugues, mercader de ropa.) ANH/Q I2 notaria t.4:f.91r 1595 (Escriptura para Pedro Lopez Velasco y Benito Bermejo, con lista de valores de diversos productos textiles.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.4:f.24r-30v 1594 (Testamento de Ysabel de Baega viuda del capitan Bonifaz de Herrera, natural de Granada.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.5:f.548r-559r 1599 Quenta de lo tocante al corregimiento de Quito de las cjnco leguas questa a cargo de Alonso de Catena. ANH/Q l a notaria t.5:f.702v-704r 1599 (Obligation contraida por Don Andres Collaguazo cacique de Cumbaya a Gabriel de Migolla de 160 pesos.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.8:f.l49v-151v 1600 (Venta hecha por Don Cristobal y Don Francisco y Don Diego Collaguazo ladinos residentes en Quito, herederos de Dona Angelina Comensana muger que fue de Don Matheo Pangue, de una caballeria de tierra en Tumbaco, para beneficio de la capilla de Santa Catalina en el convento franciscano, cuyo patron es Francisco de Ulloa marido de Dona Mencia Atagualipa.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.8:f.l75v-176r 1600 (Registro de varias guacas en Conocoto, en el camino de Pinta, y en Pucara Pinta.) ANH/Q l a notaria t.8:f.512r-513v 1600 (Venta por Don Andres Collaguazo, cacique de Cumbaya, a Francisco Lopez, de terrenos en Tumbaco.) ANH/Q l a notaria t. sin numero, ano 1624:f.87r-89v 1624 (Testamento de Don Pedro de Zambiza.) 248

References ANH/Q 3a notaria juicios 1694 1694 [1565] Executoria e testimonies sobre las tierras de Uyumbicho de Don Salbador Portalansa. ANH/Q 4a notara juicios 1675:f.367v 1596 (Registro de una guaca por Diego Lopez de Quintana en el pucara de Pintag) que es como subimos desde el dicho pueblo hacia el paramo por el camino vie jo de los yngas. ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.l006r-1007r 1583 (Obligacion contraida por Agustin Nunez Pinelo vecino de Quito a Lorenzo de Escobar, mercader y vecino de Quito, por varias mercaderias.) ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.l034v-1035v 1583 (Concierto entre los capitanes Matias de Arenas y Andres Lopez de Baeza para emplear veinte indios buzos en sacar perlas en la costa de Puerto Vie jo.) ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.ll50v-1152v 1583 (Poder otorgado por Francisca Sanchez viuda de Pero Hernandez, tutora de Francisco Sanchez su hi jo, a Francisco Ponce, para cobrar tributos de Hatunquixo y Cosanga.) ANH/Q 5a notaria t.l:f.H95r-1196v 1583 (Concierto entre Matias de Arenas, Francisco Munoz, y Andres Perez para sacar perlas en la costa de Santa Elena y toda la costa hasta Puerto Vie jo.) ANH/Q 5a notaria t.3:f.220v-221v 1586-1609 Titulos de tierras (de) los yndios de la encomienda de Lazaro Fonte. ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:f.35r-36r 1587 (Venta hecha por Juan yndio natural de los Canaris a Hernando Perez indio de tierras riberinas del Rio Machangara.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:f.l46v-147v 1581 (Obligacion contraida por Don Hernando Guaraca, cacique principal del pueblo de Riobamba, a Antonio Clavijo, por ciertas mercaderias textiles.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.l:f.l59r-v 1581 (Venta hecha por Juan Pacuna [?]) platero y myndala yndio natural de Quito (de medio solar de tierra, a Ynes india natural de Panzaleo.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.2:f.571r-572r 1596 (Venta hecha por Miguel Maldonado indio natural de Cotocollao, a Alonso de la Torre, de tierras en Cotocollao lindantes con propiedad de Martyn Collaguazo.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.2:f.604r-605r 1596 (Poder otorgado por Juan Collaguazo, Francisco Monta, y Don Juan Challa en nombre de los demas indios de Pomasqui, a Diego Valverde para litigio de tierras.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.2:f.666v-668r 1596 (Donation hecha por Don Pedro Quingalunbo cacique principal y gobernador de Tumbaco, a favor de su hija Ysabel Villapana, de ciertos terrenos en Tumbaco, Guayllabamba, Niebli y Aloa.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.6r-v 1598 (Obligacion contraida por Lucia y Maria yndias naturales de Guanacauri naturales de Quito, a Juan Lezcano.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.93r-117r 1597 (Cuentas de tributos presentados por Beltran de Castro administrador de tributos.)

249

References ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.468v 1598 (Fianza dada a Don Sancho Collaguazo, preso, por su encomendero Garci Duque de Estrada.) ANH/Q 6a notaria t.5:f.925r 1598 (Poder otorgado por Juan Baptista, indio, por si y por Juan Zimbana y Luis Usina, y Martin Gualapilo y demas indios de Conocoto, a Pablo de Segura.) ANH/Q LGT 1597:f.64r-65r, 154r 1597 Libro general del tesorero. Cargo y datta de los yndios yanaconas y vagamundos. ANH/Q LGT 1597:f.l47r 1597 Libro general del tesorero. Datta de los Collaguazos anejos de Otavalo residentes en el valle y pueblo de Pomasqui. ANH/Q SCC 3r grupo no.8 1581 Residencia que por comision de esta real audiencia se a tornado a Bartolome de Santiago de Acurio juez de comision que fue de ella en el pueblo de Chinbo por Andres de la Pena corregidor del partido de Riobamba. ANH/Q SCC 7° grupo no.6 1577 Sentencia de Gaspar de Peralta fiscal de su magestad contra Don Francisco Collaguazo cacique del pueblo de Ypia sobre la muerte de Laguana yndio. ANH/Q SCC 8° grupo no.33 1561 (Sentencia criminal contra Pedro de Rivas.) ANH/Q SCC 11° grupo nos.13,34 1596 (Sentencia de pleito entre Don Pedro Quingalumbo cacique de Cumbaya y Don Andres Collaguazo, asimismo cacique de Cumbaya.) ANH/Q Varios 4° 1557 (Fragment of a typed transcript) tomada del libro de cedulas de 503 pagina 440. ANH/Q Varios 4° 1559 (Titulo dado a Bonifaz de Herrera vecino de Quito, por el gobernador Gil Ramirez Davalos en nombre del virrey Marques de Canete, de una estancia para sembrar y para ganados en Panzaleo.) ANH/Q Varios 4° 1586 (Fragmento de un libro de remates de tributos a la Real Corona 1582-1586.) ANH/Q Varios 8° LGT 1594:f.78r-v 1594 (Cargo de tributos de vagabundos y yanaconas, libro general del tesorero 1594.) ANONIMO 1868 [1605] Description de los pueblos de la jurisdiccion del corregimiento de la villa del Villar Don Pardo, en la provincia de los Purguayes. In Collection de documentos ineditos del Archivo de Indias. Luis Torres de Mendoza, ed. Ser. 1 t.9 pp. 452-488. Madrid. ANONIMO 1965 [1573] La cibdad de Sant Francisco del Quito. In Relaciones Geograflcas de Indias. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, ed. t.2 pp.205-232. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, t.184. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas. ANONIMO 1965 [1582] Relation de los indios que hay en la provincia de los Yumbos y pueblos que en ella hay. In Relaciones Geograflcas de Indias. Marcos 250

References Jimenez de la Espada, ed. t.2 pp.335-336. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, t.184. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas. (See also RAH/M.) ANONIMO 1965 [159?] Relation del distrito del cerro de Zaruma y distancias a la ciudad de Quito, Loja y Cuenca y indios de aquella provincia y repartimientos dellos y otras cosas de aquella provincia. In Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, ed. t.2 pp.315-320. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, t.184. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas. APS/Q LB 1° 1560-1569 Libro de bautismos de mestizos, montaneces, yndios, negros y mulatos. APS/Q LB 2do 1594-1605 Libro de bautismos de mestizos, montaneces, yndios, negros y mulatos. ARANIBAR, Carlos 1969-1970 Notas sobre la necropompa entre los Incas. Re vista del Museo Nacional 36:108-142. Lima. 1969 Imperio de los Incas o Tawantinsuyu. In Peru. Presidencia. Instituto Nacional de Planificacion. Asesoria Geografica. Atlas historico geografico y de paisajes peruanos. pp. 37-38. Lima. ARBOLEDA LLORENTE, Jose Maria 1948 El indio en la colonia. Estudio basado en documentos del Archivo Central del Cauca. Bogota: Prensas del Ministerio de Education (Departamento de Extension Cultural y Bellas Artes.) AREVALO, Pedro de 1949 [1600] Relation del capitan Pedro de Arevalo sobre la provincia de las Esmeraldas. Trata del viaje que hizo desde Quito a aquella provincia por orden del Oidor Juan del Barrio de Sepulveda . . . In Documentos para la historia de la Audiencia de Quito. Jose Rumazo Gonzalez, ed. t.4 pp. 15-37. Madrid: Afrodisio Aguado S.A. ARIAS DAVILA, Pedro 1965 [1582] Pacaibamba o Leoquina. In Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, ed. t.2 pp.278-281. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, t.184. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas. ARRIAGA, Jesus 1922 Apuntes de arqueologia canar. Cuenca. ATHENS, J. Stephen, and Alan J. OSBORN 1974 Investigaciones arqueologicas en la sierra norte del Ecuador. Dos estudios preliminares. Otavalo: Instituto Otavaleno de Antropologia. ATIENZA, Lope de 1931 [1575?] Compendio historial del estado de los indios del Peru. In La religion del imperio de los Incas. Apendices, vol.1. Jacinto Jijon y Caamano, ed. Quito: Escuela Tipografica Salesiana. AVILA, Francisco de (?) 1966 [1598?] Dioses y hombres de Huarochiri. Jose Maria Arguedas, translator; Pierre Duviols, ed. Lima: Museo Nacional de Historia (and) Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. BASILE, David Giovanni 1974 Tillers of the Andes. Farmers and Farming in the Quito Basin. Studies in Geography, no. 8. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Department of Geography. 251

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268

Index

Abades, 206-207, 212 Acosta-Solis, M., 35-42, 45-46, 62, 64 affinity, see marriage Africans, 17, 101, 212 agave, 40, 62, 63, 84, 105 age classes, 16, 17, 87 alpacas, see camelids Amaguana, see Anan Chillo Amaguana, A., 112, 131, 137 Amazonia, 41 highland contacts with, 34, 66, 91-92, 108-111, 125, 149, 183-184 see also Quijos Anan Chillo, 50, 54, 85, 106, 112, 131, 133, 137, 140, 170, 177 pro-Inca politics of, 151 Anello de Oliva, J., 13 Angamarca, see Sicchos Angamarca anthroponymy, 12, 15, 79, 128, 160, 162, 163, 168-169, 177 archaeology, 12, 108, 116, 138, 141, 142, 147, 148, 152, 172, 189, 190, 195, 204, 205 Atawalpa Inka, 105, 144, 150, 171, 181, 183 Atienza, L. de, 13, 76, 79, 85, 131-132, 153, 169, 173 Atun Sicho, see Sicchos Angamarca Auqui, see Topatauchi Inca, F., "el Auqui" ayllu (localized descent group), 14, 122, 134, 168-169, 172, 173, 193, 213 barter, see exchange: mechanisms of; market, native; trade baths, thermal, 52, 56, 61 bead wealth, 95, 96, 100, 124, 131, 207, 209, 210 bone or shell, 85, 91-92, 105 metallic, 91, 94 beans, 61, 72, 75, 202, 206 behetrias (societies lacking dynasties), 6, 42

269

Benalcazar, S., see Spanish conquest bocas de montana (valleys breaching cordilleras), 64-65, 151 Cabello de Balboa, M., 13, 14, 67, 68 cabuya, see agave Cachillacta, 67, 68, 69, 84, 107 "cacicazgo," see chiefdoms "cacique," see kuraka "camayo," see kamayuj camelids herding of, 24, 38 Inca-implanted herds of, 19, 55, 81-82, 86, 170, 190, 195, 217 as sacrifices, 126 and transport, 151, 153 see also clothing; meat; transport; wool camellones, see raised field agriculture Canari, 146, 151, 158, 160-161, 163, 165, 172, 189, 190, 191, 200, 207 Cansacoto, 16, 67, 69, 70, 85, 107, 108, 137, 155 Carneiro, R., 140 carpenters, 112, 162, 168, 199, 202 Catholicism, conversion to, see missionaries Caxamarca, D., 161-162, 168, 175 Cayambe, 104, 132, 161, 164 ceja de la montana (high-altitude rain forest), 38, 203 see also cloud forest Central America, 2, 138 ceremonies agricultural, 77-78 funeral, 79, 87, 93, 94, 126 house-building, 126 life-crisis, 78-79, 87, 88 see also relilgion Chacha (Chachapoya), 158-160, 194 chaquira, see bead wealth ch'aski (mail relay), see transport chenopodacea, 72, 73

Index Chibcha, 28, 123, 129 see also languages, aboriginal chicha, see maize: beer chiefdoms, 2, 10, 116-117 ideology of, 124-127 political organization of, 122-127, 138-139, 193, 201, 209, 209-211, 213-215 (see also kuraka: powers of; succession) revenues of, 127-131, 201 (see also tribute, aboriginal) scale of, 117-122, 193, 198, 204, (see also population) and social organization, 131-133 and state, 2, 117, 140-142, 163, 196, 199, 201 (see also Incas: influence on aboriginal society of) stratification in, 42, 43, 138-142 (see also stratification) "subandean," 27-28 supralocal integration of, 6, 42, 43, 70, 114, 134-138, 193, 216 Chillos Valley, 52-55, 112, 117, 135, 145, 148, 150, 162, 180-181 Chimbo, 112 Chimborazo, see Puruh6es Choc6, 104, 105 christianization, see missionaries chronicles, 4-5, 13 see also source criticism; sources Cieza de Le6n, P., 14, 21, 63, 66, 85, 87 circumscription, environmental, 140, 141 clothing, 70, 83-88, 99, 105, 124-125, 202, 203 as prestation, 87 sale of, 99, 110, 202, 207 as tribute, 69, 70, 91, 94, 131, 170, 208 cloud forest, 41,42, 69, 203 coca cultivation of, 18, 68, 89, 90, 202 as medication, 79 outliner plantings of, 10, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 211 redistribution of, 198 as sacrifice, 94, 126, 153 sale of, 99 as sumptuary good, 94, 96, 201, 210 transcordilleran traffic in, 105, 109, 198, 203, 206 Collaguazos, 166, 169, 182 Collin, D., 123, 124-125 Colombia, 27-28, 74, 104 "Colorado" Indians, see Ts&tchela commensality, 76, 81 commerce, see exchange: mindaldes; trade Condor, F., 132, 162 Cotocollao, 57, 61, 62, 107, 157, 160, 161, 167, 180

270

cotton clothing made from, 84-88, 95 cultivation of, 28, 68-69, 70, 110, 112, 171, 203 outlier plantings of, 112, 171, 196, 197, 198, 201 redistribution of, 198 sale of, 99, 100, 105, 110, 202, 207 transcordilleran traffic in, 83, 105, 106, 110, 196, 199-200, 203, 206, 212 as tribute, 69, 208 Cuaya Mindala, J., 104, 208-210 Cumbaya, 61, 157, 171, 179 Cumbaya flatlands, 59-61, 117, 135, 145, 148 "cumbi," see qompi "curacazgo," see chiefdoms; kuraka Cuzco, 13, 14, 84, 85, 86, 152, 171, 174, 175, 177, 180, 183, 185, 216 decimal ordering of population, 18-19, 191, 194, 217 deer, 82, 83, 194 deforestation, 35, 38, 39-40, 55, 65 demography, see population descent group, 84, 87 see also ayllu dogs, 82, 110 drunkenness, ritual, 76-78, 124-125 see also ceremonies El Quinche, 163, 182 El Ynga, 18, 46, 54, 55, 85, 106, 107, 122, 129, 130, 133, 140, 170 roads, 156 encomienda (trusteeship over natives), 15, 134-137, 152, 168 environmental limitation, 28-29 epidemics, see population Esmeraldas (Province), 34, 42, 91, 107, 212 ethnic markers, xiii, 87 ethnohistory, 2-9 and archaeology, 12 and ethnology, 3 exchange, 71, 106, 111, 134 mechanisms of, 5, 43, 114-115, 198, 200, 202, 217 specialists, 43 see also market, native; mindaldes; redistribution; trade extraterritoriality, 10, 43, 104, 163, 199, 211, 214 fiber, see agave; clothing; cotton; wool firewood, 39, 77, 92, 130, 202 fish, 10, 70, 81, 108 for asteros (resident aliens), 113-114, 167

Index forest, inter-Andean, 35, 39-40, 51, 55, 56, 59, 65, 112 see also carpenters; deforestation fortifications, see Incas, military infrastructure of Franciscan monastery (Quito), 99, 104 fruit, 40, 55, 61, 63, 69, 100 funerals, see ceremonies: funeral gold, 28, 70, 79, 85, 91, 93, 96, 99, 100, 101, 105, 131, 202 see also tribute, Spanish Goldman,!, 139 Gonzalez Suarez, F., 92, 143 gourds, 63, 76 Gualea, 67, 68, 84, 107 Guaman Poma de Ayala, F., 8, 16-17 Guayacondo, see Wayakuntu Guayaquil, 99, 151-152, 183 Guayllabamba, 48, 62-63, 157, 165 guinea pigs, 75-76, 82, 126 hatchets as wealth objects, 91, 92-93, 96 historiography, 3, 8-9, 20-21 see also source criticism household, aboriginal, 16 hunting, 38, 55, 59, 61, 69, 81, 95, 96, 130, 170, 194, 199 see also meat, deer, dogs Imbabura, see Otavalo Incas and Amazonia, 109, 149, 183, 184-185 chronology of presence of, 146, 187-192, 192 dynastic tradition of, 7 influence on aboriginal society of, 20, 84-87, 97, 125, 128, 134, 158-167, 167-172, 172-180, 185-186, 187-192,194, 198-202, 205, 215-218 (see also resistance, aboriginal) influence on colony of, 14, 135-137 lands of, 61, 195,201 military infrastructure of, 148-151 (see also warfare) mitmaj (transplanted populations) of, 146, 158-167, 194 (see also mitmaj) roads of, 151-158 and Yumbos, 177, 183-185, 198-199 see also Cuzco; tribute, Inca inheritance, 133 see also succession insects, edible, 73, 81, 100 intermediate societies, see chiefdoms irrigation, 24, 56, 59, 60, 63, 166 jewelry, 90, 91, 96, 99, 101, 105, 124 Jij6n y Caamano, J., 66, 103, 104

271

Jimenez de la Espada, M., 13, 48, 121, 188 "Jivaro," see Shuar kamayuj (delegated specialists), 43, 114-115, 137, 191, 198, 217 coca cultivators, 166, 191, 197, 199, 211 cotton cultivators, 112-113, 171 woodworkers, 112 kinship, see inheritance; marriage; succession k"ipu (knotted cord record), 16, 17, 110 kuraka (native lord), 14, 45, 116-138 households of, 127 insignia of, 124-125 powers of, 19, 124, 125, 127-134, 139, 201 residences of, 125-126, 169, 176-177 see also chiefdoms lakes, 57, 59, 61, 82 languages, aboriginal 14, 15, 103, 173 life-crisis rituals, see ceremonies: life-crisis llajta (aboriginal community), 45, 45-70 passim, 123 llamas, see camelids Machachi Valley, 56, 135 maize beer, 73, 75, 77-79, 81, 89, 105, 124 (see also drunkenness, ritual) cultivation of, 74-75 as offering, 79, 126 preservation of, 75 as prestation, 76, 77, 79, 80, 95, 129 processing and consumption of, 73-81, 79 production of, as tribute, 69, 80, 112, 123, 170, 195 productive zones for, 39, 51, 52, 63, 68, 69, 194, 202, 206, 212 redistribution of, 124-125, 129 sale of, 80, 100, 101,207 yield of, 54, 59, 61 manioc, 68, 206 market, native, 97-102, 106, 110, 114, 115, 138, 147, 207, 214 marriage, 94, 131-133, 137, 160, 214 see also hatchets as wealth objects; polygamy; women marshes, 56, 61 meat, 24, 83, 101, 105 see also deer; hunting; rabbits merchant Indians, see mindalaes Mesoamerica, 2 messianism, 110, 181 mindalaes (merchant Indians), 102-106 distribution of, 103, 193, 208, 212 etymology of the term, 102-103

Index mindaldes (cont.) and Incas, 168, 178, 189, 199, 200, 217 materials carried by, 105 operations of, 105, 153 in Otavalo area, 202, 204 in Pasto area, 207-211, 212 political status of, 102, 106, 114-115, 131, 135, 138, 141, 208-211, 214 see also exchange; trade missionaries, 15-16, 67, 114, 122 mit'a (cyclical Inca corv6e), 14, 131, 170, 178, 193, 195, 196 see also tribute, Inca mitmaj (transplanted population), 14, 18, 112, 128-129, 132-133, 190, 217 Canari, 158-159, 160-161 Chacha (Chachapoya), 158-60, 168, 169, 194 El Quinche colony of, 163-164, 165 multiple-origin groupings of, 163-167 Pomasqui colony of, 164-167 Urin Chillo colony of, 167 Uyumbicho colony of, 146, 160, 162, 163, 167 Wayakuntu, 161-163, 194 moieties, 174-178, 191, 216, 217 of llajta, 123 of Quito region, 18, 174-177 montana, see Amazonia; Yumbos Mulahalo, 154, 211 mullu, see bead wealth: bone or shell Murra, J.V., 6, 9, 13, 87, 143 native lord, see kuraka native magistracies, 161, 175 Niguas, 41, 65, 67, 68, 70, 103, 107, 117, 203 Nynaquiza, Domingo, 102, 161 obrajes (primitive factories), 85, 87 onomastics, see anthroponymy; toponymy orography, 29-30, 56-57 Otavalo, 46, 71, 104, 105, 125, 132, 138, 160, 171, 181, 189, 191, 200, 201-205 Panzaleo, 56, 112, 132, 150, 154-155, 160, 169, 179, 211 pdramo (moist highland environment), 36, 38, 56, 82, 123, 135 pdramo Andes, 24, 109 parcialidad, see sector Pasto, 104, 109, 115, 158, 171, 190, 204, 205-212 pastoralism, see camelids pende, see shamanism pepper, capsicum processing and consumption of, 73, 76, 82

272

productive zones for, 68, 88 redistribution of, 198 sale of, 99, 100 transcordilleran traffic in, 83, 88-89, 95, 105, 106, 196, 197, 198, 206, 212 Pifo, 60, 61, 164 Pillajos, 146, 182 Pimampiro, 90, 105, 189, 190, 204, 211 Pingolqui, 18, 54, 60, 107, 122, 129, 133, 137, 140, 170 Pizarro, see Spanish conquest political economy, 6 polygamy, 17, 129-130, 133, 193 Polynesia, 2, 138-139 Pomasqui, 57, 62, 161, 182 mitmaj colony at, 164-167 population, 117-122 of chiefdoms, 118-120 and epidemics, 117-118, 141, 154 estimates, 42-43, 51, 117-118, 146, 193, 208 pressure, 28, 42-43 Yumbos, 118, 121-122 potatoes, see tubers principal, see subchief Puembo, 54, 60, 61, 85, 113, 122, 134, 137, 140 pukara, see Incas: military infrastructure of puna Andes, 24 Puna Island, 91, 93 Puruhaes, 104, 134, 147, 173, 189, 190, 191, 192-201, 211, 216 pyramid mound, see tola Q"apaq nan (Inca arterial highway), see transport qompi (luxury textile), 84, 170, 202 quarters, see tawantin Quechua language, xv, 14, 162, 169, 173, 189, 205 Quichua, see Quechua language Quijos, 34, 66, 67, 90, 91-92, 108, 110, 125, 155, 156, 183 quinua, see chenopodacea Quito, region, defined, xiii-xiv Quito, urban, 57, 98-101, 114, 144-148, 156-157, 177, 180 Quito Plateau, 56-59 rabbits, 82, 83 raised field agriculture, 57, 74-75, 123 Ramirez Davalos, G., 14, 17, 169, 192, 201 rank, see stratification redistribution, 3, 95, 96, 115, 123, 125, 140, 141, 163, 201, 209-211 reduccidn, see resettlement, forced Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., 27-28, 45, 72

Index religion aboriginal, 77, 126, 151, 155, 173, 190 {see also ceremonies) Inca, 167, 191 resettlement, forced, xiv, 48, 122 resistance, aboriginal to Incas, 144-146, 164 to Spanish, 110, 149-150, 181-182, 204, 218 {see also Spanish, aboriginal alliances with) resistance, Inca, to Spanish 148, 150, 164, 181-186 rituals, see ceremonies roads, see transport Ruiz, Francisco, "el contador," 15, 17, 49, 85, 105, 117, 135-136 Ruminawi, 148, 150, 182, 184 Sahlins, M., 138, 140 Salazar Villasante, J. de, 14, 57, 82, 121, 178 salt consumption of, 76, 89 extraction and processing of, 204 productive zones for, 10, 69, 83, 88, 107, 197, 202, 205 redistribution of, 198 sale of, 99, 100, 203, 204 transcordilleran traffic in, 28, 83, 95, 105, 106, 107-108, 110, 196, 197, 201, 207 varieties of, 88, 107, 197, 207 San Sebastian (parish, Quito), 104, 167-169, 172 Santillan, F. de, 77, 102, 209 sector, 17, 123, 134, 193, 198 Service, E., 140 servitors, see yana shamanism, 109, 110-111 sheep, 85, 87 Shuar, 90, 110 Sicchos Angamarca, 104, 105, 108, 109, 112, 115, 138, 169, 211 silver, 79, 85, 90, 91, 99, 101, 105, 124, 162, 169 social control, see mitmaj source criticism, 2, 4, 13-20, 192-193 sources, 5 administrative, 5 archives, 11 primary, xiv, 10-12, 192-193, 205-206 secondary, 12 see also visitas Spanish, aboriginal alliances with, 161-162, 18M86 Spanish conquest, 1, 164, 181, 185, 195, 218 and origins of Spanish settlements, 148, 155

273

and primary sources, 4-5, 6 and toponymy 46, 48 and transport, 151, 195 and warfare with aborigines and Incas, 150, 181, 185 see also encomienda; missionaries; native magistracies; tribute, Spanish Spondylus, see bead wealth: bone or shell springs, thermal, see baths, thermal Steward, J., 45, 140 storage, 154, 170 stratification, 133, 138-142 insignia of, 76, 84, 87, 90, 94-95, 124-125, 126 see also chiefdoms: stratification in structuralism, 7 subchief, 17, 45, 122-123, 127, 129 succession, 19, 123, 133, 134 sun aboriginal worship of, 77, 125 Inca worship of, 80 surpluses, 28, 43, 72, 80, 207 swidden cultivation, 51, 93 "tambo," see tampu tampu (way stations), 151-158 tawantin (quadripartite) organization, 178-180, 217 textiles, see agave; clothing; cotton; wool throne stool, 76, 94 tianguez, see market, native tobacco, 79, 90, 94 tola (pyramid mound), 123 Tomavela, 107-108, 169, 197 Topatauchi Inca, F., "el Auqui," 105, 147, 168-169, 171, 172 toponymy, 12, 46, 60, 66, 178, 216 trade, 28, 97-102, 102-106, 106-108, 198, 206, 207, 211, 212 transport, 24, 151-158, 190 along highland corridor, 34, 147, 149, 214 ch'aski (mail relay), 152-153 transcordilleran, 32, 34, 64, 100, 105, 107, 108-111, 147, 214 tribute, aboriginal, 94, 130-131, 135, 137, 193, 201, 209, 213, 215 agricultural labor on maize as, 80, 130, 135, 195, 196 bead wealth as, 94, 105, 207 coca as, 94 gold as, 91, 94 herding as, 196 special categories of, 91, 94, 112, 113, 130, 135, 194, 208 textiles as, 87, 94, 196, 208 timber as, 126

Index tribute, Inca, 17, 169-172, 185, 191, 215 agricultural labor on maize as, 80, 170 firewood as, 170 herding as, 170, 195 hunting as, 170 textile labor as, 86, 130, 170 tribute, Spanish, 101, 121 bead wealth as, 207 gold as, 91, 100, 102, 193, 202, 203, 204 maize as, 69 special categories of, 102, 106 and tasacidn (tribute quota records), 12,17 textiles as, 70, 130, 203, 204 Troll, C , 22-27 Tsatchela, 42, 103, 109 tubers, 135 consumption of, 55, 72 processing and storage of, 24, 27 productive zones for, 24, 38, 55, 56, 59, 65, 194,206,207 sale of, 100 yield of, 61, 194 Tumbaco, 60, 90 Tumipampa (Tomebamba), 148 Tupaq Inka Yupanki, 63, 144, 145, 147, 151, 183 Uhle, M., 109, 148, 167 Urin Chillo, 18, 55, 85, 102, 106, 122, 125, 129, 131, 134, 137, 140, 170, 177 mitmaj colony in, 167 Uyumbicho, 15, 18, 48-51, 54, 55, 85, 112, 127, 131, 132, 133, 134, 140, 170 mitmaj colony in, 146, 160, 162, 163, 167 pro-Inca politics in, 150, 151 vegetables, 56, 63, 73 Velasco, J. de, 12 "vertical archipelago" model, 9-10, 97, 111, 123-124, 191, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 212, 215, 216, 217 vertical zonation of ecology, 35-42, 43 and aboriginal economy, 72, 95-96, 196, 202-204, 206

274

and aboriginal polities, 97, 114-115, 213-214 and Inca rule, 108, 112, 170, 171 visitas (administrative field studies), xv, 13, 16, 121 of Achambo in 1603, 163 of Collaguazos in 1623, 14 of Otavalo area in 1552, 201 of Otavalo area in 1645, 104 of Pasto area in 1570, 205-206 of Puruhaes in 1557, 192-193 of Quito area in 1559, 13-20 Wanka Awki (Guanca Auqui), 183, 189 warehousing, see storage warfare, 19, 28, 71, 117, 118, 128, 148-151, 170, 189, 204 Wayakuntu, 132, 161-163, 169 Wayna Q" apaq, 49, 59, 118, 145, 146, 147, 161, 165, 183, 189 weaving, see agave; clothing; cotton; wool wheat, 101 women, 76, 79, 84, 103, 106, 129-130, 154 see also polygamy woodwork, see carpenters wool, 84, 85, 87 see also camelids yana (servitors), 17, 104, 127-129, 130, 133, 167, 168-169, 170, 172, 177, 193, 199, 200 Yumbos, 16, 34, 41, 42, 55, 64, 65-71, 72, 78, 83, 87, 88, 89, 93, 99, 100, 106-108, 114, 117, 135-136, 137, 196, 198, 199, 203 Inca refuge zone among, 183-184 population figures for, 121-122 roads of, 147, 155, 157 yungas (hot lowlands), 109, 197 Zambiza, 62, 157, 167, 180 Zambiza, P., 175, 182 Zangolqui, J., 54, 104, 105, 128, 167, 178 Zumba, J.,49, 162

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