Last Rites for the Tipu Maya: Genetic Structuring Colonial Cemetary

Last Rites for the Tipu Maya

Last Rites for the Tipu Maya Genetic Structuring in a Colonial Cemetery

k e i t h p. j a c o b i

t h e u n i v e r s i t y of a l a b a m a pr e s s Tuscaloosa and London

Copyright © 2000 The University of Alabama Press Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0380 All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

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06 05 04 03 02 01 00

Typeface: AGaramond ∞ The paper on which this book is printed meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Science–Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jacobi, Keith P. Last Rites for the Tipu Maya : genetic structuring in a colonial cemetery / Keith P. Jacobi. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8173-1025-8 1. Mayas—Anthropometry—Belize—Tipu. 2. Dental anthropology—Belize—Tipu. 3. Mayas—Funeral customs and rites—Belize—Tipu. 4. Tipu (Belize)—Population. I. Title. F1435.3.A56 J33 2000 972.82′5—dc21 00-008417 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data available

Contents

Figures and Tables

vii

Acknowledgments

xi

Introduction: Ticks on the Hands of the Tipu Maya

1

1

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

5

2

European Catholic and Spanish Catholic Burial Practices

3

The Catholic and Maya Worlds Collide

4

Dental Genetics and Non-Metric and Metric Traits

5

From Skeletal Dancers to Regimented Corpses of the Catholic Way 77

6

Open the Church and See All the People

7

Life and Death at Tipu

8

The Last Will and Testament of the Tipu Maya

36 59

85

99 183

APPENDIX ES A

Maxillary and Mandibular Non-Metric Trait Descriptions 191

B

List of Rare Traits and Possible Tipu-Speci¤c Variants and Anomalies 201

C

Tipu Dental Notes

D

Morphological Variations of Permanent Teeth

E

Morphological Variations of Permanent Teeth by Sex

F

Morphological Variations of Permanent Teeth by Location 297

203 211 237

25

vi

G

Contents

Tooth Wear Assessment References Cited Index

379

343

337

Figures and Tables

FIGURES 1.1

Chapels and churches of the Yucatán including Tipu, Belize 7

1.2

Ramada chapel at Tipu, Belize

1.3

Tipu church with burials

7.1

Breakdown of Tipu burials by location

7.2

Distribution of Tipu burials by sex and location

7.3

Odontome on maxillary premolar

7.4

Variations in labial groove trait

7.5

De®ecting wrinkle and sixth cusp

7.6

Palatal canine

7.7

Enamel pearls on maxillary molars

7.8

Three-rooted mandibular ¤rst molars

7.9

Adult female with maxillary canine and lateral peg incisor in rotated positions 169

14

15 101 105

117 117 119

121 122 122

7.10

Two Tipu females who appear to be holding hands

169

7.11

Tipu female buried with a censer

C.1

Four-rooted deciduous maxillary second molar

C.2

Four-rooted deciduous molar in occlusal view showing expanded protocone 207

C.3

Twinned maxillary right deciduous canine with additional buccal cusp and radical 208

172 206

viii

C.4

Figures and Tables

Maxillary left ¤rst molar with three cuspules between paracone and protocone 209

TABLES 1.1

Category designations of churches in colonial Yucatán

9

1.2

Estimated population of Tipu, 1618–1697

3.1

Spanish missions of Florida

4.1

Dental traits identi¤ed by Dahlberg

4.2

Dental traits from Hanihara

4.3

Dental traits and features from Turner

6.1

Burials by location

6.2

Skeletal indicators used to estimate age at death for Tipu and number of individuals available for each indicator 89

6.3

Tipu population by age

7.1

Fluoride means

7.2

Fluoride dating of selected Tipu burials

7.3

Tooth inventory—maxilla

7.4

Tooth inventory—mandible

7.5

Permanent maxillary non-metric trait frequencies

7.6

Permanent mandibular non-metric trait frequencies

7.7

Permanent maxillary non-metric trait frequencies separated by sex 124

7.8

Permanent mandibular non-metric trait frequencies separated by sex 129

7.9

Permanent maxillary non-metric trait frequencies separated by burial location 138

16

52 71

72 73

87

90

103 104

108 109 111 114

7.10

Permanent mandibular non-metric trait frequencies separated by burial location 143

7.11

Metrics of maxillary dentition: Tipu adults

154

Figures and Tables

ix

7.12

Metrics of mandibular dentition: Tipu adults

155

7.13

Metrics of maxillary dentition: Tipu males

7.14

Metrics of mandibular dentition: Tipu males

157

7.15

Metrics of maxillary dentition: Tipu females

158

7.16

Metrics of mandibular dentition: Tipu females

159

7.17

Metrics of maxillary dentition: Tipu juveniles

160

7.18

Metrics of mandibular dentition: Tipu juveniles

7.19

Tooth class correlations

7.20

Left and right dentition comparison

7.21

Discriminant function analysis of Tipu burials by burial location 164

7.22

Discriminant function analysis of Tipu burials by sex

7.23

Discriminant function analysis of Tipu burials by sex and burial location 166

7.24

Standardized mean measure of divergence of Maya samples

7.25

Standardized mean measure of divergence of Maya samples including Chichén Itzá 181

7.26

Standardized mean measure of divergence for Tipu burial locations 182

156

161

162 163

165

179

Acknowledgments

When one undertakes a project as massive as this one has been, one relies on the advice and assistance of many friends and colleagues. First, I am indebted to Della Collins Cook for introducing me to the idea of working on the Tipu remains and for connecting me with Mark Cohen. Without her this project would never have been undertaken. Della Cook’s extensive knowledge of dental anthropology fostered in me a critical eye for viewing the Tipu remains. Mark Cohen gave me free rein while I visited Plattsburgh for data collection. I thank him for giving me the opportunity to use the collection and I thank him for his friendship. Paul Jamison and Robert Meier provided me with both expert data management and statistical advice. They provided numerous constructive comments about earlier versions of this work. Geoffrey Conrad and Anton Neff also provided helpful and pertinent suggestions. I bene¤ted greatly from the comments and directions of Mary Lucas Powell and Rebecca Storey on later versions of the manuscript. Their suggestions made this a markedly better book. Marie Danforth provided the sounding board for numerous good and bad ideas. Her knowledge of the Maya was a good resource that I was glad I could bene¤t from. Last-minute calls by me to her about Maya speci¤cs were answered and dispatched with ease. Kathryn Propst and Ed Furia provided invaluable computer assistance. Carl Armstrong and Sharon Bennett were important individuals in my access to and understanding of the ins and outs of the Tipu Maya skeletal collection. Their familiarity with the collection made the job of data collection easier and their good natures made the days of analysis a fun time. Carl Armstrong’s uncanny intimate recollection of speci¤cs of certain burials was a godsend when I was checking details at the eleventh hour. The excavation and analysis of the Tipu material is supported by grants BNS 83-03693 and BNS 85-06785 from the National Science Foundation. I would like to thank the government of Belize and the Maya people of Belize for access to research the skeletal collection. I hope this adds something to their history. I want to thank Mark Cohen for use of certain photographs and ¤gures included in this work. Bruce Hardy provided photographic assistance. Betsy Jones did map artwork.

xii

Acknowledgments

Last, I think of those who come ¤rst in my life. This work is dedicated to my family, beginning with my father, who listens to classical lyrics and melodies because that is what he is interested in and who might or might not see the music and lyrics in this work. He often remarks to me while shaking his head, “A child who used to hold his breath while passing a graveyard ends up doing a book on a graveyard.” It is dedicated to my mom, who along with my grandmother and my brother Wyn sloshed through fossil pits and climbed dinosaur-bone-laden hills to let me pursue my interest in “old bones” when I was a child. Thanks for pushing the interest then. My mom also with love read this thing with the eye of a copy editor and the interest of one who wants to learn more about the Maya or archaeology in general. Thanks for the interest now. Finally, this book is dedicated to those who matter most, my immediate family. My wife, Lori, remains my closest friend. Without her this work would not have been completed. Her readings of countless drafts, her encouragement, love, and understanding made the work less tedious, and that allowed for the excitement of archaeology and bioanthropology to remain in me. To my children, Samantha and Gillian, you always came ¤rst regardless of the amount of work. You two are my music and lyrics.

Last Rites for the Tipu Maya

introduction Ticks on the Hands of the Tipu Maya To Dream About . . . Ticks on your hands . . . Means That . . . Death is coming soon (refers to earth on your hands in the cemetery). Steggerda 1941:59 The Maya hesitate to establish a new cemetery plot, for such ground will demand a greater proportion of dead than an old cemetery would. Steggerda 1941:63

Teeth are not everlasting, but they come close. Admittedly, they are destructible, but they present an exceptional challenge to the natural elements to break them down. It is because of enamel, the hardest substance in the human body, that teeth linger when their owners have become memories on the landscape. It is often a tooth that remains as the last tangible evidence of a living creature. Thus it is this remaining vestige that interests scientists doing human osteology or, more speci¤cally, dental anthropology. To these researchers, teeth can narrate a tale about an individual or group of individuals. This narrative reveals information about biological health, diet, cosmetic alteration, trauma, and the genetic structure of an individual or a population. This genetic structure also provides a basis for examining an individual’s relationship to others in a population. Although teeth speak of many things, this study will focus on data gathered about the dental genetic composition of an archaeologically derived Maya population from historic times and subsequently use the teeth to investigate associations or relationships within that group. This study is an analysis investigating both the morphological and metric variations of the teeth. The Maya population of this study lived at the site of Tipu, Belize. Archaeological excavations conducted there revealed Spanish in®uences: a town, a ramada chapel called a colonial visita mission, and a chapel cemetery (Cohen et al. 1989; Cohen et al. 1994:122). As early as a.d. 1544, the Spanish managed to bring the Tipu area into the outer sphere of their southern in®uence. At this time, these European outsiders made architectural modi¤cations to various existing structures within the Maya community. Although the Spanish political in®uence was minimal, Christianity was a more visible presence. By a.d. 1567–1568, Tipu had taken on the design of a small Spanish

2

Introduction

town with a central plaza surrounded by a chapel and other buildings in the colonial style (Graham et al. 1989). Spanish interest in Tipu remained strong until a.d. 1707; in that year, the Spanish set their sights on other areas of conquest. Excavations within and around the colonial visita mission uncovered the remains of approximately 600 individuals. The primary use of these burial areas was between a.d. 1568 and a.d. 1638, this latter year marking the Maya’s rebellion against the Spanish (Cohen et al. 1989; Graham et al. 1989; Jones 1989). Individuals interred within the Tipu chapel and adjoining area proved to be exclusively Maya, and they constitute the largest number of Maya burials from contact times that have been excavated in a single cemetery. The Tipu chapel and its burials provide a unique opportunity to investigate the interrelationships of an interesting ®ock of parishioners. Here at Tipu two cultures met: the Maya with a long-standing collection of their own religious beliefs, and the Spanish with an agenda of religious subjugation, leading ultimately to the prospect of political control. The ¤rst Spanish emissaries were friars of the Catholic Church. They found themselves few in number in the remote hinterlands of contact while the Maya were present in what must have seemed a multitude. However, these friars would have regarded the conversion of the Tipu Maya as the challenge that God had given them. It was a challenge that they would undertake with zeal to ensure that the Maya worshipped the Spaniards’ God according to the traditions of the Spanish Catholic Church. With the intent of being closer to God and spreading His word, the friars devoted themselves to their work. How would the Maya respond? Do the Tipu chapel and the individuals buried there give evidence that the friars met some of their goals of conversion, including in®uencing burial practices? Do the burials exhibit the pattern of possible Spanish in®uence found at historic churches at Lamanai in what is now modern Belize, or at Tancah, another Yucatán settlement in the state of Quintana Roo? Miller and Farriss (1979) describe the Tancah site as having burials within the church and its surroundings. Also at Tancah there is the possibility of sex segregation in burial placement, a practice that adheres to the Spanish custom of segregation in worship. Does this take place at Tipu, too? Or does the Tipuan mortuary record re®ect what Douglass (1969) found in a Spanish Basque village? There, parishioners were buried in sepulturies, which are burial plots in the church ®oor designated for speci¤c landholders. Finally, does the Tipu burial program merely show the Maya adaptation of the visiting friars’ presence rather than an espousal of portions of their Catholic theology? Did the Maya simply continue their precolonial practice of burying their dead below household ®oors and temples, but with use of this new location beneath the Catholic church? In addition to consideration of various questions such as these, the Tipuan mortuary record was examined for evidence of migrant population

Ticks on the Hands of the Tipu Maya

3

groupings, familial and temporal units, and Spanish individuals, including friars. The detective work involved in the analysis of human remains takes an investigative approach. Non-metric and metric skeletal traits derived from the skull and axial and appendicular skeleton are often used in the study of human morphological variation (e.g., Buikstra 1976; Droessler 1981; Conner 1984, 1990; Hauser and De Stefano 1989). The traits are used to investigate relationships between or among population groups. Teeth are analyzed for morphometric information as well. Previous investigations recorded dental non-metric and metric characteristics of populations from large geographic areas (Dahlberg 1951; Moorrees 1957; Turner 1985; Kieser 1990:127–61). Populations have also been subdivided into single geographic areas and/or regional populations in studies such as Lukacs and Hemphill’s (1991) temporal investigation of Baluchistan or Harris and Bailit’s (1987) work on populations in the Solomon Islands and Oceania. Barksdale (1972) and Boyd (1972) chose to do morphometric analysis on an even narrower subdivision when they investigated the different village populations included in the Kainanut language family of people in the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea (Littlewood 1972). The dental genetic structure of a population can be subdivided further to focus on the extended family or immediate family (Harris and Weeks 1973). This particular study looks at the geographical/regional, temporal, and family in®uences on the Tipuan genetic structure. The teeth recovered from Tipu have weathered well and show minimal amounts of dental wear. Therefore, the traits selected for examination provide an accurate record of morphological variation and genetic relationships at Tipu. Each tooth yields a number of dental features and measurements that help to distinguish genetic variation in the Tipu population. The data from the colonial Maya teeth at Tipu are analyzed to create a complex of Maya dental traits indicative of that population, to search for family groups within the cemetery, to assess the degree of Spanish admixture at Tipu, to compare the similarities and/or differences of individuals within the Tipu cemetery, and ¤nally to compare the similarities and/or differences of the Tipu Maya from other prehistoric, historic, and modern Maya groups. In addition, the analysis examines several archaeological and ethnohistorical theories about Tipu life at the time of contact, traditional Spanish Catholic burial practices at Tipu, and in®uxes of Maya refugees to Tipu. Chapter 1 brie®y recounts the missionary efforts of the Spanish friars among the Maya in the Yucatán, proselytizing that laid a foundation for Spanish colonization, and describes the Spanish Catholic chapels and churches built in the Yucatán. The archaeological investigations at Tipu and at Lamanai, another important mission site, are summarized. The chapter concludes with an analysis of ethnohistorical accounts of the Catholic friars’ arrival at Tipu and subsequent events of importance.

4

Introduction

Chapter 2 opens with a presentation of the prevalent beliefs about death and burial imparted by the Spanish friars to the Tipu Maya. The chapter also examines the evolution of these European burial practices, with speci¤c examples of early European Catholic burial grounds. Chapter 3 describes the Maya views of death prior to Spanish contact, archaeological information about early Maya burials, and the superimposing of Catholic beliefs on the Maya. The chapter concludes with information from archaeological sites other than Tipu to illustrate the general Spanish Catholic in®uence on burial customs in the New World. A review of the literature of dental genetics, non-metric and metric traits, and the genetics of tooth development is found in chapter 4. In addition, the chapter includes a review of studies that use metric and non-metric skeletal and dental traits to examine variation within and between population groups, and examines the concordance between non-metric and metric traits. Chapter 5 offers a review of previous Maya osteology and dental research. Predicted patterns are discussed in light of what is known about Maya and Spanish Catholic mortuary programs at a church cemetery. Predictions are made about the genetics of the Tipu church population and the relationship of this population to other Maya historic as well as prehistoric populations. Chapter 6 focuses on the materials and methods involved in the study of the teeth of the individuals at Tipu. Techniques for evaluating, scoring, and statistically analyzing the traits on the teeth are reported. Finally, the results and conclusions derived from the analysis of the dental remains at Tipu are provided in chapters 7 and 8. The history of the Maya and their relationship with the Spanish will never be known for certain because nothing short of a time machine for being there can give us knowledge of the actual facts and events. Yet one must keep in mind the positive views of noted historian Henri Frankfort (1974:25), who advocated a multiplicity of approaches in the search for a key to the past. The investigation of dental traits certainly is an important approach. Along the same line, Thomas (1989) and Graham (1990, 1991) propose multivariate approaches to provide openings that eventually converge to either a single exit of historical truth or multiple understandings and overlays of history; the latter admittedly may often be perplexing, but nevertheless represents a step forward in the progression toward historical fact.

1

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

Any Catholic priest entrusted with the “care of souls” has the duty to keep watch over the faith and morals of those in his charge. The Spanish missionaries, with the full support of the Crown, interpreted this duty broadly as a mandate to supervise every aspect of the Indians’ lives from birth to death and to modify them when necessary in accordance with the church’s teachings. Included within their purview were such obvious matters as attendance at mass and catechism classes, as well as many matters not so obvious. They concerned themselves with standards of dress and cleanliness, curing of the sick, patterns of residence, design of houses, inheritance of property, choice of marriage partners, and travel away from home—to give only a partial idea of the clergy’s agenda. Farriss 1984:91–92 . . . it is necessary for preachers and confessors, who are the true physicians of souls in spiritual sicknesses, to gain a knowledge of spiritual maladies and the medicines they require. The preacher must know the vices of the country to exercise his zeal there, and the confessor must be no less conversant with those vices, to the end that he may make them the basis of his questions and understand what his penitents are accusing themselves of in their confessions. Ministers engaged in conversion should not limit themselves to saying that the Indians have no sins other than drunkenness, thievery, and carnal excesses, for there are grave faults among them which insistently call for remedy. The sins of idolatry, the rites of a paganism, the auguries and superstitions connected with it, have not completely disappeared. In order to preach against such practices and learn whether they still exist, one must know how the natives used them in the time of their idolatry, for unless we have acquired knowledge [of these practices], we allow them to commit many idolatrous acts in our presence without our being aware of them, and a few of us try to excuse them by saying that these are only childish, foolish, and nonsensical things. In fact, they are ignorant of the true source of such acts, and, whether it is a matter of idolatry or not, the confessors never call their penitents to account. They know nothing of the language necessary for an investigation, and besides they would not understand the explanations. Sahagún 1880:5–6, in Ricard 1966:40

6

Chapter One

The Spanish encountered Maya who in their eyes had “grave faults . . . which insistently call for remedy” (Sahagún 1880:5–6, in Ricard 1966:40). This chapter takes a look at the modus operandi of the Spanish invaders and how the Catholic friars “entrusted with the ‘care of souls’” furthered the conquerors’ goals (Farriss 1984:91–92). The text also describes the four types of churches and chapels established by the friars in the New World and compares the tenure of the missions at Tipu and Lamanai. Last, it examines the archaeological site at Tipu and gives a historical survey of that settlement. The Itzá expeditions that in®uenced the population of the Tipu cemetery are included in this account. FRIARS’ FIRST CONTACT W ITH THE M AYA During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Spanish occupation forces had strict control over some regions in Mesoamerica while other regions were merely in®uenced by the Spanish, never coming under direct political control. Tipu, Belize (Figure 1.1), was one of these latter areas, under the umbrella but not the ruling thumb. It was a Maya settlement in the western part of what is now known as Belize, situated on the Belize River, which itself served as a geographical marker delimiting the southernmost boundary of Catholic Christianity. Tipu was one of the Christian outposts or visitas, so named because individuals of the Franciscan Order “visited” them to convert indigenous inhabitants or to collect contributions ( Jones 1989). These friars were “circuit-riding priests” who served the chapel at Tipu (Cohen et al. 1994:121). The Tipu visita was within the parish or curato of Salamanca de Bacalar, as described in the Guillen de las Casas Memoria of a.d. 1582 (Scholes et al. 1938:51–65). More than 175 miles of water route separated Tipu from Salamanca de Bacalar in Quintana Roo, a Spanish stronghold conquered in a.d. 1543 (Scholes and Thompson 1977:44; Jones and Kautz 1981:9). Friars who wanted to visit the Tipu settlement had to survive an arduous journey through an alien subtropical world. The rivers were ¤lled with rapids, and the terrain presented a cathedral of green whose heights housed black howler monkeys (Alouatta pigra), anteaters (Cyclopes didactylus), hundreds of orchids, and more than 500 species of birds. The friars were in the domain of the puma (Felis concolor), ocelot (Felis pardalis), and jaguar (Panthera onca), as well as nine species of poisonous snakes, including the lethal yellow-jawed tommy goff, also known as the fer-de-lance or terciopelo. And always, along with giant cockroaches and armies of ants, there were the invisible gnats and the mosquitos that gorged on every available neck and ear, often transmitting tropical fevers (Anderson 1983; Nowak and Paradiso 1983; Pariser 1992). Thus, for much of the time before a.d. 1650, the Maya settlement of Tipu remained a torture to visit (Scholes and Thompson 1977:48).

Figure 1.1. Chapels and churches of the Yucatán including Tipu, Belize.

Chapter One

8

In 1582, the Tipu visita was one of 22 such missions administered by the cura of Bacalar, a parish priest. It was one of approximately nine religious outposts south of the mouth of the Rio Hondo. These missions proved to be “weak centers of Spanish in®uence in a vast sea of rebellious local and refugee Yucatec Mayas” ( Jones 1982:282). DEV ELOPMENT OF MISSIONS IN THE Y UC ATÁN A ND BELIZE Works by Jones (1989) and Andrews (1991) on the ethnohistory of early colonial Yucatán and Belize give a picture of Maya life during the colonial period and a description of the chapels and churches built in the Maya territory. These chapels and churches are listed in Table 1.1, and their locations are derived from maps by Andrews (1991) and Richard and Rosalind Perry (1988). Spanish missionary activity began in a.d. 1544 when eight Franciscan friars arrived to start their work in the Yucatán. For monks they established monasteries (called convents at that time) in Campeche, Mérida, and Maní during the years a.d. 1545 through 1547. Then, for the next 30 years, the friars ventured into the hinterlands to establish mission communities at Valladolid, Izamal, Calkiní, Tizimín, Tekax Dzidzantún, Motul, Conkal, Homún, Hunucmá, Hocabá, Oxkutzcab, Sotuta, Tekantó, Chancenote, and Ichmul (Andrews 1991:357). By a.d. 1580 they had traveled even farther into the rural areas of the peninsula and beyond. Their journeys took them across the Yucatán where they made contacts with Maya in areas of what are now southern Campeche, Quintana Roo, and Belize. At these communities they built churches with thatched roofs, private chapels for the friars, and, at times, in¤rmaries (Andrews 1991:357). Although the friars were spreading the word of God, they were actually pawns in a secular Spanish chess game. The conquerors’ game plan was to restructure the way the Maya lived, to shape them to the Spanish mold. The friars aided in this goal by reaching remote areas where they erected churches, proselytized, and convinced the Maya to relocate around the churches. Towns based on a Spanish format soon sprang up around the churches, becoming magnets for outlying Maya. This scheme worked well in the northern and western areas of the Yucatán; however, it was not as successful in the eastern region of the peninsula and to the south in what is now Belize. These latter areas were dotted with missions, but because they were so inaccessible, friars rarely visited them. Only a few of the missions were fortunate enough to have resident friars. Spanish military personnel who reinforced the church’s hold on the indigenous population also were limited in their travel to these eastern and southern areas. Thus, without a strong Catholic superstructure, the Maya found it easier to maintain their own traditions. These fringe areas on the edge of Spanish Catholic in®uence became the refuge for discontented Maya

Chapter One

10

who ®ed the heavy Spanish control of the northern Yucatán and the areas to the west ( Jones 1989; Andrews 1991). CL ASSIFIC ATION OF CHURCH TY PES Although far-removed from and vastly unlike the formidable and elegant structures of Spain, the small churches and chapels erected in the Yucatán peninsula and Belize served the Spanish purposes. They became the nuclei for Spanish-style settlements, the heart of Spanish indoctrination. These small structures and the theology within often managed to banish Maya idols and replace them with the cross; to touch Maya tongues and make them speak a foreign language; to superimpose a new social structure that pivoted around Catholic religion and ritual; and to beckon the dying Maya to sleep within the Catholic embrace rather than beneath the heathen temple and homes. Humble in appearance, these early churches towered in in®uence. Both Maya labor and the stone from Maya temples were used in the construction of these early churches (Andrews 1991). Just what did these simple structures look like? Andrews (1991) describes four styles (Table 1.1 and Figure 1.1): the ramada chapel, the open ramada church, the enclosed ramada church, and the undetermined ramada church. The open ramada church was the most prevalent of these; the edi¤ce of worship at Tipu, however, was a ramada chapel. Andrews (1991) describes the ramada chapel as basically a rectangular building, simple in design. No structural distinction existed between the nave where the congregation gathered and the chancel with altar where the friar performed services. Laborers used stone or a mortar material called mamposteria to construct the walls. For the roof, they used thatch. The chapel walls at Tipu did not extend all the way to the roof, though in other chapels they may have. The open space between the top of the wall and the thatched roof allowed air to circulate in the muggy climate. This type of chapel may have been the precursor of the larger and more structurally complex open ramada church, or it may merely have mirrored the simpler needs of a smaller and less devout congregation. Even though the Tipu structure was actually a ramada chapel, it is referred to as both a church and a chapel throughout this document and in other published reports. According to Andrews (1991), the typical open ramada church was built in the form of a T with the front of the church, or top of the T, featuring a chancel with altar. On one side of the chancel was the baptistry where baptisms were administered; on the other side was the sacristy where sacred vessels and vestments were kept. This entire area was usually constructed of stone and mamposteria. The roof was either a barrel vault or ®at beams set in a matrix of mortar, creating a rib effect. The congregation gathered in the long nave, or perpendicular part of the T design, which was roofed with

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

11

thatch. It is thought that the sides of the nave were open. However, this most distinctive feature of open sides is not beyond dispute. The nave may have been enclosed by walls of perishable material such as sticks or a combination of wattle and daub, all of which long ago fused their identity with the earth. A variation of the open ramada was the enclosed ramada church, thought to be an evolutionary outgrowth of the open style. The enclosed ramada was similar to the open in both structure and layout except it was usually larger, and a masonry wall enclosed the nave. The walls, which had both doors and windows, generally extended up to the thatched roof. In some cases, remains show the walls only reaching part way up, but this open space could have at one time been ¤lled with material that has now disintegrated (Andrews 1991:368). Embellishing this style were ornamentations on both window frames and doors. The fourth type Andrews (1991:368) calls the undetermined ramada church, because it is dif¤cult to determine whether the original structure was an open or closed ramada. When viewing such a church or its remains today, one can distinguish the original chancel, baptistry, and sacristy. Through time, however, the nave of these structures was altered, constructed of a latertype masonry with vault, ®at, or tiled roof. This updated nave could have replaced either an open or closed thatched model. ARCH A EOLOGIC A L INV ESTIGATION AT L A M A NAI CHURCH Both the church at Tipu and the church at Lamanai represented the ¤ngertips of Christianity. Established in remote areas of Belize below the Rio Hondo, these churches recorded similar beginnings, but their subsequent histories proved vastly different. Records by Castells (1904) led to excavations by the Royal Ontario Museum from 1974 to 1983 at the site of Lamanai (Indian Church), Belize (Figure 1.1). Here, archaeologists uncovered an early Historic component (ca. a.d. 1544–1641) including the remains of a church. Erected at the end of the sixteenth century, the church clearly replaced an earlier church, built in a.d. 1568, which was destroyed by ¤re (Pendergast 1981; Wright 1987:17). This larger second church was built at a time when followers in outlying areas were pulling away from Christian beliefs. It was hoped that this second structure would lure the more rural Maya back into the Catholic fold. The Spanish might then gain an unof¤cial governing hand over the whole group (Graham et al. 1989). Hypothetically, the Spanish believed the church would provide the cornerstone for a Spanish community. However, this never happened. Meanwhile, the contemporaneous settlement at Tipu (a.d. 1544–1707) was growing in importance to the Spanish (Cohen et al. 1994). The site was of military signi¤cance because it provided an arterial link for Spanish forces

12

Chapter One

traveling from the Yucatán coast to the center of the Maya realm, speci¤cally Tayasal on Lake Petén, a Maya stronghold fraught with idolatry and a ¤eld ripe for missionary work (Scholes and Thompson 1977:48; Graham et al. 1985:207). This was not the only enticement, however; the region also was rich in cacao ( Jones 1982:282). Thus, it is understandable that Tipu, as a bridge to this important inner region, would maintain its status. ARCH A EOLOGIC A L INV ESTIGATION AT TIPU The impetus for excavation at Tipu derived from the historically recorded descriptions of the town of Tipu in the Old Spanish writings of López de Cogolludo (1971), Villagutierre Soto-Mayor (1983), Delgado (1677), and Avendaño y Loyola (1987). Sir Eric Thompson heightened interest in Maya ethnohistory with his theory, proposed just before his death, that the colonial Yucatec-speaking Maya of the southern Maya lowlands received from their ancestors the cultural traditions of the ancient Yucatec Maya (Thompson 1977). It has been argued (Thompson 1974; Scholes and Thompson 1977:48; Farriss 1978, 1984; Jones and Kautz 1981; Clendinnen 1987; Jones 1989) that the Tipu settlement was important because it became a haven for Maya refugees attempting to escape the heavy Spanish rule in the northern areas of the Yucatán. Evidence of this link between the Tipu Maya and various Yucatec Maya groups is found in Scholes and Thompson’s (1977:58–64) examination of the Matrícula del Pueblo de Tipu of 1655. This census from Tipu contains personal names that also are found in lists of personal names from the Yucatán (Roys 1940). Examination of the surnames in the Matrícula shows that 77 Tipu names also are found among the 92 names of people recorded in other parts of the Yucatán by Roys (1940). According to Roys (1940:36; Scholes and Thompson 1977:64) this duplication indicates a southward movement of Maya individuals from the northern Yucatán into the Tipu area in order to ®ee Spanish rule. Surnames found in the Matrícula also illustrate a tie to the cultural traditions of the precontact ancestral Maya. Precontact surnames were compound names that might include Maya day names such as Ix Caban Mo with Ix being the female pre¤x and Caban being the day name, in this case, for example, indicating the birth of the individual on the 237th day of the 260-day Maya calendar (Morley 1915:42; Scholes and Thompson 1977:65). After contact, Maya names were more often a single surname such as a ¤rst name followed by Mo; there is, however, evidence of some use of the Maya day names after contact (Scholes and Thompson 1977:64–67). The actual location of the site of Tipu and the Tipu visita mission remained only approximately known as of 1977 ( Jones 1977; Scholes and Thompson 1977). Thompson’s interest in colonial Maya and the Old Spanish accounts prompted Grant Jones to search for and ¤nd in 1978 the town of

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

13

Tipu. Jones utilized Thompson’s research, which suggested that Tipu was on the Macal River near a place called Negroman ( Jones et al. 1983; Graham et al. 1985). In his discovering process, Jones acted on his own research, on ethnohistorical documents (Avendaño y Loyola 1987; López de Cogolludo 1971), and on work done by Thompson (1977) and Scholes and Thompson (1977). Useful to Jones was Thompson’s dissection of documents such as this account of Delgado’s 1677 travel path between Bacalar and Tipu: By sea there are the following rivers toward Bacalar: From the Yaxal (Moho) river to Cimin (a settlement?) « league. From here to Uchupan river (unidenti¤ed, but there is an unnamed stream about a league north of the Moho) « league. From here to Paliak river (Rio Grande) 7 leagues. From here to Puletan river (Middle River) 3 leagues. From here to the Uakan river (Golden Stream) 1 league. From here to the river of Uayn (Deep River) 2 leagues. From here to the river of Campin (Monkey River) 9 leagues. From here to the Puhuy river (South Stann Creek) 5 leagues. From here to the river of Soyte (Sittee river) 5 leagues. From here to the river of Texoc (North Stann Creek?) 2 leagues. From here to the river of Texach (elsewhere written Tezach, Manatee river) 3 leagues. From here to the river of Xibum (Sib river) 4 leagues. From here to the river of Balis (Belize river) 2 leagues. After these two leagues one enters in the river of Tipu. All these rivers on the land side one can wade. Although they appear to be very large and wide, they have at their mouths great sand banks. (Delgado 1677 quoted and updated in Thompson 1974:28–29)

Jones and David Pendergast used ethnohistorical sources and the presence of architectural features indicative of the Postclassic period to locate the most likely site of Tipu at Negroman. The Negroman site was found in an undisturbed setting of pasture land, which is currently part of a cattle ranch. Trees, which were minimal in the fertile pasture, grew along the boundaries in hilly limestone areas ( Jones et al. 1986). Excavations at Negroman in 1980–1981, under the direction of Robert Kautz, unearthed the Spanish visita mission (Figure 1.2) and an extensive cemetery (Figure 1.3). Excavations of the chapel and its cemetery, as well as surrounding architecture, were undertaken from 1984 to 1987 under the direction of Mark Nathan Cohen, Elizabeth Graham, and Sharon Bennett. Their work showed that Tipu was in fact located at Negroman. Archaeological materials uncovered at Tipu indicate that it had a continuing history dating as far back as the Preclassic and Classic times and progressing through Spanish contact and conquest. In the ¤rst year of exca-

14

Chapter One

Figure 1.2. Ramada chapel at Tipu, Belize.

vation, Kautz identi¤ed the remains of what would turn out to be an open ramada chapel. In that season and in subsequent seasons of excavation, these latter directed by Graham and Cohen, burials of approximately 600 individuals were exposed beneath the chapel ®oor and around the outside of the north, south, and west chapel walls. Most of these are the remains of individuals interred at this outpost between a.d. 1568 when the mission is believed to have been established and approximately a.d. 1638. This latter date marked a period of rebellion. At this time, the Tipuans fought against the Spanish and clergy, desecrated the church nave, and then erected their own non-Christian structure (Graham et al. 1985:210; Graham 1987). Unfortunately, historic information on population at Tipu is limited. Figures that do exist are shown in Table 1.2 and are from Jones (1989). The low total in the year 1622 may indicate Maya dispersal into the more inaccessible rural areas. With such few and widely ®uctuating population counts, it is dif¤cult to derive any meaningful mortality statistics. One can, however, compute a simple average. Based on the 70 years the chapel was in use (a.d. 1568–1638), the 600 burials indicate an average of 8.6 deaths per year. However, because of epidemics that wiped out large numbers of people in a short time, the 8.6 annual Tipu death average probably rose considerably in some years, a circumstance that would have affected the cemetery pro¤le. Disease of epidemic proportions among Mesoamericans at the time of Spanish contact has been noted, and population decreases previously have been described

Figure 1.3. Tipu church with burials.

(Ashburn 1947; Crosby 1967, 1972; Cook and Borah 1971; Stewart 1973; Denevan 1976; Dobyns 1976, 1983; Cook 1981; Newson 1981; Lovell 1982; Lutz 1982; MacLeod 1982; Veblen 1982; Ramenofsky 1987). Veblen (1982:97), Lovell (1982:114), and Farriss (1984:61) list epidemics that struck Maya areas every 10 to 20 years. Most likely, the Spanish carried both smallpox and typhus to the Tipuans, as these diseases plagued areas such as Totonicapán, Guatemala (Veblen 1982:97). The skeletal remains examined by Cohen, Armstrong, Bennett, Marie Danforth, and by me exhibited few chronic conditions involving skeletal reaction of bone and little trauma. The remains of Tipuan individuals also show no evidence of long-term illness. This healthy appearance lends credence to the epidemic hypothesis. Epidemic illness would have struck suddenly, killing the individual before any skeletal reaction appeared. The burial population of Tipu is unusual in its composition: not all age groups are represented. Few individuals under the age of two were found, and the number of individuals over age 40 is low. Various hypotheses have been generated about the age composition of this cemetery: (1) the cemetery re®ects a Christian population that includes mostly younger individuals because older, more traditional Maya may have been harder to convert and thus were buried elsewhere; (2) techniques for determining age underestimate the true age of individuals; (3) lack of skeletal material for infants re®ects a mortuary program that did not allow for burial of the very young (those less than 2 years old) in the church cemetery because the absence of a resident priest meant that many young children may have died unbaptized (Cohen et al. 1994); (4) fetal and infant burials deteriorated more quickly or were missed

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

17

in recovery; (5) the Maya Tipu population represents a relatively young elite group who migrated from areas in the Yucatán (Della Cook, pers. comm., in Danforth 1987); or (6) epidemics at various times decreased the population, inexplicably wiping out a disproportionate number of young adults. However, Cohen et al. (1994) note the absence of any mass graves that would indicate epidemics. Possibly, graves of this nature do exist at Tipu in the unearthed areas beyond the limits of the current archaeological excavations. It is well known that during plague times or other catastrophes throughout the world, mass graves and/or cremation pyres are frequently located on the outskirts of towns and cities. A CHRONOLOGY OF TIPU, ITS POLITIC A L CLIM ATE, A ND ITS DECLINE The ethnohistorical documents recorded at the time of Maya/Spanish contact, in conjunction with archaeological investigation, were used to create a chronology for the site of Tipu. The colonial Maya in the southern areas of the lowlands proved to be the quieter rebels. Under Spanish rule, they managed to retain a way of life that acknowledged the presence of the Spanish and their Catholicism, while at the same time silently and subtly followed their traditional Maya customs ( Jones 1989). Compared to their victory over the Aztecs in Mexico, the Spanish found conquest in other parts of Central America less alluring and more dif¤cult. Circumstances in the Yucatán were entirely different from those in the Valley of Mexico. In the Yucatán areas of present-day Belize and Guatemala, and in what is now Honduras, the Spanish encountered few settlements and little wealth to entice them, as well as dense forests that impeded their travel. The Spanish ¤rst contacted the Maya in a.d. 1528 in the coastal areas of the Yucatán peninsula known as Chetumal province. Francisco de Montejo led this expedition, and the Maya welcome was not a totally amicable one. Montejo and his lieutenant Dávila split up on separate missions of investigation, both of which ended with additional knowledge of the area but no material gain. Montejo traveled with eight to ten men down the east coast of the Yucatán in a boat to search for a better settlement location than the one he had just established near Xelha, across from the island of Cozumel ( Jones 1989). Dávila traveled with 40 men on land in what he thought was a similar direction parallel to the coast. However, Maya guides tricked him into traveling inland 30 leagues (approximately 90 miles). On a later expedition, a.d. 1543–1544, the Pacheco cousins (Alonso and Melchor) invaded and conquered the Maya in the Chetumal, Dzuluinicob, and Uaymil provinces of the Yucatán, a victory that included the village of Tipu in Dzuluinicob province. The Spanish plan was to place under their control the area between Chetumal and the Verapaz region in eastern Gua-

18

Chapter One

temala. In the end, though, the Pachecos’ victory was in name only because the area of conquest was large and sparsely settled. It was not an easy region to monitor, especially when the closest Spanish stronghold was the distant Salamanca de Bacalar. Even so, the Spanish demanded that the subjugated Maya in the Chetumal and Dzuluinicob provinces pay tribute, primarily in the form of cacao beans and labor. This labor was bestowed upon the holder of an encomienda, a royal grant to a Spaniard. An encomienda usually included one or more towns ( Jones 1989:342). The price of this tribute came high to the Maya, not in crops but in the reshaping of their life-style. According to archaeological evidence, inhabitants at Tipu and Lamanai did not alter their agricultural methods in order to meet tribute quotas (Graham et al. 1989:1255). Nor did the colonial Tipuans change their diet; they continued to subsist on corn, squash, and a wide variety of animals, birds, and ¤sh that they undoubtedly consumed before Spanish contact. However, their way of life did change. Bit by bit, their indigenous life-style eroded as they incorporated more and more of the civil and religious ways of the Spanish into their day-to-day living. In a.d. 1568 a lieutenant governor of Salamanca de Bacalar named Juan de Garzón embarked on the ¤rst of two entradas into rural areas under his jurisdiction. These entradas were a direct result of Maya Indians who according to Garzón . . . were going about in an unruly and excited state, committing idolatry and in®icting much damage adjacent to Nueva Salamanca . . . and placing the Spaniards and other persons who live there in much risk and danger, because they carried away the servants, killed those whom they could, burned the houses, robbed the farms, and other things. ( Jones 1989:47)

So, Garzón’s party, accompanied by one Franciscan missionary, set off on their ¤rst entrada. They captured a Maya watchman who helped them take the ¤rst town by surprise. Farther along the way Maya temples were destroyed along with numerous idols and Maya texts, towns were burned, and men and women were captured and brought back to Bacalar and baptized and relocated in the Bacalar area. Garzón’s ¤rst entrada was to prevent exodus and quell resistance in the rural areas south of Bacalar ( Jones 1989:48–49). The second entrada brought Garzón to Tipu. There he destroyed pagan idols and burned Maya books as well. “One witness claimed that Tipu had been ‘in risk,’ implying that it was already an established colonial town . . . Using Tipu as a base of operations, the Spaniards searched the countryside as far as ¤fteen days away, capturing all of those they could ¤nd until ‘there was no notice of more people’” ( Jones 1989:49). Jones (1989:51) notes that Tipu was in a sense being reconquered by Garzón’s entrada. Jones (1989:51) puts the Garzón entradas in perspective:

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

19

We also learn from these circumstances of a pattern of Maya activity that was to appear again and again during the century to follow. In this pattern there would be widespread signs of religious revitalization or millenarianism under the control of native priests who stimulated a policy of widespread resistance against Spanish control. The form of this resistance, characteristically, included the recruitment of Christianized encomienda Mayas to run away from their towns and join the resistant frontier native polities. Their religious leaders were sometimes elites who had been trained in the Franciscan monasteries and who brought to their followers newly syncretized, holistic amalgamations of Maya and Christian religious ritual and belief. In its broader outlines, the frontier Maya circumstances of 1568 were almost identical to those of 1638, but by the latter date there was no longer any external support for pursuing entradas to destroy the resistance and return the runaways to their encomiendas.

There was de¤nitely an established colonial town at Tipu in 1568 because the town was “at risk.” A chapel of some type had been established for the “circuit-riding priests.” This chapel may have been established as early as a.d. 1544, but Graham et al. (1989) believe the use of the church cemetery may have begun when the Spanish saw Tipu “at risk” in a.d. 1567 to 1568 and moved to restore their in®uence (Cohen et al. 1997). Early in the 1600s two Franciscan friars, Father Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Father Juan de Orbita, traveled to Tipu. They began their trip at Mérida in the northern Yucatán, trudging barefoot through uninhabited country with deep marshes to ¤nally reach Salamanca de Bacalar. Once at Salamanca de Bacalar, the alcalde or principal magistrate, named Andrés Carillo de Pernia, must have taken pity on the two friars. He had a canoe constructed to help them reach Tipu before the heavy rains set in. As a further gesture of goodwill, the magistrate accompanied the friars on their canoe journey to make sure Tipuans did not hand out a hostile greeting. The travelers navigated down what was known as the “Great River” or, in Mayan, Nohukun. The countryside along the way is described as having “soft beauty” and “thick woods” while the river was noted to have islands (Fancourt 1854:196). The terrain may have been scenic, but the mosquitos were unrelenting, pestering constantly. One can read a description of this three-day journey to Tipu penned by Don Juan Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, who was the of¤cial chronicler for the Council of the Indies on the Itzá expeditions (®. 1680– 1700). Villagutierre Soto-Mayor’s formal title when his work on the conquest of the Itzá was published was “Former Counselor and Chronicler of the Royal Chancery of Valladolid, Presently Relator to the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies” (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:title page). His writings have religious fervor behind them but he was not a priest or a monk; his accounts were published three years after the Spaniards defeated the Itzá.

20

Chapter One

Villagutierre Soto-Mayor describes this journey to Tipu (book ii, cap. i, in Fancourt 1854:196): . . . the stream is very rapid, and so strong that for a distance of twelve leagues it is necessary, instead of oars, to use iron-shod poles, and at the slightest neglect the current carries the canoe back again. This river of Tipu . . . has various rare qualities: it is as large a stream as any in Spain; its waters good and clear, more so than that of the Tagus. In twelve leagues of the ascent which I have spoken of, it is divided into a hundred and ninety impetuously rapid branches, and, strange to say, the Indians have given an individual name to each, and know and call them by their names. A quantity of medicinal shrubs grow on the banks of the river; it contains a great deal of gold, and, either from this or from some hidden virtue, the drinking of its water cures the dropsy and excites an appetite, both in the sick and those who are well; even when drunk soon after eating heartily, in a short time it causes hunger again. At noon, when the sun is at the hottest, the water is cold; and at night it gets warm, so that a vapour rises from it, like a cauldron put on the ¤re.

The above account certainly places Tipu in a mystical and remote setting. The leading citizens of Tipu, as well as the Tipuan alcaldes, met the friars at the river with a welcome consisting of food, drink, and local dances. The friars, who thanked God for safe travel to Tipu, “the outpost of Christianity and fortress of its valiant spirits,” directly began their holy duties (Fancourt 1854:197). They had the chapel cleaned and decorated with ornaments brought from Mérida, and the following day they held a church service for the Maya. The fact that the service was given by the fathers was “rare, their priest only coming amongst them at distant intervals from Bacalar” (Fancourt 1854:197). Eventually, Andrés Carillo de Pernia, the alcalde of Salamanca de Bacalar, departed homeward, leaving the two friars on their own. The friars believed that they were not alone, however, because they were sure their God was with them. They conducted services at Tipu and found that the Maya attended “with great punctuality . . . sending their children to hear mass and sermon” (Fancourt 1854:197). Documents note that the population of Tipu approached 500 and was made up entirely of Maya (Fancourt 1854; Means 1917). The Tipuans’ principal leader was a man named Cristóbal Ná; another leader was Francisco Cumúx. Both of these Maya were accommodating to the friars. Villagutierre Soto-Mayor recounts that Cumúx “was very attentive to the priests and a ¤ne singer, and often attended church and sang the of¤ces as though he were a privileged Indian” (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:67). Cristóbal Ná was so faithful that he later went to his death while helping Father Delgado in an attempt to convert the Itzá. These conversion efforts toward the Itzá played

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

21

a major role in the history of Tipu. In addition, in a macabre note, the missionary treks to the Itzá greatly in®uenced the eventual composition of the Tipuan cemetery. Actually, it was the Itzá whom the friars, Fuensalida and Orbita, really wanted to convert. Tipu was merely their missionary stepping stone en route to the Itzá, and the Tipu settlement proved to be an excellent recruiting ground for Maya individuals willing to accompany the friars on an expedition to the Itzá (López de Cogolludo 1971:book 10, chapter 2; Jones 1990:188). The Tipuan community also served as a religious exposition, one intended to show the Itzá the value of the Catholic religion. Villagutierre Soto-Mayor relates that the friars’ communication with the Itzá began when Cumúx was sent as an emissary on a six-day journey to Tayasal, the Itzá island capital. Cumúx told the Itzá of the friars’ good will and requested that two caciques be sent to Tipu to meet with the friars. The Itzá obliged, and their two caciques arrived at Tipu garbed in feathers and armed like warriors. The Itzá caciques met with the fathers, staying at Tipu for “four or ¤ve days, admiring the life style and conduct of the religious, and the teaching they gave the people. Some [of their retinue] even went to church to hear Mass and sing in the choir, because the Itzás were always great music lovers” (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:68–69). The friars Fuensalida and Orbita then embarked on their ¤rst expedition to the Itzá, leaving on August 15, 1618. They traveled with an entourage, which included the leader, Cristóbal Ná; a chapelmaster; singers and sacristans; and 20 armed Tipuans. The procession traveled six dif¤cult leagues or about 18 miles in all but, for some reason, the Tipuan guides proceeded to trick the friars and delayed the group more than once. The ¤rst obstacle was a huge lake, and the whole party had to return to Tipu to build a canoe. Fuensalida was furious with the Tipuans for not warning him of the lake’s existence. Then, when the entourage set out again, the guides pretended to be lost in wooded areas that they had traveled on countless occasions (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:69–70). When the group ¤nally arrived at the island shores of the Itzá, the friars sent messengers to their would-be hosts. But alas, no one—at least no one who mattered—was there. So the travelers waited, for more than a week. Finally canoes appeared, carrying the Itzá, including the two who had visited Tipu. Once at Tayasal the friars were greeted favorably and were allowed to set up an altar and hold a service that many Itzá attended, “observing it with silent reverence” (Fancourt 1854:201). The fathers met with the Itzá in their homes and did their best to convert them. To the disappointment of the friars, however, even though the Itzá seemed to listen to the word of God, they “replied that they too had their prophecies by which they knew that they would have to become Christians, but that the time had not yet come” (Vil-

22

Chapter One

lagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:72). The Itzá extended invitations to the friars to return again some other time. Unfortunately, the friars overstepped their welcome. In a ¤t of anger, Father Orbita destroyed an idol of the God of Thunder in an Itzá temple. He and Fuensalida then confronted the Itzá leader, called a Canek, and gave him a cross. The Canek took the cross but said that the Itzá would keep their own beliefs. The Itzá grew more hostile, and the friars with their entourage left in canoes through a shower of stones. The Itzá consensus was to kill the group, but a Tipuan named Gaspar Cetza prevented this by, in a sense, promising that the fathers would not come there again. Then the Canek, revealing his true view of the friars, told Gaspar not to bring those Xolopes back again, using the name the Itzá called the Spanish from the ¤rst time they saw them eating a tropical fruit called anonas (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:73–77). Xolopes has been translated in a number of ways. Xolopes are referred to as anonas or custard apples, pineapples, or other tropical fruits. The word Xolopes may involve the description of someone (Spaniards) choking or swallowing without chewing this fruit (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:77). Whatever the translation, it seems like an insult. With this expedition behind them, the “chokers” went in different directions. Fuensalida left for Mérida while Orbita returned to Tipu. It was a long and lonely year for Orbita. He saw himself as a failure. He had no support for his church from the governor, and likewise his support from the local Tipuans was diminishing. They had no respect for him. However, Orbita rallied when Fuensalida returned, hoping that now the Tipuans would be more devout. At ¤rst, this appeared to be the case, but the friars soon learned the Tipuans had been surreptitiously worshipping graven images and performing pagan dances. The friars despaired, fearing they were losing control. Then, they rallied when they believed God had sent help: Spanish muscle in the form of the alcalde of Salamanca de Bacalar and the Licentiate Gregorio de Aguilar and several other Spaniards. These individuals helped to round up the prominent instigators of the pagan worship, who were ®ogged in front of the rest of the town. This punishment was followed by the burning of all principal Maya idols. The Tipuans were warned that those who continued in their previous pagan ways, turning their backs on Christianity, would be put to death. This spiritual purge rerouted the Tipuans on the path of righteousness for the time being (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:79–81). With the Tipuans under control, the friars desired to continue their missionary work with the Itzá, a year having passed since their last excursion. They communicated with the Itzá through Cristóbal Ná that they wanted to return to Tayasal. The Itzá agreed. The friars went to Tayasal and set about their job of conversion. The Canek and the Itzá people now seemed ready for conversion. A cross was constructed and raised near the Canek’s palace at his request to show the Itzá’s acceptance of Christianity. Yet, the acceptance proved to be only on the surface. Outwardly many Itzá appeared to be

Spanish Missions and the History of Tipu

23

Catholic converts; however, various Itzá priests strongly objected to Catholicism, even in token practice. The rebellious began to undermine the work of the friars by allying with the Canek’s wife to turn him against the word of God as presented by the Catholics. Opposition to the friars grew, and the Itzá continued to worship their idols and partake of their “pagan” feasts and dances. In an armed confrontation, the Itzá ordered Fuensalida and Orbita to leave and proceeded to destroy their religious paraphernalia (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:83–85). The friars left, but not without objecting. Violence erupted. Father Juan de Orbita resisted somewhat so they would not move them in such a rush, hoping to calm them by reason and argument. But a gandul (as they call a young, robust person), clutching his hood, twisted his head and threw him to the ground with such force he remained unconscious, the impious gandul, holding the hood (which he had yanked from the collar) in his hands, tore it in pieces which he threw to the ground, kicking and dealing blows to the priest. (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:85)

The friars had failed again to convert the Itzá. Discouraged, they returned to Tipu and then departed for Mérida. Although the Tipuans told the friars they were sorry to see them go, they were actually relieved. Soon after the friars’ departure, the Tipuans, now free to do as they wished, returned to their own religious beliefs and dispersed into the more inaccessible mountain regions. Within a year and a half, resistance spread throughout the Bacalar region. Churches were burned and the town centers set up by the Spanish were abandoned and destroyed (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:85–87). In 1621, a friar named Diego Delgado went into the mountain regions to gather the dispersed Maya and to try once again to set up churches and towns. Successfully converting some of them, Delgado also managed to set up the town of San Felipe y Santiago de Zaclún. His success encouraged a military captain, Francisco Mirones, to make plans for converting the Itzá by force, using Delgado’s town of Zaclún as a base of operations. Mirones and his 50 soldiers came to Zaclún and totally turned the town’s inhabitants against them with their subjugation, unfairness, and oppression. Tension mounted between Delgado and Mirones. Secretly in 1623 Delgado ®ed toward Tipu with some of his followers. When Mirones heard of this, he became concerned for Delgado’s safety and dispatched 12 men and an individual named Acosta to protect the friar en route to Tipu. The Spanish were determined to convert and control the Itzá, and Tipu again became the base for their campaign. Delgado decided he could succeed where others before him had failed. As before, Cristóbal Ná served as a messenger to the Itzá, paving the way for Delgado’s arrival. Ná returned to Tipu with good news: the Itzá Canek would receive Delgado. So Delgado and other Spaniards left for Tayasal, accompanied by Ná and 80 Tipu Maya. After

24

Chapter One

an uneventful trip, they were met by friendly Itzá in canoes who seemed accommodating. As soon as the group landed, however, all individuals were bound and killed. The last to die was Father Diego Delgado, who was forced to witness the deaths of the others. . . . they tore open the chest of Father Diego and took out his heart, offering it to their idols in reparation for the offense which they said the other priests had committed. Until that moment he had been preaching to them with a valiant spirit. Then they dismembered his body and put his head on a pole on a little hill with the others. (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:91)

Mirones, still concerned about Delgado and knowing the friar had ventured to the Itzá, ordered two Spaniards and a Maya named Bernadino Ek to follow Delgado. Not ¤nding the friar at Tipu, Ek and the Spaniards pushed on to Itzá territory. The three built a ¤re on the edge of the lake to signal the Itzá of their presence. The Itzá captured them, binding them and showing them the fate of Delgado and the others. They would undergo the same death. During the night, the three tried to break loose of their bounds. Ek ¤nally freed himself and released the others. Ek was the only one who escaped over the palisade; the two Spaniards had dislocated wrists that hampered them, and they were recaptured. Although pursued, Ek managed to evade the Itzá. He traveled to Tipu and then to Salamanca de Bacalar to tell the fate of Delgado and the others. Meanwhile, Mirones and his Spaniards continued their oppression at Zaclún until the inhabitants could take no more. In a surge of violence, the Maya attacked and killed Mirones, his soldiers, and the priest while they were in church. The people of Zaclún then burned the church and the town and ®ed into the mountains. Following the Zaclún example, the Tipuans also revolted and dispersed into the mountains. Once again, many returned to their Maya beliefs (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983:94–98). However, the church of Tipu remained in existence until a.d. 1638 when there was general rebellion among the Maya against the Spanish with subsequent expulsion of the Spanish from the area that is now Belize until a.d. 1695 (Graham et al. 1989; Cohen et al. 1994). It was not until a.d. 1707 that the Spanish ¤nally conquered the Itzá, and they did so with the sword, not the cross. Once the military force had subjugated the Itzá, they resettled those Maya left at Tipu into the Itzá area (Graham et al. 1989). The entire Itzá campaign exerted control over the history of the Tipu Maya. It also affected greatly the sex ratio in the Tipu church cemetery: those 80 males who were slaughtered away from home in Itzá territory were, perforce, never buried in the Tipu church cemetery.

2 European Catholic and Spanish Catholic Burial Practices The Roman Catholic Church requires that the following simple instructions be observed: “1) That the body be decently laid out; 2) that lights be placed beside the body; 3) that a cross be laid upon the breast, or failing that, the hands laid on the breast in the form of a cross; 4) that the body be sprinkled with holy water and incense at state times; 5) that it be buried in consecrated ground.” Mitford 1964:152

To better understand the analysis of the Tipu Maya burials, one should ¤rst look at the diverse histories and customs concerning death and burial that came together in the Tipu cemetery. Chapters 2 and 3 address this issue. This particular chapter examines basic Catholic burial practices prevalent in Europe during the fourteenth, ¤fteenth, and sixteenth centuries and the history behind them. It was these beliefs and traditions that the Spanish Catholic friars brought to Tipu and attempted to impose upon the Maya. Chapter 3 deals with the Maya beliefs of death and burial at the time of contact, as well as the subsequent amalgamation of Christian and Maya practices. The friars who journeyed to the New World were convinced that they had a mandate from their Spanish rulers, from their Roman pope, and from their God. In the exploration race of the ¤fteenth century, Spanish King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella had secured from Pope Alexander VI the right to all newly discovered lands 100 leagues west of the Azores and the Cape Verde Islands, situated in the middle of the North Atlantic ( Jedin 1992:699). As far as European Catholic countries were concerned, this papal mandate legitimately opened the door of the New World to Spain for conquest, annexation, and conversion. Thus, side by side, Spanish soldiers and friars marched forth to claim lands and Christianize pagans. On the whole, the friars were ill equipped to deal with inhabitants of another culture; their hard-line approach advocated the obliteration of indigenous religions and customs so that Christianity could be imposed ( Jedin 1992:699). When the Gospel did not win souls, the friars accepted the soldier’s sword as a prod ( Jedin 1992:699). Along with funerary prayers, psalms, and chants, the Spanish friars transported to Tipu the burial practices that were generally accepted throughout the hamlets, towns, and cities of Catholic Europe. It was a mortuary system that differed greatly from the diverse burial patterns of the pre-Hispanic peo-

26

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ples in the Americas. Ever-developing since before Christianity, the European liturgy of death and burial crystallized in the thirteenth century (Rutherford 1980:53). More and more, these European procedures were being written down in manuscripts, preserving a body of rites that over the years had melded the authoritative rituals of the Roman Catholic Church with both local funerary customs and monastery practices (Rutherford 1980:37). What were some of these basic beliefs accepted by the friars who came to Tipu? First, the Spanish friars insisted upon burial of the entire body. Cremation, sometimes practiced by the Maya, was anathema because Christianity promised the resurrection of the body; thus the body must remain intact and not be reduced to ashes. It was believed that at death the soul was released from the body, but in the near future, both body and soul would be reunited at the resurrection to live eternally with God in heaven (Rutherford 1980:20). Second, the same beliefs that dictated burial motivated proper preparation of the body. Washing and preserving the body, sometimes with myrrh, and wrapping it in the white linen of purity were customs that dated to the ¤fth century and earlier (Rutherford 1980:19). Although adaptations occurred over the years, the washing, anointing, and vesting of the body and the laying it out on a bier were integral parts of European burial ritual. Altar cloths and linens used at Mass sometimes became shrouds and talismans (Rutherford 1980:25). Ritual also included sprinkling the body with holy water and incense, this latter being a pagan custom in Europe that had gradually worked its way into Christian ritual (Rutherford 1980:64–67, 95). Third, crosses or other symbols of Christianity were sometimes buried with the body. Placing animal remains with the body was considered a pagan practice (Müller-Wille 1993:21, 25). Fourth, Christian burial demanded interment in consecrated ground within or around a church (Puckle 1926; Müller-Wille 1993:10). Catholics believed such burials bene¤ted both the dead and living church members. Being laid to rest in or around a church meant that the dead were close to God, and the devil would have no power over them. Church members and relatives who prayed for the dead increased their own spiritual status while advancing the souls of the departed (Stone 1858:86–87; Habenstein and Lamers 1955:61; Ariès 1974). Fifth, status—religious, economic, or that due to some other attainment— generally determined burial placement. Understandably, the most sought-after resting place was within the church in a ®oor pit covered with a stone slab, and it was not uncommon for the wealthy to choose a crypt near the altar. Finally, an attempt was made to inter burials in orderly rows with proper head orientation, although overcrowding sometimes undermined this practice (Müller-Wille 1993). Ideally, bodies were oriented with heads to the west and feet to the east (Puckle 1926). “To the Christian the burial of bodies with their faces to the East is the outcome of the belief not only of the resurrection

Catholic Burial Practices

27

of the body, but also that from the East shall come the ¤nal summons to Judgement” (Puckle 1926:149). Mounds and circular ditches were avoided because they were considered pagan traditions (Müller-Wille 1993). These basic beliefs and procedures espoused by the friars who came to Tipu were not set forth by a single pope in a single how-to document. Rather, they evolved over centuries stretching back to pre-Christian times. A look at this long history helps one fathom the depth of the friars’ dedication to these time-honored precepts—even amid a hostile Maya environment. Well-indoctrinated with what “went on before,” the friars seemed determined to make their Tipuan cemetery an example of European burial practices. HISTORY OF CHRISTIA N BURIA L IN EUROPE Phillippe Ariès in his well-researched book The Hour of Our Death (1981) explains that in ancient times the bodies of the dead were separated from the living because the deceased were considered “impure.” This separation also was adhered to in Roman times. Ariès cites Thomassin’s (1875) reference to the Roman law in the Twelve Tables dating to 450 b.c., in which the deceased could not be buried or cremated within the city. In addition, Ariès discusses the Theodosian Code of Constantinople of early Christian times, which stated that “all bodies contained in urns or sarcophagi on the ground must be removed and left outside the city” (Ariès 1981:30). Thus, the beginning of cemeteries stemmed from early populations’ fear of being infected by the impure dead. To the living fell the task of caring for the burial sites, and in this way they hoped the dead would not return to haunt them. Fear coupled with disgust for the dead is re®ected in Ariès’s quote of the fourth-century a.d. Saint John Chrysostom who in one of his homilies advocated complete separation: Take care that no sepulcher be built in town. What would you do if someone were to leave a corpse in the place where you eat and sleep? And yet you leave the dead (animam mortuam) not where you eat and sleep but next to the body of Christ . . . How can one visit the churches of God, the holy temples, when they are ¤lled with such a terrible odor? (Chrysostom 1718–1738, cited in Ariès 1981:30)

However, the practice of placing burials away from the living gradually changed as this extreme fear of the dead lessened and Christians developed new attitudes toward death. Christians became more concerned with their spiritual relationship to God while alive, generally putting less emphasis on where the ®esh would rest at death. However, they still harbored a paramount fear that they would not be buried when they died. They believed this neglect might result in their being left behind on Judgment Day. Christians desired

28

Chapter Two

burial and a ¤nal resting place free from desecration so that on resurrection day the body might rise and join the soul, allowing the “whole” person to meet God. As time went on, many sought graves near the remains of a martyr, the only individual guaranteed quick and speedy admission through the gates of heaven. It was thought that the martyred saint would not only protect nearby burials but would also shepherd the dead swiftly to heaven on Judgment Day. Understandably, a martyred saint or a group of them interred outside a city acted as a magnet for burials of the non-saints (Ariès 1981; Müller-Wille 1993:16). The association of a cemetery with a church began when small martyria or chapels were built over the tombs of martyrs. As years progressed, the martyria were replaced by the larger basilicas, which eventually became the prime place for burials. By this process, a basilica grew into a hub of activity: a center that teemed with visiting pilgrims, with the wretched and the poor who built their ghettos, with those individuals who carried on cemetery maintenance, and with the many monks who carried on duties outside the main cathedral and beyond the in®uence of the bishop. As the basilica gained more and more importance, it created rivalry with the local cathedral (Ariès 1981). Eventually, though, this rivalry mellowed, and the relationship of cathedral and basilica became friendlier. The ensuing partnership allowed for the beginnings of interment within the main cathedral. Ariès (1981:36) illustrates how this might have happened with an example pertaining to Saint Vaast, a bishop of Arras, who died in a.d. 540. He had chosen to be buried in a wooden oratory on the bank of the Crinchon, in accordance with the rule that stated that “no deceased person could be laid to rest inside the walls of a town.” But when the time came to take him there, the porters were unable to lift the body, which suddenly became too heavy, as if it refused to be moved. The archpriest lost no time in establishing that a supernatural intervention had occurred and asked the saint to order “that you be carried to the place that we [that is, the clergy] have been preparing for you for a long time.” Immediately the body became light, and the porters had no trouble bringing it to the burial place that was ¤tting for a servant of God, in the church, on the right hand of the altar where he himself had performed the service of his ponti¤cal see. (Notker n.d., cited in Ariès 1981:36)

Once a saint was buried within the main church, other deceased members came marching in, so to speak. Nearby would also suf¤ce. As with the basilica burials, individuals wanted to be interred near a sure thing when the calling came on Judgment Day. Burials near saints or their relics were called

Catholic Burial Practices

29

ad sanctos. It was thought, too, that prayers uttered near the tombs of saints were more persuasive and powerful. The cemetery is the holy dormitory for the dead . . . the bosom of the Church, the ecclesiae gremium, where she rekindles the souls of those who are dead in body to restore them to eternal life, just as by baptism she revives the dead who are still in this world. (Ariès 1981:42)

Now that the cemetery was located in and around a church, the question was: Who is worthy of being buried there? Durandus of Mende in the thirteenth century wrote that only the holy fathers were worthy of burial within the church and near the altar. This exclusion policy, however, was not adhered to with any degree of faithfulness because the holy fathers bestowed this burial honor upon others, usually important hierarchical church members and later patrons of the church and their wives (Ariès 1981; Müller-Wille 1993:21). By the end of the Middle Ages this broad policy of interment within the church came under attack when church councils went on record as saying that such burials should be spiritually earned and not gauged by riches, power, or nobility. In a.d. 1581, the church fathers announced, “in ecclesiis vero nulli deinceps sepeliantur (henceforth let no one be buried in church)” (Ariès 1981:47). But the words were empty. In that same year, the Council of Rouen spelled out who quali¤ed for burial within the church; ironically, the criteria opened wide the doors to admit many. 1. Those who have dedicated their lives to God, especially the men [nuns only in cases of necessity], because their bodies have been chosen as temples of Christ and of the Holy Spirit. 2. Those who have received honors and dignities in the church [ordained clergymen] or in the world [the rich and powerful], because they are the ministers of God and the instrument of the Holy Spirit . . . 3. Those who by their nobility, their actions, and their merits have distinguished themselves in the service of God and of the common good. (Mansi 1901–1927, cited in Ariès 1981:47)

In essence, while canonical dictates over the years prohibited and limited burials within the church, the practice continued well into the eighteenth century. For those not fortunate enough to ¤nd ¤nal rest within the church, there was the churchyard. The European Catholic churches of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had rectangular churchyards with the church structure bordering one side. The other sides of the churchyard included arcades and charnel houses (Ariès 1974:20; Badone 1989:135). The whole area was enclosed

Chapter Two

30

by a wall with an entrance gate (Foster 1960:152; Douglass 1969:72–73; Curl 1972:29, 32, 40; Koch 1983:220). The European Catholic cemetery had discrete areas. The blessed ground or campo santo, which made up most of the cemetery, was reserved for devout Roman Catholics. Another area, usually offset by a wall, was assigned to “baptized pagans,” as well as those who were not Catholic, those whose faith was unknown, suicides, and unbaptized infants (Douglass 1969:74–75). It was believed that Catholics’ unbaptized children were destined to remain forever in Limbo, endlessly wandering, and they were “buried without the usual ceremonies, thrown away, or burned” (van Gennep 1961:153). Prior to the Council of Trent, held from a.d. 1545 to 1563, the Church permitted no prayer for these unbaptized children and no consolation to parents. Julius Cardinal Sanctorius, who produced an encyclopedic work called Rituale Sacramentorum Romanum in the sixteenth century, commented that some priests and women, because of the harshness of this practice, buried unbaptized infants under the eaves of churches in hope that rain dripping from the roofs would somehow baptize the unfortunate babes (Rutherford 1980:87). EX A MPLES OF E ARLY C ATHOLIC EUROPE A N BURIA L PR ACTICES Recent archaeological excavations of churches and cemeteries in Europe reveal de¤ned burial patterns (Kjølbye-Biddle 1976, 1992; Dawes and Magilton 1980; Boddington 1987). These patterns of interment and others like them provided models for the friars, who transported them to Tipu and attempted to replicate them.

Raunds Unlike the early churches built over burials described in Ariès (1981), the tenth- and eleventh-century church graveyard at Raunds, Northamptonshire, analyzed by Boddington (1987), shows the various stages of an outside church cemetery. Its use ended before crowding seriously marred the orderly arrangement of burials. At ¤rst, interments were in “well ordered rows centered on the church” (Boddington 1987:412), and burials did not push against the church walls. As the cemetery’s population grew, burials were spread out around the established rows with no apparent logic although females were interred more often to the west and north of the church and the peripheries of the graveyard. Infants were buried close to the church walls in the eaves drip area, indicating positive burial treatment and possibly symbolizing the ersatz baptism as noted above. Eventually, burials encroached upon the church walls. Burial placement extended to the northeast of the church in curving rows,

Catholic Burial Practices

31

and later the southeastern portion of the cemetery became ¤lled. Yet, there was still an attempt to keep proper grave alignments. Burials nearest the church paralleled the church while burials on the cemetery’s periphery were aligned with heads slightly more to the north (Boddington 1987).

Old and New Minster In excavations of a medieval Anglo-Saxon cemetery at the Old and New Minster churches located north of Winchester cathedral in England, Kjølbye-Biddle (1976, 1992) found a crowded cemetery called “Paradise graveyard” where multiple interments (exceeding 1000 excavated remains) intruded upon one another. Paradise graveyard, an integral part of Old Minster Church, is an excellent example of an ad sanctos cemetery that sprang up around the burial of a saint: St. Swithun. In the tenth century, a shrine was erected over St. Swithun’s burial site; later the shrine was enclosed within a small chapel, a structure that contained burials in addition to the saint’s. By the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, the area around St. Swithun’s grave had expanded into Paradise cemetery. By this time, though, New Minster Church stood to the north of the Old Minster site, this latter church having been destroyed by the Normans in 1093. Because miracles were associated with St. Swithun’s grave, the area around his burial was in high demand. Actually, throughout the cemetery, one ¤nds grave superimposed upon grave, presenting excavators with a commingling of bones. Excavators found indications that individuals had been interred on top of other burials not yet totally decomposed (Kjølbye-Biddle 1976). Two types of interment were prevalent: earth graves sometimes with evidence of wooden cof¤ns, and cists with sides and often tops made of chalk. Adult burials occurred near Old Minster; children, at ¤rst, were buried in the main interment areas, but with passing generations they were buried in areas away from the church, unlike at Raunds. Paradise was in use for approximately 325 to 350 years (Kjølbye-Biddle 1976, 1992:239–40).

St. Helen-on-the-Walls A medieval cemetery of a parish church, in use from the tenth century until about a.d. 1550, was unearthed at St. Helen-on-the-Walls, Aldwark in York (Dawes and Magilton 1980). Because this burial ground is claimed to be England’s largest single excavated medieval cemetery, it is advisable to examine burial procedures carried out there. In the name of progress during the Victorian era, the Ebor Brewery was built on top of this cemetery. Later, under threat of more development, the cemetery’s skeletal remains had to be salvaged on deadline. In the two years of excavation, the site yielded some 1041

Chapter Two

32

remains. That number is de¤nitely short of the total because the excavations involved only two-thirds of the graveyard. A good half of the ¤rst year’s 740 excavated burials were found inside the parish church itself (Dawes and Magilton 1980). The church was originally built in the tenth century on top of what was part of a fourth-century Roman town house. Over a period of approximately 600 years, this church went through four more building phases that included extensions and a total reconstruction. The church’s immense cemetery, representative of a high proportion of the parish’s total population, grew exponentially with each succeeding building phase (Dawes and Magilton 1980). The density of burials in both the northwest and the southeast areas outside of the church was similar; both areas were overcrowded with many intrusive burials. Excavations revealed four medieval charnel pits. The majority of interments were aligned parallel to the long axis of the church with the individuals’ heads oriented to the west (Dawes and Magilton 1980:13). Dawes and Magilton (1980:10) found no evidence that this cemetery followed the prevalent European superstition of placing only unbaptized infants and suicide victims on the north side of the church. Overall, the cemetery seemed to show no burial segregation between the sexes. Within the church, however, male burials outnumbered female burials. The limits of the ¤fth church cemetery had a higher frequency of elderly adults than other parts of the cemetery. Burials of some children and young adults were grouped in the southern end of the cemetery. Evidence of infants younger than one year old was sparse, possibly because of site conditions and poor bone preservation, or because they were buried elsewhere (Dawes and Magilton 1980:11). Similar results were found in another study of this same area for a slightly later time period. In an examination of burial location in late medieval London (late fourteenth century to mid-sixteenth century) using wills and churchwardens’ accounts, Harding (1995:126–27) discovered that more children were buried in the churchyards than in churches. SPA NISH CUSTOMS Burial customs in both the north and northeast portions of Spain dictated that individuals be interred with feet directed toward the church or altar because then the body faced the focal point of their redemption (Márquez Morfín 1984). Priests were interred with feet toward the parishioners and head toward the altar. The Spanish followed this practice regardless of whether cemeteries were outside or inside the church property walls or inside the church structure itself. This procedure was followed by Catholics outside of Spain even into modern times as evidenced by the cemetery at Toussaint, La

Catholic Burial Practices

33

Feuillée, in Brittany. At this cemetery, all headstones, which indicate direction of interment, face west with the exception of the two that mark the plots of priests; these face east (Badone 1989:131). Burial at La Feuillée was usually uxorilocal. This is due to the involvement of women in burial decision making and maintenance of the tomb (Badone 1989:145). The Spanish Catholic cemetery can be structured beyond the parishioner/ priest groupings. Looking at the burials within the church, one sees that the female head of a household was assigned a place under the ®oor corresponding to where she sat at Mass. This section became her family grave, a plot that would also accommodate her husband and children.

Los Santos de la Humosa Spanish towns in the ¤fteenth and sixteenth centuries were in the habit of making room within the church for interments of special individuals. In particular, as indicated earlier, the bones of saints were treated with deep reverence, becoming relics to be worshipped. But others, too, could be elevated to exalted heights, thus reaping honored treatment at death. In the town of Los Santos de la Humosa there is a case of special interment bestowed upon a hermit who attained holy status in his lifetime. The bones of the hermit, Pedro, who founded the town, were revered even more than the relics of saints (Christian 1989:110–11). In addition to the holy relics listed, for more than ¤ve hundred years the residents and their ancestors have held in devotion and respectful memory the bones of a good and holy man that are in a pinewood chest in the parish church, which are said to be of a hermit named Pedro, who led a solitary and eremitical life where the town is now located, which, as was said before, was a mountain thickly forested with oak and holm oak. He lived in a small chapel and hermitage on the summit of that mountain, which is the old chapel section of what is now the parish church. And there are still today old, honorable, and trustworthy persons in this town who remember having seen the bones of this holy man taken out and placed on the heads of women who were giving birth and seemed to be in danger, and that once they had been placed there the patient soon felt the favor and aid of God and gave birth. And that when a church Visitor came to inspect the church they showed him the bones with the skull and told them what happened with them, and he ordered them that they take much care with them and keep them in a decent and enclosed place until God was pleased to make known his saint, if he was one, and so the bones were placed in the chest in a niche in the main chapel of the church where they have been and remain today. (Viñas y Mey and Paz 1949:600–601, cited in Christian 1989:110–11)

Chapter Two

34

Murélaga As noted, it was generally accepted in those earlier times of Catholic Europe that status, and sometimes sex, dictated burial placement within church or chapel. In a certain Spanish village, however, another factor determined interment placement: homesteads. From the thirteenth century (Echegaray 1925:192, in Douglass 1969:52) until late in the eighteenth century, deceased villagers of Murélaga, a Basque village in northern Spain, were interred beneath the church ®oor in sepulturie or burial areas most probably designated by their home and farmlands (Caro Baroja 1958:329, in Douglass 1969:52). Today, villagers no longer bury their dead under the church but rather in the cemetery. Fortunately, though, much of the villagers’ present-day ritual gives clues to former burial placement. Current religious customs center around rectangles outlined on the church ®oor called sepulturies, symbolic of the early burial sites bearing the same name. Each sepulturie belongs to a baserria or rural farmstead that includes land, dwelling, furnishings, and farm implements. It is an alliance that clearly connects the sepulturie with land and homestead, not people (Douglass 1969). These sepulturies also have a de¤nite in®uence on the seating pattern within the church. During both burial and religious services, the men sit on benches on the same side of the church as their sepulturie, usually in the front of the church. The women, who initiate the religious services honoring and remembering the deceased, sit on wicker chairs on the sepulturie rectangles located behind the men (Douglass 1969:32, 51, 53). Douglass (1969:50–52) found that the sepulturies are not organized to correspond with local neighborhoods, nor are they separated by known class differences. As noted, their direct link is to actual farmsteads or baserria rather than the people of that household. In some cases, the same family has held the same farmstead for centuries; thus they have had the same sepulturie for centuries. If, however, a family moves, they relinquish their former sepulturie and acquire the one assigned to their new home. Thus, one might speculate that the unexcavated burials beneath the church are arranged according to baserria, possibly with some sex segregation in evidence. The foregoing examples illustrate the type of mortuary patterns that in®uenced the friars who came to Tipu. When the Catholic fathers set foot in the New World, they were well indoctrinated with the various practices shown in the examples: preparation of the body; alignment of graves in rows; speci¤c body orientation; burial placement, sometimes dictated by status, sex, age, or even land ownership; intrusion of burials caused by multiple interments; ad sanctos burials; interment beneath churches or chapels; interment in cemeteries; use of cof¤ns or cists; charnel pits; and separate treatment for suicides, baptized pagans, and unbaptized infants. Chapter 3 discusses the

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35

implementation of these practices in New World regions that include Spanish Florida, California, and the Yucatán. Whether the friars adhered to these guidelines at Tipu remains to be seen. However, as the next chapter also shows, little did the friars imagine the opposition and the alien customs that awaited them in the world of the Maya.

3

The Catholic and Maya Worlds Collide

Sitting in an overgrown farm ¤eld at a place called Mopila, this building was probably built in the seventeenth, or even late-sixteenth, century . . . This older, now abandoned church had been built by the Maya under the direction of their new masters shortly after the Conquest. At ¤rst appearance its basic structure looks a lot like the design of the newer church, but the stone of its walls came from old Maya structures—buildings that had been sacred places for generations before the Spanish had come. Maya masons had mortared one of their own cherished heirloom images, a lord from a time of past glory into the wall of the new foreign place of worship. In the church the Maya use today, a doorway sits behind the image of San Francisco. In the original church, the saint sat in front of a proud Maya ancestor, perhaps cradling his mirror portal to the Otherworld. Who indeed received the prayers of those Maya, and who receives them now? Freidel et al. 1993:175

When the Spanish Catholic friars arrived at Tipu, they were confronted with a belief system that must have seemed forged from nightmares. For a time, the opposing belief systems butted; they tangled, then they entwined. Gradually the Maya strains faded, but not to the point of invisibility. Even today, among the modern Maya, beliefs from long ago still persist, surfacing amid the Catholic ambiance to remind one of what used to be. This chapter ¤rst discusses the Maya views of death prior to Spanish occupation, then examines archaeological information about early Maya burials. The next segment shows the combining of Maya and Spanish beliefs. The chapter’s ¤nal portion examines archaeological data from sites other than Tipu to show general Spanish Catholic in®uence on death and burial in the New World. M AYA V IEWS OF DE ATH On the brink of conquest, the Maya could call their beliefs, myths, and traditions their own, a system shaped and reshaped over the years by nature and imagination, by battles and sufferings. The Maya had done the molding, and the beliefs were theirs. For these early Maya, a feeling of impending doom permeated their existence. During their short lives, the taunts and tortures of

Catholic and Maya Worlds Collide

37

death surrounded much of each day. Disease, famine, and warfare frequently put an early end to their life on earth. The Maya and other pre-Hispanic Mexicans cremated some of their dead, a practice abhorrent to Catholic friars. For those not cremated, the nature of interment, that is, whether the body was ®exed or extended, was dictated by individual religious beliefs. The prehistoric Maya often placed their dead in receptacles such as vessels, urns, and pots and buried them beneath dwellings or other structures. The Maya’s preoccupation with death close at hand provided the impetus for its depiction in art, ritual, and myth. Maya funerary art shows not only death and destruction but also the travels of a person’s spirit and the rebirth of that spirit. The Maya believed that they were destined to go to one of three places when they died. The majority went to the underworld. Warriors who died in battle or were sacri¤ced and females who died in childbirth traveled to a “celestial home” (Thompson 1990:300). For those who were most fortunate, the ¤nal resting place was paradise, which was watched over by the rain god Menzabac (Thompson 1990). Most Maya expected their spirits to journey to the underworld, called Xibalba (pronounced She bal ba). Extracting the root from Xibalba, one gets Xib, meaning “fear, terror, trembling with fright,” a clear indication of the Maya’s dread of this place (Coe 1975:89). The Yucatec word Metnal or Mitnal, also used to describe the underworld, comes from the root word miqui, meaning to die (Tozzer 1941:132; de Landa 1978:58; Karttunen 1983; Campbell 1985). The lengthy trip to Xibalba was exceedingly dangerous. Maya believed that to get to this underworld, the departed spirit traveled through three gates and across a lake. On this journey, the dead were guarded and guided by dogs (Pozas 1959:203, in Thompson 1990). Dog skeletons have been found in ancient Maya burials, and in one case a ®int carving of a dog was interred with an individual (Thompson 1990). The role of dogs in funeral ceremonies and the afterlife is discussed in the literature and dogs are prominent guards beyond the grave in other cultures as well (Bloom¤eld 1908). The deceased Maya were not expected to sojourn to the underworld without food for sustenance; buried with them were tortillas, corn, and posol (attributed to Leonard 1955 by Thompson 1990). This practice was not followed for the Maya interred in the Catholic chapel and cemetery at Tipu. There is also no evidence of dog remains at Tipu; such burial of dogs was a practice that the friars attributed to pagans and thus prohibited. Other customs also surround this journey to Xibalba, some continuing even today. To make the trek easier, the Chamula Tzotzil sometimes buried a new pair of shoes with the deceased. The Lacandon Maya placed a palm ¤gure at each of the four corners of a burial mound to symbolize the dogs guarding the departed one. The dead were sometimes buried with their hands clasping two items: a howler monkey bone to help ward off angry dogs on

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the road, and locks of hair from both sides of the dead person’s head to prevent attacks from birds of prey (Thompson 1990). Because hair readily disintegrates, it is unlikely that hand-clasped locks would be found in the Tipu cemetery. Nevertheless, neither monkey bones nor hair, nor symbolic representations of these, were unearthed, indicating that Tipuans probably adhered to the Christian taboos. For the Maya, the entrance to their underworld was a cave located in the Alta Verapaz from which poured an overwhelming stench of decomposing corpses and clotted blood. The duty of a Maya medicine man was to vanquish the various scourges in®icted on the Maya of the Middle World (or earth world) by the lords of the underworld. They were to banish these plagues back into the underworld hole (Coe 1975; Schele and Miller 1986). Xibalba was infested with ugly mutants graphically depicted in Maya art: creatures that were skeletal, hermaphroditic, anthropomorphic, and zoomorphic. Xibalba’s leaders were shown as old and toothless, sometimes having both male and female features. They were named for misfortunes such as “disease, old age, sacri¤ce and war, and were often depicted with black marks, representing decaying ®esh, as well as bony bodies and distended bellies” (Schele and Miller 1986:268). One underworld ruler was called Cizin, a name still uttered today by the Yucatec. A literal translation of the word Cizin is “®atulence,” “breaking of wind,” “one who farts,” or “stench” (Coe 1975:89; Schele and Miller 1986:268; Thompson 1990:302). This word actually parallels in pronunciation a portion of the Aztec or Nahuatl word for buttocks or anus, which is Tzintli (Karttunen 1983; Campbell 1985). Maya art even depicts individuals of Xibalba with “farts so pungent that they emerge in huge scrolls, and their breath is so foul it is visible” (Schele and Miller 1986:268). According to the Lacandon Maya, once a spirit meets Cizin a grisly torture takes place. The soul is burned on the mouth and anus causing untold anguish. The lord of the underworld then increases the pain by throwing cold water on the scorched areas before burning the rest of the spirit. The spirit entreats the elder brother of Cizin, named Sucunyum, who keeps Cizin in check. Sucunyum cleanses the charred spirit with spittle and then sends it on its course.

Prehistoric Lowland Maya Burial Skeletal remains of prehistoric lowland Maya are extensive. Unfortunately, nature, careless methods of excavation and curation, and looters have jeopardized the yield of information about early Maya burial practices and beliefs. Much of the Maya skeletal material is extremely fragmented as a result of weathering and the acidic tropical soil in which the deceased were buried. To compound these problems, many early explorers of Maya ruins underesti-

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mated the value of physical information offered by skeletons and tomb structures. They were more interested in the magni¤cent stone buildings, the stele, and grave goods. Consequently, they gave slight, if any, notice to location and were not particularly careful with the skeletal remains. Looters, with their eyes on treasure, cared little or nil for the preservation of bones. Further problems occurred in decades past when archaeologists and explorers took a primary interest in skulls, regarding other portions of the skeletal remains as less valuable. Cranial portions of skeletons fed the armchair debate on the differences between races (Morton 1842; Davis 1867). The result of this approach was decapitation with no documentation as to where the rest of the skeleton was located. General locations were noted, such as Guatemala, but no speci¤c site description or location was given (Davis 1867). Some of the earliest information on Maya skeletal material comes from the early and middle nineteenth century. Both Samuel Morton (1842) and J. Barnard Davis (1867) discuss the physical appearance of the few Maya crania brought to them. Each compares his ¤ndings with his examinations of other crania from various parts of the world, publishing the material in catalogs to show how the Maya differ from other races. Nott and Gliddon (1865) do not discuss Maya skeletal material but compare the crania of prehistoric Mexicans with other crania excavated elsewhere in the world. Gordon (1896) in his description of the ruins of Copán in Honduras mentions excavations of burials found in 1893 in caves at this site. He does not give details, however. Later, Gann excavated prehistoric ruins of the Maya in the southern Yucatán in an area that is now Belize (Gann 1916, 1918; Gann and Gann 1939). Gann’s undertaking is criticized as being part of the treasurehunt era of archaeology when careful techniques were put aside to attain the objets d’art (Welsh 1988). The criticism is valid, but Gann (1918), interestingly enough, does give anthropometric measurements of modern Maya of his day, which are of some value. Welsh (1988:2–3) divides the literature on Maya burials into three distinct categories. The ¤rst is literature on Maya burials in which the reporting and description are of a high standard even though burials were not the primary focus of the excavation. These standards can be found in the following literature by various scholars about various Maya sites: San José by Thompson (1939); Uaxactun by Smith (1950), Ricketson and Ricketson (1937), and Wauchope (1934); Dzibilchaltún by Andrews and Andrews (1980); Altun Ha by Pendergast (1979, 1982); Tikal by Haviland (1981, 1985) and Coggins (1975); Barton Ramie by Willey (1965); Seibal by Tourtellot (1990); and Altar de Sacri¤cios by Smith (1972). The second category includes information that is somewhat less complete because of individuals reporting on burials that they did not excavate, or because the burials were badly disturbed making reporting dif¤cult. These sites include Mountain Cow by Thompson (1931),

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Copán by Gordon (1896) and Longyear (1952), and Homul by Merwin and Vaillant (1932). The third category includes reports that would bene¤t from more information because they are incomplete or have little contextual data; for example, work on the site of Jaina by Moedano Koer (1946) and López Alonso (1968). Welsh (1988) points out that progression beyond the basic description of Maya burials was long in coming. Although Ricketson (1925) tried to elaborate and make generalizations about burial customs in the Maya region, his conclusions were limited because of the scant number of skeletal remains, as well as the minimal amount of information offered as a result of faulty excavation procedures. Ruz Lhuillier (1965, 1968) described funerary customs of the Maya and other groups in Mesoamerica but did not provide the framework for analysis of burials that Welsh considered necessary. Later, Rathje (1970) provided the guidelines for mortuary analysis and synthesis of the Maya by offering hypotheses that might elicit information on the social, economic, and political ways of the Maya, but he did not analyze or synthesize the burial data. Welsh’s (1988) study of Classic lowland Maya and Robin’s (1989) analysis of Preclassic Maya burials from Cuello, Belize, offer what has been lacking in Maya studies: that is, an examination of mortuary custom that provides information about the life of prehistoric Maya. These works are important to this study of Tipu because they examine the lowland region as well. The prehistoric Maya of the lowlands had a de¤nite mortuary complex that was shared by the majority of individuals. Welsh (1988:215–31) summarizes their general mortuary trends, as well as idiosyncrasies at various sites that re®ect the different mortuary treatment of some lowland groups. He describes some 20 lowland Maya practices, which he refers to as prehistoric pan-lowland Maya tradition, and 10 practices that characterize regional mortuary customs. The following customs are paraphrased and abbreviated from Welsh (1988:215–18).

Prehistoric Pan-Lowland Maya Mortuary Customs 1. Cremation was not a favored method of body disposal during the Preclassic, Protoclassic, and Classic periods. Cremation became more popular in the Postclassic period. 2. Bodies of the deceased were buried beneath every type of structure and house unit imaginable. There seems to be no discrete area or cemetery for the placement of bodies although Welsh suggests that the discovery of one could be likely. 3. Even though the dead were buried in many different structures, there was a tendency to bury bodies in buildings located to the east of residential

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plazas. Welsh points out that these buildings are called “household shrines” and may house the bodies of individuals with greater wealth and/or status. 4. Maya rulers and their families were buried in temples and sometimes within ceremonial platforms and household shrines if the site did not have a temple. These burials contain a greater number of grave goods. 5. Memorials were constructed over the better-furnished graves. These memorials might take the form of altars, benches, stair blocks, platforms, complete household shrines, or temples. 6. The more elaborate burials were discovered in temples, household shrines, and ceremonial platforms with the remains interred in tombs or crypts as opposed to cists or simple graves. All known Maya rulers were buried in tombs. People not of the elite who had well-furnished graves were more often buried in cists and simple graves. 7. On the whole, interments were primary. 8–11. Welsh ¤nds four types of human sacri¤ce evident from burial context: ¤rst, an adult buried with what is most probably an offspring; second, a primary interment in association with one or more secondary interments, probably sacri¤ced in honor of the primary (the secondary burials were usually at the periphery of the grave, their skeletons sometimes exhibiting evidence of mutilation); third, infants or skulls of adults used as dedicatory caches for an altar, special building, temple, or stele; and fourth, mutilated skeletal parts found in plazas, ceremonial platforms, and residential dwellings. 12. Separation of skull or face from a body does not necessarily mean the individual was a sacri¤cial victim. Welsh suggests in some instances these were revered parts used in ancestor worship. 13. Burials in residences and simple graves often revealed a bowl over or under the skull. Welsh suggests the bowl was a protective device. 14. Burial of the deceased could be within an urn. 15. In a limited number of well-furnished burials, a shell was found over the skull. This was, however, not a widespread custom. Because the Maya sometimes used conch shells to call their gods, Welsh suggests the shells were in the grave to beckon the gods to the deceased. 16. Burial tended to be in ®exed position in small cists and simple graves and extended in large crypts and tombs. 17. Each Maya site had its own consistent orientation of the head in burial. Altun Ha differed in that this site had two different head orientations. 18. Grave goods among the lowland Maya consisted of similar items although in different quantities. Graves of the elite had more elaborate items such as stingray spines and jade masks. 19. Remains frequently were covered with ochre, and individuals often had jade beads in their mouths. Clay ¤gure whistles were found primarily in the graves of children. 20. The burials of males and females contained comparable grave goods.

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Although the graves of adults might be better furnished than those of children, the degree of difference was small.

Regional Maya Mortuary Customs According to Welsh (1988:218) mortuary customs differed among groups of Maya. The following is an abbreviated paraphrase of his text. 1. At Altar de Sacri¤cios the primary interment method was the simple grave wherever the remains were found. 2. At Dzibilchaltún, Palenque, and Tonina the primary interment method was the crypt. 3. A majority of the total urn burials found among the lowland Maya were at Dzibilchaltún. 4. Burials in which a bowl was placed over the skull of deceased individuals were rarely found at Copán, Piedras Negras, Palenque, and Tonina. 5. Only a small number of pots were found with individuals buried at Palenque and Piedras Negras. 6. At Tonina and Palenque graves were reused. 7. Most of the unused and looted graves were found at Dzibilchaltún. 8. Burials at Altar de Sacri¤cios and Seibal that dated to the Boca-Jimba or Tepejilote-Bayal phases of the Terminal Classic were without grave goods. 9. The ®exed position was common at San José, Altar de Sacri¤cios, Uaxactun, and Copán. The remains at Piedras Negras, Palenque, and Dzibilchaltún were in the extended position. At Altun Ha and Tonina the remains were extended and supine while at Baking Pot and Barton Ramie the skeletal remains were extended and prone. 10. Each site had its preferred head orientation. Head orientation was to the south at Baking Pot, Barton Ramie, Benque Viejo, San José, and Homul, and in temple burials at Altun Ha. Head orientation was to the north at Piedras Negras, Palenque, Tonina, Tikal, and Uaxactun, although at Uaxactun, remains were found in temples and had heads oriented to the east. At Dzibilchaltún, Seibal, and Copán, and in residential areas of Altun Ha, heads were oriented to the east. At Altar de Sacri¤cios skeletal remains in temples had their heads oriented to the east while remains of individuals in housemounds had their heads to the north.

In the past 35 years, scientists have had at their disposal increasingly wellexcavated and well-recorded skeletal material that permits further analysis. In addition, only during this time have suf¤ciently large skeletal samples been recovered. Researchers who have led the way in analysis of Maya skeletal remains include Hooton (1940), who examined material from the cenote of sacri¤ce at Chichén Itzá; Stewart (1949, 1953, 1975), who worked on material from Zaculeu, Guatemala, and Dzibilchaltún in the Yucatán of Mexico; and

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Saul (1972, 1975, 1982; Saul and Saul 1991), who has worked on skeletal material from Altar de Sacri¤cios, Lubaantun, Tancah, and Cuello, to name a few. Márquez Morfín has analyzed remains from tombs at Chichén Itzá (Márquez Morfín and Schmidt 1984), Komchen (Márquez Morfín and Miranda 1984), Gruta de Xcan (Márquez de González et al. 1982), Santa Elena (Márquez Morfín and González Crespo 1985), and Playa del Carmen (Márquez Morfín et al. 1982). The most recent Maya skeletal analyses are covered in a comprehensive bibliographic review of osteological literature (Danforth et al. 1997) in a volume devoted entirely to skeletal analysis of the Maya (Whittington and Reed 1997). In the bibliographic review the authors also include earlier studies in this work. Exhaustive and indexed, the bibliography notes the most reliable sex, age, trauma, and pathology sources published from 1839 through 1994. The authors examine the data from approximately 100 sites representing some 3000 or more individuals. The foregoing sections point up the polarity that existed between the Maya beliefs on death and burial and those held by the Catholic friars. Under the friars’ relentless indoctrination, however, the Maya saw their beliefs undergo a metamorphosis, emerging as predominately Catholic. Not just the Tipuans, but other Maya as well, traversed a long philosophical bridge in order to allow themselves and their loved ones to be buried for eternity in a Catholic burial ground. The next section shows the amalgam of beliefs that came after Spanish contact. INCORPOR ATION OF SPA NISH C ATHOLIC BELIEFS

Testaments As early as the mid-sixteenth century, the indigenous populations were adopting the Catholic customs of preparing for death by contributing money and paying parish taxes. With death in sight, two Nahua or Aztecs of postconquest times drew up testaments, professing their faith, giving instructions for their burial, and making monetary offerings to ensure that prayers would be said for their souls. The testaments, originally written in Nahuatl and Spanish, richly re®ect the cultural and religious change imposed by the Spanish. Even the standardized nature of the following documents adheres to a Spanish pattern. Testament of don Julián de la Rosa, Tlaxcala, 1566. In the name of God the father omnipotent and his son and the Holy Spirit, three persons yet one true God, know all who see my testament that I, don Julián de la Rosa, a citizen here in the city of Tlaxcala and belonging to the Ocotelulco cabecera, though at this moment I am ailing in my earthly ®esh, yet in my mind I am very healthy; I desire, in order to prepare well my spirit

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and soul, to commend it to the hands of my lord Jesus Christ; I am also devoted to my intercessor his precious mother lady Saint Mary, eternally very true virgin. I declare and acknowledge herewith that now I make my testament and last will as follows: —First I commend my soul to God omnipotent who created it and redeemed it with his precious blood. And as to my earthly body, I return it to the earth, since from there it came. If this is a sickness from which my body will die, I wish to be buried there at the church of Santa María in Tlaxcala, in the church, before the cruci¤x [in a stone tomb]. (Anderson et al. 1976:44–45) Testament of don Juan de Guzmán, Coyoacan, 1622. . . . Now I am very sick, my body is very ill and not healthy, but my understanding is very sound, as our Lord God gave it to me, and I have not lost it . . . —First I command and declare that when I die I am to be buried at the main church of St. John the Baptist, there facing the burial and death of our Lord God; there is our burial place where they all lie buried, my father and my older and younger brothers. The offering is to be as is arranged, and one of the priests will come wearing a cloak to take me: and the offering usually given to the church people will be made to ring the bells . . . . . . And I declare that I am a member of the sodalities of the Holy True Cross and the Rosary and the Burial of Christ; when I die an offering of four tomines is to be given to each of the three, 1 peso and 4 tomines; perhaps they will desire that the wax candles for my burial will come from this. (Anderson et al. 1976:64–69)

Folklore After the Spanish arrival, bits and pieces of Christian mortuary ritual even ¤ltered into Maya folklore, showing the pervasive in®uence of Catholicism. This is the case with the “Story of the Dance of the Conquest from the Lake Atitlan, Guatemala area” (Sexton 1992:97–115). It is a Maya tale of old, the original version dating to early Spanish contact days. Although the story takes place before Maya acceptance of Catholicism, over time it has been infused with the Catholic elements of cof¤ns, bells, censers, biers, and churches. The tale is a popular one, presented in dance form during ¤esta time. It includes the mortuary ritual and burial of a warrior prince named Tecún. In the folktale’s denouement, the Maya agree to accept baptism and Catholicism in order to avoid war. . . . At the hour of the war, the horses appear again. Then the Spaniards mount again to begin the war, but then the horses are removed again, and they begin the ¤ght. When there are only a few minutes left before killing Tecún,

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Tecún changes his mask, replacing it with one that makes it appear that Tecún is in agony, with a lot of blood on the face. More than anything else he is dis¤gured, a signal that he is going to die. Tecún dying, Don Pedro takes away Tecún’s lance and enters marching with two lances in front of his Spaniards. He makes three turns in this sitio and then arrives to occupy the place of the Indians. Then Tecún is placed in a mortuary box. All the Indians are shouting and crying. Tecún is placed on the shoulders of the caciques. Huitzitzil takes the crown and carries it dancing, but it is a sad dance, the witch shouting, crying, and cursing the Spaniards. Tecún now dead is in the presence of the great King Quiché. The witch speaks, saying that the great King Tecún has died, but this witch maltreats the Spaniards. Then Tzunn speaks with the King Quiché. The witch breaks his incensory, saying that all the costumbres that he has done to the gods were for naught. King Quiché, in a sad voice, acts as if he were crying. Then come the two daughters, singing very sadly and crying over the body of Tecún. The body of Tecún is removed from the presence of the King Quiché, and it is taken to its bier in the church. At the moment when the body of Tecún is taken by the caciques, the large church bells knell very sadly. At the moment when they deposit the body of Tecún in the cof¤n, they also throw ®owers of ruda [a green plant that makes a yellow ®ower], tobacco leaves, and a lot of aguardiente to ward off evil spirits. Then the drum and chirimía play very calmly with a sad sound. King Quiché dances very slowly, showing his pain and his sadness. His daughters sing to console him . . . Then King Quiché . . . accepts the baptism that the Spaniards come offering in the name of God . . . he doesn’t want more ¤ghting . . . ” (Sexton 1992:113–14)

Contemporary Campo Santo Cemetery The nineteenth-century campo santo cemetery described by Stephens (1963:169) shows how far the Maya had traversed from their early beliefs of cremation or interment in urns and burial beneath dwellings. The campo santo cemetery, which assured Maya of blessed ground, is located near the prehistoric ruins of Tikal (Ticul). Enclosed by a high wall, the graveyard “had some degree of plan and arrangement” (Stephens 1963:169). Decayed offerings covered family tombs. Also, even though the cemetery was used for only ¤ve years, Stephens reports evidence of graves being reused, the dead dug up to make way for the recently deceased. The bones-and-clothing remnants from the older burials were collected and neatly placed in a box; the skulls were identi¤ed by names written on them. All these remains were taken to the charnel house, which stood at the corner of the cemetery. Measuring approximately thirty feet square, the charnel house was nothing more than an open

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area surrounded by four walls. Stone steps led up one wall. Boxes of bones, bundles of bones, and baskets of bones lined the top of the wall, ready to be tossed onto the heap inside the charnel house. “Within the enclosure the earth was covered several feet deep with the promiscuous and undistinguishable bones of rich and poor, high and low, men, women, and children, Spaniards, Mestizoes, and Indians, all mingled together as they happened to fall. Among them were fragments of bright-coloured dresses, and the long hair of women still clinging to the skull” (Stephens 1963:170). Thus, these nineteenthcentury Maya interred themselves in a burial ground that mirrors the early Catholic cemeteries of Europe.

Chan Kom Over the years, Catholic customs managed to blanket the Yucatán although rituals vary from area to area. Even with these regional differences, however, one has only to look in on a funeral to see that today’s burials are predominantly Catholic. Yet, here and there, old Maya traditions and/or local customs thread their way through the contemporary Catholic scene, producing an interesting amalgam of beliefs. The modern Maya village of Chan Kom in the Yucatán provides an example. The man who goes to Gloria is one who does not lie with a woman till he marries, and then only with his wife; who does not mistreat animals; who obeys his father and his mother; who does not swear; who does not think evil of another; who does not want another to present him with the things the other has; who learns prayers every Saturday and Sunday; who says a prayer and gives the sign of the cross (dzib-ich) when he is about to go to sleep; and who does not beat his wife or child. (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:198)

In Chan Kom when a Maya is on his or her deathbed a maestro cantor, a male well versed in Catholic prayers, is called to recite prayers in Latin and Spanish—and also in Mayan. These prayers such as the Sube, Sube and Santos Dios are attempts to release the soul from the body and also to keep the demons or ocol pixan who lurk in the doorway of the dying from grabbing the soul. It is thought that the prayers defeat the demons and reduce them to nothingness (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:199). The soul of a dying person escapes through a small hole in the thatched roof or in more modern homes through a small window in the ceiling. According to beliefs, the soul of a dying person visits Gloria twice. Initially, the soul arrives to see what Gloria is like; later the soul returns to stay. Mourners do not weep while a person is dying because crying might prevent the soul from getting to Gloria. In the case of a dying child, the parents also might not make it to Gloria if they cry. Weeping could cost them a voto or vote

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when it is their turn to be judged for entering Gloria. Crying, however, is permitted when the soul is thought to have reached heaven (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:200). When an individual is near death, witnesses follow certain procedures. They remove all seeds from the house because death’s arrival might prevent germination and growth. The witnesses also carry out all mechanized items such as clocks and sewing machines; if they are left in the house, death might prevent them from working. If the dying individuals have extreme trouble in releasing their souls, they are sometimes whipped with ropes. This is the remedy for freeing trapped souls (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:200). When a person ¤nally dies, the bell in the chapel rings the death knell, announcing the passing. Friends of the deceased are put in charge of the maintenance of the body. It is placed in a sheet, and a candlewick cord with ¤fty knots is attached to the deceased’s belt. The knots symbolize the number of Ave Marias in the rosary. “With this cord the soul, arrived in the presence of God, will receive a whipping for sins committed on earth” (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:200). The body is placed on a table between two lit candles, and the wake or ppix ich begins, an event that allows mourners to converse and to console each other. Stories are told, prayers are recited, and comfort is given amid the eating of food and drinking of coffee (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:200). The body is laid to rest in a wooden cof¤n, a black one for an adult, red for a child. Various offerings are placed on top of the bier: the last clothes worn by the deceased, the receptacle from which the individual last drank, ®owers for a child, and in the case of a female maybe a needle and thread. Relatives feed corn to fowl and bread to dogs in the name of the deceased (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:201). It is interesting to note that even though the modern Maya of Chan Kom have steeped themselves in Christian ceremony, they still ¤nd the need for kindness to dogs at the death scene because in ancestral Maya belief, dogs led the departed soul to the underworld. The tolling of the chapel bell marks the start of the funeral procession. The cof¤n is carried to the village cemetery while mourners sing Sube Sube, Reina del Cielo (for children) or Santos Dios, Despedida, Adios (for adults). At the cemetery the cof¤n remains in a thatched building until a grave is dug. More prayers are recited by the maestro cantor, and the body is placed in the grave. The only ceremony performed at interment might be the sprinkling of holy water if it is available. A wooden cross serves as a headstone, and a candle is lit at the grave site (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:201). The days that follow the death are called the nine days of prayer. On the third and seventh days, prayers are said at the time death occurred. The house of the deceased is always left intact, because the soul must return during the nine days to gather his/her dirty sins wherever they might be to bring them to the Final Judgment. After nine days the house is cleaned. From that time

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on, the death is recognized in different prayers at designated times, as well as on All Souls’ Day (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:201). Because cemeteries are crowded and soil is thin, bones are removed from graves every two to three years to make way for new interments. The bones are anointed with holy water, cleaned, and placed in a box. After prayers, the box is taken back to the village and placed under the table of the living while they feast and pray. That night the bone box is delivered back to a building in the cemetery. It is now that the mourners can truly mourn (Red¤eld and Villa Rojas 1962:201–4). One could speculate that placing the bones beneath the table of the living is reminiscent of the Maya’s earlier burials beneath dwellings.

Todos Santos The ethnographic work done by Oakes (1969) in Todos Santos, Guatemala, among the Mam village Indians, gives a more pronounced example of Maya tradition still lingering within the dominant Catholic environment. Oakes records that in Todos Santos the burial of a chimán or shaman-priest is different from that of the normal modern Maya. There are no prayers for the chimán. He also may be buried with the paraphernalia of his profession. He is brought to the same Catholic cemetery as the rest of the Maya, but is not buried beneath the ground with the rest of his people. Instead, he is entombed above ground in a box. It is known that the chimán has a pact with the mistress of the mountains or the dueño de cerro so his ¤nal destination after death will be different from that of other Maya (Oakes 1969:51).

Maya Adaptations to Catholic Burial As shown in the foregoing, when one belief system is imposed upon another, a patchwork product sometimes emerges. Another such instance is described by Gann (1925:189). In this example, the modern Maya have conveniently overlooked the requirement of burial in consecrated ground; yet, the rest of the ceremony is steeped in Catholic ritual. According to Gann, in this burial in its “crudest” form, the body is placed on a bier made of sticks. The Maya then cut a path or picado through the forest in the presumed direction where previous Maya from the village were buried. A hole ¤ve feet deep is dug. Soon the air is heavy with incense as the simple ceremony unfolds. Incense not burned is sprinkled from the censer into the grave. Mourners then take the body from the bier. With a few strokes, they break the bier into pieces, scattering the sticks over the bottom of the grave. After the body is placed in the pit, mourners toss in handfuls of dirt. Four candles made from black wax are lit and placed in pairs at the head and foot of the grave. The burial is over. If one tried to ¤nd the exact spot of the grave in a month or two, one would

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be hard pressed to locate it. The path to the burial and the burial site itself would have been engulfed by the overgrowth of the forest. The reason behind such a burial in unconsecrated ground may be pragmatic: it is too far to carry the body to the cemetery. Alternatively, the reason may be economic: the family escapes paying the monetary tax necessary for ensuring space in the village cemetery (Oakes 1969:43). ARCH A EOLOGIC A L DATA Before examining the cemetery at Tipu, it is advisable to examine other archaeological burial sites of contact or postcontact times. Regardless of whether the populations in these excavated burial grounds are Maya, mixed, or predominately Spanish, they give insight into the type of mortuary customs that the friars brought to the New World; thus, these sites offer a basis of comparison for Tipu.

Spanish Florida Until recently one of the few models of Spanish burial in the Americas came from the archaeological work done by Kathleen Deagan and colleagues at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad at St. Augustine in Florida. One of Deagan’s colleagues (Koch 1978, 1980, 1983) offers an examination of Spanish mortuary behavior at this Florida site. Studying parish records, Koch (1980:208–9) found that the makeup of the mortuary population at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad included soldiers, Spanish men and women, Native Americans, slaves, Blacks, mulattos, mestizos (Native American/Spanish mix), and Creoles (Deagan 1991:133–35). Based on a statistical analysis of burial attributes, Koch’s (1983:203) information gives a general model for burial during the “First Spanish Period” (a.d. 1565–1763), which overlaps the prime burial time at Tipu (a.d. 1568–1638). The Spanish used few cof¤ns during this period, and those that were uncovered at Soledad were rectangular in shape or a “tapered rectangle.” Koch (1983:203) found the cof¤ns were ¤tted with iron and brass nails and tacks. At other mission sites in the southeast it is obvious that burial in a wooden cof¤n was rare. At San Luís de Talimali bioanthropologist Clark Spenser Larsen and archaeologist Bonnie G. McEwan found interments in pine cof¤ns in the church ®oor close to the altar. The people interred in that fashion were probably members of elite Apalachee families who had high social status . . . A single cof¤n burial was found among the several hundred interments both in the Santa Catalina de Guale church on the Georgia coast and the Santa Catalina de Guale church on Amelia Island. The latter, a crudely made cof¤n constructed of rough timbers and large iron spikes, contained two adult males, perhaps

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native leaders in life. The Amelia Island cof¤n had been placed in the bottom of a large grave. On top of the cof¤n were the largely disarticulated bones of sixty-one people, mostly females, buried together in a mass grave. Exactly what this ossuary represents is uncertain. (Milanich 1999:139)

Shroud interments were more plentiful at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. Head orientation was toward either the east or west, arms were crossed or at the sides, and legs were extended. The church itself was located “in the front center of the lot” with mortuary remains found on three sides (Koch 1983:220). At Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, the human remains were interred in close proximity both within the church proper and outside the church. The site showed the use of lime mortar possibly to purify or to hasten decomposition of bodies; the site also presented evidence of multiple burials and intrusive burials. Koch (1983:219) points out that all sancti¤ed areas included disturbed burials. Such disarray, generally caused by overcrowding, was common in Spanish cemeteries. Eventual placement of an individual was of little concern so long as the deceased remained near the saints, or in the church near the altar of the Virgin or of the Holy Sacrament. The body had been entrusted to the church, and the church could do as it saw ¤t so long as the body remained within the holy precincts (Ariès 1974:22). There was no evidence at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad of a charnel house with disinterred bones from older burials such as those found in European churchyards. Work at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad by Deagan (1983) and a colleague (Koch 1978, 1983) was just the start of a movement to investigate missions in Spanish Florida. Recently, a ®urry of interest in the Spanish borderlands has involved both excavation and the gathering and dissemination of information (Thomas 1990; McEwan 1993). McEwan’s (1993) volume focuses on the physical layout and mortuary patterns at the following Florida missions (Table 3.1): Santa Catalina de Guale (Larsen 1990a, 1993); Santa Catalina de Guale de Santa Maria (Hann 1990; Larsen 1993; Saunders 1993); Santa Catalina de Guale de Santa Maria ossuary (Simmons et al. 1989:8, cited in Larsen 1993); Santa Maria de los Yamassee (Saunders 1988; Larsen 1993); San Juan del Puerto (Dickinson and Wayne 1985; Dickinson 1989; Larsen 1993); Nombre de Dios (Dickel 1990, cited in Larsen 1993; Seaberg 1991); Santa Fé de Toloca ( Johnson 1993; Larsen 1993); San Martin de Timucua or Fig Springs (Hoshower 1990, 1991, cited in Larsen 1993; Hoshower and Milanich 1993; Weisman 1993); San Pedro de Potohiriba ( Jones 1972; Larsen 1993); San Miguel de Asile ( Jones 1972; Larsen 1993); San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco ( Jones 1972; Jones and Shapiro 1990; Larsen 1993); San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale (Storey 1986, cited in Larsen 1993; Jones and Shapiro 1990; Jones et al. 1991; Marrinan 1993); San Damian de Escambe ( Jones 1970; Larsen 1993); and San Luís de Talimali (Larsen 1990b, 1993; Vernon and McEwan 1990). The numbers of burials and the mortuary contexts for the remains at each site were gathered

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from different resources by Larsen (1993:336), and this information is presented in Table 3.1. This table also includes information on head orientation, mode of interment, and body orientation, and data on presence or absence of cof¤ns, burial shrouds, and grave goods. Koch’s Nuestra Señora de la Soledad data are presented in Table 3.1 as well (Koch 1978, 1980, 1983).

The Santa Barbara Presidio The Presidio at Santa Barbara, California, offers another look at Spanish burial practices in the New World. Founded in 1782, the Santa Barbara Presidio housed Spanish military personnel, government of¤cials, and surplus stock. Its two-story chapel was erected in 1787 and expanded in 1797. Remaining in use until 1854, the Santa Barbara Presidio chapel included a burial area beneath the ®oor, as well as an outside cemetery. Archaeological work on the chapel foundations in 1967 yielded three burials. Analyzed by Costello and Walker (1987), the burials were identi¤ed as a middle-aged adult; a newborn baby with a three- to four-year-old child, the remains of these two being mixed; and a woman between 16 and 20 years of age. Costello and Walker (1987) used the burial registry or Book of the Dead to narrow down identities by age in hopes of attaching names to the interred. Burial 1, the middle-aged adult, is noteworthy because the individual exhibits a dental characteristic found primarily in Native Americans or Asiatic peoples: the shovel-shaped incisor. According to a 1790 Padron or census, the population at the Santa Barbara Presidio was one-third mestizo (Native American/Spanish mix). The possibility exists that Burial 2 with its dual interment was a family plot. An analysis of cranial features of Burial 3 indicates that this individual, María Antonia Carrillo, probably was of African ancestry. The graves of the three analyzed burials were lined on sides and bottom with ladrillos (bricks or cobbles). Cof¤ns 1 and 3 were made of redwood, and a different wood was used for cof¤n 2. Cloth and decorative brass tacks covered the redwood cof¤n of Burial 3; this cof¤n also was ¤lled with lime. Grave goods in these burials consisted of buttons, glass beads, a ring, a decorative braid, grommets (eyelets of ¤rm material used for reinforcement), glass pearls, ®ower bundles, and a lead piece (Costello and Walker 1987:13). Before 1796, 35 burials at the Santa Barbara Presidio were interred in the chapel ®oor. Even though the chapel was expanded in 1797, excavations show that 73 of the 75 burials from that time until 1807 were in the cemetery outside the chapel. Between 1807 and 1835, two individuals were buried, both in the cemetery. Between 1835 and 1850, burials switched back to the chapel ®oor with 13 individuals being interred. Three of the burials included in the chapel burial total were actually found in walls and foundations. These three burials included the remains of four individuals. One burial was a possible

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male, the second burial contained remains of a newborn and a three- to fouryear-old, and the third burial had the remains of a woman between 16 and 20 years old at the time of death (Costello and Walker 1987:9–11). A breakdown of the sex distribution of burials beneath the chapel ®oor shows 26 were females and 21 were males, and of that total 23 were children while 24 were adults. Among the burials interred in the Santa Barbara Presidio chapel ®oor were the following: Capitan Graduado Ortega; several sargentos; numerous soldiers; wives and children of these individuals; Calisto, a Native American prisoner; José Francisco Fuentes, a cabin boy from a Spanish frigate; and Ignacio Rochín, a soldier of the presidio who was “executed in front of said presidio (by ¤ring squad) by public sentence.” (Costello and Walker 1987:15, with quotation from Powell 1979:12)

Spanish-In®uenced Colonial Maya Church Burial at Tancah Two Maya archaeological sites excavated prior to Tipu yielded burials interred in the Spanish tradition. The ¤rst is Tancah, a site in the northern Yucatán described by Miller and Farriss (1979) and Saul (1982). Tancah offers evidence of both an extended Maya and Spanish presence. A total of 44 burials were uncovered from two structures: 17 from Structure 42, and 27 from Structure 71. In looking at Structure 42, one ¤nds two burials associated with the Early Classic period, six burials associated with the Middle Classic period, one associated with the Late Classic period, and eight associated with the Postclassic period. Of particular interest to this study are the 27 burials from Structure 71, because these individuals died between a.d. 1543 and 1668, coinciding with the prime burial time at Tipu, a.d. 1568–1638. Also, as at Tipu, these individuals from Structure 71 were buried in association with a Christian church (Saul 1982). Although Miller and Farriss test-excavated only the chapel at Structure 71, they suggest the strong possibility that the inside of the church may be ¤lled with burials. Thus far, burials have been uncovered from beneath the stucco ®oor of the chapel nave. Remains indicate that individuals were placed on their backs with alignment in an east-west orientation. Grave goods were scant (Miller and Farriss 1979:232). Two burials (numbers 4 and 5) indicate a hierarchy of interment. These two individuals were placed in the center of the eastern portion of the nave, a position of importance, according to the authors. Burial 5 is possibly Spanish, because the individual was interred in a cof¤n with nails, a Spanish burial tradition (Miller and Farriss 1979:233). No description

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of the skeleton is given that would shed light on the genetic af¤liation of the individual. According to Miller and Farriss (1979), both Maya and mestizos are interred at Tancah. Although the Maya are buried in Christian style—on their backs in east-west alignment—they do not possess places of prestige within the chapel. These areas, such as near the altar, were reserved for mestizos. No females were found in the nave, which might suggest sex discrimination in burial. However, some skeletons within this series are of undetermined sex; females could well be part of this group (Saul 1982). One particular burial “serves as an example of survival of Maya burial practices in the chapel” (Miller and Farriss 1979:233). This individual was buried in a ®exed position with a jade bead in the mouth, both Maya traditions. The discovery of a cache of ceramic fragments dating from a.d. 450– 550 in a pit without burials in front of the altar, which the authors believe might have been buried secretly, also illustrates that the Maya’s acceptance of Catholicism was not complete. The Maya still held to various past traditions. This combination of both Maya and Catholic beliefs creates the syncretic religion that is followed by the Maya of today (Miller and Farriss 1979:236).

Lamanai At the site of Lamanai in Belize there is evidence for two Catholic churches. The earliest church (N12/11) was built in a.d. 1550 while the second church was built in the early seventeenth century after an uprising of Lamanai Maya (White 1986:90; Graham et al. 1989). Recent archaeological excavations and an ever-growing ®urry of subsequent publications and student theses (Pendergast 1975, 1981, 1986a, 1986b, 1991a, 1991b; Helmuth and Pendergast 1986– 1987; White 1986; Graham et al. 1989; White and Schwarcz 1989; Lang 1990; Wright 1990; Graham 1991; White et al. 1994; White 1997) are reconstructing the evidence for Maya and Spanish presence and relationships at the site of Lamanai and its church. Not only is there evidence for churches but also there is archaeological material that indicates ongoing occupation by Maya at Lamanai from 1500 b.c. through the Postclassic (a.d. 950–1544) and during Spanish contact until a.d. 1641 when a general uprising by Maya communities including Lamanai forced the inhabitants of Lamanai to ®ee the area, possibly to Tipu (López de Cogolludo 1971; Pendergast 1981, 1986a, 1986b; White et al. 1994). Lamanai’s earliest church was ¤rst known as the “Indian Church,” a name given to it in the nineteenth century, and was later described erroneously as a pre-Columbian structure by Castells (1904). This church appears on a church list dating to a.d. 1582, and it was described by Fathers Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita in a.d. 1618 (Roys 1957:63). Other Catholic

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priests who returned to Lamanai in a.d. 1641, after the uprising, talk of the church and local dwellings ruined by ¤re (López de Cogolludo 1971). The skeletal remains from Lamanai date to both the Postclassic (a.d. 950– 1544) and the Historic period (a.d. 1544–1641) (White et al. 1994). It was ¤rst reported by Lang (1990) that the majority of the 106 Postclassic burials were found in three structures: N10/1, a platform in the middle of a plaza (2 burials); N10/2, a ceremonial building (50 burials); and N10/4, an Early Classic structure that was reused for burial purposes during the Postclassic (47 burials) (White 1986). The rest of the remains were found in an undated structure (Pendergast 1981, 1986a). Lamanai’s Historic skeletal remains were located in two areas: 131 individuals were found beneath the ®oor of the nave of the earlier church (N12/11), and the 1985 excavation YDL-85, which is located to the west of N12/11, yielded 105 for a total of 236 Historic burials (White 1986:90; Lang 1990:42). In a more recent publication, White et al. (1994) indicate that Lamanai has yielded 115 Postclassic burials and 179 Historic burials interred beneath the church nave. The mortuary pattern in the Lamanai nave mirrors that of Tancah and of Christian burial. One ¤nds evidence of crowding and disturbance of burials to accommodate the parishioners within a restricted sancti¤ed space. The mode of interment is extended in the supine position in an east-west body orientation as at Tancah. The individuals’ heads are oriented to the west. Arms are folded across either the chest or the pelvis (Lang 1990:42; Helmuth, pers. comm., in Lang 1990). Grave goods are few but include a bone rosary (Pendergast 1981). The Spaniards who came to the New World were determined to impose Catholicism upon their new subjects, and evidence from the Yucatán, California, and Florida shows that the conquerors were successful, because Spanish Catholic customs pervade these regions. Spanish Catholic traditions and mortuary patterns are re®ected at Chan Kom and Todos Santos, at various sites in Spanish Florida and Spanish California, and at Tancah and Lamanai in the Yucatán. Generally, one sees burial procedures in these areas that include placement of an individual in a grave underneath the ®oor of the church nave or in an accompanying church cemetery, and placement of the individual on his/her back in an extended position with hands or arms folded either on the chest or near the pelvis. In Spanish Florida the body orientation is, for the most part, east to west or a north to south modi¤cation of east to west; likewise at the sites of Tancah and Lamanai in the Yucatán, individuals are laid out in an east to west direction. Never does there seem to be a north to south alignment of church burials. Cof¤n burials, which generally indicate higher status, are almost nonexistent. Few individuals at these Spanish-Catholic cemeteries were buried with grave goods. In churches that had a strong following, burials often were tightly

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packed into a limited church space. Individuals of higher status are near the altar. Adults are more often found nearer the altar than children. The paramount desire was to be buried in the church and near the altar, thus nearer to God. The method of disposal of human remains varies from culture system to culture system, historically and prehistorically. The Maya mortuary practices prior to contact were very different from those brought by the Spanish Catholics. These two traditions collided and fused. For archaeologists the method of disposal is a vehicle for better understanding both the tangible and intangible aspects of speci¤c cultural systems. Mortuary patterns within a population such as the Maya help de¤ne that culture’s own relationships. In terms of mortuary practices, the locational aspect of the bodies, the skeletal material, and some of the inclusions within the burial crypt are the only things that remain after the culture is gone. Gone are the words and actions said and performed around the body. Gone are the people who witnessed the burial. Bartel (1982) equates this with the classic psychological example of the black box, but with a twist. In the classic black box example, there is a known input into the black box containing an unobservable object that results in an observable output. With mortuary practices, especially in prehistoric examples, we have an unobservable input (those social relationships and premortum behaviors of the participants) producing an observable object (the corpse disposal unit with possible remaining inclusions, i.e., skeletal remains, clothing and other material goods, location, and crypt construction material) leading to an unobservable output, that is, postmortum death-related behaviors of the surviving participants (which includes the events before, during, and after the body is interred) (Bartel 1982:53–55). Upon Spanish-Maya contact there was a fusion of mortuary practices. Archaeologically, the visible or tangible mortuary practices that are seen after contact are heavily in®uenced by Spanish-Catholic procedures. Burial was in a church or around a church according to the dictates of the Catholic religion. However, some archaeological evidence, ethnohistorical examples, and modern-day mortuary rituals indicate the Maya in®uence that still exists and record the input and output behaviors that take place around a particular death. These behaviors contribute to the fused mortuary practices that currently exist. As for Spanish versus Maya elements in these ceremonies, I have found it dif¤cult to sort out the cultural derivation of the various episodes. For while a Catholic priest is never involved and the Pater Noster is seldom recited, many of the ritual sequences are performed in funerals and burials in Spain and among the Ladinos in Chiapas. The elements and sequences that appear to be more Mayan than Catholic Spanish are these: the use of copal incense; the relatively elaborated customs about grave goods, including food and drink and

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vessels in which to consume these; the cutting, burning, or breaking of many items of the grave goods associated with the deceased; and the spreading of pine needles over the grave. (Vogt 1998:29)

This fusion of both tangible and intangible characteristics of mortuary behavior does seem predominately one-sided, showing the impact of the Spanish Catholic religion on the New World. To date, the archaeological data reveal this preponderance of Spanish rather than Maya material. At Tipu, too, the Spanish friars made their mark. Assessing the degree of Spanish in®uence at Tipu includes both analysis of the mortuary patterns that indicate cultural relationships and an investigation of dental features that provide insight into the biological relationships between the Spanish and the Maya, and among the Maya themselves.

4

Dental Genetics and Non-Metric and Metric Traits

Dental morphological traits do not vary without reason across the landscape in some higglety-pigglety fashion. Tooth morphology is part of the biological heritage that humans carry with them when they migrate, much like their blood group genes, ¤ngerprint patterns, PTC taste reactions, and other biological traits. When human groups are isolated from one another for a period of time, their crown and root trait frequencies diverge to varying degrees, depending on population size and the extent and temporal duration of isolation. When divergent populations come in contact and interbreed, the resulting populations possess convergent morphological trait frequencies. Scott and Turner 1997:12

When examining past societies scholars are well aware that pot sherds and arrowheads, jewelry, and textile fragments provide glimpses into bygone lifestyles. Less well known to the lay audience is the insight provided by skeletal and dental remains. The size of teeth as well as their form and structure (morphological characteristics) offer valuable clues about relationships within and between past populations. These metric and non-metric traits are recognized as valuable sources of information about human variation. The reliability of teeth as a source of data is supported by a long history of study. It is this history that serves as the foundation for this analysis of the Tipu Maya teeth. The teeth recovered from Tipu were scored for discrete traits (non-metric) and measured. The resulting data are used to pursue three goals: to develop a Maya complex of dental traits, to comment on the relationship between the individuals buried at Tipu, and to place the Tipuans within the Maya people as a whole. In order to appreciate fully the validity of this research, it is important to understand how teeth develop, why speci¤c traits appear or do not appear, and how these traits are used by researchers to create a dental genetic picture of a population.

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TOOTH DEV ELOPMENT The idiosyncrasies, the speci¤c qualities, or the morphological variations that teeth of similar classes can exhibit are numerous. The key to the formation of these variations lies in an understanding of the histology of the developing tooth. The fact that a tooth is the size it is or has the form it does is the result of embryonic developing tissues called epithelium and mesenchyme. Epithelium lines the mouth of the developing embryo and mesenchyme is an embryonic connective tissue that is composed of mesenchymal cells suspended in a jelly-like material called ground substance. These mesenchymal cells differentiate into both general and specialized connective tissues such as bone, cartilage, and the dentin portion of teeth (Warwick and Williams 1973:86). In the third week of human development the ectoderm or outermost of the three primitive germ layers of the embryo gives rise to structures including the roof of the mouth, the gums and cheeks, and, more important for this study, the enamel of teeth (Warwick and Williams 1973:86). By the beginning of the fourth week the primitive mouth or stomodeum has been formed. With growth this stomodeum becomes the oral and nasal cavities (Mel¤ 1982). The developing human has six paired branchial arches, two of which are called the “last” and are rudimentary; one of these may even be absent. These swellings “appear on either side of the mid-line in the future head and neck region” (England 1990:94). The ¤rst three arches are involved in the development of the face and its oral cavity. The ¤rst branchial arch develops into a portion of the maxilla and the entire mandible, and in the sixth week the maxillary and mandibular processes each fuse at midline (Kollar 1975). Branchial arches two and three play a role in helping the ¤rst arch in the development of the tongue. Normal tooth development begins in the embryo during the sixth week. This begins “six morphological stages of tooth growth prior to mineralization and eruption: (1) dental lamina; (2) bud stage; (3) cap stage; (4) early bell stage; (5) late bell stage; and (6) enamel and dentine matrix formation” (Scott and Turner 1997:76). At six weeks the epithelial cells thicken in the maxillary and mandibular prominences of the ¤rst branchial arch. The origins of the enamel or tooth buds derive from thickened areas of epithelial cells called dental lamina, and these epithelial cells proliferate in 20 speci¤c areas. These areas correspond with the 20 deciduous teeth that subsequently form. The seventh and eighth weeks bring continued growth for these epithelial tooth buds, and they become incorporated with the embryonic tissue of the branchial arches and the mesenchyme. The cap stage begins when the enamel bud forms a hollow that is ¤lled with mesenchyme (Hillson 1996:118). The mesenchyme-¤lled hollow is called the dental papilla and will eventually form the dentine and pulp (England 1990:81). The mesenchyme outside the hollow is known as the dental follicle and will eventually form the cementum of the

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tooth (Hillson 1996:118). It is also during the latter portion of the cap stage that “the enamel organ differentiates the layer which will eventually form enamel matrix—the internal enamel epithelium—and as the enamel organ grows into the succeeding bell stage, the hollow inside becomes deeper and takes on the pattern of folds that de¤nes the future crown shape” (Hillson 1996:118–19). So, the tooth cap develops a dome-shaped or bell-shaped appearance (Kollar 1975). By 14 weeks ameloblasts or enamel-forming cells are laying down enamel (England 1990:81). Enamel is laid in successive layers and the ¤rst layers are . . . in the deepest infoldings of the enamel organ—tiny dome-like structures that lie at the cores of the future cusps. After completion of the ¤rst enamel matrix layers, further dome-like layers, gradually increasing in size are deposited on top. Each cusp grows in height and width until, at its full height, the layers open out at the tip with progressively wider apertures at each successive layer, to complete the sides. Ridges are formed by additional folds in the enamel organ that indent the layers, and they grow towards one another until they coalesce. In molars, cusps and ridges link into a ring, leaving the central occlusal area open until the cusp bases spread enough to meet, and form the fossae and ¤ssures of the crown. (Hillson 1996:119–21)

The ¤rst tooth to form is the deciduous central incisor, beginning in weeks 14 to 16 after fertilization. The deciduous lateral incisor begins formation two weeks later than the central incisor. The deciduous canine begins forming a week later than the lateral incisor (Hillson 1996:121). At about 15 weeks the ¤rst deciduous molars begin forming and 3 to 4 weeks later the second deciduous molars begin forming (Kraus and Jordan 1965; Hillson 1996:121). The ¤rst permanent molar begins forming before birth between 28 and 32 weeks. After birth the development sequence of permanent teeth generally adheres to the following timing: maxillary central incisors and mandibular central and lateral incisors begin development at 3 to 4 months; canines begin 1 month after the incisors; the maxillary second incisor begins to develop at around 1 year; the ¤rst and second premolar and second molar in that order start development from the late second year and continue throughout the third year; the third molar begins development anywhere between the seventh and thirteenth year (Hillson 1996:124–25). Normal tooth development of permanent teeth involves the formation of 32 teeth. GENETICS OF TOOTH DEV ELOPMENT P. M. Butler (1939) applied the ¤eld concept to dentition in order to understand differences in tooth shape. Butler saw that there were gradients in form

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within the dentition (Scott and Turner 1997). Each tooth had features similar to adjacent teeth, and this similarity could only come about because of a “common morphogenetic cause acting on more than one tooth germ” (Butler 1939:1). Different ¤elds dictated whether a tooth would become incisor, canine, or molar. The teeth in the jaw displayed a gradient of form with location within a ¤eld dictating the character of the tooth within its tooth class. Butler proposed that this gradient of regions, within the ¤eld, was an anterior-toposterior progression. However, the character tendencies on the anterior end would not be the same as the character tendencies on the posterior end. At a secondary level, Butler proposed that “pattern genes” operating on different tooth germs within a morphological class would determine how each member of the class responded to levels of a speci¤c ¤eld. This sequence shows the hierarchically nested nature of the developing dentition with induction events determining, in order, tooth, class of tooth, type of tooth within a class, and primary and secondary cuspal morphology of individual teeth. (Scott and Turner 1997)

Butler examined Cenozoic mammal fossils, lent to him by William K. Gregory and George Gaylord Simpson, to illustrate the differentiation of regions within the morphogenetic ¤eld. He found that the regions were similar within the wide range of mammals examined (Butler 1939:3–19). In addition, he concluded that evolutionary change can alter ancestral regions, for example, “the reduction of the paraconid in the lower molars” (Butler 1939:35). The “¤eld theory” offered a new view of the evolution of human dentition and was adopted by anthropologists such as Albert A. Dahlberg (1951). He applied the theory to the teeth of the Native American and found that one tooth within each region, or district as he termed it (Dahlberg 1945a), of the morphogenetic ¤eld was stable while the other teeth were variable. The stable tooth retains its morphological ancestral features and is most resistant to change while the variable teeth are receptive to change. According to Dahlberg (1951:138–40), the stable teeth of the various regions within the ¤eld are the ¤rst incisor, the canine, the ¤rst premolar, and the ¤rst molar of both the upper and lower human dentitions. All other teeth are variable. In a photograph of the dentition of a Pima Indian, Dahlberg denoted the typical shovelshaped central incisor as the stable tooth. This same photo also showed a lateral incisor that illustrated the variability within the region, having developed as a barrel-shaped incisor (Dahlberg 1951:142–43). The variability need not be this extreme; it could be subtler. For example, the tooth could differ only slightly from the stable tooth. Dahlberg stated that the “second molar is relatively conservative, but not as stable as the ¤rst” (Dahlberg 1951:154). The “anchor” teeth, as Biggerstaff (1979:221) points out, are

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. . . the maxillary central incisors, the maxillary and mandibular canines, and the maxillary and mandibular ¤rst premolars and ¤rst molars. The variable teeth are the maxillary lateral incisors, the maxillary and mandibular second premolars and all the second and third molars. The exception occurs in the mandibular incisor region where the central incisors are most variable and the lateral incisors are the anchor teeth. In general, the anchor teeth are the most stable, and the distal teeth the most variable.

Examinations of “¤elds” have continued to this day (VanValen 1962, 1970; Frazetta 1975). Osborn (1978) has provided an alternative to the ¤eld development of gradient structures called the “clone model.” The clone refers to a group of cells from which all the structures develop and as the clone grows, posteriorly, new primordia are initiated from within. Because the number of cell divisions in successive primordia is increased, all primordia are not “equivalent” in the clone model. This theory differs from the ¤eld theory in that all primordia are “equivalent,” and structure shape is determined from without rather than from within. Also, while the ¤eld theory assumes an initial gradient in the substances that initiate the shape gradients, the clone model depicts shape gradients as a result of growth. When growth ceases, the gradient stops (Osborn 1978:172–73). Most of those involved with the study of teeth contend that teeth are not separate genetic elements but part of a morphological developmental ¤eld (Butler 1939; Dahlberg 1945a; Biggerstaff 1979; Conner 1984). Generally, the expression of a dental genetic trait or the extent of the expression of that trait is thought to be a result of the physical structure of the dentino-enamel junction. Therefore, if there is a reduction of a cusp expressed in the enamel, then the underlying dentino-enamel junction would exhibit an ancestral example of that cusp which is not as reduced. This theory stems from the belief that enamel and dentin derive from two different embryonic origins, the dentin and its features being representative of an “older genetic heritage” (Butler 1956). Enamel formation and subsequent formation of the enamel features are triggered by genes that are “phylogenetically younger” than those of the underlying dentin (Kraus and Jordan 1965). Thus the trait and the extent of that trait manifested on the enamel are ¤rst in line for disappearance through evolution because enamel formation is produced by more recent genes. “The latest features to develop are the ¤rst to be lost in dental reduction (e.g. Hypocone), causing resemblance to the primitive condition” (Corruccini and Holt 1989:253). Corruccini and Holt (1989) found that this ancient versus modern structure of enamel traits does not always follow. They illustrate instances in which a Carabelli’s cusp is clearly evident at the dentino-enamel junction but not nearly as prominently as its expression on the enamel surface. Conversely, however, hypocones occur with “no DEJ equivalent (ex-

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pected of a recent apomorphic development) and of DEJ hypoconules unaccompanied by any overlying enamel eminence (expected of recently dentally reduced forms)” (Corruccini and Holt 1989:258–61). Thus, the traits examined in dental morphological studies such as this analysis of the Tipu Maya represent both ancient and modern genetic heritages. The development of each tooth with its individual morphology has a genetic basis. Within the past 10 years our understanding of anatomical structures, including skeletal and dental structures, has increased because of the study of homeobox (HOX) genes. Encoded in these homeobox genes are a sequence of amino acids that regulate embryonic development. Organ systems of the body are composed of duplications of similar anatomic segments. An organism can enlarge in “size and robusticity simply by producing many repeats of the same structure, as a tree makes thousands of leaves” (Weiss 1995:114). In a complex organism the number of segments is ¤xed but each component of a segment may become separately differentiated. The ancestral or basic segments within a system are homologous. The separate components or each of the leaves of the tree can evolve and undergo its own unique modi¤cation. Segments can undergo “identity changes” (homeotic mutations), which are mutations that change a segment of one type into a segment of another type. This change usually is a switch to an adjacent segment. For example, a mutation of this type will give a “®y an extra pair of wings by turning an abdominal segment into a thoracic one [or produce] a leg where an antenna ought to be” (Weiss 1995:114–15). The HOX genes decide the identity of the segments. Further, the arrangement of the genes themselves corresponds, along the chromosome, to speci¤c anatomic segments, along the linear axis of the ®y. That is, there is a direct “mapping” between the organization of genes and the organization of the body. Moving from segment to segment along the embryo, we ¤nd that one by one the genes along the chromosome are switched on, so that each segment has a unique combination of these homeobox genes expressed in its cells. (Weiss 1995:115)

Weiss (1995:115) gives vertebrate examples in which a structure has evolved from simple segmentation to more complex segmentation: the gut divided into the esophagus, stomach, and small intestine; the vertebral column divided into the cervical, thoracic, lumbar, sacral, and coccygeal; and the dentition divided into the incisors, canines, premolars, and molars (Weiss 1995:115). These latter four tooth segments are a complex mammalian development differing greatly from the ancestral simple segmented state of ¤sh, which includes a homodont dentition with a greater number of teeth. Mammalian teeth do not all look alike but include different morphologies.

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Amelogenesis or the production and development of enamel demonstrates the heritability of enamel features. Amelogenesis imperfecta, more often than not, is a hereditary defect of enamel formation caused by faulty metabolism during enamel formation. The defect includes either complete enamel agenesis or hypoplasia associated with defective matrix formation or enamel hypocalci¤cation as a result of faulty maturation (Shafer et al. 1963:47; Hillson 1986:127). In a study on male and female cousin groups by Alvesalo (1971), it was determined that the X and Y chromosomes have genes that determine the size of a tooth and these chromosomes differ in the control they have on tooth size. In a study on the 47 XY Y males Alvesalo et al. (1977) suggests that the presence of the extra Y chromosome might be the reason the authors found that among 47 XY Y males tooth size was larger. Two Y chromosomes could in®uence the growth of a tooth in an additive manner (Alvesalo et al. 1977:115). Twin studies have provided evidence that dental traits have a genetic component. Early studies such as that of Korkhaus hinted at heritability of dental traits. Korkhaus (1930) in his investigation of identical twins (monozygotic) felt that malocclusion of teeth had a linkage with heredity because of the similarity in expression of occlusion in his identical twin subjects. Newman (1940:129) describes the labor-intensive comparison by Goldberg of the monozygotic twin plaster dental casts using photographs developed on ruled paper. The “qualitative” and “quantitative” similarities were very close to identical. Lundström’s (1963, 1977) studies of 124 American twin pairs show a high correspondence between tooth morphologies of monozygotic twins. Pedigree studies provide observable evidence that dental traits have a genetic component. Dahlberg et al. (1982) in their studies on the Pima Indians found that generally family members exhibited in some similarity of expression or manifestation the following traits: Carabelli’s cusp, hypocone, metacone, shovel-shaped incisor, distal trigonid crest, and barrel-shaped incisor. The authors describe the inherited reduction of the hypocone cusp. These ¤ndings parallel those of earlier pedigree studies by Schultz (1934:629), who demonstrated the “inherited tendency to eliminate upper lateral incisors and third molars”; those of Dahlberg (1937), who demonstrated the inheritance of the absence of six incisors involving both deciduous and permanent teeth; and those of Mandeville (1949), among others, who also showed the inheritance of the absence of permanent maxillary lateral incisors. Kraus (1951) and Goose and Lee (1971) examined families of Mexicans and Papago Indians and individuals from Liverpool, England, to show the heritability of Carabelli’s cusp. Both studies support the notion of the heritability of Carabelli’s cusp but realize that multiple factors may be involved in the inheritance. In general, since the 1930s, dental genetic studies have progressed from the notion

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of a simple mode of inheritance to polygenic modes of inheritance (Scott and Turner 1988:100–1). SK ELETA L TR AITS A ND VARIATION W ITHIN A ND BETW EEN POPUL ATIONS The anatomical illustrations of Andreas Vesalius from Brussels issued at Basel in 1543 are masterpieces. His illustrations are very detailed and include an early observation of a non-metric trait: an extra-sutural bone called an epiteric bone (Saunders and O’Malley 1973:55; Hauser and De Stefano 1989:210– 11). The history of the study of skeletal variation with recognition of its value in distinguishing one population from another can be traced to Champallan, who lived in the nineteenth century. In reporting that the presence of extrasutural bones varied between skeletal remains, Champallan prompted men like Russell (1900), Le Double (1903a, 1903b, 1906), and Wood Jones (1931a, 1931b, 1931c, 1934) to investigate skeletal variation. They found there were a number of different cranial and postcranial traits that appeared in some individuals and not in others. Laughlin and Jørgensen and later Brothwell provided the landmark studies in which patterns of skeletal discrete traits were compared between populations. Laughlin and Jørgensen (1956) examined different groups in Greenland and illustrated relationships based on discrete metric traits and language data. Brothwell (1958) presented frequencies of skull discrete traits from around the world such as metopism (persistence of suture dividing frontal bone into adult life). These early studies involved scoring the discrete traits as present or absent. The very notion of presence versus absence suggested that the appearance of a trait was governed by one gene. Kraus (1951) ¤rst alluded to this single locus in his study on Carabelli’s cusp. Kraus looked at the expression of Carabelli’s cusp in eight families and in his analysis of the pedigrees of the families found what he considered was the pattern of gene transmission of the trait. He stated: . . . three genotypes corresponding to three phenotypes [are] as follows: cc results in complete absence of the anomaly, CC results in a “pronounced tubercle” as the strongest expression of the anomaly, while Cc expresses itself in a wide variety of phenotypic appearances ranging from slight grooves or pits to slight tubercles or bulges. (Kraus 1951:354)

Others argued that speci¤c traits were the result of a single gene. Portin and Alexander (1974) attempted to show this with shovel-shaped central incisors while Escobar et al. (1976) examined maxillary central incisors for bilateral rotation explaining that this non-metric trait was the result of a single

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locus. Conner (1984:39) explained that these studies fall short in providing proof for the single-locus models of inheritance of a trait. In addition, Conner pointed out that the pedigrees that Kraus (1951) used were incomplete. “There were no cases of like homozygotes of either type mating and producing known offspring. Therefore, he could not be sure that normal by normal matings (cc by cc) or strongly affected by strongly affected (CC by CC) would always produce like offspring” (Conner 1984:39). Escobar et al. (1976:114) did ¤nd that cc by cc matings or normal matings resulted in high frequencies of the trait. The appearance of a non-metric trait is more complex than the explanation offered by single-locus or single-gene models. Therefore, the answer must lie in a polygenic explanation. Grüneberg (1952) studied mice and found that skeletal traits varied in a “quasi-continuous” nature. Not just penetrance (appearance) of a trait but also a differing expression of that trait occurred (Dahlberg 1951). Grüneberg (1952) believed that some underlying factor governed the expression of the trait. He concluded that a threshold existed wherein a trait either would or would not be expressed. Grüneberg (1963) used third molar agenesis to illustrate this point. The appearance/disappearance of this tooth involves a threshold concerning tooth size. If the tooth germ does not reach a certain size the tooth will not be expressed. Falconer (1965, 1967) proposed the in®uence of a threshold. Hauser and De Stefano (1989:6–8) described Falconer’s model and related the in®uence that the threshold has upon a trait. Within a population a “liability” exists for the development of a trait such as Carabelli’s cusp. This “liability” takes into account not only all the factors for an individual’s manifesting the Carabelli’s cusp trait such as the individual’s inherited inclination, but also whatever factors weigh against the appearance of the trait. An individual will express Carabelli’s cusp if the threshold is crossed. Many times, given certain environmental factors, an individual will only surpass the threshold if multiple genes are dominant toward or loaded toward the creation of the speci¤c trait. What if a trait has a range of expression? For example, Dahlberg (1986:165) described the expression of Carabelli’s cusp as progressing in variation from absence, to a pit, to a groove, to a Y-shaped groove, to a small cusp, to a large cusp. This range of variation suggests that multiple thresholds must be crossed beyond the initial threshold of expression, that is, the “genetic basis is one of multiple genes with individually small and additive effects” (Grüneberg 1963:267). Through breeding experiments using mice, Sofaer (1969) found that the presence and distribution of an accessory cusp on a molar had to be the consequence of surpassing thresholds, which gave additional support for the polygenic model of traits. In addition, Scott (1973) and Saunders and Popovich (1978) discovered that when a trait with multiple thresholds in its range of expression was found with any increase in incidence in a popu-

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lation, then the strongest expressions of that trait would increase. Thus, if Carabelli’s cusp with its multiple thresholds went up in incidence in a population, then cusp expressions of the trait would increase because that is the strongest expression of the trait. Trait expression is dictated not only by multiple genes; environment can also play a part in that expression. Berry and Searle (1963) called these traits epigenetic because they involve not only genetic in®uence but also an environmental component, and some studies purport that this environmental in®uence makes discrete traits not as reliable as once thought (Ossenberg 1970; Corruccini 1974). Conner (1984:41) explained that an individual’s genotype may set the expression of a certain trait above a certain threshold, but this threshold may not be surpassed as a result of some environmental in®uence. For example, if the genotype of an individual is set beyond the threshold that would result in a small Carabelli’s cusp on a maxillary ¤rst molar and some environmental in®uence prevents that speci¤c threshold from being surpassed, then a possible result would be the appearance of a lower threshold trait such as the Y-shaped groove. Twin and family studies have provided insights into the effects of environment on traits (Kraus 1951; Ludwig 1957; Goose and Lee 1971; Lee and Goose 1972; Escobar et al. 1976; Harris and Bailit 1980). Asymmetrical expression of a trait can also exist. A Carabelli’s cusp may develop on a maxillary ¤rst molar on the right side of the mouth while on the left side of the mouth a Y-shaped groove is manifest. What might be involved here is differing growth rates of the two teeth, allowing only the right molar to surpass the threshold (Hauser and De Stefano 1989:8). NON-METRIC TR AITS A ND METRIC TR AITS Bioanthropologists examine human variation in both skeletal and dental population studies as well as in the examination of dermatoglyphics and blood genetic factors. Both metric and non-metric traits can be examined in order to understand the variation of certain skeletal or dental factors between multiple populations and to create measures of biological distance between different populations. Both types of traits are inheritable, and the two avenues of analysis are highly correlated (Cheverud et al. 1979; Cheverud and Buikstra 1982). Metric and non-metric traits express variation; however, metric traits are on a continuous scale of measurable variation. For example, tooth length and width are measurable traits (Boyd 1972; Friedlaender 1975; Okpo and Akpata 1986). Non-metric or discrete traits are landmarks such as cusps, ridges, and grooves present on the crown and root of a tooth. These traits can be either discontinuous or partially continuous and are dif¤cult to measure (Hillson 1986:256). Ossenberg (1974) described two types of discrete skeletal traits: hyperos-

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totic and hypostotic. Hyperostotic non-metric traits are those that involve additions or excesses of material. For example, sphenoid clinoid bridging is a hyperostotic trait because there is the addition of bone in the expression of the trait. A hypostotic trait involves the taking away, regression, or nonappearance of a trait. The congenital non-appearance of a third molar is a hypostotic trait. The presence of an additional parietal foramen is a hypostotic trait because there is an absence of bone. Many anthropologists have used metric and non-metric traits in their research. Ortner and Corruccini (1976) looked at skeletal discrete traits of eastern and western historic Virginia Indians. They found that females between groups exhibited homogeneous or similar traits, whereas males did not. “There are two explanations for this phenomenon: (1) Virginia Indian females may be inherently less variable than males or (2) females are disproportionately represented in intrusive elements incorporated in Indian tribes” (Ortner and Corruccini 1976:722). Analysis of statistics showed that within geographic samples females were more variable, and this suggested that historically the propensity for warfare allowed for the subsequent capture of females and the incorporation of them into the victorious society (Ortner and Corruccini 1976:722). Corruccini (1972) investigated discrete skeletal traits in three skeletal populations from the southwest: Hawikuh, Pueblo Bonito, and Puye. When these three populations were compared with a population geographically outside the area, the three groups seemed to be more closely associated with one another. They were more genetically tied to each other than they were to any outside group. When the three populations were compared in pairs, however, the Puye were found to be the most genetically isolated of the three pueblos and the most isolated from outside populations. In a more recent study involving craniometric traits of Plains Indians, Key (1983) found that a temporal continuity of metric traits existed in PaleoIndian, Archaic, and Later Woodland Plains Indians. He also found that the mid-Missouri material was statistically similar to that of Oneota and Siouan Indians. Central Plains Indians differed signi¤cantly from everyone he examined and, he contends, are probably related to populations in the south and therefore are an intrusive population. Nelson (1998) analyzed the craniofacial metric data from more than 2000 Amerindian crania. On the basis of this exhaustive investigation he was able to determine that three widely af¤liated Amerindian groups distributed themselves over the New World landscape over time. This system clusters Puebloan, Mississippi Valley, Valley of Mexico, and South American samples into a southern component, samples of which cluster together from Archaic times up through the Mississippian . . . It groups samples from Newfoundland across the Northeast Woodlands, Great Lakes, Prairie,

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and Plains out to the Great Basin in another, Central component. These sites cluster from the Glacial Kame or Maritime Archaic horizons through the Late Woodland, or Late Prehistoric horizons . . . Finally, it groups the relative latecomers, with only about a 4000–5000 year New World history, into a third, Northern, component. This material ties most readily back to Asian Old World comparative samples. The older Archaic horizon material surveyed links to the Central Valley region, or southern component, while some of the later Archaic horizon material links with the Central component, and the recent Eskimo, Aleut, Athabascan, and as well Navajo and northern California material ties into the Northern or most recent group. Finally, all the Paleoindians surveyed ¤nd their closest ties with the Southern Component, speci¤cally, with the Central Valley Archaic samples, representing Archaic Horizon material dating from approximately 7,000 to 8,000 years bp. (Nelson 1998:175–76)

DENTA L TR AITS A ND VARIATION W ITHIN A ND BETW EEN POPUL ATIONS The development of standards of rating or categorizing dental variation has evolved with the growing knowledge of the genetic and environmental control of these traits. At ¤rst researchers simply recorded whether a trait was present or absent, computing the frequency of the trait in a certain population. Hrdli3ka (1920), when examining prehistoric and historic American Indian teeth, recorded not only a high frequency of shovel-shaped incisors present but also noted the range of expression from minimal expression to maximum expression. Dahlberg developed one of the ¤rst coding systems for dental morphological traits as a result of his many penetrance and expression studies (Dahlberg 1937, 1945a, 1945b, 1950, 1951). His system (Dahlberg 1956) includes reference plaques made of dental stone of 16 permanent and deciduous dentition nonmetric traits (Table 4.1). The plaques include the full range of expression of the traits from non-appearance to varying stages of appearance (e.g., Carabelli’s cusp). The plaques also include examples such as lower molar groove pattern con¤gurations (Y5, Y4, +4, X pattern). These plaques were given out to scholars throughout the world and “helped standardize observations on morphological variables of the tooth crown” (Scott and Turner 1997:8). Hanihara (1961) developed a similar coding system for the deciduous dentition (Table 4.2). Sciulli (1998:192) has presented a detailed description of deciduous dentition morphology including information on 33 tooth crown and 24 tooth root features. Recently, Turner and colleagues developed a new system that includes 38 morphological traits of the tooth crown and root cast on plaques (Table 4.3), as well as nine other features (Turner et al. 1991). These plaques show the range of expression and, in some cases, include Dahlberg’s trait observations.

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Some trait plaques within the Turner system illustrate up to nine stages of expression. These dental plaques or casts are not the systems themselves but are illustrative aids for using these systems. They provide a basis for individuals to discuss and to describe what is seen or not seen dentally within a population. Like Dahlberg’s earlier work, Turner’s study of dental morphology has made

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its mark and continues to do so. Turner’s work is grounded in a long history of study, commencing with his classic dissertation work (1967) on the dental morphological traits of Arctic peoples. In that work, he described the close relationship of Aleuts and Eskimos and those two groups’ closer tie to Asian Mongoloids rather than Native Americans. Turner has examined the teeth of thousands of individuals from many skeletal series from around the world and amassed a database that permits him to hypothesize about the origins of the Native Americans (Turner 1971, 1983, 1985, 1986, 1987a, 1987b, 1989, 1991; Turner and Bird 1981; Greenberg et al. 1986). The examination of so many different skeletal series has allowed Turner and colleagues to describe common and unique dental traits among various populations (Morris 1967, 1970, 1975, 1981; Turner 1971, 1981; Scott 1973, 1977, 1978, 1979, 1980; Harris 1977; Turner and Hanihara 1977; Turner and Scott 1977; Morris et al. 1978; Nichol et al. 1984; Turner et al. 1985–1986; Nichol 1990). Turner’s model for the peopling of the New World through three migrations (Macro-Indian, Aleut Eskimo, and Na-Dene) is based on an unweighted pair group cluster analysis (UPGMA) using dental morphological traits collected from world populations. Powell (1993) called into question Turner’s selection of statistical analysis (UPGMA). On the basis of his previous experience with the UPGMA method, Powell found that the method “creates suspect clusters and may not be valid as a method for displaying evolutionary relationships because it assumes that rates of evolution are equal among all populations” (Powell 1993:799). Powell had concerns about Turner’s results

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and tested them using statistical methods that do not assume a homogeneity of evolutionary rates. Using the Wagner distance algorithm and “employing the Fitch-Margoliash criterion for goodness of ¤t and a maximum parsimony analysis using segment-coded dental trait frequencies,” Powell produced the same population phylogenies that Turner did with UPGMA (Powell 1993:799, 815). It is often said that a person resembles his or her mother or father. Such resemblances can also be discerned in individuals recovered from an archaeological context. Harris and Weeks (1973) x-rayed Egyptian pharaohs and recorded the family relationships after examining the ¤lms of the mummies for skeletal similarities. They found that Seti II, a nineteenth dynasty ruler, and Ramesses III, a twentieth dynasty ruler, exhibited a similarity in maxillary prognathism with a marked overbite and non-eruption of the third molar (Harris and Weeks 1973:47, 158, 164). Merenptah, the father of Seti II, and Merenptah’s father, Ramesses II, also seemed to have the maxillary prognathism (Harris and Weeks 1973:44). The facial and dental characteristics of these four pharaohs show genetic ties and the historical record bears this out (Harris and Weeks 1973:190; Clayton 1994:146). Multiple individuals unearthed both at the site of Tancah (Saul 1982) in the Yucatán and at Tipu had Klippel-Feil syndrome. One type of this congenital fusion (Type II) found at these two sites is the fusion of the second and third cervical vertebrae. Fusion of this nature has been found to involve autosomal dominant transmission (Barnes 1994:67). Those individuals with Klippel-Feil at Tancah and Tipu, respectively, probably show a genetic relationship with one another. Usually bioanthropologists present relationships and variation among groups by gathering metric and non-metric data on cranial and/or postcranial skeletal remains, dental remains, blood material, and ¤ngerprints. One major question for bioanthropologists is whether metric or non-metric information, or both types, should be gathered to elicit relationships within a population or between populations. The debate in the literature is extensive and ongoing. In 1963 Sokal and Sneath (1963:85–86) developed the nonspeci¤city hypothesis. It states that no distinct class of genes affects only one class of morphological or physiological characters, and no distinct class of genes affects only one region, such as the head or the feet. Thus, one characteristic is as good as another for classi¤cation, and results should be similar whatever characters are used. Ten years later Sneath and Sokal (1973) reevaluated their hypothesis and concluded that they had been only partially correct. Identical classi¤cations are not produced by different sets of characters in the same Operational Taxonomic Unit (OTU). Higher taxonomic levels of organisms have a stronger congruence of characters. Lower taxonomic levels of organisms do not always have this strong a congruence. Sneath and Sokal explained that in lower taxonomic-level organisms certain genes are only active at cer-

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tain times in the life of the organism. Certain genes undergo different adaptation patterns as well as different evolutionary rates. CONCORDA NCE OF NON-METRIC A ND METRIC TR AITS TO DESCRIBE VARIATION IN A POPUL ATION When bioanthropologists examine skeletal remains from an archaeological context, there are certain times at which they test the nonspeci¤city hypothesis. Falk and Corruccini (1982) found that cranial measurements and dental measurements among the same populations yielded statistical results that did not provide identical classi¤cations. On the other hand, Conner (1984) investigated some of the skeletal material that Buikstra (1976) and Droessler (1981) had examined from mounds in the Lower Illinois River Valley and Mississippi River Valley, as well as some additional material. His research included both metric and non-metric traits and the results were similar to those of Buikstra (1976) and Droessler (1981) in non-metric ¤ndings but did not parallel their ¤ndings in metrics. The metric results showed more variation between the prehistoric skeletal series than was demonstrated by the non-metric results. Conner attributed this lack of agreement to a reduction in tooth size through time. Once the sites with heavy bias of tooth reduction were omitted, a closer concordance between metric and non-metric statistical distance resulted. Jantz (1970) evaluated the use of metric and non-metric traits in the data of Laughlin and Jørgensen (1956), Brothwell (1958), and Berry and Berry (1967) among others and found that there was a negative correlation between the two types of data. Thus, he concluded that examining the two types of characteristics would not produce the same results. Jantz preferred using metric data. Corruccini (1974) examined the Terry skeletal collection and controlled for age, sex, and intercorrelated traits and found a high correlation (r = +0.777) between the results offered by non-metric and metric data. Corruccini proposed that both types of traits should be examined. Grif¤n’s (1993) study of the precontact and postcontact Guale of the Georgia and Florida coast presents the ¤rst careful analysis of both cranial and dental morphological traits of multiple prehistoric groups from different temporal periods in the southeastern United States. By a careful, systematic, and all-inclusive use of traits and appropriate statistics, the study builds a foundation for all future prehistoric population af¤nity studies in the southeast. Results derived from Grif¤n’s analysis of dental and cranial morphological traits indicate a biological continuity for Guale individuals from postcontact Santa Catalina and Santa Maria (Grif¤n 1993:243). There is no relationship between precontact individuals from Irene Mound and postcontact Guale. Grif¤n’s study revealed a possible biological relationship between the Ledford Island Creek sample (approximately a.d. 1400–1600) and the Guale material

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from Irene Mound (a.d. 1150–1550) (Grif¤n 1993:11, 244). Multivariate analysis hints at a close biological relationship between Santa Maria de Yamassee (a.d. 1675–1683) and Santa Maria (a.d. 1686–1702) samples, and less of a relationship between Santa Maria de Yamassee and Santa Catalina (a.d. 1608–1680) (Grif¤n 1993:11, 245). Carolina Algonquian data (a.d. 1230–1425) cluster with those of other groups of the southeastern United States when other Amerindian groups are included in the analysis (Grif¤n 1993:11). However, the Algonquian sample stands separate when compared with southeastern samples alone. In addition, southeastern samples cluster when compared with other Amerindian samples but stand alone when compared with Asian samples from Turner’s Sinodont classi¤cation (Grif¤n 1993:246). Grif¤n’s analysis is a foundation for future southeastern population af¤nity studies and offers a model study for examination of population af¤nities among the Maya. This study of Tipu attempts to build a foundation for the kind of analysis conducted by Grif¤n by bringing new systematically collected dental morphological data together with those of existing dental data.

5

From Skeletal Dancers to Regimented Corpses of the Catholic Way

I struggled up the steep terrace and found myself standing before a freshly excavated and miraculously well-preserved fragment of a once-huge frieze, uncovered only three weeks earlier by Mexican archaeologists. I stood trans¤xed before an enormous dancing skeleton, the very being who was the way of the kings of Palenque and the constant participant in the sacri¤cial dance of Chak and the Baby Jaguar at other Maya sites. Cavorting wildly, this huge death god swung the severed head of an enemy by its hair . . . Freidel et al. 1993:321

The skeletal dancer or representation of the Maya Death God described by Freidel and colleagues is what is known as a way (pronounced why). This Classic Maya word way “refers to kings, ritual performers, and gods in their magical alternative forms as animals, stars, and fantastic beasts. In ancient times these wayob were powerful, terrifying conduits of supernatural power who could defend those who conjured them up, as well as being able to destroy those who opposed them” (Freidel et al. 1993:52). When the Spanish came, however, the way of the Maya yielded to the religious ways of the Catholic friars who were conduits to another power and other beliefs about death. REV IEW OF M AYA OSTEOLOGIC A L A ND DENTA L RESE ARCH We learn about the Maya view of death through epigraphy, and we also learn through bioanthropology about the health and genetics of the Maya by means of osteological and dental studies. However, this literature is not extensive and much of it tends to be either descriptions of skeletal remains that are odd or unique (Morton 1842; Rivet 1908; Ricketson 1925; Cave 1939a, 1939b; Longyear 1940; Stewart 1941; Guilbert 1943; Pendergast et al. 1968;

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Feindel 1988; Helmuth and Pendergast 1986–1987) or necessary descriptive osteological reports (Hambly 1937; Stewart 1943, 1953, 1975; Fry 1956; Saul 1972, 1975, 1982). There are few problem-oriented Maya studies or reports with osteological and paleopathological information such as Hooton’s (1940) analysis of the skeletal remains of the Cenote at Chichén Itzá. Hooton aged and sexed the Chichén Itzá material, as well as identi¤ed traumas and diagnosed pathologies. Anemia was prevalent in the population, and he concluded that the disease was probably a result of a nutritional de¤ciency caused by the Maya reliance on a diet composed primarily of maize. Other problemoriented studies by Haviland (1967), Saul (1972), Genovés (1969), and Nickens (1976) described decreases in Maya stature as a result of poor nutrition. Márquez Morfín, Jaén Esquivel, Storey, and Lori Wright have provided solid osteological and paleopathological analysis of Maya material from Chichén Itzá (Márquez Morfín and Schmidt 1984), Komchen (Márquez Morfín and Miranda 1984), Gruta de Xcan (Márquez de González et al. 1982), Santa Elena (Márquez Morfín and González Crespo 1985), Playa del Carmen (Márquez Morfín et al. 1982), Chiapa de Corzo ( Jaén Esquivel 1966), Copán (Storey 1992a, 1992b, 1997), and Pasion (Wright 1993, 1994, 1997). Danforth et al. (1997) provide further examples of superior Maya skeletal analysis in their indexed bibliography on Maya osteological literature. All of these Maya studies utilize prehistoric material rather than historic, however. It is only recently that historic burial remains have become of interest, and the work on this skeletal material is ever-increasing. Historic Maya osteological and dental studies primarily focus on two sites: Lamanai (White 1986, 1988, 1997; White et al. 1994; Wright 1987, 1989) and Tipu (Bennett and Bancroft 1984; Kelley and Simmons 1984; Vallee 1984; Armstrong 1985; Bennett 1985a, 1985b; Danforth, Bennett, et al. 1985; Danforth, Light, et al. 1985; Melkunas 1985; Salzer 1985; Danforth 1987, 1989, 1993, n.d.; Cohen et al. 1994, 1997; Jacobi 1996, 1997; Danforth et al. 1997; Havill et al. 1997). The majority of the Tipu material is unpublished, but recently osteological and dental information on the site of Tipu has been published. Dental studies on the Maya concern a variety of topics. A primary area of interest is dental defects, speci¤cally hypoplasias and striae of Retzius. These disturbances in enamel growth as a result of metabolic insult (Hillson 1986) have been examined macroscopically and/or histologically in prehistoric Classic populations at Tikal, Seibal, and Barton Ramie (Danforth 1986, 1997), in Classic dental remains from Lubaantun (Saul 1975), in Preclassic through Postclassic Altar de Sacri¤cios populations (Saul 1972), in Late Classic material at Copán (Storey 1992a, 1992b, 1997; Whittington 1992), in Preclassic through Historic Lamanai populations (White 1997), and in Historic populations at Tipu and Lamanai (Danforth 1987, 1989, 1997; Wright 1987, 1990; White 1997). Most of these analyses examine health issues that impact the rural and urban prehistoric Maya communities. The detrimental effects

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of introduced diseases and malnutrition are of prime focus. Studies of modern Maya (Sweeney and Guzman 1966; Infante and Gillespie 1974, 1977) examine the prevalence of hypoplasias among children who are malnourished, as well as caries that develop in hypoplastic defects. Inquiries into the dental health of both prehistoric Maya and modern Maya with speci¤c focus on periodontal disease (Saul 1972; Salzer 1985), tartar, and dental caries (Steggerda and Hill 1936; Saul 1972, 1975; Evans 1973; Danforth n.d.) have been made. In addition, one ¤nds a fascination with dental mutilations (Hamy 1882; Engerrand 1917; van Rippen 1917, 1918; Dembo 1937; Linné 1940; Rubín de la Borbolla 1940; Brand 1941; Stewart 1941; Fastlicht 1948, 1960, 1976; Romero Molina and Fastlicht 1951; Romero Molina 1952, 1958, 1960, 1965, 1970, 1974, 1984a, 1984b, 1986; Agrinier 1963; Cifuentes Aguirre 1963; Muratori 1963; Gwinnett and Gorelick 1979; Lentz 1991; Mata Amado and Hansen 1992; Havill et al. 1997; López Olivares 1997). Also of interest are the dental inlays present in the teeth of some Maya individuals (Thompson 1932; Dembo 1937; Fastlicht 1962, 1975; Romero Molina 1984a; Cadot and Miquel 1990; Solares 1993). The indexed bibliography of prehistoric and historic Maya human osteology by Danforth et al. (1997) provides additional dental references as well as sources on paleodemography, paleopathology, skeletal morphology, and cultural modi¤cations of the skeleton that were published between 1839 and 1994. The literature on dental non-metric traits of Maya teeth is not as extensive. There are four reports (Austin 1970, 1972, 1978; Saul 1975) that describe in some detail the non-metric traits of Maya individuals at Altar de Sacri¤cios, at Seibal, and at Lubaantun. The master’s thesis by Austin (1970), and his publications in 1972 and 1978, and an unpublished paper by Danforth, Light, et al. (1985) provided the bulk of the literature on Maya dental morphology and its use in determining the genetic distance between populations until my work ( Jacobi 1996, 1997). Austin (1970) examined dental non-metric traits and made dental crown measurements on two prehistoric lowland Maya populations: Altar de Sacri¤cios and Seibal. He compared the results with data from three Indian groups from the southwestern United States: Pima, Pecos, and Texas Indians. Austin found that geographically the two groups, Maya and southwestern United States Indians, had statistical distances greater than the distances of the individual members within each group (Austin 1970:58–61). A genetic continuity through time of dental traits suggested to Austin (1970:61) a practice of endogamy. Danforth, Light, et al. (1985) attempted a genetic distance study using both cranial and dental non-metric traits on a sample of 150 adult Tipu individuals. Their interest was in trying to distinguish a group of individuals who represented a different gene pool, possibly indicating the presence of the migrant Itzá population from the northern Yucatán. No separate gene clustering was distinguishable. Danforth, Light, et al. (1985) theorized that either no

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migrant Itzá were present in the sample or the Tipuans and northern Yucatán Itzá were close enough genetically that no differences were discernible. In the only other biodistance study in the Maya region, O’Rourke et al. (1984) examined dental discrete and metric traits of modern populations in Belize, but the study involved Black Caribs and not Maya. A few recent studies on Maya dental non-metric traits include the work of Lang (1990). In that master’s thesis, Lang compared traits of dental remains from Lamanai with those of a small sample of material from Tipu. Also, one ¤nds Pompa y Padilla’s (1990) analysis of non-metric traits from Chichén Itzá and Angel et al.’s (1993) results from the modern Tzeltal Maya. All of these recent studies, as well as the works of Austin (1970, 1972, 1978) and Saul (1975), are important to this study of the Tipu Maya. The previous work on Maya dental non-metrics is minimal, and work on Maya dental metrics is nonexistent, so this study on the dental non-metrics and metrics of Tipu will contribute greatly to the literature. None of the previous studies have bene¤ted from such a large dental sample, and future studies will bene¤t from the data derived here. Not only will anthropologists’ understanding of the historic Tipu Maya increase but also important relationships will become evident: the Tipu Maya’s relationship with prehistoric individuals at Seibal, Altar de Sacri¤cios, Lubaantun, Lamanai, and Chichén Itzá; with historic individuals at Lamanai; and with modern individuals at Tzeltal. The intent of this study is to look at the Tipu cemetery and the dental remains of those buried there to uncover clues about the Tipu Maya and other prehistoric and historic Maya groups. Even though the major focus of this study is upon dental data, its design is to help bridge the gap between ethnohistorical documentation of Maya and Spanish relationships in the lowland region and the description of colonial archaeological materials and structures. The link spanning this gap is the Maya people themselves, at Tipu, represented by nearly 600 burials. How do these skeletal remains from the Tipu church ¤t the patterns of Maya and/or Spanish Catholic mortuary behavior described previously? Are there sex and age differences in the placement of individuals within the Tipu cemetery? Are there obvious differences in status among individuals buried at the church re®ected by either burial inclusions or placement? Within the cemetery population, are there discernable genetic differences that set one group or individual apart from another? How different are the individuals buried at Tipu from populations of Maya elsewhere? SEX A ND AGE DIFFERENCES The majority of our knowledge of Maya mortuary interment practices prior to Spanish contact comes from archaeologically recovered individuals who were buried in some type of structure. Historically, the primary focus of

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Maya archaeology has been on structures that included temples, ceremonial platforms, and household shrines: buildings of the Maya elite. The non-elite were buried in and around residences and in cists and simple graves. “Prominent individuals were often placed in ritually and symbolically special places. Other dead were disposed of under the ®oors of houses, beneath the adjoining plaza surfaces, in the ¤ll of new construction, or simply in domestic middens” (Webster 1997:5). The deliberate placement of a deceased prehistoric Maya individual because of explicit sex or age criteria was oftentimes wrapped in a cloak of status. In the elite areas at Seibal, Tourtellot (1990) found that individuals buried in tombs under pyramids were for the most part male and that there was a low number of female burials. Conversely, at Copán’s elite Group 9N-8 where 250 burials were uncovered, two-thirds of the individuals that could be sexed were female (Webster 1989:14). In Welsh’s (1988:146) analysis of Classic lowland Maya burials sex for the most part did not make a difference in how a grave was furnished except at Uaxactun and Altun Ha where male burials were wealthier and at Altar de Sacri¤cios and Seibal where the female burials were wealthier. McAnany (1995) alerts us to the fact that there are inequalities “among members of the same ‘house.’” She says, “There are many arrangements of social and economic inequality that are not actually class-based but rather are situationally de¤ned by factors such as age, capture through warfare, loss of productive lands, or loss of parents” (McAnany 1995:122). Many other factors besides or in addition to being elite could have in®uenced where a person was buried and what that person was buried with. The Maya prehistoric pattern of burial “is a complex one with signi¤cant variation by period, site, and archaeological context” (McAnany 1995:123). Once the Spanish arrived and brought the Catholic ways to the Maya, those Maya who became involved with the church were buried in a manner that was dictated by the Catholic Church. This might hold true for those buried at Tipu. Expectations of mortuary behavior involving the Tipuans af¤liated with the church would include being buried in close proximity to the church, either outside or inside the church. Tipuans would be laid out in an extended position from east to west as at Tancah. This extended position is typical of Christian interments. There may be no difference between the status of individuals buried at different locations within and outside the Tipu church on the basis of grave goods or grave hardware. Adults may comprise most of the burial population within the church at Tipu and these adults may be found to be closer to the altar than children. This differential treatment in placement of the graves of children may hold true outside the Tipu church with children being buried in a designated area following some Catholic burial traditions. Those adults who may be buried within the church nave at Tipu may be primarily of the male sex showing sex discrimination as at Tancah. This would imply that females would be buried in greater numbers outside the church. Alternatively, Tipu may re®ect a

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higher proportion of females to males being found beneath the ®oor, as at the earliest church at Lamanai (White et al. 1994:137). INTR APOPUL ATION DIFFERENCES To date, few studies have attempted to describe in detail the dental non-metric and metric traits indicative of the Maya (Austin 1970, 1972, 1978; Saul 1975; Danforth, Light, et al. 1985; Lang 1990; Angel et al. 1993). These studies were limited in their ability to discern general Maya dental tendencies because of (1) low sample sizes as a result of such circumstances as acidity of the soil, inadequate archaeological recovery methods, or the earlier archaeological trend toward selective skeletal recovery, (2) focus on only a small number of selected dental traits, or (3) heavy wear on the teeth, preventing adequate examination. There are a large number of dental remains available at Tipu and the teeth exhibit little wear, which allows for the creation of an extensive dental trait complex like Hanihara’s Mongoloid dental complex (1967, 1970; Hanihara et al. 1975). One might expect that a Tipuan complex of dental traits not only may be characteristic of the Tipu Maya but also could be characteristic of the Maya in general. This dental trait complex might serve as a benchmark for comparison with subsequent dental analyses of new or existing dental material. In addition, metric analysis provides one of the ¤rst characterizations of Maya tooth size. This allows for future comparisons as well. Recording of the presence and absence of dental morphological traits and compilation of metric data among the Tipu Maya allow for the separation of the metric and non-metric results by sex. The results may provide information on intrapopulation variability. No previous Maya study has had the bene¤t of such a large sample size. Analysis of the dental metrics of the Tipu individuals will allow characterization of dental sexual dimorphism (differences between the metric traits of males and females). Dental metric patterns are in®uenced by sexual dimorphism (Kieser 1990). The extent of this variance differs among species (Hillson 1996). In human beings, crown dimensions exhibit low levels of sexual dimorphism with males having two percent to six percent larger teeth than females (Scott and Turner 1997:105). Non-metric dental traits may also indicate variance between males and females at the Tipu church cemetery. According to Scott and Turner (1997:105), “given the nature of sampling distributions, reports of signi¤cant sex differences for particular traits vary from one sample to another.” However, Carabelli’s trait has been shown to have a signi¤cant sex difference (Mizoguchi 1985) and the distal accessory ridge “shows a consistent sex dimorphism across diverse samples” (Scott and Turner 1997:105). In addition, the metric traits may show a difference between those males and females buried at different locations at the Tipu cemetery.

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Differences in metric and non-metric traits within the Tipu cemetery might indicate that there are different populations of individuals buried in separate locales outside or inside the Tipu church. The cemetery at Tipu is divided into ¤ve different areas: (1) inside church front, (2) inside church back, (3) north of church, (4) west of church, and (5) south of church. These previously determined divisions and the possible variance between them might help distinguish the immigrant or refugee Maya that Scholes and Roys (1968) and Jones (1989) discuss or even isolate Spanish individuals. There may be a statistical divergence between the non-metric traits of individuals buried at the ¤ve different burial locations that make up the cemetery. Using both metrics and non-metrics to ask similar questions about the dental genetics of the individuals from Tipu enables us to determine whether using two different types of data will provide the same results. Tipu dental metric and non-metric data might lead to similar results in intrapopulation variability. Consistency in data results would imply a stronger power to those derived results. Because dental morphological traits are under strong genetic control (Schultz 1934; Dahlberg 1937; Brekhus et al. 1944; Grahnén 1956; Ludwig 1957; Cadien 1970; Bailit 1975; Berry 1978; Dahlberg et al. 1982), the presence or absence of a non-metric trait along with its variable expression might be a good indication of which individuals at Tipu may be related to one another. There may be rare non-metric traits that help isolate familial units within the cemetery. Dental metrics (Goose 1971; Bondioli et al. 1986) and occlusal anomalies (Harris and Weeks 1973) have been shown to isolate familial or kinship relationships as well. INTERPOPUL ATION DIFFERENCES As previously mentioned, Maya dental morphological studies are few in number and are hampered primarily by small sample sizes. Nevertheless, these smaller studies are useful in determining which Maya populations are more closely related genetically in time and geographic space to those at Tipu. How much of a divergence is there between the modern Tzeltal Maya populations and Maya populations from Tipu, Seibal, Altar de Sacri¤cios, Lubaantun, Chichén Itzá, and Lamanai? There may be no statistical divergence between the non-metric traits of the individuals buried at Tipu and the non-metric traits of prehistoric Maya as a whole. It is possible that the historic skeletal population of Maya at Tipu would re®ect a similarity in Maya dental characteristics to those of prehistoric Maya populations, especially populations from prehistoric Maya sites in relatively close proximity such as Lubaantun, Seibal, and Altar de Sacri¤cios. Among historic skeletal populations, there may be no statistical divergence between the non-metric traits of the individuals buried at Tipu and the non-metric traits of other historic Maya. Geo-

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graphically closer historic church skeletal populations, such as the one from Lamanai, may be very similar in dental genetics to the skeletal population at Tipu. This would indicate a closer genetic relationship between these two historic Maya groups. The data collected from the Tipu Maya allow us to address the research questions discussed above. The Tipu cemetery and the dental remains of those buried there are analyzed using the materials and methods outlined in the following chapter. This analysis produces speci¤c information on the mortuary pattern at the Tipu church, information on the dental genetics of the Tipu Maya, sex and location implications of the data, and conclusions about the relationship of the Tipu Maya to populations at other historic sites (Lamanai); to those at the prehistoric sites of Altar de Sacri¤cios, Seibal, Lubaantun, Chichén Itzá, and Lamanai; and to the modern Tzeltal Maya.

6

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Sampling in a broad sense simply refers to all those methods that select subsets of observations from the theoretically possible ones . . . More narrowly circumscribed, sampling . . . may refer to those kinds of methods that select subsets of observations. Wobst 1983:39–40

For the physical anthropologist, a population sample is always dictated by the conditions in which the skeletal remains are found and the archaeological recovery methods in practice. At Tipu, the generally good condition of the skeletal material, considering the acidic tropical soil, and the thorough excavation of the site over four full seasons and two partial seasons have produced the largest sample of Maya skeletal material to date. The entire church sample, not a subset, is analyzed using the materials and methods outlined below. The skeletal material from Tipu is part of an ongoing bioanthropological research program with three goals in mind (Cohen et al. 1989:2). Of primary importance to this project is the assessment of the general health of the Tipu sample that was in®uenced by Maya and Spanish individuals encountering each other. The Spanish were in a new land meeting a new culture and the Maya were encountering a new culture represented by friars on a mission to make Catholic converts. At this clash of cultures, was there decimation by epidemics such as described by Dobyns (1976, 1983), Cook (1981), Denevan (1976), Lovell (1982), and Ramenofsky (1987)? What kinds of diseases did the individuals at Tipu contract, and how much were they affected at this fringe of Spanish conquest? Next in importance to the project is determining whether a high degree of pathology and trauma existed in the population and, if so, what groups of individuals were affected. Ethnohistoric documentation describes multiples of epidemics that must have affected Tipu. The documentation indicates “signi¤cant unrest and violence” with “severe signs of trauma and growth disturbance, and signs of chronic malnutrition and infection similar to those occurring in many marginal communities in the historic and modern world”

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(Cohen et al. 1989:2). These problems must have affected Tipu. Is there a visible difference in the pathology and trauma distribution based on age groups or sex groups? The third goal, which is where this current research ¤ts in, involves the investigation of the composition of the Tipu burial population. Are there discrete subpopulations within the cemetery, indicating that Maya individuals had ®ed to Tipu from the heavily dominated Spanish areas? Are there divisions in the mortuary burial pattern based on sex, age, or family? Examination of metric and non-metric skeletal traits of the Tipuans will not only better clarify this speci¤c archaeological mortuary record but also help to interpret the Tipuans’ place within the prehistoric and historic groups of Maya, as well as the Tipu Maya’s relationship to the Spanish. The excavations at Tipu provide the largest sample of historic Maya remains to date. These burials allow for the achievement of the goals set out in the bioanthropological portion of the research project. The Tipu individuals are used here to examine dental genetics; these results likewise are examined for what they can tell us about the Tipuans as a whole and their relationship to other Maya and the Spanish. SEX A ND AGE ASSESSMENTS Mark Cohen directed the estimation of sex of the Tipuan remains that are currently housed at the State University of New York at Plattsburgh while on loan from the Belize government. The condition of the material, excellent in comparison to much other Maya material, is still fragmentary. The historic Tipu burials total 585: 176 males, 119 females, 249 juveniles, and 41 adults of unknown sex. An additional 19 noncolonial burials were examined but not included in this study. Table 6.1 shows the numbers of historic burials in each sex category with males and females being divided into probable and known categories. The “probable male” and “probable female” categories were created during the analysis of the skeletal remains. These categories are conservative constructs that include those remains not clearly male or female but having a greater number of skeletal sex diagnostic features characteristic of one sex as opposed to another. Analysts were cautious in their assignment of the skeleton to a category when it also had sexing characteristics of the opposite sex. They used the probable male or probable female category to indicate their “best judgment” as to the sex. Lack of a skull or pelvis precluded de¤nite sex assignment (Danforth 1989). “Unknown adult” was assigned to adults who did not display enough sexual dimorphism to allow for “probable” sex designation; thus, they were categorized as adults of unknown sex. The “unknown” category was assigned to individuals who could not be assigned to any sex or age category as a result of factors such as fragmentary remains caused by weathering. In the case of noncolonial burials listed in Table 6.1,

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“unknown” remains are those for which it could not be determined whether the burials were historic or noncolonial. The analysts who did the sex determinations also evaluated the age of the Tipuan individuals. Again, this crew worked under the direction of Cohen at the State University of New York at Plattsburgh. The skeletal indicators used to estimate age at death can be seen in Table 6.2 and the breakdown by age of the Tipu population can be seen in Table 6.3. The age breakdown includes only the 492 individuals out of the 585 in which age at death could be ascertained. The analysts encountered the same problems in the age determination that they did in the sex evaluation. Fragmentation of many remains hindered age determination with use of the pubic symphysis. Fortunately, the analysts found the teeth from Tipu were well preserved, had a high representation, and allowed for excellent age determination through the dental eruption schedule (Schour and Massler 1941; Ubelaker 1978:47). The analysts determined aging by dental attrition on adults past the dental eruption years. The Tipu dental attrition criterion was set up by Kelley and Simmons (1984) and was grounded in the age assessment wear system of Miles (1963) and Lovejoy (1985). Additional aging techniques included epiphyseal closure (Bass 1971; Ubelaker 1978; Stewart 1979, based on Modi 1957), diaphyseal length (Bass 1971; Ubelaker 1978; Stewart 1979, based on Merchant and Ubelaker 1977), ectocranial suture closure (Stewart 1979; Meindl and Lovejoy 1985), and pubic symphysis and auricular surface modi¤cations on the pelvis (Lovejoy et al. 1985; Meindl et al. 1985). INV ENTORY OF TEETH Five hundred eighteen individuals out of the total of 585 burials had teeth and were used in this study of Tipu Maya dental morphology. The physical examination of the Tipuan teeth for analysis proceeded through three steps. The ¤rst step involved an inventory of the teeth. Two inventory sheets exist for each burial: one for deciduous and permanent maxillary teeth, and one for deciduous and permanent mandibular teeth. The teeth of a particular burial were ¤rst laid out and sorted into maxillary and mandibular teeth. If deciduous teeth were present, they also were sorted in this manner. Care was taken to evaluate whether all the teeth came from the same individual. Those teeth that did not belong were placed in a bag and marked “extra teeth” or “teeth found in association with burial X X.” On occasion, such teeth were later matched with nearby burials that had missing and morphologically similar teeth. If no associated alveolar bone was present, the maxillary teeth and mandibular teeth were laid out in an arc corresponding to their natural position in the mouth. An X notation on the dental inventory sheets records the presence of a tooth. If a tooth was absent, no notation was made on the inventory sheets.

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Unusual morphological features observed in this ¤rst sorting inventory also were noted. For example, if a tooth had a striking labial groove, odontome, or unusual cusp or cuspule, this was recorded. Supernumerary teeth or palatal canines were noted as well. EVA LUATION OF W E AR After inventory, the second step of the physical analysis was undertaken: for each dentition, each tooth was evaluated for wear and then measured. This

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procedure started with the permanent upper right central incisor and continued through the upper right third molar, then progressed with the upper left central incisor through the upper left third molar. The same process was followed on the mandibular teeth, that is, beginning with the lower right central incisor and continuing through the lower right third molar and likewise for the left side of the mouth. After both arcades of permanent teeth were evaluated for wear and measured, the deciduous teeth, if present, were evaluated for wear and measured.

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A large body of literature addresses the evaluation of dental wear or attrition. This literature follows two primary avenues of interest. The ¤rst orientation of analysis is the relationship of tooth wear to a population’s diet. Does the population eat a diet with an unavoidable/unconscious addition of grit and/or sand during food preparation thus leading to a wearing down of the teeth? Or, is the diet devoid of abrasive additives so that a population’s collective teeth are spared the extensive wear as a result of processed foods? Such studies dwell on wear patterns in various populations, and attempts have been made to show both inter- and intrapopulation differences (Leigh 1925; Taylor 1963; Molnar 1971, 1972; Sciulli and Carlisle 1977; Molnar et al. 1983; Turner and Cheuiche Machado 1983; Smith 1984a, 1984b). The second avenue of study in this area is the development of a method to seriate dental wear and to formulate a system for age determination of a skeleton by its dental wear. One ¤nds a number of these methods (Leigh 1925; Hojo 1954, in Brothwell 1989; Murphy 1959a, 1959b; Miles 1962; Taylor 1963; Molnar 1971; E. C. Scott 1979; Brothwell 1981; Lovejoy 1985), and each has its proponents and detractors. Much of the debate lies in the lack of comparability between the different methods used on various populations whose teeth exhibit population-speci¤c wear. There is also the problem of interobserver error. E. C. Scott’s (1979) scoring technique is an attempt to provide a more descriptive quadrant-by-quadrant analysis of molar wear based on a point scale. This examination by molar occlusal quadrant has less interobserver error, provides more speci¤c information on the wear of the molar, and thus prevents the observer from grouping the tooth wear into a broad category (Cross et al. 1986). However, comparability with data gathered using other scoring systems is problematic. Of primary importance to an individual measuring teeth and therefore of importance in this metric study of the Tipu teeth is not so much the surface occlusal wear, as described in the studies above, but the wear that is interproximal or between the teeth, as well as buccal and lingual side wear. Interproximal wear in®uences evaluation and measurement of teeth in two ways. It increases the contact areas of adjoining teeth and it can decrease the mesiodistal diameter of a tooth (Kieser et al. 1985b; Kieser 1990:10–11). Kieser et al. (1985a, 1985c), in a study of Lengua Indians from Paraguay, found that because of attrition, the contact areas of adjacent premolar and molar teeth had a mean increase of 1.14 mm and 1.85 mm, respectively. Kieser’s (1990:11) analysis of van Reenen’s (1982) data gathered from the Kalahari San (Bushmen) indicates a reduction in the mesiodistal diameter of teeth because of interproximal wear ranging from 0.9 mm to 2.0 mm. Those teeth most affected in this population were the ¤rst incisors and ¤rst molars, while the least affected were the canines and second molars. In the buccolingual dimension, Kieser (1990:11) reports for the same body of data a mean change ranging from −0.3 mm to 0.5 mm. There were indications that some teeth such as the

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canine increased in buccolingual dimension with increased wear. Kieser notes that “unless maximum measurements are taken, occlusal wear will result in apparent dimension increase” (Kieser 1990:11). The Tipu teeth were evaluated for interproximal and buccolingual wear using my adaptation of a wear gradient developed and modi¤ed from dental measurement and wear studies by Frayer (1978:23), Goose (1963), Murphy (1959a, 1959b), Moorrees (1957), and Molnar (1971). Crown diameters of each tooth of the Tipu Maya not affected by caries, by antemortem or postmortem breakage or fracture, by heavy attrition with no enamel, by calculus, impaction, or malocclusion, in some cases, or by incomplete eruption were measured in mesiodistal and buccolingual diameters according to speci¤cs established by Goose (1963) and Frayer (1978:23–25). Both halves of the arcade were measured to collect data for a future study on dental asymmetry in the Tipu population. A population’s odontometric asymmetry can be seen as a measure of response to environmental stress (Bailit et al. 1970; Mayhall 1992). Dental attrition or the wearing away of a tooth through mastication is the loss of occlusal enamel, interproximal enamel, and in the most extreme cases dentin and the root itself. Attrition involves simultaneous wear of the occlusal surface and interproximal contact areas. The mesiodistal measurement or crown length is affected by interproximal enamel loss and wear on the mesial and distal portions of the occlusal surface. The crown width or buccolingual measurement is in®uenced by buccal and lingual surface wear as well as buccal/labial and lingual occlusal surface wear. Dental attrition affecting the mesiodistal measurement in the Tipu dental remains was evaluated and then categorized in the following manner: 1. Category one contains unworn teeth. Many of these teeth tend to be unerupted or recently erupted teeth. These teeth exhibit no interproximal contact facets and no occlusal wear. 2. Category two teeth have minimal wear at the contact points of the tooth. Interproximal contact facets are visible. There is little to no occlusal wear. 3. Category three teeth have moderate wear. Degeneration of occlusal cuspal enamel exists. Also, one can ¤nd dentin exposure in cusps and other areas of the occlusal surface. The initial interproximal contact facets are no longer visible; instead, the contact facets of the teeth have increased in buccolingual length. The teeth also may be carious; however, a tooth was not measured if decay was present at the location of the mesial or distal placement of the sliding calipers. 4. Category four teeth have extreme occlusal wear with widespread dentin exposure and interproximal wear that resulted in no visible contact facets. One also might see large interproximal caries. Although there may be some

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slight alteration of the original mesiodistal diameter, a measurement was taken. 5. Category ¤ve contains teeth that could not be measured because they are (1) too worn, such as a root stub with no enamel, (2) carious, (3) fractured, chipped, or broken, (4) covered with calculus, or (5) impacted or maloccluded. In some cases, however, a maloccluded tooth could be measured in one or both of the dimensions. 6. Category six teeth are casts of the original. Within the Tipu collection, a number of teeth have been sectioned for analysis of histological features. These teeth were cast by Marie Danforth, and the casts were stored with the other dental remains. Because a cast is not always an exact replica of a tooth, the cast teeth were placed in a separate category. Even with new and improved elastic impression materials, the possibility exists for syneresis, that is, shrinkage of the tooth cast replica as a result of water loss. Conversely, imbibition, expansion caused by water absorption (Kieser 1990:9), might occur. Additional problems could be bubbles in the cast that make a measurement inaccurate, the wearing away of the surface through handling, or even the breakage of the cast tooth because dental stone is not as durable as tooth enamel. Thus, even with impression materials that give close to identical representations of the original teeth, the fact that they are not the original teeth necessitates putting them into a separate category. 7. Category seven teeth cannot be measured because they are not fully developed and a complete measurement is thus impossible or would be misleading. 9. Traditionally, the number nine is used to indicate missing information, thus, category nine is assigned when there is no tooth present and was used as a placeholder in computer analysis (there is no category 8).

All the mesiodistal wear determinations were recorded on a dental measurement form. Dental attrition affecting the buccolingual measurement was evaluated and scored in the following manner: 1. Category one teeth are unworn. Again, many of these teeth are unerupted or recently erupted fully formed teeth. They have no occlusal wear or buccal or lingual surface wear. 2. Category two teeth parallel the mesiodistal wear criteria except no contact facets are involved. Little or minimal buccal and/or lingual surface wear is evident. 3. Category three evaluation parallels the criteria of mesiodistal wear in that occlusal surface wear is moderate with cusps being worn down and some dentin exposure is found. Caries in teeth of this category can exist; however, these caries do not affect the measurement. No contact facets are involved

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in this category, but one can ¤nd some beveling of the tooth surface in the buccolingual directions as a result of increased attrition. The category three buccolingual measurement is still a valuable one because the integrity of the maximum buccolingual measurement has not been compromised. 4. Category four teeth have extreme occlusal wear with widespread dentin exposure and with the possibility of large caries on the teeth. Again, these caries did not affect the measurement. One ¤nds a marked deterioration of the buccal and/or lingual surface. More marked beveling in the buccolingual directions exists in category four than in category three. A maximum buccolingual measurement could be taken. At times the integrity of the true maximum measurement was compromised somewhat by wear, but the measurement was taken if it appeared to be close to the maximum. However, if there was too much occlusal wear or beveling, then the tooth was evaluated as a category ¤ve tooth. 5–9. Dental attrition categories ¤ve, six, seven, and nine for the buccolingual measurement follow exactly the criteria set down above for the mesiodistal evaluation of attrition.

All the buccolingual wear determinations were recorded on the dental measurement form. ME ASUREMENT PROCEDURE The teeth were measured using Mitutoyo sliding calipers with sharpened tips calibrated to 0.02 mm. Each measurement of crown length (mesiodistal dimension) and crown width (buccolingual dimension) was taken twice on every tooth to help prevent the possibility of measurement error. Both the permanent and deciduous teeth were measured, but the permanent dentition is the focus of more speci¤c statistical analysis in this study. Use of my metric data on permanent upper and lower canines and ¤rst molars in juvenile dentition can be found in Kristrina Herndon’s thesis (1994). She uses my measurements to help set up a sex discriminant function for individuals from Tipu based on a sample of 25 adult males and 25 adult females. She then uses the function on 36 Tipu juveniles. Kieser (1990:4–6) provides a historical synopsis of the myriad techniques for measurement of the mesiodistal and buccolingual dimensions. He also discusses the problems in using and understanding these various techniques created by the number of methods and the varying terminology employed in each method. The method for measurement used in this study of Tipu teeth is derived from Moorrees (1957) and Wolpoff (1971), who follow the work of Selmer-Olsen (1949). This study also relied on the work of Goose (1963) and Frayer (1978). The mesiodistal measurement is basically the maximum length of a tooth

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crown in the occlusal arch. This measurement should be taken parallel to the occlusal plane (Remane 1927, 1930, cited in Wolpoff 1971; Stewart 1952; Hillson 1986; Mayhall 1992). The measurement is taken at the midpoints of a tooth’s contact facets, which are evidence of a tooth’s contact with the tooth in front and behind (Selmer-Olsen 1949; Stewart 1952; Goose 1963). This procedure was followed for all Tipu teeth in normal occlusion. Great care must be taken because if a tooth is rotated, the measurement could be heavily skewed. Therefore, in cases of tooth rotation, tooth anatomy must be taken into account, and the mesiodistal measurement is taken in the areas where contact facets might appear if the tooth had been in normal occlusion (Goose 1963). A mental approximation determines what normal occlusion might have been. In the Tipu study, a tooth was held in the left hand while the right hand operated the sliding calipers, always keeping the calipers parallel to the mesiodistal line of the tooth. Measurements were read off the caliper dial at eye level and recorded on a tooth measurement form along with the determined wear for that tooth. Incisor and canine teeth are more dif¤cult to measure because they can vary in their form (Kraus et al. 1969; Taylor 1978). Contact facets on these teeth are not always in the same plane (Wolpoff 1971:10); thus measurement from the midpoint of the mesial contact facet to the midpoint of the distal contact facet could produce erroneous results. It is essential to be aware of this problem and to ¤nd the maximum mesiodistal measurement (Goose 1963:127; Wolpoff 1971:10, after ¤g. 3, no. 4, in Selmer-Olsen 1949:25). This problem was duly noted in working on the incisors and canines from Tipu. For consistency in the mesiodistal measurements on the Tipu teeth, the measurements were most often taken at the midpoint of the contact facets. However, if the interproximal wear on a molar was cupped or marked, for example, then the mesiodistal measurement was taken toward the buccal surface to obtain the maximum measurement. The logic for this practice derives from Hunter and Priest (1960), who noted that the widest portion of the tooth is the buccal portion. Similarly, Goose (1963:127) pointed out that a molar tooth can have a bulge at the cervical portion of the tooth, thus resulting in a larger buccolingual measurement. He further noted, however, that the best practice is to measure the bulge as is because it is dif¤cult to get an acceptable measurement in areas around the bulge. The buccolingual measurement or maximum breadth of a tooth crown is the maximum distance between the labial or buccal surface and the lingual surface of the tooth (Moorrees 1957; Townsend and Brown 1979). This measurement should be taken perpendicular to the mesiodistal measurement with the calipers held perpendicular to the mesiodistal diameter (Goose 1963; Frayer 1978; Townsend and Brown 1979). Goose (1963) explains that the buccolingual measurement should also be taken perpendicular to the mesiodistal measurement in the case of the rotation of a tooth or malpositioning

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of a tooth. The maximum buccolingual measurement on the molars is different on the maxillary and mandibular dentitions. On the maxillary molars, the measurement should be made on the anterior cusps (paracone or buccal cusp and protocone or lingual cusp) because these two cusps are genetically the most stable. On the mandibular molars, the buccolingual measurement should be taken on the most mesial portion of the two distal cusps (hypoconid or buccal cusp and entoconid or lingual cusp) because the maximum measurement is usually found at this location. The hypoconid and the entoconid are for the most part genetically stable cusps. As in the case of the mesiodistal measurement, the buccolingual measurement of the incisors and canines also is in®uenced by morphological variation in these teeth. The maximum buccolingual measurement on these teeth is found near the base of the tooth crown or a crown’s cervical region (Wolpoff 1971:10). Tipu incisors and canines were measured at this spot. In some cases a tooth could not be measured: when it was absent; when a tooth had extreme wear and no enamel was present for appropriate measurement; when a tooth’s enamel was carious or covered with calculus or it was fractured, chipped, or broken, showing the dentin or cementum; when a tooth was not fully formed, or was unerupted and in crypt; and when a tooth was impacted or maloccluded. In the above cases, the tooth was assigned a wear code of ¤ve, and the reason for not measuring the tooth was noted on the measurement form. If a tooth had an abnormally large extra cusp on the buccal or lingual surface, the measurement was taken but in®uence of a large extra cusp was noted on the measurement form. This was done to guard against entering this measurement into the statistical analysis and skewing the results. Measurements were taken of the Tipu teeth so that the collected data would help describe the variation in tooth size as it relates to sex and other groupings, including burial location, within the Tipu burial population (e.g., Barrett et al. 1963; Barrett et al. 1964; Rosenzweig and Smith 1971; Perzigian 1976; Lukacs 1977, 1981; Hanihara and Ueda 1979; Kolakowski and Bailit 1981; Smith et al. 1981; Harris and Bailit 1987). COLLECTING NON-METRIC TR AIT DATA The Tipu dentitions were coded for 38 discrete traits on permanent teeth according to the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology dental casts and scoring system, which includes the extent of expression of various traits. For example, the Arizona dental casts depict the seventh cusp on a lower molar through its various size gradations to the greatest manifestation of that cusp. A description of this Arizona system was recently published by Turner et al. (1991). Turner and colleagues incorporated into their system dental morphology reference criteria from the seminal work of Dahlberg (1956). They

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also mention the previous development of a reference standard for morphological traits in the deciduous dentition by Hanihara (1961). Proceeding from where these earlier developed standards and descriptions left off, Turner and colleagues made a standardized set of casts illustrating dental morphological traits with their range of expression. To those who are examining either the teeth of skeletal remains or, in some cases, those of living individuals, this system provides a set number of dental features with genetic variation illustrated on a number of three-dimensional cast plaster reference plaques; a usable description of those variants; and a coding system that allows for both organized and expedient recording and later computer entry. As Turner and colleagues point out, their system by no means gives the user the entire gamut of possible dental trait morphologies, but the traits are the most common, are the most wear and age resistant, and express the least amount of sexual dimorphism (Turner et al. 1991). Appendix A lists the scoring speci¤cs for non-metric traits of the maxillary and mandibular permanent dentitions used in evaluation of the Tipu dental remains. This scoring system follows the scoring procedures for key morphological traits in the permanent dentition as provided for in the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System (Turner et al. 1991). The structure, content, and wording of this scoring system are paraphrased in appendix A. A few minor changes were made to facilitate scoring, and these changes are noted with an asterisk. Some categories were added to accommodate additional expressions of traits, and these additions are noted with a double asterisk. Presence and absence of the traits described in the Arizona system were recorded on the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System data collecting form that accompanies the dental casts. Other traits or new variants (appendix B, also mentioned in appendix C) apparent in the Tipu population and not described in the Arizona system were recorded as well. These variants were noted on the Arizona form in a special section set aside for this purpose. For example, one such trait, which will be discussed later in detail, is what I call the labial groove found on the labial surface of the central and lateral upper incisors. Among other variants are enamel pearls, palatal canines, supernumerary teeth, and deciduous variants. DATA M A NAGEMENT A ND STATISTIC A L TESTING The combination of the Tipu dental inventory, the dental wear evaluations, and the metric and non-metric data, as well as additional data on age, sex, stature, burial location, pathologies, and grave goods, resulted in a massive data set. The WingZ spreadsheet from Informix Software Inc. provided the medium for entering data. The spreadsheet allowed for a total of 32,768 columns of data by 32,768 rows, making over one billion data input cells avail-

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able (Davis and Tymes 1989:45). The data set was transferred to Statview 512+ for the Macintosh by Abacus Concepts, Inc. The Statview program allowed for simple non-parametrics to be calculated. More complex statistical calculations were performed using SPSSX II (SPSS Inc. 1988) on the Indiana University mainframe computer, with global commands used to insert speci¤c placeholders into the empty spaces. Statistical methods used in the data analysis of the Tipu dental material include both parametric and non-parametric statistical tests. Parametric tests are used on data that are distributed in a continuous scale of measurement. Non-parametric statistical tests involve no assumptions as to the manner in which the variables are distributed (Roscoe 1975:23). These non-parametric tests are not restricted to normal distributions (Ambrose and Ambrose 1981:44–45). In addition to calculations of data frequencies such as those compiled for the Tipu non-metric dental data, basic statistical operations used in the analysis of the Tipu data include testing differences between the statistical means of independent samples (t-tests) and testing differences between distributions or frequency distributions (chi-square tests). Testing of variable factors that show relation to one another or relative correlation to one another was performed for the Tipu data. Multivariate analysis was used on the Tipu data to investigate the distinction between two or more groups with respect to several variables simultaneously (Klecka 1980:7; Reyment et al. 1984:14–15). The statistical methods for measuring biological distance among Maya populations in this study are the mean measure of divergence and the standardized mean measure of divergence (Buikstra 1976; Sofaer et al. 1986; Johnson and Lovell 1994).

7

Life and Death at Tipu

In the Spanish view, the entire region south of the Sierra (the area encompassing the Maya towns of Oxkutzcab, Tekax, and Mani) was literally “out of control.” The area was running over with Maya priest-leaders who challenged Catholic authority and attracted runaways from the northern towns and villages, promising them freedom from taxation and tribute, on the one hand, and from the ¤nancial and spiritual demands of the Franciscan and secular missionaries on the other. Jones 1992:199 . . . Tipuans continued Christian burial practice in the cemetery outside the church at a time when the church grounds and adjacent buildings were not swept or well maintained. The fact that they adhered to certain tenets of Christianity while maintaining the community’s focal role in the rebellion until almost the end of the 17th century suggests that they may not have seen themselves as anti-Christians so much as anti-Spanish. Graham et al. 1989:1257

The town of Tipu and its inhabitants resided, according to Spanish view, in a portion of the “satanic” land that was “out of control” ( Jones 1992:199). The Tipu Maya’s cooperation with the Spanish may have seemed minimal in the eyes of the Spanish administration in the town of Mérida in northern Yucatán, but on a more local level it represented spiritual inroads to the visiting friars who worked to build a group of followers. The people buried in and around the Tipu mission must have been involved in the church to some extent, however minimal, because they were buried there. Spanish Catholics reserved their burial grounds for Catholics. This chapter unravels the mystery of who was buried at the church and their relationship to one another, as well as to other Maya prehistoric and historic groups. The unveiling of the identity of individuals at Tipu is developed through discussion in seven sections. The ¤rst section addresses the Tipu mortuary record as represented after archaeological excavations and subsequent analysis in the lab. This section includes a discussion of the in®uence of age and sex on burial location and the mode of interment. The second section presents the dental inventory and describes the types and percentages of dental nonmetric traits in the Tipu population. From these ¤ndings a dental complex of

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non-metric traits is developed speci¤c to the Tipu population. In addition, percentages of non-metric traits by sex and by burial location within the cemetery are given, allowing for a discussion of variation within the population. Section three presents the odontometric analysis of the Tipu material. This includes wear analysis, assessment of measurement error, presentation of the metric data, and a discriminant analysis of the metrics in the Tipu population to determine within-group variation. The fourth section examines some possible familial relationships on the basis of non-metric traits and burial location. Section ¤ve investigates the possibility of Spanish individuals being buried at Tipu. The sixth section examines previous Tipu studies on grave goods and health indicators and investigates their contribution to conclusions about mortuary practices at Tipu and how they compare to those of other Spanish mission sites. The last section compares the historic Tipu population with prehistoric, historic, and modern groups of Maya. Through comparison of the non-metric traits and the standardized mean measure of divergence statistic the analysis determines how divergent the Tipu population is from other Maya. BURIA L LOC ATION, SEX, A ND MODE OF INTERMENT The Tipu church and cemetery were divided spatially into sections by the State University of New York (SUNY) at Plattsburgh lab analysis team to facilitate comparisons within the cemetery. The locational divisions are (1) inside church front, (2) inside church back, (3) north of church, (4) west of church, and (5) south of church. Within the church itself are two divisions: front and back of the church. The demarcation between the two is the E-17 line (Figure 1.3), which also bisects both the north and south doors of the church. North of the church includes burials north of the church’s north wall and east of the west wall. South of the church includes burials directly south of the southern wall of the mission and east of the west wall. West of the church includes burials northwest and southwest of the western wall. No burials were found east of the church; thus that designation was not used. The division of the site in this manner created arbitrary units appropriate for comparison of Tipu skeletal material. The current study employs these previously established spatial constructs. Figure 7.1 shows the breakdown of the Tipu burials by location within the cemetery. The probable male and probable female designations of Tipu material have been combined with the male and female. Two hundred sixty-six individuals were buried within the church. The back of the church contained more burials than the front, and the back burials were literally packed into the available space. More burials were found outside the church than inside, and these outside burials were primarily in the western and southern areas surrounding the church.

Figure 7.1. Breakdown of Tipu burials by location.

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Burials were interred in the extended position with feet pointing toward the altar, a Catholic tradition, whereas precontact Maya tradition generally dictated burial in ®exed position. Although almost all burials at Tipu were oriented along the east/west axis with head toward the west and feet toward the east or altar area, some burials deviated slightly from that orientation. As seen in Figure 1.3 some individuals in the cemetery’s western and southern areas were interred in a northwest-to-southeast orientation with the head to the northwest. Analysis of the burial axes revealed that the slanted burials were probably the result of a random rather than intentional placement (Brian McIntosh, pers. comm., 1989). These individuals may have been interred late in the use of the church or more probably after church use was discontinued. At those times, aligning burials in accurate east-west orientation would have been dif¤cult because the church walls and base were undoubtedly obscured by overgrowth and dirt. In addition, the placement of individuals in the precise east-west direction might not have been of great concern to those burying the body. In the future, bone from a burial that is deviated from normal east-west orientation and bone from a normal east-west orientation burial may be subjected to ®uoride testing by ion-selective electrode to provide a relative date for the two types of interment. Fluoride content of buried bone increases over time (Schurr 1989). In a preliminary ®uoride test on a sample of ¤ve Tipu individuals from the Postclassic (n = 2) and Historic (n = 3) periods, Schurr (pers. comm., 1989) found signi¤cant variation in the ®uoride content in Tipu bone over time (Table 7.1), suf¤cient to merit future tests. The bone of the two Postclassic individuals (MT335, MT291) (Table 7.2), who were buried to the north of the church, exhibited higher ®uoride content than the bone from the Historic burials, indicating that the Postclassic burials were older than the Historic. In addition, two colonial interments (MT222, MT230) found together south of the church exhibited nearly identical ®uoride content. The colonial individual (MT324) buried to the west of the church exhibited the highest ®uoride content of the three colonial burials. This ¤nding suggests that the colonial individual buried to the west of the church was buried before the two individuals to the south. No testing of bone ®uoride content has been done on individuals within the church. Using the sex and age data provided by the osteology lab at SUNY at Plattsburgh, the church burial sample includes 176 males, 119 females, 249 juveniles, and 41 adults of unknown sex for a total of 585 historic burials. In addition there are 19 noncolonial burials, which are not the primary focus of this study. The distribution of burials by sex and location is illustrated in Figure 7.2 and shown in Table 6.1. Table 6.1 shows the “probable” male and female designations developed by analysts at SUNY at Plattsburgh while in Figure 7.2 these probable male and probable female designations have been added to the male and female categories.

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In the total number of interments from both inside and outside the church, males outnumber females but the difference is not statistically signi¤cant. When examined by areas, neither the higher count of males in the north section nor that in the south section is signi¤cant. Only in the west area do females outnumber males, but here again the difference is not statistically signi¤cant. Little by little, one becomes conscious of the European in®uence prevalent in the distribution of burials at Tipu. As mentioned earlier, the European Catholic Church of that day practiced various customs imbued with sex segregation. These customs came to the New World and, according to Miller and Farriss (1979), were practiced by the Spanish Catholic Church in the Yucatán. The European Catholic Church also gave preferential placement to persons of high status, interring them within the church closer to the altar. When considering the male burials at Tipu, one sees the appearance of both these Catholic elements. Using the data shown in Figure 7.2, a degree of sex segregation and status placement is clearly evident in burial location. Signi¤cantly more males than females are buried inside the church (χ2 = 5.007,

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p = .0242). This number might have been even more pronounced if the burial site had included the 80 Tipuan males who left Tipu with Father Delgado in 1623 to help convert the Itzá at Tayasal. These Tipu men were massacred and mutilated (Fancourt 1854; Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1983; Jones 1989), and their remains were not transported back to Tipu, where they might have been interred within the church. The higher number of males buried within the church at Tipu does not, however, totally parallel what Miller and Farriss (1979) found at Tancah, where only males were found buried inside the church nave, showing strong evidence of sex segregation and status placement re®ective of Catholic practices. At Tipu 34% of the sexed adult individuals inside the church are female. This is quite a difference from what was found at Tancah. The signi¤cant difference between the number of males and females interred within the church may indicate preferential treatment for male heads of families or male village leaders. This practice could mirror Catholic status placement, or it could have roots in the Maya patrilineal society (Miller and Farriss 1979:232). As might be expected, signi¤cantly more females are buried outside than inside the church (χ2 = 8.683, p = .0032). These placements again suggest a preference for male burial within the church. Considering the total number of burials within the church nave, no signi¤cant difference exists between the number of males located in the front and back of the nave.

Figure 7.2. Distribution of Tipu burials by sex and location.

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An age breakdown of the individuals within the church demonstrates that the predominate age is between 20 and 40 years old. Individuals older than age 40 are few. This lack of elderly individuals could be due to several reasons. First, the life expectancy of the Maya was low, with few living past the age of 40. Second, the elderly may have been interred in a separate site yet to be discovered. Or, third, the elderly Tipuans may have clung to the traditional Maya religious beliefs, shunning Catholic practices such as burial at the church. Cohen et al. (1989), in their ¤nal report of Tipu to the National Science Foundation, stated that the average age at death of those buried in the front of the nave is 22.3 and of those in the back of the church, 17.1 years. Mean age of individuals outside the church is 15.4 years. Three individuals buried in the front of the nave represent some of the oldest individuals in the burial population, being 40 years of age or more at death. Juvenile burials are in abundance both inside and outside the church. Juveniles make up 33.08% of the burials within the church while adult males constitute 36.09%; adult females, 18.42%; and adults of unknown sex, 12.41%. Further examination of the total number of adults versus juveniles inside the church reveals a statistically signi¤cant difference in favor of adults (χ2 = 17.938, p = .0001). If this ¤gure is broken down further into front versus back of the church, one discovers signi¤cantly more adults than juveniles buried in the front (χ2 = 11.303, p = .0008). Only 10% of the total juvenile burials found at Tipu are in the front of the church. More juveniles are located in the back of the church than in the front, and this number is signi¤cant (χ2 = 18.18, p = .0001). Interestingly, no burials of children younger than two years old are in the front of the church. Perhaps they were ineligible for this area because they had not been baptized. In the total area outside the church, juveniles make up 50.47% of the burials. Males and females constitute 25.08% and 21.94%, respectively, and unknown adults, 2.25%. Analysis shows no statistical signi¤cance in the number of juveniles versus adults in the northern, western, and southern portions of the cemetery. Yet, the number of juveniles is about double the number of males in the northern and southern portions and nearly triple the number of females buried in these two areas. In the west, however, the total adult burials exceed juvenile burials with a count of 40 males, 43 females, 7 unknown adults, and 66 juveniles. The northern portion of the cemetery yields the lowest number of burials (n = 47). Here juveniles make up 55% of the burials, and 46% of these are 10 years old or younger. Because there is no statistical signi¤cance between the number of juveniles versus adults buried in this northern area, it is unlikely that this section was set aside speci¤cally for children. At Tipu, juvenile interments are found throughout the cemetery. The north sector with its mixed population and lowest burial count prompts speculation. One could surmise that it was the last area of inter-

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ment, but this is unlikely because the south and west regions were not overly crowded. Possibly, in the European Catholic tradition, it was a special section set aside for all unbaptized individuals. One could carry this vein even further to speculate that all individuals in all areas outside the church represented those who had not been baptized while those within the church had undergone the Catholic salvation of baptism. A total of 155 individuals were buried in the back of the church nave. The burial excavation map (Figure 1.3) illustrates the problem of crowding in this area. Burial carrying capacity was exceeded in the back of the church; however, the outside cemetery had not reached its full use potential. Space for continued burial remained in all portions of the outside cemetery. The middle to back portion of the church shows not only horizontal crowding but also stacked interments, presumably to economize space. At the back of the church, disturbance of original burial interment areas or reuse of burial space was common, especially near the back wall of the nave. A portion of the nave’s back area could not be mapped and is represented by a blank. This circumstance resulted from salvage excavation conducted during torrential rain (Danforth, pers. comm., 1995). So, after 100 years of church cemetery use at Tipu, burial space outside the church was still available while the back of the nave had exceeded capacity. The large number of individuals in the back of the church could indicate the desire of Tipuans to be buried inside the church and likewise indicate the growing numbers of Tipuans who were being baptized. It is interesting that the burials at the front of the nave were granted undisturbed rest. Although the horizontal placement shows crowding, there is no evidence of stacked placement. This undoubtedly shows some sort of higher status for those buried in the front of the church near the consecrated altar area. DENTA L INV ENTORY A ND NON-METRIC TR AITS Five hundred eighteen of the 585 burials at Tipu had some dental remains that could be examined for non-metric and metric traits. Tables 7.3 and 7.4 provide the Tipu tooth inventory for the maxillary and mandibular dentitions and indicate the sample from which the dental analysis was done. These tables include the number of permanent teeth present in the total number of individuals evaluated. Information on numbers of deciduous teeth present in each tooth category is also given even though this study gives no analysis of deciduous teeth beyond the presentation of deciduous tooth mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements. Deciduous non-metric trait data were recorded as well, but analysis of these data is reserved for a future project. The skeletal remains at Tipu allow for the ¤rst comprehensive look at the dental non-metric traits of the colonial Maya and, for that matter, the Maya in general, both prehistoric and modern. Certain dental traits are indicative

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of various biological groups. For example, shovel-shaped incisors are prevalent within Mongoloid groups such as Asians and Native Americans (Hrdli3ka 1920). On the other hand, shovel-shaped incisors are uncommon in populations of African descent (Haines 1972:135; Jacobson 1982:168–69). Kraus (1957, 1959) shows that multiple lingual cusps are common on the mandibular ¤rst premolars in Negroid populations, whereas Carabelli’s cusp is uncommon in Negroid populations. However, even these markers are not absolute, that is, they do not re®ect a one-to-one correspondence with a speci¤c group. Shovel-shaped incisors can appear in groups other than Mongoloid. Carabelli’s cusp does appear within Negroid populations, and Uto-Aztecan premolars (Morris et al. 1978) do appear in groups other than the Mexicans and Pima Indians. No one trait is exclusive to one population.

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Some studies, however, do go beyond the description of one or two dental traits that might indicate a certain biological group. Hanihara (1967) and Mayhall et al. (1982) have compiled dental trait complexes for Mongoloid and Caucasoid groups. The Mongoloid Dental Complex has the following dental traits in high percentage: (1) shovel-shaped incisor, (2) de®ecting wrinkle, (3) seventh cusp, and (4) metaconule (Hanihara 1967). Hanihara found the highest percentage of these traits among the Japanese, Pima Indians (Native Americans), and Eskimo groups. The Caucasoid Dental Complex has the following dental traits in high percentage: (1) absence or trace expression of shovel-shaped incisors, (2) high percentage of bilateral counter-winging or straight axial alignment of the central incisors, (3) absence of premolar occlusal cusps, (4) high percentage of Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar, (5)

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absence of expressions of the protostylid, (6) absence of expressions of the sixth cusp, and (7) absence of expressions of the seventh cusp (Mayhall et al. 1982:256). The Tipu teeth were evaluated for non-metric traits and scored using the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System, which includes reference plaques and accompanying scoring procedures developed by Christy Turner II and colleagues and reported in Turner et al. (1991). This system, discussed in chapter 6, aids in the recognition of dental traits and their various expressions, from trace to full expression. Appendix A gives a general explanation of the trait expression de¤nitions used in this study. These de¤nitions are closely based on the descriptions of Turner et al. (1991) with only minor changes. Additional traits, observed but not described within the framework of the Arizona system, are presented in appendix B. Appendix D breaks down the trait percentages in the maxilla and mandible by the various expressions, which allows for even more ¤ne-tuned analysis. A complex of traits indicative of the Maya was determined through examination of the Tipu non-metric dental traits. Permanent dentition trait percentages for the entire Tipu population are listed in Tables 7.5 and 7.6. In the permanent maxillary dentition, the Tipu Maya exhibit high percentages of shoveling and double shoveling of the central and lateral maxillary incisor, which are Amerindian/Mongoloid traits. Slightly more than 45% of the Tipu population exhibits the canine distal accessory ridge. Another high-percentage trait found in the population is the large expression of the third cusp or metacone in the ¤rst, second, and third maxillary molars. The hypocone cusp or fourth cusp on the upper molars follows a natural tendency for reduction among many human populations. The ¤rst molar expresses a near 100% presence of the cusp. The maxillary second molar exhibits a lower percentage of the trait while the third molar shows a marked decrease in the presence of the trait. This decrease in the presence of the hypocone cusp from the ¤rst molar to the third molar in Tipu individuals is consistent with ¤ndings of Scott and Turner (1997:194–95), who found higher frequencies of total loss of the hypocone cusp in upper second molars among their Sino-America group (which includes individuals from North and South America) as opposed to, for example, Sub-Saharan groups, who showed the lowest frequencies. The reduction of the hypocone trait, however, represents a minor contribution to total tooth size (crown area) in a population. The decrease in tooth size is revealed in a later description of the Tipu dental metrics. Eleven to twelve percent of the population shows either a reduction or a peg tooth in the maxillary lateral incisor and the maxillary third molar. This reduction of a tooth or presence of a peg tooth is part of a continuum that spans from reduced tooth size, to reduced tooth size that manifests as a peg tooth, to agenesis or congenital absence of a tooth. Agenesis of teeth often goes hand-in-hand with a smaller mouth size. At Tipu there is no evidence

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for the absence of maxillary upper incisors, and agenesis of a maxillary second premolar is very rare. Six percent of Tipuans have agenesis of the maxillary third molars and 15% have agenesis in the mandibular dentition. Not all of the third molars could be evaluated, however, because some were unerupted and remained in their tooth crypt. If these teeth had been evaluated with the use of x-ray ¤lms the percentage of agenesis of third molars might have been higher. Systematic reduction in root number is another contributor to reduction in mouth size. Tipuans show a tendency for reduction in the number of roots from ¤rst molar through third molar, thus indicating a reduction in mouth size. The maxillary ¤rst molar shows a high percentage for the normal presence of three roots (91%), but this percentage drops to 50% in second molars and to 9% in third molars. The percentage of “unseparated root divisions” increases from the ¤rst to third molars. Second and third molar roots would have separated into three parts, but the division was not accomplished, leaving the separate root entities still compressed together, a phenomenon called a radical trait (Turner et al. 1991:20). In addition, the percentage of two roots in the maxillary ¤rst premolars is low, around 7%. The percentage of additional cusps in maxillary teeth is low; fewer than 7% exhibit cusp ¤ve and the parastyle. Expression of some form of Carabelli’s cusp is extremely low in the second and third molars, a percentage of less than 3%. However, expression of Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst maxillary molar approaches 46%. The Tipu population does not exhibit the Uto-Aztecan premolar or distosagittal ridge described by Morris et al. (1978) and Turner et al. (1991). The distosagittal ridge is a rare trait thought to be a genetic phenomenon restricted to Amerindian populations (Turner et al. 1991:18). I have examined the dentitions of nearly 1500 individuals from the Mississippian period site of Moundville in Alabama, and the distosagittal ridge on the maxillary premolar was found in only ¤ve individuals (0.003%). Enamel extensions and enamel pearls are most frequently found on the second molar. One Tipuan (MT128) had a total of 10 enamel pearls on six

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Life and Death at Tipu

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teeth. The etiology of this large number of pearls in one individual is unknown. The recognition of odontomes or columns of enamel in any population is infrequent because wear on teeth masks the occurrence of the trait. However, the Tipu population has a large number of juveniles exhibiting very little tooth wear, so these columns of enamel on the maxillary and mandibular premolars are seen in their complete unworn form (Figure 7.3). The trait is most frequently found in the ¤rst premolar, approaching 7%. Figure 7.4 illustrates the labial groove found in the Tipu population. Discussion of the labial groove is rare in the literature. Brin and Ben-Bassat (1989) noticed what they call a labiogingival notch on the permanent maxillary central incisors among primary school children in Jerusalem. The labial groove found at Tipu may be within the range of expression of the labiogingival notch; however, it could be a distinct trait (Dahlberg, pers. comm., 1988). This groove also is found on the labial aspect of the maxillary lateral incisor and the canine. The canine mesial ridge or Bushman canine in the maxillary dentition has been described by Morris (1975) and Turner et al. (1991:16). This trait has been noted primarily in Africans. The ridge was scored in the Tipu dentitions and the resulting percentage was 26%. However, it was brought to my attention ( Joel Irish, pers. comm., 1994) that a mistake exists in the reference plaque developed by Turner and colleagues; thus my observations became invalid. Grades one and three on the plaque illustrate the low and high ends of expression of the canine mesial ridge. Irish and Morris (1996:358–59) discuss the ambiguity of expression grade two on the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System plaque if the written expression is not followed to the letter. I was misled by the plaque’s representation of expression grade

Life and Death at Tipu

Figure 7.3. Odontome on maxillary premolar.

Figure 7.4. Variations in labial groove trait.

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two and recorded a higher number of the canine mesial ridge than was present. For this reason, the canine mesial ridge was deleted from the analysis. In the mandible (Table 7.6) a high percentage of the canine distal accessory ridge occurs, paralleling the high percentage in the maxillary dentition. There is also a high percentage of the anterior fovea in the ¤rst lower molar. One of the more frequently evaluated mandibular traits is the groove pattern on the occlusal surface of the molars. Basically, the patterns observed are the Y, +, and X patterns. The Y pattern has suffered a long history of misidenti¤cation by observers and has been misidenti¤ed in anthropological textbooks and scienti¤c articles (Della Cook, pers. comm., 1988). For an accurate description, one should examine the line drawings and explanation by Gregory and Hellman (1926), as well as the material provided by Turner et al. (1991:22–23). The Tipuan ¤rst molar exhibits the Y pattern in a high percentage of nearly 90%. The Y groove is usually found in high percentage on the ¤rst mandibular molar while the second molar usually exhibits the + or X pattern. The Tipuans exhibit high percentages of both the + and X patterns in the second molar, with the X pattern having a higher percentage (53%). The third molar also has a high percentage of the X pattern (79%). At Tipu ¤ve cusps are evident in the lower ¤rst molars (78%). In the second and third molars ¤ve cusps are found in 49% and 45% of the teeth, respectively. Few ¤rst molars have just four cusps, and examination also revealed 20% with six cusps and 1% with seven cusps. The de®ecting wrinkle was found only on the ¤rst lower molar. This Lshaped ridge of enamel, noted by Weidenreich (1937), Morris (1970), and Scott and Dahlberg (1982), is found in 40% of the Tipuans. Additional cusps in the mandibular dentition, such as the protostylid, appear in Tipu teeth. The percentages of the protostylid re®ect a combined total of the whole range of expression of the trait. Few full expressions of the trait, a full cusp, were seen, but minor expressions exist in abundance. The highest percentages of the cusp appear on the second lower molar and the third lower molar: 25% and 22%, respectively. The presence of the sixth cusp, entoconulid or tuberculum sextum, described by Turner (1970, 1991:24), occurs next to and lingual to the ¤fth cusp in the distal fovea. The sixth cusp is found in the Tipu Maya molars in the following percentages: M1, 17%; M2, 10%; and M3, 9% (Figure 7.5). The seventh cusp, metaconulid or tuberculum intermedium, is a cusp shaped like a slice of pie and wedged into a lingual groove between cusps two and four (Turner et al. 1991:24). In Tipuans, the seventh cusp is found predominately on the ¤rst molar (6%). Examination of the Tipu non-metric trait percentages allows for an attempt at creating a Maya dental complex with a range of traits from those with a high percentage to low-percentage or rare traits. In the maxillary dentition, the Tipu Maya exhibit high percentages of the following:

Life and Death at Tipu

Figure 7.5. Molars exhibiting both de®ecting wrinkle and sixth cusp. 1. shoveling of the central incisor (98%, n = 225) 2. double shoveling of the central incisor (63%, n = 254) 3. Carabelli’s cusp of the ¤rst molar (46%, n = 305) 4. hypocone cusp or fourth cusp on the upper molars (M1 = 99%, n = 335; M2 = 83%, n = 260; M3 = 47%, n = 146) 5. canine distal accessory ridge (46%, n = 143) 6. one root on P1 (93%, n = 143) 7. three roots on M1 (91%, n = 168) 8. three roots on M2 (50%, n = 142) 9. one root on M3 (74%, n = 82) 10. two radicals on M2 (89%, n = 130) 11. four radicals on M1 (97%, n = 154) 12. three radicals on M2 (89%, n = 130) 13. three radicals on M3 (51%, n = 77).

High-percentage mandibular traits are as follows: 1. presence of the canine distal accessory ridge (44%, n = 179) 2. anterior fovea on the ¤rst molar (82%, n = 231) 3. groove pattern sequence of Y X X on the ¤rst through the third molar, respectively (Y on M1 = 90%, n = 267; X on M2 = 53%, n = 235; X on M3 = 79%, n = 124) 4. de®ecting wrinkle on the ¤rst molar (40%, n = 238)

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5. ¤ve cusps on M1 (78%, n = 299) 6. four cusps (41%, n = 212) or ¤ve cusps (49%, n = 212) on M2 7. four cusps (43%, n = 129) or ¤ve cusps (45%, n = 129) on M3 8. cusp ¤ve (hypoconulid) on M1 (99%, n = 253), M2 (53%, n = 195), or M3 (52%, n = 119) 9. enamel extension on M2 (42%, n = 183) 10. two roots on M1 (98%, n = 153) 11. two roots on M2 (68%, n = 123) 12. two roots on M3 (66%, n = 73) 13. two radicals on M1 (96%, n = 125) 14. two radicals on M2 (95%, n = 122) 15. two radicals on M3 (76%, n = 70).

More moderate non-metric maxillary trait percentages are the following: 1. interruption groove on the lateral incisor (21%, n = 215) 2. tuberculum dentale on the central and lateral incisor and canine (I1 = 21%, n = 219; I2 = 28%, n = 227; C = 28%, n = 205) 3. labial curvature on the central incisor (19%, n = 272) 4. enamel extensions on the ¤rst molar (15%, n = 240) and on the second molar (23%, n = 203) 5. two roots on M2 (18%, n = 142) 6. two roots on M3 (16%, n = 82) 7. one radical (19%, n = 77) and two radicals (26%, n = 77) on M3.

The mandibular dentition exhibits the following traits in moderate percentages: 1. six cusps on M1 (20%, n = 299) 2. protostylid on the molars (M1 = 16%, n = 302; M2 = 25%, n = 240; M3 = 22%, n = 134) 3. cusp six on the ¤rst molar (17%, n = 281) 4. Tome’s root on the ¤rst premolar (28%, n = 149) 5. enamel extension on M1 (29%, n = 215) 6. one root on M2 (32%, n = 123) 7. one root on M3 (27%, n = 73) 8. congenital absence of the third molar (15%, n = 206).

Maxillary non-metric traits found in low percentage are the following: 1. winging of the central incisors (13%, n = 70) 2. interruption groove on I1 (3%, n = 220) 3. cusp ¤ve on the ¤rst, second, and third molar (respectively, 7%, n = 321; 5%, n = 248; 3%, n = 145)

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4. Carabelli’s cusp on M2 (3%, n = 257) 5. parastyle on the third molar (4%, n = 151) 6. enamel extension on M3 (10%, n = 111) 7. two roots on P1 (7%, n = 143) 8. two roots on M1 (8%, n = 168) 9. three roots on M3 (10%, n = 82) 10. two radicals on M2 (7%, n = 130) 11. peg lateral incisors and third molars (I2 = 12%, n = 276; M3 = 12%, n = 165) 12. congenital absence of the third molar (6%, n = 187) 13. labial groove on central and lateral incisors (I1 = 5%, n = 222; I2 = 2%, n = 225).

Very rare maxillary traits found at Tipu such as odontomes on premolars (Figure 7.3), palatal canines (Figure 7.6), and enamel pearls (Figure 7.7) are in percentages of 1% or less. Mandibular traits in low percentage are the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

premolar lingual cusps on P1 (13%, n = 251) + groove pattern on M1 (8%, n = 267) Y groove pattern on M2 (5%, n = 235) Y groove pattern (7%, n = 124) and + pattern (14%, n = 124) on M3 six cusps on M2 (10%, n = 212)

Figure 7.6. Palatal canine.

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Figure 7.7. Enamel pearls on maxillary molars.

Figure 7.8. Three-rooted mandibular ¤rst molars.

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6. six cusps on M3 (11%, n = 129) 7. distal trigonid crest on M1 (4%, n = 246) 8. presence of the seventh cusp on the ¤rst molar (6%, n = 305) 9. three roots on M3 (7%, n = 73) 10. three radicals on M1 (2%, n = 125) 11. one radical on M2 (5%, n = 122) 12. one radical on M3 (9%, n = 70) 13. odontomes on the second premolar (3%, n = 265).

The occurrence of three roots on the ¤rst molar is rare (less than 1%) (Figure 7.8).

Patterns of Tooth Non-Metric Variation by Sex A more detailed analysis of the Tipu mortuary pattern can be attained by examining the Tipu non-metric traits according to sex. The sex separation can be seen in Tables 7.7 and 7.8, which provide percentages of the non-metric traits for the previously established categories: male, probable male, female, probable female, unknown adult, juvenile, and unknown (which includes individuals who cannot be classi¤ed as adult or juvenile). Appendix E combines the percentages of male with probable male and female with probable female. More males (176) than females (119) were studied in this sample. Males show decidedly higher percentages in certain traits. In an examination divided by sex, males exhibited markedly higher percentages of the following non-metric traits in the maxillary dentition: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

winging of incisors shoveling of incisors reduction of the hypocone cusp from the ¤rst to third molar parastyle on the third molar rare but evident presence of two roots on the ¤rst premolar peg-shaped third molar.

In the mandibular dentition males exhibit higher percentages of the following: 1. premolar lingual cusp variation in the second premolar 2. uneven distribution of groove pattern between + and X in the second molar and a reduced percentage of the + pattern in the third molar 3. protostylid in the ¤rst molar through the third molar 4. increase in percentage of cusp ¤ve in the third molar 5. slightly higher occurrence of cusp six in all three molars.

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The predominate maxillary non-metric traits in females are the following: 1. interruption groove in incisors 2. tuberculum dentale in incisors and canines 3. less of a drop in presence of the hypocone cusp than found in males 4. occurrence of slightly more Carabelli’s cusps in the ¤rst through third molars 5. presence of the rare parastyle in the ¤rst molar and the second molar whereas no evidence of this trait occurs in males.

Notable higher-percentage mandibular traits in females are the following: 1. slightly higher premolar lingual cusp variation in the ¤rst premolar 2. presence of the anterior fovea, a groove pattern with near equal distribution of the + and X pattern in M2 and no occurrence of the + pattern in M3, unlike in the males 3. slightly higher percentage of de®ecting wrinkle in the ¤rst molar 4. rare appearance of the distal trigonid crest, which was unobserved in males 5. decrease in cusp ¤ve in the third molar whereas the cusp increased in males.

One hundred eighty-two chi-square tests for signi¤cance were performed to determine whether any signi¤cant differences existed between the percentages of the non-metric traits observed in males and those observed in females. Approximately 19% of the tests completed were signi¤cant at the .05 level. This percentage is more than what would be seen by random chance (5%) in a number of tests this large. The non-metric traits that proved to be signi¤cantly different between males and females are the following: 1. interruption groove on the lateral incisor (χ2 = 6.90, p = .009, female sex predominates) 2. tuberculum dentale on the central incisor (χ2 = 9.10, p = .003, female sex predominates) 3. canine mesial ridge (as explained earlier, an erroneous reference plaque in the Arizona set necessitates discarding this trait) (χ2 = 4.43, p = .04, male sex predominates) 4. Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar (χ2 = 5.202, p = .023, female sex predominates) 5. one root on the second molar (χ2 = 14.50, p = .0001, female sex predominates) 6. three roots on the second molar (χ2 = 8.90, p = .003, male sex predominates)

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7. one root on the third molar (χ2 = 4.82, p = .03, male sex predominates) 8. two radicals on the ¤rst premolar (χ2 = 12.72, p = .0004, male sex predominates).

One trait, two roots on the ¤rst premolar, was signi¤cantly different before a chi-square continuity correction (χ2 = 5.029, p = .03). However, after correction the trait proved to be just out of the realm of signi¤cance at the .05 level (χ2 = 3.313, p = .07, male sex predominates). Mandibular non-metric traits that proved to be signi¤cantly different are the following: 1. a + groove pattern on the third molar (χ2 = 4.43, p = .04,* male sex predominates) (asterisk indicates chi-square correction) 2. enamel extension on the ¤rst molar (χ2 = 6.81, p = .01,* female sex predominates).

The signi¤cant difference noted between males and females in most of the above non-metric traits may be a result of sexual dimorphism/size difference rather than any other explanation, such as either males or females coming from a geographical area other than Tipu. Because males have larger teeth and are of larger body size than females, traits such as root number or radical number would tend to be affected. For example, males have greater potential for room in their maxillae for three roots while females with smaller mouths would tend toward one root. However, the tests do reveal that on the maxillary third molar, males show a higher percentage for only one root, a condition more expected in the female dentition. The results from this analysis do not mirror those from the preliminary study of Lang (1990) in reference to sexual dimorphism. Lang (1990:156) found that double shoveling in Tipu males and females was signi¤cantly different: males had a stronger expression than females. This study supports the fact that males have a higher percentage of double shoveling than females but the difference is not statistically signi¤cant (I1: χ2 = .565, p = .45; I2: χ2 = 1.40, p = .24; C: χ2 = 2.392, p = .122; P1: χ2 = .001, p = .98). The interruption groove on the lateral incisors, the tuberculum dentale on the central incisor, Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar in the maxillary dentition, the + groove pattern on the third molar, and the presence of the enamel extension on the ¤rst molar in the mandibular dentition are traits whose signi¤cantly different expression may not be explained by sexual dimorphism alone. Unfortunately, a study along the lines of that of Lane and Sublette (1972) in which osteological non-metric traits aided in testing for residence pattern, is not feasible at this time. The comparative non-metric data needed to undertake this type of analysis are lacking. Although other Maya dental

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non-metric material has been analyzed, and will be discussed later, these data are inadequate. Small sample sizes, small numbers of traits analyzed, and interobserver error would prevent accurate comparisons. Even so, the signi¤cant non-metric trait differences noted above might help indicate residence patterns when the appropriate comparative data are available. The statistically signi¤cant difference between males and females for the presence of Carabelli’s cusp and the high percentage of the cusp in general among the Tipuans are interesting when compared with the percentages at other Maya sites. Lang (1990:156) describes the high percentages of Carabelli’s cusp in dental material from both Postclassic and Historic Lamanai and mentions high percentages also at the sites of Altar de Sacri¤cios and Seibal (Austin 1970, 1978). The Lamanai Postclassic sample had a higher percentage of Carabelli’s cusp than the Lamanai Historic sample (Lang 1990:156). One ¤nds that juveniles exhibit higher percentages of certain non-metric traits (Tables 7.7 and 7.8) than males or females. This occurrence is understandable because more juveniles are present in the population than males and females. Also, juvenile teeth show little wear, making the observation of some traits more obvious. For example, shoveling, double shoveling, distal accessory ridge, and odontomes, to name a few, are traits that can be obliterated by progressive wear. In the maxilla, juveniles exhibit high percentages of the following: 1. 2. 3. 4.

interruption groove on the lateral incisor tuberculum dentale on incisors and canines Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst and second molar canine distal accessory ridge.

The percentage of this last trait is extremely high in juveniles, and understandably so, because its presence diminishes with wear, as discussed above. Juveniles show slightly higher percentages of peg-shaped lateral incisors and of congenital absence of M3 than adult males and females. In addition, the presence of the rare labial groove is more frequent in juveniles than in adult males or females. This trait also may be affected by tooth wear. In the mandibular dentition, juveniles show higher percentages than males and females of the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

canine distal accessory ridge anterior fovea X groove pattern in the second and third molar de®ecting wrinkle distal trigonid crest protostylid in the ¤rst molar.

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Juveniles exhibit a much higher percentage of the sixth and seventh cusp in the lower molars, again as a result of unworn teeth or teeth with minimal wear. The very high percentage of the de®ecting wrinkle in juveniles on the permanent ¤rst molar also may be because the observation of this trait is contingent on the amount of wear on the occlusal surface of the tooth. Even with this in mind Tipuan juveniles still exhibit a very high degree of de®ecting wrinkle. I observed no cases of de®ecting wrinkle on the second molar. However, it was noted at Tipu by Lang (1990). For the most part, the types of non-metric traits found among Tipuan males, females, and juveniles are similar. Any difference between adults and juveniles can be explained by less tooth wear in juveniles or the incomplete development of the tooth. For the most part, males and females have similar trait percentages with males having higher percentages of certain traits. Juveniles have higher percentages of some non-metric traits. This may be because they have the least amount of dental wear. In addition, chi-square analysis shows that for the majority of tests on non-metric traits, no statistically signi¤cant difference is evident between males and females. Additionally, for the traits for which a signi¤cant difference (19%) does exist, a major portion of the difference may be explained by sexual dimorphism in tooth size. Those non-metric traits not explained by sexual dimorphism will in a future study provide information on residence patterns at Tipu when comparative nonmetric data become available.

Non-Metric Trait Variation by Burial Location The patterning of non-metric traits by burial location is valuable because it might provide information indicating an exclusively Tipuan Maya population within the cemetery, the presence of other Maya populations, or the burial of non-Maya individuals. The presence of a complex of traits within one location at Tipu that was vastly different from the distribution of traits in another location might suggest the presence of a migrant or refugee group who ®ed from the Yucatán and the Spanish ( Jones 1989). Small distributions of a different complex of non-metric traits could indicate family burial groupings. Tables 7.9 and 7.10 present the percentages of non-metric traits for the maxillary and mandibular dentitions by burial location. These percentages are combined percentages of the various expressions of traits given in appendix F. The tables offer the speci¤c percentage per location. Data on noncolonial burials as a group have been included even though those burials do not occupy a single location. The number (n) of observed manifestations of a trait per location out of the total number (tn) that could be evaluated for that location is recorded as n/tn.

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Upon examination of the results, one can see that winged central incisors are most common to the west of the church. A consistent amount of labial curvature appears throughout the church cemetery, being most prevalent in the inside back of the church, to the west of the church, and to the south of the church. The areas where labial curvature is in lowest percentage are in the front of the church and to the north of the church. This fact is noteworthy when one realizes that the front of the church nave was probably the ¤rst area of interment after the construction of the church. Individuals buried here would be the ¤rst Tipuan converts and most probably representative of native Tipu Maya. The low percentage of labial curvature found in the area to the north of the church might indicate that this was a resting place for traditional Maya who died during the church’s beginnings. Elsewhere, in the back of the church, and to the west and south of the church, one ¤nds larger numbers of interments and higher percentages of labial curvature. These higher percentages might permit theorization about the mixing of Maya groups, native and other, or even the mixing of Spanish and Maya blood at Tipu. Labial curvature would be more indicative of Caucasoid populations such as Spanish while Maya populations would manifest double shoveling of the labial surface of the incisors, canines, and premolars. However, despite the high percentage of labial curvature, there probably was little intermingling, if any, between the Spanish and Maya at Tipu although mixing has been alluded to at Tancah (Saul 1982). At Tipu there is no historical evidence of sexual unions between the Spanish males and Indian women as has been documented elsewhere in Central and South America and the Caribbean (Esteva-Fabregat 1995). Granted, it is dif¤cult to believe that in about 100 years of contact (a.d. 1544–1638), no mixing of Spanish and Maya took place at this settlement. At the very least, one expects one or more Spaniards to have died and been buried at Tipu, yet this is not necessarily so. As ethnohistorical documents discussed earlier have indicated, the remoteness of Tipu made it dif¤cult for even determined Spanish friars to forge their way to this outpost, let alone other travelers. As for Spanish soldiers, their brush with Tipu was ®eeting en route to other destinations. Further, no ethnohistorical documents make any mention of Spanish friars, soldiers, or other Spanish individuals having been buried at the church. After all, Tipu was not the main focus of Spanish interest; it was only a stepping stone to the Itzá settlement, the prime target of Spanish attention. Shovel-shaped incisors and canines are plentiful in all locations at Tipu. Percentages of double shoveling, interruption groove, and tuberculum dentale remain constant across burial locations. A slight decrease in the instances of tuberculum dentale in the canine is noted to the north of the church, but this decrease is probably due to the lower number of individuals in the northern section. Canine mesial and distal accessory ridges have their lowest num-

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bers in the front of the church and to the north of the church while percentages in the other burial areas are consistent. Again, it must be explained that the canine mesial ridge is problematic because of errors in the Arizona cast and thus its identi¤cation. The hypocone is found in all its expressions (present, reduced, or absent) in the molars in all burial areas. The tendency in the Tipu population as a whole is for the ¤rst molar to exhibit the fullest expression of the cusp and the second molar to show a reduction in cusp size. The cusp is further reduced or even absent in the third molar. No presence of cusp ¤ve in the upper ¤rst molar through the third molar is seen in individuals to the north of the church. All other areas, for the most part, exhibit some expression of the trait. The absence of this trait in the northern area is particularly noteworthy because cusp ¤ve can be obliterated by wear, and the northern section contains a substantial number of juveniles with very little wear on their teeth. The presence of Carabelli’s cusp in the ¤rst molar across burial areas is unremarkable. The back of the church and the west and south locations have high percentages. These areas also have high numbers of individuals. The percentage of Carabelli’s cusp to the north of the church is consistent with that of the other burial areas when we remember that fewer individuals were interred there. Although the parastyle is a rare trait among Tipu Maya, it is found in individuals interred in all areas of the burial site except north of the church. Again, because the northern sector has fewer burials, the absence of the parastyle there may mean nothing. Enamel extensions on the three upper molars are present with consistency over all burial areas. Root number in the three molars re®ects the tendency for reduction in molar tooth size in the Tipuans. The decrease in number of roots from the ¤rst to third molar is evident in all burial areas. A radical indicates a root division that might have been expressed if there had been enough room; thus, the radical number re®ects the tendency of reduction in molar tooth size. In the molars, the radicals increase in percentage in the third molars of individuals buried in all areas of the church. Other rare maxillary traits such as peg lateral incisors, peg third molars, odontomes on premolars, congenital absence of third molars, and labial grooves on the central and lateral incisors are present in noteworthy percentages in some locations. For example, peg-shaped lateral incisors are found throughout the cemetery, but to the west of the church they are found two to three times more frequently than in other areas. However, when percentage data from the front and back of the church are combined, this difference between the two areas narrows considerably. The large number of these rare peg traits to the west is not necessarily evidence of a migrant group. As is obvious, the higher percentage of this non-metric peg trait to the west of the

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cemetery may be due to the greater numbers of individuals buried there. The peg-shaped lateral incisors, along with the other rare traits of odontomes on premolars, the congenital absence of third molars, and labial grooves on central and lateral incisors, could be valuable when used with the presence of higher and moderate percentage traits to help sort out family relationships. In the mandible, the canine distal accessory ridge is present in lowest percentages in the front of the church nave and to the north of the church. Premolar lingual cusp variation, albeit low in percentage across the cemetery, is nonexistent to the north of the church in the ¤rst lower premolar. Anterior fovea is present across all burial areas with the lowest percentage north of the church. In all these cases, the low percentages in the north may re®ect the lower number of burials present in that sector. The predominate groove pattern of the Tipuan lower ¤rst molar is consistently the Y pattern across all burial locations. This is no surprise because the percentage of this groove pattern is generally highest in most human populations in the ¤rst molars. The second molar shows the most variation between burial areas. Overall for the groove pattern in the second molar, the + pattern and the X pattern were found in high percentages. The X pattern in the second molar predominates in the Tipuan population as a whole and, more speci¤cally, in the back of the church, to the west of the church, and to the south of the church. In the northern sector, the + pattern predominates. The front of the church has an equal percentage for both patterns. The X pattern predominates on the third molar in all burial areas. The de®ecting wrinkle in the ¤rst molar occurs in differing low to moderate percentages across the cemetery with the north of the church exhibiting the lowest percentage. Some expression of protostylid was evident in all three molar classes across all areas of the cemetery. The greatest percentage of the protostylid among all molar tooth classes was in the second molar and found in the back of the church. The presence and absence of cusps ¤ve, six, and seven on the lower molars are worth consideration. Cusp ¤ve percentages show a general decrease in the ¤rst through third molars across burial locations except to the north of the church. Here, there is a marked drop in percentage of the ¤fth cusp in the second molar and an increase in the presence of the ¤fth cusp in the third molar. Generally, the sixth and seventh cusps are rarer traits in human populations and are in low percentage among the Tipuans, with the seventh cusp being rarer than the sixth. Again, low percentages of the sixth and seventh cusps in the ¤rst molar occur to the north of the church. Highest percentages of the sixth cusp in all molar classes are found to the west of the church. The seventh cusp is in its highest percentages to the south of the church and in the back of the church.

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Temporal Use of Cemetery Space In addition to helping provide an understanding of the spatial placement of the Tipuans in the cemetery, the Tipu dental data offer some clues about the temporal units within the cemetery. Patterns of biological traits may allow one to determine when certain areas of the cemetery were occupied in relation to other areas. The assumption has been made that the west and back of the nave were burial areas used late in the church’s existence. A look at political events at Tipu in the early seventeenth century might help to narrow the time span for the use of these two burial areas. The use of the church at Tipu as described in chapter 1 probably ended around a.d. 1638 when construction of an intrusive pagan Maya structure desecrated the church (Graham et al. 1989). Cohen et al. (1994) believe that the cemetery could have been used after that time, but they contend that the cemetery population probably represents about 70 years (a.d. 1568–1638). I also believe that the cemetery probably was used primarily between a.d. 1568 and 1638. Jones (1989:116) has compiled from various sources population estimates for Tipu during the years a.d. 1618 to 1697. In 1618 the population at Tipu was 340 individuals. This number dropped in 1622 to 30 individuals and increased back to 340 individuals in 1623. The sudden drop at Tipu in 1622 re®ects a population that ®ed the town after friars Fuensalida and Orbita left Tipu in 1619. However, the gathering of fugitive Maya from the countryside to reinhabit towns, speci¤cally Tipu, was in full swing by 1623, and population climbed back to earlier heights. Unfortunately, a calamity for the Tipu village happened in 1623 when 80 adult males were killed after they had been commandeered to accompany Father Diego Delgado and three soldiers to Tayasal to convert the Itzá ( Jones 1989:115). This disaster would have decreased the 1623 population at Tipu to around 260. No evidence exists that the mutilated body parts of these 80 males were returned to Tipu for burial. This decrease in males at Tipu is most likely why females prevail in the cemetery to the west of the church. If the assumption is valid that the western section is a late area of interment, then one may be looking at a burial location where a number of burials, many of females, were interred from a.d. 1623 to 1638 or to the end of the cemetery’s use. METRIC A NA LYSIS Dental studies that include metrics must consider the impact of wear on the teeth of a population before any subsequent statistical analysis is undertaken. The questions are these: Does the Tipu population exhibit minimal tooth wear and thus allow for a reliable metric analysis of the teeth as far as wear

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is concerned? Conversely, does heavy wear on Tipu teeth bias the measurements? If a majority of a population shows heavy wear, then an accurate metric description of the population is suspect. Fortunately, the Tipu population was young; therefore, extensive dental wear was not common, especially in the mesiodistal interproximal and buccolingual areas. Tables in appendix G show the extent of the wear in all the teeth of the maxilla and mandible for mesiodistal interproximal and buccolingual surfaces. Each tooth was evaluated for wear and placed in a wear category. The seven wear categories listed in appendix G are described in chapter 6. They are abbreviated as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

unworn teeth minimal wear moderate wear extreme wear unmeasurable teeth as a result of different causes, for example, breakage cast teeth undeveloped/unerupted teeth.

Each wear category records the number of teeth followed by a percentage in parentheses for each tooth type. For example, in appendix G the ¤rst table pertains to the mesiodistal interproximal wear for the left maxilla. The table indicates that the central incisor category has 89 teeth that are in category number one, unworn. These teeth make up 29.10% of the total central incisors that could be evaluated on the left maxilla. Examination of the tables in appendix G shows that for the Tipu population most of the teeth evaluated for wear fall into the ¤rst three wear categories: unworn, minimal wear, and moderate wear. The majority of the wear is in the second category: minimal wear. Very few teeth are designated category four, extreme wear. Category ¤ve, which involves teeth that are broken, carious, covered with calculus, and so forth, includes numerous teeth in each tooth type and affects more teeth in buccolingual surface wear than in mesiodistal interproximal wear in both the maxillary and mandibular dentitions. Interestingly, a large number of category ¤ve teeth were affected in the buccolingual surface of the anterior teeth of the mandible, especially on the central and lateral incisor and canine teeth (see last table in appendix G). This ¤nding might suggest either more calculus buildup and caries in these anterior lower teeth, or more use of these teeth as tools in daily activities. Category six in the appendix G tables includes the number of teeth and the teeth types that were cast in dental stone. These teeth were, for the most part, canines and third molars. These teeth were used in an enamel microdefect study by Danforth (1989) and were cast before tooth sectioning. Because the Tipu population exhibits little wear in the dentition, a solid

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set of measurements was derived from the population. The tooth crowns of the Tipu individuals were measured twice in mesiodistal and buccolingual dimensions using a Mitutoyo sliding caliper with sharpened tips calibrated to 0.02 mm. The two dimensions were measured once throughout a single dentition and then a second time directly after the ¤rst run. The second measurement was taken to compare the result with the ¤rst measurement and to assess measurement error. A random sample of 25 measurements (buccolingual and mesiodistal) for each mandibular and maxillary tooth class was used to assess measurement error. The t-test statistic for determining the signi¤cance of difference between the means of two independent samples was calculated. The difference in the mesiodistal measurement in both the maxillary and mandibular dentitions ranges from .002 to .036 mm. The t-test calculated for the upper third molar showed a signi¤cant difference between the means of the two measurements (t = 2.782, p = .0104, DF = 24). In the maxillary and mandibular dentitions the measurement difference in the buccolingual measurement ranges from 0 to .051 mm. Two t-tests showed a signi¤cant difference between the means of two teeth: the maxillary second premolar (t = 2.107, p = .0458, DF = 24) and the mandibular central incisor (t = 2.79, p = .0102, DF = 24). The signi¤cant difference between the means in the buccolingual measurement on the lower central incisor might have been caused by wear on the incisor from the use of this tooth area as a tool, which made it dif¤cult to measure. However, the measurement error in the total sample of 25 was minimal enough to provide con¤dence in the integrity of the metric data used in this study. The dental metrics for both the maxillary and mandibular dentitions of the entire adult Tipuan population are provided in Tables 7.11 and 7.12. These metrics are then broken up by sex and displayed in Tables 7.13 through 7.16. Juvenile dental metrics can be seen in Tables 7.17 and 7.18. The metric data from Tipu were analyzed using the discriminant function statistic. All subadults and burials with incomplete or missing sex and age data were eliminated from the new data set, bringing the number of usable individuals down from n = 518 to n = 347. Initially, there was the intent to reduce the metric data by including only data from one tooth per tooth class in the discriminant analysis. This might have prevented redundancy. To determine whether the teeth in each class were similar enough that the data would be redundant, correlation coef¤cients were calculated for the mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements of the central and lateral incisors, ¤rst and second premolars, and ¤rst and second molars for both the left and right sides of the mouth. The third molar was not included in these correlations because it is highly variable. The canine is the only tooth in its tooth class, so obviously no redundancy test was performed. The results of the correlations are presented in Table 7.19. The correlations between teeth in each tooth class are by no means high;

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they are low to medium correlations. If one thinks of the difference that visually can be seen in any human population between a maxillary central incisor and a maxillary lateral incisor, it is easy to see why this is so. For example, with the variation of shoveling between the central and lateral incisors and the concomitant differences in size of non-metric traits such as the tuberculum dentale and the interruption groove, both of which most likely are involved in the above shoveling phenomenon, it is understandable that there might be lower correlation between these teeth. So, with this degree of

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variation con¤rmed, all dental measurements were used in the discriminant analysis. Discriminant function analysis was used to determine the morphometric similarity between individuals from speci¤c burial locations at Tipu. It was hoped that this analysis would assess the degree of similarity between four groups: the indigenous historic Maya; the historic Maya from somewhere else, possibly the Yucatán; the historic Spanish; and the prehistoric Maya. In order to maximize the number of complete adult cases used in the discrimi-

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nant function it was necessary to replace a missing measurement on one side of the mouth with its antimere measurement present on the other side of the mouth. To do this, the issue of dental asymmetry among the Tipuans needed to be addressed. Thirty-two t-tests were completed to compare the statistical means of the two independent samples: the mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements from the left side and the same measurements from the right side. The results of the t-tests show that throughout the Tipu population there is little signi¤cant difference between the measurements from the left

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side of the mouth and the measurements from the right side of the mouth (Table 7.20). The similarity between left and right sides as revealed through these statistical tests permitted the replacement process to be used. To maximize further the number of cases used in this analysis, all the burials inside the church were combined into one group, as were the burials outside the church. So, the focus was to discriminate differences between individuals inside the church and outside the church. This grouping may allow for some comment about status of individuals because in the Catholic

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Church it was most desirable to be buried beneath the church and as close to the altar as possible. The individuals were then examined separately by maxillary mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements as well as mandibular mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements. Segregating the measurements in this manner recognized the variation between the maxillary and mandibular dentitions and facilitated management of the massive Tipu data set. Discriminant function analysis was performed on the measurements using the SPSSX-II statistical package (SPSS Inc. 1988). This test describes the

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maximum difference between two or more groups in terms of several variables (Klecka 1980; Reyment et al. 1984). In this case the groups are the historic Tipu remains from inside the church and those from outside the church. The variables are the mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements of the maxillary and mandibular teeth. The results of the discriminant function analysis of the Tipu data (Table 7.21) indicate some signi¤cance at the .05 level in the maxillary buccolingual, mandibular mesiodistal, and mandibular buccolingual measurements. The maxilla contributes only one variable into the func-

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tion, the maxillary ¤rst molar buccolingual measurement (MAXM1BL); this contribution was signi¤cant but with a low canonical correlation. The canonical correlation is an indicator of the relatedness of the a priori groupings and the groupings based on the discriminant function; therefore, a higher correlation is desirable (Klecka 1980). The mandible contributes seven variables with low canonical correlations: MDP2MD, MDM3MD, and MDM2MD plus MDM3BL, MDM1BL, MDM2BL, and MDI1BL. Thus, the difference between those variables inside the church and outside the church proves to be slight, and the variation shows most clearly in the mandible. There is no sign of discrimination between inside the church and outside in examination of the maxillary mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements. Mandibular mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements, for the most part, show no signi¤cant differences, except in three mesiodistal variables (MDP2MD, MDM3MD, MDM2MD), which account for 33% of the variance, and in four buccolingual variables (MDM3BL, MDM1BL, MDM2BL, MDI1BL), which account for 50% of the variance. The mandibular metrics, therefore, do show some discrimination, although

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not to a high degree. What might be causing this? A second discriminant analysis, comparing males and females, was done over the entire population (Table 7.22). This procedure revealed discrimination by sex across the population as one would expect. Analysis of maxillary mesiodistal and buccolingual measurements and mandibular mesiodistal measurements produced some signi¤cant variables (MAXP2MD, MAXCMD, MAXM1MD, MAXM2MD, and MAXM2BL, and MDCMD, MDI1MD, MDM1MD, MDM2MD). Again the canonical correlations are low. Signi¤cant variables included primarily the upper and lower canine and upper ¤rst and second molar. A discriminant analysis calculated on the burials by sex and location, inside versus outside the church (Table 7.23), revealed some signi¤cant differences but nothing noteworthy (males: MAXP1MD, MAXM3MD, and MAXI2MD and MDP2MD, MDM3MD, and MDI2MD; females: MDM3BL, MDM2BL, and MDM1BL). Canonical correlations are low. The most notable signi¤cance was found in mandibular measurements in the buccolingual dimension in females. These measurements include the three molars.

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The discriminant analysis of burials located inside the church versus outside the church revealed some variation. However, the low canonical correlations indicate that those dental measurements of individuals inside the church are very similar to the measurements of those buried outside the church. Therefore, all the individuals buried at the Tipu cemetery are similar and

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appear to be Maya. As described above nearly 100% of the individuals buried at Tipu have shovel-shaped incisors, an Amerindian dental trait. If the individuals were Spanish, one would not ¤nd such a high percentage of this trait. The inside versus outside results were tested further using a different body of data: a chi-square analysis of the non-metric traits was calculated and furnished the same end result. Over 150 chi-square values were calculated. Of

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these, only six tests (N = 153, 3.92%) were signi¤cant at a .05 level, which is what can be expected by chance in a series of tests this large. The signi¤cant tests were for maxillary canine distal accessory ridge (χ2 = 4.25, p = .0392), enamel extension on the maxillary second molar (χ2 = 6.64, p = .01), anterior fovea on the mandibular ¤rst molar (χ2 = 5.325, p = .021), Y groove pattern on the mandibular ¤rst molar (χ2 = 33.523, p = .0001), + groove pattern on the mandibular third molar (χ2 = 4.127, p = .0422), and lower cusp number six on the mandibular third molar (χ2 = 6.101, p = .0135). Therefore, the chisquare results agree with the discriminant function analysis, and the individuals buried inside the church are similar to those buried outside. This result parallels the ¤ndings of other Tipu researchers. Early studies of the Tipu skeletal remains, conducted when skeletal samples were low, attempted to examine the bones for non-metric traits in hopes of distinguishing groups within the cemetery. Armstrong (n.d.) examined 145 individuals for 21 postcranial traits using the work of Finnegan and Faust (1974) as a guide. He found no genetic differences between individuals in the front or back of the church or outside the church. Danforth, Light, et al. (1985) examined 19 non-metric cranial traits, 18 non-metric dental traits, and 11 postcranial traits on 150 Tipuans in order to undertake a genetic distance analysis in the manner of that done by Berry and Berry (1967). Not all of the traits coded were used because percentages were low and a somewhat reduced list of 12 cranial, 12 dental, and 11 postcranial non-metric traits was the result. An analysis of the frequencies of the traits involved chi-square analysis for comparison of traits between burial locations as well as a multivariate measure of divergence patterned after Berry and Berry (1967) using combined traits. No real pattern was found re®ecting discrete Maya or Spanish differences in the Tipu cemetery population. FA MILIA L REL ATIONSHIPS On the whole, the Tipu population is homogeneous as far as non-metric traits are concerned, but on a more speci¤c level rare occurrences of a trait can indicate family relationships. For example, using a low-percentage trait such as the labial groove on the maxillary central and lateral incisors (Figure 7.4), it is possible to isolate individuals who are related within the cemetery. Eleven colonial Maya have the labial groove trait on the central incisor. Six of those individuals are within the church, three in the front (MT71, MT200, MT246) and three in the back (MT4, MT94, MT104). Two individuals buried outside and to the west (MT157, MT232) and three persons buried south of the church (MT97, MT383, MT444) have the labial groove. The three burials in the front of the church with the labial groove trait, an adult female (MT200, 25–30 years old), one adult of unknown sex (MT246, 40–50 years old), and a juvenile (MT71, 7–9 years old), are in close proximity to each other. An

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examination of shared dental traits and the extent of the expression points to the high possibility that two of the three individuals, the female and the juvenile, buried in the front of the church were related. These individuals share similar lower molar groove patterns, expressions of the sixth cusp on the lower ¤rst molar, and enamel extensions. The three burials in the back of the church, a female (MT4, 35–45 years old) and two juveniles (MT94, 13–15 years old, and MT104, 8–10 years old), are in close proximity to each other as well. These individuals have a greater number of af¤nities with each other and are undoubtedly genetically related family members; they have the de®ecting wrinkle, Carabelli’s cusp, lower molar groove pattern, enamel extensions on the lower second molar, the presence of enamel pearls on the second upper molars, and the presence of protostylids on the lower molars. One individual with a labial groove has such a unique dental morphology that relation to other individuals would be obvious (MT232, buried to the west of the church). This adult female has the maxillary canine and lateral incisor in rotated positions (Figure 7.9). The lateral incisor is a peg incisor and the canine protrudes from the palate anteriorly. She has stubby roots for both central incisors, low-grade Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar, Tome’s root on the mandibular ¤rst premolar, an enamel extension on the second lower molar, and three-rooted ¤rst molars. Unfortunately, she appears unrelated to anyone else in the cemetery. In one instance, burial placement appeared to indicate a family relationship. Two females (MT169 and MT171) close to the same age (Figure 7.10), the former being 30 to 35 years old and the latter 25 to 35, were found in what appeared to be a common grave. They look as though they are holding hands. Are these individuals related? This does not seem to be the case. One individual (MT169) exhibits heavy shoveling and double shoveling of the maxillary incisors, an interruption groove, a large tuberculum dentale, and an enamel pearl on a molar. The other (MT171) has low expression of shoveling, no double shoveling, and none of the other features. The only trait they share is a low-grade expression of Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar. They were good friends, perhaps. SPA NISH ADMIXTURE AT TIPU One of the more intriguing questions that remains about the burials at Tipu is whether the investigation of non-metric and metric traits indicates anything about Spanish admixture or the burial of Spaniards within the cemetery. It has been pointed out previously that Tipu was on the outskirts of Spanish in®uence. Thus, numbers of Spaniards buried on the frontier probably would be fewer than in areas well populated by Spanish, such as the Yucatán or the established towns and missions on the coast such as Tancah. How does one sort out the Spanish from the Maya, especially if there is

Life and Death at Tipu

Figure 7.9. Adult female with maxillary canine and lateral peg incisor in rotated positions.

Figure 7.10. Two Tipu females who appear to be holding hands.

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the possibility of mixing? The ¤rst step is to look for remains of individuals who might have been Spanish, basing the investigation on dental characteristics of Spanish individuals or Europeans. Unfortunately, only limited analyses of non-metric traits on the teeth of Spanish individuals exist; however, a substantial amount of work has been done on teeth of Europeans. This literature indicates that Europeans have low percentages of traits such as shoveling and double shoveling of incisors (Turner and Bird 1981; Turner 1983, 1985; Scott and Turner 1997). On the other hand, this trait has a high percentage in Mongoloid populations to which Amerindians including the Maya belong. The non-metric trait data from Tipu show no evidence of Europeans, and thus Spaniards, buried at the site. This ¤nding lends credence to Graham, Pendergast, and Jones’s theory (Graham et al. 1989:1255) that none of the 600 burials is Spanish. Two individuals were investigated as strong candidates for being Spanish, but this assumption proved highly unlikely. One (MT78) was buried in a cof¤n and the other (MT96) was buried with a church thurible, or censer, that was European in style but of local Maya manufacture (Graham et al. 1989; Cohen et al. 1997). First, we look at the individual in the cof¤n. His classi¤cation is probable male, and by Tipu standards he was elderly, between 40 and 50 years old. His teeth were heavily worn including the central incisors, which made it impossible to code for shovel-shaped incisors, an Amerindian trait. Although his non-metric traits are not determinative as a result of occlusal wear, examination did show a large tuberculum dentale on the maxillary lateral incisor and a minor expression of a Tome’s root on the mandibular ¤rst premolar, both of which are in the Maya dental complex. Also pointing to this male’s Maya identity is the fact that his dental metrics are consistent with the male dental statistical means of the entire Tipu male population. It is germane here to consider this individual’s height as a yardstick to his identity. Studies have shown that modern Spaniards are generally taller than modern Maya, having height means ranging from 159.80 cm to 164.50 cm (n = 18,646) for males and a mean height of 153.05 cm (n = 111) for females (Aranzadi and Hoyos Sainz 1894; Oloriz y Aguilera 1896; Deniker 1907; Williams 1931:50–51). In Western Europe during the 1800s and 1900s people increased in stature substantially (Fogel 1986). Williams (1931:50–51) reported a mean modern Maya stature of 155.24 cm (n = 100) for males and of 141.52 cm (n = 25) for females. Similar modern Maya stature means were reported by Steggerda (1941:154): 155.41 cm (n = 128) for males and 141.84 cm (n = 94) for females. The Tipu male in question here is 162.20 cm tall and thus falls within the mean range of Spanish male stature. However, this fact says little in favor of a Spanish identity because the mean height for Tipu Maya males in this study is 160.30 cm (N = 149); the individual in question certainly would not have towered above his Tipuan peers. As a whole, this

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individual and his fellow Tipuans were taller than modern Maya when the means are compared. In line with this comparison, researchers have found a decrease in stature in various Maya populations from the Preclassic to modern times (Stewart 1949; Nickens 1976). With both stature and teeth examined, one can say that in all likelihood this elderly male was a Maya. Now one wonders: What did he do in life to deserve such preferential treatment at death? No one will ever really know, but it is clear that he was singled out. On him was bestowed the honor of a cof¤n, the only cof¤n uncovered in the cemetery. In Catholic Europe, a cof¤n denoted a degree of privilege. Cof¤n burial was frequently beyond the ¤nancial reach of the poor populations. Resting within his cof¤n, this Maya also was granted undisturbed burial space in the front of the church, an additional indication of respect. Looking for precedent, one again turns to Catholic Europe where such front-of-the-church placement indicated the interment of a notable personage who had gained status through wealth, heroic deeds, governmental of¤ce, or high-ranking position in the Church. The reverence shown this Tipuan was also consistent with the treatment of important individuals interred at other Spanish Catholic churches in the New World such as Tancah in the northern Yucatán (Miller and Farriss 1979; Saul 1982). The individual buried with the censer is, surprisingly, a female between 16 and 21 years old (Figure 7.11). The presence of the censer may indicate some special religious function, possibly akin to that of an altar boy. Alternatively, the censer may mark her as a particularly devout Catholic amid these early Tipuan Christians. She may have held an important position in the church, because in precontact times Maya women played important roles in ritual practices. There was a relative independence of the Tipu individuals and its church because of the lack of Spanish presence, and this may have been why a young lady had such a role. Her dental measurements are consistent with the female dental statistical means for the rest of the Tipu females. The nonmetric traits show shoveling of maxillary incisors, the interruption groove on the maxillary incisors, and low expression of tuberculum dentale on the incisors. She has a low-grade Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar and enamel extensions on the maxillary third molar. Her mandibular teeth show a low expression of Tome’s root on the ¤rst premolar, a de®ecting wrinkle on the mandibular ¤rst molar, and a low-grade expression of the protostylid on the second molar. All these traits are included in the Maya dental complex established above. In addition, her stature of 147.50 cm is comparable to the mean for Tipu females (148.30 cm, n = 106), but taller than the mean height for Spanish and modern Maya females (Williams 1931; Steggerda 1941). One should note, too, that I have uncovered no ethnohistorical reports telling of women travelers to this outpost. Thus, in the ¤nal analysis, the woman buried with the censer was, in all likelihood, a Maya.

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Figure 7.11. Tipu female buried with a censer.

The cases noted above do not appear to be Spaniards. What about individuals of mixed Spanish/Maya descent? According to ethnohistorical documents, it is unlikely that much mixing occurred at Tipu. The only Spanish individuals who visited the Tipu Maya from a.d. 1544 through 1650 were priests of the Church, a few soldiers involved in attempts to convert the Itzá, and, rarely, government of¤cials. The dental data from Tipu show no evidence that these Spaniards in®uenced the gene pool. CULTUR A L ATTRIBUTES A ND HE A LTH INDIC ATORS IN REL ATION TO BURIA L LOC ATION A ND INTERMENT Grave goods found with the burials come in the form of jewelry. This jewelry was found more often with individuals in the front of the nave and outside the church, as opposed to the back of the nave; chi-square tests show that this difference is signi¤cant (p < .01) (Cohen et al. 1989:55). This signi¤cance might be explained by the fact that more subadults are in the back of the church, and jewelry may not have been bestowed on children. Although not jewelry, shroud pins found with burials were more frequent in the front of the church nave and outside the church than in the back of the church nave. As noted earlier, shrouds were commonly used in Catholic Europe as part of the burial preparation practices dating back to earliest Christian days. Males tended to have more shroud pins associated with them

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than females or juveniles, as determined by Cohen et al. (1989:55), who also found that the occurrence of shroud pins was statistically different between males and juveniles. Individuals buried in the front of the church show poorer health and/or nutrition than others buried elsewhere in the cemetery. Even though Bennett and Bancroft’s (1984) early study suggests men in the front of the church are slightly taller than those buried elsewhere, this difference is not statistically signi¤cant. Bennett and Bancroft (1984) believed that males in the front of the church were elite individuals who received better nutrition and therefore grew taller. In fact, the mean height is 160.7 cm inside and to the front of the nave, 159.7 cm for males in the back of the nave, and 160.3 cm for males buried outside the church. Females in the front of the church average 148.1 cm; in the back of the church the average is 148.9 cm while outside females average 148.2 cm (Cohen et al. 1989:55–58). Skeletal reaction suggestive of infection in individuals was more frequent in the front of the church, especially in males, but this ¤nding is not statistically signi¤cant. According to Cohen et al. (1989:25, 61), males buried in the front of the church showed a higher percentage of infection (29.3%) than males in the back of the church (14.6%) or those outside the church (23.4%). Females, on the other hand, showed the greatest percentage of infection in the back of the church (20.0%) as opposed to the front of the church (7.7%) and outside the church (14.3%). Evidence suggestive of systemic infection is low, affecting only 4% of the Tipu individuals (n = 457) (Cohen et al. 1994:126). The percentage of periosteal elevation or periostitis is low. Tibias showed the most periostitis but only 8% (n = 704) were affected (Armstrong 1989; Cohen et al. 1994:126). The relatively healthy appearance of Tipu skeletons might suggest (1) that the Tipuans were a very healthy population when it came to chronic infections, (2) that the individuals buried in the Tipu church and surrounding cemetery represent a well-maintained, privileged portion of the Tipuan society, possibly separate from another Tipu population buried elsewhere who were possibly not as healthy, or (3) that the Tipu church remains are the result of severe epidemic diseases brought by the Spanish, that quickly killed many Tipuans and left no trace of the disease on bone (Armstrong 1989; Cohen et al. 1994:127). However, the latter suggestion does not hold up to the burial pattern that is represented at Tipu. Graves are single interments rather than mass graves (Cohen et al. 1994; Cohen et al. 1997). Interestingly, Cohen et al. (1989:65) found a signi¤cant positive association between shroud pins and porotic hyperostosis; those individuals with shroud pins tended to have porotic hyperostosis. There is no obvious explanation for this pattern. Cohen et al. (1989:62, 64, 66–67) also noted some indication for a difference in percentages of pathologic ¤ndings between individuals buried

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to the north of the church, who had lower percentages, and individuals buried to the south. This ¤nding could be the result of fewer numbers of individuals buried to the north of the church. The occurrence of trauma in the Tipu population is low (Cohen et al. 1994:126). In 275 adults, 24 individuals, approximately 9%, have trauma. Males exhibit the most trauma (n = 16) with no noteworthy occurrence in any one location. Eight females exhibit trauma with the greatest percentage of these buried in the front of the church (Cohen et al. 1989:25, 61, 63; Cohen et al. 1994:126). The nature of the trauma seems to be “random” and “not systematic violence” so it “probably was domestic rather than political in origin” (Cohen et al. 1997:83). The trauma evident at Tipu is primarily fractures. These fractures are mostly the kind caused by accidents. As detailed by Cohen et al. (1997:82), “one adult individual did display crushing of the left zygomatic arch of the skull which may re®ect violence, one individual had a possible entry wound on the tibia, and one child displayed multiple cranial perforations. With the exception of one possible cutmark on a frontal bone, no bones displayed trauma which distinctively implicates Spanish weapons.” The lack of trauma at Tipu does not equate with the picture painted in Spanish words about “rebellion and violence” and areas “out of control” on the fringe of conquest ( Jones 1992:199; Cohen et al. 1997:83). Armstrong’s (n.d.) extensive unpublished work on the robusticity of Tipu individuals provides interesting distinctions within the population. Using 459 femora, 436 tibiae, and 381 humeri, Armstrong compiled measurements and calculated indices for robusticity of these bones. Cohen et al. (1989:58) discuss Armstrong’s ¤nding that Tipuan males exhibited more variation in robusticity than females when burial location was taken into account. Using the t-test statistic for differences between means Armstrong (n.d.) found that a comparison of males in the nave area at the front of the church with those buried outside the church showed a signi¤cance (p = .01) in difference between means in 17 tests of measurements. He found that the mean values were consistently higher in the church than those means of the outside burial location (Cohen et al. 1989:58). In the femur the following were signi¤cant: sub-trochanteric anterior-posterior diameter, midshaft anterior-posterior diameter, sub-trochanteric medial-lateral diameter, midshaft medial-lateral diameter, midshaft circumference, robusticity index, and head diameter. In the tibia the measurements for nutrient foramen anterior-posterior diameter, nutrient foramen medial-lateral diameter, platycnemic index, midshaft anteriorposterior diameter, midshaft medial-lateral diameter, and midshaft circumference showed signi¤cant t-test results for difference between the means. The humerus showed signi¤cant differences between the means in midshaft maximum, head diameter, midshaft circumference, and robusticity index. Those males buried at the front of the nave also differed signi¤cantly from males at the back of the nave in platymeric index, sub-trochanteric anterior-

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posterior diameter, midshaft anterior-posterior diameter, midshaft circumference, and robusticity index in the femur and nutrient foramen medial-lateral transverse diameter and platycnemic index in the tibia. When males from the inside back of the church nave were compared with those outside the church, fewer signi¤cant differences existed (Cohen et al. 1989:58). Armstrong’s (n.d.) analysis of females indicates that they re®ect a more homogeneous population. Only four of 30 comparisons proved to be signi¤cant. One of these four signi¤cant comparisons showed that females in the back of the church have longer femurs than women buried in the front of the church nave or outside the church (Cohen et al. 1989:58). An outgrowth of Armstrong’s work is the suggestion that those males in the front of the church, because they differ signi¤cantly from other males in the cemetery in so many measurements, may represent the native or earliest Maya population at Tipu. Dental modi¤cation found at Tipu might be useful in distinguishing subgroups within the cemetery. Eight individuals have modi¤ed teeth with narrow V-shaped grooves cut into the occlusal surface: burial MT4, female, age 35–45 years; MT67B, unknown adult, 15–20; MT81, male, 18–22; MT124, unknown adult, 18–25; MT141, female, 25–35; MT174, female, 25–35; MT279, male, 18–25; and MT317, male, 25–35 (Havill et al. 1997). These altered teeth are primarily the maxillary and mandibular central and lateral incisors. Most of the grooves in these teeth are single, but on the larger teeth such as the maxillary incisors there are double grooves. Two individuals who had altered canines had modi¤cations of the mesial and distal portions of the tooth. With these edges ¤led off, the central portion of the canine occlusal surface is a blunt point (Havill et al. 1997). More speci¤c information on the classi¤cation of the modi¤ed Tipuan teeth is described in Havill et al. (1997) based on the classi¤cation systems of Rubín de la Borbolla (1940) and Romero Molina (1970). Six of the individuals with modi¤ed teeth were buried inside the church while the other two individuals were buried outside the church. It is possible that the individuals with dental modi¤cation buried inside the church may represent some of the original or earliest native Tipu population converted by the Spanish. The logic is that the Tipuan practice of modi¤cation would lessen over the years as more and more Tipuans came under Catholic in®uence. The altering of teeth would be viewed as pagan in the Catholic community. However, outside the Tipu church environs in other areas of the unexcavated Tipu town, the practice might have continued. The idea of dental modi¤cation diminishing in popularity among a cultural group because of a clash of cultures stems from the study of Barbadian slaves by Handler et al. (1982). African-born slaves transported to Barbados in the West Indies had indigenous tribal dental modi¤cation (¤led teeth). However, dental modi¤cation became akin to a scarlet letter, marking the

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slaves as slaves. It was easier to tell which blacks were slaves because of their ¤led teeth. This practice was therefore detrimental to the social acculturation of former slaves, or escaped slaves, and they discontinued the practice. It seems probable that Tipuans with ¤led or otherwise modi¤ed teeth belonged to the early Tipuan population. Thus, their burial inside the church suggests that this area was, indeed, the ¤rst place of interment for Catholic Tipuans. As indicated earlier, such was the way of Catholic procedures in Europe: ¤rst interments were within the church with these inside burials continuing until overcrowding forced mourners to bury the deceased in outside graves. COMPARISON OF TIPU W ITH OTHER M AYA POPUL ATIONS Non-metric traits are a valuable aid to understanding the relationship of Tipu Maya to other Maya populations. A standardized mean measure of divergence (SMMD) was calculated from data derived from the following populations: Tipu (a.d. 1568–1638) ( Jacobi 1996); Early Seibal (800 b.c.–a.d. 800) (Austin 1978); Late Seibal (a.d. 800–900) (Austin 1970, 1978); Early Altar de Sacri¤cios (800 b.c.–a.d. 750) (Austin 1970, 1978); Late Altar de Sacri¤cios (a.d. 750–900) (Austin 1970, 1978); Lubaantun (a.d. 650–900) (Saul 1975); Tzeltal (modern Maya) (Angel et al. 1993); Postclassic Lamanai (a.d. 950– 1544) (Lang 1990; White et al. 1994); Historic Lamanai (A.D. 1544–1641) (Lang 1990; White et al. 1994); and Chichén Itzá (a.d. 900 to conquest) (Pompa y Padilla 1990). Because the Chichén Itzá data set does not include the traits that all the other populations had in common, it is compared with four of the other populations in a separate SMMD calculation. A cautionary note must preface these results: it is problematic to compare data compiled by different observers with varying scoring standards. In addition, with the exception of Tipu and Tzeltal, the sample sizes are small. Nevertheless, with these problems in mind, the scant data on these populations are used to compare them with one another. The results of mean measure of divergence (MMD) and SMMD statistics are more valuable if genetically independent traits are used. Some dental studies have shown developmental interrelationships between different nonmetric traits. G. R. Scott (1978), in an examination of 676 individuals derived as samples from Papago, Navajo, and Hopi Indians, found a high correlation between Carabelli’s trait and the protostylid. Scott (1979) also found a relationship between the hypocone cusp of the maxillary ¤rst and second molar and Carabelli’s trait. Relationships between third molar agenesis and molar cusp number (Keene 1965), tooth size (mesiodistal) and number of cusps of mandibular molar teeth (Dahlberg 1961), and maxillary lingual tubercles of the central incisor and the canine (Scott 1977), as well as interjaw morphological correlations between upper and lower canines in the distal

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accessory ridge (Scott 1977), show a probable connection in the development of these non-metric traits. The non-metric dental traits derived for the MMD and SMMD statistics comparing Tipu with other Maya collections include three non-metric traits that studies show are not genetically independent: Carabelli’s trait, presence of hypocone on maxillary second molar, and protostylid (in the case of Chichén Itzá). It was dif¤cult to obtain data on non-metric traits that all sites had in common and the following list of non-metric traits was all that could be derived from the sources. Percentages of ¤ve traits were derived from the sources with the exception of Chichén Itzá. The ¤ve non-metric dental traits are 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

shoveling of maxillary central incisor Carabelli’s trait on the maxillary ¤rst molar presence of the hypocone on the maxillary second molar presence of the Y groove pattern on the mandibular second molar presence of the sixth cusp on the mandibular ¤rst molar.

It is preferable to use more than ¤ve traits in a study such as this, especially traits that are genetically independent, but these were the only traits common to the samples. The MMD was calculated using the formula developed by C. A. B. Smith and employed by Berry and Berry (1967, 1972), Buikstra (1976), Green and Suchey (1976), and Johnson and Lovell (1994), among others. The formula and explanation is from Buikstra (1976:54): De = [ S (Θ1 − Θ2)2/N] − (1/n1 + 1/n2) where Θ = sin−1(1 − 2p), the angular transformation measured in radians of the percentage incidence of each variant; p = measured proportion of individuals showing the trait. N = the number of variants used. n = the number of individuals in each population.

Likewise the variance (V) of De is computed as: V = 4(1/n1 + 1/n2)S[(Θ1 − Θ2)2 − (1/n1 + 1/n2)]/N2 In each of these formulas, it is assumed that each character is scorable in each individual. Thus, the term used to correct for random sampling (1/n1 + 1/n2) is considered constant across all variants. Because this was not the case in the archaeological populations considered here, the formulas were modi¤ed so that

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the error terms would be computed separately for each variant. The resultant formulas are: De = S[(Θ1 − Θ2)2 − (1/n1 + 1/n2)] N V = 4S{(1/n1 + 1/n2)[(Θ1 − Θ2)2 − (1/n1 + 1/n2)]} N2

To correct for varying sample size, an SMMD was calculated by dividing the raw MMD result by its standard deviation (Sofaer et al. 1986; Johnson and Lovell 1994). A resulting SMMD value of greater than 2.0 indicates a signi¤cant difference at the .05 level (Sjøvold 1973; Johnson and Lovell 1994). The results show a signi¤cant divergence exists between Tipu and Late Seibal, Lubaantun, Postclassic Lamanai, and Historic Lamanai (Table 7.24). The comparison of Tipu and Tzeltal results in a value of 2.00 that just misses the criteria for signi¤cance. There is a signi¤cant divergence between Lubaantun and everyone except Early Seibal. This divergence could be the result of a number of factors. The archaeological site of Lubaantun is somewhat isolated south of the Maya Mountains in Belize and the population may in fact have exhibited a unique dental morphology. Alternatively, the divergence may be caused by the small sample and a different dental trait scoring methodology. The near signi¤cant divergence of Tipu from Tzeltal also might be explained by geography. The modern Tzeltal Maya are in the distant highlands of Chiapas in southeastern Mexico. The signi¤cant Tipu/Late Seibal divergence could be explained by an in®ux of migrants to Seibal as proposed by Marcus (1973) and examined by Austin (1978) and more recently discussed by Tourtellot (1990). These immigrants form the individuals of the Bayal phase subsample of the Late Seibal skeletal series (Tourtellot 1990). Alternatively, the results may again be re®ecting the small sample size from Late Seibal. Postclassic Lamanai results indicate a signi¤cant divergence from Tipu, Late Seibal, Tzeltal, and Lubaantun. Historic Lamanai results demonstrate a signi¤cant divergence from Tipu, Early Seibal, Tzeltal, and Lubaantun. This ¤nding is surprising because Lamanai is close to Tipu geographically and one would expect the populations to be similar. There are several possible explanations for the divergence. Lang’s (1990:157–58) chi-square results indicate a signi¤cant difference between the Historic Lamanai and Historic Tipu samples. The SMMD results here support Lang’s ¤ndings, suggesting a greater amount of admixture of Maya individuals from the northern Yucatán at Lamanai than at Tipu. This also may indicate that more refugees from the northern Yucatán ®eeing Spanish domination found refuge at Lamanai than at Tipu.

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Another explanation might be similar to that alluded to by Miller and Farriss (1979) and Saul (1982) about Tancah in the northern Yucatán. They noted evidence at Tancah of an extended Maya and Spanish presence. Miller and Farriss (1979) explain that the Tancah chapel was only partially tested archaeologically, and a strong possibility exists that the inside of the church is “crammed” with burials. The burials that were excavated re®ect a Spanish/Maya mix or a mestizo population. The Historic Lamanai sample might include mestizos whereas the Tipu population is lacking in this regard. Lang’s (1990:157–59) chi-square results support this conclusion, indicating a difference between the ancestral Postclassic Lamanai and the Historic Lamanai samples. However, the SMMD calculated here does not indicate a signi¤cant divergence. In order to include the Chichén Itzá dental material in this study, a second SMMD was calculated using a different set of non-metric traits (Table 7.25). It would be most informative to use a historic population sample from the northern Yucatán for comparison because it is from this region that Maya were to have ®ed Spanish control and taken refuge in the Tipu area ( Jones 1989). Unfortunately, no dental morphological information on such a population is available, but there is information on prehistoric Chichén Itzá (Pompa y Padilla 1990). The traits included in this SMMD are the same as in the previous analysis except for the exclusion of shoveling of the maxillary central incisor and the addition of the protostylid on the mandibular ¤rst molar. The dental samples included are from Tipu, Postclassic Lamanai, Historic Lamanai, Chichén Itzá, and modern Tzeltal. The calculations show that all samples are signi¤cantly divergent from each other except for Historic Lamanai and Postclassic Lamanai, and Chichén Itzá and the modern Tzeltal sample. Using the same ¤ve traits employed in the comparison of Tipu with other sites, an SMMD was calculated to see whether the dental data from areas within the Tipu cemetery diverged signi¤cantly from each other. Signi¤cant divergence might indicate admixture. However, the results (Table 7.26) show no signi¤cant divergence with no SMMD value greater than 2.0, which would indicate a signi¤cant difference at the .05 level (Sjøvold 1973; Johnson and Lovell 1994). On the basis of these ¤ve traits all the individuals buried in the ¤ve areas of the cemetery seem to be similar. The results of this SMMD calculation parallel the results from the other statistical tests performed on the Tipu cemetery data. Even with the above discoveries and explanations in mind, caution is advised when interpreting the SMMD results. Although the SMMD calculation is designed to correct for varying sample sizes, spuriously signi¤cant values might result from comparing populations with small samples to the large Tipu population and from the limited number of common traits that the observers recorded. Interobserver error is a problem as well and may involve

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something as simple as the misidenti¤cation of a ¤rst versus second versus third molar. Experience of the observer in®uences the ability to recognize the non-metric traits with or without the presence of wear. Scoring discrepancies can result. Certain traits have better observer concordance in identi¤cation than others (Nichol and Turner 1986). Nichol and Turner (1986:313) conducted a study on intraobserver and interobserver concordance and found that certain traits have higher agreement within and between observers than other traits. Three dental traits recognized by those investigators as being problematic are used in this comparison of Tipu with other sites: Carabelli’s cusp, groove pattern of the lower molar, and protostylid. Even with a good dental cast system like that offered by Turner et al. (1991) or Dahlberg (1956), consistent standardized use or understanding of the cast by observers cannot be assumed.

8

The Last Will and Testament of the Tipu Maya

They say this was a church . . . Candelario Uck quoted in Time among the Maya (Wright 1991:44)

In Ronald Wright’s travels among the Maya he describes his encounter with a man named Candelario Uck at the site of Tipu. On a small mound . . . at the far side of the meadow there’s a shack with a man and a woman sitting outside. The man gets up and comes to meet us. He wears rubber boots, jeans, and his white shirt open to the waist exposes a hairless copper chest and curving belly—the ¤gure of a portly Maya lord. His name is Candelario Uck. He’s suspicious at ¤rst but brightens when I mention Elizabeth Graham, one of the archaeologists who dug here recently. He shows us the diggings, now covered in scrub. At the edge of the cow pasture are foundations of a rectangular building with beveled corners. “They say this was a church,” Uck says rather doubtfully in Spanish. (Wright 1991:44)

There was a church at Tipu. It was a ramada chapel on the fringe of Spanish conquest that provided a religious stopover for the few friars and few soldiers who passed through on their way to conquer the Itzá. The town of Tipu was primarily a recruiting ground for the Spanish, providing for them in their religious and military excursions Maya people who were enlightened converts, emissaries, intermediaries, and sacri¤cial fodder for the cause of the Spanish Catholic Church. Although the thrust of their conversion effort was elsewhere, the Spanish Catholic friars did make spiritual inroads into Tipuan society, establishing the ramada chapel and holding religious services attended by numerous Maya. Maya involvement in Spanish Catholicism is recorded in early Spanish accounts of the time and shortly thereafter. This documentation indicates that the Tipu Maya seemed deeply involved in the religious services. They were outwardly open to conversion and immersed

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themselves in church ritual. The Tipuans were suf¤ciently involved in Catholicism to hold some type of special position within the church as indicated by the female whose grave in the nave held a religious censer. It seems unlikely that a Native American woman would have actually held a position within the church when only in the late twentieth century have European and United States Catholic women been grudgingly permitted any of¤cial positions other than as nuns. This woman was most likely not a nun but perhaps the daughter or sister or wife of a high-status Maya male leader within the community. In addition, this was the frontier and close monitoring of the church may have been dif¤cult, so the Maya tradition of females being involved in ritual was not looked at as being a problem. Virtually all— if not absolutely all—of the individuals interred within the church walls were Maya. According to Spanish Catholic custom, burial within the walls of the church is sacred. Almost everyone buried both inside and outside the Tipu church was interred in the extended position with feet toward the altar according to the Catholic prescribed position, so that when Judgment Day came the Maya would arise and would be facing the altar. This manner of interment parallels Catholic mortuary strategies followed in Europe, in Spain, and in Spanish Florida. Those individuals at Tipu who were not oriented and buried in this way are thought to be either early Postclassic ®exed Maya burials or, in the case of the deviated burials in the northwest portion of the site, late interments buried after the church was desecrated and not in use anymore. These deviated burials may have been interred in this manner because the altar and church walls were no longer visible as a result of overgrowth. Nevertheless, the orientation of these Tipuans was nearly true in direction. The church interior, and more speci¤cally the front of the church, was the ¤rst place of interment. The greatest number of concentrated dental modi¤cations came from inside the church toward the front. These individuals with altered teeth probably represent the precontact native population and some of the ¤rst converts. The Catholic friars undoubtedly frowned upon altering teeth as a pagan custom and discouraged it. More than likely, subsequent generations of Maya restrained from this practice in order to conform to Catholic dictates. Thus those individuals with modi¤ed teeth buried in the front of the church probably represent the earliest converts and may, in fact, be some of the ¤rst individuals interred. Gradually, the church ¤lled up with interments from front to back. The Spanish Catholic traditions of burial at Tipu were similar to those found in Europe and especially those found in Spanish Florida. The ideal place to be buried was inside the church and close to the altar. That honor, carried out at Tipu, was reserved more often for males than females or juveniles. Statistical tests performed using the Tipu data show that there were signi¤cant differences between males and females or juveniles buried inside

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the church. At Tipu, as in Spanish Florida, individuals were buried with their feet toward the altar and the orientation of the body was east to west with a person’s head being to the west. Only one cof¤n was found. It held the remains of an elderly male and was buried prominently in the front of the church. As the Maya say, “a man buried with a cof¤n will have to carry it all the way to heaven, and that would be very tiring” (Thompson 1930:81). Tipuans wrapped their dead in shrouds in the same manner as individuals in churches in Spanish Florida. Signi¤cantly more shroud pins were found with males at Tipu than with females, possibly indicating that males may have been given preferential burial treatment. Juveniles were buried in great numbers at Tipu and outnumber adults in all locations except one, the front of the church nave. Signi¤cantly fewer juveniles were found in the front of the church nave as opposed to the back of the church nave. Outside the church no statistical signi¤cance in the numbers of juveniles existed among locations to the north, south, and west of the cemetery. The northern portion of the cemetery had fewer numbers of individuals overall compared with the west and southern portions. The Tipu Maya offer a complex of dental traits characteristic of their own native population that can now be compared with data derived from future excavations of other Maya historic and prehistoric sites. Generally, the Tipuans exhibit the following in the maxillary teeth: (1) high percentage of Carabelli’s cusp in M1 albeit in a lower-grade expression, (2) high percentage of hypocone on M1 and M2 with a drop in percentage on M3, (3) moderate expressions of labial curvature on the central incisor, in a Maya population that is heavy in shoveling and double shoveling of the central incisors, (4) interruption groove on I2 and tuberculum dentale on incisors and canines, (5) high percentage of the canine distal accessory ridge, (6) enamel extension on M2, and (7) reduction in the number of roots from M1 to M3. The high percentage of Carabelli’s cusp and moderate expression of labial curvature on the central incisor could be interpreted as evidence of admixture, because they are commonly considered to be European traits. However, this is unlikely because none of the statistical tests performed on the Tipu dental data reveal any evidence of admixture. Dental traits of low percentage that are of interest because of their possible use for determining familial burial groupings include, in the maxilla, (1) cusp ¤ve, (2) the parastyle, (3) peg teeth in lateral incisors and third molars, (4) the labial groove, (5) odontomes, (6) enamel pearls, and (7) the palatal canine. The mandibular traits in the Tipuan dental complex are (1) high percentages of the canine distal accessory ridge, (2) anterior fovea on M1, (3) a groove pattern sequence from M1 through M3 that involves Y pattern for M1 and X pattern predominating for M2 and M3, (4) de®ecting wrinkle on the ¤rst molar (I did not ¤nd the rare de®ecting wrinkle on the second molar as

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reported by Lang [1990:156]; this difference probably indicates interobserver error), (5) moderate percentages of four cusps on the second molar, cusp six on the ¤rst molar, and Tome’s root on the ¤rst premolar, and (6) moderate percentages of expression of protostylid on M2 and M3. Rarer traits in the complex are cusp seven on the ¤rst molar, three-rooted ¤rst molars, odontomes, and congenital absence of third molars. This study, which provides a pro¤le of historic Maya at Tipu, shows that individuals buried in the Tipu chapel and cemetery are with high probability all Maya. No evidence exists to indicate that any Spanish individuals, such as friars or soldiers, were buried at this site. In addition, there was probably no or very little mixing between Spanish and Tipu Maya. As for immigrant groups of Maya being incorporated into the indigenous Tipu population, mixing may have happened as alluded to in historical documents but it seems unlikely. On the basis of the non-metric and metric traits analyzed here, the Tipu individuals probably represent a mixing with successive migrations of the Itzá people over time. During the Postclassic, the Itzá migrated into the northern Yucatán and then into the Tipu area. Later, upon contact with the Spanish, the Itzá elite ®ed from the northern Yucatán to the Tipu area and beyond. In addition, ethnohistorical documents indicate the Spanish ordered successive reducciónes or forced resettlements of native Maya from outlying areas into a compact community at Tipu. However, the reducciónes did nothing to increase the differences in dental genetic variation. Perhaps the Spanish focused consistently on the same groups of Maya. The entire Tipu population looks homogeneous and probably re®ects the regional indigenous population. No discriminant analysis could be done on the noncolonial/Postclassic Tipu burials because the sample is too small. Thus it is impossible to compare these earlier peoples with the historic Maya at Tipu. Future excavations at outlying portions of Tipu may yield a larger sample of prehistoric burials. No discriminant analysis could be done to compare separate locations (i.e., north versus south) because of the need for larger sample sizes. However, outside and inside the church yielded a suf¤cient number of individuals with dental measurements; thus these areas were compared. Both the non-metric statistical tests and metric discriminant analysis results show slight statistical differences between the adult individuals buried inside and outside the church, but this variation pertains primarily to tooth measurements in the mandible. Signi¤cant buccolingual measurements account for 50% of the variance and those signi¤cant mesiodistal measurements account for 33% of the variation. Discriminant analysis did reveal some statistical discrimination between the metrics of males and females, basically pointing to sexual dimorphic metric variation in the upper and lower canine and upper ¤rst and second molar. When the adult population was analyzed by sex and location (inside and outside the church), weak dis-

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criminations were found in females in all three molar buccolingual measurements. For all three discriminant analysis investigations, adult by location, adult by sex, and adult by sex and location, the signi¤cant variables had low canonical correlations. These correlations indicate that individuals buried in the outside cemetery and those interred within the church were homogeneous or at least not vastly different from one another. When non-metric traits were compared inside and outside the church, no statistical signi¤cance existed between individuals buried in these two areas. Males and females did show some signi¤cant differences in the following maxillary traits: (1) interruption groove on the lateral incisor, (2) tuberculum dentale on the central incisor, (3) Carabelli’s cusp on the ¤rst molar, (4) one root on the second molar, (5) three roots on the second molar, (6) one root on the third molar, and (7) two radicals on the ¤rst premolar. Mandibular traits that showed signi¤cant differences between males and females were a + groove pattern on the third molar and the presence of enamel extensions on the ¤rst molar. The majority of non-metric traits that were signi¤cantly different between males and females can be explained by sexual dimorphism in tooth size. Any discussion of marriage patterns between Tipu and other local and distant Maya groups will have to wait until archaeological excavations yield more Maya remains from other sites and until dental and cranial morphological analyses are undertaken on material from both newly and previously excavated prehistoric and historic sites. Various rare dental morphological traits were found among the Tipu individuals. These traits, such as the labial groove on the maxillary central and lateral incisor and the canine, provided the means to help isolate family groups. The presence of multiple rare traits, common traits, and the similar expression of both rare and common traits, as well as the proximity of interment, gave evidence that family plots were in use. Throughout the cemetery, family plots were spatially possible because overcrowding had not been reached. However, in areas such as the back of the church nave, overcrowding had forced reuse and stacking of burials. It is highly possible that here Tipuans sacri¤ced family plots just to gain access to interment within the church. It seems, too, that Tipuans found it appropriate for non-genetically related individuals to share the same grave or plot. This situation occurred in the interment of two Tipuan females who were buried holding hands. The deviated burials interred at a date most likely after the desecration of the church indicate that those interring the bodies had a desire to locate the church’s consecrated ground despite heavy overgrowth. Yet, these persons seemed little concerned with ¤nding family plots or, possibly, because of the overgrowth it was no longer possible to ¤nd speci¤c family plots. Signi¤cant divergences appear when the standardized mean measure of divergence is used to compare the Historic Tipu population with prehistoric

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and historic peoples at other Maya sites. Tipu is signi¤cantly divergent from Late Seibal, Lubaantun, Postclassic Lamanai, Historic Lamanai, and Chichén Itzá. Of primary interest is the divergence of Tipuans from individuals at Lamanai and Chichén Itzá. The divergence from Lamanai shows that not only were the prehistoric Lamanai different from both the Historic Lamanai and Historic Tipuans, but also the contemporaneous Historic Lamanai and Tipuans were different from each other. Lamanai, which is not far from Tipu, probably exhibits more mixing of individuals than does Tipu. This mixing at Lamanai could be between Spanish and Maya and/or between the native Maya and those Maya originally from somewhere else, such as the Yucatán. These latter Yucatán individuals were those who in ethnohistorical documents were described as having ®ed from the Spanish to areas in the south. Tipu may have taken in some of these refugees, but it is likely that Lamanai received the greater number while Tipu, being more remote, remained less affected by in®uxes of refugees. Tipu’s statistical divergence from Chichén Itzá is important because Chichén Itzá furnishes the only skeletal material with dental data, albeit prehistoric, from people from the Yucatán where Maya refugees were to have originated. On the basis of the SMMD results, individuals from Tipu have a statistically signi¤cant divergence from the prehistoric individuals from Chichén Itzá. When historic skeletal material and dental, cranial, or postcranial non-metric data become available researchers might better determine the effect of refugee numbers on Tipu and Lamanai. Future comparisons between Maya populations would be facilitated by increased dental metric and non-metric analyses of these and other populations. Standardization of morphological trait analysis is critical to making meaningful comparisons between populations. Dental morphology casts created by Dahlberg and Turner and colleagues provide a good basis for evaluation and discussion of non-metric traits. The Arizona reference dental cast system also provides a solid general, standardized non-metric dental morphological evaluation. As with any reference system in any ¤eld of study, a reference system is just that: something to refer to. It helps to identify and better understand the subject in question. It is by no means the de¤nitive word on a subject. The Arizona dental system includes a group of reference plaques that aid the dental anthropologist in identifying a trait and understanding the range of expression of that trait. Traits exist that are not included in the system, and there are expressions of traits that could be added. However, the Arizona system allows the analyst to code in a standardized way the most easily observed traits. Any other traits that are different or population speci¤c should be recorded in notes and discussed with other individuals studying dental morphology. Both the non-metric and metric trait results show no statistical difference between the individuals buried inside and outside the church. The Tipuans

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look phenotypically homogeneous. Similarly, an SMMD calculated using data from the ¤ve areas of the church cemetery showed no signi¤cant difference between the individuals buried in these places. These ¤ndings are consistent with the results from an early preliminary study by Danforth, Light, et al. (1985) using a mix of cranial, dental, and postcranial data. The use in this study of different types of data—dental metrics and non-metrics—that provide similar results speaks to the strength of the earlier ¤ndings. This congruence of metric and non-metric data supports the non-speci¤city hypothesis forwarded by Sokal and Sneath (1963), which proposes that results should be similar no matter what characters are used. It is hoped that the large sample of Maya juvenile tooth measurements included in the data presented here will prompt other researchers to take similar measurements from current or future populations for comparison. Comparative adult and juvenile dental measurements of Maya are virtually nonexistent (Danforth et al. 1997). One recognizes the Tipuans’ outward embracing of Catholicism even during disaster. At one time in a.d. 1623, the Tipuan settlement lost 80 males who had agreed to accompany the Catholic friars on a conversion mission to the Itzá. The loss of these men must have been devastating to the Tipuan community. However, no documentation uncovered to date from the Maya, Spanish friars, or other chroniclers tells of this grief. This is not to say, though, that this grief was unexpressed. Possibly it was channeled into a super¤cial religious forbearance while undercurrents of discontent fomented, ultimately surfacing in the desecration of the Tipu church in a.d. 1638. This violence against the Catholic religion and the Tipu rebellion against Spanish control re®ected the pervasive attitudes of other Maya at the time. It was not until late in the seventeenth century that Tipu re-established a relationship with the Spanish and Spanish Catholicism. This relationship did nothing to enhance the status of Tipu as a town or a religious center, however. When the Itzá were ¤nally conquered in a.d. 1697, the importance of Tipu declined. For years, Tipu had been used as a Spanish stepping stone for access to the Itzá, and now Tipu and its people were no longer needed. The Tipuans who had ¤gured so prominently in contact and conversion attempts by the Spanish friars—some following so devoutly—were in 1707 “forcibly removed to the Peten” (Cohen et al. 1994:123). Amid all this turmoil, some Tipuans may have been ardent Catholics, and some merely super¤cial in their acceptance, while others seethed with opposition. The degrees will remain forever a mystery. In light of violent events, however, one realizes that beneath the Catholic overlay, the Tipuans still held the beliefs and spirit of their own long-standing Maya religion. Both at Tipu and Lamanai evidence shows where the true heart of the Maya belonged. Graham et al. (1989:1259) tell that at Tipu an idol of a pre-Columbian god and a marine bivalve were buried “on the midline of a colonial-period build-

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ing during its construction,” and at Lamanai “the placement of a bat ef¤gy in a platform about to be incorporated within the ¤rst Christian church appears to have been the act of a workman, anxious to appease the old gods though under the watchful eye of a new deity” (Pendergast 1984). To the Maya, the bat was a dark symbol, foretelling doom and death, and the ef¤gy at Lamanai may in fact have been a Maya warning or hex. One will never know whether Tipuans placed a bat ef¤gy in their church. Regardless, the church’s desecration and abandonment speak louder than symbols.

appendi x a Maxillary and Mandibular Non-Metric Trait Descriptions The following is a listing of the scoring speci¤cs for non-metric traits of the maxillary and mandibular permanent dentitions. The scoring system is primarily the system of the Arizona State University Dental Laboratory. The entire text and explanation of the scoring system is available when dental casts are purchased from the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology Laboratory. A published version of the scoring system can be found in Turner et al. (1991). The structure of the scoring system used in this work remains the same as that presented in the work of Turner and colleagues, but the wording has been paraphrased and I made a few minor changes to make scoring easier for myself. These changes have been marked with an asterisk (*) after the number. Also, if I felt a trait or a category of expression of a trait should be added, I have done so. These changes have been noted by a double asterisk (**) after the new trait or expression number. The use of Turner et al. (1991) for coding dental non-metric traits is advised, as those authors provide more complete descriptions. M A XILL ARY NON-METRIC TR AIT DESCRIPTIONS

Winging of Central Incisors 0.* There is no winging. 1.* There is bilateral winging with angle greater than 20 degrees. 2.* There is bilateral winging with angle less than 20 degrees. 3.* There is unilateral winging. One tooth rotated. 4.* The teeth are straight. Both of the teeth have a straight labial surface. These teeth may follow the curve of the dental arcade. 5.* There is counter-winging of teeth. There is rotation distolingually of one or both of the central incisors.

Curvature of Labial Surface of the Central Incisors 0. 1. 2. 3. 4.

There is a ®at labial surface. There is a trace curvature of the labial surface. There is a weak curvature of the labial surface. There is a moderate curvature of the labial surface. There is a strong curvature of the labial surface.

Appendix A

192

Shoveling of Incisors and Canines 0. There is no shoveling. 1. There is a faint shovel. 2. There is a trace shovel. 3. The teeth are semi-shoveled. 4. The teeth are semi-shoveled but there is a convergence of ridge at cingulum and this ridging is more marked than in number 3. 5. There is a strongly expressed shovel. 6. Shovel is at maximum expression. 7. Lateral incisor is barrel shaped. This barrel-shaped expression exceeds grade six.

Double Shoveling of Incisors, Canines, and Premolars 0. There is no double shoveling of the labial surface. 1. There is faint ridging on the mesial and distal portions of the labial surface. 2. There is trace ridging on the mesial and distal portions of the labial surface. 3. There is a semi–double shovel with ridging on the mesial and distal portions of the labial surface that can be felt. 4. There is a double shovel. 5. There is a pronounced double shovel. The mesial and distal labial ridging could extend from the occlusal surface to cemento-enamel junction. 6. There is an extreme double shovel.

Interruption Groove of Incisors 0. There is no groove. 1.* On the mesiolingual border of the tooth there is an interruption groove. 2.* On the distolingual border of the tooth there is an interruption groove. 3.* On both the mesiolingual and distolingual borders there are interruption grooves. 4.* On the medial area of the cingulum there is an interruption groove. 5.** On the medial area of the cingulum and on the distolingual border there are interruption grooves.

Tuberculum Dentale of Upper Incisors and Canine 0. There is no tuberculum dentale. 1. There is faint ridging. 2. There is trace ridging. 3. There is strong ridging. 4. There is pronounced ridging. 5.* Attached to the mesiolingual or distolingual ridge there is a cuspule that is weakly developed. This cuspule has an apex that is not free. 6.* There is a cuspule that is weakly developed. It has a free apex. 7.* There is a strongly expressed cusp that has a free apex.

Appendix A

193

Canine Mesial Ridge 0. The sizes of the mesiolingual and distolingual ridges are the same and these ridges are not connected with a tuberculum dentale if one is present. 1. The mesiolingual ridge is of greater size than the distolingual ridge. The mesiolingual ridge is weakly connected to a tuberculum dentale. 2. The mesiolingual ridge is of greater size than the distolingual ridge. The mesiolingual ridge is moderately connected to a tuberculum dentale. 3. The mesiolingual ridge is of an even larger size than the distolingual ridge. The mesiolingual ridge has united closely with a tuberculum dentale.

Canine Distal Accessory Ridge 0. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

There is no ridge. There is a very faint ridge. There is a weakly developed ridge. There is a moderately developed ridge. There is a strongly developed ridge. There is a very pronounced ridge.

Premolar Mesial and Distal Accessory Cusps 0. There are no cusps present. 1. There is a mesial and/or distal accessory cusp/cusps present.

Tri-Cusped Premolars/Distosagittal Ridge (Uto-Aztecan Premolar) 0. There is no additional cusp (called “hypocone”) present. 1. The cusp is present. 2. There is a distosagittal ridge.

Metacone of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. The metacone or cusp three is absent. 1. At the metacone site there is an attached ridge but there is no cuspule with a free apex. 2. At the metacone site there is a faint cuspule that has a free apex. 3. There is a weak cusp present. 4.* There is a cusp of intermediate size present. 5.* There is a large metacone cusp present. 6.* There is a very large metacone cusp present. The size of the metacone is equal to that of a large ¤rst molar hypocone cusp.

Hypocone of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. The hypocone or cusp four is absent. 1. At the hypocone site there is faint ridging present. 2. At the hypocone site there is a faint cuspule present. 3. There is a small cusp present. 4.* There is a cusp of moderate size present.

Appendix A

194

5.* There is a large cusp present. 6.* There is a very large cusp present.

Cusp Five (Metaconule) of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. There is no cusp present. At the cusp ¤ve site there is a single distal groove that separates cusp three and four. 1. At cusp ¤ve site there is a faint cuspule. 2. At cusp ¤ve site there is a trace cuspule. 3. At cusp ¤ve site there is a small cuspule. 4. There is a small cusp present. 5. There is a cusp of medium size present.

Carabelli’s Trait of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. There is no cusp present. 1. There is a groove present on the mesiolingual aspect of cusp one. 2. There is a pit present on the mesiolingual aspect of cusp one. 3. There is a small Y-shaped depression present on the mesiolingual aspect of cusp one. 4. There is a large Y-shaped depression present on the mesiolingual aspect of cusp one. 5. There is a small cusp present on the mesiolingual aspect of cusp one. It does not have a free apex. The distal border of the cusp does not connect with the lingual groove that divides cusps one and four. 6. There is a cusp of medium size present. It does not have a free apex. The cusp does connect with the medial lingual groove that divides cusps one and four. 7. There is a large cusp present with a free apex.

Parastyle of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. There is no parastyle cusp present. 1. Within or near the buccal groove between cusps two and three there is a pit. 2. There is a small cusp present on cusp two with a connected apex. 3. There is a cusp of medium size present on the buccal surface of the molar. The cusp has a free apex. 4. There is a large cusp present on the buccal surface of the molar. The cusp has a free apex. 5. There is a very large cusp present on the buccal surface of the molar. The cusp has a free apex. 6. There is a free peg-shaped crown present. It is connected to a third molar root.

Enamel Extensions of Premolars and Molars 0. There is no enamel extension attached to the enamel crown. 1. There is an enamel extension about 1.0 mm long. 2. There is an enamel extension about 2.0 mm long.

Appendix A

195

3. There is an enamel extension that is approximately 4.0 mm long or greater.

Premolar Root Number 1. There is one root. The tip of the root can be bifurcated. 2. There are two roots. These roots must be separate for a quarter to a third of the total root length. 3. There are three roots. These roots must be separate for a quarter to a third of the total root length.

Molar Root Number 1. There is one root. The tip of the root can be bifurcated. 2. There are two roots. These roots must be separate for a quarter to a third of the total root length. 3. There are three roots. These roots must be separate for a quarter to a third of the total root length. 4. There are four roots. These roots must be separate for a quarter to a third of the total root length.

Radical Number of All Teeth 1. There is one radical. There are no developmental grooves on root. 2. There are two radicals. This can involve either two round roots without developmental grooves or a root with two developmental grooves. 3. There are three radicals. This can involve one root with no developmental grooves and another root with two developmental grooves or three developmental grooves. 4. There are four radicals with any combination of the above. 5. There are ¤ve radicals with any combination of the above. 6. There are six radicals with any combination of the above. 7. There are seven radicals with any combination of the above. 8. There are eight radicals with any combination of the above.

Peg-Shaped Lateral Incisor 0. The lateral incisor is normal. 1. There is a reduction in the size of the incisor, but the crown form is normal. 2. There is a major reduction in the size of the incisor and the crown has none of the features that are reminiscent of a normal incisor. The tooth looks like a peg.

Peg-Shaped Third Molar 0. The third molar is normal. 1. The third molar is reduced in size. It has a buccolingual diameter of 7 to 10 mm. 2. The third molar is reduced to less than 7 mm in buccolingual diameter. The tooth looks like a peg.

Appendix A

196

Odontome of Premolars 0. There is no odontome present. 1. There is an odontome present.

Congenital Absence of Lateral Incisor, Second Premolar, and Third Molar 0. The tooth is present. 1. There is congenital absence of the tooth.

Labial Groove on Incisors** 0. There is no labial groove present. 1. There is a labial groove present.

M A NDIBUL AR NON-METRIC TR AIT DESCRIPTIONS

Canine Distal Accessory Ridge See maxillary description.

First and Second Premolar Lingual Cusp Variation 0. There is one lingual cusp present. 1. There are one or two lingual cusps present. 2. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is of much greater size than the distal cusp. 3. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is of larger size than the distal cusp. 4. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is equal in size to the distal cusp. 5. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is smaller than the distal cusp. 6. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is much smaller than the distal cusp. 7. There are two lingual cusps present and the mesial cusp is a great deal smaller than the distal cusp. 8. There are three cusps present, all of approximately equal size. 9. There are three cusps present and the medial and distal cusps are much smaller than the mesial cusp. 10.* There is no lingual cusp.

Anterior Fovea of First Molar 0. There is no anterior fovea. 1. There is a weak ridge running from the mesial aspect of cusp one to the mesial aspect of cusp two. This makes a faint groove. 2. The ridge between cusps one and two is larger and the associated groove is deeper than in expression one above.

Appendix A

197

3. The groove is longer than in expression two above. 4. There is a large mesial ridge with a very long associated groove.

Groove Pattern of First, Second, and Third Molars 1. There is a Y-shaped groove present. This Y is the result of cusps two and three coming in contact with one another. 2. There is a +-pattern groove. All cusps, one through four, are in contact. 3. There is an X-pattern groove. There is contact between cusps one and four.

Molar Cusp Number of First, Second, and Third Molars 3.* There are only three cusps present. 4. All four cusps are present: (1) protoconid, (2) metaconid, (3) hypoconid, and (4) entoconid. 5. All four of the cusps in number four are present as well as cusp ¤ve called the hypoconulid. 6. All ¤ve of the cusps in numbers four and ¤ve are present as well as cusp six called the entoconulid. 7.* All six of the cusps described in numbers four through six are present as well as cusp seven called the metaconulid.

De®ecting Wrinkle of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. There is no de®ecting wrinkle and there is a straight medial ridge of cusp two. 1. The medial ridge of cusp two is straight but has a midpoint constriction. 2. There is a distal de®ection of the medial ridge. It does not contact cusp four. 3. There is a strong distal de®ection of the medial ridge that forms an Lshaped ridge. The medial ridge connects with cusp four.

Distal Trigonid Crest of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. Distal trigonid crest is absent between cusps one and two. 1. Distal trigonid crest connects distal border of cusp one with distal border of cusp two.

Protostylid of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. There is no presence of protostylid. 1. There is a pit present in the buccal groove separating cusp one and cusp three. 2. The buccal groove that separates cusp one and cusp three appears to curve distally. 3. There is a faint groove that extends mesially from the buccal groove that separates cusp one and cusp three. 4. The groove of expression three is slightly more pronounced. 5. The groove of expression three is strongly pronounced and can easily be seen.

Appendix A

198

6. The groove of expression three projects across most of the buccal surface of cusp one. This is viewed as a weak or small cusp. 7. A cusp is present with a free (unattached) cusp tip.

Cusp Five (Hypoconulid) of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Cusp ¤ve is not present. Only cusps one through four are present. The size of cusp ¤ve is very small. The size of cusp ¤ve is small. The size of cusp ¤ve is medium. The size of cusp ¤ve is large. The size of cusp ¤ve is very large.

Cusp Six (Entoconulid) of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Cusp six is not present. Cusp ¤ve is much larger in size than cusp six. Cusp ¤ve is larger in size than cusp six. Cusp ¤ve and cusp six are of equal size. Cusp ¤ve is smaller than cusp six. Cusp ¤ve is much smaller than cusp six.

Cusp Seven (Metaconulid) of First, Second, and Third Molars 0. Cusp seven is not present. 1. There is a faint cusp seven. Instead of one lingual groove, there are two weak lingual grooves. 2.* On the lingual surface of cusp two there is a faint cusp seven that has no cusp tip. Cusp seven is displaced as a bulge on the lingual surface of cusp two. 3.* There is a small-sized cusp seven. 4.* There is a medium-sized cusp seven. 5.* There is a large-sized cusp seven.

Tome’s Root of First Premolar 0. There is no developmental grooving. If grooving is present it will not have a V-shaped indentation but rather a shallow and rounded indentation. 1. There is a developmental groove. The cross-section of the groove will be a shallow V shape. 2. There is a developmental groove. The cross-section of the groove will be a moderately deep V shape. 3. There is a developmental groove. It is deep and V shaped. The groove continues for at least one-third of the total root length. 4. Both the mesial and distal root surfaces have developmental grooving. This grooving is deeply invaginated. 5. There are two free roots present. The roots are apart for at least a quarter to a third of the total root length.

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199

Enamel Extensions of Premolars and Molars See maxillary description.

Root Number of Premolars and Molars See maxillary description.

Radical Number of All Teeth See maxillary description.

Odontome of Premolars See maxillary description.

Torsomolar Angle of Third Molar 0.* The third molar is not rotated buccally or lingually. 1.* The third molar is rotated lingually less than or equal to 90 degrees. 2.* The third molar is rotated buccally less than or equal to 90 degrees.

Congenital Absence of Central Incisor, Second Premolar, and Third Molar 0. The tooth is present. 1. There is congenital absence of the tooth.

appendi x b List of Rare Traits and Possible Tipu-Speci¤c Variants and Anomalies MAXILLARY DENTITION 1. Cuspules between cusp one and two of ¤rst, second, and third molars. 2. Four-rooted deciduous molar. 3. Palatal canine. 4. Small mesial cuspule on ¤rst premolar. 5. Divided metacone on second and third molars. 6. Third molar with three cuspules between metacone and hypocone. 7. Canine labial groove. 8. Deciduous peg canine. 9. Mesiobuccal cusp on ¤rst premolar. 10. Extra cusp on the lingual/distal portion of the third molar (not a parastyle). 11. Enameloma in palate. 12. Deciduous second molar with mesial interproximal cusp and an expanded paracone. 13. Interproximal cusp on molar with expanded paracone. 14. Divided ¤fth cusp on molar. 15. No hypocone present on second molar but hypocone present on third molar. 16. Divided or twinned protocone on deciduous second molar.

M A NDIBUL AR DENTITION 1. Three-rooted permanent molars. 2. Interruption groove on canine. 3. De®ecting wrinkle and cusp one and cusp two double L. 4. Three-rooted deciduous ¤rst molar. 5. Cuspules located in distal basin of deciduous ¤rst molar. 6. Peg third molar. 7. Second molar with Y-shaped depression on anterior lingual cusp (like Carabelli’s). 8. Asymmetrical deciduous second molar groove pattern. 9. Very large deciduous ¤rst molar with ridge down distal one-half of tooth. 10. Large lingual cusp on third molar.

Appendix B

202

BOTH M A XILL ARY A ND M A NDIBUL AR DENTITION 1. 2. 3. 4.

Enamel pearls. Twinned canines. Supernumerary teeth. Root spicules.

ARTIFICIA L MODIFIC ATION 1. Culturally notched teeth. 2. Circular hole in tooth possibly inlay hole.

appendi x c Tipu Dental Notes The following are notes taken during the analysis of the Tipu teeth. These are observations that include peculiarities in the dentitions of some individuals or traits that are not included in the Arizona State University dental trait plaques. The information is presented for those who might in the future analyze the Tipu teeth. Burial MT32. The mandibular left third molar and the maxillary third molars are multi-cusped. The mandibular left third molar has seven cusps. They are small mesial and buccal cusps. The maxillary left third molar has one large cusp that is buccal and seven smaller cusps that ring the buccal cusp mesially, lingually, and distally. This individual has infection in the maxillary sinus. There is an additional upper third molar present with this burial that has cementum buildup over the enamel. Burial MT34C. Maxillary central deciduous incisor looks as if it might be twinned. Individual has twinned left and right upper deciduous canines. Burial MT42. On the maxillary left ¤rst molar there is what appears to be a divided metacone. Burial MT56. The mandibular right third molar has three roots. The extra root is on the lingual side. Burial MT58A. A mandibular second premolar is rotated 90 degrees. There is a portion of the left maxilla around the ¤rst molar in which there is dense bone remodeling. Burial MT60. A reconstruction of the palate and face of this individual would be interesting. The abnormal tooth wear is probably the result of malocclusion caused by trauma. Burial MT62. A maxillary second premolar is rotated 90 degrees. This rotation is reminiscent of that in burial MT58A. Could these two individuals be related? Burial MT67. The mandibular right ¤rst molar has three roots. The extra root is on the lingual side. Burial MT69B. The maxillary left deciduous second molar has four roots. The tooth is large and has a large mesial basin. Burial MT69C. The maxillary left and right ¤rst premolars have two roots but these are almost divided into three. Burial MT70. The maxillary left canine is a palatal canine. The maxillary

204

Appendix C

left ¤rst premolar is absent. This could be a result of agenesis or of the palatal canine causing the resorption of the maxillary left ¤rst premolar. It looks as if the enamel never formed on the maxillary right ¤rst premolar. The root length of this maxillary right premolar is reduced. A maxillary ¤rst molar has what is classi¤ed as upper molar cusp ¤ve. Unlike its representation on the Turner plaques this cusp is more buccally placed and elongated buccolingually. Burial MT71. This individual has three-rooted mandibular ¤rst molars. The extra root is on the lingual side. Burial MT79. There are cuspules between cusps one and two of the maxillary right and left ¤rst molars. Burial MT84. There are very long roots on the maxillary premolars. Burial MT97. There is a mild expression of a labial groove on a maxillary central incisor. Burial MT98B. On the mandibular ¤rst molars there are de®ecting wrinkles and distal trigonid crests. The combination of the two traits make a connected double L. This seems also to be the case on the mandibular deciduous second molars. There is a close connection of cusp one and cusp two on the permanent mandibular second molars. Burial MT100A. The maxillary left and right second molars have a complicated occlusal surface. The maxillary left second molar has three cuspules between cusps one and two while the maxillary right has two cuspules between cusps one and two. The appearance of the cuspules is similar to the appearance of the trait in burial MT143. Burial MT104. There is a labial groove on the maxillary central incisor. Burial MT122. The maxillary third molar has a parastyle. Burial MT125. The maxillary right and left ¤rst molars have cuspules between cusp one and cusp two. The left molar has two cuspules. One of the two cuspules has an enamel drip toward the middle of the occlusal surface. The right molar has one faint cuspule and the cuspule is directly between cusps one and two on the occlusal surface. Burial MT128. There are a total of ten enamel pearls in this dentition. Burial MT135. Cusp ¤ve on maxillary second molars is not directly between the metacone and hypocone on the midline of the distal border. Cusp ¤ve looks deviated to one side. Burial MT138. Mandibular premolars have one lingual cusp with an occlusal ridge connecting that ridge with the buccal cusp. Burial MT143. Both of the maxillary canines and the maxillary and mandibular ¤rst premolars have labial grooves that look like vertical hypoplasias. Pitting is involved. Teeth are not double shoveled. Maxillary ¤rst molars have a mesial cuspule between cusps one and two. Burial MT144. There is an unclassi¤able lower groove pattern on the ¤rst molar.

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205

Burial MT146. The maxillary left and right ¤rst molars have a mesial cuspule between cusps one and two. Burial MT150. There is a mesial occlusal cuspule between cusps one and two on a maxillary left molar. Burial MT152. There is a wrinkle of enamel on the occlusal surface on the mesial portion of the maxillary ¤rst molar. This is like a de®ecting wrinkle. It is located between cusps one and two. Burial MT161. Maxillary molars have distal cusps. I scored these cusps under the maxillary molar cusp number ¤ve of the Arizona State University dental plaque system. However, the cusps look more like a divided metacone. Burial MT181. There is a three-rooted deciduous left ¤rst molar. The third root is on the lingual side. Burial MT184. There is a slight division of the metacone of the maxillary left second molar. Burial MT187. Included with this dentition but not belonging to this individual is a third molar with a protocone cusp that has a very tall height. Burial MT193. There is a cuspule between cusps one and two on the maxillary ¤rst molar and there is the presence of a divided hypocone in the maxillary molars of this dentition. Burial MT197. There are occlusal hypoplasias on the ¤rst molars. Maxillary central incisors have roots with reduced length. Burial MT200. There are labial grooves on the maxillary central incisors. The groove goes up the root of the tooth and into the enamel. There is an enamel pearl on the maxillary right second molar. Burial MT209. Maxillary right and left deciduous canines are twinned. The maxillary deciduous second molars have a cuspule between cusp one and cusp two. There are cuspules located distally on the deciduous mandibular right and left ¤rst molars. Burial MT211. The dentition has generally reduced root length. This can be seen on the incisors, canines, and maxillary premolars. The maxillary canines have especially reduced root length. Just behind the maxillary right central incisor there is a piece of enamel in the palate. Burial MT213C. Maxillary dentition has a supernumerary tooth in the palate. Burial MT217. The maxillary left ¤rst molar has two mesial cuspules between cusps one and two. These cuspules are located on the mesial edge of the tooth. Burial MT219B. The deciduous maxillary right and left second molars have a cuspule between cusps one and two. The deciduous maxillary left second molar has four roots. Burial MT220. The deciduous teeth include a four-rooted maxillary right second molar. There is also a three-rooted mandibular right deciduous ¤rst molar. The extra root is on the lingual side.

206

Appendix C

Burial MT230. There are roots of reduced length on the maxillary central incisors, maxillary canines, and maxillary premolars. Burial MT231. There is a four-rooted deciduous maxillary second molar in this dentition. Burial MT232. There are roots of reduced length on the maxillary central incisors. There is a mild expression of a labial groove on the maxillary right central incisor. A maxillary right canine and lateral incisor have rotated positions. The right canine is coming out of an anterior alveolar portion of the maxilla. Both mandibular ¤rst molars have three roots. The third root is on the lingual side. Burial MT234. There is a labial groove on a maxillary central incisor. There is a supernumerary tooth lingual to the mandibular right second premolar. Odontomes are present on the mandibular second premolars. Burial MT242. Both the right and left lower deciduous canines are twinned. There is a four-rooted deciduous maxillary right second molar. The extra root is on the mesial and lingual portion of the tooth. The same tooth has a mesial/interproximal cusp. It is not a Carabelli’s cusp. There is also an expanded protocone on this same tooth. The tooth is large (Figures C.1 and C.2). Burial MT246. The maxillary central incisors have labial grooves. One has a mild expression while the other has a heavy expression. Burial MT249. The maxillary right and left deciduous canines are twinned. The maxillary right deciduous canine is more than twinned: it is tripled with a buccal cusp and a radical for a root (Figure C.3). The maxillary left decidu-

Figure C.1. Four-rooted deciduous maxillary second molar.

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207

Figure C.2. Four-rooted deciduous molar in occlusal view showing expanded protocone (same molar as in C.1).

ous canine is twinned only. Maxillary central incisors are good examples of heavy shoveling and double shoveling. Burial MT253B. There is a very large cusp on the deciduous mandibular second molar. Burial MT253C. There is a maxillary left second molar with a cuspule that has formed off of the metacone. It is located almost directly in the center of the occlusal surface. Burial MT259. The maxillary left ¤rst molar has one, possibly two, cuspules between cusps one and two. On a mandibular molar there is an odd grooving in the area where a de®ecting wrinkle can appear. Burial MT264. There is a parastyle on the maxillary right second molar of this individual. Burial MT267. Mandibular teeth are a problem. Multiple burials are involved.

208

Appendix C

Figure C.3. Twinned maxillary right deciduous canine with additional buccal cusp and radical.

Burial MT267. There are two bags of burial MT267 teeth (see directly above). This individual has a maxillary left ¤rst molar with three cuspules between cusps one and two (Figure C.4). Burial MT279. A note on premolars in general: most mandibular premolars are recorded in this study as having a zero expression with respect to lingual cusps. The Tipu individuals tend to have a ridge lingually. There is variation in the appearance of that ridge. In this individual there are large mandibular premolars. The mandibular left third molar has three roots. I was unable to say whether the root is buccally or lingually located. Burial MT288. The mandibular premolars have a large lingual cusp. There are no multiple lingual cusps. The lingual cusp is larger than that shown on the Turner plaque. Burial MT309. The mandibular left third molar has three roots. Mesial root has divided into two roots: one root is under the mesial lingual cusp and one is under the mesial buccal cusp. Burial MT327X. There are two mandibular left third molars present in this dentition. One belongs to another burial. One of the two third molars has three roots. The root is placed distally and lingually. Burial MT345B. The maxillary right ¤rst and third molars have multiple cuspules between cusps one and two. Burial MT348. This individual may have had a tooth or piece of enamel in the palate near the incisive foramen.

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Figure C.4. Maxillary left ¤rst molar with three cuspules between paracone and protocone.

Burial MT349. There is an impacted maxillary right third molar. Enamel pearls can be found on the distal aspect of the roots of the maxillary right and left second molars. Burial MT360. The mandibular right molar has a Y-shaped depression on the anterior lingual cusp. It looks like the Y groove of the Carabelli’s cusp in maxillary molars. Burial MT368. The mandibular right third molar has three roots: one mesial/lingual root, one distal/lingual root, and one buccal root. The mandibular left third molar has a tiny lingual root. Burial MT378. Odontomes are present on the mandibular left ¤rst and second premolars and the right second premolar. Burial MT379. Odontomes are present on the maxillary ¤rst and second premolars. Burial MT395. There is a divided metacone present in what appears to be a maxillary right second molar. It is not a ¤fth cusp. Burial MT396. There is a four-rooted deciduous maxillary right second molar. The extra root is placed mesially and lingually. An interproximal cusp (not Carabelli’s) and an expanded paracone can be found as well on this very large tooth. The tooth is reminiscent of another tooth in burial MT242. Burial MT405. The maxillary left ¤rst molar has a cuspule between cusp one and cusp two. Burial MT423A. There are odontomes present on the maxillary right and left second premolars.

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Burial MT431. There are three-rooted deciduous mandibular ¤rst molars. Burial MT436. The mandibular second premolars have worn odontomes. Burial MT444. There is a labial groove on the maxillary right central incisor. A maxillary molar has a parastyle. Burial MT462. There are odontomes on four of the premolars. Burial MT465. Dentition includes one supernumerary tooth with heavy calculus. Tooth has peg/rounded shape and a long groove in the enamel. Dentition has heavy calculus. Burial MT469. There is an impacted maxillary left third molar. Burial MT479. On the mandibular left third molar there is a very large cusp on the lingual side of the tooth. It is not a seventh cusp. Burial MT497. There are cuspules between cusps one and two on the maxillary right and left ¤rst molars. Enamel pearls are present on the maxillary right and left second molars. They can be found on the distal aspect of the second molars. Burial MT501. Individual has two palatal supernumerary teeth between the maxillary incisors and these teeth are facing posterior and superior. Burial MT508. There is a circular hole, possibly for an inlay or caused by caries, on the mandibular left canine. There is a tiny root spicule on the lingual aspect of the mandibular left third molar. Burial MT512. Individual has maloccluded maxillary left lateral incisor. The deciduous maxillary left second molar may have had four roots. Burial MT514. There is a palatal canine in the left portion of the maxilla. Individual has large Carabelli’s cusp. The maxillary right ¤rst molar has a cuspule between cusps one and two. Burial MT515. The hypocone is larger than the metacone on the maxillary right and left third molars. There are odd groove patterns on the mandibular second molars. There is a Y pattern on the left and an X pattern on the right. Burial MT522. The mandibular right third molar is rotated lingually 90 degrees. This is one of the few examples of torsomolar within the Tipu population. Burial MT525. There is very heavy calculus on the lower incisors. Burial MT529. Both the maxillary and mandibular anterior teeth are maloccluded. There is no left ¤rst molar. In its place is a supernumerary tooth that is shaped like a premolar. I do not know whether a ¤rst molar was ever there. The supernumerary tooth follows in direct line within the arcade. Burial MT530. There is a cuspule present between cusps one and two of the maxillary left ¤rst molar. Burial MT532A. There are four roots on the deciduous maxillary right second molar. Mandibular right second molar is very large and almost has three roots. Burial MT537. The maxillary right and left ¤rst molars have mesial cuspules between cusps one and two.

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appendi x g Tooth Wear Assessment

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Index

Altar de Sacri¤cios: burial practices at, 42, 81; comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82; other dental studies at, 78, 79 Animals in human burials, 26, 37, 47 Arizona State University Dental Anthropology dental casts and scoring system, 96–97, 110, 188, 191–99 (Appendix A) Asymmetry, dental, 68, 92 Attrition, dental. See Wear, dental Baptism, effect on burial location, 16, 30, 32, 106, 107 Biodistance studies. See Population analysis Blessed ground, burial in, 26, 30, 48–49, 50 Buccolingual measurement, 95–96 Butler, P. M., research in dental genetics, 61–62 Campo Santo cemetery (near Tikal), 45–46 Canines: measurement method in Tipu population, 95, 96; mesial ridge, 116– 18; modi¤ed, 175; palatal, 121 (¤g.). See also under Tipu dental analysis Carabelli’s cusp, 66–68, 108, 136. See also under Tipu dental analysis Cast tooth replicas, dif¤culties with analysis of, 93 Caucasoid Dental Complex, 109–10 Chan Kom, mortuary practices at, 46–48 Chapels. See Churches. See Ramada chapel Charnel houses: in European Catholic mortuary practices, 29–30, 32; in Mayan mortuary practices, 45–46 Chichén Itzá: comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82, 187–88; osteologi-

cal study at, 78; other dental studies of, 80 Christianity: conversion of Mayans, 8– 10, 11, 43–49; conversion of Tipuans, 19–24, 99, 171, 183–84, 189–90; incorporation into Mayan folklore, 44–45; persistence of Mayan customs under, 5, 17, 19, 22, 23, 36, 46–49, 55, 189– 90; women’s role among Mayan converts, 171, 184 Churches in colonial Yucatán, 7 (¤g.), 9; design and construction, 10–11; political usefulness of, 8–10, 11 Cof¤ns: Mayan opinion of, 185; in Spanish mortuary practices, 49–50, 51, 54; at Tipu, 170, 171 Crowding of burials: in European mortuary practices, 30, 31, 32; in high-status areas, 50, 56; at Tipu, 107 Cumúx, Francisco, 20, 21 Cusp, Carabelli’s. See Carabelli’s cusp Cusps, 96; embryonic development of, 61, 63–64; seventh, 118; sixth, 118, 119 (¤g.). See also under Tipu dental analysis Dahlberg, Albert A.: non-metric dental trait de¤nition system, 70–71; research in dental genetics, 62 Dávila (Spanish lieutenant), 17 Death, Mayan view of, 36–38, 77 Delgado, Father Diego, 13, 23–24, 151 Dental Complexes: Caucasoid, 109–10; Maya, 110, 118–23; Mongoloid, 109; Tipu, 185–86 Dental traits: European, 170; and genetics, 61–68; heritability of, 65–66; metric and non-metric, de¤ned, 68; of prehistoric Maya, 136. See also Dental

Index

380

Complexes. See also under Population analysis. See also under Tipu dental analysis Dentino-enamel junction, 63–64 Discriminant function analysis, 153, 155, 158–67 Dogs, role of in Mayan view of death, 37 Ek, Bernadino, 24 Enamel: embryonic development of, 60– 61, 63; pathologic conditions of, 65, 78–79; pearls and extensions, 113–16, 122 (¤g.) Epidemics: introduced by Spanish, 14–16, 85–86; at Tipu, 17, 173 Family burial plots: identi¤cation of by dental traits, 83; in Spanish Catholic mortuary practices, 33; at Tipu, 187 Field theory of tooth development, 61–63 Fluoride dating of burials, 102, 103, 104 Folklore, Mayan, incorporation of Christian mortuary practices into, 44–45 Fuensalida, Father Bartolomé de, 19– 23, 151 Garzón, Juan de, 18 Grave goods: in Mayan mortuary practices, 37–38; in Spanish mortuary practices, 51, 56; at Tipu, 172–73 Hanihara, K., non-metric dental trait de¤nition system, 70, 72 Height, use of in population studies, 170 HOX (homeobox) genes and embryonic tooth development, 64 Incisors: measurement method in Tipu population, 95, 96; modi¤ed, 175. See also Shoveling. See also under Tipu dental analysis Infants, burial of: European Catholic mortuary practices, 30, 32; at Tipu, 16, 106 Itzá expeditions, 20–24; in®uence on Tipu population, 16, 21, 24, 79–80, 104, 148, 151, 189

Jones, Grant, 12–13 Labial groove, 116, 117 (¤g.) Lamanai: archaeological investigations at, 11–12, 55–56; Christian mortuary practices at, 56, 81–82; comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82, 187– 88; other dental studies of, 78, 80; persistence of Mayan religious customs at, 190 Los Santos de la Humosa, mortuary practices at, 33 Lubaantun: comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82, 187–88; other dental studies of, 78, 79 Mandible, embryonic development of, 60 Matrícula del Pueblo de Tipu, 12 Maxilla, embryonic development of, 60 Maya: conversion to Christianity, 8–10, 11, 43–49; diet, nutrition, and health, 18, 78–79; impact of Spanish rule, 17, 18; mortuary practices, 37–43, 80–81; previous archeological and dental research on, 38–43, 77–80, 82–83; view of death, 36–38, 77. See also Migration of Maya Maya Dental Complex, 110, 118–23; previous research toward development of, 82–83; and Tipu data, 82–84 Mean measure of divergence, 176–78 Mesiodistal measurement, 94–95 Migration of Maya: of Itzá, 79–80, 186; to Lamanai, 188; in response to Spanish rule, 8–10, 14, 19, 151, 178, 186; to Tipu, 12, 55, 180 Mirones, Francisco, 23, 24 Missions, Spanish: in Florida and California, 49–54; secular objectives of, 8–10; in the Yucatán, 5–24 Modi¤cation, dental, 175–76, 184; among Maya, 79 Molars: de®ecting wrinkle, 118, 119 (¤g.), 137; groove pattern, 118; measurement of, 96; three-rooted, 122 (¤g.). See also under Tipu dental analysis Mongoloid Dental Complex, 109 Montejo, Francisco de, 17

Index

Mortuary practices —European Catholic, 25–32; high-status burial locations, 28–29; orientation of burials, 26–27; segregation by age, 31, 32, 81; segregation by sex, 30, 32 —Mayan, 45–49, 55, 57–58, 80–81; prehistoric Mayan, 37–43, 80–81 —Spanish Catholic, 32–35, 49–58, 184– 85; orientation of burials, 32–33, 50, 54, 56; in Spanish Florida, 50–51, 52–53 —Tipu, 102, 103, 104, 107, 184–85; expectations of Spanish Catholic practices at, 81–82; orientation of burials, 102, 184. See also under Tipu burial population Mouth size: effect on dentition, 135; of Tipu population, 110, 113, 135 Murélaga, Spain, mortuary practices at, 34 Ná, Cristóbal, 20, 21, 22, 23 Negroman, 13 Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, St. Augustine, Florida, mortuary practices at, 49–51 Odontomes, 116, 117 (¤g.) Old and New Minster, England, mortuary practices at, 31 Orbita, Father Juan de, 19–23, 151 Orientation of burials. See under Mortuary practices Osborn, J. W., clone model of tooth development, 63 Pacheco, Alonso and Melchor, 17 Paradise cemetery (at Old Minster Church), mortuary practices at, 31 Pathologic dental conditions, Mayan, 78–79 Pernia, Andrés Carillo de, 19, 20 Population analysis: other studies among Maya, 78–80; use of dental traits for, 59, 70–76, 107–10; value of both metric and non-metric traits, 66, 68, 69– 76, 83, 189 Postclassic burials at Tipu, 102, 184 Premolars. See under Tipu dental analysis

381

Radical trait, 113. See also under Tipu dental analysis Ramada chapel, design and construction of, 10 Raunds, Northamptonshire, mortuary practices at, 30–31 Robusticity of Tipu burial population, 174–75 Sacred ground, burial in, 26, 30, 48–49, 50 St. Helen-on-the-Walls, Aldwark, York, mortuary practices at, 31–32 Saints, importance of burial near, 28– 29, 31 San Felipe y Santiago de Zaclún, 23, 24 Santa Barbara Presidio, California, mortuary practices at, 51–54 Seibal: comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82, 187–88; mortuary practices at, 42, 81; other dental studies of, 78, 79 Sexual differences in burial practices: European Catholic, 30, 32; Mayan, 81. See also under Tipu burial population Sexual dimorphism and dental traits, 82, 135, 137, 187 Shoveling, of incisors, 51, 108, 154, 170 Shrouds: in European Catholic mortuary practices, 26; in Spanish Florida mortuary practices, 50; at Tipu, 172–73 Skeletal traits, metric and non-metric: in anthropological research, 69–70; in population analysis studies, 66–68 Standardized mean measure of divergence, 176–78 Statistical methods: in population studies, 72, 74, 176–78; used for Tipu data, 97–98, 158–59 Status, in®uence on burial location, 103– 4, 171; in European Catholic mortuary practices, 26, 29; in Mayan mortuary practices, 81; in Spanish Catholic mortuary practices, 33, 54, 55; at Tipu, 107, 171, 184–85 Tancah: burial population, 180; Christian mortuary practices at, 54–55,

382

104; Mayan mortuary practices at, 81; Spanish/Mayan mixing at, 148 Tayasal, 12. See also Itzá Testaments, adoption of Spanish custom by Mayans, 43–44 Tipu. See also Tipu burial population. See also Tipu dental analysis. See also Tipu Dental Complex —Archaeological and anthropological investigations, 12–14, 85–86 —Burial locations, 15 (¤g.). See also under Mortuary practices —Church and cemetery, 10, 14 (¤g.) —Church and cemetery sections as de¤ned for archaeological study, 100 —Conversion to Christianity, 19–24, 99, 171, 183–84, 189–90 —Dates of church and cemetery use, 19, 151 —Destruction of church, 14, 189, 190 —Location and environment, 6, 7 (¤g.), 13, 19–20 —Mortality statistics, 14–16 —Political history, 6–8, 11–12, 17–24, 151, 183 —Political and religious importance to the Spaniards, 11–12, 21–22, 23–24, 183 —Population statistics, 14, 16, 20, 151 Tipu burial population —Age assessment, 16, 86–88, 89, 90, 106 —Analysis by age, 106 —Analysis by age and burial location, 105 (¤g.), 106, 185 —Analysis by burial location, 100–107 —Analysis by sex, 100–107 —Analysis by sex and burial location, 102–5 —Comparison with other Mayan populations, 176–82, 187–88 —Grave goods, 172–73 —Health, 16, 173–75 —Health in relation to burial location, 172–75 —Height, 170–71, 173 —Homogeneity, 162–63, 172, 180, 186– 87, 188–89 —Juveniles, 106, 185 —Native or early Tipuans, 148, 175, 184

Index

—Robusticity, 174–75 —Sex assessment, 86–88 —Size of burial population, 86, 101, 102 —Spanish persons or Spanish/Maya mixing, 148, 168–72, 185, 186 —Status and burial location, 107, 171, 184–85 Tipu dental analysis —Agenesis of teeth, 110–13 —Buccolingual measurement, 95–96 —Canine mesial ridge, dif¤culty with in this study, 116–18 —Canines, 95, 96, 110, 116, 118, 148, 150, 175. See also under Tipu dental analysis, non-metric traits —Carabelli’s cusp, 113, 136, 149, 176 —Cusps, 96, 110, 113, 118, 149, 150, 176 —De®ecting wrinkle, 118, 119 (¤g.), 137, 150 —Enamel pearls, 113–16, 122 (¤g.) —Family relationships, 167–68, 185, 187 —Groove pattern, 118, 150 —Incisors, 95, 96, 110, 148, 149, 175. See also under Tipu dental analysis, nonmetric traits —Incisors, shoveling of, 110, 148, 154, 163 —Inventory method, 88–89 —Inventory of teeth, 107, 108, 109, 110–23 —Juveniles, 94, 106, 116, 136–37, 149, 160, 161 —Labial groove, 116, 117 (¤g.), 136, 167, 168 —Mesiodistal measurement, 94–95 —Metric data analysis, 151–67 —Metric data collection method, 94– 96, 153 —Modi¤ed teeth, 175, 184 —Molars, 110, 113, 118, 137, 149, 150. See also under Tipu dental analysis, nonmetric traits —Mouth size, 110, 113, 135 —Noncolonial burials, 137 —Non-metric traits, data and analysis, 107–50, 167–72, 176–82, 185–86, 187, 211–35 (Appendix D) —Non-metric traits, data collection, 96–97 —Non-metric traits, descriptions, 191–99 (Appendix A) —Odontomes, 116, 117 (¤g.)

Index

—Premolars, 113, 116, 149, 150. See also under Tipu dental analysis, non-metric traits —Radical trait, 113, 135, 149 —Rare traits, 121, 121 (¤g.), 122 (¤g.), 123, 186, 187, 201–2 (Appendix B) —Roots, 113, 135, 149. See also under Tipu dental analysis, non-metric traits —Statistical methods and analysis, 97– 98, 134–36, 153, 155, 156–57, 158–67, 176–78 —Summary of results, 185–89 —Symmetry of dentition, 156–57, 163 —Unerupted teeth, 113 —Variation by age, 136–47, 237–96 (Appendix E) —Variation by burial location, 137–50, 159–60, 162–64, 167, 186–87, 297–336 (Appendix F) —Variation by sex, 123–37, 161, 165, 186– 87, 237–96 (Appendix E) —Variation by sex and burial location, 161, 166, 186–87 —Wear, dental, 116, 136–37, 151–53, 337– 41 (Appendix G) —Wear evaluation method, 89–94 Tipu Dental Complex, 185–86 Todos Santos, Guatemala, mortuary practices at, 48 Tooth development, 61–66; embryonic stages, 60–61

383

Tooth size: in®uence of X and Y chromosomes, 65; sexual differences in, 82 Turner, C. G, II: model for origins of Native Americans, 72–74; non-metric dental trait de¤nition system, 70–73, 96–97 Tzeltal: comparison of population with Tipu, 176–82; other dental studies of, 80 Uto-Aztecan premolar, 108, 113 Villagutierre, Soto-Mayor, Don Juan, 19–24 Wear, dental: from use of teeth as tools, 152, 153; in®uence on dental metric analysis, 91–92, 95, 96, 151–52; relation to diet, 91; and systems for skeletal age determination, 91; traits obscured by, 136, 149. See also under Tipu dental analysis Xibalba (Mayan underworld), 37–38 Yucatán: colonial churches in, 7–12; Spanish expeditions in, 17–24 Yucatec Maya, 12, 37, 38 Zaclún. See San Felipe y Santiago de Zaclún

About the Author

Keith P. Jacobi is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Alabama and Curator of Human Osteology at the Alabama Museum of Natural History. He holds degrees from Northwestern University, Southern Illinois University, and Indiana University and was the recipient of the Indiana University Medical Sciences Teaching Award.