Kosmos: Essays in Order, Conflict and Community in Classical Athens

PuniSK IID IIY TH. P uss SYNDICATE 0' THI UNIYUSlTY 0' CAM811DGI The Pin Buildin" Trumpington SU«t, Cambridc~ C81 IIlP, United Kin,.:lom

CAMIIIlIDC;;1I UNIUIlSITY PIIII

The' Sdinb1.qh Buildin&. Cambridac C81 111\1, United Kingdom 40 Welt 10m Street, New NY 10011 - 4111 , USA 10 Stamford Ro~, Oaklei&h, Melbourne 3166, Il.Iuualia

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Cambridae Uniwnity PTcu 1998

Tbi l book is in copyrill'lI. S ubjccr: to aUNlor)' HCeption and 10 the ~>o ... of relCYl.llt cnll«tive licen_ina qreemcntl, nn reproduction nf Uly pan may tHe plKe withnUI thc written pcnnillion ofCo.mbrid,e Univcn;ty PTcu.

Fint publ ilhed 1998

ofeo.u.- ""~ i .. ~ Ita,.. Kot;....,. ; n .. Y" in ord", conflict. and community in clasakal Athms I edited by Plul Cutlcdae, PlIul MiUm " Situ. von RNen. Li/.wQry

p. em . lnclude_ blblioJrllphiclll reference. and indH. ISIS 0 ,2 1 6 (hardback) I . Grce« - Ci";liutioo - T o 14611C . 1. Athenl (Greece) - Social life and culloms. 1. lnlcrpcnonlll rel.no ... - iarioru

lnuoducDon: defining a leosm os

,

PAUJ CARD pOGI!

Inter-personal rdanons on Alhenian pau: putting olllen in their place RORIN OSBORNE

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Political friendship and the ideolDI[)' of reciprocity

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M&T COl M SCHOEl!!! D

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'The politics of affection: emotional attachmc:on in Athenian socic:ry

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lIN POXHAI'

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Between koitum and iQiOfl : legal and social dimendon s of

religious associations in ancient Athens U lAS ,uNAOtrIOGI ,QU

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Gymnasia and the: democratic values of leisun:: NICK FISHER.

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The seductions of the: laze: Socrates and hi. girlfriends

6.

. 10j

SI MON GOLDRn I

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The: Athenian political perception of the idiow I IfNI R!!BINSTPIN

Enmity in founh-century Athens

'44

p . •. ItHODES

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The: rhe tori c o f enmity in the Arne o n.ton STIIPHBN TODD

,6,

viii

CcmUJIU

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The well-ordered polis: topographies or civic space

.,.

unA YON aEDEN

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The threat from the Piraeus

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Encounten in the: Agora

191

pM ROY

'0'

PAUL MJLLE1T

Guwral bibliorraplrv

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Illustrations

Hirschfeld krater, Attic Late Geometric c. 740 BCE. Athens, National Museum 990. Photo: Hinner Fotoarchiv, Munich ~ NcS5(ls amphora, Attic Black Figure c. 620 BCE. Athen" National Museum 1192. Photo: Hinner FOloarchiv, Munich 3 Eyc-cup by Exc:kias, Attic Black Figure c. 540 BCE . Munich, I

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Museum Ant:ikc:r K1einkun$1 2044. PhOtos: Himll:r F otoacchiv,

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Munich Amphora, name vaSt of the Berlin Painter, Attic Red Figure c. 490 8CE. Berlin, Staatlichc MusC'cn F:n60. Photos: Hinnet POloarchiv, Munich Bell krater, name: vase oCthe Pan Paintcr, Attic Red Figure c. 460 BeB. Boslon, Museum of Fine Ans lo. 18~s. James Fund and by Special Contribution. Photos: Museum of Fine: Arts, Boston Phoenician silver gilt bowl from the Bernardini Tomb, 1aSl Quarter of the eighth century or first quancr of the seventh century BCB. Drawing from O. Montclius, La civilju,titJn primiriw". lraJ~ tkpuis I'inrroduaion da "u/(ua (Stockholm, 1895- 19(0), vol. 1, Plate 368.5 Phoenician silver gilt bowl from Idalion, Cyprus. last quancr of the eighth century or fint quaner of the seventh century BCE. Drawin8 from H . Longperier. ChoU de ",oP/u",ents a"~1lU (MuS« Napoleon Ill, Paris, 1868- 80)

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Notes on contributors

assistant editor with lhe Lexi con o f Grcck Personal Names. He has published articles on Athenian luocialiODS, on nomicidc and on marital disputes in GrcC()o-Roman Egypt, and has compiled. sourcebook on ancient Greck law (forthcoming). II..IA S AilNAOUTOGLQU il

ad

PA UL CARTLIIDGE is Reader in Greek History in the: University of Cam-

bridge, and Fellow of Clare College. He was a c~di lor of Nomos: &$4)11 in A,hmUJn LDw, Poiirics and SocUty (1990). He has published widely on Greek history and histori ography, most ucently ~ GTtdu: A Ponr"il of Sd/ and oUten (mise
NICK. PISH1!R is Senior Lecturer in the School of Hil tory and Archaeology, University of Wales, Cardiff He: has written Social Values in CitUSicaJ Alhnu (1976 ), Hybris ( 1991) and Slafln)' in ClaJSialJ Alhl'M ( 1993) and

several ankles on Grttk poli tical and social history. He is currently preparing a tnnslation and commentary on Aeschines' speech Agai1l.$t Timard!os.

is Reader in Ancicnt History in the School of Archaeological Studies, University of Leiccster. She has edited vo lumes on law in ancient GreC(:e, mal5(:ulinity in classical Antiquity (with J. Salmon), and wrinen a monograph on ancient Greek olive cultivnion. She is currently wOrking on a book on the study of gender in classical Antiquity. LIN POJ: HA LL

is University Lecturer in Greek Literature and Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. He has published widely on Greek literature and culture, including Rtading Gra. Tragcdy (1986), The Poet 's Voiu (1991) and Fout:ault's Virgil'firy (t995).

SIMON GOL DlIlLL

is University Lecturer in Ancient History and Fellow of Downing College, Cambridge. He was a co-editor or Nomos: Essays in Athnrian Law, PoIitia ami Sociery (1990), and is the author or Lnrding and &rrowing in Ancient Athens (1991 ). PA tiL MILLETT

•

ROBIN OSBORNE is a Professor of Ancient History at the University of Orlord, and Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi College. His work ranges over the history and archaeology of ancient Greece and his boob include Gruu in thl Making, UOO--f79 BC (1996) and An:hau: amt Ckwical GretA An (forthcoming 1998). S1TTA VON RIIDEN is ucturer in C lassics and Ancient History at the University of Bristol. H er book E:uhange in Ancient Gruu appc::arc:d in 1995. She is cun-ently working on a book on economic and non-economic uses of money in classical and hellenistic Greece.

J. RH ODES is Professor of Ancient History at Durham University. H is many works on classical Athens include his Commmtary on the ArislDulian AthenaioJl PoIilelQ; he has recently published (with the late David M . Lewis) The ~I$ o/t~ Gru lr. SUlII$ (1997). P.

ROY is Senior uctun:r in C lassics at the University of Nottingham and has wrinen on various aspc::cts of classical Greek history, often in connection with Arkadia. He is currently working on studies of the history of E1is in collaboution with the Copc::nhagen Polis Centre.

JIM

LENE RtHIiNSTEIN is ucturer in Classics at Royal H olloway, University of London. She is author of Adoption in IV Century Athm.s (1994) and is cUfTently working on the activities of syrugoroi in the Athenian coum. MALCOLM SC H 0 PIELD is Reader in Ancient Philosophy in the University of Cambridge and Fellow of 51 John's College, and hu published widely on presoc:nltic and hellenistic philosophy as well as on Plato and AriStotle. He is the author of T~ Stoic Idea of the Giry ( 1991) and with Christopher Rowe is editing 1M Cambridgt History 0/ GTllk and Roman PoIirical Tlwug}u (forthcoming). STEPHEN TODD is Senior ucturer in Classics at the University of Keele. He was a co-cditor of Nomos: &says in Athenian Law, Politics, amt SocWry (1990) , and is the author of 1M ShaM of Athlmian Law (1993) and of Athnu amt Spana (1996).

Preface and acknowledgements

KonnoJ: EUIlYJ in order, Clmftict, and community in diUJicaf AlhtIU is out of the lame stable as NomoI; EssayJ in Athmian Io.w, poiiriq, and S«J'ay (Cambridge Univcrsi(y Press 1990) and will, we trust, prove to be no lett of II. stayer and winner. This new collection of specially developed and thematically linked essays arose out of the second Cambridge Ancient History Seminar series co-directed (in the Lent and Easter Terms 1994) by Paul Can1cdgc and Paul Millett. As before with Stephen Todd, 10 here with Siua von Redcn, the seminar co-director!l were most fo rtunate: in being able to harness onto the c:ditorial trOika II. third member JYIDpathctic in general intc:llectual formation and approach but b lessed also with • dis· rinctivc: outlook and expertise. All the original seminar speakers, h appily, agreed to publish their papers in II. more or less, and usually more than less, revi sed form. The: JCminar', aim was to explo re the range of relationlhips that bound together the ind ividuall and groups of which the peliJ was composed - or that threltened to tear the peI;J apart. As in the case of Nomos, seminar contributions were originally in vited 10 addrets the entire wider Greek world in the period from c. 700 to ISO BCE, and il was especially hoped thai papers WQuld be nOI only comparltivist in m ethod but liso interdisciplinary in orientation. Actually, and realistically, mOil of the offers of cootributioos that we were disposed 10 accep t chose 10 focus on the city and community of Athens, and even m ore specifically on the Athenian dem ocracy of the fifth and fourth centuriel. Hence the subtitle of the book. The title & 1m01, apm from iu euphony and the pan1lel with Nomos, rttommended ilKlf as constituting the ideal of inlerpenonai social conduct - gDOd behaviour, decency, honour, and UUSI in the intere.sts of In ordered and orderly society - towards which Greek civic communities aspired in both their public and their private self-presentations. Funher d iscussio n o f the term'. aptnen may be found in Caniedge'S Introduction, chapter I. below. Coincidentally ( perhaps), in July 1993 the University of Exeter had hosted an intemationll conference on ' Reciprocity in Ancient GTeece', the xiii

XIV

PrtJaa and CJ{:lflUlWkdgtmmtt

proceedings of which are forthcoming as we write. Even c1os.c:r to our concem5 were the papen delivered to a conference held at Brown University and published as Boegehold & Scafuro 1994: see General Bibliography, p. 230. Clearly therefore we were hitting a common chord in our choice of interpenonal relatiora and rocial order as the seminar's twin themes. Nevertheless, our conception and treaunent differ appreciably from othen': the Exeter conference did not apply its study of the ethical and economic dimensions of redprocity specifically to the polis; the Brown conference did not addreu in as rounded a manner either the philosophicalor the spatial dimensions of Athenian civic ideology. The explanation of this coincidence of scholarly concern probably lies more in our surrounding society than it does within purely disciplinary confines. We live in an era of galloping atomisation at home and impenonal globaliution abroad. As the distinguished American playwright Anhur Miller has graphically put it, ' We are now one individual and another individual and another in the face of the fact that it is perfect1y obvious that there is a society, that we are all in the grip of various forces that are raging around us.' Or, in the words of Noam Chomsky, we are experiencing an unprecedentedly 'general effon to privati.e aspirations, to eliminate solidarity, the sense that we're all in it together, that we care for one another'. Contemplation of dauical Athens, a complex and IOphistiCllted ancient society that not only was but law itself 1$ a strong community, has its own powerful attractions. Finally, all such books ariSing out of seminan are likely or even bound to result in heterogeneity of subject-matter and approach, lacunae, and a cettain unevenness in execution. Our readen, tOO, will have a variety of alternative agendas to promote. We do not in any CIse ~Iieve it to be either possible or desirable to produce a volume with definite, let alone definitively agreed, 'conclusions' on the nature of Athenian society and the modes of ilS penonal interaction and social (dis)integration. Rather, this volume is consciously intended to ~ exploratory and heuristic. We thus value positively: and wish to make a virtue of, the diversity that is on offer here, and we remain sanguine that the whole will be found to be as great as, or greater than, the . um of its pans. It remains only for us to thank all those (too many to name individually) who have made this volume possible: fint. of coune, our ever-patient contributon; next, those who attended, intervened at or otherwise participated in the original seminar seriel, especiaUy those who officially responded to the paper-givers but whose responses have for one reason or another not found their way as such into the published volume; penultimately, our two notabl y frank but rarely less than bracing anonymous referees; and lastly, though nOt least, the Cambridge Univenity Preu Syndicate. P.C ., P.M., S. v. R.

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Abbreviations

Nou:. Abbreviations of periodicals follow the convention of die relevant volume of L 'Annie phiIoWgiql4, the sc:holarly annual of record.

CAF

KOCH, T . (1880-8), ed ., Com iGOnlm Arricon.lm FrQjfmt flla . 3 vo ls. Leipzig.

A US TIN, C. (1973) ed., Com icfmlm Graeconlm Frogmen/a in Papyris Repma. Berlin & New York. DK DIELS, H . & KRANZ, W . (195 1- 2, 1954) ed,., DU Frngmmlt' der Vonokroriker. Slh- 7th edns, Berlin. FGH JA CO BY, F. (1913- 58) cd ., Die Fratmmu du griuhischm H istoriktr. Berlin & Leiden. Harding HARDING, P. (1985) From rhe End of the PeloponlVsian War to rht' Battle o/ lpJol. Cambridge.

CGFP

TG

/nscripIW1W GTotcoe ( 1873-)

KRS

KIRK, G. S., RAVE N, J. E. , AND SC HOFIELD, M.

LSI

OCD

RE

SEG Tod

(1983), Th. Pnsocratic Phi/owphm. 2nd edn, Cambridge. LIDDELL, H . G., SCOTT, R. , AND JONES, H. S. (1940), cds., A Oruk - English Uxium. 9th cdn, Oxford (with supp. 1968 incorporated with add ., 1996). HORNBLOWER, S. & SPAWFORTH, A. ( 1996) eds., 1h Oxford Classila/ Ditriollary. 3td edn, Oxford. PAULY, A. F. von , WISSOWA, G. & KROLL, W . (189 41972), eds., Reakncyclbpddu dv dauischen AlunumswiuDuchQjr. 66 vols. in 34. Supplmtmnmt Epigraphicum G~lUCum (1913-) TOO, M . N. ( 1948) A &kclit:m ofGruk Huwrica/ Inscription!. Vol. II., Oxford.

I

Introduction: defining a kosmos 1 PAUL CA RTL EDGE

This introductory chapter seeks [0 do two things above all. Fint, it attempts to position our collection intellecrually, both in relation to reccnt m ovements of lCCiologieaJ and anthropologicailhcory about inlerpenonal relatiom, and in relation 10 the recent developments of scholarship specifically on ancient Greek and Athenian social hislOry. Second, it aims more briefly to introduce the papers indudcd hereafter in this collection. THEME AND PROBLEMATI C What is principally at issue throughou t the volume is the narure of sociability and interpersonal tt1lnsactions within the peculiar Greek political community that went under the name of f'Q/iJ (d. Cankdge 1996), and specifically within the Athenian dcmocratk poIu of the fifth and founh centuries BCI!. We arc 001 here interested primarily in the expressions of such rclarionship5 at the molt Connal, central and public political levels; that was the bu~iness of Canledge, Millen & Todd 1990. On the other hand, we have not excluded them altogether, since the ancient city was a relatively stateless political community lacking the sharp diltincrions or oppositions all too famil iar today between th e State and the rest of the citizen community, and between the public and the private. and lacking conllequently any intenned.iary ' civil society' between the individual, either as such or as a m ember of a family unit, and the State (Berent 1996). Politics in a G«:ek ci[)" in other words, wu al lO a aoci.l .ffair, nOl lomethina best left to the politicians, and society, cODversely, was also political. The G«:ek lenn poIiteia, co rrespondingly, could mean both political constituti on narrowly conceived and more broadly society (Ob« 1993).

->0.....,.

the ltimull.. and 1 Mft recciftd npecialI, &om my co-editor Situ ..,., ~ ... in the writint; of thiI inU"Odul:toty duopt"'. I wiah .... I" ..-p._ the debt I "'" '0 ..... bmo • o.tudcnts ""'" .... q>crialisu in oncicnt and modFI .. O ... icU. AIlo:" ODd MWlc Ber..... one! the ",,,d! fVe1I ........... """",111.,«1 ....,. m... , , ..n, 10 my ..... oeoior Cambrid,. .... n• .,.... Pel P......un,; and GeoIhT Uoyd.

, It ... fVe1It pIcM_.o .. _~

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,

1

PAUL CARTLEDGE

In this respect, at leUl, Athens was a nonnal Greek city. BUI il was nOI 50 in every way, by any means. Todd (1993: 156- 7) , fOT example, hu rightly sO'Csscd the Athenian community's unique size, degree of urbanisation, and collective wealth . Athens was also ao unusually heterogeneous, comples, and democratic city, the mosl consciously progressive, the most inlenRly narciSiistic in GTcece: Athen. in the fourth centwy IIC was • JOCiety eharscll~riud by (a) fundamenw differences between cimns Ind noncitizen., I nd inequ.litic. between tOCiologically defined groupS within the citizenry; (b) both conflict and identity of internta between and within the divenc vouptl; (e) I set of rules, nonDl, and practices munciated by the demos (mass of ordinary citizeDJ qua dominant political elemmt) and perpetuatcd by popular idC()loKY - wlUcb requiTed the consent of potcntially disruptive t ub-groupS (norably the Athenian clites). (Ober 1993: 141) Yet despite all that, it was also an unusually liable city, especially in th e fo urth century (cf. Eder 1995) from which m ost of the enant evidence comes and to which it chiefly applies. 000 continues by adang whether Athens' relative stability as a society in the fourth century WI! achieved and maintained because the various pam of the democratic polis consented to the demo,', rules, norms and practices, recognising them IS substantively JUSt, or whether their consent was based on deception or even coerced. For the moS[ part, we shall not be operating here at such an explicit level of politicil anllysis in temu of consent or coercion. Conflict and identity, on the other hand, arc no leIS of the essence in our project thin in Ober ',. So too, but even m ore so, is stability. Comparison of Athens with [WO other n otably stable pre- modem politics offen I useful Stamng point. Of these Sparta might perhlPS be thought even to hive pre-empted our title J/oJmoJ. H erodOlos (1.65.4) wrote that it Will Lycurgus, an 11 lellIt temilegendary founding lawgiver, who established the Spartans' IwrmoJ. and se-veral modem scholan have seized on this word as the leitmotif or their enquiries inlo Spartan politics Ind society (Missoni 1984; Bringmann 1986; Nafissi 1991; Unk 1994). But Irormos, III we shaH demonstrate, was a univenal Greek term susceptible of mOre than one locil consttuction. Ir the: hallmark of conse-rvative Sparta's social ortinwng was guchioumheit, th at of Athens, by contrail, was its progressive openness, in its own as well as others' esamation. A second useful comparison , and contrast, would be with pre-modem Venice, the: political stability or which aroused even Machiavelli'. warm admiration . An integral feature of this was Venice's conspicuous success at maintaining public order, which h iS been attributed to a harmonious combination of rlcton including the impartial application of law, the selrdiscipline of the governing class, and the ability of thll class to increase social cohesion through both paternalistic policies and the highly ritualised symbolic integration ofcitiunry (NippcI1 995: 114- 15). Mediaeval Venice,

1J1~tiott:

tkji"i", a kosmos

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of coune, was no more democratie than andent Spana, but the Venetian oligarchy's use of ritual and symbol for integrative social purposes is I fanor to which we shall be retumin&: in more than one connection. FROM THE COS METI C TO THE COS MI C Cosmos (with a 'e') is a standard English word with a Greek etymology. It has broadly two seoses: first, the more or less empirically detenninable and testable phys ical universe of black holes, the Hubble telescope, and Stephen Hawking; second , the m etaphysical universes (in either a stri ctly religious or a more vaguely spiritual construction) orthe cosmologists, theologians, poets, artists and philosophen. In non-standard English, Kosmos with a 'K' has appeared esoterically in Whitman's fam ous 'Song o f Mynlf' poem cyd e (,Walt Whitman, a kosmos, of Manhattan the son ... '). In Gennan, to dte only one intell« tual landmark, it has K I"'ed as the title of Alexander von Humboldt's five-volume physischl Wdtbuchrriblmg ( 184 56:1). But our ' Kosmol' is none of thole. It re-presents. rather thin merely trans literates, the original Greek word, in its original sense. That original lense il order. Already in Homer we find d erived usages of kolPllOJ, such as the prepositional phrase ktl/a kosmon ('in order', 'duly', for example IlitJd 10. 47:1) and the adverbial kosmi6J ('Very fittingly [did you sing the fale of the Achaeans] ' : Odyss~ 8.489); th e laner il a reference perhaps not simply to the fonnal quality of Demodokol' so ng bUI also 10 its truth-value (von Reden 1995b: ]6). Since order was considered buutiful, kolPllos came nCllt to mean Idommenl, as in our own 'cosmetic(s)' (van Straten 1992: :1689). Gorgias the Sophist, composing an en comium of Helen, malecS her claim punningly that 'For a dty the finest kOmlOJ (both order and adornment) is a good citizenry, for a body beauty, for a soul wildom, for an action a,."l!virtue] , and for s speech tl'Uth' (fr. 11.1 D- K; trans. Gagarin & Woodruff 1995: 191). Thil Ian uu ge relll on the cu.p between the pre-philosophical and the philosophical. As early as about soo, perhapl, th e Pythagorean sectaries had been ul ina the word to describe orderline .. in n ature (as OPPOled to human culture or adornment). But the meaning ' world-order Item l nOI to have emerged much if at all before the mid-fifth century, the firtt certain extant inl tance of the utlge being by Empcdoklel (no. 397 in Kirk, Raven & Schofield Ig83; though lee pernaps already HeraJcleitos, KRS no. :117). The dogma of the .lraJmos .. unitary, divine, hannonioul and mathematically ordered look shape only after the mid-fifth century, pOlli bly und er influence from the Near Eall.' , Klan. ' 9U; Dill ... '9,6; IUhn , 9601>; Kcrt""natcinor ' 96'; l!octlle>" .til7: Kn1l, Ilo_ .. ScholldcDOn ' 99'. Oc1>o¥eoc ' \1904. Wilhin modiliont, i. bat ben> .......W
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P .... UL C .... RTLEDGE

combined widl a certain amount of necessary exchange.' Such a notion might appropriately be given die backing oflegal sanction . In the sphere of punishment, for example, reciprocity allowed for or enjoined, reasonable passion or ange r-driven revenge, $0 11$ to enshrine die foul d eed pandigmaticaIIy in die social memory (Allen 1996). AI$O legally enforceable, on the positive side, were festival lilUfgies, which c:onstituted a species of cuergetism designed to redistribute wealth from the rich 10 the poor for the performance of euencial communal services; in return, ideally, a reverse cur-renl ofincreased honour and prestige would flow to the wea lthy beneractor.1I That leads us StTaighl to the second of the crucial positive fac:ton underpinning the Athenian social fabric: ritual in all its many forms, both strictly religious and otherwise (Ober & Strauss 1990; Strauss 1985 [1991.) ; Morris 1993; Osborne 1994b). Athens simply had morc holy-d ays than any other GT«:k city, and its centrally directed festivals c:ould se rve both as symbols of ' na tional' unity, no less integral to the city's lJOCial structure than Siena', Palio loday, and as agents of social cohesion (Goldhill 1990i Giovannini 1991 ). Conviviality and above all co mmensali ty were the order of these extraordinary festival da)'l (Schmitt-Pantel 1990, 1991.), the ShOW5 being conduc:t.ed with that theatricality which charac:t.erised so much of Athenian public, corporate life (Ober & Strauss 1990; CanJedge 1997). A host of private religious associa tiont, n ot necessarily meeting only on the ma;or restival days, provided also centres of lociability. Paniciparion in private Dionysiac m)'ltery-alits, for instance, as well as the city-cults of Dion)'los arJUab!y lended to promOle civic unity in the Athenian polis (Seaford 1994). C ivic: ritual of another son, fin ally, is embodied in the laraest class of extant classical Athenian inKTiptions: the honorific: d ecrees passed by various Athenian public bodies pour encourager In awua along th e path of public-spirited philorimw (Whitehead 1993). ANCIENT AND MODER N

It would be wrong, however, not to end our brief inventory on a cauti onary nOle of differen ce. Edward Everett of Massachusetts, speaking before Lincoln It Gettysburg, trumpeted ' the bounds thlt unite us as ODe people a subs tantial co mmunity of OrigiD, language, belief, and law (the four great ties that hold th e societies of men together); co mmon national and political interellts; a common history; a comm on pride in a glorious heritage'. Clan ical Athens was nOI a nation, but, for those seeking th e principle of order and uni ty th at enabled Athens' 5UC:CesS 15 a community, Everett' s checklist might .eem at fint l ight a good place from which to stan; 10 it is • MiUottl99!; Seofonl ' m; - . Rcdm '99sa; Gill, PoolIC'thwaitc eo Seaford, r~ 1997; d . fur.., tnl!ucntial ... ~ pen~, SahIino '974 . • MiU.... 989; a.m, ' jI9CIl a.brKlKn '99. ; d . on oncien, ."",..mlll.no", ~ V<J!IC '971.

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l"rroduaW": rk/illing a Itosmos

taken, for example, in a recent critical appraisal of communitarianism and spirited defence of an enlarged liberalism. 1o In practice, however, this move goes only to show that in today's terms Athens would fail to con~ stitute a relevant 'community'. Clanical Athens, in Phillips' estimation, sco~d highly with regard to common history and shared values, wide~ spread political participari
•

u

ROB I N OSBORNE

Fi,.)PIc lhrows up.

40

MALCOLM SC HOFIELD

Some homdy inlTOductory illustrations in the corresponding section of the NicomachulPl Ethia give a flavour of the iss ues at stake: There arc differencCl in wtu.t i. JUSt. There is nOI the same justice for p&l'Cn[ll towards their children a$ for brothers to one another, nor apin for companions a. for fellow-citizcn 'j and similarly with we other 10m of friendship. So allO there are differencn in the injustices Ihal would be being commined in each of!he:sc relationships. And their IJeriousnen increaSCI the grealer the degree of friend - e.,. depriving I compan ion of his money il more dreadful than doing il 10 a fellowcilizen, nOI helping I brower worse than nOI helping' stran,cr, and "'lulling your father wone than anyone else. (vm.9, IIS9b 3S- 116oa 7)

Some of my subsequent quol8.tions from EE VI! may have suggested why I queried earlier the Aristo telian credentials of the improbable remark. EN VIII. I gives what I take to be Aristotle's considered view: not aU just behaviour is relative to a friend, but 'of the forms of justice the most imporlanl is thought to be that bound up with friendship' (ussa 28). This is the position of EE vu. t, too. The author simply gen carried away when he makes the univenal claim OfVII .9- IO. I don't want to claim that Aristotle himself could not h ave overreached himself in this way. There are deepe r reasons (or being at least a bit agnostic about the authorship of the lTCaunent of friendship in BE VII . In a fascinating unpublished paper Michael Pakaluk has suggested that EE is in a variery of ways marked ly more egalitarian in outlook than EN; indeed more egalitarian than it j, credible Aristotle ever was.1 As we shall sec, his general thesis is beautifully iIIunrated by the comparison of the twO lTCa[menrs of friendship and ju"ice. There will be n o space to consider questions o f authonhip and composition in any depth, but I sball continue with the cautious locution ' the autho r of EE' and develop the cue for scepticism about his identity with Aristo tle at one or twO junCtureS. B I I. KOINONIA AND THE POLl S

1ne author of EE does nOI flatl y assert tha t all justice is relative to a friend. He presenn it as the conclusion of a syllogism in which the middle term is J/.qir/6noJ, 'associate' or ' partner': Justice il a matter of how one behaves toward, (I ) particular penonl who Ire (b) ,"socialet. , Pabtuk unpub~lhod . I &n"J p:IItdut ". tho< ... t/>or Ii>, hit kind""t in obowinl me • copy of t:hiI MS. • My hcsilOtions.bout ,ulhonhip an ....".d only ... 11..; .... to BE m ., - to, and an compobble C.I. with the hypud>nis .... , jill, Ibn pon ofthc ~~ /Mia ~J'lI iii"" M on .......... tOlCti ... hand .bocnt 01.....,., • . A, t:hiI poin, it obollld be nottd .... , whole BE ...............u, conoi.de.cd inluth
'99': ... -,.

" For ""...,.".." .. ·ad~,. H""lil!ood ', rather !han ·.. I.... u1'6cioncy' • ..., Meikl~ " Coopt. ' 976-7. '\1'90" Coope. '990: IJ' . Iu I n n. ,6 Cooper 0IqI1i< lllporior. "Ibis O«m' 10 lot lito ",odin, Jocbon . 1111: 95--6 (d . 9' ) imp/in (d. EN VItl. ' 4. ,,6)b . - " " · ' 4). 'The no .. In Dlrlm.;cr 60ft not oddrqo tho problem; tho: _ it not ditatU«l by Hath 1')49.

""Ppoo« .nd con< JI_J .......,1:0 about the mori.... with ...tUch pogpI~ W>dfttab HtutPH It IW. 1n.6, t Z~ l - t 6 . A, EN Yll I. ", a7- ]O the ~uoll\lm •• )'1, .... of JO"U'U'l~' cl>anctcn.o.: of • po~t)' 0«111. to be pcum.ed u the cij ...... in wlw p",fiIc in /;Nand ~ -,*rw:e in Pol. ( '49). BII' $he don "'" ... ,ce'" !N, ..... <Xd>_ relo,ionUtip of EE vu.9- lo ....... to I>< Identified wim \he: ot EH ",'-1

100. , •'.

(I, . ).

.. SKtioru of •• x. in EEvt I. 9- 'O

nOlI>lAI~lcd

in EN _

'0.

~ -4,

' 4- ' S, ' 4-9.

_ _ _ _. _ _ _ _ ___ .c; ". '----'.C--'_ _ _

I

SO

MALCOLM SC HOFIELD

avoid it if possible (cf. VIII.I), 1162b 26- 7). The EE sees it as fundamental to the achievement of the basic economic purpose of the polis. These are not incompatible evaluations, but they are marked by a palpable difference of tone. The author of BE YJI shows himself particularly unsqueamish about mde in his discussion of the ethical and political fonns of advantage friendship. There is no sign of his deploring the dominance of disembedded utili ry over vinue and thick nuS! in exchanges for advantage. He thinks we are better off without hypocrisy and the unnatural pretences that the ethical approach encourages. That way we avoid the recriminations which dog exchangt transactions (u43a 2- 8) . To this extent the advent of something like rational economic man is a wekome relier. We sho uld n ot infer that our author values vinue len than does Aristotle in the Nicomachta n E'hia. In VlI.2 he makes horizontal vimu friendships the paradigm of friendship . The moral is rather that we should not muddle up regard for a penon 's character with ou r interest in a mutually advantageous transaction with him. A more difficult question is whether the author of EE indicates any compannive ranking of political friend ship relative 10 hierarchical friendship, On the one hand, il is hard to conceive that h e values it more than ($lY) the relation offather to &on; nothing he says implies such a val uation, On the other hand, he clearly ,ees hon'zontal friendships, in which th ere is tqual muruality, at the key to friendship; only in such relationships are the pannen friends (VII,4, 12393 4- 6, 10; 12421 9- 11). As transmitted the text of VlI.9 looks as thoujfh it may conlain an attempt to settle this issue of ranking. At V11.9. U41b 36- 7 we read: ' Aristocrati c (friendship) works proportionately, and kingly also'. The manuscri pts have 'beSt' after 'aristocratic', and in grammatical agreement with it. This doesn't work syntactically; nor is th ere any convincing way of ame nding the text,2f I suspeCt ' best' represents an ancient reader's botched attempt to bring EE VII.9 into line with the ranking of constirutions in EN VU.IO. EE VII.9- I O begins by implying that political friendship is analogous to the companionable rel ationship between brothers. So the disj unction laler in VII . I O between the companionable associations of ethical friend shi p and the legal relationship which conslitutes political friendship, while nOi in the least incompatible with the analogy, is particularly striking. The Stres5 on companionableness and trust in the author's profile of ethical friendship is

:to

Dirl",';'. 1962: 41B ..:cep.. Rooa'. inocnion f ItI bob ••• oWI: 'the bon, fnll ..r .... tcnq', I.• . af 1M fur di.rinpiol>ed "' Pol. 1'1., B~. il iI Unpl.1.IOib1e tits. "'" IU""" ibould offea Ihi. OdOJ PIY 1 Icinphlp, no. lrillocn.cy.

Mill

s·

PoliricaJ jrimtbhip

the element in his account which particularly calls 10 mind the n eighbourly society of founh-century Athens portrayed by Millett. But his view or the prevalence and efficacy of neighbo urliness is evidently more jaundiced thin MilIeu's. Probably he would have disputed the extent to which exchange relations in Athens weI'1I based on companionable trust . That does not mean (as Millett's d iscussion of EN VIII. I) seems to imply»)/) a diagnosis of econo mic relationships as d ominated by non-re ciprocal, interen-bearing loans. The alternative represented by political liiendship is an exchange relationship which does not involve lending and borrowing al all. It is an association focused on immediate reciprocity - like buyen and sellen, says the author ( U42b 32- 4). Docs it simply reduce to a sequence of commercial transactions? The author SI)'5 little to penuade us otherwise. But I suppose the answer is: no - it remains an authentic form of liiendship, presumably because each partner wants the other 10 prosper so that he may remain a source of supply in the future. 31 .. M;U.n 1991: 4 -1. " Earl ... ftnion. of lhi, lftlwiaJ w .... pt.senl.d '" lCfninan in Land"" 0U>d Sdinburch (u _11 u., th. Combrida>< ...".inu), ..... mot< .... cnllJ " !he CliNical AsoociItian in 51 ""~. I om ,.....fIIl for COrnrtlc EdlLDn MJuld like ..... '" !honk Dr Mdluo u.s. for obon nlicc, AI Dr So ~UItinf; ~ , Ibo.... an, ~ainina 11..... ,.,." of ~ .... , "" .-..ponslbiIiry.

, Abu I...u-'>od '9": )4- '; ~ '914. • f ot enmplc, MiI.hell ' \l97; Mil.... '919, '91" ; Horman '9'7; I'Ticc '919. • SAhlins '9721 Millou ' 991 . • Min ...

"

'w' and"", M~Jca, thio ",,!um.4.I - p .

~ ~

-

~ ~ ~ ~--=--'-' -~ -'-"---

54

LIN FOXHALL

you could rely upon was problematic in Greek personal relation~hips. I have argued el ~where that the household usually serves as the practical 'limits of trust'. 7 By this I do not mean only what is implied by the GTCek words pisris/pisros in relationships, but the 'chalk line' within which everybody knOWlii almost everything abou t everybody else. Ideally, secrets StOP It the house doors, and the people within those doofS would not have used that information against each other. Concomitantly, the household delimits the practice of altruistic forms of generalised reci procity as defined by Sahlins. 8 But the household (oiAol), of course, CTOSS-cuts the boundaries between divisions of kin/non-kin and class and this has im ponant implications for bond s of affection, confiden ce and trust. Fir!ll, although some kin are nonnally co-resident in the household (especially alJ-imponant parents and siblings), household members who are not kin still fall within the ' limits of truSt', nmably slaves. Socrates in the M emorabilia (2.4.9) moans that men have more re gard for their slaves than for their 'friends' - that is men of equal statuS outside the household. The practicalities of this appear in forensic oratory. For example, in Demosthenes XLVIII the speaker alleges that Komon, the deceased owner of the property being divided, had been cheated by one of his slaves, ' whom Komon thought was C$pecially faithful [piJton] to him ... this slave had a good unders tanding of nearly all Kom on's other atrairs' ( Demosthenes XLVIII .14- IS). Although in both these cases the negative side of close personal relationships between slavC$ and adult free men is highlighted, the normality of sueh re lationships is not in q uestion. Moreover, a num ber of comparati vely close kin, well within the (UlKhJiiJleia, might not ever have been sufficiently co-resident to count as trusrwonhy within the limits of household membership. And even within the household not everybody is relined, or related to the same degree of security and truSt at any panicular time - thouah it must be stressed that relatedness changes over time. For example, a man is related to his children as father, while a woman may be rela ted to her childre n as mother, but husband and wife are nOt technically related to each other - marriage does not signify kinship in the generation in which it occun, though it creates future links of kinship. This is im ponant because a youngish wife, especially one with no children, could have been perceived as a leu trustworthy m ember of the household, and also less related to the household in which she was living, than an older wife with adu lt or su b-adult children. The case as presented in Lysias 1.6- 7 is a good example: Euphiletos thought his wife was safe because she now had I baby, but, he implies, once there was no longer a mother-in-law to keep an eye on her she alle&edly betrayed the trust of the bonds of the household and her marriage. Concomitantly. I wife might still retain (at least for a while) a relatio nship • Sahlin. ' 97" '~7- '; Humph,.,.. '916; d . Milkn'9\lt: ') ' .

L _________ __

---- "

I

I I I

I I

Emotiollal alleir ... illionship h
)0' 0« .100 Rhod .... 01 '" CoIorr ... "91- 4; Winkk, .. Mille" '99 0: "9- '). " Sft".,.. 10 . 1I M>11ct1 '99 1: 1>1; G ~'. edre Wbid> Pouah mnic familia mlpt _ ... thtt dift.n,nlly from citizm &.mUl.., 1M houtan '918; ' 44- 67• •• f or o d>cf in'"""rin& uampln or rho m ..ninp of """'men ..... ". in pononal .dorirtohlpo in nhnsnPI>k con..... 0« I'lIporulatchlor ' 99'. Abu LuIhod ,916. Wibn ' 91a.

w

6, friends and alli«, though the reality was sometimes ditfefenl. 46 Though not 50 fnquently C'xpreued, it is cleat that more or less the same ethos applied to sisten and to brothers and sister!. Demosthcnes xu provides I good example of Si5lCfS quarrelling over the inheritance, a countcrpan to the s imilar cases of brothers quarrelling o ver inheritances which abound in

the so urces from Hcsiod onward. Yet in this same speech it is significant that the loans made by Po]ycuctos' wife 10 hcr son-in-law arc wimesscd by her brothers, not by a member of her husband's household or family. Similarly, when Dcmonhencs' m o ther is in tro uble after the death af the elder D em onh enc5, it is to her sister and her sister 's husband that she turns for ,uppon , no t to relations or friends of her dead hu sband (who would in any

casc have been closely related to her opponents). M any other examples could be cited 10 support the observation thai many of women's besl friends and closest allies originale in the relationships form ed in their natlll hou sehold, and that they bring these friendships and alliances with them to their husband's household when they many.41 One important implicRtion of this is that there is considerable scope for suspicion on the pan of her affines in her marital hou~hold that the friendships sh e brings with her mighl betray the truSt of her new houscliold. Perhaps partly because a married woman could be a Sll"anger in a strange land in her husband's house, living 100 far from her own family 10 be able 10 see them every day, friendship! with neighbours were also important for women.48 Some of these relationships might be (ormed through her husband Of partner. In Demostbenes LV. 23 - 4 the m others of th e two opponents in court arc said to have been friends before the rift between the famili es developed, because their husbands were friends and neighbours. Indeed here we might have an example of the sam e kind of volatility in female friendships which plagued male friendships in Athens: the cou rt case s«ms to boil down to the two opposing m others swearing oaths (LV.27). These are, of co urse, o lder women with adult sons (both husbands were deceased, LV.) , 4 ). These women live in households which now belong to them through their aduh sons and hence to which they truly belong in a way they might not have done when they were younger. The principle that the household was the limit of trust is evident here: clearly their loyalties to their h ouseholds override affection and friendship. In Antiphon I we see another exllmple of women who ~o me friends becau~ the men in their lives were friends. The father of the speaker in Antiphon 1 lived in the city of Athens and his friend Philoneos lodged with him and his wife and family when he was in town. Philoneo, also kept a slave concubine (palfakl) living som ewhere nearby. Here, the women's .. Xm. M_.

~ .];

1";"" 1.'7; MiD... '99 " II I, 'll-I; MitdM:U '997 .

•, cr. Ahl> l.I.>abd '986: S4• .. cr. WiUn '9h: H }- II , '1,-6; Ahllt..upod ,,16: ' 3, 59.

64

LIN fOXHALL

fri endship is presented as one which conspires against these men, who were poisoned when the women plotted to retain their men's affection by administering a love potion. The theme that women's friendships might conspire against men appean dsc:where: for example, in Lysias I.ZO, the adulterous wife is said to have gone to the Thesmophoria with he r adulterous lover'. mother. It is also a feitmunf of Aristophanic comedy. It is also interesting in the case in Antiphon I thal though the women are presented as being friends and equals, they are in fact of different salluses: one is a lawfully wedded citizen wife while the o ther is a slave concubine (she is under threat of being put into a brothd since her partner is tired of her). This may be a friendship born of despair (Antiphon 1.14- IS) and it is difficult to assess their closeneS$, though they lCem to have known each other for some time. The situation docs OO[ seem to be unique, either in ancient Athens or in the ethnographic record. 49 Other sources toO depict friendships berwec:n women of different statuses who are often also neighboun, with the potential for developing genuinc:ly close auachments. Because the physica.J mobility of women was socially cons mined, opportunities for companionship and socialising with nearby neighboun, or at ' legitimate' venues for women to visit such as the fountain house, are likely to have been seized. 'MI The Samian counesan and the citiun wife and her daughter happily cc:lebrate the Adonia together in Menander's Samia . Similarly in the Lysistrata (1- 19. 700). the Thesmophonazousae (79S) and the EJrJrwliazousae (32- 4) there are references to convivial, if comically exaggerated, gatberinp of women. Converuly, a family deal on an inheritance is implied to have broken d own in pan because the wife and daughter of one party and the h~tajra of h is brother-in-law didn' t get along with each other (Oem. XLVIII·52 - 5,57)·

Women may have d eveloped intimate relationships with slaves. When a wealthy woman married, did she bring her pc:~onat domestic slaves with her to her new hou5ehold? I expc:cl 5he did. If so, in some cases a woman's personal slaves may have been her only friends and confidantes for a long while. In Lysin 1.8, I I , for example, it is the slave girl who alleiedly acts as the go-between with her mistress' lover and conspires to make the baby cry so that the wife can leave her husband and meet her love r. Women .Ia\'es were also a wife's co-worken in the home (Oem. XLVII, Xen. OiJr.) •

•• Wihn '9h : '4. - 67 ... tcnoiYclJ d<x:ume of.
- J om p l ...... 10 tho c:o-diroc«rn of tho Oombrid,. And..." Hi""" Sominar, O>pCcillly Or P .

00nJectc< fur hit ~-pr<W! .~ , .poyoypo>~ .! -.I:>.> .cN "",...0 " 1""'''''''' ~ 51 di_lution. Nobody dWl """" tho np,11O .ubmil on onI o r wrinen ~ to tb< df«:t thol tho .......uti<m "'-II bot ditoOlworion ohould bot di. · poK
- -. --- ~- -- -~ -~ ~

71

ILIAS ARNAOUT OG LO U

world, but th e~ is insufficient evidence to , uggest that they were used in the context of associati ons. The ~lationship between state and aS5OClatlOnS is another interesting consideration whose ancssmenl refl eclS overwhelmingly the predominance of the principle of juristic perso nality. In the literature from ancien! Athens, the only surviving evidence deal ing with the relationship between potu and associations concerns the loathing for arinocratic clubs felt by the advocates of d emocracy along with the ban (eU4ggeltikO$ nomos) on helaireia i foU owing the restoration of democracy in 403 BeE ( Hyp. IV 8 and Oem . XLVI 16). However, groups challenging the dominant moral and religio us climate seem nOI to have been affected by this ban as the cases of kaltodaimonUlai (Lys. frg . 73) and Tribal/oi (D . uv 39) demonstrate .a In this ~s pect, the questi on itself does nOI do jU$lice to the situation. Relati ons berween I llite and "sociations wefC not the same as in modem societies, in which the state is regard ed as an abstraction and something above society. In contrast, in ancient Athens, mott citizens participated in the assembly of th e poIh and at the same time took pan in assemblies of various cult associations. This overlap had significant implications for the way in which citb.ens might experience any possible conflict between the interests o f the polis and those of th e association. Therefore the relationship be~en the socie()' of citizens and of associations seems to be more com ~ plex than an a priori polarised confronilitio n belween suue and associationl. Rather, it was intenningled with problcms concerning the constirution of the cif}': not surprisingly, some associations were regarded as foci of opposition, which ell plains attempts 10 ban them. Fundamental to any assessment of this relationship is the n otorious passage preserved in Dig. XLVII 22.4 .9 This provilion grants autonomy to a wide variety of associations, provided that their decisions do not contravene any public law. Most scholan take: it for granted that the provision is Solonian and, consequently, that th e core of the regulation is to be dated as early lIS the sixth century BCII. H owever, this law is preserved in Gaius' commentary o n the Twelve Tables, a work completed in or around the middle Qf the seco nd century CII, and is in cenain respec" corrupt, as

r-.., ".

c:an """"ide< thnc sroupinp os CU!I·......,;."tioI'Is an II>< ..arM Mr , In.utIici« and 'lOCk of cp"'phiaol Icslimonin mokc onr on_pC 01 tift. ~ """ be ben.,. und....ood .. IIOD-lP"ups, !hII .. fOrm. of-w ""tibet tlIamln.otion "",oniorian which '~ oomewI!otre "" ....... n iN..-..:tina: U:.di>'iduab lr>d ~oJ 0\ ~ ~ ~ iY ilpyi_ ~ ...vn" ~ ~ ~ """,,"0_ ... "=,:,'o, ~ hi ~. olJ(6,.noo .... i-;~. 6. -., boo ~ 150-", npOos lli~""I, ooif>_ .i!.n.oyopo,;.n" a., ........ ~T~ 6py~ _ , . ,,).rJcrta, ~ ",,/o.Ml"""Ilx"'"otS """ n~ f\pwGt ~ (S.:I......... in Ihc indu of IlIc: Solonian i.PI_Iion, ' ayI thaI Ihc ..Io s 0:11 Ko l oj oMol Ei~ I\I , OTL TO KOL11011 Toi~ OP'AOT\~QVIliIlO'~ fi ~ OVTOVo; o~i o~ xapLTO~ cntolii6wo IV TWV rV(P)'ttTIIlOTWV (so thai other people will kn ow thai the association awards to benefaclors honours as is proper [ 0 their benefactions). The honouring of individuals in associations as well as in dties delineated the fricrion between the haves and the ha\·e-nots. However, in the record o f lI5sociations there is no reference 10 euergelQ as an honorific title, save for a passing reference in IG tt' 1277. 1 1 although deriVlltive words like eu~ell~islhai or euergtui" occur frequently. This apparent inconsistency may be explained by the expectation of the association that il would be the 'natural' receh'er of benefactions from its members ..21 As Veyne put it, there is no tendency to award golden crowns. A statistical approach sugge5ls that instead of golden crowns, cull associations developed an honorific system, in which the longevity of the attrib uled h ono ur was sD"essed. Especially in the third century BeE and onwards, hardly a golden crown appean (except in IG 11' 1316) but there is plenty of crowning with wreaths of olive lealles, accompanied by a statue, an icon, or a solemn public declaration on the appropriate occasion, as in IG]I' 117 1.116- 18: ovo:61illal j 6'aVTov Ka! tiKOlla TOIi iepoii ou QV el Ka~~"TToII ypQ'fIO v / Ta~ tv TTivoKLKO"Ta TOv ...6Lmv (dedicate: 11 portrait of his, drawn on a tablet according to the custom, in the sancruary, wherever it is best), or in IG u ' 1263 .37- 43: O:VO:YOpMII' 6i TOIl5£ TOil 13 / TEq>CJIIOV ToVS iEpoTtOI~ TOu.; QEi / lo.an::oVOVTas iEPO"ITolEiv lJ.ET0: ,-OS(1 1"ITOIlOOS,

.""""'....a-.c

IG n' " 17. '4- '7 ( ' 7i /? oco): /r.oa~, &f ~a\ ~ .,,( 1/000 ",,",_ ..... , "tv ..... I<no jlf"TQ, ~ 6A)c: ul-.. for their (i.e . ~1 ....... , .... , "'11>« , ....it * k of OIIM, haw: be< '916; o;.,lti< 1914 ; Kyle '91,; alto K...te '99I:).

• 8.._

"""".uppon

'" KJIe '987' "l- '}, '11-9·

,'-J,

" 5 .,. M ~m>J in M ....., (cd .) '\190: '.9-n; and Co)opn/ M rno ibid.

66_8., lee thc1JI .. dKDtiITlIy

.Iiti", whiIc Sclmtin- r on,eL o.nd Poltiur ;n MumtJ '!l9O: r4- 26 o.nd In - 84, ...... It IIooric '99S

.:on..... plat. ";d.. ~pain .

•

.,

Gymnasi" "nd democr"tic oofueJ of fnJu~

Polymestor of Mile!os ( Phil. G,mn. ' 3, Moreni no. 79), or the Olympic victor for whom, allegedly, Simonides wrote an epigram, celebrarina; how he had pn:viously carried fresh fish from Argos to Tegea in a rough basket on his shou lden (Aristolle, Rhel. 136suo- 6, Simon. Ep. 4' Page). la All these cases, if th ey n:ftect eve n MIre occurrencel, offer hints tha i cenain low-grade occupations might, despite ant;-b"n/.lum prejudices, provide I good basic training, whether for Itrength or stamina, which contributed 10 laler success in bolting or long distance running. For Athens three texu, iI can be argued , suggeSl a consciousness of increased non-c:lite athletic acrivil)' at least from the later fifth century. Fint, hocrates' defence gl\·en to the younger AlcibilKlc:s includc:s an alleged justification of Alcibiades pbt for his dedsion to concentrate on the most c:xpc:nsive and exclusive form or Olympic competition , the chariolnces (hippofl'"Ophu,) , because he saw thai in gymnastic evenu 'some of the athleles were low bom, lived in small pofeiJ , and were: poorly edu cated ' (16.33- 4). For some, this is good evidence that at least from the late fifth century on some non-elite and poorly educlI[ed youths - and probably in Athens as well as in 'smaller cities' - entered Olympic competition." But othen dismiss this text from consideratio n, on the grounds that Alcibiades could look down on almost anyone, and this was the son of thing that any noble athletes would say in justifying their concentration on chariot-racing.'4 But we should focus attention nOI so much on whether, or why. Alcibiades might have thought this, as on why !socrates thought it an appropriate sentiment to have young Alcibiades ascribe to his father in a cout! case. It y..'8S probably an effective gambit 10 give Alcibiades an authentic aristocratic and uppity ton!!', and elabo",te on his desire 10 be envied for his actions of extravagance which benefited the cil)', such as his liturgies and chariol-victories, the ones that brought the most extreme form of athletic Ir.udos to victor and city}' Bu t it would hann the case 10 attribute to him a statement that was totally m isleading as well as somewhat arroganl. One could yel argue thaI the three: terms used in these alleged sneers by the elder A1cibiades were intended to be applied equally to all his supposed instances, who were all alike ill-born, from more: insignificant cities and badly-e:ducated. In this case he was presenled as, perhaps more: excusably, if no less snobbishly, attackin g exclusively nonAthenians, and the palSage, striclly speaking, provid es information aboU! social m obilil)' in other, smaller states, where perhaps greater State effon was put intO encouraging victors. But one cou ld still argue that it would be unlikely tha t nothing com parable to the rise of a Glauk05 could happen in , ..... KJ'k poin .. ou. ( ' 9':5 ' ' . , ), 0. ftU.ed, co..,.,.... and phallic PI)'n ...,.... the idnl lip..,. to parody .thlo... ' • .,., . .... willi nqsenwl and ",Ir.-..ed public diOpl.oyo of .... body be ...IifuI . h ;. •• ",pM •• 0 _ _ • • "btlo toMtaion, in .... !ilk of Euripld ..• ~ pI'y, with thc C\llT
~.":,,,;,e, . 01 TO\v _''''''' h .. T',a..;OL ....... "T'!AU.VQv l> 10 mnn, un","'!!" .........1, dis_c', ........ thin 'd.. tro1' or ·.bolilh· . " The: ...",v.'eciijtie'i olIO Kyle in N.~. (0 oi< .. poitI" ... Ru...·,,·. InU'l>ductioJl, ond MiUen '99 ' : 5- 6 ... d,...,.... and """'....., ~ Fo. '996.

«.

94

NICK FISHER

Oik. 11 .9, or Xenophon's Socrates' in Mt1I1. 3.,.16ff., where the indiscipline in the infantry and cavalry is contnlsted with the discipline and attention to orden in the navy, and the athletic and choral teams, or, more impressh'ely yet, the powerful speech by Cleocritos the herald of the mysteries at HdJ. 2.4.19-:11, appealing to shued festival and military experience. Nor should one forget the alleged generosity and consideration of the young long-haired Mantitheos, countering the suspicion against him for his participation in the cavalry under the Thiny (Lysias 16).40 The prizes on offer for these competitiom, and the concomiunt rewards and honours and general fame in the community, musl have made it easier for young, not very rich, athletes, to train, become known, and proceed to the open individual eventS, and hence to increase their wealth and renown. Thus this need to attract more competitors helps to uplain the growth of gym11Wl4, palaisfT'Qi and trainers, and the rush of youths eager 10 gel trained; it also suggests that poor but able young athletes could well have found suppon and forms of patronage to develop their careen. EROTIC PURSUITS

One vitally impotunt aspect of the activities and the aonosphere at the gymnasia demand. attention at this point . (rymnana and pawutrai were perhap' the s in~e most imponanl 'eninR' for arQuul of erotic interest doubtless at various levels of intensity - and for the formation and development of pederastic relation.hip': 'Happy il he who exercises in the D""nalion when in love, and going home sleeps all day with the lovely boy', u the 'Theognis' couplet has il (1335- 6):u Leu explicitly, there is often a sttOngly felt erotic charge in Pindar's praise of the beaUty and strength of youthful victors; his odes play elegantly, throu&h his mythical narratives ai well IS his direct praisc, with the ideas of the belutiful athletes as objeru of desire both for older lovers and for girls for whom maniages might be: arranged. U For Athens, late archaic and early classical vaBes (roughly from ,60 to 470) repeatedly associate Kenes of homosexual c:ouruhip and play with gymnastic SCttings and accessories;·] from the mid-fifth century abundant literary evidence attests pervasive opportunities for ogling comments, pick-ups and the development of serious relationshipll, and the tensions and problematic decisions thereby produced; ODe can lind also hints thaI some social mobility might be: involved. 44 Platonic settings reveal best the general excitement al attractive new boys at the paJaufrai; mOlt .. Ct. CartI• • in Eoltertu.,,, Muir ,915: .u.- . 8; Whil.head .916: 2J,4- 52. .. ct. aloo •.• . PI. t..n.. 6)6f., _ . 2))b; _ o.ov." .nt: $4- 7. 's.- ,60; BuftIO", .1/'10; Ofd..., in u.o,.d «I . 19.9.6: UI/- J' . For tho intimll' uoociationo on ...... or,..,u.; oJ Il1d 110m_INa!

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anention is aroused , it is true, when the beautiful new youth who attracts a crowd of "astai succeeds in matching up IUs lovely body with a noble family tree, and a soul apt fo r leaming and philosophy, as in both the Charmida and the Lyro; but it seems possible that the relief and pleasure with which ' Socratcs' learns that the new lovely is also of known and good family may reflect an awareness that he might well not be (Lysis 204e, Charm. lS4a- b). Most importantly, the Phaedrw, the Symposillm and other protreptic d ocuments demonstrate the intensity of competition between would·be lovers for prc:ny boys and youths, and boys' competition to attract attention from famous young or not so young men; and they illustrate the dangers of teasing, exploitation and betrayal, on both sides ( PI. Phaedr. and Sy mp. pauim; Oem. 60). The theme is equally central to Xenophon's Symposium: its setting is a grand party given for Autol ykos the son of Lykon, who h as just won che boy's pancratwn, by hi, lover Callias, che richest of che Athenians. The party serves to display Autolykos' very considerable attractiveness as a catch to their fellow-Athenians, and chen to che readers ( Xen. Symp. pass im). Laws - in operation at least by the founh century, and naturall y d escribed as Solonian by Aeschines - protected boys at gymnasia as well as at schools (Aeschin . 1.9- 11 ), and in che developed Lycurgan ephebeia specified o fficial s, over forty, regulated che morality of the yo uths (Arist. Am. Pol. 42) . Old Comedy liked to play wich the running joke that newly successful individuals, including com ic poets, might use their fame for sexual conquests. Aristophanes repeated his claim chat he never used his position as a successful poet to uy to pick up boys down at the palau tTai ( Wasps 10 23- 5. Peau 762- ] ); chere was apparc:ntly, according to che Scholia on boch passages, a dig h ere al his rival Eupolis, who responded to what may well h ave been a running series of gags - with shamdeu boasts, allegedly in his AUuHy koJ (on which sec also below p. 99). These jokes rest on che assumption that any member of the social dite, e5pcal, """ • 10 '" 00"", _,'0 iii! omachoo' ide.1 .... rriap: in m. 1;p' of m. pobli16; ",l in .. YO\U>&'. Wln«flN1)' Lioubu. ('984: . !6), o n m. p/>r'oK

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NICK FISHER

more extended erotic ekmenu. On the other hand, such relationships were regarded with deep ambivalence, and carried multiple dangen, above al1 for the upwardly mobile younger men; fear of gossip, or even fear of prosecutions (or al least the threat of prosecutions) may well have inhibited or destroyed lOme such relationships. Thus these complex patterns of athletic and social activities will, contradictorily, either have increased opportunities for many Athenians for advancemenl, close relationships and consensus, or, on the other hand, have produced further grounds for lensions and hatreds.

7 The seductions of the gaze: Socrates and his girlfriends SIMON GOLDHILL

This pape r will find its focus in a linle read but highly instru ctive passage of that much maligned writer (' no philosopher', ' inadequa te historian', 'great

influence on the novel'). Xenophon. My broadest interest here is in die cultural politics of viewing within the classical poIiJ - a subject given particular emphasis in current debalt. partly because of the heated contemporary discussion of pornography and the politics of representation,' As will become evident, a concern with the scene of viewing will necessarily engage with the ideals of a citizen 's .clf-conuol, with the thrcau and iun::1 of erotic vision, and with the complexities of social exchange between citizens and non-dtizens, males and females - and all the dynamics of

power and manipulation involved in such negotiated self-positioning. Indeed, Xcnophon will prove a fascinating and subtle guide to the questions of personal rdations in the polis which motivate this volume. I will begin, however, with some rather general remarks by way of introduction to the topic. It all, always, begins with Homer. In Homer, the hero's visible distinction is a key mark of being a hero. When Helen and Priam look from the walls of Troy in the teichosropia, the prin(:es of the Greek force arc instantly to be seen as outstanding figures , and described as such. 'Stature' is a visible, srn::ial quality. When Achilles is fa(:ed by Lycaon he sa~ (II. 21. 108- 9): 'Look at me. Do you nOt see how big and beautiful I am' - for the best of the Achaeans is inevitably the most beautiful. When Hector, the best of the Trojans, is finally kjlled, the Greeks gather round and 'marvel at the sight of his beautiful body' ( II. 22. 370- 71 ) - and then stab it repeatedly. The most shameful of the Achaeans, by the same economy, is ' bandy-legged, with a dub foot, both shoulders humped together, curving over a (:aved-in (: hest, and bobbing above them, his skull warped to a point, sprouting dumps of s(:raggiy, woolly hair' (II. 2. 217-

vi.,.

, A deb.,,< fucUed m... , _endy in du. ks by IIk h lln ( '\III) whkh ,..Un "'" _ too _ " . . oa Kt.ppeiet ('986) ;..,. 0110 HiQint & Silver ( ' \III'); TomuclU & !'"onu (. ,86); & Tcnnc ........... (, ,19); lain ( '99) .

Arm.""".

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106

SIMON GOI.DH ILL

19) - and he rail, violently at the social positioning that condemns him to baseness (before being physically wh ipped imo place by Odysseus). In the OdYU9, Odysseus, the nicky one, can rerum in disguise 85 a beggar, but even then his massive thighs show through the rags, and it is with a 'body like the gods' (Od. 23. 163) that he finally snides into his oiko!. In the OdyJfty, the gap between appearance and reality is opened in order to be closed in the niumphant epiphany of the hero. Odysseus is 'beautified' rerumed to his proper glorious physical appearance - before each crucial moment of return: it is as a hero thai he stands revealed to his wife, his son. The suiton, who 'look like kings, b ut do nOI behave in a noble way', Iris, the flabby and weak ' beggar king', the mon![T(lUS distortion or the Cyclops' body, construct a pattern of disloned ' body language' againsl which me hero is (to be) viewed. The modality of the visual ineluctably fTimes the hero. Athenian society was always enough of a performance culture 10 validate this Homeric sense of a hero', construction in the eyes of othen - fighting for the limelight was good Athenian and Greek practice - b ut the Kleisthenic reforms and the growth of d emocracy crealed new and specifically democratic civic spaces for competitive performance, and, above all, a new sense of the act of being in an audie nce, being a th~ate$. In the democra tic polis, the scene of viewing has a new political constitution and it is this new sense of the public, civic gaze thai will be importam for the fo llowina dis_ cussion. Both the law-coun and the Assembly required a massed citizen audience, public debate and a collective vote 10 reach a decision. Democracy made the shared d Ulies of participatory citizenship central elemenrs of political practice, and thus to be in an audience is not just a thread in the city's social fabric, it is a fundamental political act. It is to play the rol e of the judging poIiln, the main stay of democratic decision making. When Thucydides' Cleon sneerinaJy calls the Athenians thearai ttJn wg6n, 'spectaton of speeches', he is in part anacking their inability to come up with the er8t1. - bUI he is also aHacking whal in Athenian political ideology was proudly highlighted as a commiunem 10 putting things IS mescn, ' into the public d omain to be contested'. In trying to denigrate the rol e o r the rhearc, Cleon is challenging th e very principle of democratic participatory citiz.cnship. This is nowhere deare r than in the institution of the thearron, the space for viewing. The audience - which I ha ve discussed elsewhere 2 - mapped the city, its socio-political divisions; and me even! or the Grea! Dionysia which I have also discussed elsc:where' - took the occasion of the larges t gathering of po/ira; in the calendar to protect and promote a particular image of the polis and the citizens' duties and obligations. This vasl audience of citizens and the rituals of civic display create a remarkably charged space • Goldbill ('\190).

•

Stductions o/ Ille IfIUlt

"7

for the conlesls of SIliNS in Ih~ city. The biller row b~tw~en DemoSih enes and Aeschines is ostensibly on the subj~cl of II pr~s~ntlltion of II crown to D~m osthenes in th~ th~IItr~ at this tim~ . D~mos th~nes ' speech Agairur MtidiaJ is pr~dicat~d on Ihe fact that MeidillS punched Demosth en~s in th~ theaD'c: - a physical abuse that becomes highly significant b~caus~ of its s~tting. D~m os th~nes' accounl of M ~id i as ' appearance al the Dionysia shoW1 well the sense of status at stake before th~ gaze of the citizens: 'Those of yo u who were spectators (rhw mmDi ) at the Dionysia hissed and booed him as he entered the theatre, and you did everything Ihat showed loathing of him ... ' (Oem. 21 . 226). Peter Wilson has te llingly demonstrated h ow the orator's d escription of the scene is full of theatrical language, as Ihe social drama of M eidias in the theatre becomes Ihe subject of funher debate on Ihe stage of the People's Court.4 The theatre was a space in which all the citi;zens were actors - as the city itself and itl leading citizens were put on display. Spectacular vi~wing. This democratic fonnulatio n of the socio-political spaces for viewing and the coroliary formulation of the citizen's role as participating in - or lIS the object of - collective, judgmental viewing are an im portant conlext for understanding the city's imperial, architcctural programm e ( led by Pericles and the Parthenon). The Parthenon frieze , if Robin Osborne is colTtet, is the fint example of temple architecture 10 represent the civic body.' AJ the citilen processes aro und Ihe temple to its entrance, his viewing of Ihe Panhenon frieze's representation of a proceuion implicates hi m as spectalOr in a particular engagement with an idealised aristocratic image of Ihe democratic citilenry performing its re ligious practice. It binds the viewe r in a reciprocal proceu of self-defi nition . If, as joan Connelly has contended , 6 the friele represents the heroes of the state, the processing citiun is engaged in a different proceu of negotiation of and through the idealised image of male figures, processing. Like the IDpDi of the fun eral oration, with their links between the heroes of the past and the soldier-citi;zens of the present, the topography promotes and projects Ihe ideologically charged ro le of Ihe citizen. The theatre's dynamic of spectacular viewing, the construction of the citizcn ga;ze as the fram e in which S(IIN! is marked , finds an analogy in the construction of an image representing (representatives of ) the whole city, on the city's primary symbolic strucrure, thaI binds the viewer in a reciprocal process o r (sc:lr-) derlflilio n. So tOO the Stoa Poikile, which runs along the Agora, offers the citi;zcn an important, state-funded self-image. The paintings which give the Stoa its name, $Ct in juxtaposition Athenian victories oyer Spana wilh scenel from the , ack of Troy _ affiliating put and present gloriel in a military m essage. 7 This Will bunressed n Of only by caprured armour dedicated in the Stoa, • 1V~ ... n (' 99 ' ), • o.bom. (1 ,111» . • Connelly (' 996). , Sci: Caotrio.. ( '99~) for disc,...;"n ond b..blio ..... phy.

108

S IM ON GOL DHILL

b ut also - at least by the time of Pausanias - by II statue of Solon, whose rol e in democracy as a founding father helps connect - as ever - me political and military injunctions of me state .' The famous Marathon epigram, inscribed as pan of me same s.chema, funher links the different elements of the paintings, since this Athenian-led defeat of the barbarian forces of the East plays II founding role in the rhetorital self-projection of the Athenian litate, so well anal~ed by Nicole l..oraux.' Again, a novel architectural experiment seems designed to face the citizen spectator with a pattern of nonnative imagery, to engage the viewer in me l"C"Cognition of the military and political obligations of citizenship. This sense of viewing and judging was encapsulated also in an extnrlordinllf}' tomperition in the Panathenaea. For among the other internationally attended artistic and athletic competitions of this festival was a competition in eua"dria . 11tis contest was limited to Athenian citizens, and was organised on a tribal basis. Although d etails of the prizes and the fonn o f competition are problematic,lo the euandria was probably 'a beauty ConteSt .. . in which the criteria were size and strength. 'II Since the contest involved strength, continues Crowther, ' m ore than mere posing was involved. The competitors had to perfonn. The tuandria , therefore, as far as can be ascertained, was a team event which intorporated elem en ts of beauty, size and streogth.' 12 As the modem 'beauty show' wim its display of a particular image of the female (and the di,cun ion of that display) is ham n ot to see ItS an event that embodies a wider discourse of viewing and gender in contemporary Western cuilure, so me eua"dria may stand as an iconic event for Amenian culture. That the most important festival of Athens should include a tribally organised, team competition which judged citizens as physical specim ens, seems exemplary of the way Athenian democracy creates and promotes a particular culture of viewing. I have offered what mUSt be in the space of this chapter a d eliberately impressionistic account of some asp«:ts of the classical city to make a first and central point in my argument. The d emocratic city of Athens - its institutions and practices - constituted a particular cui/un of uiewing, in which the roles, statuses, positions of me democratic actors were conuantly being muctured in and through the gaze of the citizens. This collective, participatory audience is a fundamental element of the d emocratic poIn - a fundamental aspect of what constitutes public life. This point is important 10 have made because it is often forgotten that

• n.. ~u1p.urc ;. IIl"'od only in P.w.anl.. ( t .'6) -

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and th ... diflicull It> d.~ ,.;th ccnainry, thou ... ..-itt> the d ...leoJ rcinwntion of tho lip-< or Solon • •

i. ia pI.Uliblc: that i. n de..,......1k he",. See Mo... ( '919). • Lon.IU (1916). '0 Tlw: Ario,,,,elian ,,'-'. 1'fl, ..., "';,h funht-' biblioP*Phy, "" GotdbU! ('9116) ' 99- 2>1. " J. io puticu.....,. .u~ I « no mention o f it in ..... rucn •• tudin of II>< ,\~, Morriton ('994) '9' - .03 ('Soc.. tn .. of ool. .... ;n pmoC,) •• See HI particular ~ ( 19116); fkt«tIOR (.I... • of ..... M ... uriltin&lJ panieul. form of writinL ,ud oIoud .. oympoaio.. SUm><mded by ..... ;"'0,.", of oympotic: wart, with ilS K
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SMuuums of the gaze

"3

It is, however, quite remarkable that Rouverel does not see this discussion of an 10 be in a significanl relationship with th e following dialogue of book 3. which givc:s an c:qually fascinating insight inlo Ibe role of viewing in the polis, and the Socratic enquiry into it. (Neither Rouveret nor Zeitlin,26 who follows Rouvc:ret, mc:ntions the passage.) It is this funher visit of Socrates to the artist's studio Ibal will lake up Ibe remainder of this paper. The opening paragraph introduces several key aspects, and makes a strong thematic connection with th e previous dialogue. It deserves to be quoted in full . YVV '''~ &1 non oVol]S tv TIJ "If 0),(0 "",),,",s. ~ 0v01lO ~" 9ro6OTI). It'" oios O\M;""" .,.c;> "lff'&oVtL. 1oI"'lTl illll~ TO ~6;U~ iro.dql conle> i101Pn,1bo Ihin. all do,'. 'Ill< ' thin,( that iolxu., &IUW io, .,r """"'" .,.mod, Ibo ..... of , .....n:t.oo. bod,. in prootituli"... Far th IT£i60VTl; now Theodote: is said by

Socrates to penuadc: (6:V(nf(i~L~) her friends of her feelings by dc:eds and not by words. The: opening question of the: dialogue: had been to discover where the: choro in looking Bt Thc:odotc: was; now it is tracing in I different way the

,ham she

shows her friends. Socrates' line of questioning is in-

verting the language of exchange in which the dialogue has been set u p. At this poinl, Theodotl: denies knowledge of any such hunting devi ces or traps - Socrates. note, has had to put into Theodote's mouth the: standard negative portrayal of a woman as tricksy seductress. full of devices, as he continues to set he r up for his put down - and the dialogue Illke. its thin::! tack. For Socrates agrees that with friends yo u are not li kely to win them or keep them by force (lii<jl - the standard 0pPQsition to "arM); but one should use good deeds and pleasure. This commonplace of ethics leads to a strong SIlltc:ment of the values of rcciprocity in the same language that the dialogue has already mobilised: 511 ... TTpW;OV j.lEv ;oiIs +PoVTi~oVTas aov T010VoO 00 KOj hfc,>66l.

mocking hi, own lack of political activity,laid 'Theodote, it is nOI at all easy for me 10 tmd the time. For many po.... te and public mallen of busineu like away my leisure. Also I have mlny girlfriends, who will nOI let me 110 out day or night, ~IIUH they I re lumina polions and chann. from me.' The ftinatiou5 exchange between two different practitioners of the wiles of d esire tums 10 explicitly labelled self-mod::ery, mocke:ry now as Socrates places himself within the civic frame that has structured his remarks on viewing, usefulness and ethics. The picture offered of Socrate:s' positioning in the politiCal world is highly complex, however (and not only because it is a gesture of self-mockc:ry in a sociel)' where self-promotion is the normal trope: of se:lf-re:presentation - o r rather because this self-promotion is of a figure of self-mockery). It dep icts a man highly visible in me public eye 40 but not formally e:ngaged in public institutions; a penon whose apragmcwmt is so well known (lind yet whose behaviour in the cil)' leads 10 ... So X""""",,", in hio pcnina; dCKription of Socn,a ....... a ( ... . IO): &.ua ....;...-.~ 'b ~

__ olwayo In Il>c public eye'.

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public trial and execution);41 a citizen who has no leisure to visit a 'female friend ', because he has a set of 'girlfriends' (phi/ai ) who will not let him out 'day or night' - to continue lIle innuendo of the hare-hunting conceit. These girl-fri=ds to whom he is su bjected, however, are learning 'potions and channs' from him, me master, as ifhe were me aphrodisiac-mongering old woman of erotic discoune (rather than a Platonic ' midwife'). The next paragraph names Apollodoros, Antisthenes, eebes and Simmias as Socrates' companions at home, constantly with him because of his spells and IUI"e1. Are th~se his 'girlfriends', then, with whom he has to stay in?"z Or are !:hey the Johns to his madam?"" What educational transaction is being represented here, lIlen? 'The Girls' keep him at hom e, while or because they are learning in tum spells from him - spells which have also bound them to him. In what waf$ d oes Socrates use (his pupils as) phi/ai? What analogies an: being drawn between Socrates' and Theodote 's pursuit of philoi? As Socrates is perfonning his seductive, ed ucational ploys o n or with Thet)dote, his talk is of the seductive, educational ploys he uses. And for the reader of !:he dialogue ... ? Where is the , hans in this eJ[change? Socrates' manipulation of the position of the desiring subject and !:he object of desire is fully played out in !:he last exchangt: of me dialogue. Thwdote, impressed by Socrates' talk of his ' devices', asks him to live her his iVy~, his 'magic wheel', so that ' I may spin it for you'. Souates, however, declines: 6:;\.M 1-10: t.i' ... OUK aVrOt!!. cr. I Ari_top!:>. Bir¥b I U : ayn", I.... ~ '"\ ;jIoU).no .hoo,. '''po1T111l>M~. "...aa..AoInf;>l. 1..0\ ~ • ......iI). '\1.'" Dem . io.H. u ...., '].9', '4.j l. '4," ) - '4, 4)." . Dem. 49.6J. o.m. n .z. cr. '4 .11.... '10. in ".""'., •.• . ••1'.6, f . f '4. ' . ' .41 .•• X... . UtlJ• • .• . )6- )1. ) .• .• '. 6.5.... """ I ,,"", of uampln in "uro.-c:."ntry philoonpblcoot wo,b. • ".,., _ of"'" , ..... '"'~ io no, .",,1\n.rTI. Lt Wn.I~':" ~ "o),,,da awio ..... od an their ...." initi.m-c ori!bout the oll\cial _ of thrir _ prclumabIJ oticon:hie: _ citiu. "Tbeir ultimou p'-"POfC ..... KI enlit. Athenian IUppott bcfu ... """ttlpcin.... overth.., .. the .... tiD;t """,liturionl of ~ pdN """,emod.. For tlUl inUIJI .. tation • ..., Schill!.. Th. "'........ , inocription ..... IG ,' ' 71 .6.. '9; 179. 1.90; . Io.~, [nl . For" difl1Ii.lioy'. TIlls ~ hccocnco .... n II>OK probIema.ic in """""''''''''' with fina, that could bot i~ (." 11IIppeatItI«O indiocrimina ..!r) ..,,..,.. ...n..: bauds ofmotiltn... (.... n . ~6, bel_) . .. R. • . fG ". j.4.)6-7 ( ~); " .6 - 10 ( "*,,,~ .....); 61.}6- 9 (..au~,); , ' .l9- ]' ( ,.,.. ...... ); fG 11-. 2U.4' -" {ptr»dJr>o' on.... ~ 1 - . '6~9. ~39-4~ (no"""" and ~); 16]1.]'5- 93 (0100' "", _ _ ~ ond the _ " ' " "'" _~), SEG '7.2' .11- '4 (l1Ia_1Y.... ) •. . then on: m ... It is undc", bow •• octJ,t theO< finn .... n imr-d. For. d
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The po/meal perceprion oj the idiotcs

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vested in the penon of the magistrate when he carried out his duties as an agent of the polis and its iaW1. me abstract 'community'. And although we may question the legitimacy of Demosthenes' famous claim that Meidias the idjot/s hi t the entire poliJ embodied in Demosthenes the clwregos (and as such IWt a magistrate), the rule that magistrates must not be insulted or obstructed when on duty did exiSl. This was what the speaker of Lysias 9 experienced to his chagrin when he was fined for having criticised the mategoi who had called him up - in his opinion unfairlyY The arguments presented by the speaker of Lysias 9, which will be examined in greater detail below, testifY to an Athenian awareness of the fact that the authority vested in the magistrates in office constituted a potential threat to the democratic ideal of equality under the laws, in so far as any delegation of power could lead to abuse and to the entrenchment of hierarchical relationships within the citizen-body. The Athenians responded to this threat first and foremost by imposing structural limitations on the power of their magistrates. This was done by limiting their decision-making capacities, by constantly monitoring their behaviour, by making most of them wo rk on boards of ten or more, and by rotation . The principle of collegiality, panicularly, must have restricted the powers of the individual magistrate, and his opponunities to use his official position on a given board to help his friends and hann his enemies must have been somewhat limited. In his r('spouse to P. J. Rhodes' contribution to this volume, S. C. Todd draws auention to the civic subdivisions of the Athenian citizen-body (demes and espcciaUy tribes) which may have been imponant for the forging of ties between individual citizens. This may, in fact, go some way towards explaining the Athenian preference for boards of magistrates which were made up from representatives drawn from each of the ten phylai. 32 Recruitment across the t('n phylai would reduce the risk of the magistrates' knowing each other in advance (for example, from army servic(') and colluding on the board. More importantiy, the seemingly deliberat(' attempt to compose boaros of magistrates across the phyle-structure (and, by implication, the deme-structure) would have mad(' it more difficult for the individual citizen to manipulate a given board of magistrates; he may have encountered one p('rsonal fri end (or enemy) on the board, but it would be less likely that the other nine were acquainted with him. In addition to the strucrural limitations of the magistrates' powers, there were also behavioural expectations which contributed to the reconciliation

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of magisterial authority with the democratic ideal of all Athenian citizens being equal under the laws. The most important of these was the demand for impartiality: the expectation that peI'llonal tics of friendship and enmity would not influence the decisions which a magistrate made ex officW. The perception of the magistrate as a basically impartial agent who acted and exercised power over his fellow citizens on behalf of the polis, indeed as an instrument of the polis, is perhaps the closest Athenian parallel to ou r modem notion of the impersonal uate, although it is debatable whether the term 'state' is at all useful to the historian who anempts to describe and explain Athenian ideology.3' There is no doubt that the Athenian relationship between idwtai and magisttutes differed markedly from the relationship between the modem citizen and the 'state' as manifest in a large, faceless bureaucracy where individual bureaucrats are recognised 115 persons only when they make a really blatant miStake. For one thing, the Athenian magistrate was never 'faceless'. This difference is not to be ascribed only to the difference in size between Athens and a standard modem community. Of course, it may be claimed that modem administrative units are so large that facelessness is an inevitable result. But while size is undoubtedly a major factor, it is important to note that the modem preference for reducing individuals to functions is an essential pan of a strategy employed in face of the danger inherent in any delegation of power. The depersonalisation of our administrators makes it possible for a citizen in a modem, representative democracy to believe that it makes no difference whatsoever whether it is bureaucrat A, D, or c who handles his or her tax-returns or application for income support. The outcome is, ideally, bound to be the same, because the individual civil servants are supposed to do nothing but administer power delegated from us to lhem via an elected government. The Athenians employed a different strategy, that of keeping their individual magistrates visible, personally responsible: and individually accountable. On the other hand, they did not escape the dilemma which was generated by the tension between their notion of 'direCI democracy' combined with a realisation that a certain delegation of administtutive power was inevitable. What, to an Athenian, would constitute abuse of thaI power? It is widely recognised that the Athenians were much concerned with one particular type of abuse, the 'selling' of power in rerum for material gain.~ But while there is no doubt that the Athenians operated with a concept (admi n edly ill-defined) very close to our modern notion of 'bribery' (an offence which could be perpetraled not only by magistrales but by any Athenian who was active in the political sphere), it is harder to detennine

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what their attitude was towards another phenomenon which most modem westerners would regard as a manifestation of 'corruption', namely favouritism Of nepotism . Although this is widespread in modem democracies, most of us would probably deplore the practice of using one's official position of power in order to help one's friends or harm one's enemies. This phenomenon has received only scant anention from modem scholars in connection with the Athenian magistrates. And understandably so. It is not even clear whether the Athenians ever invented a label for this type of behaviour.3' Yet it is in this connection, much more so than in connection with ' bribery', that the difference between the position of a magistrate and that of an idwrl$ shows most clearly. Consider first the idwtls, the 'atom' of the demos. In the real world atoms rarely occur on their own: they are usually joined together with other atoms to form molecules. The individual Athenian d til!!en was the atom not only of the demos, but also of a whole range of other associations, religious and secular, official and unofficial, citizen-only or open to citizens and meties alike. He was bound by ties of loyalty towards friends, kin and associates; he cultivated hostile relationships with others; and (most imponant) it was recognised and universally accepted that he was often motivated to a!;t in the political sphere, especially the couns, because of personal ties of loyalty, friendship, and enmity. As long as the idiotls/ho bOWomenos had the same friend s and the same enemies as the community as a whole, and as long 3S no-one questioned the ideal that ' what is good for the idwtls is good for the polis and viu vtTSa' this posed no problem. Being motivated by self-interest (as long as this was not connected with male rial gain) was fully acceptable in so far as the selfinterest oftbe individual cltittn was identical or at least compatible with the interests of the entire community.36 Thus Aeschines can claim that 'personal enmities (idiai echthrai) correct very many public matters (polio pany ton koinon)'. 37 Stressing personal relationships, whether hostile or friendly,

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III lDlOTAI AND RHETORES It is when we consider this nuance of the word that the opposition between rhe/orts and idio/a; reveals a tension within Athenian democratic ideology. It implies th at II. hienm::hical rdationship cxists betwcen the two. But whereas the actions of a magistrate in power were checked and monitored before, during and after his term of office by struc:turallimitations of his powers, by his oath, and by routine procedures such as tuthynai and dokjmaJia i, the rheroru were m ore d ifficult 10 keep under control. Of course, the Athenians had ~ngefia, graph! paranum6n and dokimasia 16n rhetoron, and il is true that these were powerful and dangerous WC1ilpons thai were often used againsl rlutortl. BUI such weapons all required the initiative of the individual citizen, and if one compares them 10 the enormous appaftlIUS designed to Iimil th e power of the magistrales, il is like seeing a row of semi-automatic guns aimed at the arch ai, as opposed to old-fashioned rifles (where illook an individual agent 10 pull the trigger) pointed at the rluwru. So when viewed as the su perior in a hict"ll.n:hical felationship with his fellow-citizens, the rhe16r was m ore d angerous and mOfe powerful than a magistrate, ~a use his authority and the power which he wielded over his fellow citizens were vested in his capacities as a penon, nOI in a fecognised office. II is hefe that the basic political meaning of idiorh, 'not holding office', 'subordinalc'. combine~ with another meaning of the: word which 1$ well known from the works of the philosophers: idiollJ as the unskilled penon as opposed to the skilled artisan or ' pro£essional ', be he shoemakef, doctor or architcct - idiollJ IS the layman. To be , killed on the political Slage means i killed in speaking, manoeuvring and manipulating.'-i When this combines with having power but not wielding it " offido the result can be dangeroU5, es peciall y in a direct democracy which did not attempt to impose structural limitations such as rotation, collegiality and routine scrutiny on i~ political protago ni$~ . When faced with a rht16r, in the sense of 'skilled operator', even a true magistrale was sometimes represented as an idiotlJ, and this equation reYeals who could be construed as the real holders of power in fourth-century Athens.'7 It lestifies to a narrowing of the established (and fully accepl· able) perceptual gap between magistrates and idiotai, on the one hand, and an awafeness of the existence of a hierarchical relationship between wiolai and rhelOl"tJ, on the other. Since it was recognised that the only way of ched:ina; the power of a rlu/6r was through individual confrontation in the courtroom, and also that 'it took a rhl r6r to catch a rhett1r', ties of phi/ia be[Ween rhelOrtS were potential1y dangerous. The existence of enmity and rivalry between them "

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Copyrighted Material T1u political perception of the idiotes

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was the only remaining way of keeping them in check. And thus it ~came pan of the unofficial 'office' of a rhewr to prosecute his peen - another point where he diffen from th e idwri.s, since public prosecuting could now be construed as his 'duty' more than juS! a purely voluntary action." In so far as the Athenians operated with anything which may meaningfully be: termed 'state' as opposed to 'individual', a 'them' a! opposed to an ' us', the rhtrores definitely belonged [0 ' th em ' when seen in opposition to the w Wta i. This opposition is very lik:c:Iy a fourth-century phenomenon. It does not necessarily reflect an actual change in the balance of power within the community and a widening gap betwee n politically sltilled citizens and the ideal amateur participant in the Athenian dem ocracy. But the apparent change in vocabulary, th e depanure from idiotis as a tec hnical term, attested in inscriptions and early oratory, for the citizen who did not act ex officio, may very well testify to an increasing awareness on the pan of th e Athenians in the fourth century that their direct democracy with its ideal thu all should rule and be ruled in tum was not all they claimed it to ~, and perhaps - but only perhaps - not even what they wanted it to be. APPENDIX , ;6''':''''''1 AS U SE D IN TH E WORKS OF THE ATT I C ORATORS (I) as opposed to apxoVT~ / jl:ov;l.nrro:i Lys. s.] (&pXOVT~ gcncn.lly) Lys. 12.]6 (&pXOYTI~ generally) Lys. IS· II (o-tpaTflyb;/i-.ntO:PXelTt.>p, neulnl) 1'!pO",C:W, neutral) (0 1'!pOs Tyo~i T. .0; . 011"1) 1'!Ovro~ lvoX~oi)vTlS .0; 1'!1""'""0'~ ump T~ ~ liva', ncgaove!)

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Hyp . 1.24 Hyp . 1.25 Hyp. J.9 Hyp. ).27 Hyp. ).)0 Lyk. 1. 14 Lyk·1. 3 1

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'44

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recently given us Paul Cartledge's picture of the Greeks as (in some basic respccts) 'desperately foreign',7 and for a response by Stephen Todd, who has recently emphasised the 'otherness' of Athenian law,' I want to look at some of the circumstances and the ways in which enmities were: pursued, which hardly fit modem western expcctations of a State under the rule oflaw.9 Cartledge in the discussion in Cambridge asked whether the cas« whicll I discuss below tell us only about feuds within the elite, in which the ordinary citizens were involved simply as jurors, subjecting the members of the elite to the contrQl of the ckmOI. 1O Cenainly rich men had more Q[ stake than poor (though one's all is one's all, however little it may be), and had more means to invest in the pursuit of a quarrel (for example by hiring the services of a speech-writer). We do not know how many cases, initiated by how many litigants, were tried in the Athenian couns in a typical year. Hansen has suggested that courts were convened on about 175- :2.25 days in the year; \I several couns could meet on the same day, and for private prosecutions one coun could tty four suits in a day (Arn. Pol. 67.1); in the fourth century private suits went to a dikastirion only on appeal, and there were enough private suits for the Forty to decide those for under ten drachmae and for all men in their last year on the army registers to be used as arhitrators to decide those for over ten drachmae (Arn. Pol. 53). It looks as if the Athenians' rc:putlltion for litigiousness was not generated only by the elite, but a significant number of Athenians pursued quarrels by judicial means significantly often: l~ I should guess that in the law-couns as in the Assembly the man who was a mere voter on one day might well be an active participant on another. There was indeed a considerable degree of 'otherness' in the whole Athenian legal system: the fact that there were: no legal expens, and a trial tended to he seen as a contest between the opposing litigants rather than a matter to be decided simply on points of fact and law relevant to the charge; that prosecution was almost always left to the initiative of a private indi\;dual, even for offences against the state; that there: was often a choice available to the prosecutor between different forms of prosecution for the ,

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and private enforcement made the continuation and aggravation of quarrels all too easy.l' Seizure of propcny is an area in which there is ample scope for disagreement, injury and ill will. In Athens, although in the end the man to whom propcny was due had to help himself, there Kerns to have been a good deal of latitude concerning how far one should persist with legal processes before one did help oneself. The speaker of [Demosthenes] XLVlt, if he is telling the (fUth, was extremely cautious: it was only after he had complained first to the dockyard authorities and then to the 11(11< inven'ory Or to carry oul on 0KCban~. MlcDoweU Km.rk" 'Thio io clear if D. had be.n ...,titl.,J to in';", on • diJ>diJotim w ......i1&bl< . MacDow.U '990' )14 it amooa those who ink' &pted d.=I>l bcfure it w" enoc,ed, became nUd . ",omatic.ny ,r th. l'""pIri failed, or ",mained m....1y • propoul, wtt.ich would be«lm< valid only if . uboequently M~. for auU"l~'" ....uIt (Ham. '989; .15; d . Todd '993 ; 270 n. '3); but Goodwin .~, "R - 6z, MocDow.n [990: ,6- '7 ond Raw. ' 994 hl~ preferred '0 ...prd ....

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Ettmiry infounh-ctnfury Aflrem

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variety of diversionary tactics to prevent Demosthenes from proceeding to a regular trial: a charge of desertion, presumably in connection with the recent Euboean campaign; a charge of involvement in a murder committed by a man called Aristarchus, with whom Dcmoithenci and Midia. bad both been friendly; an attempt, pc:rhap$ in a speech in the Asaembly,.54 to blame Demosthenes for the failure of the Euboc:an campaipJ; and an anack in the doJeimariD when Demosthenes was appointed to the boulL ror 347/6 ( t03- 1I ). Demosthenes survived all those attacks, but it seems likely that in the end he accepted damages from Midias in an oUI-(, r-coun settlement.)' The modem reader might think that Demosthenes' Story or irrelevant attacks which nevcr came to anything contains a large amount of fantasy; but such ways of undennining an opponent's position were all too common, and the allegation, made by Demosthenes will have seemed plausible enough to a contemporary hearer, and may well be substantially correct. Indeed, the accusation that Demosthenes was responsible for or involved in the murder committed by Aristarchus is found in the speeches of Aeschines.* A similar attempl al diversion led 10 Antiphon's sp«cli VI, On the Chorw-Mlmber. The speaker had begun eisangefiai against four men for embeuh:ment C3s}. Meanwhile he had to serve as a c/lorlgos, and a member of his boys' chorus was poisoned by a throat linctus (11 - 19). The cmbezzJers encouraged the boy's brother. Philocrates. to prosecute the speaker for homicide (37- 8); Philocrates tried to raise this as an impediment in twO of the embezzlement trials (ZO- 4. cf. 37); but it ~5 too late for the basiltIU to accept a homicide case and bring it to trial that year, the ruangeliai wenl ahead. and the embezzlers Were convicted C3S, 41 - 3). Philocrates and the othen, nOI wanting to make In enemy of I man who might continue his activities against embezzlen, then made friendl y overtures to the speaker; there was a Connal reconciliation. and they associated with him in ways which would nOI be expected if they tc:garded him as auilty of and polluted by homicide C38- 40) . However, in the new year the speaker was a member of the boull (44- 6); in the coune of his duties he uncovered IUnher embezzlement; Ind after he had drawn attention to that Philocrates was persuaded to revive his homicide chlrae. This time the charge was made early " . - .. opplicabk to tb.t whole procc ... _ "",lIrninay _e in tb.t """",bIy IIId .ulloequcn, triel in cou .... n.e procC1 think il pOMibIc iii docidc~!b ... tb.t d..".... _ .. owuded in .triol .... ocrttoomopt>orio';tII mo ........ 0.. tItis opeecb d . • boYtKIt.", ' would t..v.: ... ,ed' irbe had 1>0< b«n elimin.,ed .......... prooccutor'l ownlribe o. w.U .. II>< .peaker'. 'ribc.

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prevail in a particular issue (1 - 5). It lums out, however, that Euthyc1es is nOt a total innocent: his prosecution concerns Athens' relations with the Thracian prince Cenebleptes. and he himself had been a trierarch in one of the expeditions to the Hellespont which figure in his narrative. and had afterwards prosecuted the general, Cephisodotus, and others (5, 16]- 8);4) moreover, while in the present case Euthyc1es is using Demosthenes as his speech-III.Tiler, in the eulier case he had had Demosthenes u synlgoroJ (Aesch. m.p:). so there is a connection between Euthyc\es and Demosthenes which penisted over several years. In other cases, however, enmity is paraded.'" It was. of course, a widespread view in Greece that it is right to help one's friends and harm one's enemies: we find it in poetry from Hesiod onwards;4' one of the definitions of justice rejected at the beginning of Plato's Republk: is the one anributed by Poleman::hus to Simonides, that one should render to each his due. good to friends and harm to enemies (1.]3td4- 336810); Plutarch anributes to Themistocles the wish that he should never occupy luch a throne that his friends should not receive more from him than those who were not his friends ( Plut. Prcu. glr. rap. 807a- b).46 This is an attitude which litigants are not ashamed to admit to. In Lysias IX, For 1M Soiditr, Polyaenus IIYS that he regards it as right to help one's friends and hann one's enemies (1 0) - bUI he did not lake advantage of his connection with the influential SO$tratus 10 help his mends and h arm hil enemies, so the enemies of SOStratu5 have no justification for their enmity towards him ( t]_ 16).47 We have two speeches in Lysias' corpus, XIV and xv, Agairut Alcibituks (the son of the famous Alcibiades); the speaker of XIV is the son of a man ..... ho had qUllJ're lJed with the famoul Alcibiades (2); and the speaker of xv is a mend of the prosecutor and an enemy of the younger Alcibiades ( 12). In [Demosthenes) LlII , Alairut NiulStratw, Apollodorus begins his speech by saying that he i. prosecuting in an apographl, to claim that two slaves are the propeny of Arethusius and are liable to seizure for a public debt, not ., On oN. cut

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Copyrighted Material Topographils of civic space

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of places which explain and support the relationships that these maintain. In her recent book on the re -writing of modem Greece as a nation-state Artemis Leontis has drawn attention to the interplay of IOpography and national identity; To become a homeland, a place requires topography. To understand how a place b«omes II homeland, one must know its lopogrllphy. 8y topography J refer to any conceptual map that sites a place ... Topography is a proceu: it requires the persistent rt:tum to history, the systematic uneanhing of ruins, me conscientious recovery of traditions, and, genen.lly, the reactivation of In inherited past. 6

Is th e polis, th e citizen-state, to be excluded from this observation d erived from nation-states? The often quoted r emark attribu ted to the Athenian general Nicias that ' men constitute the polis, not polis-walls, nor wanhips devoid of men' (Thuc. 7.77.7) denies that social need fo r a place. And similarly, the suggestion 10 remove Athens 10 South Italy, which is artributed to Themistocles, plays with th e idea of d islocation as if location did not matter (Hdt. 7.62). These statements are in line with Pericles' even more profoundly anti-territorial argument that the loss of bodies should be lamented , nOI that of houses or land (Thuc. t . 143.5) . Yet they are in overt contradiction with the perception that civilisation was al ways locaud elsewhere than, or bounded otffrom, the uncultivated and unbuilt wilderness. Already in H omer civilisation is marked by th e ord er of inhabited space: the Phaeacians live in a city around which Nausithous had drawn a wall, where he had built houses and temples and whose land he had divided into fields; in Troy th e wall of the city sepantes civilised relationships and discourse from the violence and wildness of the battlefields; and the Cyclopes, JUSt as they lack civilisation and social relationships, fail to give order to their space by buildings and agriculture, despite the natural amenities of their country.? Civilised, and that meant peaceful, relationship s were materialised in architecture and the ord ering or space. The public renunciation of place is also in violent contrast with the emotions that the Periclean policy evoked in those people who had to leave their fields and san ctuaries, pull down their houses and move to the city at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. As Thucydides writes; Deep were their trouble and discontent at abandoning their houses and shrines I t whkh right from me rime of the ancient conuirution they and their families had always worshipped, and at having to change their habits of life and to bid farewell to what each regard.:d as their native po/iJ. (Thuc. 1.• 6. 1; cf. I,p) Statements which denied the importance of place as a co ndition oflife had their own agend a. The Periclean policy realised physically what had been ~nri. ('1>95) : 1. , Scully (' 990) : ~I~SO. For fun:l>er In"",liptiom of GTeek rp"'.. ';on of """,,,e, nOl ditcutsed

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'OS,

,8, territory, halfway to the Theban land .47 The imponancc of the panheUcnic hero's being buried on the edge of Athenian territory is emphasised several limes in the play (299- 300; 784- 6; 1342 - 3). In this Il:spcct, the tomb of Oedipus is well placed in Calonus. Yet Sophocles unsettles this order by giving a voice to the people who inhabit the perimeter of the civic space. For them, Cotonu! is not marginal hut unerly central as it is the residence oCtheir local hero from whom, after all, they all descend and who gave them their Dame and identity. This common name, it seems from the clustering of vocabulary in 11 . 60- 1 (lOunomo to toude koinon pa",n onomasmmoi ), is a vital factor that enablu the Colo ncans to identify with their p lace and

regard themselves as an autonomous group. The tension between me two topographies is taken funher in the last two lines of the speech: il is the gathering: of lands, goos and people which gives this place imponance - nOI fogoi. That IDgoJ is identified with the city of Athens is indicated by the faci thai it is the city thai gives the locals right of speech. and goes without saying in a drama perfonned al the C ity Dionysia. 4 8 By disclaiming an imponant place in IDgoi the Coloneans marginalise themselves. but at the same lime they undennine the entire scheme of values which COntttuCIS centTality in these tenns. Emphasising that their place is honoured by their SWlOWia. their community with each other and the gods, they reconstruCI the idea of what is cenmt. Lagoi in this alternative scheme are dangerous devices which may lum inlo duplicitous or 'crafty artifices' (thus in the mouth of Creon 761 f.; c[ 806- 9 ). 4'1 Athen, and Colonus were physically close, but the OC creates some distance between the two. 'The towers that guard the city are far off' (16). says Antigone in reply 10 Oedipus in the opening lines of the play. A little further on she claims !hal, while she d oes know Athens. she does not know the region (cJr4roJ) where !hey have JUSt arrived ( 24 f.). This picks up on Oedipus' initial distinction where he, too, separates the duJros from the polis (If.). Oedipus, and even more so the chorus of local demesmen, make the city appear fa r away, too: it is a long voyage 10 Athens and will take lome time for a message to reach Theseus ( 299- 304). What is more, the chorus distinguishes between hi chQra , hi gl and to astlt. thereby disputing the city's unequivocal right over the ch6ra. Theseus, they say. ru les at the city of his father 'in thi5/our land' ( /Xltrown auu gl$ uha, 297), which subvens the meaning of the much more common phrase in which the city is called the owner of the anceslTalland of all Athenians { putr'iJiUJ/I'"fn'Q$ gls Qstu) .~o For the Coloneans the land is common to all, but the city belonp 10 the Icing. NOI only is there a conceptual boundary consttucled 0« oloo s"pI (' 9'lI.): } •• . .. For ttq
n...".,d ",am>pdit, "'"

'~rm ~.

"7 fonned a large clement in the: Athenian army, would urgc: the Athenians IQ defend their property. Conversely, if the: Athenianll did allow the: Ac::hunians' land to be laid wam:, the Acharnians in rum would probably nOI be prc:pan:d 10 fight the: Spanans close to the walls, which would cause 11,,", among me Athenians (Thuc. 1.19 If.), The Achamians Irc single
ond n. 7.

.. Com_, AndrcoI.. " I\onhcr

m..-cnc...

0..- ('9?O): 4< ('915'-): '119. ond

~

{199i1: 44 for

.... Bonc ( '99l ): 44·

.. n... n ....... ond d~ of Ario~.· ,w; ......... """tnwcnl.olloouc. I

odop. "'""" .... ri<w ..-pr • • " ') who 0fJIK W! ~..ty. no< un~'" !he 10_.... proftIod • dcmOCft"" "'rum for """pomm: dtcitionmom., (Jlmoknon (' 990). 21' It) . M~. it cmployed ond re.-"«d d.anocn.tk """""....1· eo"ft .......Iieo (C.I . pen""';"" ond dcoc ....... o) 111 Otdor ' 0 ........ w.~_ vl thrir meeIuonlo",.

brou&!>' r.,.......a "" IIcndcnon {' 990J ond c_dod "" ~I" ( '99Oi

-

--'-- - - ' -

k

188

SITTA VON REDES

The Athens of the A chamiam is marked by the absence of a political centre. Arislophanes evokes this image by having Dicaeopolis enler an empty space where he expects the assembly 10 take place (20- 1). Rendering the Pnyx empty and the Agora a place where the people ' babble' (W ellsi, 21) he d eprives the city of its key civic aymbols which legitimised its centrality. Instead, Dicaeopolis' eyes gaze out into the countrySide (32), taking the audience beyond the cit)' walls in passionate search for peace (eirblh nOn) . Peace has a location, and thai is outside the city. Dicaeopolis soon U'aflsfonns his Saze into active movement. Fint, however, he sits through an assembly wIDch starts late, in which the civic voice is silenced by foreign accents, and which undennines its own authority by disorder, violence and self-interested politics. Dicaeopolis then starts to build a new cen~, symbolised ritually by the celebration of the Rural Dionysia (201 If.), and physically by the construction of an agof'Q attached to his rural household (719 tt ). New boundaries arc SC I which parallel the ones of the city agof'Q and separate the space of Dicaeopolis from the resl of the polis. The audience sees itself taken 10 this new place as the scene shifts, without further recastins> to its new setting. AJ MacDowell has observed, Dicaeopolis places lhe audience through his narratives; they d o nOI know that they arc on !he Pn)'J[ until he tells them, and he has 10 tell them that he is now going into his house in the country (101) or to the house of Euripides (94). Wherever hI: goci the play 8oc" and if hI: doca not say whe", he is, the scene is nowhere, or rather, back in the theatre. 72 This technique skilfully puts the audience at the mercy of the main character and makes them gau as the collective citizen body al the re construction of the city. City Dionysia are replaced by their rural counlerpan, and the Agora by the private new foundation ouoide the city. The new agora, above all, is noticeably oUlside Athenian territory. Not only do the Megarians freely movc around, although they a", said to have been banned from the entire Athenian sphere of influence (m ill gii mi l ' m ugorai, mi l ' m IhalwsLi m i t' m l peiroi mePl4in, 535) , but LamachU$ (719- 22), as well a5 the fanner Dcrceles (1025- 35), are in effect excluded. By removing the Athenians in this way Oicaeopolil reduces the StatuS of his fellow citizens below that of xenoi , who in Athens were allowed at least to tntde in the market on payment of a tax (896).7)

The chorus of Achamians fonn the third clement in the triangular conflict between city, individual and d eme. NOte, to begin with, thai it is not so much that the chorus represent the Achamians as a community, bUI thai a topographical label is given to a cenain type: of citizen$ which have been ond don&nt (Cortk/U'. mo"'o ...... iIc PItH ... equalled thol of the "'9' io op«:uI&li>'C: . • Ami, (.96 ' ) q..ed tho, in 1M fitIh «R.Ul)' ofiet die con,uuction of .... 1.0", WoIl. ~nl
' 9 .4).

'"

192

JIM ROY

the tension between the Q,n y and the Piraeus arose from the relations of their citiun populations. Some o f th e most striking, if puzzling, comments on the Piraeus are to be found in the work of Aristotle. He knew Athens well, and his opinion, though dearly coloured by lOCial and political bias, would be important even if isolated; but in fact his views can be related to othen expressed in fifth- and fourth-century Athens. Aristotle Politics '30387-tl considers cues of poIeis where geographical facton give rise to srasis, citing as examples C lawmenae, Colophon , and Athen s, where he speaks o f stasis between the inhabitants of the asry and the inhabitants of the Piraeus. (It is notable that Aristotle foc::u ses his comparison on the two major urban areas in the Athenian slate. 4) Even from our limited evidence we know of slasis at C lazomenac and Colophon;' but the choice of Athens as an iIIustnti on is odd, because in our much fuller evidence for Athens we do not hear of specific cases of sfaJis between asl)' and Piraeus except in the reSloration of democ::racy in 403, and on that oc::casion, as Aristotle well knew, the pani" to the conf1ict were not the normal co mmunities of the aJl)' and the Piraeus/' Yet Arislotle presumably did not choose Athens as an example lightly, and his statement deserves consideration. His genen.1 context concerns th e internal politics of the citizen-body in II polis. Moreover, his terms of comparison for the panies at Athens, namely that ' those dwelling in the Piraeus' are more ckrnorikoi7 than ' those dwelling in the cury', again implicitly refer to citizen panicipation in the polis. Aristotle's prejudic" about dem oc::racy are well known. 8 and his judgment on the Pin.eul is presumably to be taken as less favoun.ble than his view of the as!}'. Vet it is not clear why th e residents of the Piraeus seemed to him more ckmolilroi. It might partly have been because of the events of

• Comparison mial" ..,ncci-r.bly 1\aY~ been mad. "';!h o\l>t ....... with ....,...bly.pedaI . - . . . . ouch .. Rhomno .. "';!h ito fumns and ioololtd poo;tion (_ C.J. Otbornr ('jI9Oa), Petn.koo ( ' 99'» , Of AcJwno.e wllh ito 1'OIaIty-tw~"'; (_ TnoiU '975 : ' 9- :lO). Howev.', onal """Id ma.ch the impononc:. 0( the Pinoe ... by the II.... fill:h «nlUl)'. Ario.od< dc:otly did "'" ohatt pel.. ondinc the
• S« •.•. Un"", ('992),

Till tllrtarfrom rile PiI'i" 2.6 . 66, in dacrilrina "'" ""'alo ............ d.mocrocy in ( 0), ope.'" only oflhooc; who '"" wned ... no of Ihe Pi,.....,1 ;"'u.Ued.". "'" Th;"'. The imponaJ>« of _ ......-chon. oflhe I'i....... fa.< .. these mon ...,.,Id be id ... tiMd .. r-oMdcn .. "f the Pi"'CUI . (lbc impl;c,tiooo of t.y. .... ~ 9. n .... uplo... d "'"her in Roy '9"9' .) On "'" AII>.ni&ll iury-ptmt

""uro. ....

of tht Pinocuol_ no Lanter primorily ossocia.ed with onal poom- bu, with rl oflhi. cut I. up!o ... d VI MOil. (1983). " II I••1I'i1
supremacy for die existing polis over the new Piraeus. At the other extreme the naval character of the Piraeus could be used to locate it not on Athe· nian territory at all but offshore; ' You have left die afty,' said Aeschines to Demosthenes, 'and in the Piraeus you are not residing but lying at anchor off the polis' (Aeschines 3.209). Or the SlTength of the Piraeus, which generated the Sl asiJ between wry and Piraeus, could simply be etraced; Plalo Comicu5 wrote ofThemistocles' lomb, sel on a promontory near the large harbour of the Piraeus, that ' Your tomb, heaped up in a fair place, will always be a greeting to merchantmen, and will see those sailing in and out, and will look on whenever there is a race of ships. '39 The venes stress the imponance of merchanl shipping in the Piraeus, and implicitly contradict the empha&i5 on the IrUrikon of Aristotle ( Politics 1291817- 2.5). "Ine venes also link Themistodes and the Piraeus with the boat-races which fOfTlled pan of the Panathenaea, a prime ex pression of the unitary Athenian poIis. 4 0) Plato Comicus thus disassociates Themistocles, the founder of the Athenian flee t, from the navy, 5ubordioates the Piraeus to the Panathenaea, and dissolves the tension arising from the triad Piraeus, navy, and democracy. In conclusion, the arguments presented here can be summed up thus. The rapid growth of the Piraeus in the fifth century soon made it the biggest urban concentration in Attica apart from the JUry itself. As a result the wry fe lt threatened, and tension developed between the citizen residents of the Piraeus and those of the asty. While meric [taden active in the Em/H'n on may have affecled perceptions of the Piraeus, there do not seem to have been propon.ionatcly more metics in the Piraeus than in the wry. and Aristotle, categorising the res idents or the Piraeus as more ciemollJf()i. makes clear that the tension was fel! between the citizen reside nu of the twO centres. Except in the extraordinary circumstances of the oligarchic regime at Athens in 404- ). the tension does not appea r 10 be related 10 panicular political issues (though il is admittedly difficult to distinguish politically active residenu of the Piraeus because the great majority of Athenians living there belonged to demes elsewhere and were fOfTllally identified as members of their original demes, not as residenu of the Piraeus). Rather, the enduring lension between Piraeus and aSly seems to have been due. nOi 10 pan.icular issues, but to the challenge which the new town posed to the tnditional centre of Athenian life. How the residents of the Piraeus represented their relarions with the asly we do nOI know, for the surviving evidence does not lell us. but we can see how the JUry developed and expressed a perception of the Piraeus in an attempt to assert its own n... .,....... )'.4-'

quota D;od"",. I'ctiqc.co. "''''' in turn had 'IIIOttd 1'1.0.0 Comku.; in R . KMod NWI C . "unin IW't>< 'IOtCO "4 - .6 ()fI p. 101 (.... ""'" 1I>cre on: •• f... nca '0 .arlit< ij,ao"UfC) . .. l'Iutudl

1I>c

quotlDon 1ppt'1. . . .

f'Ilo.o

fr.,"

Pan.""".....,

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superiority. In its most hostile form this discoune stressed unfavourably the links of the Piraeus with democracy and me navy, but even in a milder fonn, acceptable to me Athenian assembly, it emphasised the subordination of the Piraeus to the auy, and in the comic theatre or in a law!;ourt the Piraeus could be dismissed as a haunt of prostiruteS and rogues. The range of texts which express, with more or less hostility, the a.ny's reaction [0 the Piraeus shows how much the WI)' fell threatened.

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12

Encounters in the Agora* PAUL MILLETT

MEN MAKE THE POLIS? One evening, in a year not know to us but sometime towards the middle of the fourth century BCE, two friends went for a stroll through the Agoca. Their names were Ariston and PhanostnllOs, both of them Athenian citizens. We arc able to trace their steps as they walked southwards as far as the Pherrephattion (a sanctuary of Persephone) before turning back. There was apparently nothing unusual about this talting of the evening air in the Agora: Ariston describes it as being his usual custom. What made this walk different was its unpleasant ending. As the two friends, on their way back, approached the Lcokorion (a shrine to the daughters of Leos), they were set upon by II. gang. Phanostratos was pinned to the ground, while Ariston was brutally beaten. His attackers tore off his cloak, threw him down into the mud, and then jumped on him, cursing all the while. As a climax to the attack, the ringleader stood over Ariston and began to crow, imitating a fighting cock that had won a battle. To complete the effect, he flapped his elbows against his side to resemble wings. After the attackers had made off, Ariston himself was carried home by some passers-by, more dead than alive. Although he had sustained internal injuries, so serious that the doctors despaired of his Ilfe, he did make a slow recovery. This hostile encounter in the Agora was neither the beginning nor the end of the story. Ariston recognised among his anackers one Kanan, together with his sons, with whom some two years previously he had had violent dealings. On this subsequent occasion, Ariston prosecuted Konon for assault. The speech delivered in court by Ariston was written for him by • Thil p.o~r is, in pari, an .lUmpt 10 ~.pond 10 I ,,,",,,.ion m..t~ or rh~ Enrer Conf~ten"" on ReciptCiry in Ancien. Greece (Gill ... oJ .• furthcminJ) ma, n:ciprocity in Athtn, mipll haw had topogn.phk"l implic.lio .... It io oJ ... in pari • uopo_ '0 .'>hr}r B..nt ·, I... tifi.oble imp.';.""" with ~dprocitJ' .. tho fuhi< Twelve Gods (Camp, '986: 12). c..mp.... with ~ .... pi.". oflhe A.... &tel Ill< Inempu:d ruoM!fUction by Judeich from '93' (nprodUCfll in ~ ZJV: u,). For ... impr'aoion of the , •• k the ~otis<s, con....., II>< 'bdono and aft .. ncwnrion' phoI"IJ'Ip/tI; ~pn>duud by Camp ( ' 986: II). who ....pM...... and mu......... Ill< poor pre .......""" of IIJUCtW'es irI the """",, ..mJ rWn, oboYe lfOund

...,.

r..:u...

• Anol)'lio of me ron.. and functiod of IIf>KC In Ihe G.ttk d.,. _ until ~"tly ~ dominltnt by Prench ..,I>0Il..: &om ~ '" VNlal-Naq\loenian ""...... own ... inopi ..,.jonol deb< .0 Nid>olo, """"n', • 7"'T WlpllbiiaMd 1«""" ..kin,:: OW .. A..ri,.... Rome mon: ~ kc c.Jrun. 0< Lo:,cbworth?' • "The impreuion dw 1m", conc!itionJ, IIOt only in Athen, but in Ou1tiell 0.-: .. in "",Cl' of in,hlltrial oociety: the word ;. lin, " lnled in prinT •. ,100), 110 Ita 0IIIdtr0nittic: io the a"e...,ud ....l:>o>.o, of Ath=ian domatic: ordU_ ~.

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of the accusations against his opponent Androtion is that by ruthless pursuit of public debtors, he has turned each man's ' private house' (idia oikia) into a prison; and all this 'in a dem ocracy' (5Z) . An indignant account follows of hard-up but otherwise blameless Athenians clambering over neighbours' roofs and hiding under beds, and in front of their wives, too. The families who inhabited the houses described in these and other lawcoun speeches were from the upper end of Athenian society, wealthy enough for their menfolk 10 serve as trierarchs and owe - if not always pay on time - the eisp/wra or property tax. Very differenl was the practice of their counterpa ns from the city of Rome, who not only built large and sumptuous houses commensurate with their wealth, but also m erged private with public by throwing open the doors of their homes (o r pans of them) to the outside world. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (r989b) has given an eloquent account of how the architecture of elite Roman housing reflected the hierarchy inherent in Roman society (63- 4): To 5tand al the door of an upper-class Roman house of the late republic Or early empire is already 10 glimpse something of the ~nrrality of patronage in Roman society ... The way the Roman house invites the viewer from the front door, unparalleled in the Greek world, flows from the patronal rituals so often described in the Roman sources: the opening of the doors at dawn to the crowd of callers, the accessibility of the dominus 10 the public, his cliems and his mendl. The demands of patronage and the need for competitive display III the quest for political power are crucial in explaining the rela tive ri chness of infonnation about Roman elite housing: its lavishness, location and differentiation. Some impression of the intensification through time in competitive house building is provided by Pliny the Elder's earnest assurance that the finest h ouse in Rome in 78 BCE was, just thirty-five years la ter. not even in the first hundred ( HN XXXVI . I O) .9 The classic Roman conjunction of hierarchy, patronage, political aspiration and luxury housing helps explain by contrarieties the relative homogeneity of housing in Athens. where nothing readily corresponds to the greal gulf between the senatorial elite in their town houses and the plebs in the imula~. The ethos of democratic Athens - where even purchase of an unusually expensive fish might result in unfavourable, if jocular, comment (see below) - reinforced the classical Greek tendency for houses to be modest and relatively undifferentiated by decoration and location. 1o • On Roman bOIl.ma, .. e, in add ition to P.n ..... n ( '99~: ~OO-~): Wi""man ( '
210

PAUL MILLETT

to ' divine heroes' (noC), the ariStocracy ofwanion was not compelled to mingle with the man of ordinary Athenians. I ] Ideological implications of housing in Athen5 are cleareS[ with respect to the size of dwellings . From the early founh century, the speaker in Lytias' Agaiml Epikrales (XXVII ) stands accused of embezrling public funds. He counter-anlcks by portraying his opponents IS enrichina themselves at public expense. Whereas formerly they were barely able to suppa" themselves, they are now wealthy enough to pay the property tax (mplwra), sponsor choruses, and they also live in great hou,es ( II ). By contrast, the litigllflt in L)'$ias' On w MIfflhr 01 Eraumhmu (1.9) n:assun:s the juron that his house, which he is about to describe, is 'just a little one' (oikidion). Throughout his speech Against Mridias (lOU), Demosthenes aims to subYen his opponent', democratic credentials. In displays of insolence (hubris) towards the donos he is even worse than Alkibiades (143-150); he has shockingly underpc:rformed his liturgies or public services (158- 74); his sole claim to distinction (lamprow) is conspicuous expenditure (sonna analomata). Apan from purchasing for his wife a euriJ.ge drJ.WD by a pair of wbite horses from Sicyon, 'he has built at Eleusis a house so big that it overshadows everyone else in the neighbourhood' (158- 9). The motif of inappropriate expenditure on housing occurs elsewhere in Demosthenes. In his Third O/ynthwc (111.25- 6), the public and private expenditure pattern. of present-day politicians are ..ontraued with thoae of the past, who 'set up out of the wealth of the state so many fine buildings ... yet in peRonal terms, they were so modest and anxious to conform to the spirit of the constitution that the houses of their fJ.mous men, of Aristeides or of Miltiades, as an)' of you can see who knOwt them, are not a bit more sumptuous than those of their neighboUR'. He passes on 10 drJ.w the inevilable, unfavounable C{lmparison (29): how his opponents have risen from obscure poverty to high profile prosperity, erecting private houses more sumptuous tbllfl public buildings. The motif i. repeated almost word for word in DemoSlbenes' later speech Agail'l.Jl Aristokraw (xxlII .206-8; cf. xltl.291. where the housu of Themistocles and Miltiadc:t are invoked as proof that, in former rimes, ' no man held himself above the mas5 of the people' ... Ostenlatious adornment and public display of his house is one of the: ,. nu, .. ...run. in itt full, dMoM: KftK; Oft l.iftqIx a.

Vid.ll_N""I~' (c99l\: '9), who conlnll, Ibt acillOi.;,y of !be linn of Kritlu' oil)' with d>c: PalM" of I< '" kI.,.nr, d>c: bot.>oeo officur'eo &0", .... put? Accord .... to Maccm..,.. ( .g l,: od ~.). DmI...the .... em:fully (and cle¥etly) Imptieo ..... thac ' - - "'" ... ~ Iber will _ be ... ncnlI, 1tDoom. For wbac it iI ""'"", W,lI..,..Karydi ('994), who !Un Ihio _ .. her point of < diny work of ~ tnd Co . 'b< poplar' (AndoL '.'91 .t,.".. m "".7'0) , bu, no, II>< unacUll>k bd....... ut of Midi.. in lI>< .... on (o.m. DI ."I, ond in W: bolow). Only re«ntlJ b.u t.bc: .,1I"KIiv< fu U .., oI ... timnil , I « Ap,o Itl: noo.4?-9 . It will no' 1>0..., nnpo
,. [, ..

~ tho. Bocpholcl', ",,1Iecbon of talimonia t>q>Iicidy (tho ........... tandobly) ..... its tcfo:t.mca to porwno in "".on whidI ho.. no ,opopphicaI ....i6< ....... EoIdcna: ...... br,land... ODd their bchn;our h.. been ..wrscd In an .o"pubiiohed _ by Adriaan 1MuU ( '99').

S~ " '0 !>Ole tho, [k"..,.th An4ok. ' .. 0; l)D its function .. an open . .. , Iobout ~~cJw\ae: Fub ( '95 ' )'

"-onioo.. ..

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low prices being charged for anchovies. In th eir eagerness to take advantage of the bargain, the assembled bouleutai abandon their meeting and leap over the fence (see funher, below). As Miller notes (rSl ), ' The 6shmongen are perceptible to eye, ear and probably nose of the councillon seated on the slops above the square.·)(1 IDEOLOGY IN THE AGORA

This mixing up of functions in the Agora, especially commercial with religious and political, was the despair of contemporary, conservative theorists. In particular, th ere was the unavoidable mingling of rypes of peop le whom they reckoned ought to be kept separate. The preferred solution of Plam in his LaWJ is the removal of the political process elsewhere. Assemblies are to be held in rdigious sanctuaries (738d) and magistrates elected in temples (7S3b). Although the agora itself is bounded by temples (848d), which are the responsibility of the agora1l(mwi (849a), rules and regulations are elaborately framed so as to make Platonic marketing crucially different from buying and selling in the Agora of Athens (849b-Ssoa). Commercial interaction between citizens and non-citizens (such a feature of the Athenian Agora) was to be minimised: citizens were to deal with non-citizens through slaves or other non-dtizen agents, and then only in certain commodities on fixed days in each month. Resale of these and other specified goods was forbidden, save in 'marketplaces of strangers' (xenon agorai), which are perhaps to be identified with marketp laces 'outside the city' where traders from overseas were to be quarantined (9sz0). Other goods and items could be bought and sold in the 'common marketplace' (kui~ agora), but profits were predetermined and haggling suictly forbidden (9t7b-c). Again. the contrast with Athenian practice could hardly be more marked (see below). Aristotle's remedy in the Politics in part echoes the LaW1 in creating twO com plementary agorai (I33ta30-bt4). He advises that, adjacent to temples and other pub lic buildings, the re should be what the Thessalians caU a 'free agora' (agora ekll.lhera), which is actually dosed m artisans and peasants unless summoned by an official. This agora, which ideally includes a gymnasium for older citiuns, is devOled to schole (only approximately, ' leisure activities'). The agora for marketing, which is to be in a different place, Aristotle labels "the necessary agora' (a llagkaia agora). The class who get their living through marketing in the agora form a distinct ' illiberal' group in Aristotle's sociology of the polis (I29t bI4-30; tz89bz6-34): how, JO

Miller (1,' _2) oloo ",.'. own Cd 111.7.$. dioculMd bel_). » Of""" .... , it eavJd be coun«ttd th •• tb< earlier rerua (/ytk pomy and < AIno.

".tand

..w.

Encounlen in the Agora

ren•.,.., and it is by r«:iprocity that they bind together. ThaI il why they give I prominent place 10 the sanctuary of the Charilcs, in the inle~". of I'CCiproc:ity. For this is the ch.aTlCT.erisric of c1lllris: we !IIould serve in ~tum one who has shown ,Joom to UI, I nd should another rime take the initiative in showing it. Emphasis here is on cham (personified as me Chariles) as a fa'lOur bestowed or a benefit rerumed. Recent work has tended to bear out Aristotle', in51.$tence on me centrality of reciprocity in ord ering penonaJ relations wimin me poIiJ.'. There was a shrine of me Charites associated wim me Agora in Amens. It would be neat indeed if this monument could be identified with Aristotle's illustration of the binding power of reciprocity. Inevitably, there are difficulties. Was the Agora shrine really 'in a prominent place'? It is shown on the map of the fourth-century Agora rucked away on the south side of the Sacred Way, JUSt shon of the n orthern entran ce. The evidence of epigraphy suggests thai, at least in post-classical times, the shrine was dedicated not just to the Charites, but also to Demos and Aphrodite Hegemon - a powerful combination (lG II' 2798). A major pan of the problem in assessing m e prominence and origins of the shrine is that, being on the site oCthe Athens 10 Pineus Railway, il no longer exists." Whatever the status of the shrine along the Sacred Way, marketing activities within the Agora gave ordinary people plenty of scope for, in the words of Aristotle, returning evil for evil and good for good. Negative aspects of reciprodty are to the fore in me anecdote told by Herodotos of an encounter between Greek and barbarian (I.I S3). King Kyros is made to tell a Spanan envoy how he can never fear men 'who have a place set aside in the centre of their polis where they perjure themselves and deceive one another'. This H erodolos explains as referring to Greek agorai, where buying and selling take place; such things being unknown among the Persians. How this story was supposed 10 be read by contemporlries is not clear. The intention was presumably to represent the Penian as misunderstanding something that was essentially Greek, but wherein lies the Greekness? One possibility could be Kyros' failure to grasp that all the posturing between buyer and Beller was to be accepted as pan of the competitive process rather than barefaced deceit. There was pride in the muiJ ('wily intelligence') needed to get the best of • bargain. Appropriately enough, the patron deity of the Agora was Hermes himself. 'Yes, by .. On "'" """"cpt of .:Joa';'• .. c Mille" (' 99. : "3-6), '0 which ..w Moc:l..achI.an (' \193) ond L.o Schi.... (.\19)}. 11Ic """'me of ....}'1 "';1\1 "'" of II>< &¢'or ~c of '99l.co~ ,0 tho ritoJi.,. of~.,. in tho claooi< olllllion ia ~'" to ~ in thc ...... oIpoUtical ouemb!jeo (d I'l0l0, G,.,.,. 41, d ). eon ...., Ibc comic 10 •••0 thc _ . in N . P- 999. Pot ibcophns ..... CA.onoc Uurod"",...,. obotrvI ....... o f MKDowtU ( '99!: . - 16) on 'In.... tion and Int ..... pn:uclon' ..... 'Audo.:nOl: and Ibtpcao"""" .... eminen t/)'"*"", . . . n: "" .............. on K.,;p" (10-- " . j. ~ abo..,.. RLd.m, t.Itil Ylumr, •• , n . 7' -

U4

P .... UL MILLETT

Briefly, a rival is needed to challenge the domination of the Paphlagonian slave (alia.! the politician K1eon) over his master Demos (the people of Athens). The chosen character is a SaUllge-Seller. Towan:is the end of the play (1257- 8), he rareals his name [0 be 'AgOtakritos', which ambiguously means either 'chosen by the assembly' or ' arguer in the agora' (which il how the Saulage-seUer himself eJ:plainli it). He was born and bred in the Agora (293). A politician who saw him as a child ingeniously steliing food in the Agol'I prophesied great thinp for him (424- S). He is acclaimed by his lupponers as the 'greatest of men' on the grounds that, just like his political predecessors (128- 40), he is a brass-faced rogue from the Agora ( t8l - 2). To succeed as a politician, all he needs to do is continue as before; afte r all, with his loud voice and low binh he is agoraiJJJ - an 'Agora-person' (;u8; cr. 293). He fulfils this prediction by bringing to bear his Agora-skills in worsting the Paphlagonian when they appear as rivals before the bou/l. Not only are the councilmen distracted and the meeting abruptly tenninated by his announcement of cheap anchovi~ in the AgOi'll (see above). He also comers the market in onions and coriander needed as seasoning for the fish which, distributed for free, win him the suppon of the entire bouU (624- h) ..a THE MANIPULATION Of MARKET SPACE Restriction of access to the Agora-arel was an obvious wly of making a formal and public statement about a person's repulltion (see de Ste. Croo:, 1972: 397- g) . According to a law attributed to Solon (Oem. XXXIV. 103), a man found guilty of ill-treating his parenu who intruded on the Agora was to be imprisoned. 'The man who fails to take the field', says Aeschines (m. 176), 'and the coward, and the man who has desened his post, the lawgiver has kept outside the lustral basins of the Agora ... ' The Orators regularly introduce the motif or being banished from the Agora. 1 have brought this proSC1;Ution, advises Lycurgus ( Ltolt. s; cf. 42), because ' I thought it shoclcing that this man should push into the Agora and share the public sacrifices'. Our anceston banned from the Agora people like you, Demosthenes infonns his opponent (XXII.77). Fonnal exclusion from the Agora reflected its status 81 a WlftfWl or sacred space, marked off with lustral basins and boundary stones (Camps, t 986: 4g- S2) . But the marketing space both within and beyond these boundaries could also be used in the furing of ~utations . Although the impression given so far is or a sprawling col1«tion of temporary stalls, all the indications are thai the market was set out along acknowledged and predictable lines; at leasl, ror those who blew the rules. This is made .. 'The poIitico... ·~ "":t,,pIMw .. 10100 odpUtricacia of plot in J6ritIoII an: npIomI by Btoc:k (,914).

"7 companion thlt lhey must hold their anli-democratic discussion in private: as he bluntly puts it, 'away from die odUos and the Agora',") THE C ASE AGAIN S T KONQN RECONSIDERED

Aic:nc:d to the ridmen of nsociation in the Agora, let us anc:mpt • reassessmcnt of Muon's violent encounter wilh Konan, a, presented by Demosthenes. It is • measure of Demolthenes' skilllhat the speech Against Konon implies far more than the speaker actually IIYS. The topographical detail of Ariston'. ,noll in the Agora would have bad resonances for the Athenian jury. He and PhanosU1ltos entered the Agora by the Leokorion, then proceeded to the Phcrrepbattion. They then retraced their steps to the Lcokorion , which is where the assault took place. Provided that accepu:d identifications ofLeokorion and Phcrrephanion arc correct, then the twO fri ends foll owed, before tuming back, the ro ute of me Pana thenaic Procession." It is in the context of this private recreation of the Panathenaea thai the double mention of the Leokorion has some significance. A.ccording to Thucydidel (vI.67), this was the spot at which an earlier celebration of the Panathenaea had come to grief. 11 was, he says, at the place called the Leokorion that the ryrannicidel HarmodiOli and MSlogc:iton showed their h ands and murdered Hipparchos, who was marshalling the procession. In so doing, they generated what was, to quote Cardedge (1993: 3:1), 'the most important chaner myth of the Athenian democracy'. So we have the Leo korion as the scene of an earlier, violent assault. but with intentions and outcome very different from the attack made on Mllon by Konon and his sons. They are shown as getting themselves mOlt inappropriately mixed up in the setting for a piece nf A.thens' past that the jurors associated. however incorrectly, with their democratic origins. The way in which Ka na n and his ass.ociau~s are later portrayed by M ston further implies thai their democratic credentials we ~ less than perfect. •J

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J. J. &

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(1990), edl., Nothing UI Do With DionywJJ Alhmian

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gj

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Amwtk) u8 - 19 qriculrure 171, 17S, !!l Aldoo, (archait:) !..iI 86-7, ill::2i I« also Acropol~. Alht:nian, Aeon, Athenian, ... fW, o f Atbcns, citium , demc , dcmocnocy, ae-, dcmocnocy, mqis!nICS,

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identity, political !.10

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in.orpc:rwnal n:IUMml

sa U'IIUQ, pIoilia

IKhom.chl.ll (clIatacter in Xmophon , 0«.) n.llL uS

mqiltrlta ~ !.SQ.,

N . (on Venice) 1 116-8, I}G-I, 1)1-4 0. ~

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(offices of) !!f..

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mile VI female §.. 2.t LQ, !.s.. !.L ~ n.. 6},. l1.t 1'1--40 ; (adminiuntion of) ill kinwp U::l.. 135. !.ll. ~ !H; '" dIM>

....Iis 2.1..l Mctroon ill Midi.. (enemy ofDcmoslhcnel) ~ ')3, ~!.11. 157- ItoinoN f.t 1. N.. ~ 12> 126. 123. ~

Konon (defendant in Dcmoothcncl ZLnI) lO}-4, 221

huftDI, social order 1.. l.=j, 10 n., 11. ll.. ~M.~

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_

money ;tQ, lQ,. ~ lL ~ M.. U. in. !.!l.. '45, 149- 5 ' . !.S9.. !!1. 225; _abo NIlb, credit, debl, liNl'Jies Mother of the Gods, shrine of i l l

Mounichi. 175, !.Z!. !ll myneriel !!.. 'l.ii ' " abo Elwlinion, Be"";,

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166

JIIdu

myth h 11~ 19. ~!2!. '79, ~ ll7; _

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navy i!. !.!h!..!ll.o ~ 101 ~ l i _ GUo PirKUl, muanllia NUT ea.1 {inftLlencc on Greece) .1 NcsSOl Ampbora ~ Nidal ' 71, 105 _ &. &i _GUo law non- ~ ~ 2i. 116-17, 165, 1Al. ~ ~ ~ lli.o 114 ~6; '" GUo family, indiridL1ll1 VI coUc~, lrinlhip, prinlt vs public Oinot: (demc) ill oliprchy I 1M (J/.SQ Sparu., "aN OlymhL1l

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Otbomc, R. ~ !..Q1, Ott....Jd, M . !.i,t

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Paeania (deme) !.!.l., 166, m p.tJIaGtN ~ il=.i. 101 , l..U. Pallene (deme) Pan Painter l!:' PanathclUlu i2::!., l2L loi, 173, 10[, In; _ ahD fnunl, Panathcnaic WI)' ill pa....,...phl J..U. [51, ~ ... :mta ~ Prytaneion U

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rank 18, 31,)4, 80; _ abo tUN! fOIdprociry', 37. sa~s, 6S~6. 76-7. 96. li S, 119, U2 - 4. 220- 1, HI; _ tlho contn