Matrilineal Kinship

MATRILINEAL KINSHIP Edited by DAVID M. SCHNEIDER and KATHLEEN GOUGH

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Price: $11.75

Matrilineal Kinship Edited by DAVID M. SCHNEIDER and KATHLEEN GOUGH

The structure of all societies is based, in some degree, an kinship. Matrilineal kinship is that form of kinship where membership in the descent unit is determined by consanguineol relationship through females. The father does not belong to the same descent unit as his wife and children, yet he is a member of the family group. His loyalties and interests are thus split between his own descent group, o decision-making body, and his family. Matrilineal descent therefore creates a recurrent set of structural problems which are different from those created by other forms of descent. MATRILINEAL KINSHIP deals with the structural and evolutionary problems of matriliny by means of a threefold approach: it analyzes the structure of particular matrilineal societies, examines their cultural ecology, and inquires into the implications of matrilineal descent for the evolution of kinship systems. After on introductory chapter, "The Distinctive Features of Matrilineal Descent Groups," the book is divided into three main ports. Port One provides well-rounded expositions of nine matrilineal systems: Plateau Tonga; Navaho; Trukese; Trobriond Islanders; Ashonti; Tiyyor, Moppillo, and Nayor of North Kerola; and Noyor of Central Keralo . Port Two discuHes the variation among these and six additional moCcpy

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David M. Schneider and Kathleen Gough

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley a..d Lo1 A11gele1, 1961

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University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California Uni\•ersity of California Press, Ltd. London, England

© 1961 by The Regents of the University of California

First Paperback Edition, 1973 California Library Reprint Series Edition, 1974 ISBN: 0-520-02529-6 (paper-bound) 0-520-02587-3 ( clotb-boWld) Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 61-7523 Printed in the United States of America

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To Audrey I. Richards

PREFACE

This book has grown out of a Social Science Research Council Summer Seminar which met at Harvard University in 1954. It appears just one hundred years after the publication of J. J. Bachofen's Das Mutterrecht ( 1861), which first posed matrilineal descent as a problem. That the two publications are not quite of the same order goes without saying, but the period between them bas certain continuities. Bachofen argued that human society began in a state of "primitive promiscuity," in which there was really no social organization and no regulation of behavior, sexual or othem'ise. Matriliny, the second stage of cultural evolution, Bachofen argued, was associated with the invention of agriculture by women. In this stage women ruled the household and tlle state, and passed their names and property to their children. Essential to the matrilineal stage was a set of religious beliefs which centered, naturally enough, on an Earth Goddess. Indeed, the political structure and descent rule, according to Bachofen, merely reflected the cult of a female deity and depended directly on the religious mentality of women. Only late in the evolution of culture was this system thought to have given way to a patrilineal and patriarchal one. Other nineteenth-century writers, notably McLennan, Tylor, and Morgan, agreed on the priority of matriliny over patriliny. They disagreed, however, as to the nature of matriliny, how it arose and how it finally yielded to patrilineal descent. The nineteenth-century theorists wanted, on the whole, to establish general laws of cultural development, not merely particular historical sequences. In attempting to formulate such general laws they looked to the systematic interconnections among institutions within a particular culture and tried to explain them on a variety of grounds: in terms of other institutions, historically antecedent conditions, psychological states, or the biological nature of man. Yet despite their great intellectual gifts their theories were at best open to serious doubt. Quite apart from the question of the legitimacy of their problem or the general nature of their explanatory framework, one shoal on which there was much foundering was that of the empirical referents for the

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concepts and categories of comparative analysis. Was "matriarchy" a single, indivisible entity and if so had it ever existed? Was "matriliny" the same as "tracing relationship through the mother"? Was "residence with the family of the bride" the "natural concomitant" of matriliny? Was the avunculate an integral part of "the matrilineal complex" and hence invariably a survival of a prior matrilineal state wherever it occurred? What was "matriarchy" and how did it work? What was "the avunculate" and how did it work? Whatever the merits of the early theorists, and they were many and cannot be overlooked, they posed a succession of problems of this sort which the era of modem intensive field work has done much to unravel. Thus Bachofen's contention that matri.liny (descent through women) and matriarchy (rule by women) were but two aspects of the same institution was accepted only briefty. For as evidence was sought in terms of which his contention could be evaluated it became clear that the generalized authority of women over men, imagined by Bachofen, was never observed in known matrilineal societies, but only recorded in legends and myths. Thus the whole notion of matriarchy fell rapidly into disuse in anthropological work. Similarly, descent groups formed in terms of the matrilineal principle were confused at first by a kind of semantically inevitable error, with "tracing relationship through the mother"; ink pots spilled over in the heated effort to disentangle these two notions and their correlates. Morgan ( 1877) was particularly important in clarifying this problem. It was first suggested that matrilineal descent groups were an inevitable concomitant of this mode of tracing relationship and, indeed, matrilineal descent was defined in those terms. But it soon became evident that most societies were observed to relate members to both the kinsmen of the father and the ki.nsmen of the mother but that only some of these had organized descent groups as distinct from categories of kin. Hence descent had to be treated separately from the manner of tracing relationship and came to refer only to the form of social grouping, while the mode of tracing relationship was no longer expected necessarily to yield descent groups. A closely related difficulty was the early suggestion that the true matriarchal or matrilineal complex did not include the husband or father and therefore ·could not include a discernible nuclear family as a social group. This followed from the idea that in true matriliny "kinship was traced only through the mother" and therefore there could be no social father. This view was consistent with the prevalent assumption of a stage of primitive promiscuity as the state prior to

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matriliny, for if promiscuity did settle down to orderly relationship it must first have settled in terms of mother-child relationships; only later, when paternity could be demonstrated, could the father-husband be brought into this unit. A further source of confusion which not only exacerbated this problem but cre.ated confusions of its own was the identification of kinship relationships with biological relationships. Kinship was held to be essentially the social recognition of biological facts : that is, that the social relationship of mother and child was essentially the social aspect of their biological relationship; that the social relationship of father and child was the social aspect of their biological relationship. So, the argument ran, until biological paternity could be established- at least on probabilistic grounds-there was no basis for the idea of social paternity. A m-other had to be able to locate the biological father of her child befo~e be could become the social father of her child. It followed therefore that descent groups were biological as well as social groups. It took the clear statement of such assumptions, and the heated controversies of tl1e time often forced their clear statement, to generate the kind of empirical research which alone could cast light on them. By now we know that though descent groups may be established in terms of matrilineal principles this does not mean that relationships cannot be or are not traced through the father as well as the mother, for the establishment of a descent group is something quite different from tho principle in terms of which relationships among its members are traced. Social paternity need llOt be and often is not identical with biological paternity, nor is a descent group necessarily composed of biologically related members. The essential clarification which has occuned consists in the recognition that real biological relationships are distinct from and need not necessarily conelate with the social designation of a kinship relationship; in the distinction between a mode of tracing a kinship relationship and the formation of social groups of kinsmen. Yet another difficulty which required clarification was the notion of residence, but this problem is even now far from clear. When matriliny and matriarchy were identined with each other as an indivisible unit it was difficult to see residence as anything but matrilocal. If women indeed had the power over men that was postulated, how could a man take a woman away from he.r group? For a time "matrilocal marriage" was used almost interchangeably with matriliny. In separating the variables of descent and residence, however, the precise referent for the notion of residence was left very uncertain. Tylor ( 1889), for

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instance, spoke of residence with the "family" or at the "home'" of. N. W. Thomas (1906), who introduced the terms "matrilocal" and "patrilocal," did so specifically in terms of their parallel to the terms "matrilineal" and "patrilineal" but, except for acknowledging that they were not entirely satisfactory, left the matter as it was. Rivers in 1914 still used the bride and groom as the points of reference and continued, as had Tylor, to refer only vaguely to "the wife's people" as the place where the groom lived in matrilocal residence. In 1936 Firth first used the term uxorilocal, and in 1947 Adam suggested the paired terms virilocal and uxorilocal on the ground that "matri-" and "patri-" referred to "mother" and "father" respectively, while the concern was not with them but with the husband and wife, for whom the roots "viri-" and "uxori-" were more appropriate. But in 1949 Murdock specifically stipulated the parents of the couple as the deSning criterion, matrilocal residence being dellned as residence with the bride's mother, patrilocal as residence with the groom's father. In 1957, however, he altered these dellnitions so that matrilocal residence meant that the couple lived with the bride's matrilineal kinsmen; patrilocal residence meant that the couple lived with the groom's patrilineal kinsmen. In 1953 Hogbin and Wedgwood added community to the referents of residence and proposed a whole new set of terms. With these uncertainties in the dellnitions of what appear to be crucial terms the possibility of the husband and wife living with the husband's matrilineal relatives was only appreciated slowly. Despite the fact that excellent accounts of this form of residence were available for some time it was not until 1938 that Kroeber coined the term "avunculocal," using the ,groom's mother's brother as the point of reference for the residence of the couple. Nor did this form of residence appear as a feature of historical reconstruction or evolutionary theory in any signillcant role before then. Perhaps the major dilliculty in seeing avunculocal residence as anything but anomalous was in part a consequence of the semanttic confusion generated by the term "patrilocal; since in both cases the couple did indeed live with the "groom's family" or "people." At t.h e same time the urgent insistence on the association of matrilineality and matrilocality as the only "natural concomitants" simply left no room for avunculocality. As late as 1914 Rivers maintained this position, saying, "Mother-right in its typical form is associated with a mode of marriage most suitably called 'matrilocal' in which the husband Bves with his wife's people" (Rivers, 1914b: 851). Equally important was the almost unalterable conviction in the face

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of readily available evidence to the contrary that residence meant CO· residence, and the possibility of a married couple living apart was not dignified as a form of residence at all. Murdock in 1949 did not recognize it formally, though in 1957 he used the term "duolocal" for it. The evidence that this form of residence occurred among the Nayar, Ashanti, and the Ga of West Africa was available in the literature for many years. One direct consequence of the seminar's concern \vith this problem was Goodenough's paper "Residence Rules," published in 1956. In attempting to organize the material on Truk, Schneider raised the ques· tion of the apparent discrepancy between Fischer's and Goodenough's residence data, and this particular problem was settled in Goodenough's paper by what appears to be a considerable advance in clarify· ing some of the problems of residence. The early twentieth century saw a widespread revolt not only against tl1e particular theories of the nineteenth, but against cultural evolution in general. In America, Boas and his students turned to highly spe· cilic historical reconstructions. They eschewed all theories of general development on principle. In Britain, by the 1920's, Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown, though holding very different assumptions from each other, condemned wholesale as "conjectural history" both the general evolutionary tl1eories and the specific historical reconstructions of pre· vious anthropologists. Both turned instead to analysis of the functional connections between contemporaneous institutions of a society. They emphasized that even if one could discover the historical origins of any particular institution, such knowledge would not explain why it per· sisted in its current setting today. Radcliffe-Brown, in particular, showed that many of the customs which the evolutionists had seen as survivals (such as certain patterns of ki.nship terms), when carefully investi· gated, made better sense in their present, real context than in any hypothetical previous one. Where customs were found whose existence could not be readily "explained" in terms of their relations with other institutions of tho contemporary society- such as, for example, rules of descent themselves-these tended to be brushed aside as fundamentally inexplicable "historical accidents." In modem social anthropology, therefore, matrilineal kinship systems came to be stuilied merely as particular examples of functionally in· tegrated social structures, or else within the context of wider theoretical interests, rather than as the foci of special problems. Malinowski's monumental study of the Trobriand Islands in 1914-1918 concerned a matrilineal people, but be directed his attention to a general under·

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standing of the interrelatedness of institutions, and used the matrilineal character of Trobriand society only incidentally to counter some gen· era! theories of psychoanalysis. Similarly Radcliffe-Brown, in 1924, used the specific theme of .avuncular relations among the patrilineal Tonga and in various matrilineal societies in the general cause of his war on survivals a.nd conjectural history. And although he contrasted patri· lineal and matrilineal .systems in his 1935 paper, his focus seemed to be on unilineal systems in general and he did not devote detailed attention to matrilineal systems as such. Nevertheless, it is the work of these writers and their students which today offers the most fruitful insights into the special characteristics and problems of matrilineal descent. Malinowski's ethnography provided the 6rst full-dress description of a matrilineal system in operation. Even today his are some of the clearest statements on the general position of the male in matrltineal societies, his equJvoc.al relationship to his wife and children, the special importance of his relationship with his sister and sister's husb and, and the conflict between a man's loyalties to his natal and his conjugal kin. Radcliffe-Brown, with a different theo· retical orientation and a clearly structural view, also influenced most of the succeeding work on the structure of unilineal systems. The con· cepts of these two writers concerning matriliny have since been espe· cially valuably documented and extended in the lleld studies of Fortune, Richards, Eggan, Fortes, and, more recently, Mitchell, Colson, and Turner. British social anthropology has so far tended to be distinguished by depth of analysis of particular societies and by discussions of general concepts, rather than. by extensive cross- .M. SCHNEIDER

1

Part On e

Nim Matrilineal Kinship Systems Introduction to Part One l. Plateau Tonga F1 JZ4BE1B COLSON

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2. Navaho DAVID F. ADERLE

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3. Truk DAVID M . SCHNEIDER

4. Trobriand CEOACE H. FATHAIJEII

234

5. Ashanti HARRY W. BAs£HAlrT

270

6. Nayar: Central Kerala XA'nD...EEK COUCH

.298

7. Nayar: North Kerala l F. A.BEIIL£

655

Bibliography

731

Index

757

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Bibliography Preface

Adam, L. 1947. Virilocal and uxorilocal. American Anthropologist, 49: 678. Colson, E. 1958. Marriage and the Family among the Plateau Tonga. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

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Murdock, G. P. 1949. Social Structure. New York: The Macmillan Company. RadcliiJe-Brown, A. R. 1924. The mother's brother in South Africa. South African Journal of Science, 21: 542-555. Richards, A. I. 1934. Mother-right among the Central Bantu. In: Essays Presented to C. G. Seligman, ed. by E. E. Evans-Pritchard et a/. London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, Ltd. Pp. 267- 280. 1950. Some types of family structure amongst the Central Bantu. In: African Systems of Kinship and Marriage, cd. by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and C. D. Forde. London: Oxford Unisity Press. Pp. 207-251. Schneider, D. M. ]953. A note on bridewealth and the stability of marriage. Man, no. 75, pp. 55-57. Plateau Tonga

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Aberle, David F., and Orner C. Stewart 1957. Navaho and Ute peyotism: a chronological and distributional study. University of Colorado Studies, Series in Anthropology no. 6. Boulder: University of Colorado Press. Adair, John 1944. The Navafo and Pueblo Silversmiths. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Bailey, Flora L. 1950. Some sex beliefs and practices in a Navaho community, with comparative material from other Navaho areas. Reports of the Ramah Project, no. 2. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, vol. 40, no. 2. Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum. Bellah, Robert N. 1952. Apache Kinship Systems. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Bourke, John G. 1890. Notes upon the gentile organization of the Apaches of Arizona. Journal of American Folklore, 3: 111-126. Carr, Malcolm, Katherine Spencer, and Doriane Woolley 1939. Navaho clans and marriage at Pueblo Alto. American Anthropologist, 41: 245-257. Collier, Malcolm Carr 1946. Leadership at Navaho Mountain and Klagetoh. American Anthropologist, 48: 137- 138. 1951. Local organization among the Navaho. (Unpublished MS.) Curtis, Edward S. 1907. The North American Indian. VoL 1. The Apaches. The

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Henry, William E. 1947. The Thematic Apperception Technique in the study of culture-personality relations. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 35: 3-135. Hill, W. W. 1936. Navaho warfare. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, 5. 1938. The agricultural and hunting methods of the Navaho Indians. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, 18. 1040a. Some Nnvnho oulturo ohnngos during two centuries (with a translation of the early eighteenth-century Rahal manuscript). Essays in historical anthropology of North America published in honor of John R. Swanton. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collectioru, 100: 395-416. 1940b. Some aspects of Navaho political structure. Plateau, 13: 23-28.

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Hoijer, Harry 1938. The Southern Athapaskan languages. American Anthropologist, 40: 7'iH>7. 1956. The chronology of the Athapaskan languages. International Journal of American Linguistics, 22: 219-232. Jones, Paul 1950. DFA's notes of various discussions with this Navaho, formerly of Naschitti, long resident at Pinon, former interpreter, District Superintendent, and now ( 1958) Chairman of the Navajo Tribal Council. Kaut, Charles R. 1957. The Western Apache clan system: its origins and development. University of New Mexico Publications in Anthropology, no. 9. Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press. Kimball, Solon T. 1950. Future problems in Navajo administration. Human Organization, 9: 21-24.

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~lain­

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on

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,.·

.

Copyrighted material

Index

f

Copyrighted material

Index Affines: in Asbanti, ~ hypotheses oonceming relatlonshlps ·between, 602--$13; among Mapplllas, 434; among Navaho, 160-164; among Nayars, 361. 402-100: nmong Plateau Tonga, 88-89; In relntion to matrilineal descent groups, !J!; among Tiyyars, 410; among Trobriand Is-

landers, 256; among "Trukese, 2.30. Alternate generations: among Ndembu, ~ among Plntcnu Toot•· 538:

social equation of, ~ 01~02· among Yao, sal! Asbanti, 446, 450: allines, 293; authority in lineages of, 284, S05-l>OO; clans, 282·

cross-cousin

maniage,

~;

lJ!keenamong Nayan, 352-353, 379; sister and brother, 597-600; In T10brland

islands, 249

Bemba, 44~. ~ ecology, 524; kinship relations Ips, 580; matrilineal descent groups, 533, !534 ~ political 9; Naya