KING, PRIEST,
PROPHET
STUDIES ON THE TEXTS OF THE DESERT OF JUDAH EDITED BY
F. GARCIA MARTINEZ
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
P.W. FLINT
VOLUME XLVII
KING, PRIEST, PROPHET Positive Eschatological Protagonists of the Qumran Library
BY
GEZA G. XERAVITS
BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON
2003
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Xeravits, Geza G. King, priest, prophet: positive eschatological protagonists of the Qumran library / by Geza G. Xeravits. p. cm. — (Studies on the texts of the desert ofjudah, ISSN 0169-9962 ;v. 47) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004128921 (alk. paper) 1. Dead Sea scrolls. 2. Eschatology, Jewish. 3. Messiah—Judaism. I. Title. II. Series BM487.X47 2002 296.F55—dc21
2002028205
ISSN 0169-9962 ISBN 90 04 12892 1 © Copyright 2003 by Koninklyke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN T H E NETHERLANDS
for Ildiko r t o n i ? T mm )n
'Jicfe r t a )'K
(Psalm 139:4)
and for Abris and Sara una inatiK'nat
x^Q
(Psalm 127:5a)
"03n
'10$
CONTENTS Contents Acknowledgements Abbreviations
vi xi xiii
Chapter One: Introduction. Positive Eschatological Protagonists in the Qumran Library 1. Positive Eschatological Protagonist: A Definition 2. Eschatological Expectations 2.1. The Old Testament Background 2.2. Eschatological Traditions of the Qumran Community 2.3. An Eschatology that had Begun to Be Realised 3. The Expectation of Positive Eschatological Protagonists 3.1. Positive Eschatological Protagonists in the Old Testament 3.2. The Nature of these Figures 3.3. The Problem of the Term "Messianic Expectations" 3.4. Positive Eschatological Protagonists in the Qumran Library 4. The Present Study 4.1. Material 4.2. Prospect
1 2 3 3 5 6 7 7 8 8 9 10 10 11
PART ONE: ANALYTICAL APPROACH
13
Chapter Two: Sectarian Writings 1. Rule of the Community (1QS) 1.1. Introduction 1.2. Literary Considerations 1.3. Rule of the Community ix 5b-l 1 1.4. The Related 4Q Fragments 1.5. Third Column of 4Q259 1.6. Significance 2. Rule of the Congregation (lQSa/lQ28a and 4Q249a-i) 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Literary Development of the Text 2.3. The Related Material of Rule of the Congregation 2.3.1. lQSaiil2bff 2.3.2. lQSaiill-12a 2.4. Significance 3. Rule of Blessings (lQSb/lQ28b) 3.1. Introduction 3.2. Contents and Structure 3.3. Some Passages of lQSb iv 18-v 29 3.4. Significance 4. Damascus Document (CD) 4.1. Introduction
14 15 15 16 17 19 20 21 22 22 24 25 25 26 28 28 28 28 30 32 32 32
vii
4.2. General Literary Considerations 4.3. The Laws of M S A and the M S B 4.3.1. The Related Material of these M S S 4.3.2. Significance 4.4. The Midrash Amos-Numbers (CD vii 9-viii 2; xix 5-14) 4.4.1. Literary Considerations 4.4.2. CD vii 9-viii 2 4.4.3. Conclusions 4.5. The Concluding Lines of the Well Midrash (CD vi 8b-l la) 5. Continuous and Thematic Pesharim from Cave 4 5.1. Introduction 5.1.1. Origin of the pesharim 5.1.2. Considerations concerning the Genre 5.2. Pesher on Isaiah (4Q161) 5.2.1. Introduction 5.2.2. The Related Material of 4Q161 5.3. Eschatological Midrash (4QMidrEsch, 4Q174 and 4Q177) 5.3.1. Introduction 5.3.2. The Related Material of 4Q174 5.4. Testimonia (4Q175) 5.5. Significance of the pesharim 6. A Commentary on Genesis (4Q252) 6.1. Introduction 6.2. Contents of 4Q252 6.3. 4Q252 Column v 6.4. Significance of 4Q252 7. Sefer ha-Milhamah (4Q285) 7.1. Introduction 7.2. Related Material of the Composition 7.2.1. 4Q285frg.7, 1-6 7.2.2. 4Q285frg.4,5-10 7.3. Significance 8. 1 lQMelchizedek (11Q13, 1 lQMelch) 8.1. Introduction 8.2. Genre 8.3. The Text of 1 lQMelch ii 8.4. Significance 9. Excursus: The War Scroll (1QM) 9.1. Introduction 9.1.1. Dating to the First Century BC 9.1.2. Dating to the Second Century BC 9.2. Related Material of the War Scroll 9.2.1. Prophets of the Past in 1QM xi 7b-8a 9.2.2. The Prince of the Congregation in 1QM v 1 9.3. Assessment 10. Sectarian Writings: Summary a
Chapter Three: Non-Sectarian Writings 1. An Aramaic Danielic Apocryphon (4Q246) 1.1. Introduction .•
35 36 36 38 38 38 43 47 47 50 50 50 50 51 51 52 55 55 55 57 58 59 59 61 61 63 63 63 64 64 67 67 68 68 69 70 75 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 79 79 82 82 82
viii
1.2. Interpretation 1.2.1. Notes 1.2.2. Parallels with the Book of Daniel 1.2.3. Structure of the Text 1.2.4. The Identity of the "Son of God" 2. Prayer of Enosh (4Q369) 2.1. Introduction 2.2. 4Q369 frg. 1 ii 1-12 2.3. Individual or Collective Interpretation? 2.4. Significance 3. 4QNarrative A (4Q458) 3.1. Introduction 3.2. 4Q458 fragments 1-2 3.3. Significance of 4Q458 4. Messianic Apocalypse (4Q521) 4.1. Introduction 4.2. 4Q521 2 ii + 4, fines 1-15 4.3. 4Q521 2 iii 4.4. Further Important Fragments of 4Q521 4.4.1. Frg. 5 i +frg. 6 4.4.2. Frg. 5 ii + frg. 7 4.4.3. Frg. 8, lines 5-12 4.4.4. Frg. 9 4.5. Concluding Assessment and Significance 5. Levi Apocryphon (4Q541) 5.1. Introduction 5.2. The Relevant Fragments of 4Q541 5.2.1. 4Q541frg.9 5.2.2. 4Q541frg.24 5.3. The Importance of 4Q541 6. Visions of 'Amram (4Q543-549) 6.1. Introduction 6.2. Related Fragments of the Visions of 'Amram 6.3. Significance of the Visions of 'Amram 7. 4QVision ar (4Q558) 7.1. Introduction 7.2. Text 7.3. Significance 8. Excursus: Writings Connected to Moses (4Q374 and 4Q377) 8.1. Introduction 8.2. Discourse on the Exodus/Conquest Tradition (4Q374) 8.2.1. Introductory Remarks 8.2.2. 4Q374frg. 2 ii 8.3. Apocryphal Pentateuch B (4Q377) 8.3.1. Introductory Remarks 8.3.2. 4Q377 frg. 2, col. ii 8.4. 4Q374 and 4Q377: Their Relationship and Significance 9. Non-Sectarian Writings: Summary b
83 84 86 87 88 89 89 90 92 94 94 94 95 98 98 98 100 104 106 106 106 108 108 109 110 110 Ill Ill 113 115 116 116 117 119 120 120 120 121 121 121 122 122 122 124 124 124 126 127
ix
PART TWO: SYNTHETIC APPROACH
129
Chapter Four: Terms A. Anointed One 1. Passages Containing the Word rrro 1.1. The Temporal Setting 1.1.1. Non-eschatological Occurrences 1.1.2. Eschatological Occurrences 1.2. Evaluation and Consequences of the Scope of the Material 2. Anointed One, or Messiah? 2.1. The Data Provided by the Qumran Library 2.1.1. iTTO in an Attributive Sense 2.1.2. I T E D in the Titular Sense 2.2. The Use of the Word in Early Judaism 2.2.1. The Septuagint (LXX) 2.2.2. Early Jewish Writings from Palestine 2.2.3. The Targumim 3. Conclusions B. 'Prince (of the Congregation)' 1. Prince-Passages in Qumran 1.1. Martial Activity 1.2. Royal Characteristics 1.3. Conclusions 2. Development of the Term 2.1. Hebrew Bible 2.2. Early Jewish Literature C. Further Royal and Priestly Terminology 1. Semah : 1.1. no* Passages in 4Q161 and 4Q174 1.2. no* Passages in 4Q252 and 4Q285 1.3. The Importance of the Term Tin no* 2. Sceptre and Star 2.1. Occurrences of one? with :D"D and with Num. 24:17 2.2. Occurrences of COT without Num. 24:17 2.3. "Messianic" Wirkungsgeschichte of the CQB/rD'D Imagery 3. Priestly Terminology 3.1. (High) Priest - (man) jrrD 3.1.1. Eschatological High Priest without a Martial Setting 3.1.2. Eschatological High Priest with a Martial Setting 3.2. Interpreter of the Law 3.3. Conclusions D. Conclusions
130 130 130 132 132 134 135 135 135 136 137 137 137 139 144 144 145 146 147 149 150 150 151 152 154 154 155 156 158 159 160 161 162 164 164 166 167 169 171 172
Chapter Five: Figures A. Moses Redivivus 1. The Importance of Moses in the Qumran Library 1.1. The Historical Moses 1.2. Eschatological Reworking of the Figure 2. Some Important Writings of the Qumran Library 2.1. The Figure of Moses on 4Q374 and 4Q377
174 174 175 175 176 177 177
X
2.2. Parallels in Early Jewish Writings 2.3. The Eschatological Prophet in HQMelch 3. Conclusions B. Elijah Redivivus 1. Elijah Redivivus in the Old Testament 2. Elijah in the Qumran Library 2.1. 4Q558 2.2. 4Q521 3. Conclusions C. The Angelic Melchizedek 1. The Figure of Melchizedek in the Old Testament 2. The Figure of Melchizedek in the Qumran Library 2.1. 11 QMelchizedek and the Shirot Olat Hashabbat 2.2. Who is Melchizedek? 2.2.1. A Transcendent Figure 2.2.2. The Biblical Sources 2.2.3. Angelified Human Beings 3. Conclusions D. Summary
179 182 183 184 184 186 187 188 190 191 191 194 195 197 197 199 201 204 204
Chapter Six: Functions 1. Royal (Martial-Juridical) Function 1.1. Scriptural Background 1.2. Description of the Royal Activity 1.3. A Further Witness: 4Q246 1.4. The Figure of Ideal King in the Old Testament and its Reapplication.... 2. Priestly (Cultic) Functions 2.1. Blessing and Praying 2.2. Rites During the War 2.3. Atoning 2.4. The Case of lQSa: Two Protagonists in Cultic Function 3. Prophetic Functions 3.1. Prophetic Precursor of the Day of Judgement 3.2. Prophetic Precursor of a Positive Eschatological Protagonist 4. Conclusion: Functions of Positive Eschatological Protagonists
205 205 206 208 209 210 213 213 214 215 216 217 218 218 219
Chapter Seven: The "Numerical" Question
221
Conclusions
226
Bibliography Index of Authors Index of Sources
229 249 253
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The present volume contains the text of my doctoral thesis presented at the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, The Netherlands, and written under the supervi sion of Professor Florentino Garcia Martinez. My research on this topic of this study began some years ago, in Hungary. My first thanks are to Huba Rozsa, Professor of Old Testament at the Theo logical Faculty of the Catholic University in Budapest, who directed my first steps of critical work on the Hebrew Bible and Judaism. At the time I began this study, research in Hungary suffered from a regretta ble lack of contemporary scholarly literature. I thus greatly appreciated the help of several scholars, who have sent me a considerable number of offprints and photocopies of their articles. I would particularly like to mention John Collins, George Brooke and Carol Newsom. It was natural, I suppose, for them to help someone working without sufficient material and perhaps they have already forgotten this; but for me their kindness was most encouraging. In the academic year 1999/2000 the excellent amenities at the Library of the Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven provided me with a calm and solid workplace. During this year, the remarks of Profes sor Johan Lust on method and material were invaluable. I am grateful to the staff of the Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid en Godsdienstwetenschap of the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen. The two academic years that I spent in Groningen proved to be the most fruitful period of my research. In various phases of my work, I enjoyed the financial support of the fol lowing bodies: the Soros Foundation, Budapest; the Stiftung Renovabis, Freising; and the Ubbo Emmiusfonds of the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen. The administrative staff of the Diocese Debrecen-Nyiregyhaza, Hungary, and es pecially Bishop Nandor Bosak, consistently offered their kind support for my project at the Renovabis. Two scholars made a considerable contribution to improving the English of this work. Thanks are due to Dr. Beata Toth, who reviewed the grammar of earlier drafts of the text; and especially to Mr. Alan Dearn of Wolfson College Oxford, whose struggle with the language of the final version was no less than heroic. Without their help this book would be—at least from a grammatical viewpoint—unreadable. When preparing the final form of the manuscript, I enjoyed the editorial advice of Peter Hint. I thank him his untiring work in forming a book from my manuscript.
xii
I would like to pay furthermore tribute to several people, who—from very different viewpoints—influenced this study. Nearly half a century ago, the late Professor Adam van der Woude, former Director of the Qumran-Instituut at the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, com pleted his thesis on the same topic that I have tried to explore in this study. Arriving in Groningen, I eagerly anticipated several exciting conversations with him, but he unfortunately passed away soon after my arrival. This study is dedicated to Professor van der Woude's memory. Eibert Tigchelaar became an attentive friend and a critical reader. Many thanks are due for his endless remarks, especially for his—sometimes unsuc cessful—efforts at preventing me from confusing fact and fantasy. Eibert also kindly translated the summary of the thesis into Dutch. In Florentino Garcia Martinez, I have had the privilege to interact with both a pre-eminent scholar and an encouraging person. The vast scope of his vast knowledge of early Judaism—especially of the Qumran Library—is ex emplary for all younger scholars. Whether away in Leuven or in Groningen, Florentino was always helpful, regardless of how busy he actually was. Finally, but above all, I acknowledge the unfailing support of my wife, Ildiko. She has accepted without complaint that I have perhaps spent more time with the Qumran fragments than with her over the last three years. And I thank her especially for our children, Abris and Sara; the first was born in Leuven and the second in Groningen. These exceptional persons—our real protagonists—will make me always remember these exceptional years of my life.
Geza Xeravits Groningen Feast of the Ascension, 2002.
ABBREVIATIONS AB: ABD: ABRL: ALGHJ: AnBib: AOAT: ATD: Athan: ATTM: ATTME: BAR: BBR: BETL: Bib: BIS: BKAT: BS: CAT: CBQ: CBQMS: CJAS: ContC: CRINT: DBSup: DDD: DISO: DJD: DSD: DSSERL: DSSSE: DSST: DSSU: EdF: EDSS: Erlsr: EstBib: EtBib: ETL: FS:
Anchor Bible The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols. (ed. D.N. Freedman, New York: Doubleday 1992). Anchor Bible Reference Library Arbeiten zur Literatur und Geschichte des hellenistischen Judentums Analecta Biblica Alter Orient und Altes Testament Das Alte Testament Deutsch Athanasiana K. BEYER, Die aranidischen Texte vom Toten Meer (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1984). K. BEYER, Die aramdischen Texte vom Toten Meer. Ergdnzungsband (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1994). Biblical Archaeology Review Bulletin for Biblical Research Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium Biblica Biblical Interpretation Series Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament The Biblical Seminar Commentaire de 1'Ancien Testament Catholic Biblical Quarterly Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series Continental Commentary Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad novum testamentum Dictionnaire de la Bible. Supplements Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Second, extensively revised edition, eds. K. van der Toorn, et al., Leiden: Brill 1999). Ch.-F. JEAN and J. HOFTUZER, Dictionnaire des Inscriptions Semitiques de VOuest (Leiden: Brill 1965). Discoveries in the Judaean Desert (of Jordan) Dead Sea Discoveries See Bibliography 3 (Electronic Resources) F. GARCfA MARTINEZ and E.J.C. TlGCHELAAR, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition (2 vols., Leiden: Brill 1997, 1998). F. GARCIA MARTfNEZ, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated (Leiden: Brill and Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1996). R. ElSENMAN and M.O. WISE, The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered (Rockport: Ele ment 1992). Ertrage der Forschung The Encyclopaedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2 vols. (eds. L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam, Oxford: University Press 2000). Eretz-Israel. Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies Estudios Biblicos Etudes Bibliques Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses Festschrift
xiv
GAT: GBH: GHB: GKC: GMH: HAT: HSM: HSS: HTR: ICC: IEJ: ISFCJ: JANESCU: JBL: JJS: JQR: JQRMS: JSHRZ: JSJ: JSJSup: JSNTSup: JSOT: JSOTSup: JSP: JSPSup: JSS: JTS: KAT: KB: LDiv: MHUC: MPIL: NHS: NICOT: NIDOT: NJBC: NovT: NovTSup: NTS: NTT: NTTS: Or: OThM: OTL: OTP: OuTS: PAM: PTSDSSP: PVTG:
Grundrisse zum Alten Testament (Das Alte Testament Deutsch, Erganzungsreihe) P. JOUON and T. MURAOKA, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 2 vols. (SubsB 14, Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico 1996). P. JOUON, Grammaire de Vhebreu biblique (Rome: Institut Biblique Pontifical 1923). A.E. COWLEY, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar as Edited and Enlarged by the Late E. Kautzsch (Second English Edition, Oxford: Clarendon 1910). M.H. SEGAL, A Grammar ofMishnaic Hebrew (Oxford: Clarendon 1970 ). Handbuch zum Alten Testament Harvard Semitic Monographs Harvard Semitic Studies Harvard Theological Review International Critical Commentary Israel Exploration Journal International Studies in Formative Christianity and Judaism The Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Jewish Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Jewish Quarterly Review Monograph Series Jiidische Schriften aus hellenistisch-romischer Zeit Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal for the Study of Judaism Supplements Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplements Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplements Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplements Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies Kommentar zum Alten Testament L. KOEHLER and W. BAUMGARTNER, lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros (Lei den: Brill 1958). Lectio Divina Monographs of the Hebrew Union College Monographs of the Peshitta Institute Leiden Nag Hammadi Studies New International Commentary to the Old Testament New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis, 5 vols. (ed. W.A. Van Gemeren, Carlisle: Paternoster Press 1996) The New Jerome Biblical Commentary (eds. R.E. Brown, et ai, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall 1990). Novum Testamentum Novum Testamentum Supplements New Testament Studies Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift New Testament Tools and Studies Orientalia Oxford Theological Monographs Old Testament Library The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2 vols. (ABRL, ed. J.H. Charlesworth, Garden City: Doubleday 1983) Oudtestamentische Studien Palestine Archaeological Museum (specifying the official photograph numbers of the DSS fragments) The Princeton Theological Seminary Dead Sea Scrolls Project Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti Graecae 3
XV
QChron: QH: QM: RB: RechB: REJ: RevQ: RHPR: RSB: RSR: SBA: SBib: SBLDS: SBLEJL: SBLMS: SBLSCS: SBLSP: SBLTT: SBT: SChr: SDSSRL: Sent: SJLA: SNTSMS: SPB: STDJ: SUNT: SVTP: TDNT: TDOT: TLOT: TSAJ: TSTS: TU: TWAT: Txt: VT: VTSup: VWGT: WBC: WTJ: WMANT: WUNT: ZBK.AT: Ancient LAB: Mut. nom.: Q. Gen.: Som.:
The Qumran Chronicle Quaderni di Henoch Qumranica Mogilanensia Revue Biblique Recherches Bibliques Revue des Etudes Juives Revue de Qumran Revue d'Histoire etde Philosophie Religieuses Ricerche Storico Bibliche Revue des Sciences Religieuses Studia Biblica Athanasiana Sources Bibliques Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series Society of Biblical Literature Early Judaism and its Literature Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series Society of Biblical Literature Septuagint and Cognate Studies Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers Society of Biblical Literature Texts and Translations Studies in Biblical Theology Sources Chretiennes Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature Semitica Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series Studia Post-Biblica Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (eds. R. Kittel and G. Friedrich, Eng lish translation by G.W. Bromiley, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1964-) Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (eds. E. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, English translation by G.W. Bromiley, etal, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1974-) Theological Lexicon of the Old Testament, 3 vols. (eds. E. Jenni and C. Westermann, Peabody: Hendrickson 1997). Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies Texte und Untersuchungen Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament (eds. E. Botterweck and H. Ring gren, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer 1970-) Textus Vetus Testamentum Vetus Testamentum Supplements Veroffentlichungen der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft fur Theologie Word Biblical Commentary Westminster Theological Journal Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Ziircher Bibelkommentare. Altes Testament literature Pseudo-Philon: Liber antiquitatum Philo: De mutatione nominum Philo: Quaestiones in Gen. Philo: De somniis
biblicarum
xvi
Test. Mos.: The Testament of Moses Test. XII Patr.: Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs T Reub.: Testamentum Ruben Testamentum Levi T. Lev.: Testamentum Judae T.Jud.: V. Mos.: Philo: De vita Mosis Text-critical add. del. leg. lit. LXX MS(S) om. SY MT TO TJl TJ2
TN TF VG
abreviations,
Text-types, Versions, etc.
addidit (-unt) delendum legit (-unt) litteratim Septuaginta: A. RAHLFS, Septuaginta (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft 1979). manuscript(s) omittit (-unt) Pesitto: Vetus Testamentum Syriace iuxta simplicem Syrorum versionem, Leiden: Brill 1972-. Masoretic text: K . ELLIGER and W . RUDOLPH (eds.), Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft 1990). Targum Onqelos Targum Jerusalmi (Pseudo-Jon). Targum Jonathan to the Prophets Targum Neofiti: A. DfEZ MACHO, Neophyti 1. Targum Palestineme Ms de la Biblioteca Vaticana, 5 vols. (Madrid and Barcelona: CSIC 1968-1979). Fragmentary Targum Vulgata: R. WEBER, et al. (eds.), Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam Versionis (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft 1983).
CHAPTER O N E
INTRODUCTION: POSITIVE ESCHATOLOGICAL PROTAGONISTS IN THE QUMRAN LIBRARY The accelerated publication of the fragmentary remains of the Qumran Li brary from the beginning of the nineties has given new impetus to the study of the thought of the community that authored and/or collected these writings around the turn of the era. With the release of virtually all the related photo graphs and the publication of nearly all the volumes containing official edi tions of the fragments in the DJD series, Qumran research is now able to deal with all the preserved material of the Qumran Library. This increased material provides an enormous amount of new information for practically all areas of research. It has opened new horizons, and in some cases has revolu tionised previous views and consensual interpretations. Among the newly published texts are a good number with eschatological content. Some of these texts relate the eschatological activity of certain figures who seem to play an important role in the events of the eschaton. In this study, we will explore these figures. Scholars generally discuss this issue under the rubric of "messianic ex pectations," and admit its importance in the thought of the Qumran Commu nity. Over the past half century, a considerable number of contributions have been dedicated to this particular topic. The present study is aware of the valuable findings of previous research; however, it is also aware of some deficiencies in previous contributions. This study also started life as an in vestigation into "the messianic view of the Qumran Library." However, while 1
2
3
4
1
Throughout this study we mean by "Qumran Library" the entirety of the fragmentary re mains of written material found in the caves. By using this term, we do not intend to imply any thing regarding the nature of this collection of texts. See the remark of Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, 175: "The Dead Sea Scrolls are best viewed as a library, a corpus of writings that do not necessarily all represent the views of the community that collected them." Cp. Eisenman and Robinson, Facsimile Edition; Tov, Microfiche', Lim, Electronic Refer ence Library, vol. 1. At the time of the present study's completion, the following DJD volumes have been pub lished: 1-16; 18-31; 33-36; 38-39. The first comprehensive treatment was the Groningen dissertation of van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen (1957). The topic is "popular" also in contemporary scholarship. See the following—selected—list of books and collected volumes: Collins, Scepter and the Star (1995); volume 2/2 of the journal Dead Sea Discoveries (1995); Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition (1995); Oegema, Anointed (1998); AAVV, Qumran-Messianism (1998); Zimmermann, Messianische Texte (1998). 2
3
4
2
CHAPTER ONE
working through the related material, it became increasingly problematic to maintain this "old-fashioned" designation of the topic. It became clear that we cannot speak about "messianic view/expectation" in regard to either the Qumran Library, or pre-Christian Judaism. Our reservations may be ex plained as follows. The Qumran Library provides us with a considerable variety of views on positive eschatological protagonists. When speaking of a "messiah," it is not legitimate to assume a particular type of expected eschatological figure. In stead, we have to deal with each type of positive eschatological individual present in the writings of the Qumran Library in their own right. It is highly questionable whether we are able to use the expression ITIBD as the pre eminent term for this kind of figure. We therefore avoid using the expression "messianic expectations" when speaking about expectations of the eschato logical coming of positive figures. Furthermore, we cannot accept several suppositions which seem to be generally maintained by scholars. We cannot accept a priori the view that a coherent system of "expectations" can be found behind the related writings of the Qumran Library; the variety of views of the authors will repeatedly be emphasised here. In addition, the view that "the founding members of the Yahad can best be described as a group of Jews possessed by an ardent mes sianic vision" is rather a question for us than an axiom. However, as a gen eral principle, and notwithstanding these caveats (lack of a consistent "messianic view" and its pre-eminence), it is asserted that those passages which mention the eschatological emergence of positive protagonists have their own place within the thinking of the Qumran Community. The material of this study is divided into two main parts. The first is ana lytical, in which the related textual material is investigated, each passage in turn. The second, systematic section will contain the evaluation and discus sion of the data provided by the analyses of the first part. However, before proceeding, some key concepts of this work must be defined. 5
1. POSITIVE ESCHATOLOGICAL PROTAGONIST: A DEFINITION
The subject of the present study is the expectation found in various texts of the Qumran Library that testify to the coming of positive eschatological pro tagonists) in the future. Some remarks regarding the rather unexpected term "positive eschatological protagonist" are in order. 1.
Protagonist. According to an authoritative dictionary, the English word protagonist means: " 1 . the leading character of a drama or other literary
5
Wording of Talmon, "Waiting for the Messiah," 115.
3
INTRODUCTION
6
work. 2. a chief proponent or leader of a movement, cause, etc." On the one hand, the figures treated in this study are generally leaders. Often royal or priestly characters, they could represent or actualise leading roles of the historical Israel. On the other hand, they could be "leading characters" of the events in which they appear; that is, they could per form a major role in achieving the goal of these events. Positive. The figures in question are positive from the perspective of the Community that authored or collected the compositions in which they appear. During the events in which they play an important role, they act on behalf of the people of God. In some cases, these protagonists are portrayed as antagonistic towards figures or groups that are considered as enemies of God and God's people. Eschatological. The activity of these positive protagonists takes place in the eschatological age (see below).
2.
3.
It must be noted that the fragmentary state of the remains of the Qumran Li brary does not always allow us a clear indication of the eschatological view of a document or passage. However, if there are several reasons to presume the eschatological setting of a passage, we will assume the possibility of the eschatological interpretation of the passage. 7
2.
2.1. The Old Testament
ESCHATOLOGICAL EXPECTATIONS
Background
Throughout this study, the adjective "eschatological" will be defined as "related or pertaining to the eschatological age." By "eschatological age" we mean a pre-eminent period of the histoire sainte, when the actual period of history reaches its climax. This period is marked by such characteristics as God's judgement over the created world, God's victory over evil, the com plete eradication of evil and the triumph of God's people. Although "eschatology" in the strict sense—as a number of scholars have pointed out—emerged in Israelite thinking only with the birth of apocalypti cism, expressions of future hope can be found in the Old Testament even in earlier texts. The belief in the coming of a definitive future period of history is a development in the Israelite faith. The roots of the emergence of this be lief are twofold. On the one hand, eschatology is an outcome of a sort of historico-theological thinking. On the other hand, the challenges of post-exilic 8
6
Random House Webster's College Dictionary (New York: Random House 1992) 1084b. Such as the Old Testament background, or the presence of themes that are interpreted eschatologically in related texts. See, for example, Albertz, History, 2: 456: "we can speak of eschatology in the strict sense (= the doctrine of the last things) only... in apocalyptic." Similarly Russell, Method and Message, 264-271. 7
8
4
CHAPTER O N E
events towards prophecy were a strong impetus for transforming prophecy into eschatology. As for historical theology, Israelite thinking did not recognise the uni verse—the frame for life and activity of creation—primarily as the K6O>|AOC;. Rather, Israelite faith considered the world as a series of successive events, which comprise history. The events that mark and define the existence of a person, a community, a nation or an empire were recognised as continuously following each other and advancing in a linear progression towards a certain goal. The knowledge of God was reached also in the light of His acts, rather than on an abstract-metaphysical level. From the Israelite viewpoint, all they experienced was history or even histoire sainte or Heilsgeschichte. The Old Testament understands Israel's present and her historical past as series of events testifying to the mighty acts of God, as a continuous se quence of events proceeding from the past to a certain future. Israel had expe rienced God's liberating and providential power in the past, and this experi ence became the basis of every message of hope that formed and supported Israel's self-consciousness, and of every declaration of judgement that called for repentance and conversion. This divine activity in history was portrayed as having been present at the beginning of Israel's formation as a people (cp. Exodus 15). The creators of Deuteronomic History and the like-minded authors of some psalms (for example, Psalms 78; 105; 106) were writing in this belief. Moreover, we can find the same view in the earliest testimonies of Jewish literature. Given the intense historical experience of God's activity in the past and present, the people of Israel were convinced that God would 9
10
11
9
See for example, Albertz, History, 2: 438-439 and esp. 454-458 for related literature. See for example, Schmidt, Alttestamentlicher Glaube, 100: "Neben AusschlieBlichkeit und Bildlosigkeit der Gottesverehrung ist—auch im Vergleich mit der altorientalischen Umwelt— wohl keine Eigenart des alttestamentlichen Glaubens so auffallig wie seine Geschichtbezogenheit;" or von Rad, Theologie, 2: 394: "Das liegt schon deshalb nahe, weil Israel j a nichtso tief, wie wir es gewohnt sind, zwischen 'Natur' und 'Geschichte' geschieden hat;" or McKenzie, "Aspects," §77: 111: "Yahweh reveals himself chiefly in history. The idea of history as a unified series of events is not found in the Ancient Near East." See furthermore Preuss, Theology, 2: 257-259. We find traces of this understanding from the very first pages of the canonical Old Testament. At the beginning of Genesis, the members of an exilic or even post-exilic theological school (P), when writing about the creation of the world, emphasised the manner in which the protologic events are connected to the present order. In the views of P, protology and history form inseparable parts of the same histoire sainte. The refrain-like nin'pin rr?x of the priestly Primeval History testifies clearly to this view. But this view is reflected also in the teaching of those circles of late Old Testament theology that produced, for example, the Book of Daniel. According to the theological system of this book, one of God's most essential features is His sovereignty over times, ages and events. See, for example, Dan. 2:21: ...man m*7i> KStana cp. Schmidt, Alttestamentlicher Glaube, 42: "So erkennt das Alte Testament Gott an seiner Tun an Menschen. Es gewinnt sein Verstandnis von Geschichte, weil es Gott vom Geschehen her versteht; wenn es von Gott spricht, erzahlt es Geschichte." Cp. the Song of Miriam from Ex. 15 or the Song of Deborah from Jg. 5. The ancestrality of the Song of Miriam together with its tradition-historical background is treated in Cross, Canaanite Myth, 112-144, to the Song of Deborah see, for example, de Moor, 'Twelve Tribes," 483-493. 1 0
1 1
5
INTRODUCTION
act on behalf of His people also in the future, and would be as then victorious as He had been in the Exodus or during the creation. YHWH's future victory could be described in terms of judgement. In post-exilic reflection, the time of fulfilment of the earlier prophetic mes sages was projected into the distant future. This change of paradigm is due to "the fiasco of the prophecy of salvation" after the exile. The belief that God will act victoriously on behalf of his people somewhere in the distant future had an important place in Israelite faith at the end of the biblical period. 12
2.2. Eschatological
Traditions of the Qumran
Community
The material of the Qumran Library generally shares the eschatology of the late biblical literature. We find such characteristic elements of eschatological thinking as God's judgement, victory over evil and the triumph of the right eous in a number of compositions. In their actual form, various key sectarian compositions provide an abundance of eschatological motifs. The milieu of the origin of the Qumran Community suggests that it was in some sense an eschatological movement. The ways in which the eschatologi cal view of the Community is expressed (dualism, election, revelation, periodisation) show an intimate relationship with a particular group of early Jewish writings: the Enochic corpus, the Book of Jubilees and the Book of Daniel. These works belong to the same general current of third-second centuries BC Judaism, the movement which used apocalyptic imagery for the first time to express its views consistently. The apocalyptic heritage of this movement and its writings seems to have penetrated the theology of the emerging Community. Moreover, the books of Enoch, Jubilees and Daniel 13
14
15
16
1 2
Wording of Albertz, History, 2: 454. See, for example, Rule of the Community with its 'supplements', Damascus Document, Hoaayot, War Scroll, pesharim. Notwithstanding, some of the eschatological passages in these writings prove to be secondary additions to an original version, see, for example, the "Treatise on Two Spir its" in 1QS, or the eschatological part of lQSa, Regarding the actual etat of the Damascus Docu ment (at least in its MSS A l and B, CD i-viii; xix-xx), the War Scroll and the pesharim, the es chatological voice appears as a fundamental element of the historico-theological view of these writings. On these characteristics—in a broader context—see Argall, "Reflections," 337-351; Idem, 1 Enoch and Sirach. Collins, "Apocalyptic Movement?," 25-51; Idem, Apocalypticism, 18-29, 35-36. Davenport, Eschatology; Duhaime, "Dualistic Reworking," 32-56. Nickelsburg, "7 Enoch and Qumran Origins," 341-360; Idem, "Apocalyptic Construction," 51-64; Idem, "Nature and Function," 91-119. On this issue see inter alia VanderKam, "Enoch Traditions," 229-252; Collins, "Apocalyptic Movement?;" Idem, "Apocalypticism and Literary Genre," 406-409; Nickelsburg, " i Enoch and Qumran Origins"; Idem, "Qumranic Transformation," 649-659; Boccaccini, Be yond the Essene Hypothesis. See above all Collins, "Apocalyptic Movement?" 1 3
1 4
1 5
1 6
6
CHAPTER O N E
were highly valued by the Community; they could even be considered as authoritative texts by the Qumranites. On the other hand, it must be noted that despite their abundance, eschato logical motifs often do not constitute the core material of the compositions in which they appear. The main emphasis of these writings is on different as pects; halakhic, calendrical or liturgical motifs form their core. This at least furnishes a warning lest we consider eschatology as the fundamental aspect of the theology of the Qumran Community. 17
2.3. An Eschatology that had Begun to Be Realised The preserved remains of the pesharim, an important literary genre for the Community, testify to the ways in which the Qumranites interpreted their own time and history. The authors of the pesharim considered their era to be the fulfilment of the events presaged by the Old Testament prophets, and considered their Community to be the recipient of the sacred message of the prophets. Therefore, they considered themselves the real dramatis personae of those predictions. An analysis of the term o'Q'rr m n K ( 3 ) — a temporal designation used by the pesharim—helps to clarify the place in history that the members of the Qumran Community thought they occupied. 1.
wtm m n x refers on the one hand to the period in which the presaged events began to be fulfilled, and thus to the age of the Community. On the other hand, it refers to the time of God's visitation (see, for ex ample, 4Q161,4Q174-177, 4Q252).
2.
A number of scholars interpret this term as bearing eschatological connota tions and referring to the end-times. However, a careful analysis of the oc currences and meaning of the expression D'irn nnrw in the corpus of the Qumran Library as a whole, and especially in the pesharim, requires a more nuanced understanding of the expression. The extension of the expression D'DVT nnnK covers all three dimensions of time, and does not mean the clos ing of days or end of history, but rather a transition to another period of 18
19
1 7
The great number of copies (14 of Jubilees, 12 of Enoch), close theological affiliation and literal quotations all point towards the authoritative status of these writings. See VanderKam, "Authoritative Literature," 396-402; Hempel, "Place of the Book of Jubilees," 187-196; Xeravits, "Considerations," 173-177. A consistent interpretation of the expression in a strict eschatological sense can be found in the writings of John Collins, see most recently: Scepter and the Star, 104-106; or "Expectation of the End," 75-82. A list of the occurrences is found in Steudel, " D W n n n K , " 227. "In the Hebrew texts it ap pears 33 times, plus a certain number of references where the term is only fragmentarily pre served ... the Aramaic equivalent is not attested... The occurrences are spread over the whole timespan of the Essenes' literary production: the oldest evidences stem from 4 Q M M T and lQSa, the youngest come from the late pesharim." 1 8
1 9
7
INTRODUCTION
time. The Qumranites did not consider this period to be an entirely new era. Rather, they saw it as the continuation of the present historical age in the fu ture, and emphasised that this period would be the time of God's visitation. In this sense, D ^ n m n x is an eschatological term. However, it must be noted that the authors of the pesharim were convinced that the fulfilment of this future had already begun in the actual present of the Community. Thus, in labelling D ^ n m n x as an eschatological term, we must also label the Com munity's present as an eschatological period. In sum, the Qumranites thought that they were living in an exceptional pe riod of history, presaged by the Old Testament authors, which would culmi nate in the visitation of God. By this, we do not wish to imply that the Qum ranites had the view of a realised eschatology, a term that we consider somewhat forced and dubious. Instead, we label the eschatology of the Qum ran Community an "eschatology that had begun to be realised." 21
22
23
24
3. THE EXPECTATION OF POSITIVE ESCHATOLOGICAL PROTAGONISTS
3.1. Positive Eschatological Protagonists in the Old Testament In the Old Testament, the acts of the transcendent God could be manifested in the immanent world in various ways. Early texts speak about highly personal appearances of God. However, late Israelite thought preferred to interpret figures and groups involved in particular historical situations as the agents of God's historical activity. YHWH both punishes and leads His people through human agents. Politically, and especially religiously, legitimate leaders of Israel were thus regarded as agents of YHWH throughout the history. Texts often emphasise their extremely close connection with YHWH, speaking of either a formal (king, priest) or an informal leader (patriarch, judge, prophet) of Israel. When reflecting on eschatological histoire sainte, the activity of a per sonal agent of God's will was also able to be envisaged. This agent, a posi2 0
Xeravits, Szentirds-ertelmezes, xv (Hungarian); see further the interpretation of Collins, "Teacher and Messiah?," 195-199. Cp., for example, Carmignac, "Future intervention," 219-229; Idem, "Notion d'eschatologie," 22-27. Note that the classic Old Testament occurrences of the expression never denote the "end-time/' they refer simply to the future. To this see, for example, Lipinski, "D*OVT n n m o , " 445-450. See especially the occurrences of the expression in 4QMMT, and see further the remarks of Steudel, ' t o n m r m , " 225-246. As noted, for example, Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 18: "So verwenden wir die Bezeichnung 'eschatologisch' auch nicht als ausschlieBlich futurische, sondern in erster Linie als qualitative Zeitangabe." See furthermore Puech, "Messianisme, eschatologie et resurrection," 261-265. For a systematic treatment of the eschatology of the Qumran Community see inter alia Delcor, "Doctrines des Esseniens," 977-980; Collins, "Patterns of Eschatology," 351-375; Davies, "Eschatology at Qumran," 39-55. Elgvin, "Early Essene Eschatology," 126-165; Idem, "Mystery to Come," 113-150. Lange, "Eschatological Wisdom," 817-825. 2 1
2 2
2 3
2 4
8
CHAPTER O N E
tive eschatological figure, was described with the characteristics of its histori cal typoi. In this connection, two successive stages of Old Testament thinking deserve attention. 1.
We find passages throughout the Old Testament that express hope for the coming of an ideal figure in the future. This figure sometimes repre sents the ideal manifestation of the office or position in which he ap pears, surpassing his fallible historical counterparts (see inter alia Gene sis 49; Numbers 24; Deuteronomy 18; Jeremiah 23; Ezekiel 17; 34; 37; Micah 5:1-5; Psalm 72.). With the emergence of the eschatological view, post-exilic passages look to the distant future, and provide the background for the eschato logical reinterpretation of the Old Testament traditions concerning the coming ideal figures. Some passages (cp. Isa. 11:1-11) provide exam ples of this reinterpretation, whereas in other cases (cp., for example, Zech. 9:9-10; Malachi 3) the positive protagonist is already eschatologi cal in the author's intention.
2.
3.2. The Nature of these Figures The positive future/eschatological figures of the Old Testament are often de scribed in royal terms. The expectations of the related passages may be con nected with the Davidic house (for example, Jer. 23:5-6; Am. 9:11), although this aspect is not necessary. Indeed, some passages witness a deliberate dis tance from the actual Davidic lineage, and evoke only the figure of David without his offspring (for example, Isa. 11:1; Mic. 5:1; Ezek. 34:23-24; 37:24-25), or disregard the dynasty in all of its aspects (for example, Zech. 9:9-10). All these passages agree in referring to an ideal ruler, whose reign will be in accordance with God's will, righteous and glorious. Other texts, considerably fewer in number, look to the future appearance of another type of figure. Deut. 18:18-19 and Mai. 3:23-24 relate the fu ture/eschatological coming of ideal prophetic figures. In the Deuteronomy, a future prophet like Moses is presaged, while Malachi reports the eschatologi cal activity of Elijah redivivus. Finally, we cannot find in the entire corpus of the Hebrew Bible a mention of the future expectation of a priestly figure. This seems to be noteworthy seeing that in later Jewish writings the future/eschatological coming of an ideal (high) priest was a familiar topic. 25
3.3. The Problem of the Term "Messianic
Expectations"
Scholarly literature generally labels the expectation of the eschatological com ing of positive figures as "messianic expectations," a term that we avoid using 2 5
See, for example, Hultgard, "Ideal 'Levite,'" 93-110.
9
INTRODUCTION
here. Our reluctance to use such terms as "messiah" and "messianic" in this context is because in our understanding it would result in inconsistency and anachronism. On the one hand, in Old Testament and early Jewish thought the eschatological coming of various positive protagonists is expected, among other "anointed" figures (Hebrew rroft, messiah). By labelling all these expec tations "messianic," a particular element is picked out to denote the universal, creating a terminological inconsistency. On the other hand, the term "messianism" reflects a particular concept of Christian theology. The expecta tion of various eschatological figures characteristically converged first in the figure of Jesus, in nascent Christianity. It would thus be anachronistic to use a Christian idea to denote a pre-Christian current of thought. In the literal sense of the term, we cannot find "messianic expectations" in the Old Testament, because we cannot find a figure called the "anointed one" in the Old Testament who belongs to the future. In the literature of early Ju daism, we do find eschatological and even titular usage of the term "anointed one" or its equivalents, although it generally refers to a royal figure from the house of David. On the other hand, even in early Judaism the term "anointed one" is not an exclusive designation for a positive eschatological protagonist. These objections have led scholars to broaden the sense of the expression "messianic expectations" and to label—inconsistently—texts that lack the very term mtDQ as "messianic". 26
3.4. Positive Eschatological Protagonists in the Qumran Library The fragmentary remains of the Qumran Library preserve passages dealing with positive eschatological protagonists. Disregarding some texts of minor importance, twenty-one different compositions remain that are connected with such figures. Considering that the entire non-biblical material of the Qumran Library extends to around 650 different MSS, this number—from a statistical viewpoint—means that positive eschatological figures did not play a central role in the thinking of the Qumran Community On the other hand, twelve of the texts mentioning positive eschatological protagonists are sectarian, the product of the Community itself. These figures appear in the framework of some of the self-defining writings of the Commu nity (as 1QS, CD, pesharim and the like). It thus seems that the members of the Qumran Community considered the issue of these figures to be worthy of reflection, although they did not attribute a central importance to them. The importance of those texts of the Qumran Library that refer to positive eschatological protagonists for the theological research is provided by the fact that these compositions show a typological variety that is exceptional in early 2 7
2 6
To this see Oegema, Anointed, 21-30; Collins, Scepter and the Star, 12; Idem, "Nature of Messianism," 200; Garcia Martinez, "Tradiciones," 80. The paucity of the evidence is also underlined by Evans, "Qumran's Messiah," 135. 2 7
10
CHAPTER ONE
Judaism. In their descriptions, they did not use a particular type of the positive eschatological protagonist, nor did they have a "canonical" picture of this figure. Instead, they approached this figure quite differently, according to their actual historical or ideological situation, by using different traditions circulating in early Judaism. Sometimes they contented themselves with simply borrowing issues; sometimes they creatively reworked the borrowed material.
4. THE PRESENT STUDY
4.1.
Material
The present study deals with positive eschatological protagonists in the Qum ran Library. Throughout this study, material from the following texts will be used. 1.
Passages that explicitly contain the word rrra in eschatological context. These are the following: 1QS, lQSa, 1QM, CD, 4Q252, 4Q521, 4Q458, 1 lQMelch. Passages that relate the activity of positive eschatological protagonists without the use of the word I T O G . These are lQSb, 4Q161, 4Q174, 4Q175, 4Q285,4Q541,4Q544-548, 4Q558. Passages, in which the eschatological or positive character of the pro tagonist is contested, which we nevertheless recognise as texts dealing with positive eschatological protagonists, or which have other impor tance for the study. These passages are 4Q246,4Q369, 4Q374, 4Q377.
2.
3.
We exclude, however, some compositions, generally or occasionally consid ered to relate to the present issue: 4Q376; 4Q534; the Self-Glorification Hymn and l Q H xi 6-18 (Sukenik col. iii). Our reasons are as follows. The Self-Glorification Hymn and l Q H xi do not deal with eschatological matters. Rather, the latter speaks of the birth of the psalmist or the birth of a member of the Community representing the Community itself, and the same per spective of the Community is found also in the Self-Glorification Hymn. It is not connected with the birth of the "messiah." In our reading, 4Q376 is a parabiblical narrative. The terminology it uses is somehow different from that we find related to eschatological protagonists. We consider 4Q534 to be dealing with a biblical figure (most probably with Noah); thus this composia
a
29
30
2 8
See, for example, Garcia Martinez and Trebolle Barrera, People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 159-189. To this add most recently Davies, "Judaisms in the Dead Sea Scrolls," 219-232. See the following textual unit ( l Q H xi 19-36). The "messianic" interpretation of the pas sage is held, for example, by Dupont-Sommer, "Mere du Messie"; Collins, Scepter and the Star, 66-67. Against this view see already van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 150-156. Wise, " D ^ K n ^IDD >D," 173-219. For the "Messianic" interpretation of the Hymn see Eshel, "4Q47lbr 175-203; "Identification," 619-635 and DJD 29: 422-427 (priestly protagonist); Knohl, Messiah before Jesus (royal protagonist). 2 9
3 0
a
11
INTRODUCTION
tion also has nothing to do with the issue of positive eschatological protago nists explored below. 31
4.2.
Prospect
This study contains two main parts and—together with the introduction— seven chapters. The first part, consisting of two chapters, is an analytical examination of each one of these texts. To facilitate the work, we have decided to treat the material in the following order. 1.
Sectarian writings. These compositions or parts of compositions are in their present form literary products of the Qumran Community. Non-sectarian writings, which were authored outside Qumran, but found their way into the literature collected by the Community. 32
2.
33
Then, in the second part—consisting of four successive chapters—there fol lows a systematic treatment of the material provided by the analysis of the compositions. 1.
We will analyse first the terminology used to denote positive eschato logical protagonists. Then, we will analyse those biblical figures who seem to influence the presentation of these protagonists. Third, analysis of the data pertaining to the protagonists' various func tions is in order. The last chapter will deal with the question of how many positive es chatological protagonists are present in the Qumran Library. 34
2.
35
3.
36
4.
37
3 1
The "messianic" interpretation of this text is defended by Starcky, "Texte messianique; but this is rejected by most scholars. See the overview of Garcia Martinez, "4QMess Ar," 1-24. See pp. 14ff. below. See pp. 82ff. below. See pp. 130ff. below. See pp. 174ff. below. See pp. 205ff. below. See pp. 221ff. below. 3 2
3 3
3 4
3 5
3 6
3 7
1
12
CHAPTER O N E
By the end of this study, we hope that our initial scepticism regarding the presence of a comprehensive "messianic view" in the Qumran Library will be supported in a convincing, or at least satisfactory, manner.
PART ANALYTICAL
ONE APPROACH
In the analytical part of this study, we shall investigate those writings of the Qumran Library which support the idea that positive protagonists will come in the eschatological age. The material is arranged in two main chapters. First, we analyse those passages that belong to sectarian compositions; then we turn to other writings, the sectarian nature of which can either be dis counted or challenged.
CHAPTER TWO
SECTARIAN WRITINGS In this chapter we analyse those texts which contain references to the es chatological arrival of certain positive figures, and which may be considered as sectarian compositions. Determining the sectarian character of a composition in the Qumran Li brary is not a simple matter; nevertheless, we find several indicators that help in this task. In the mid-nineteen nineties, Devorah Dimant published an evaluation of all the non-biblical material of the Qumran Library which was then available, in which she tried to distinguish between sectarian and nonsectarian compositions. As basic distinctive features of sectarian writing, Dimant mentions four categories: (1) The practices and organization of a particular community, (2) the history of this community and its contemporary circumstances, (3) the theological and metaphysical outlook of that community, and (4) the peculiar biblical exegesis espoused by that community. 1
In the present study, we use these categories to decide the sectarian character of a particular composition. In this regard, we follow a rather minimalist view, and if the distinctive terminology is missing—even perhaps due to the fragmentary preservation of the text—we do not label the text concerned as sectarian. Apart from the division into sectarian and non-sectarian texts, we do not use other sub-categories to order the material. Instead, we treat the related compositions in the order of the different caves where they were found, and in the order of the serial numbers assigned to the texts. Although this creates some artificiality, we follow this simple ordering principle, because we do not intend in this section to imply anything concerning the theological im portance or historical priority of the material. 2
1
Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 27. Similarly Schiffman, Reclaiming, 33-34. See further the useful remarks on this question by Newsom, "Sectually Explicit," esp. 172-179, writing from a less minimalistic viewpoint. This is, for example, the case of 4Q521. 2
15
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
1. RULE OF THE COMMUNITY (1QS)
1.1.
3
Introduction
Provenance. A long scroll from Qumran cave 1 that contains three different but thematically related writings, Rule of the Community (1QS), Rule of the Con gregation (lQSa) and Rule of Blessings (lQSb), is one of the earliest known remains of the Qumran Library. The compositions preserved in this scroll are in a fairly good condition. They concern the past, present and future existence of a particular Jewish religious group. The Rule of the Community contains— among other themes—regulations for the actual life of the members of this group. This scroll was found by the Bedouin in 1947, and the Rule of the Community was published by American scholars as early as in 1951. The title of the first work of the scroll (Serek hayyahad) is clearly legible on two fragments. One fragment belongs to the MS 1QS, and was sewn on the verso of the M S ; the other comes from cave 4 (4Q255,4QS ). 4
a
5
6
Palaeography and Date. The 1QS scroll was copied between 100-75 B C from a text composed before this date. The MS 1QS is clearly a copy of a pre viously existing document (which is obvious from the presence of some scribal faults and corrections on the scroll). 75 BC is thus a terminus ante quern of the works that the 1QS scroll contains. Another fragment of the Rule of the Community from cave 4 was copied at the end of the second century B C . This permits us to date the emergence of the composition to some time in the second century BC. 7
Origin. The Rule of the Community is clearly a sectarian document, the work of the Qumran Community. It contains the practices and organisation of a
3
Editions: Burrows, Manual of Discipline] Qimron and Charlesworth, PTSDSSP 1: 1-107; Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26. Photograph: PAM 43.263 (4Q259 3). See further Eibert Tigchelaar's identification of 11Q29 as a Rule of the Community MS, Tigchelaar, "Newly Identi fied," 285-292. My preliminary observations concerning some parts of the present chapter were published previously as "Early History," 113-121. ...jpi nirn -jpo, see DJD 1:107, pi. xxii. nrrn DID nso (sic, with medial kap in final position), see DJD 26: 3 1 . Formal Hasmonaean script, see Cross, "Development," 166-181; n. 116: "It is roughly con temporary with 4QDeut (and lQIsa ) and may be assigned provisionally to ca. 100-75 B.C." This seems to be confirmed by the radiocarbon dating of the parchment that also points toward the turn of the second-first centuries B C as the most probable date of the scroll's emergence. See Doudna, "Dating the Scrolls," 469. This is the papyrus 4Q255. Another exemplar of the work (4Q257) shows similarities to the palaeographic characteristics of 1QS (see Cross, PTSDSSP 1: 57, and DJD 26: 68-69). 4
5
6
c
7
3
16
CHAPTER TWO
particular community, its contemporary circumstances, and the theological and metaphysical outlook of that community. 8
1.2. Literary
Considerations
Scholars noticed the complicated literary background of 1QS shortly after its publication, and made numerous efforts to define the basic literary units of the work. Jerome Murphy-O'Connor wrote the most comprehensive related study at the end of the sixties, and for a long time his work served as a basis for all further research. Murphy-O'Connor divided the literary development (evolution) of 1QS into four distinct phases. The main part of the work was written in the course of the first three phases (1QS viii l-16a + ix 3-x 8a; viii 16b-19 + viii 20-ix 2; v l-13a + v 15b-vii 25). This material was subsequently completed by two additions (1QS i-iv: having in se also an extremely complicated past; and 1QS x 9-xi 22), and was further supplemented by two short interpolations (1QS v 13b15a; x 4b. 6a). According to Murphy-O'Connor, the first phase—which he called the Manifeste, a proclamation written by the Righteous Teacher—an tedates the emergence of the Qumran Community. The second phase may have functioned as a penal code for an already organised small group. We find its Sitz im Leben in the origins of the Community that turned to the des ert. The third phase relates to the life of a constitutionally more democratic, but at the same time greater and more elaborate community. It may mirror the time of the earlier years of Alexander Jannai's reign. The last phase is the ad ditions, the closing hymn, and the composite material of the first four col umns, including the Instruction on the Two Spirits. In these various phases, the terms used to designate the Community are characteristically different. We find in the first phase T P n 'tMK, in the second e n p n ^CMK, while in the third either simply - i n \ or Jinn. 9
10
11
12
8
Cp. Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 27. In the case of the Rule of the Community, the fourth category of Dimant ("the peculiar biblical exegesis espoused by that community") is not as relevant as the others, as it does not contain passages with explicit biblical interpretation. A brief outline of the history of research can be found in: Metso, "Constitutional Rules," 188-190. Murphy-O'Connor, "Genese litteraire," 528-549. See further: Duhaime, "Instruction," 566-594. When Murphy-O'Connor developed his theory, cave 4 fragments of the Rule of the Com munity were practically still unpublished. He knew only the list of some variant readings pub lished by Jozef Milik in a review, together with Milik's preliminary dating. Unfortunately, this turned out to be faulty at precisely the most crucial point. See Milik, [rec. Wernberg-M0ller], 413; Idem, Ten Years, 123. Milik held that the manuscript 4 Q S (= 4Q259)—which does not contain the material of 1QS viii 15b-ix 11—is the most ancient exemplar of the work. Nowadays it is considered palaeographically as dating from between 50 and 25 BC, see Cross, "Appendix," 57. Murphy-O'Connor, "Genese litteraire," 532 argued in favour of the secondary position of 4QS . On this question see pp. 20f below. 9
1 0
1 1
1 2
e
e
17
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
The conclusions of Murphy-O'Connor have been refined by a number of scholars. At present, there is a degree of scepticism in the research over whether the different literary units of 1QS can be compared to the different phases of the history of the Community as strictly as Murphy-O'Connor be lieved. However, Murphy-O'Connor's work has lasting value in the research of the literary history of the Rule of the Community, due to his precise descrip tion of the particular characteristics of the different basic literary units. Contemporary research also focuses on the literary complexity of the Rule of the Community. Taking into account all the related material of cave 4, scholars try to explore the evolution of the work. The main questions being asked are the original meaning and function of the basic literary units, the correlation of the primitive traditions lying behind them, and the relation between the whole composition and some definable religious-sociological group. Sarianna Metso, who published the most developed theory on the literary development of the Rule of the Community after Murphy-O'Connor, was al ready able to work with all the 4Q material. Metso argued that some shorter version of 1QS v-vii may have been found at the very beginnings of the formation of the Rule of the Community. To this, the material of columns viii-ix was appended, although without 1QS viii 15bix 11. This primitive text of the Rule of the Community (O) then continued to develop into two different traditions. The first tradition (A) is represented by 4QS ; it enlarged O by several scriptural proof-texts and the calendrical mate rial of a text called 4QOtot. The second tradition (B) can be found on the fragments 4 Q S . This tradition enlarged O with a parallel text of 1QS viii 15b-ix 11, the material of columns i-iv, and the closing hymn (instead of the Otot). The redactor of 1QS then (C) compiled together freely the two types of tradition; finally a last scribe (D) made some tiny corrections and additions. 13
14
15
16
e
17
b,d
18
1.3. Rule of the Community ix 5b-ll Column ix of the 1Q MS of Rule of the Community contains a passage which is most often cited when speaking about the "messianic expectations" of the Qumran Community (1QS ix 10b-11). Let us examine the passage together with its immediate context:
1 3
See the overview of Metso, "Constitutional Rules," 189. For a critical assessment of other early theories see Gagnon, "How Did the Rule," 61-79. Metso, "Constitutional Rules," Alexander, "Redaction History," 437-456. Cp. the view of Philip Davies who holds that the work did not refer to a real group: Davies, "Redaction and Sectarianism," 152-163. 4Q319, see DJD 2 1 : 195-244. Metso, Textual Development, especially 107-149. On the Sitz im Leben of the entire work see Eadem, "In Search of the Sitz im Leben," 306-315. 1 4
1 5
1 6
1 7
1 8
18
CHAPTER TWO
'tMK 'hny
narnn run
D^nra o n ^ i n n bxiwb
5 nrr r r a D^emp ©nip irrrfr
]nni6
im nrrn
cmp
6
irrn nwx p n ^ I D ^ 'mam *cr Dms bp) pnm ttDEDn I'TOD* ]*nnx m pn 7 im 1
ro ^
rr&nn w
pn DI> Dinn m u i r
D ^ r a o n ^ i n n errpn w
i x ^ Kib nmnn n*i> VIDDI - p i o w n r o ^ i • n iovb
irrn
TOIX
i^nn n^x wmin
pm
8
•nnrfr a m *Dtn Kib 9 1
D^sjwDn T&a&m on ? r m n » ^iDn 10
^x-ien ]innx T T W I *r 3 *ra ni> 3
11
5 A t this m o m e n t * t h e m e n o f 6 t h e C o m m u n i t y shall s e t t h e m s e l v e s a p a r t (like) a h o l y h o u s e f o r A a r o n , i n o r d e r to f o r m a m o s t h o l y c o m m u n i t y a n d (like) a h o u s e o f * t h e C o m m u n i t y for Israel, t h o s e w h o w a l k i n p e r f e c t i o n . 7 O n l y t h e s o n s of A a r o n will h a v e a u t h o r i t y i n t h e m a t t e r o f j u d g e m e n t a n d of g o o d s * a n d t h e i r w o r d w i l l settle t h e l o t of all p r o v i s i o n for t h e m e n o f t h e C o m m u n i t y * 8 a n d t h e g o o d s of t h e m e n of t h e h o l i n e s s w h o w a l k i n p e r f e c t i o n . T h e i r g o o d s m u s t n o t b e m i x e d w i t h t h e g o o d s of t h e m e n of d e c e i t w h o 9 h a v e n o t c l e a n s e d their path withdrawing from evil and walking on a perfect path. A n d they should n o t d e p a r t f r o m a n y c o u n s e l of t h e T o r a h in o r d e r to w a l k 10 i n c o m p l e t e s t u b b o r n n e s s o f their h e a r t . B u t i n s t e a d , s h a l l b e r u l e d b y t h e first d i r e c t i v e s w h i c h t h e m e n o f t h e C o m m u n i t y b e g a n to b e t a u g h t 11 until t h e p r o p h e t comes, and the anointed ones of A a r o n and I s r a e l . 1 9
20
2 1
2 2
2 3
2 4
25
Comments: Murphy-O'Connor held that this passage belongs to the most ancient phase of the work, and perhaps antedates the Qumran Community, emerging at the very beginning of the second century BC. However, recent scholarship suggests that this passage was inserted into the material of the Rule of the Community at a late stage of its literary development. This opinion is confir med by the 4Q fragments of the work (see below). The entire passage in se shows literary coherence. The opening adverb of time (n*rnn n m , 1QS ix 5b) has a double function. On the one hand, it con nects the passage with the larger context, the words n*rnn n m referring back to 1QS ix 3 ("When these [n'PK] exist in Israel..."). The pronoun n^K 26
27
19
1
in^n ? (Hip'il inf. cstr., defective spelling), formerly scholars read here nmr6 (Nip'al inf. cstr.), Cp., for example, Boccaccio and Berardi, Regula Unionis, 20; Lohse, Texte aus Qumran, 32. Recent editions assume, however, the Hip'il reading. See PTSDSSP 1: 38, DSSSE, 90, and previously Wernberg-M0ller, Manual of Discipline, 46 and 134. The word within its context is lacking from all the related 4Q fragments (cp. 4Q258) due to the damaged state of the parch ment; thus it is not easy to reconstruct it. 20 hc*. 4Q258 3 i 6 leg. "?K[ ]rr bsb ©Tip }nrrx rvn. For a possible filling of the lacuna see DJD 26: 113-114. The waw del. Note, however, the remark of Wernberg-M0ller, Manual of Discipline, 134: "perhaps the emendation is not necessary, see, for example, lQIsa" xxiv 20, also with an appar ently redundant Waw." **:om. 4Q258. Lege ivnrb. The bet in a supralinear position is inserted later on. The translation is taken from DSST, 13-14, with minor corrections. See Murphy-O'Connor, "Genese litteraire," 529-532. For this temporal formula see De Vries, From Old Revelation, 38-74. 2 1
22
2 3
2 4
2 5
2 6
2 7
19
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
("these") there refers to the material of column viii. On the other hand, n*rnn run introduces an independent unit. Note that a new unit begins with 1QS ix 12 (double half-line vacat and new introductory formula), which is both textually and thematically distinct from the preceding one. 1QS ix 5b-11 is therefore an independent textual unit, relating the Com munity's state before the coming of the eschatological age. The passage con tains the expression rrtDD, and clearly applies it even on grammatical grounds (pi. cstr. form) to two distinct figures, associated with Aaron and Israel. Fur thermore, the author mentions a third figure, a prophet who will also emerge in the eschatological age. On the one hand, the author dissociates this es chatological prophet from the anointed ones; on the other hand, however, he considers their arrival as an obvious unity. Although the actual text of the Rule of the Community speaks about these eschatological personages, its intention is not to tell the reader anything about them. This is obvious from the fact that the author did not present any further details. Compared with the actual theme of the passage, the expression rrtDO has a secondary position. Its only role is to mark the temporal delimitation of a period in the history of the Community. It serves as an auxiliary topic for the better understanding of the author's intention. 1.4. The Related 4Q Fragments As we have mentioned above, the 1Q MS of the Rule of the Community is one of the earliest published discoveries from Qumran. Following certain com munications of Jozef Milik, it was widely known from the initial stages of research that cave 4 also provided some MSS of the same text. Milik pub lished a fist of some important variants as early as I960. In contrast to the physical state of 1QS, the 4Q MSS of the work are regrettably all in a dam aged condition, with large lacunae. Therefore, it is not easy to estimate the original material of these fragments. What is certain is that only two of the ten 4Q MSS of the Rule of the Community are relevant for the present inquiry, 4Q258 (4QS ) and4Q259 (4QS ). The seventh column of 4Q258—represented by frg. 4a i + frg. 4b—con tains the text of 1QS ix up to line ix 10; subsequent lines are not preserved due to the considerable damage to the parchment. The next column of 4Q258 28
d
2 8
e
29
The first mention is found in A A W , "Travail d'edition," 60-61. For the publication of some particular details, see Milik, [review Wernberg-M0ller], 410-416. The other 4Q fragments of the Rule of the Community contain parts of the following mate rial from the 1QS version: 4Q255 first and third columns, 4Q257 second, third and fourth col umns, 4Q261 fifth, sixth and seventh columns, 4Q262 third column, 4Q263 sixth column, and finally 4Q264 eleventh column. Although 4Q256 and 4Q260 contain the end of the ninth col umn, scholars argue that the passage belongs to the closing part of another, independent unit of the work. Therefore, these fragments do not provide useful information for the present inquiry. Detailed lists of the fragments can be found, for example, in PTSDSSP 1: 55-56; DJD 26: 1-3. 2 9
20
CHAPTER TWO
begins with 1QS ix 15, and the estimated intervening space does not seem to have been sufficient to contain the entire parallel 1QS text. In fact, as the editors have already noticed, it is not possible to determine what is absent from the fragment—even if something really is absent. Therefore, this text shows only that when it was copied (between 30-1 B C ) the immediate con text of the "messianic passage" of 1QS was part of the material of this MS of the Rule of the Community. 30
31
1.5. Third Column of 4Q259 Another cave 4 MS of the Rule of the Community also deserves attention (4Q259, 4 Q S ) . This MS does not contain the passage 1QS viii 15-ix 11. On the third column of 4Q259 we find 1QS viii 11-15a, the text immediately skipping to 1QS ix 12-20 following this passage. 4Q259 raises a number of serious questions. To begin with, scholars dis agree over the date of the copying of this MS. Milik dated it to the second part of the second century BC, thus considering 4Q259 as an early witness to the Rule of the Community. Frank Cross first placed it at the beginning of the first century BC, but later modified his dating to between 50-25 BC. Scholars generally accept this dating. However, Sarianna Metso calls attention to the fact that the scribe of the fragment used a scarcely identifiable type of script. It therefore seems wiser to leave open the question of the palaeographical dating of the fragment (for the exact determination of the redactional history of the whole work, the palaeographical considerations in any case are of sec ondary importance). A particularly important question for present research concerns the reason for the absence of 1QS viii 15b-ix 11 in 4Q259. We suggest three solutions: e
32
33
34
1.
The scribe of 4Q259 committed an error, omitting the passage in ques tion. The scribe of 4Q259 consciously omitted the passage. At the time when the fragment was copied, the passage was not yet part of the Rule of the Community.
2. 3.
On the one hand, it seems that the entire 1QS viii 15-ix 11 passage is familiar with its context; at first sight it does not seem to be the result of a secondary amplification. It is possible that this passage formed an entire column in the MS that the scribe of 4Q259 relied on, and that he unwittingly skipped this column. Others think instead that the reading of 4Q259 emerged as the result 3 0
DJD 26: 109-114. See Cross, PTSDSSP 1: 57; or DJD 26: 89. Metso, "Primary Results," 303-308; PTSDSSP 1: 84-89; DJD 26: 129-152. Cross, PTSDSSP 1: 57; DJD 26: 20 and 133-134. Metso, Textual Development, 48: "the hand of 4 Q S is very extraordinary and contains elements of several known script types." 3 1
3 2
3 3
3 4
e
21
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
of an intentional scribal omission for the purpose of expunging from the text a passage that had a highly problematic structure. On the other hand, those scholars who attribute redactional priority to MS 4Q259 seem to stand on more solid ground. In our view, the reading of 4Q259 is certainly not due to scribal omission. A complete logically organic component is missing from the text (1QS viii 15b-ix 11), not only certain words or lines. The text gives an intelligible reading even without this unit. In short, it seems that we can hardly describe the tradition and redactionhistorical relationship of these two text-types of the Rule of the Community by concentrating solely on the passage in question. The analysis of the whole cor pus confirms the opinion of those scholars who consider 4Q259 as transmitting an earlier version. Both its theological orientation and the idea of community it depicts seem to antedate the material provided by the great scroll of cave l . By accepting this solution, the "messianic" passage of 1QS turns out to be a secondary addition to the material of the Rule of the Community. Finally, concerning the possibility that the passage was deliberatedly omitted from 4Q259, we can say the following: this is possible, but that even so, it would not undermine the secondary nature of the passage. What could be the reasons for the scribe of 4Q259 to omit this passage? Perhaps he found it to be strange in some sense. For example, this passage was present only in the 1QS MS, and nowhere else. As for the eschatological view to which 1QS ix 11 testifies, with three protagonists in the eschatological scene, we find this only here and in 4Q175. The same scribe copied both texts, and we may con sider the idea of three eschatological protagonists as an idiosyncrasy of this scribe. He may have been the person responsible for introducing this view into 1QS, perhaps together with the immediate context of the passage. If the scribe of 4Q259 deliberately omitted this passage, this may be because he did not accept the amplification of his earlier colleague. 35
36
37
38
1.6.
Significance
The significance of the data provided by the different MSS of the Rule of the Community for the viewpoint of this study may be summarised as follows.
3 5
The posteriority of 4Q259 compared to 1QS has been defended by Alexander, "RedactionHistory," 437-456, and later on: DJD 26: 9-12. Similarly, Puech, "Messianisme, eschatologie et resurrection," 267-268 attributes priority to the 1QS version, although without explaining the reason for the emergence of the omission found in 4Q259. See, for example, Metso, "Primary Results," 307; Eadem, Textual Development, 143-149; Charlesworth and Strawn, "Reflections," 403-435; Charlesworth, "Challenging," 120-134. So, for example, Starcky, "Quatre etapes," 482: "Tout le paragraphe VIII, 15b a IX, 11 qui manque dans cet exemplaire et il en allait sans doute de meme dans l'ouvrage original." To this question see especially Charlesworth and Strawn, "Reflections," 421-432, and Charlesworth, "Challenging," 123-129. 3 6
3 7
3 8
22
CHAPTER TWO
1.
1QS witnesses to the expectation of the coming of several protagonists at the beginning of the eschatological era. Although very little personal information is given about these protago nists, it is certain that one of them is a prophet, while the two others are labelled as "anointed ones" OrrtBD). The "anointed ones" are characterised as belonging to "Aaron and Israel."
2.
3.
It must be noted furthermore that if the priority of the reading of 4Q259 com pared to 1QS can be maintained, this clearly testifies to some developments in the Community's reflection on the coming of positive eschatological pro tagonists. The appearance of these figures in the literature of the Community seems to have been a secondary development. Moreover, if the 4Q259 M S , which mirrors earlier theological views, postdates 1QS, it could mean that, at least in the time of its copying, positive eschatological figures did not form an intrinsic element of the Community's eschatology. The earlier textual form of the Rule of the Community was not supplemented with the material of 1QS.
2. RULE OF THE CONGREGATION (1 QSa/1 Q28a AND 4Q249a-i)
2.1.
39
Introduction
Provenance. lQSa is a rule-type text. It was found as part of the same scroll that contains the Rule of the Community. According to Stephen Pfann, eight (or perhaps nine) MSS of the work, written in crypt script, came from cave 4. However, these MSS are preserved in such a fragmentary state that Pfann's identification of them as Rule of the Congregation MSS must remain hypo thetical. Scholars have ascribed various titles to the composition. In the official edition of lQSa it is called Regie de la Congregation, but it is also named the Two-column Text (because of its extent) or the Messianic Rule. The latter title derives from the fact that the perspective of the text is markedly more eschatological f a n that of 1QS. In the second column of lQSa we find the expression rrt0Q. The title used by the editor, the Rule of the Congregation (Serek ha'edah) is retained here. This tide is witnessed by the text of the composition C a n e r r\iv b*ob "["ion nn, l Q S a i 1). :
40
39
41
E d i t i o n s : lQSa: Barth&emy, DJD 1: 107-118; Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, PTSDSSP 1: 108-117. 4Q249a-i: Pfann, DJD 36: 534-574. Photographs: lQSa: P A M 40.513; 42.141; 42.459; 42.926. For example, Amusin, Holt-tengeri tekercsek, 88-90. For example, Vermes, Dead Sea Scrolls, 118-121; Evans, "Note," 186. Geza Vermes enu merated three arguments in favour of his title. "(1) It was intended for 'all the congregation in the last days'; (2) it is a Rule for a Community adapted to the requirements of the Messianic war against the nations; (3) it refers to the presence of ... the Messiah of Israel," Dead Sea Scrolls, 118. For the expression D»D»n m r m , see Xeravits, Szentlrds-e'rtelmezes, xix-xx (Hungarian), more details: Steudel, ' t o n m m * , " 225-246. 4 0
4 1
23
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Palaeography and Dating. The scribe of lQSa—and consequently the date and place of its copying—is the same as that of 1QS. The MS therefore dates from 100-75 B C . The editor dates the copying of all the 4Q MSS that he related to the composition to the second century BC. According to him, the earliest MSS (4Q249a-b, 4Q249d) date from the first half of that cen tury. Caution is necessary, however, because both the real relationship of these fragments to the Rule of the Congregation and the palaeographical absolute chronology of the cryptic script of Qumran are not settled ques tions of scholarship. As for the composition itself, it alludes in different extent to 1QS, 1QM and CD, all of which clearly antedate the Rule of the Congregation. As for the emergence of the work, the Rule of the Congregation was composed in the second century BC. The final redaction of the present form of the composition probably oc curred at some time in the second century B C . Stephen Pfann claims that the hypothetical second century 4Q MSS of the composition include frag ments of every major unit of the text. We can say less about the authorship of the parts forming the entire work. Some think that the unit i 6-ii 10 is preQumranic, and later underwent a Zadokite recension when accepted by the Community. Most scholars however content themselves with a broader, pa laeographical dating. 42
43
44
45
Origin. The Rule of the Congregation is a sectarian composition, the product of the Qumran Community. In addition to the useful categories of Dimant, we may note the relationship of this writing with the Rule of the Community, some passages of 1QS being clearly alluded to or reworked here. The rela tionship of the Rule of the Congregation with such sectarian compositions as the War Scroll or the Damascus Document is also important. 46
4 2
More details were given by D. Barthelemy in the official edition of the text: DJD 1: 107108: "l'ecriture et le materiau utilise (cuir blanchi et cassant, ou parchemin tres grossier) sont identiques a ceux de 1QS." Stegemann, "Some Remarks," 503 places the compilation of the work around 112 BC, based on his understanding of the messianic theology of the text. "lQSa und [sic!] IQSb... should have been composed prior to the death of the Teacher about 112 BCE. Both works know very well the individual figure of the Royal Messiah, but not yet a Priestly Messiah. His future chair was still occupied by the Teacher himself." See the chart in DJD 36: 535. For the former opinion see Hempel, "Earthly Essene Nucleus," 269: "a piece of communal legislation that goes back to the Essene parent movement of the Qumran community." To the latter see PTSDSSP 1: 108. Stegemann, Essener 159-163, considers l Q S a as "Die alteste Gemeindeordnung der Essener," but he holds that the coposition is sectarian; see "Some Remarks," esp. 503. To this see, for example, PTSDSSP 1: 109. 4 3
4 4
4 5
4 6
24
CHAPTER TWO
2.2. The Literary Development of the Text In the first four decades of Qumran research scholars interpreted lQSa nearly unanimously as an eschatological composition. However, recent research as sumes that the text has a rather complicated Vorgeschichte. It seems that the Rule of the Congregation in its present form was compiled from two originally distinct parts, and that its primitive etat lacked any eschatological voice. The two introductory formulae in the first column help us to recognise and separate the two originally independent units. 47
48
lQSa i 1: wnri nnnKn *»nEP r r a bvb "["ion m "And this is the rule of all the congregation of Israel in the final days," lQSa i 6: ^K-ittrn mtKn bvb r r a n rnxn^ *yob ~pon n n "And this is the rule for all the armies of the congregation, for all native Israelites." From this second introductory formula up to lQSa ii 11, the organisation and customs of an existing community are treated without any eschatological allu sion. Charlotte Hempel has demonstrated in a thoroughgoing analysis that all the material of lQSa i 6-ii 1 la has primary contacts and close connections with the legislative part of the Damascus Document. This part is a very early work, perhaps even antedating the emergence of the Rule of the Community. The rest of the document should be divided into two parts. On the one hand, l Q S a i 1-3 + ii 11-22 is an independent treatise on the eschatological banquet, while on the other hand, lQSa i 4-5 originated when the two main parts were compiled. We can hardly date with certainty the unit that provides material for the present inquiry (lQSa i 1-3 + ii 11-22), although it seems to have emerged some time at the second century BC. From these considerations it is evident that we have to reject the possibil ity of finding any original connections between the two main parts of the work. The part that contains the general communal legislation is not an es chatological document. Therefore, it has no place in the present inquiry. 49
50
51
4 7
The only exception known to us is: Denis, "Evolution de structures," 23-49: "II n'y a rien d'eschatologique dans ce document...," 47. See most accurately: Hempel, "Earthly Essene Nucleus," 253-269. Hempel, "Earthly Essene Nucleus," 260-269. The connecting points are: 1) terminology "all Israel," 2) supposition of familial relations, 3) designation nio ("congregation"), 4) mention of the "book of HGW/Y," 5) regulations on the exclusion of physically handicapped persons from the Community. (To the latter see Shemesh, "Holy Angels," 179-206.) It must be noted that points 1-3 are present in the other part of the text, although this presence is due to editorial activity. Cp. Hempel, "Earthly Essene Nucleus," 259, 269; in some details a similar position can be found in Stegemann, Essener, 159-160. Scholars have been attempting for a long time to answer why these seemingly everydaylife oriented regulations of l Q S a have an eschatological context. Most recently see, for example, PTSDSSP 1: 108: "Although the Qumranites' eschatology was pre-messianic, their liturgy and concept of time allowed them to live proleptically as if the Messiah had already come." Note, however, that the arrival of "the Messiah" is always a future issue in the Qumran Library, and we cannot find anywhere traces of the theological system so described by Charlesworth. We think 4 8
4 9
5 0
5 1
25
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
2.3. The Related Material of Rule of the
Congregation
23A. lQSaiil2bff. The word rroa occurs three times in the second column of the work. In two of these occurrences both the word and its context can satisfactorily be read. The only problem is the delimitation of the first passage. *?*n{zr
•TOI
•men
r\iv mr\[ jiTon jwrr nwn 'GTOK "rmiai w i p ] D ^ r r o n
c a n via*? m e n ^ " K Z P m'tcaa xinp inKi ITOD ^
TTQD
n j n n x p n vnjK 13 'a*? [KPK v^ajb
»PK
14
^ancr ^abjfc 15
12 [The priest,] h e a d of all t h e c o n g r e g a t i o n of I s r a e l shall enter, a n d a l l 13 [his] b r o t h e r s , t h e s o n s ] of A a r o n , t h e p r i e s t s [ s u m m o n e d ] to t h e a s s e m b l y , m e n o f t h e N a m e a n d t h e y shall sit 14 b e [ f o r e h i m , e a c h o n e ] a c c o r d i n g to h i s d i g n i t y . A n d after [ t h e a n o i n ] t e d o n e of Israel shall[ e n t e r ] a n d b e f o r e h i m shall sit t h e chiefs o f t h e 15 thousands o f I s r a e l , e a c h ] o n e a c c o r d i n g to h i s d i g n i t y . (lQSaiil2b-15) 5 2
5 3
54
55
nizrn I T nx BPX[ rftizr VT
56
18
anbn rrizn m - p n p Kin ]*TD jiTon 'xfr b p T n n j i a n ^ n 19 ^ K - i k t r r o a if?[2P iinKi D^a*? a r t a I T [ n*?2n rajiTnm 20 • n t a 21
18 N o - o n e [should stretch o u t ] h i s h a n d to t h e first-fruit 19 of b r e a d a n d [ o f t h e n e w w i ] n e b e f o r e t h e priest, for[ h e is t h e o n e w h o ] b l e s s e s t h e first-fruit of b r e a d 20 a n d o f t h e n e w w i [ n e a n d stretches o u t ]his h a n d t o w a r d s t h e b r e a d first. A n d aftferwards,] the a n o i n t e d o n e of I s r a e l [shall str]etch out h i s h a n d s 21 t o w a r d s t h e b r e a d . (lQSa i i 18-21) 57
Comments: The first passage occurs immediately before the description of the eschato logical banquet. The question of its opening is debated. Some scholars hold
that the two main parts of the Rule of the Congregation have different origins; thus we do not necessarily have to find an eschatological background for lQSa i 6-ii 10 because the other part is eschatologically oriented. The reading of the editor was rroK (DJD 1: 110), by analogy with i 16, in the sense of authority rather than that of lineal descent. To this cp. PTSDSSP 1: 113, n. 34: "Lit. 'fathers' but even in BH this plural noun had developed numerous nuances, including the one chosen ('mag istrates')." Cp. Xeravits, Szentirds-ertelmezes, 7 (Hungarian). The reading of the editor was n&p ("prendra place;" DJD 1: 110), but the inner logic of the text requires rather Kinp ("go in"). We are in the context of the Community entering the eschatologi cal banquet, and the protagonist of the previous group has clearly the same verb. (Most scholars have chosen this reading from the very beginning of the research, see, for example, Carmignac in TdQ, 2: 24. According to Charlesworth [PTSDSSP 1] this reading originated from: Licht, Rule Scroll; it is noteworthy however, that this book appeared two years after the volume of Carmignac.) b*n& "Q^JK. Carmignac, TdQ, 2: 25, reconstructed bmw »tm]0, but the photograph of the fragment confirms the 'alep. The translation is taken fwmDSST, 127, with minor corrections. The translation is taken from DSST, 127, with minor corrections. 5 2
5 3
5 4
55
5 6
5 7
26
CHAPTER TWO
that the preceding one and a half lines is the introduction to the present pas sage in the form of a temporal clause. Others—and these seem to be the majority—argue that the previous sentence is an independent introduction. We accept the latter opinion. Lines ii l l - 1 2 a serve as an inscription and specify, on the one hand, the topic of the following passage (the great es chatological banquet), and on the other hand, a (heils)geschichtliche event that indicates its arrival. These passages clearly mark the double leadership of the eschatological Community. They describe the participation in the eschatological banquet by both a priestly and a lay leader. Moreover, they implicitly specify their rela tionship. At least in cultic matters, the lay leader (to whom alone our text at tributes the tide "anointed one") is subordinated to the priestly one. Note that the passage is an eschatological re-actualisation of the everydaylife banquet of the Community described in 1QS vi 2b-6. 58
59
2.3.2. lQSaiill-12a At the very beginning of the description of the eschatological banquet the author introduces the episode with the following sentence (this is the abovementioned inscription): Tbv DK -urn rraifr ami
*xnp] w mono nt] 11 oriK n w i f n]K[ 12
11 [This is the assjembly of the men of the Name, [those summoned to the Jgathering of the council of the Community, when [God] begets 12 the Anointed One among them. 60
Comments: The interpretation of this passage is one of the most controversial questions in Qumran research. The parchment is extremely damaged at the end of line 11. It seems that the reading of the last word of the line is Tbv ("will be get"). From the beginnings of the related research, however, there has been a tendency amongst scholars to re-construct this reading in different manner. Some have tried to vocalise the word differendy, whereas others sought to rearrange the consonants of the word. Yigael Yadin proposed the reading r r i n \ while Lawrence Schiffman read "unir ("shall assemble"). 61
62
63
5 8
64
So Barthelemy, DJD 1: 117, Carmignac, TdQ, 2: 24. See p. 216. below. The translation is taken ftorn DSST, 127, with minor corrections. See Barthelemy, DJD 1: 117: "Apres une 6tude par transparence aussi attentive que possi ble la lecture de ce mot apparaft pratiquement certaine." Richardson, "Some notes," 116-117 proposed the reading yiwwaled (Nip'at), but this is not suitable for the rest of the sentence. Yadin, "Crucial Passage," 238-241. Schiffman, Eschatological Community, 53-54. In this, he follows Jaakov Licht. In Licht, Rule Scroll, 267 eight different possibilities of reconstruction are listed. 5 9
6 0
6 1
6 2
6 3
6 4
27
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
The most generally accepted reinterpretation comes from Jozef Milik. He maintained the reading T * ? V , but argued that it is the result of a scribal fault, and proposed to emend it to ybv ("will bring"). A number of scholars, in cluding even the editor, have accepted Milik's opinion. Most recently, Emile Puech has suggested a new reading, and proposed to reread the immediate context of the word as follows: "quand sera revele le Prince Messie parmi eux." This attempt, however—as Hartmut Stegemann pointed out—is palaeographically impossible, and highly artificial: neither rbmn nor rpraon *re»n are testified in the Qumran Library. (It must be noticed however, that the reading proposed by Stegemann is also unconvincing. ) In fact, the reading Tbv does not merit the extensive debate it has pro voked. Palaeographically, the reading seems secure. As for the theological background, we can say the following: firstly, the idea that God begets a per son is not unfamiliar from the theology of the Old Testament. It is enough to refer here, for example, to Psalm 2, where God's direct speech endorses the king anointed to reign, by using the verb ( ^ r r f r Di n ^ nnK ^a, Ps. 2:7b). Secondly, by accepting the reading "begets," we do not have to un derstand it as one referring to physical, bodily generation. It is more prob able that the author wanted to emphasise the extreme closeness of the con nection between God and the anointed one. Thus, he uses the vocabulary that the Old Testament used when speaking of the divine fathership of the Da vidic dynasty, or in its plural form, of the people of Israel or the members of the heavenly council. The author uses the term mtoon in the absolute case with definite article, and without construed with or qualified by anything else. This lets supposing a titular use of the term. Note that the jrron of lQSa ii 19 reflects a similar usage. 65
66
67
s
68
69
70
6 5
See Barthelemy, DJD 1: 117: "... avec J. T. Milik que Tbv est une faute de lecture du scribe pour ybv primitif," with resulting translation of the passage as follows: "au cas ou Dieu menerait le Messie avec eux." Charlesworth treated the problem in a strange way in PTSDSSP 1: 117: "Milik correctly emended the text to ywlyk" (sine argumento.J.), and especially 109: "The new photographs taken in Amman do not disclose the consonants, but we seem to be able to dis cern n ^ v . " He then printed the emendation "leads forth" in the main text of his PTSDSSP edi tion (page 117). onK n»BD?i[ K W n ] rftiffv DK, Puech, "Pr6s6ance sacerdotale," 357-361; for a criticism of Puech's findings see: Stegemann, "Some Remarks," 490-492. nnx rpoonp p[iT] I^DKV DK, so: "When they eat together and the messiah is together with them," Stegemann, ibid., 491-492. Later, the Christian tradition applied this verse to the eschatological protagonist par excel lence or mediator-of-salvation, Jesus. This is obvious from such passages as Acts 13:33 or Heb. 1:5-6, which explicitly cite Ps. 2:7. Moreover, the messianic interpretation of the passage is found also in rabbinical thinking. Evans, "Note," 188, cites two examples: one from Talmud Bavli (b. Sukkah 52a), and another from the Midrash to Ps. 2:9. Cp. the meaning of Ps. 2:7, which lies in the background to the Qumranic text. It speaks rather about the divine adoption of the king, and not about his bodily begetting. See, for exam ple, de Vaux, Institutions, 1: 171-173; Kraus, Psalms, 1: 131-132. See, for example, the teaching of the Nathan-oracle (2 Samuel 7), or that of some early royal psalms (Psalms 89, 110, [132]). 66
6 7
6 8
6 9
7 0
28
CHAPTER TWO
2.4.
Significance
The significance of lQSa for the present study is provided by the following: 1.
The text presents two eschatological protagonists. One of these can be identified as a royal figure, whereas the other is a priest. The priestly protagonist of the text appears as the head of the eschatological com munity, who presides over the cultic assembly of the community. The royal figure is portrayed as having a subordinate rank, at least in cultic matters, when compared to the priest. The text uses words of procreation with regard of the relationship be tween the royal protagonist and God. In doing so, it appears to use the adoptional language of an Israelite royal coronation formula (cp. Ps. 2). The royal figure, the protagonist of line ii 12, is called rntDQn. By labelling him in this way, the author of the text uses the word rrtDD in a titular sense.
2.
3.
3. 3.1.
R U L E O F BLESSINGS
(lQSb/lQ28b)
71
Introduction e
1
Provenance. The Rule of Blessings (Serek habb rakotf is the second "appendix" of the Cave 1 MS of the Rule of the Community. The scribe of this scroll probably wanted to create a composite work containing 1QS, lQSa and lQSb. These works were first copied by the same scribe on different sheets, which were later sewn together. The scroll was rolled from its beginning; lQSb thus comprising the outside of the scroll, and suffering greater damages than either 1QS or lQSa. Date and Origin. In its extant form, the Rule of Blessings is a sectarian com position. The MS lQSb was copied between 100-75 BC, which provides a terminus ante quern for the composition of the work. 13
3.2. Contents and
Structure
The composition contains different blessings intended to be uttered over dif ferent groups and individuals. The exact identification of all of these entities is hardly possible. The author of the composition used several characteristic biblical passages for which he had a predilection. For example, we find the Aaronite Blessing (Num. 6:24-26) in various instances. This biblical passage is alluded to most clearly in lines ii 22-iii 19, yet we find sporadic allusions to 74
7 1
Editions: Milik, DJD 1: 118-130; Charlesworth and Stuckenbruck, PTSDSSP 1: 119-131. Photographs: P A M 40.073; 40.454-455; 40.518; 43.754. The composition starts with the words b^mb [rr]Dn^ n m . The superscription b^mb seems to appear in the heading of every individual blessings in the collection. See our forthcoming essay on the structure of lQSb. See, for example, Carmignac, TdQ, 2: 3 1 ; Puech, Croyance, 2: 440. 7 2
7 3
7 4
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
29
it also in other parts of the Rule of Blessings. In the passage starting with line v 20, the biblical background changes, and instead of Num. 6:24-26 we find Isa. 11:1-5. The recipients of several parts of the composition are definable: those who fear God, Sons of Zadok, Prince of the Congregation. In other cases we can but conjecture about the recipients. It seems that we cannot assert definitive conclusions on the overall struc ture of the Rule of Blessings, yet several points of reference can be found. Regarding its structure, lQSb i 1; iii 22 and v 20 introduce independent units of the composition, the presence of similar headings indicating the subject of the blessings making this clear. Regarding the content, lQSb ii 22-iii 19 consistently use Num. 6:24-26 as a biblical basis, while other parts of the composition do not show such a close dependence on the Aaronite Blessing. The material of lQSb iv 22-28 obviously does not refer to every p r a ^n, but to the High Priest alone. Moreover, in lQSb i 19-iii 19, which has been inter preted by Milik and Stegemann as the benediction on the High Priest, nothing requires him to have been the recipient of the blessing in these lines. Al though the beginning and end of the passage to which lQSb iv 22-28 belongs are not preserved, we may conjecture that this blessing on the High Priest was placed between the blessings on the p m and on the W e propose to see the structure of the present form of the Rule of Bless ings as follows. 75
76
• •
i 1 -ii 20(?): Blessing of the 'KT, that is of all the people of Israel. ii 21(?)-iii 2 1 : Blessing of the Community, based on Num. 6:24-26, and esp. on 6:25b-26. iii 22-iv 18(?): Blessing of the prva "n. iv 18(?)-v 19: Blessing of the High Priest. v 20-(?): Blessing of the area.
• • •
The first two blessings envisage common members of a wider group, the last two concentrates on individuals. In the middle, we find a particular group, the pMX >n, a group that at least at the time of the redaction of the present form of the l Q S - l Q S a - l Q S b complex has a pre-eminent role within the Qumran Community. Therefore, we find in the composition three bodies with priestly character framed by non-priestly ones. Thus, the proposed structure of the Rule of Blessings seems to be the following: 77
7 5
The first calls the b^m to bless those who fear God f?x nx), the second refers to the sons of Zadok (pn^ »jn nx), while the third mentions the Prince of the Congregation (rrurr xnan nx). These preserved headings allows the supposition that each individual blessing section of the composition opened with similar formulas. These formulas must have contained at least the short phrase -\1^> *?yDGb, as line v 20 indicates it. Stegemann, "Some Remarks," 500 claims that the absence of the complement r c o n m in v 20 points towards the secondary nature of the blessing it introduces. However, the absence of these words may also be due to a scribal fault. For this identification of the *?x 'XT see Stegemann, "Some Remarks," 498. Cp., for example, Vermes, "Leadership," 375-381; Kugler, "Note on 1QS 9:14 " 315-320. 7 6
7 7
30
CHAPTER TWO
non-priestly
priestly
priestly
priestly
Community
non-priestly
High Priest
all Israel In what follows, we concentrate on the fourth and fifth blessings, which relate two individual protagonists, the High Priest and the K'tzn. 3.3. Some Passages oflQSb
iv 18-v 29
As already mentioned, the second half of column 4 of lQSb has preserved the remains of a blessing uttered over the high priest. Lines 22-28 are in the best condition. [
]HDn "inb PDTO
rca***
]
nb[
0 0 0
*7DD HDpHJn rD[
] 22
ffr ro&jn o w i p crra
1
nn*o inm ? crxbt
f r 'i® T H Ktn
n^r ™
23 24
1
^ D T D r™& n n o rrfrfrn
m]*ak 'rrfrx TOD ? arnp pann e r a - j x t o 25 8
n^D ^ p ^ID^*) D ^ W nr ? [
] irr iron
• ^ m * B Tan ?! n r a ^ r f r [Tub bm] 1
1
"wcbi
vampi TDIB i n s ™ i ? ttnpn nnxj
O X ^ D UV ' r m ^ B a i I T D ^ D 26
iDidi ® m p H D W ) VDEHDED ' T D n&K] 27 1
n w i p amp ? i n [ H D W I
J 28
22 [ ... ] and may he justify you from all [ ... for] he has chosen you [ ... ] 23 to raise above the heads of the holy ones and with you/and your people to [ ... ] through you 24 the men of the council of God and not through the prince of [ ... ] one to his fellow. May you be 25 like an angel of the face in the holy residence for the glory of the God of Hos[ts ... and you will] be around, serving in the temple of the 26 kingdom, sharing the lot with the angels of the face and the council of the Community [ ... ] for eternal time and for all the perpetual peri ods. For 27 [all] his ^Judgements [are truth.] And may he make you holy among his people and like a [great] luminary, [to light up] the world with knowledge, and to shine on the face of the Many 28 [ ... And may he make you] a diadem for the holy of holies, because [you shall be made ho]ly for him and give glory to his name and his holiness. (lQSb iv 22-28) 78
Comments: The passage relates to the eschatological high priest, and emphasises two is sues; his joint service with the angels in the eschatological temple, and his equal dignity with the angels. We may suppose that the community, which is represented by the high priest, shares somehow his elevated dignity. The other passage of the composition that deserves our attention is the material of the second part of the fifth column, where the author turns to the blessing uttered upon the Prince of the Congregation.
7 8
The translation is taken from DSST, 433, with minor corrections.
31
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
[
] * r o rran
prrrnx piKn B O T ^ [
nt>wb inr n^bn ^prf?
] ' f m bm
nDinn m f o bn^DD') nbw w)ib nynzv
rmm p x
n'm ^x n x - n run
1
nx -pi ? b^mb onrr
7
9
20
T p n n n m i n n i m ] 21
wan v&b ~\bnnnbi p x ^[sh TMopDn r r a n ^ m 22 1
' j n x fipxj&p i p e n n ? - r e p ]emp i n n n D^pn^i 23 n n n n rDBfien r o p e ] u n RTDJ? n r o j m matoi 24 n n DVW rninii
n n r o b j p i>cn iron 25
rrcnrrj n^monDi ^ r o r o m p DCPPI f o ^ n TITX fjpiDxi nD^niD] mrx pix 26 eoer? nDD^pn *?x x ^ main EPED D^DJJ oiDini
ran
n m n r W T p Deni r o m w D^Ditxb ^ID
TOPIS'?
fiD^tp] •RDIQI p ] f D px*) «]*TtD ro[
27 wbvnbb 28
rrnjx:: r r r m 29
20 vacar Of the Instructor. To bless the Prince of the Congregation, who [ ...] 21 his [strength. And he will renew the covenant of Da[v]id for him, to estab lish the kingdom of his people for eve[r, to judge the poor with justice 22 and] to reproach the [hu]mble of the earth with uprightness] and to walk in perfec tion before him on all the paths of [ ... ] 23 to establish his holy covenant [dur ing] the anguish of those seeking [it. May] the Lord raifse y]ou to an everlasting height and like a fortiffied] tower upon the raised rampart. 24 And may you [strike peoples] with the power of your [mouth,] with your sceptre may you lay waste the earth, and with the breath of your lips 25 may you kill the wicked. May he give [you a spirit of couns]el and of everlasting fortitude, a spirit of knowledge and of fear of God. And may 26 justice be the belt of [your loins and loyal]ty the belt of your hips. [And] may he place upon you horns of iron and horseshoes of bronze. 27 May you gore like a bu[ll ... and may you trample pe]oples like mud of wheels. For God has established you as a sceptre 28 for the rulers be[fore you ... all the na]tions will serve you, and he will make you strong by his holy Name. 29 And you will be like a li[on ... ] the prey with noone to hunt [it.] Your steeds will scatter over... (lQSb v 20-29) 80
Comments: As a preliminary observation, the strong dependence of this passage on Isa. 11:1-5 must be emphasised. The author alludes to or cites the Isaianic proph ecy in the following instances: • • • • •
Line 22: p x ^[vh n w p o n m D i r f t p ] cites Isa. 1 l:4ap. Line 24: p x n n n n roenttn r o p s j r m alludes Isa. ll:4boc. Lines 24-25: iron man rDTiBtD rmm cites Isa. 1 l:4bp. Line 25: bx nxTi r u n r m r r m f l npsi? n n cites Isa. 11:2b. Lines 25-26: r o ^ n t i t x npioxi r o ^ m o ] mrx p i s mm cites Isa. 11:5. 81
The expression m p n n n m in line 21 evokes the Davidic traditions of the Old Testament, although the expression in this form is unattested in the Hebrew Bible. 4Q252 v 2 and 4, a text that mentions a figure called mrr nD^, contains 7 9
W e follow here the reading of Stegemann, "Some Remarks," 499, cp. Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 53-54 The reading of the editor (infill) seems to be too long for the available space. W e thank Eibert Tigchelaar for his comments on this reading. The translation is taken from DSST, 127, with minor corrections. By adding D*7)I>. 8 0
8 1
32
CHAPTER TWO
the expression niD'pQn n n n and IQI? rwbn n n n , but in a rather collective con text. For a possible background for the expression T n n n n see Psalm 89, esp. verse 4, which reads as follows:
I have made a covenant with my chosen one, I have sworn to my servant David (NRSV).
In this instance, the complement of the term n n ? (that is n ^ r n ) refers to David, as shown by the parallellism with the following kolon. The term X T O could furthermore reflect the terminology used by Ezekiel, in this case especially in his oracles in Ezek. 34:23-24 and 37:24-25. In these passages a future righteous ruler, connected to the figure of David, is de scribed as an (eternal) prince of the people. As for the Rule of Blessings, the Prince of the Community is related here as a characteristically martial figure, whose activity is twofold. On the one hand, he implements justice for his own Community, and on the other he overcomes all the peoples. With these features, the X T O appears as the eschatological repre sentation of the ideal Israelite king described by the Old Testament. 3.4.
Significance
lQSb, similarly to lQSa, deals with two individual protagonists, a royal and a priestly one. Having a biblical basis to their presentation, the royal protago nist is modelled after the ideal king of Isa. 11:1-5, but the influence of other passages such as Ps. 89:4 (and verse 29) is also possible. Furthermore, his designation as x'tw evokes some prophecies of Ezekiel. As for the high priest, his exalted state and communion with the angels are emphasised. 82
4. DAMASCUS DOCUMENT ( C D )
4.1.
83
Introduction
Provenance. Paradoxically, the first awareness of the longest-known Qumranic text antedates the Qumran discoveries by more than a half century. It was in 1896/1897 when Solomon Schechter discovered the text of the Da mascus Document in the genizah of the so-called Ben Ezra Synagogue of the Karaites, in Old Cairo. Half a century after this discovery, the caves around 84
8 2
See, for example, Wildberger, Isaiah, 1: 459-485. Editions: Qimron, "Text of C D C , " 9-49; Baumgarten, et al, PTSDSSP 2: 4-79; Baumgarten, DJD 18. Photographs: Qimron, ibid. + PAM 43.296; 43.301; 43.270. For the discovery and discoverer see, for example, Levy, "First Dead Sea Scroll," 63-78. The editio princeps had already been published in the twentieth century: Schechter, Fragments. It was rapidly translated into and commented upon in every important scholarly language. W e 8 3
8 4
33
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
the Qumran site provided a great number of fragmentary texts belonging to this composition. The researchers found five fragments of the Damascus Document in cave 6 , one fragment in cave 5 , and fragments of eight dif ferent copies of the work in cave 4 . The Cairo genizah provided two differ ent copies of parts of the work. Schechter labelled these MSS A and B. Ms A consists of 8 opistographa sheets—that is 16 pages of text—while MS B sur vived in only two written pages. 85
86
87
88
Palaeography and Date. The MSS of the Damascus Document found in the Cairo genizah belong to two different copies of the composition. They have different palaeographic peculiarities. Ms A can be dated to the tenth century AD, while MS B was probably written in the twelfth century A D . As for the Qumranic fragments, the oldest clearly identifiable exemplar of the Damas cus Document (4Q266) can be dated to the first half or the middle of the first century BC. Regarding the dating of the emergence of the Damascus Document, schol ars are divided. After a careful analysis of contents and theology, it is certain that the final redaction of the work took place after the death of the Righteous Teacher—we find some concrete hints both to this event, and to the entire activity of the Righteous Teacher in the Damascus Document. Furthermore, the composition reveals the influence of the theology and historical perspec tive characteristic of the Book of Jubilees. The origin of Jubilees goes back to the middle of the second century BC. Therefore, the beginning of the formation of the material of the Damascus Document could have been started after this time, and—given the date of its earliest Qumranic copy—could have received its final form down to the first half of the first century B C . 89
90
91
92
mention here only some early works: Levi, "Ecrit sadduceen," 161-205. Lagrange, "Secte juive," 213-240. Charles, APOT, 2: 785-834; Meyer, Gemeinde. These fragments were published by Baillet, DJD 3: 128-131. Preliminary edition with de tailed commentary: Baillet, "Fragments," 513-523. Published by Milik, DJD 3 : 1 8 1 . Joseph Baumgarten in DJD 18 published an official edition of all these fragments in 1996. The most important preliminary edition is: Baumgarten, "4Q Zadokite Fragments," 153-165. The PTSDSSP edition of the Damascus Document (vol. 2) curiously does not contain these frag ments, as they were intended to be published separately as vol. 3. The editor numbered the latter as pages xix and xx. Ms A does not finish at the end of page xvi, and MS B is not direct continuation of MS A. Rather, MS B in some way is a parallel text of pages vii-viii of MS A. Schechter, Fragments, ix-x: "The MS. [A] probably dates from the 10 century ... it [text B] is undoubtedly of a later date than Text A (perhaps the 1 1 or 12 century)." [my supple ments - G.X.] The Damascus Document cites Jubilees directly once: CD xvi 2-4, cp. also C D x 8-10. VanderKam, Textual and Historical Studies, 207-285; more recently Idem, "Origins and Purposes," 4-22. It is incontestable that the Document uses a great amount of pre-Qumranic material, but Philip Davies' statement, that "the Damascus Document existed in very nearly its present shape 8 5
8 6
8 7
8 8
8 9
th
th
9 0
9 1
9 2
th
34
CHAPTER TWO
Thus, the years between 125-75 BC are the wide parameters for the emer gence of the Damascus Document. Origin. The origin of the Damascus Document has been the subject of an open debate since its discovery. After the publication of the Cairo MSS some parallels between the teaching of the Damascus Document and several early medieval Jewish currents were emphasised. Solomon Schechter, however, drew attention to the fact that the group behind the document cannot be iden tified with certainty with any known Jewish sect. Schechter held that the document could have been composed by the Dositheans, a group considered by mediaeval sources as an ancient Jewish sect. Others argued that the Da mascus Document is a mediaeval Karaite work. These scholars denied that the work has anything to do with ancient sects. However, the great majority of scholars agree that the work originated sometime in the second or first centuries BC; with disagreements centering on the different identifications of the cryptic historical allusions in the work. The discovery of copies of the Damascus Document in the Qumran caves both made evident the ancient origin of the work, and verified the opinion of those scholars who previously considered it as an Essene writing. In its present form, the Damascus Document is the work of the Qumran Community. It mirrors not only the practices and organisation of a particular community, together with its history and contemporary circumstances, and the theological and metaphysical outlook of that community, but reflects the particular type of biblical exegesis of the group. We find a short pesher in CD iv 12b-19 (in iv 14 the word nc&e occurs), and the same literary form oc curs in some other passages, although without the proper keyword. 93
94
95
96
97
98
before the Qumran community received it," seems to be highly problematic. See Davies, Da mascus Covenant, 201. See Schechter, Fragments, xviii: "The annals of Jewish history contain no record of a sect agreeing in all points with the one depicted in the preceding pages." There are ample references in: Schechter, Fragments, xxii, n. 37. His theory is expressed in pages xxi-xxvi of the book. Schechter's opinion was based on reasons such as the emphasis on the Zadokite lineage, the nature of the halakhic and calendrical passages of the composition. For example, Zeitlin, Zadokite Fragments. Other comparison with Karaite views: Szyszman, "Source auxiliaire," 61-73. For Zeitlin, not even the discovery of the Qumran Library was a decisive argument for the ancient origin of the Damascus Document. He considered the Qumran scrolls to be medieval texts. See, for example, Zeitlin, "Alleged Antiquity" 57-78; Idem, Dead Sea Scrolls. See, for example, Meyer, Ursprung und Anfdnge, 399; Amusin, Holt-tengeri tekercsek, 98; Milik, Ten Years, 38, n. 2. Cp. Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 27-28. For example, in CD iii 20-iv 4; vi 2-11; viii 9-12 (= xix 22-24), and in vii 12b-viii 10. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 125, called these passages "exegetical interludes," yet Devorah Dimant's terminology, "isolated pesharim," is more appropriate, as it is based on the similarity of genre. Dimant, "Qumran Sectarian Literature," 504: "a citation of only one or two verses with an interpretation using pesher methods and a terminology, interwoven into a larger composition of different literary genre." 9 3
9 4
9 5
9 6
9 7
9 8
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
4.2. General Literary
35
Considerations
Based on its content, the Damascus Document is divided into two distinct parts. The entire document is a work of an early Jewish religious group, yet, while pages i-viii contain the interpretation of history of and by this group, pages ix-xvi relate their halakhic views. (Scholars generally call the first part Admonition or MS A l , while the tide of the second part is Rules or MS A2.) Moreover, as already discussed, the Cairo genizah provided two copies of the composition (MSS A and B). Regarding their content, Cairo MS B corre sponds grosso modo to pages vii-viii of MS A, but nevertheless also contains considerable differences. The first question necessary for scholars dealing with the Damascus Document to answer is therefore the relationship between these MSS. Most scholars have sought to answer this question by asking about the "originality" of one of the MSS in comparison with the other. In addition, scholars attempted to demonstrate traces of redaction on the MS that they considered to be "secondary." Others have held, instead, that neither of the Cairo MSS is "primary" compared to the other. Rather, they argue that both depend upon a common original. The differences between the Cairo MSS could thus have been the result of scribal faults rather than deliberate theo logical redaction. The question of the relationship between the Cairo MSS cannot be solved by the cave 4 fragments of the Damascus Document either. Some of these fragments contain remains of pages vii-viii of the work (MS A), but do not contain pages xix-xx (MS B). This does not mean, however, that MS A has priority over MS B. It is precisely those Qumranic fragments of the document that are the most damaged, which could have yielded insights into this ques99
100
9 9
It is perhaps sufficient to refer here to the work of Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, who in all probability made the greatest contribution in clarifying the literary- and redaction-historical Vorgeschichte of the Damascus Document. See only those of his works that have close connections with the present topic: "Original Text," 379-386; "Literary Analysis" (1971), 210-232. See fur thermore Denis, Themes de connaissance; Davies, Damascus Covenant; Idem, Behind the Essenes, 33-49; and an earlier contribution: Carmignac, "Comparaison," 53-67. The clearest summary of this opinion can be found in White, "Comparison," 537-553. It must be noted that this solution is not convincing to all. Cp. Knibb, "Interpretation," 243-251. Knibb did not take White's article into account nor mentioned it among the footnotes of his arti cle. It is quite improbable, however, that Knibb was not familiar with the excellent paper of White that was published four years before his own. Two 4Q fragments have importance in this regard: 4Q266 and 4Q269. Neither questions the proposals of Sidnie White; 4Q266 frg. 3 iii however, contests the legitimacy of the recon struction of Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 384. See the early comment of Jozef Milik: "there is no evidence from Cave IV that the sect knew the B recension ... But... a few fragments of the 4Q manuscripts ... contain a text substantially the same as that in the B recension." See his Ten Years, 60, n. 1. 1 0 0
1 0 1
36
CHAPTER TWO
4.3. The Laws of MS A and the MS B 4.3.1. The Related Material of these MSS On the sheets of the Damascus Document the expression rrtDQ occurs six times. The first two occurrences (CD ii 12; v 21-vi 1) come from the Ad monitions of Cairo MS A. For purposes of the present study, these occur rences are irrelevant. They do not refer to eschatological figures, but to figures from the past who attained their position by the act of anointing (the prophets, and analogously Moses). So "anointed one"—in agreement with the usage of the Old Testament—is simply their epithet. 102
103
rm mm rcnp n n And he taught them through the anointed ones the seers of truth. (CD ii 12) 105
104
TTIBQ T D
DIPTPI
of his holy spirit and through
106
ny\ rra i n mso bv m o rai *D p a n Derm 21 ttnipn T H & M 1 21 And the land became desolate, for they spoke of rebellion against God's pre cepts (given) through Moses and also vi 1 through the holy anointed ones. (CD v 21-vi 1) 107
The four other passages—situated in the Laws of MS A2 and in MS B—have a crucial importance in the study of the "messianic expectations" of the Da mascus Document (xii 22-xiii 2; xiv 18-19; xix 10-11; xix 33-xx l ) . These passages are as follows: no»Q -po nn 22 pnx m0D tiqi> iv naenn p n nbxn wzbmnn [rranpirr] 23 *?*n2n 1 108
22 And this is the rule of the assembly 23 of [the] ca[mps.] Those who walk in them, in the time of wickedness, until there arises the anointed one of Aaron xiii 1 and Israel... (CD xii 22-xiii 1) 109
110
1 0 2
For this further passages of CD see Xeravits, "Early History," 114-116. Cp. Seybold, "n©D," 49-53. This usage is not at all unusual for the Qumran writings, and we can cite many similar examples of the expression. See, for example, 1QM xi 7-8; 4Q377 2 ii 4-5. The Cairo MS contains the reading mnoo, which is evidently faulty with respect to the grammatical context. The reading of Schechter in the editio princeps was Kim. The translation is taken from DSST, 34, with minor corrections. The translation is taken from DSST, 36, with minor corrections. The reading of the Cairo MS is again "irrftDD, yet a copy of the Document from cave 6 at Qumran suggests the reading suf fixed with yod. See DJD 3: 130, preliminary publication: Baillet, "Fragments," 517-518 (6Q15 frg. 3, 4). We can cite another passage from a fragment provided by cave 4 (4Q270 2 ii 13-14), which does not have a parallel text on the Cairo MSS of the document Regarding the interpretation of the word which this text includes, it refers to figures of the past See DJD 18:137-168. The reading is generally corrected for rrwo, on the analogy of the other similar references. The translation is taken from DSST, 43, with minor corrections. 1 0 3
1 0 4
1 0 5
1 0 6
1 0 7
1 0 8
1 0 9
1 1 0
37
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
D m ItDBIZP] KDX D^DDftDn KmB HTI
18
,
]D31i? 1QD 1 ^iPCn p H K np©D lift!) "7^ 19
18 And this is the exact interpretation of the regulations by which [they shall be ruled 19 until there arises the anointe]d one of Aaron and Israel, and he shall atone for their sins[... (CD xiv 18-19, cp. 4Q266 10 i 11-13) in
mewa w r o m n b n o o ' o n x i M m m p a n p n i c t o n^K 10
*?*ncn p r o * n
10 These shall escape in the age of the visitation; but those that remain shall be delivered up to the sword when there comes the anointed one 11 of Aaron and Israel. (CD xix 10-11) 112
n n m i*a im wvwn bo p
33
D«nn wn "ixna m o n i - n m inizn pram p * o rrannn 34 rjoxn D V Q )2r\D"
^anepDi p r r K G
l o n o n i D ^ "iion intDrr I T O D T I D U TI> T I T H
miD
35
1
33 Thus, all the men who entered the new 34 covenant in the land of Damascus and turned and betrayed and departed from the well of living waters, 35 shall not be counted in the assembly of the people. They shall not be inscribed in their lists from the day of the gathering in xx 1 of the unique teacher until there arises the anointed one out of Aaron and Israel. (CD xix 33-xx 1) 13
114
115
Comments: All of these passages are contextualised in a similar manner. Their only role is to mark the temporal delimitation of certain ages. However, none is a "messianic passage" in the strict sense. Their aim is not to speak of positive eschatological protagonists; rather, they serve as an auxiliary topic for the better understanding of another, more fundamental message of the author. From a merely grammatical point of view, the expression TOD is in all these cases in the singular. Palaeographic, orthographic and grammatical con siderations support the idea of a single anointed. The passages that contain the expression rnoo are situated in two distinct parts of the Damascus Document, one containing legal material, while the other is a narrative. The only "messianic" locus in the Admonitions of MS A is an insertion (the Midrash Amos-Numbers, CD vii 13-viii l ) ; moreover, it 116
1 1 7
1 1 1
The translation is taken from DSST, 44, with minor corrections. The translation is taken from DSST, 45, with minor corrections. The interpretation of the expression is much debated among scholars, since the verb ^OKn, which has as its basic meaning "to gather," can in some cases refer to the death of a person in biblical Hebrew (and also in Qumran). On this question see: Wacholder, "Does Qumran Record the Death of the Moreh?," 323-330. Some scholars think that this word is merely a misspelling of in* ("community"); see Qimron, "Text of C D C , " 47. The translation is taken from DSST, 46, with minor corrections. A detailed treatment will be given in pp. 223f. below. See pp. 3 8ff. below. 1 1 2
1 1 3
1 1 4
1 1 5
1 1 6
1 1 7
38
CHAPTER TWO
does not contain the expression rrc&Q. The occurrences of the expression rre?a in this layer of CD have the general, technical meaning of the word. Further more, it must be mentioned that the Admonitions of MS A—in which the Midrash Amos-Numbers shows a clear double-messianic expectation—consistentfy omits all the messianic passages of MS B, which speak clearly of the arrival of a single anointed one. 4.3.2. Significance The author or compiler of these passages expected the arrival of one pre eminent eschatological figure, whom he named the "anointed one of Aaron and Israel." This figure obviously has a priestly character. This is clearly as serted in CD xiv 19 where his mission is to atone (iSDn) for the sins of the people. His role is apparendy passive, his arrival represents the eschatologi cal visitation of God. It is not he who executes the punishment. 4.4. The Midrash Amos-Numbers
(CD vii 9-viii 2; xix 5-14)
Lines vii 13b-viii l a of the Damascus Document contain an interesting text which refers to positive agents of eschatological events. In the following pages we shall examine this passage, of which another version is found in MS B (CD xix 5b-14). The view of this passage concerning eschatological protagonists characteristically differs from the present passage of MS A, which is why we treat it separately here. 118
119
4.4.1. Literary Considerations A preliminary problem of interpretation concerns the basic text of the pas sage. Cairo MSS A and B contain a more or less similar unit. The frame sen tences of the passages are nearly identical on both MSS; however, their central corpora—although treating the same topic—are entirely different. The fun damental theme in both cases is the punishment of the unfaithful and the re ward of the faithful. Yet in MS A the author explains his views by a passage of Isaiah then a midrash with a double source (Amos and Numbers), whereas in MS B the author cites the prophecies of Zechariah and Ezekiel. Scholars have sought to explain the reasons for the presence of both literal agreements and considerable differences in different ways. /. Murphy-O'Connor At the beginning of the nineteen-seventies, Jerome Murphy-O'Connor dedi cated several studies to the analysis of the literary history of the Damascus Document} His starting-point was the assumption that one of the Cairo MSS 20
1 1 8
For my preliminary views on this passage, see: Xeravits, "Precisions," 50-59. The relation between this and its MS A counterpart will be treated below. In addition to those works mentioned above, see: "Essene Missionary Document?," 2 0 1 229; "Critique of the Princes," 200-216; "Literary Analysis" (1972), 544-564; "Essenes and 1 1 9
1 2 0
39
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
has priority over the other. He carefully analysed the basic literary elements of the Damascus Document in order to decide which variant could be closer to a supposed original text. According to Murphy-O'Connor, the Damascus Document was composed from large, originally independent textual units. The larger context of the Midrash Amos-Numbers (CD vi 2-viii 3) consists of two general units. One is the so-called Well Midrash (CD vi 2-11), which connects the text of CD ii 14-vi 1—called by Murphy-O'Connor a Mission ary Document—and the following literary unit, useing Num. 21:18 as a Unking passage. The other large unit is CD vi lib-viii 3a, the so-called Memorandum that calls the attention of the members of the Community to a lifestyle more in conformity to their regulations. The Memorandum is di vided into two main parts, a list of precepts in CD vi 15-vii 4 and a hortatory epilogue or admonition in CD vii 4-viii 3 . Regarding our purposes here, Murphy-O'Connor considered the Midrash Amos-Numbers (CD vii 13b-viii la) to be a subsequent interpolation of the Memorandum} Its immediate literary context is the epilogue of the Memo randum (CD vii 4-viii 3), and more narrowly its second section (Warning)} Murphy-O'Connor argued that CD vii 9-viii 1 and xix 5-14 are variants of the same basic texts, variants caused by scribal faults. He proposed the fol lowing reconstruction of this basic text: CD xix 6-7a [approx. vii 9-13b] + xix 7b-14 [approx. viii lb-2a] (om. therefore CD vii 13c-viii la, the Midrash itself, which he considered to be a subsequent insertion). MurphyO'Connor reconstructed the process of the emergence of the different recen sions found in MSS A and B as follows. 121
122
1 2 3
24
25
126
1.
First, a scribe of the basic text (Urtexi) accidentally omitted the unit of Zechariah-Ezekiel, thus creating the basic material of MS A.
Their History," 215-244. For a later article in which he modified some of his earlier views, see: "Damascus Document" 223-246. Murphy-O'Connor, "Literary Analysis" (1971), 228-232. "The midrash belongs to the lit erary level of the Introductions, and is later than both the Missionary Document and the Memo randum. In the present structure of CD its function is to provide a linking transition from the Missionary Document to the Memorandum...," (p. 231). Murphy-O'Connor, "Literary Analysis" (1972), 562: "A memorandum, whose purpose was to recall members of the community to more faithful observance." Murphy-O'Connor, "Literary Analysis" (1971), 211. Some scholars call the former the Smaller Code (e.g. Denis, Themes de connaissance.) This name is misleading, however, because it suggests that this unit has the same literary genre and Sitz im Leben as the law corpus of CD ix-xvi (called by the same scholars Greater Code). The difference between these "codes" has already been emphasised by Murphy-O'Connor, who classifies the literary genre of the present unit as a "memorandum" (and not as an informative Gesetzkorpus), and considers its Sitz im Leben in an inner crisis of the Community (Murphy-O'Connor, "Literary Analysis" [1971], 216-220). He sought to discover two subsequent interpolations within this unit itself: one is vii 6b-8, other is vii 13b-viii la, cp. Murphy-O'Connor, "Literary Analysis" (1971), 2 1 1 . Murphy-O'Connor divided the Epilogue into two parts: vii 4-6 (= xix 1-2) Promise and the above-mentioned Warning, cp. "Literary Analysis" (1971), 220-228. Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 384. 1 2 1
1 2 2
1 2 3
1 2 4
1 2 5
1 2 6
40
CHAPTER TWO
2.
Second, another scribe of the same Urtext confused the introductory formula preceding the citation of Isaiah with the similar words of that of Zechariah. In this way emerged—also due to haplography—the variant known as MS B. The insertion of the Midrash into the tradition of MS A happened only afterwards, for theological reasons.
3.
127
Murphy-O'Connor thought, therefore, that the text of MS B is closer to the original text, explaining the emergence of the actual recensions both by scribal inconsistencies and deliberate redactional activity. P.R. Davies Philip Davies, when investigating the history of the Qumran Community, has also made some important contributions to the knowledge of the literary and tradition history of the Damascus Document} His starting-point is also that the work was compiled from different, originally independent units. Davies thus agrees with Murphy-O'Connor in many respects, yet has a different opinion concerning the Midrash Amos-Numbers} Davies asserts that the material of Cairo MSS A and B comprises different texts, dealing however with the same concepts and formulas. These texts, at least in the case of the Midrash Amos-Numbers, are in a close redactional connection. In contrast to Murphy-O'Connor, Davies argues for the priority of recension A. He arrived at this conclusion by analysing the messianic con cept of the passage. Davies' arguments convinced Murphy-O'Connor, who modified his previous views, and in a long review of Davies' book asserted that if the two recensions of the document differ, MS A always mirrors the Urtext} According to this argument, the Midrash is intrinsic to the work. 291
29
130
131
32
1 2 7
Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 385-386. "This midrash can only have been inserted after the Zech. quotation had dropped out. The idea of salvation, therefore ... had disappeared from the text of A ... the theme of salvation was inserted in the form of the Amos-Numbers midrash to counterbalance 7:13b." One of his works is the already-mentioned Damascus Covenant, in which he gives an in troduction and comprehensive commentary to the entire document. See further Behind the Esse nces, 33-49, and "Ideology of the Temple," reprint 45-60. The reaction of the latter to the analyses of Davies was published in: Murphy-O'Connor, "Damascus Document," 223-246. "The A and B mss. have preserved different texts within similar formulas," Davies, Be hind the Essenes, 37. According to Davies MS B is a Qumranic recension of MS A. For a summary of his thesis, see: Damascus Covenant, 156. "Where the two recensions differ, B is always secondary; in no case can A be explained as a modification of B"—Murphy-O'Connor, "Damascus Document," 243. 1 2 8
1 2 9
1 3 0
1 3 1
r
1 3 2
41
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Other Views Other scholars interpret the relationship between the two MSS of the docu ment differendy. They hold that all the differences between MSS A and B are the result of scribal errors, and not of theological redaction. However, early representatives of this view did not present positive arguments in its fa v o u r . Sidnie White was the first to justify this view text-critically. She collected twenty-eight variants between MSS A and B, and tried to demon strate that there is no deliberate editorial activity underlying these diver gences. She demonstrated that there are traces of originality at fifteen points in MS A, and 8 in MS B. In four instances the original text could only very hypothetically be reconstructed. 133
134
135
The 4Q Fragments The 4Q fragments of the Damascus Document witness to a more complicated prehistory of the work than was previously thought. However, publication of these fragments did not generate positive results concerning the present problem until now. What is certain is that the text of the Midrash AmosNumbers is present on the 4Q fragments, whereas elements of the MS B vari ant (the Zechariah and Ezekiel material) are lacking (see 4Q266 3 iii; 4Q269 5). The significance of the latter is not great, however, as the fragments are so damaged at precisely the points in question that they cannot serve in formu lating a definitive judgement. Assessment Comparing the two different versions of the Midrash Amos-Numbers, rive at the following observations: CD vii 9-viii la.
CD xix 5b-14a. D^OKIQil b&\
flKH m b* TpQD Dn^i) D»j>cn b^y ywrt? n r o -k&K nmn Kim K^]n fifaK p n w
nrnn
n&K D'D* TpK rrn *-jDi> bw ybv KI^ IOK ~\m m i r r bun D^DK mt> BPD ixn
mirr bv& DHDK
we ar
D»prni rrcosa D^OKPH by\ tivbD D bvn zwnb ynKn m bx i p s a DTD
Kim K^n m s r
TPDJ> nn: ^ i »jm bi) mi) m n
|K^n nanism runn HK - p *?K DK3
bxiw Tn w *nsm 1
mn ? rooin wmm b^
]K^n «3i) DH iniK Dnoitym
DDD'PD niDD nx T i ^ m noK *I&KD
p o m ?nKO UD^b^ JVD nxi ,L
1 3 3
Rabin, Zadokite Documents', White, "Comparison," 537-553, and to a certain extent Denis, Themes de connaissance, 141-145. "[Denis'J reconstruction is open to the same basic objection as that of Rabin. It is impos sible to postulate a reasonable relationship between the supposed 'original' and the actual forms of A and B"—Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 381. 135 "Every discrepancy in the manuscripts can be explained on the basis of scribal error or activ ity. Also, each manuscript contains its share of original readings"—White, "Comparison," 552. 1 3 4
42
CHAPTER TWO
-f^n ntoin mn roio DK Tiio'pm nox ncwo Dwrurr n a o Dn D^Dton p^i topn Kin Dnnm nx ^Kner n n im pcaon Kan nmnn e n n Kin miDm bxncro Dpi npiro miD nnn mro IVKD nnun to xnw Kin eoton n» to nK npnpi norni nnipsn ppa itsto n*?K
nnpan ppa isto n*?K ^xngn rvrx nnon x r a pnn*? n a y pnxpjm
pcanrr D^p3X3i DTOX] rnn^Q to inn mnn'7
i m n *KD to aswo p i
m a Dp] nDpi3 ann*? naon Dnxcam vina »x:>to*?CSBPD p i
Both versions show traces of textual corruption. Three critical remarks are appropriate here. First, the greatest crux of MS A is found in CD vii 2 1 : "and when he rises 'he will destroy all the sons of Seth.' These (n*?K) escaped at the time of the first visitation." In the actual text, the pronoun n^K ("these") does not have a subject. The sentence it introduces speaks about the escape of positive figures, whereas the previous sentence relates the punishment of wicked. However, in the logically arranged material of the Midrash Amos-Numbers we find nothing that could be antecedent of this n^K. Murphy-O'Connor held that the sentence "and when he rises 'he will destroy all the sons of Seth'" is in direct contact with CD vii 14: "but those who remained steadfast escaped to the land of the North." Thus it could be a sort of summary which closes the subsequently inserted Midrash Amos-Numbers and reintroduces the material of the Urtext. The obscure meaning of the sentence however contradicts the idea of a deliberate redactional insertion. Second, the formula T n mro that precedes the citation of Zechariah in CD xix 7 (MS B) is problematic. A number of scholars have pointed out that this is an uncommon variant of the introductory formulae used before scrip tural citations in the Qumran Library. W e cannot find elsewhere the preposi tion T 3 after mro in the Damascus Document, and only very rarely in other ancient Hebrew sources. Some scholars have argued that the emergence of this curious formula here could be due to something having been omitted between mro and T n . Third, the expression pttann rrnpan f p a in MS A, CD vii 21 causes gram matical difficulties. The noun in the expression (nTpa) is feminine, while the 136
137
1 3 8
1 3 6
"r6x ... must comprise all the elements mentionned in the midrash, but with special refer ence to the initial phrase ... (7:14). In other words, 7:21b is a summary ... a redactional l i n k ' — Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 382. See Denis, Themes de connaissance, 145, and especially Rabin, Zadokite Fragments, 30: "beyadh elsewhere follows amar... or ziwwah ... but never kathuv." See the works cited in the previous note, and Murphy-O'Connor, "Original Text," 384. 1 3 7
1 3 8
43
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
attributive adjective is in the masculine (praxnn). Some scholars have wanted to resolve the problem by emending the attribute to the plural, rendering the sentence: "in the age of the visitation of the first ones" (with the construct case). However, this is a highly questionable solution. Not only does it modify the consonants of the word rrnpa (to m i p s ) , but it creates another grammatical anomaly. In Hebrew a word in the construct case usually cannot receive the article. It is more probable that the reading of MS B (CD xix 10b11a) witnesses the original, from which MS A omitted the double underlined passage above. This omission has resulted in the grammatically incorrect ver sion of MS A. In MS B, the reading is obviously correct: praxi is the attribute of the masculine yp and not that of the feminine m i p s . In the first of these cases the text of MS A is corrupt, while in the second one that of MS B. In the third case, the corrupt text of MS A obviously de pends on the parallel reading of MS B. This, however, is not enough to indi cate a relationship between the two versions. It must be conceded that, based on the texts at our disposal, we cannot find a really satisfactory solution of this problem. It is clear that the two versions reflect different types of theological reflec tion. Ms A has two eschatological protagonists, whereas in MS B we find but one. Thus, although it is true that, as Sidnie White argued, most of the vari ants of MSS A and B can be explained as results of unintentional scribal faults, the context of Midrash Amos-Numbers cannot be explained by White's theory. W e have analysed above the teaching of the variant found in MS B . Af ter these considerations we turn to the exegesis of the Midrash AmosNumbers of CD MS A. 139
140
1 4 1
4.4.2. CD vii 9-viii 2 Text of the Midrash Amos-Numbers underlined.)
is as follows. (Scriptural citations are
tfircn bvn ywnb p x n nx i p s a D'oxion tei 9 a r a i p a x p TPW m m ninn im i r n Kim nvbv 10 im bmw
0*0* " p x m
*rn w
D ^ m n m imb
my
im
im
n
n a o i n D^noan toi m i r r bun o n a x 10 13
pprfrp moo nx wbm
1 3 9
"[flu bw ybv
- n a n a n-nrr bun o n a x "no D V Q ixn 12 im
- M X O p a s y 1Kb wbn:
u
Cothenet, TdQ, 2: 175: "La correction la plus simple consiste a lire le pluriel." The problem of the differences between this passage and the others was already signalled by Knibb, "Interpretation," 241 ("The problem about explaining the genesis of C D VII, 9bVIII,2a [MS A] and XIX, 5b-14 [MS B] is not that of accounting for a series of relatively minor differences between the two manuscripts"). Yet, as we have already noted, Knibb ignored the view of White. See pp. 36ff. above. 1 4 0
1 4 1
44
CHAPTER TWO
nDio on r r n n n n a o ptpoi ^ n x a p y a ^ s | V D nxi 15 -|*?an n b a r r in
roio
nx ' n v r p m -iax " I P X D -f?an 16
o w n a n n a o on o ' a ^ n }rDi a ^ a ^ r r " a ' D ^ n p n xin n rrnnn © i n xin noiom p m m nx ^xn&r n n im i s CDDCD Dpi a p j r a noio -j-n a i r o -mz»O pioan xnn 19 "ipipi n a j m m a n X T O xin tsntan ^xngra 20 p p x i n rrnpan p pn itDba n ^ x n o ^aa b o nx 21 irr-Q *xn bo coa^a p i m r f r Yvaon o ^ o a m 1
9 But (for) all those who despise: when God visits the earth in order to empty over them the punishment of the wicked, 10 when there comes the word which is written in the words of Isaiah son of Amoz, the prophet, 11 who said: 'There shall come upon you and upon your people and (upon) your father's house days, such as 12 have not come since the day Ephraim departed from Judah.' When the two houses of Israel separated, 13 Ephraim detached itself from Judah and all the renegades were delivered up to the sword. But those who remained steadfast 14 escaped to the land of the north. As he said: T will de port the Sikkut of your king 15 and the Kiyyun of your images away from my tent (to) Damascus.' The books of the Torah are the booth of 16 the king, as he said: T will lift up the fallen booth of David.' The king 17 is the assembly, and the Kiyyune of the images are the books of the prophets, 18 whose words 142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
1 4 2
The citation is taken from Isa. 7:17, where it closes the larger context of the so-called "Immanuel oracle." The author of the Damascus Document made some changes compared to the MT. TM K*y (Hip'il). The reason for the change could have been that the author did not men tion YHWH—the subject of the biblical sentence—so he had to use qal instead of the causative verbal form. In this way the subject of the sentence would be the of the next line; this, how ever, would be grammatically impossible, having no agreement between subject and predicate. It is more conceivable that it is merely &yod > waw miswriting. MT adds mrr. The reading of CD is unattested, or a misreading. Lege no. In the Qumran Library there is a sporadic inconsistency in the writing of sibi lants, which are sometimes interchanged by scribes. So one can find in some cases samek instead of sin (Qimron, Hebrew, §100.8. The interchange s > s in some writings is more frequent [e.g. 4QMMT]), or vice versa. These interchanges seem to be unintentional. (Milik, "Fragment d'une source," 103-104 argued that some texts of the Qumran Library follow a special, non-Judahite spelling where it was legitimate to write the samek by ©.) According to E. Cothenet the scribe made an intentional play on words no ( " c h i e f ) and no ("departs") (see: Cothenet, TdQ, 2: 171, n. 16). Unfortunately, his view is unverifiable, as the only other related copy of the text (4Q266 3 iii 2) is unreadable at exactly the passage in question. Am. 5:26-27 with some variants. The author of CD inserted here the verb of verse 5:27 in place of the DruttDTi of the MT. The reason for the change is that the subject of the verse in this manner is Y H W H . MT adds DDPIK 'n^am DD^ Dn»tt»> nttfK D D ^ X r o t ) , see the Comments below. Am. 9:11, with variants, see the Comments below. MT reads: tfpK (imperfect). The Cairo MS has an obviously faulty reading. Schechter read the first word as ^ D , and considered it as haplography corrected by the scribe himself (See Schehter, Fragments, xl, n. 15). Other scholars hold that the second word-pair is superfluous (e.g. Dupont-Sommer, Ecrits esseniens, 149: "L'auteur ... joue sur la ressemblance des mots heT>reux Kiyyoun et kewdn [«v6rite\ fidelit£»]." See further Cothenet, TdQ, 2: 173: "Le second membre fait double emploi avec le premier. D e meme que pr£c6d£ment, notre auteur a explique" SKWT par SWKH, tente, il explique ici KYWN par KYNYY, les pedestals"). Florentino Garcia Martinez retained the first wordpair, giving a reading of "rr>. He has thus a grammatically correct passage (see, for example, DSSSE, 560-561. In DSST, 38 he still has a solution similar to that of Dupont-Sommer: "and the 1 4 3
1 4 4
1 4 5
1 4 6
1 4 7
1 4 8
1 4 9
45
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Israel despised. And the star is the Interpreter of the Law 19 who comes to Da mascus, as is written: 'A star moves out of Jacob and a sceptre arises 20 out of Israel.' The sceptre is the Prince of the whole Congregation and when he rises 'he will destroy 21 all the sons of Seth.' These escaped at the time of the first visitation 1 while the renegades were delivered up to the sword. Thus will be the judgement of all those entering his covenant... (CD vii 9-viii 1) 150
151
153
Comments: Line vii 15. conx 'rr^am D D ^ DTVBW im D D ^ X mo of M T is lacking, but the original text of the Damascus Document probably contained it. Without this clause the occurrence of the word : D * D is unexpected. In the parallel 4Q fragment (4Q266) the parchment is damaged at this point, so we cannot decide whether it contained the clause in question or not. George Brooke has argued that the author cited Amos 5:27, and inserted in this verse some parts of 5:26, by us ing a particular Jewish exegetical technique (notariqon). In this way he diminishes the textual problems of the Amos citation, but the applicability of this Jewish exegetical technique is questionable. 154
155
156
Line vii 16. The Amos citation also occurs in 4Q174 (Florilegium) i 12-13, followed by an eschatological interpretation. Line vii 19. This line contains an important crux exegeticum of the Midrash AmosNumbers. The question is the grammatical tense of the participle xnn. Schol ars are divided in their interpretations of the word. According to one, the word refers to the past, while others consider it to have a future mean157
plinths of images..."). Finally, Schechter's solution seems to be correct, despite the fact that the author of the Midrash seems to connect a grammatical singular with a plural concept—for the basis of the connection here is not the grammatical correspondence (See Brooke, "AmosNumbers Midrash," 400, point 3: pD > Dwna.). Num. 24:17a, see the Comments below. Num. 24:17bp, see the Comments below. Lege: naoin. The translation is taken from DSST, 37-38, with minor corrections. Brooke, "Amos-Numbers Midrash," 400, n. 2 1 , cites the view of Geza Vermes, who as serted that the reason of the omission of DDID here is its explicitly pejorative connotation in the text of Amos. It must be noted, however, that the entire Amos passage has a pejorative meaning. We therefore cannot accept this observation. Brooke, loc. cit. "Through the use of notariqon DDPiK of Amos 5,27 is taken as an inclusive abbreviation of two phrases from the previous verse: 't skwt mlkkm and 7 kywn slmykm." "Le DDDK ne denve pas regulierement des deux expressions pr&endues: il prend en fait le premier membre de Tun et le deuxieme de l'autre"—Xeravits, "Precisions," 55, n. 35. Those who attribute a past meaning to the participle, and thus deny the eschatological character of the sentence are: Schechter, Fragments, xl. Davies, Damascus Covenant, 147; Idem, Behind the Essenes, 38; Idem, "Birthplace of the Essenes," 510; Milikowsky, "Again: Damas cus," 104; Murphy-O'Connor, "Damascus Document," 242. 1 5 0
1 5 1
152
1 5 3
1 5 4
1 5 5
1 5 6
1 5 7
46
CHAPTER TWO
ing. From a purely grammatical viewpoint, either interpretation is possible, the Hebrew participle being able to refer to both the past and the future. Those scholars who prefer the past interpretation of the word have two main arguments. The subject of the particle, the Interpreter of the Law, oc curs in another passage of the Damascus Document (CD vi 7), where it clearly refers to a figure from the past. In addition, the Midrash AmosNumbers applies the Amos material consistently to the past. On the other hand, the Interpreter of the Law occurs in another Qumranic text in a clearly eschatological context, where he is accompanied by another figure, an un doubtedly positive eschatological protagonist, T H nix± (4Q174 i 11). Moreo ver, the context of the above-mentioned CD vi 7 is an independent literary unit of the Damascus Document (the Well Midrash), which was inserted into the Damascus Document at a considerably later stage of literary develop m e n t . Thus, being an independent unit from the Midrash Amos-Numbers, it does not cast a decisive light upon the present question. Regarding the interpretation of the participle as future, we should note that the following scriptural citation—Num. 24:17, which continues the exegesis of the Midrash Amos-Numbers—occurs in another Qumranic text, among es chatological prophecies. As for the objection that the author used the Amos material up to this in stance consistently in reference to the past, we may note the following. The biblical basis of the exegesis here is the other source of the Midrash AmosNumbers (Num. 24:17); therefore, the present instance is not a continuous application of the Amos material. We thus consider the participle xnn as having future meaning and the Interpreter of the Law in CD vii 18 as an es chatological figure. The following biblical citation in CD vii 19 is Num. 24:17a. The passage is cited as an eschatological (proof)text in 4Q175 12-13 and in the War Scroll ( l Q M x i 6). 159
160
161
162
163
164
1 5 8
So, for example, Cothenet, TdQ, 2: 172-173; Vermes, Dead Sea Scrolls, 104. MurphyO'Connor, "Essenes," 222 still argues in this way; as do Brooke, "Messiah of Aaron," 224-227; Knibb, "Interpretation," 249-250; Garcia Martinez, DSST, 38 and DSSSE, 5 6 1 . See, for example, GBH, §121 n ' t d r>u n x i n n nvi itojp i e j x n x i n p p i s n j ^ x
iikj [ID] i n x i » x x n n r p p e r n n i n ^ *plt>X
r o w m i D ^ 11 ^ir^n ^
D W [ D 1JBDD ^ l Dnn ^ J ) 16
i e n x i D n [ n p x n n [iron] a h n n t i e d 17
[iwnDi
^ x ^ j n i d k 12?k5 [ n j i i n n w [ i K j i n i t o n D m 18
]
rbs mn5n hkih [nsw uro»D
nitD 19
n ^ ] i > n ^ s p 'tidd n o ^ D ^ t n ] ^ [ii»q d^dkih [ D j n ^ 20 ]X HD[ D]p^[ n * r i n )V[S] ^m'TX
OBWlfi? n D K n 21 1
m i ^ m bir^nft n i o i n i [
p p ^ idtki v^^ n i n s i ^ x d
[^tos^Dnt
] ° ° 22 23
n x i n ^ n n ^ N i o u n ^ i t i n j r\±>b nnan n n n n p j D ' p D [hdh p i s n > n Vid m u 24 p[X] ^iD[n
i d p » n o n i n r m i d x i m ^ u ^ n i p d h d i ^ p ^ i t o x p i s ^d^d
25
275
2 ...] and as for what he said: 'In this [year] of jubilee [each of you shall re turn to his property'. As it is written: 'And] this is 3 [the manner of the release:] every creditor shall release what he has lent [his neighbour. He shall not coerce his neighbour or his brother when] the release 4 for G[od.' has been pro276
2 7 5
The IDK itDK formula was generally used to introduce biblical citations. If there is no other expressed subject, it concerns YHWH. The following citation is taken from Lev. 25:13. The DTD formula that closes line 2 is also one of the standard introductory formulae of biblical citations. Cp. Horton, "Formulas of Introduction," 505-514. The quotation is taken from Deut. 15:2, with a variant: the rr\rrb of MT is replaced with *7i6. The reason for this variant is obviously religious. The Qumranic scribes used different tech2 7 6
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SECTARIAN WRITINGS
claimed. Its interpretation] for the future days refers to the captives who[...] and whose 5 teachers have been hidden and kept secret and from the inheritance of Melchizedek, fotr ...] their [spirit]s and they are the inheritan[ce of Melchize]dek, who 6 will make them return. And liberty will be proclaimed for them, to free them from [the debt] of all their iniquities. And all this [will nappe]n 7 in the first week of the jubilee which follows [the] nin[e] jubilees. And [the] day of [aton]ement is the e[nd of] the tenth [ju]bilee, 8 in which atonement will be made for all the sons of li[ght and] for the men [of] the lot of Mel[chi]zedek. [...] over t[he]m [...] according to] their [lots,] for 9 this is the time of the year of grace of Melchizedek and of [his] armi[es, the nat]ion of the holy ones of God, of the rule of judgement, as it is written 10 about him in the songs of David who said: 'Elohim will stand in the assem[bly of God,] in the midst of the gods he judges.' And about him he sai[d: And] above it, 11 return to the heights, God will judge the peoples.' As for what he sa[id: 'How long will you] judge unjustly and show partia[lity] to the wicked? [Se]lah.' 12 Its inter pretation concerns Belial and the spirits of his lot, w[ho ...] in their turning aside from the commandments of God to [commit evil.] 13 But Melchizedek will carry out the vengeance of Go[d's] judgements [on this day and they shall be f]r[eed from the hand of] Belial and from the hands of all the sp[irits of his lot.] 14 To his aid all the gods of [justice and] he is the one w[ho will stand up 277
278
279
280
281
niques to avoid writing the tetragram. W e can find at the background of this practice the in creased veneration of the Divine Name. The reading of this word is debated among scholars. The preliminary edition read *iox (de Jonge and van der Woude, " H Q Melchizedek," 302). Milik argues for a reading mnxp (Milik, "Milki-sedeq," 97 and 102: "la lecture IOK est absolument exclue . . . il faut par consequent lire niaxn, dans le sens de «promettre», dont le sujet non-exprim6 est «Dieu»"). Paul Kobelski, and the editors of DJD 23 read im. (Kobelski, Melchizedek, 12: "'sr. «who.»... The final word here cannot be 'sr, since the strokes before the final resh are not those a samek... What Milik claimed to be the right head of a mem to the right of the tear after the 'aleph is more probably the top right side of the shin." From the definitive edition: "It is either samek or a sin...," yet the editors opted for the sin: DJD 2 3 : 224, 226.). Reconstruction of the passage is disputed among scholars. The original editors and others warned that any reconstruction would be highly hypothetical, and thus they did not reconstruct anything. (See Fitzmyer, "Further Light on Melchizedek," 25-41; Carmignac, "MelkisSdeq," 343-378; also Kobelski.) W e follow them here. Milik reconstructed nan ? [*rvu ytyp, while Puech offered NARNPRN srv. Both scholars emphasised the hypothetical character of their reconstructions. The beginning of line 7 is damaged. The original editors, followed by Fitzmyer and Car mignac, read i p x ppinxn ^nvn rutin, (N.B. Carmignac avoided reconstructing the first word of the line). Milik then read D^nvp ni>]tt>n i n x pttaon bym &atn, which has been unanimously ac cepted by scholars, with the exception of Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 67 and 70. Horton fol lowed the original reading of the editors, without mentioning Milik's correction. Milik read *?]X »n, others generally read »33. According to Kobelski, the ^jx m in the Qumran Library refers explicitly to the angels. In the present instance, the text is obviously speaking about human beings with positive character, who are called in the Qumran Library mx m (Kobelski, Melchizedek, 15). In the editio princeps, the reading of the last visible letters of the line was bwp. Fitzmyer was able to recognise a further waw before them, without however identifying the original word. Carmignac reconstructed the proper name *arp*K8D, by analogy with the angelic names found in 1 Enoch (this writing shows several connecting points with 1 lQMelch); see Carmignac, "Melkisedeq," 354. Yet scholars have not accepted this solution. Milik, after a careful analysis of the manuscript, concluded that the letter before the waw is a het rather than a sin (Milik, "Milkisedeq," 105). Milik's reading seems to be generally accepted; see Kobelski, Melchizedek, 18; Puech, "1 lQMelkisSdeq," 497; DJD 2 3 : 2 2 5 . ' 2 7 7
2 7 8
4
2 7 9
2 8 0
2 8 1
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CHAPTER TWO
on that day over] all the sons of God and he will[ visit...] 15 that one. This is the day of [peace, as] G[od] said [about it by the words of Isa]iah the prophet, who said: ['How] beautiful 16 upon the mountains are the feet of the messengefr, who] announces peace, of the mess[enger of good, who announces sal vation, saying to Zion: your God [reigns.'] 17 Its interpretation: the mountains [are] the prophetfs,] those w[ho ... ] for all tha[t ... ] 18 And the messenger [is] the anointed one of the spirift,] as Dan[iel] said: [ ... and the messenger] 19 of good, who announces salvation,] is the one about whom it is written that [... ] 20 T o comfo[rt] the [afflicted', its interpretation:] to instruct them in all the ages of the wo[rld ... ] 21 in truth for the jfudgement... 22 ... ]has turned away from Belial and will retfurn ... ]venge[ance ... 23 ... ]in the judgements of] God, as is written about him: ['saying to Zi]on: your God reigns.' [Z]ion i[s 24 the congregation of all the sons of justice, those] who establish the covenant, those who avoid walking [on the p]ath of the people. And your God is 25 [ ... Melchizedek, who will f]r[ee them from the han]d of Belial, and as he said: 'You shall blow the hor[n in] all the [l]and... (1 lQMelch ii 2-25) 282
283
Comments Lines 2-3. Both the initial citations of column ii come from different legal corpora of the Pentateuch, and both are connected to the regulations concerning the remit ting of debts. The author chose a verse from the context of the year of jubilee found in Leviticus and another one from Deuteronomy, which is part of the passage dealing with the law of the sabbatical year. The first text is cited for historico-theological reasons, while the second is important for the author because it formulates clearly the idea of remittance. 284
Line 4. The word D " n m could anticipate Isa. 61:1. Isaiah 61 is referred to several times, and, as Milik and Puech argued, may have been cited in the immediate lacuna. The reconstruction of the end of this line and the beginning of the following is extremely complicated, and we follow here that of the editors. 285
286
Line 7. The "Day of Atonement" alludes to Lev. 25:9. The "tenth jubilee" in the historical view of several writings of the late biblical and intertestamental lit erature—some of which were known and revered also in Qumran—denotes the last age before the closing of the present aion. 287
2 8 2
The reading Dnrrun nnn is generally accepted, after the essay of Carmignac. The original editors read n a w D n , which is, however, meaningless in the present context. The other large lacuna in this line is more problematic. We follow here the reconstruction of Puech, which seems to be the most comprehensive. The translation is taken horn DSST, 139-140, with corrections. See de Vaux, Institution.?, 1: 264-270. Cp. Milik, "Milki-sedeq," 102 and Puech, "1 lQMelkisSdeq," 490. DJD 2 3 : 230-231 collects the alternative opinions. So Dan. 9, T. Lev. 16-18, 1 Enoch 9 1 ; 93. The relationship of these texts is treated in Milik, Books of Enoch', VanderKam, Enoch', Collins, Daniel, 353-354. 2 8 3
2 8 4
2 8 5
2 8 6
2 8 7
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SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Line 9. This line quotes Isa. 61:2 in quite an unusual manner. The biblical prophet had spoken about the " y of grace of YHWH," and the author of the pesher replaced sans gene the tetragram with the name of Melchizedek. The "dominion of the Holy Ones of God" is part of the scenic cliche of the es chatological age in Daniel 7 . 288
e a r
289
Lines 10-11. T H n ^ : the Qumranites attributed a great number of poetic compositions to David, and used different terms when speaking about them. Regarding the T f P T t B , see David's Compositions found in H Q P s , which related that the poet king had written 4050 songs (rDron ^sb -niefr T C B ) . The following ci tations were taken from Ps. 82:1; 7:8-9; 82:2. Most scholars are of the opin ion that the author of the pesher applied these verses to Melchizedek. What is strange is that in their original context, all these passages referred to God. Jean Carmignac argued that the pesher of the citations is in fact the word CDQBD; however, his argument failed to be really convincing. a
290
291
Line 12. The interpretation develops the preceding psalm-text, presenting Belial and those belonging to him in connection with the heavenly court. Belial's ap pearances in the Qumran Library point to the fact that in the Community's thinking, he was considered an obviously negative figure—characteristically worse than, for example, Satan in the prologue of the Book of J o b . In Qumran, the role of Belial was not simply that of the prosecutor. His activity is directed against God Himself—and therefore actively against humanity— both in the course of history and in the future, eschatological a g e . 292
293
Line 14. According to Carmignac, the initial expression n u m clearly shows that Mel chizedek is inferior compared to the angels (...] ^ K ) , for: "nous savons par la Regie de la Guerre et le reste de la litterature qumranienne que c'est toujours l'etre superieur qui vient en aide a l'etre inferieur." However, the material of the entire work clearly shows that the role and person of Melchizedek is 294
2 8 8
The reading was established by Yadin, "Note on Melchizedek," 152-154. See especially Dequeker, "Saints of the Most High," 108-187, and the main commentaries ad loc, first of all the excursus in Collins, Daniel, 313-317. Sanders, DJD 4 : 9 1 - 9 3 . Carmignac, "Melkisedeq," 353. Cp. the critique of this view, for example, in Horton, Mel chizedek Tradition, 74-75. "He is not yet the 'devil' of later Jewish and Christian theology ... still he is an unpleasant figure," in NJBC, 470, see further Weiss, Story of Job's Beginning. Cp., for example, CD iv 13.15; v 18; xii 2; 1QS x 2 1 , and numerous passages in 1QM, and the concordances ad. loc. A systematic assessment of the material can be found in Lietaert Peerbolte, Antecedents of Antichrist. Furthermore, see recently Steudel, "God and Belial," 332-340. Carmignac, "Melkisedeq," 366. 2 8 9
2 9 0
2 9 1
2 9 2
2 9 3
2 9 4
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higher than that of the angels. Melchizedek is the leader of the angelic troops. Thus Carmignac's observations are invalid in this instance. The subject of the verb Tpsn in this line is Melchizedek; elsewhere in the Qumran Library it is generally G o d . 295
Lines 15-16. The author returns to the text of Isaiah by citing Isa. 52:7. Three attempts to reconstruct the beginning of line 15 have been made: n n n n D r ("day of slaughter"), vwnnv ("day of liberation"), DfttDnDV ("day of the peace"). The first solution could refer to the judgement evoking the similar expression of 1QH xv 17. This, however, is completely alien to the teaching and oudook of the Isaianic text, and is out of contex—thus, it is hardly ac ceptable. The other reconstructions are both verifiable on contextual grounds, but the available space on the parchment points towards the third reading. 296
297
298
Line 17. According to the pesher, the prophets are quasi-precursors or preparatory of the eschatological events. Line 18. Developing the train of thought in the previous line, the author continued to explain the citation from Isaiah. The reading min TOft is based on the recon struction of Yigael Yadin. The "messenger" (IBDD) here is a prominent person among the prophets, who is called by the author "anointed" (moo). The figure of the eschatological prophet as a positive eschatological protago nist is not unfamiliar either in the Old Testament (cp. the figure of Elijah in the preaching of Malachi), in Qumran, or among New Testament writers. Concerning the Danielic citation in the end of the line, both verses 9:25 and 26 seem to be appropriate here, for both contain the word rrcDQ, yet, in com pletely different contexts. 299
300
Line 20. The initial citation is Isa. 61:2-3. The previous line could also have ended with the same passage.
2 9 5
Xeravits, Szentirds-ertelmezes, 9, note 47 (Hungarian). De Jonge and van der Woude, " H Q Melchizedek," 302, cp. the critique of Fitzmyer, "Further Light," 39. Kobelski, Melchizedek, 20, cp. Isa. 49:8-9. Milik, "Melkf-sedeq," 107; Puech, "1 lQMelkisSdeq," 498-499; DJD 2 3 : 225. Yadin, "Note on Melchizedek," 153. The original reading of the editor was nxin moorr. Yadin's proposal was later accepted even by them (de Jonge and van der Woude, " H Q Mel chizedek," 302). Cp. the comments on 4Q521 (see pp. 104ff. below). 1QS ix 11 is also worth noting. The anointed of Spirit in CD ii 12 are the prophets. Cp. de Jonge and van der Woude, " H Q Mel chizedek," 307. 2 9 6
2 9 7
2 9 8
2 9 9
3 0 0
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Lines 23-25. The initial citation is (again) Isa. 52:7, then implicitly Isa. 8:11. The pesharim of these lines relate in all probability to Melchizedek. 8.4.
Significance
The significance of 1 lQMelchizedek to the present study is as follows: 1.
The composition presents two individual positive eschatological pro tagonists. One of these protagonists is called Melchizedek. He is described as an exalted, heavenly figure. Several biblical passages, the original subject of which is God, are related to Melchizedek. He will lead the hosts of the righteous in the eschatological age, and perhaps will have some cultic role, as indicated by the Day of Atonement scenario. The other protagonist is a prophet, the anointed one of the spirit. He ap pears as a messenger of eschatological salvation.
2.
3.
9. EXCURSUS: THE W A R SCROLL
(1QM)
Before concluding this chapter, we turn to the testimony of an important sectarian writing (1QM). The text provides little data about positive eschato logical individuals, but the rather collective eschatological expectations it mirrors are interesting from the present viewpoint. 9.1.
301
Introduction
The War Scroll is one of the most important documents of the Qumran Li brary. Besides the 1QM MS that consists of nineteen columns of text, six dif ferent groups of fragments were found in Cave 4, MSS belonging to various literary layers of the War Scroll (4Q491-496). The War Scroll polarises scholars over several issues. To begin with, there is a considerable dissent over the question of its dating. We find two main lines of interpretation; some try to date the work to the Roman era, others in the early Hasmonaean period. As for the terminus ante quern, we may date the copying of 1QM to the end of the first century BC on palaeographic grounds. The earliest 4Q MS of the composition (4Q493) can be dated to the first half of the first century BC. Scholars have also analysed the historical events of the last two centuries BC in order to determine the background of the formation of the War Scroll. Editions: Sukenik, rnnHrr r n ^ n n ym\ Duhaime, "War Scroll (1QM, 1Q33)" in PTSDSSP 2: 80-203; Baillet, "La Guerre des Fils de Lumiere contre des Fils de Tenebres," in D J D 7: 1272. Photographs: Sukenik, Dead Sea Scrolls, p\s. 16-34. The Hebrew text of the War Scroll is taken from the PTSDSSP edition of the work, prepared by Jean Duhaime. 3 0 1
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9.1.1. Dating to the First Century BC In his detailed commentary, Yigael Yadin analysed 22 different motifs in the War Scroll and concluded that all are related to the Roman era and to the mar tial customs of this epoch. Yadin argued that 12 of these motifs are incompati ble with martial customs of previous times, and held, therefore, that the War Scroll was written after the beginning of the Roman occupation of Palestine (64-63 BC) and before the death of King Herod. As a terminus post quern for the work, Yadin proposed the emergence of the Book of Jubilees, upon which the War Scroll shows close dependence. This is a particularly important ob servation, for in this light the War Scroll cannot be dated earlier than the sec ond half of the second century B C . Philip Davies in his dissertation dated the final redaction of the War Scroll to the first part of the first century BC, on the basis of the work's eschatological outlook. Davies argued in addition that the material used by the authors of the War Scroll contained various traditions originating from as early as the Maccabean era. 302
303
304
305
9.1.2. Dating to the Second Century BC Other scholars propose a second century BC date for the origin of the work. These form the majority in contemporary scholarship. Hartmut Stegemann considers the War Scroll to be a pre-Essene writing, originating basically around 170 B C . Most recendy, Russell Grnirkin criticised comprehen sively and rigorously Yadin's arguments and dating, and presented a thor ough sketch of the history of the work's formation in two long articles. In Gmirkin's views, the strategic data of the War Scroll refer to the pre-104 BC Roman a r m y . The work was composed, argues Grnirkin, in five successive phases during the time of Judah Maccabee, and was finished by at least 163 BC. In the introduction to his recent critical commentary on the War Scroll, Giovanni Ibba holds that the material of 1QM i 1-2. 2-3. 3-5. 11-12 may be considered as a vaticinium ex eventu, with strong connections with 306
307
308
309
3 0 2
Yadin, Scroll of the War, 245-246. See the detailed elaboration of this thesis in: Wacholder, Dawn of Qumran, 77-83. Cp. VanderKam, "Origins and Purposes," 4-22; or Idem, Textual and Historical Studies, 207-285. Davies, War Scroll, 124. "There is no lack of evidence that the period to which 1QM must be assigned was one in which the prospect of an imminent eschaton was widely held, and that Rome's increasing oppression... of the chosen people was the prelude of the Final W a r . . . The compilation of 1QM was probably undertaken in the belief that a military confrontation was in evitable, and therefore a plausible date for 1QM could be found at almost any time during the first half of the first century A . D . . . The material in 1QM extends from the Maccabean Period to the first century A.D., and contains different traditions." Stegemann, Essener, 145-146. Grnirkin, "War Scroll," 89-129; Idem, "Historical Allusions," 172-214. The Roman legions were reorganised by Marius in 104 BC. Grnirkin, "Historical Allusions," 204-208. 3 0 3
3 0 4
3 0 5
3 0 6
3 0 7
3 0 8
3 0 9
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SECTARIAN WRITINGS
the Maccabean wars. After analysing the whole text of 1QM, Ibba concludes that the work's formation be placed between 160-157 B C . As Jean Duhaime observed in his recent Princeton edition of the War Scroll, 310
until further research on the problem is completed, one is left with a terminus a quo close to the Maccabean Wars for some parts of the documents or the tradi tions behind them. 311
What is certain is that the authors of different parts of the War Scroll knew and used two documents, the Book of Daniel and Jubilees. Final redaction of Daniel can be placed around 160 BC,while Jubilees seems to have been com pleted between 160 and 150 BC. The earliest copy of the War Scroll was written during the first part of the first century BC. Based on these termini, it seems to be most probable that the composition of the War Scroll in its en tirety antedates the Roman campaign of Palestine. It seems best to date its final redaction to some time in the second part of the second century BC, between 150-100. In its present form the War Scroll is the work of the Qumran Community. 9.2. Related Material of the War Scroll 9.2.1. Prophets of the Past in IQMxi 7b-8a In the War Scroll the unique occurrence of the word iron is found in xi 7, as follows. rDTTTO T m
7
n ^ T rmrbn p a p Mb nman rrnwri mn 8 7 And through your anointed ones, 8 seers of decrees, you taught us the ti[mes] of wars of your hands. 312
313
Two remarks seem appropriate here. First, the anointed ones (of God) in this passage belong to the sphere of the past; they are mediators of God's teach ing. Based on the parallel word 'nn, it is evident that the anointed ones are the prophets of past times. Both the Old Testament and the Qumran Library pro vide a similar use of the term I T O Q . The word in this instance is therefore out of the scope of our inquiry; it does not denote here eschatological pro3 1 4
3 1 0
Ibba, Rotolo delta Guerra, 42-50, esp. 49-50. PTSDSSP 2: 84. psjp is the most likely reconstruction. A list of other possibilities can be found in Carmi gnac, Regie de la Guerre, 161. The translation is taken irom DSST, 104, with minor corrections. See Ps. 105:15, CD ii 12; vi 1, 4Q270 2 ii 14, 4Q287 frg. 1 0 , 1 3 . 3 1 1
3 1 2
3 1 3
3 1 4
78
CHAPTER TWO
tagonists. It must be noted however, that the task of the anointed ones of 1QM xi 7 has close connections with the eschatological a g e . Second, the immediate context of the passage deserves attention. The pas sage is preceded by a citation from the Book of Numbers, taken from the ora cles of Balaam (Num. 24:17-19). The coherence of the text is provided by the clause xb nman which frames the citation in lines xi 5 and xi 8. At the end of line 8, the martial scenario of the Numbers passage is applied to the war with the hordes of Belial. This application of the biblical passage reinforces the eschatological interpretation of Num. 24:17-19, found also in other composi tions of the Qumran Library. 315
316
9.2.2. The Prince of the Congregation in 1QM v 1 This passage belongs to a special unit of the War Scroll, a unit where in scriptions on various accoutrements of war are described (1QM ii 16-v 2). It begins with inscriptions on trumpets (ii 16-iii 11), and after a blank line fol lows the "Rule of the banners of all the congregation" (iii 13-iv 17), that is, inscriptions on the banners of war. The unit is closed by v 1-2, which relates the inscription on the shield of the Prince of the Congregation. motDi p - n x i
*?*nKP oi&n TOD inrD* m m bo
p a bv)
i
D n n ^ r o *?OZP 'GDID *VDD WTD
vacat
DmcniD nto new
rmm i
317
1 And upon the sh[ie]ld of the Prince of the whole Congregation they shall write his name [and] the name of Israel and Levi and Aaron and the names of the twelve tribes of Israel according to their generations, 2 and the names of the twelve commanders of their tribes, vacat 312
This inscription characterises the Prince of the Congregation as supreme commander of the eschatological war. The items inscribed on his shield cover all Israel according to the different tribes and according to their priesdy and lay affiliation. In view of his high rank, it is surprising that the Prince of the Congregation is not mentioned anywhere else in the War Scroll. The author thus notes his importance in commanding in war, but does not attribute any particular theological characteristics to the Prince.
3 1 5
As Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 318-319 observed: "Was die 'Gesalbten', die atl. Propheten, 'geschaut' und in ihren Schriften niedergeschrieben haben, beziecht sich auf das 'Ende der T a g e ' . " This passage of the Book of Numbers occurs in the Midrash Amos-Numbers in CD, and in the lines 9-13 of the Testimonia (4Q175). In both writings, the biblical passage is interpreted eschatologically. Duhaime reads °[ p in PTSDSSP 2: 106; yet the nun is visible, cp. Sukenik, Dead Sea Scrolls, pi. 20. The translation is taken from DSST, 98. 3 1 6
3 1 7
3 1 8
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
79
This fits well with the general theological view of the War Scroll, which consistently stresses the importance of the eschatological community as one involved in future events. 319
9.3.
Assessment
In the War Scroll different priests, including the high priest, play certain roles in the course of the events; and a royal figure, m m b'D iCtttt is once indirecdy mentioned. The paucity of these occurrences compared to the material of the composition as a whole, and also the function that the author attributes to these figures, especially to the royal personage, show that they are not really protagonists in the events. The War Scroll testifies to a very secondary inter est in the eschatological activity of pre-eminent individuals. Instead, the em phasis of this composition lies on the eschatological activity of God and the Community. These are the real protagonists of the events; the various indi viduals belonging to the Community have only an ancillary role.
10.
SECTARIAN WRITINGS: SUMMARY
The sectarian compositions of the Qumran Library analysed above indicate that in some ways the Qumran Community was interested in the eschatologi cal activity of positive prootagonists. We can see certain convergent tenden cies in the views mirrored by these texts, yet at the same time we can distin guish characteristic differences as well. To begin with, we find various types of figures in these passages, such as king, priest and prophet. 1.
The royal figure could be designated by various terms, such as ITCDD (1QS; lQSa; 4Q252), mvnwm (lQSb; 1QM; CD; 4Q161; 4Q285), T H nD* (4Q161?; 4Q174; 4Q252; 4Q285). When additional data are given about this figure, he is characterised predominantly as a warrior. Some passages (4Q161; 4Q174; 4Q285) stress his Davidic lineage, whereas in other cases this aspect seems to be of secondary importance. In several instances, emphasis is put on the close relationship between this king and God (1QS; 4Q174). Regarding the priestly figure, the terms that are used show—in this case also—some variety. We find mra (1QS; CD), | r r o (lQSa; CD; 4Q161; 4Q285), m i n n e n n (CD; 4Q174). The priestly protagonist occurs either as the head of the eschatological communtiy or an authoritative teacher. He is sometimes estimated highly by the related texts. On the one hand, he is described with extremely solemn vocabulary in lQSb, while other
2.
3 1 9
For this see, for example, Steudel, "Eternal Reign", and Mattila, "Two Contrasting Eschatologies".
80
3.
CHAPTER TWO
passages stress his pre-eminence when compared to the royal protago nist (lQSa; 4Q161). Besides the royal and priesdy protagonists, two texts mention a third figure, a prophet (1QS; 1 lQMelch). When mentioned together with the eschatological king and priest, nothing is said of him, except through the term (1QS). In 1 lQMelch, in contrast, where he occurs together with an angelic protagonist, this figure's function as precursor is explic itly stated. 1 lQMelch characterises the eschatological prophet as r r r a .
Secondly, a number of the passages analysed in this chapter agree in relating the simultaneous eschatological presence or activity of more than one indi vidual. In this regard, we find two different "patterns." 1.
2.
The texts most frequendy mention together two figures, a royal and a priestly one (lQSa; lQSb; CD vii 9-viii 2; 4Q174). In two further pas sages other priesdy figures are also present (4Q161; 4Q285). It must be noted, however, that in these cases they appear as a group or as belong ing to the priestly collective rather than as pre-eminent individuals. 1 lQMelch also evokes two protagonists, but these differ considerably from the above, being an angelic and a prophetic figure respectively. Two characteristic sectarian compositions speak of three eschatological protagonists (1QS; 4Q175). Here, in addition to the royal and priestly protagonists (labelled in 1QS both as I T O Q ) , a prophetic figure emerges. It must be noted that these texts do not seem to differentiate between the authority of the three protagonists.
Thirdly, their relative predominance notwithstanding, the "more-than-oneprotagonist patterns" do not seem to represent the exclusive manifestation of Qumranic "messianic expectations." 1.
2.
The Damascus Document—apart from the Midrash Amos-Numbers (CD vii 9-viii 2)—testifies to the expectation of the eschatological coming of only one protagonist, a priesdy figure. He is labelled in M S S A2 and B as *?*nen pnx I T O Q , while the Well Midrash calls him plan mv. Moreover, 4Q252 also relates the eschatological activity of a single figure. In this case, he is described as a royal personage, labelled as TH nnx and plan iroa.
Fourthly, in the material of the War Scroll—although it mentions en passant the r r a n *rtw and attributes to a priest or priests an important cultic role—the real protagonist of the eschatological events is a collective entity, the es chatological community. In sum, despite certain converging tendencies, the related texts of the Qumran Library show a complicated ensemble of different eschatological ex pectations. Although the joint protagonist king-prophet duo is most com-
SECTARIAN WRITINGS
81
monly evoked when discussing eschatological events, other types of figures also occur, both alone and in connection with others. It must be noted, finally, that the related non-sectarian material of the Qumran Library speaks exclu sively about the eschatological activity of various single protagonists (see below). The idea of presenting more than one eschatological protagonist si multaneously occurs only in sectarian compositions.
CHAPTER THREE
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS Having reviewed those sectarian compositions of the Qumran Library that provide data on positive eschatological protagonists, we turn now to the analysis of some non-sectarian writings. Scholars do not generally consider the Aramaic compositions preserved in the Qumran Library as sectarian. Thus, we treat here texts written in Aramaic, such as 4Q246, 4Q541; 4Q'Amram; 4Q558. The Hebrew compositions discussed in this chapter ei ther do not show sectarian characteristics, or their sectarian characteristics are so doubtful that they could not be included in the previous chapter of this study (4Q369; 4Q458; 4Q521; 4Q374 and 4Q377). 1
1. A N ARAMAIC DANIELIC APOCRYPHON (4Q246)
1.1.
2
Introduction
Provenance. This important Aramaic text is preserved in two columns, the first fragmentary, the second without damage. Both columns contain nine lines of text. The original editor of the fragment was Jozef Milik. Unfortunately, apart from several sporadic references, he has not published the whole composi tion. The first substantial passage (4Q246 i 9-ii 1 ) was published by Joseph Fitzmyer in 1 9 7 4 , while Emile Puech offered the first preliminary publica tion of the entire fragment in 1 9 9 2 , prior to the official edition in DJD 2 2 . As regards the "title" of the composition, there is no consensus among scholars. The Son of God Text seems to be the most generally used; yet the work is sometimes called Aramaic Apocalypse or Pseudo-Danielic Fragment. In the official edition we find Apocryphe de Daniel ar(ameen). 3
4
5
1
On this issue see, for example, Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts/' 34-35, Fitzmyer, "Aramaic," 50, for a more general background Wacholder, "Ancient Judeo-Aramaic Literature," passim. W e occasionally find different opinions, see, for example, Garcia Martinez, "Eschatological Figure," 179 about 4Q246. Edition: Puech, DJD 22: 165-185. Photograph: P A M 43.236. Milik, Books of Enoch, 60; Idem, "Modeles aramSens," 383-384. My preliminary attempt at interpreting this text was published as Xeravits, "Pseudo-danieli iratok," 41-60 (Hungarian). Fitzmyer, "Contribution of Qumran Aramaic," 85-113. Puech, "Fragment d'une apocalypse," 98-131. 2
3
4
5
83
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Palaeography and Origin. 4Q246 was written in the last third of the first century BC. With respect to literary genre, the text is an apocalypse, which is evident from the themes used and its formal characteristics. As regards its origin, 4Q246 probably antedates the Qumran Community and entered the literature of the Community from outside. 6
7
1.2.
Interpretation
Scholars are highly divided over the interpretation of this text and the recon struction of the first, damaged column. Puech's proposed reconstruction probably seems to be closest to the original. It must be noted, however, that here we do not follow Puech's reconstructions because of the objections raised against it. Apart from the most obvious possibilities of reconstructing words and expressions, we do not make any reconstruction in the damaged material in the first column. The text of 4Q246 is as follows: 8
9
col. ii. 1
fcrpnD J i m p ]vbv i m i d x j v
n
rrn
bv ]Mbw pco mnn p i r a ^ D p a m m
h
nymb
n r i Q i mv nvb nv ptzm xta") x m x m n p i r r *6m but nv D p * iv vacat
p p encapn nnniK tai
nbv rwbn
pp* x m a m n d*?iz? - n i r n^Kn m i into) n-rn p r 'oinn toi o t o pbv
wpn 4
nmr^Q xmx
pao* n ? xrano
to)
m p n*? " d i p x v t ™ t o 'moip h o t
col. i *ro"D D i p to: r ™ 'rrf?[i> -pun m nnx KQto*? k d ^ q
l 2
KQto "tp nnK Ktoi -pm *n[
3
Kinx to ann npi> p t o n Knrffin p^nnt p s i m iiinx - j t o [ KinS to mrf? [ xto*) p n S p rarr nDKni xnpir * o n
4 5 6 7 8 9
i 1 ... settled [up]on him and he fell before the throne 2 [... k]ing forever. You are angry and your years 3 [...] your vision, and all shall come for ever. 4 [... gr]eat, oppression will come upon the earth 5 [...] and great slaughter in the city 6 [... ]king of Assyria [and of E]gypt 7 [...] he will be great over the earth 8 [...]they [will] make and all will serve 9 [... Gr]eat will he be called and he will be designated by his name, ii 1 He will be called son of God, and they will call him son of the Most High. Like the sparks 2 of the vision, so will their kingdom be. They will rule (several) years over 3 the earth and crush everything. People 6
Collins, "Apocalypticism and Literary Genre," 415; in a broader context: Dimant, "Apocalyptic Texts," 180-187. Cp. Puech, "Fragment d'une apocalypse;" Mattila, "Two Contrasting Eschatologies," 518538, esp. 519-520. More generally, see Wacholder, "Ancient Judaeo-Aramaic Literature," 257281. Taking a different approach, Garcia Martinez, "Eschatological Figure," 178-179 writes: "4Q246 appears as a typical product of the sect's theology." See the comparative tables of reconstruction in Puech, "Notes sur le fragment," 557-558; Idem, "Fils de Dieu," 143*-152*. Cp. Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 156-161. 7
8
9
84
CHAPTER THREE
will crush another people and city another city. 4 vacat Until the people of God arises and makes everyone rest from the sword. 5 His kingdom will be an eter nal kingdom and all his paths in truth. He will judge 6 the earth in truth and all will make peace. The sword will cease in the earth 7 and all the cities will pay him homage. The great God is his strength, 8 he will make war with him. He will place peoples in his hand and 9 cast them all away before him. His kingdom will be an eternal kingdom and all the abysses... 10
1.2.1. Notes Lines i 1-3. mco vrfrti): what "settled upon him," was most probably fear (rfrm). The re cipient is probably a monarch; the cause of the fear could be a vision or a dream that he had seen. Similar wording is found in Dan. 10:7 in Hebrew (n*na r m n ) . The one falling down before the throne could be the interpreter of the vision. At the beginning of the preserved part of the second line, a salutation of the monarch can be found, also in analogy with the Book of Daniel (chapters 2-6). The expression -pen means "and your years." Some scholars (based on Dan. 5:6) hold that comes from the verb ^ ("to change" and thus "and [your appearance] have changed—from the fear" or something similar). The word nnK was at first generally interpreted as a personal pronoun, and the sentence was translated as "And you (over?) all forever." According to this translation, the interpreter consoled the monarch. Others argue however that the word nnK is a verbal form, referring to the future events foretold by the vision. We prefer the latter solution. 11
12
13
Line i 4. The interpretation of the dream starts with this line. Dan. 12:1 and Mk. 13:19 provide the closest verbal parallels. Both passages are apocalyptic prophecies about future times. Line i 5. The word pTCBm, which means "slaughter, carnage," is an Iranian loan word. We do not find this word in biblical Hebrew and Aramaic, yet, it is present at Qumran in the War Scroll (1QM i 9.10.13). 14
Lines i 7-8. The remaining words are particularly reminiscent of Lk. 1:32. Those who hold the "messianic" interpretation of the text tend to refer to this New Tes-
The translation is taken from jDSST, 138, with minor corrections. See Cross, "Notes on the Doctrine," 8, and previously Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 158. The former solution is followed by Puech and Garcia Martinez ("Eschatological Figure"), the latter by Fitzmyer, Cross and Garcia Martinez (DSSSE, 1: 493). At first as a perfect: Garcia Martinez, "Mesias de Qumran " 355, cited by Puech, "Notes sur le fragment," 539. Later as a participle Cross, "Notes on the Doctrine," 8-9. There are numerous connections between these two writings, see, for example, Steudel, "Eternal Reign," 507-525. 1 0
1 1
1 2
1 3
1 4
85
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
tament parallel. Scholars are nearly unanimous in reconstructing the begin ning of line 8 as "they sign (lit. make) [peace with h i m ] . " The only notable exception is by David Flusser who, according to his interpretation of the en tire text, understood the verb as a Hebraism that means "to worship." How ever, Flusser's theory can hardly be verified either regarding the entire text, or this particular case. 15
16
Lines i 9-ii 1. This is the most important section of the composition for the present pur poses. These lines contain four short clauses containing terms that are inter preted by the majority of scholars as "messianic tides." The structure of the passage is as follows.
P
a
A
mprv
*an ...
D
nrnp'
-ni
We find the following elements in these clauses. 1.
There is in the second place (p) of all instances a verb that refers to naming. This is preceded (a) by an expression referring to God. In the third and fourth title, composite expressions are preserved where the author ex presses the divine sonship of the figure in question with a genitive con struction.
2.
The four titles form a textual unit. The clauses A and D have the same verb (*np), which provides an inclusion for the entire unit. Within this unit, the structure of clauses C and D are in an exact parallel with each other: a + b +c II a' + b ' + c \ Clause B begins with the word noizm, where the possessive suffix refers to God. Thus, clause A must have contained an element referring to God. This could be the word Km, seeing that in the Old Testament the ad jective *?ni is often associated with God, and some ways in which it is used allow us to conclude that it could also have been used as an appellative. This means that K m of clause A requires no supplementation in order to refer to God. Based on the material of clauses C and D, clause A could also have started with a reference to the divine sonship of the protagonist; thus a recon17
18
1 5
)TQ[jr rroj) tibv: so Puech, Fitzmyer, and (implicitly) Garcia Martinez. Flusser, "Hubris of the Antichrist," repr. 207-213. A critique of Flusser's reading can be found in, for example, Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 161; Garcia Martinez, "Eschatological Figure," 165. Cp., for example, Jer. 10:6; Mai. 1:11, and especially Ps. 76:2, here: to© iYiz. See further the Enochic use of the term Km, for example, 4Q212 1 iv 18 (7 Enoch 91:13), and the comments of Milik, Books of Enoch, 268. As the solution of Puech: Km xnn, Fitzmyer: Km ^K, Cross: Km KH^K. 1 6
17
18
86
CHAPTER THREE
struction as K m ~n is possible. Emile Puech argued that a reconstruction K m Knft "in is required by the precise rilling of the initial lacuna of the line. (All other proposals require too many letters. ) It must be noted, however, that the lacuna contained the end of the previous sentence as well. 19
Line ii 2. nrroto: the suffix refers to the kings mentioned in line i 6. Line ii 4. This line starts with a blank space indicating the beginning of a new unit, yet what follows is syntactically logical and comprehensible continuation of the previous sentence. A similar syntactic solution (with opening vacat and ID) can be found in 4Q252 v 3. The expression ^K Di? ("people of God") is un usual, since the Old Testament does not use it anywhere. It occurs, how ever, elsewhere in the Qumran Library; see, for example, 1QM i 5, iii 13. Lines ii 6-9. From this point, the text relates the eschatological activity of the people of God, with parallels known from apocalyptic texts. 20
1.2.2. Parallels with the Book of Daniel 4Q246 shows a close relationship with the Book of Daniel, particularly chapter 7. The main connecting links are the following: 4Q246 i2. i4. 18. ii 3. ii 5.
Daniel 4
KQto ? KD^[Q...
"ii p t o ? KDto
KinK to Knn npj>
rn2£ nv n r r m
4
nrmaw p ^ K
p r a z r Kton
•to
rato
12:1.
*)*?K 7:10.
ironm
etc. ]WV Kto*) • t o r r o t o nrnnto
2:4.
rrrroto
7:23. 3:33,
7:27. ii 5. ii 7. ii 9.
... ]'T cDitopn nnmK
toi
p
nnmK*) atop YirQiaa to H
Knn *?K • t o ]toto m a t o
m
4:34.
n*?K
2:45.
nto ]Bto mcoto
7:14.
Half of these striking correspondences come from Daniel 7. It must be noted that some other passages—without verbatim correspondences—also point towards Daniel 7, such as the allusion to the changing dominions (4Q246 ii 1-3), or the rising of the people of God (4Q246 ii 4 ) . 21
1 9
See DJD 22: 173 and "Fils de Dieu," 148*. There, rather, mm DP or ttif?x_ DP can be found. Annette Steudel recently called attention to some points of connection with Daniel 11, but the importance of these passages is less than she supposed; see Steudel, "Eternal Reign," 507525. All the possible Danielic parallels were collected together by Buchanan, "4Q246," 77-80. 2 0
2 1
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
87
1.2.3. Structure of the Text The structure of 4Q246 is a debated issue among scholars. The content of the text is as follows. 4Q246 i 1-3 takes the reader to a royal court, where an inter preter starts to explain to the king the meaning of the latter's terrible vision. The interpretation starts at 4Q246 i 4, and is composed of four major parts: 1.
4Q246 i 4-6: the author introduces the reign of two hostile and cruel kings. 4Q246 i 7-ii la: the text relates the emergence of another king, whose tides reflect a special connection between himself and God. 4Q246 ii lb-3: this part describes the end of the dominion of the nega tive rulers. 4Q246 ii 4-9: the reign of the people of God.
2. 3. 4.
According to this structure, the interpretative part of the text consists of two similar bipartite sections, both starting by describing negative issues before turning to positive ones. Thus, the figure to whom the titles refer in 4Q246 i 9-ii 1 seems to be a positive ruler. Some scholars, on the contrary, argue that this figure is a negative one, either historical, or eschatological. These scholars hold that the structure of the text as presented above is insufficient in that it confuses the descriptions of positive and negative entities. Instead, these scholars divide the text into two parts: a negative one (4Q246 i 4-ii 3), and a positive one (4Q246 ii 4-9). According to them, this division is confirmed by a vacat at the beginning of 4Q246 ii 4 . Recently, Johannes Zimmermann has demonstrated that the events nar rated by the text have a concentric sequence, and not a strictly temporallinear one. This is obvious in the entire second column and further in 4Q246 ii 4 - 7 . According to Zimmermann's proposal, the alternate presentation of evil and good entities does not imply any confusion; the author's intention was to relate opposing powers and leaders in a manner very familiar to the classical biblical style. This understanding of the structure of the text is confirmed by the similarities with Daniel 7, as John Collins and Emile Puech had previously demonstrated. 22
23
24
2 2
See, for example, Steudel, "Eternal Reign," 514-516. Zimmermann, "Observations," 181-184; Idem, Messianische Texte, 135-136 and 161-162. Collins, "Son of God Text," 70-71, and Puech, "Fragment d'une apocalypse," 130. The structure of the text according to these scholars is as follows: 4Q246 i 4-6: signs of the eschaton and the hostile kings - 4Q246 i 7-ii l a : the positive eschatological protagonist - 4Q246 ii l b - 3 : changing dominions - 4Q246 ii 4-9: everlasting dominion, the people of God. See further Collins, Scepter and the Star, 158. 2 3
2 4
88
CHAPTER THREE
1.2.4. The Identity of the "Son of God" After this inquiry, one question remains: the interpretation of the one to whom the four clauses of 4Q246 i 9-ii 1 refer: 25
... Gr]eat will he be called and he will be designated by his name, He will be called son of God, and they will call him son of the Most High. Some scholars try to interpret these tides historically, referring either to cer tain negative persons involved in the Jewish history of Hellenistic times, such as Alexander Balas, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, or a positive figure. Later opinion comprises an unidentifiable Ptolemaic king, or a Jewish ruler, per haps from the Hasmonaean family. Others prefer a purely eschatological interpretation, and regard its hero as a supernatural being. Thus, David Flusser thought him to be a negative figure, the foe par excellence of God, a pre-Christian image of the Antichrist. Florentino Garcia Martinez plausibly refutes Flusser's view, and presents the hero of the text as an angelic person known from other Qumran texts (1 lQMelch, 4Q Amram, 1QM): Melchizedek, Michael, Prince of Light. The positive and eschatological connotation of 4Q246 is clear, if we ex plore some allusions that may evoke a positive protagonist of eschatological events. The presence of some Davidic allusions is probable, although some scholars have made efforts to deny them. We may understand in this light 26
27
28
29
30
31
2 5
A good summary of the different scholarly views can be found in Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 167174, and Zimmermann, "Observations," 177-179. Milik, "Modeles aramSens," 383: "On y d6crit le regne d&astreux d'un roi de Syrie ... son regne blasph6matoire sera le dernier du Royaume Seleucide suivi d'une ere eschatologique dont T agent principal ne sera pas individuel mais collectif." For this see the epithets used by these kings: Geo7taTO)p and £7uq>avT|c,. See further: Steudel, "Eternal Reign," 511-514. Emile Puech vacillates in this case. His publications in the mid-nineties and his commentary in the official edition—in contrast to his former opinion—shares the view of those scholars who consider this protagonist of the work as a negative person. Moreover, he denies the "messianic implications" of the work. Puech, "Some Remarks," 545-551: "The absence of any indication in favor of a messianic interpretation ... confirms the conclusion that we have to interpret the figure as a negative or wicked historical character. The king Antiochus IV Epiphanes seems to fit best this identification": 459; and also in DJD 22: 183-184. In his most recent related contribution, how ever, he interprets the 'Son of God' again as a positive figure, see "Fils de Dieu", 143*-149*. For a negative understanding of the "Son of God" of 4Q246 see further Fabry, "Fruhjudische Apokalyptik," esp. 95-98. Cook, Solving the Mysteries, 168-170. Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 173: "I consider this apocalyptic text to speak positively of a coming Jewish ruler, perhaps a member of the Hasmonean dynasty, who be a successor to the Davidic throne, but who is not envisaged as a Messiah." Flusser, "Hubris of the Antichrist," The refutation of his view can be found inter alia: Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 168-169; Steudel, "Eternal Reign," 513. Garcia Martinez, "Eschatological Figure," 172-179, for his criticism see, for example, Puech, "Notes sur le fragment," 551; Mattila, "Two Contrasting Eschatologies," 523-525. Abegg, "Messiah at Qumran," 138: "It is noteworthy that the manuscript itself makes no Davidic messianic connections," or Fitzmyer, "4Q246," 171. Fitzmyer denies the pre-christian "messianic interpretation" of some passages, which heavily influenced our text, such as 2 Samuel 7, Psalms 2; 89; 110; this position is however more than questionable. 2 6
2 7
2 8
2 9
3 0
3 1
89
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
the evocation of the Davidic tradition that has an eschatological reinterpretation in early Judaism, namely the Nathan oracle, or Psalms 2, 89, 132 (the Son of God tradition), and especially Psalm 72 (judgement over the gen tiles). On this basis, we can interpret the hero of 4Q246 as a positive es chatological protagonist. The second column contains some hardly deniable collective characteristics when evoking the emergence of the people of God. This also seems to be influenced by Daniel 7. The real problem of the interpretation is to distinguish the collective images used by the author from the individual ones. However, we cannot allow that the bearer of the tides could have been identified with the people of God, since the structure of the text excludes this possibility. 32
2.
2.1.
P R A Y E R OF E N O S H ( 4 Q 3 6 9 )
33
Introduction
4Q369 is a Hebrew composition, from Qumran Cave 4 mat was published in 1994. The work is preserved in nine different fragments; while the first pre serves remains of two successive columns of text, the other fragments are considerably smaller. Parts of the second column of frg. 1 are found in an other Qumranic text (4Q499), although these small fragments do not con tribute significally to the interpretation of 4Q369. The related material of 4Q499 is extremely fragmentary and does not provide either further text or variants compared to 4Q369. 34
Palaeography and Date. The editors defined the script of 4Q369 as a formal Herodian one. 4Q499 was written around 75 B C , and thus appears to be an earlier copy of the work. As for the dating of the composition, we do not have enough data to say anything more precise than that it emerged some time before the first century BC. 35
Contents and Title. Based on a genealogical interlude of 4Q369 1 i 9-10, the editors proposed the following structure for the composition. By the aid of genealogies, the author evokes the antediluvian forefathers by seven genera tions, and after every seventh generation he inserts a prayer into the text. The genealogy of 4Q369 1 i 9-10 is closed by the figure of Enoch, and thus must have started with Kenan (seven generations before Enoch, cp. Gen. 5:9). 3 2
The Qumranic reflection of these texts were dealt by Evans, "Note," 185-201; Idem, "Son Texts," 135-153; Xeravits, "Udvossegkozvetito," 336-338 (Hungarian). Edition: Attridge and Strugnell, DJD 13: 353-362. Photographs: P A M 42.834, 43.357. This fragmentary text had already been published at the beginning of the eighties, see Baillet, DJD 7: 74-77. It was identified, however, only in 1997 by Tigchelaar, "4Q499 48+47," 303-306. Note that Tigchelaar doubts whether these fragments belong to 4Q499 at all (oral communication). Cp. Baillet, DJD 7: 74. 3 3
3 4
3 5
90
CHAPTER THREE
Based on this genealogy, the editors concluded that the speaker of the section after 4Q369 1 i 10 is Enoch. In frg. 1, it is most naturally the father of Kenan, Enosh, who is praying. Both Genesis and Jubilees describe Enosh as the first person who invoked the name of YHWH; thus it is not impossible that the entire 4Q369 began with the prayer of Enosh. As a result, the editors labelled the composition the Prayer of Enosh. This tide, however, is not a very happy one. Even if 4Q369 1 i 1-7 contains a prayer uttered by Enosh, in other parts of the composition the speaker is someone else. Moreover, there are scholars who argue that we cannot postulate Enosh as the speaker anywhere in the composition. It must also be noted that fragments of 4Q369 have not preserved any other genealogical passages. Al though this could be the result of the fragmentary state of the remains, we can only hypothetically accept the sequence proposed by the editors. 36
Genre and Origin. It is not easy to classify the literary genre of this text. The editors labelled it "parabiblical text;" however, this seems to be too large a category. The presence of certain explicidy eschatological motifs is obvious, such as the expression "ordained time of judgement," or the image of the fighting an gel in frg. 2. The schema of seven generations is also well known from many writings with apocalyptic-eschatological content. The composition considers the great events of the Israelite histoire sainte (the giving of Torah, and the fulfilment of the promise concerning the Land) and the future fulfilment of these events side by side. Throughout the work, the author consistendy uses pronouns and suffixes in the sg.2.m., referring in all cases to YHWH. W e cannot find anything in this composition that suggests a sectarian ori gin. The analysed fragment of the composition can best be characterised as an eschatological treatise formulated as a prayer. 37
38
2.2. 4Q369frg.
1 ii 1-12
4Q369 1 ii contains a passage that has a biblical background dealing with a royal eschatological protagonist. The text is as follows.
]nan rDQca pen irfrm nrtf?a ronta I
*?TDi wifrw nrrm Drnm*? 11)16 4
36
K u g e l , "4Q369," 146-147. nmra OSWD yp (4Q369 1 i 6). A comprehensive treatment of these texts can be found, for example, in Milik, "fyjjlkfsedeq," 95-144. For a critiques, see: Dimant, "Pesher on the Periods", 77-102 and Huggins, "Canonical 'Book of Periods,'" 421-436. 3 7
3 8
91
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
vto
iron p nob ino'Brn D^VII? - n x a 6 ] ro^na ton Von bmy\ ivb IHIDD 7
menu 8 napm i r n m rooVro -p6oi [ ] 9 ,
n]PDQO D'pfflD TI3D1 • QtD[
iap*? n*o D ' p n s D'pin i*? qnni] 10 D*?")]^*? JiDtDQ] p m n
irona [ ] i i
] nirra& n p T Q D on o n[ ] 12
1 your name. You have distributed his inheritance, and your name dwell there [...] 2 it is the glory of your inhabited world, and upon it you have de[lighted ...] 3 your eye upon it, and your glory will appear there for [ever ...] 4 for his seed according to their generations an eternal possession. And al[l ...] 5 and your good judgements you explained to him to[ ...] 6 in eternal light, and you made him for you a firstbor[n] son[ ...] 7 like him, for a prince and ruler in all your inhabited world [... on him] 8 the c[row]n of the heavens and the glory of the clouds. You have se[t ... 9 ...] and the angel of your peace in his congrega tion, and h[e ... 10 and you gave] him righteous rules, as a father to [his] so[n ... 11 ...] his love. Cleave your soul for[ever ... 12 ...] for in them, [you have placed] your glory [... 39
40
Comments: Line 6. The interpretation of the expression "eternal light" is debated. Some scholars refer to other Qumranic texts for clarification. The expression is used in the War Scroll in an eschatological context with collective expectations; there the eternal light will shine over the house of Israel after the eschatological vic tory. The Rule of the Community reflects an individual context, with the eternal light of the righteous shining forever after the visitation. James Kugel interprets the expression as a reference to the Torah. The Torah was de scribed already in some passages of the Old Testament as a source of light (e.g. Prov. 6:23, Sir. 24:27), and the parallel between Torah and (eternal) light occurs in several writings of early Judaism, such as LAB and 2 Baruch. 41
42
43
44
3 9
]1HD: Scholars have attempted to reconstruct the word in two different ways, the editors not reconstructing anything in this instance. 1° Craig Evans proposed the reconstruction "and on it dw[ell your people," based on a rare meaning of the verb nixy. Evans, "Note," 196, see the reedition of this article: "Son Texts," 135-153. 2° Another reconstruction based on the Pi*el of the verb JttHD (DttHKD) seems, however, to b e more plausible. The reading would thus be: Txrm\VQ, "and upon it you have deli[ghted" (the closest grammatical/lexical parallel is Isa. 8:11). See Kugel, "4Q369," 121; similarly, Garcia Martinez and Tigchelaar, DSSSE, 2: 730-731. The translation is taken from DSSSE, 2: 731, with minor corrections. Evans, "Note," 197; Philonenko, "De la «Priere de Jesus»," 137. * ^tptfrw -vac ^ K ^ D rntDD ? - m x n -|*6D m i r u a i m p ] " n t r ? D'o'ru) -IH> rr^&n, "He has sent ev erlasting aid to the lot of his [cojvenant by the power of the majestic angel for the dominion of Michael in everlasting light" (1QM xvii 6). The translation is taken from DSST, 112 with minor corrections. 4 0
4 1
1
^ D ' O ^ I D TIKD TTTT niD Di> Y C D
tty\
. . . PD ^"TIM
rmpsi, "And the visitation of all those
who walk in it... and a crown of glory with majestic raiment in eternal light" (1QS iv 8). The translation is taken from DSST, 112 with minor corrections. Kugel, "4Q369," 144-146. 4 4
92
CHAPTER THREE
Scholars who interpret the passage as speaking about Israel understand the image of eternal light as a reference to the Torah. Those who interpret the text as an individual-messianic document opt for the former solution (prob lems in the interpretation of the text will be treated below). Line 7. ^cnoi ixob. The nouns that derive from the basic stem of the word ~tiD (^Isrr) in different Semitic languages denote royal functions. We find similar meaning of the stem also in the Old Testament. In the Qumran Library and in later, non-biblical Hebrew writings, ira often denotes angels. This latter meaning is not attested in the Old Testament, except in one of its latest writings, the Book of Daniel. James Kugel holds that *IE in 4Q369 refers to Israel's patron angel, Michael. It must be noted, however, that the word bmn is never con nected to angels. Others argue that "IE and bmn expound Ps. 89:28, as a cir cumlocution of the Psalm's ]vbv. The relationship between 4Q369 and the Psalm 89 is obvious (see below). In this light, it is not very likely that the author of 4Q369 is speaking here of angels. 45
46
Line 8. There are two problems in the interpretation of this line. 1.
The editors—followed by some scholars—argued that the line starts with the word moi? ("crown"). In this case it contains a nice synthetical parallelism (D'pniD TQDI II D^DE m o u ) .
2.
James Kugel questioned this view, since in Hebrew the closing verb ("[DO) does not refer to the act of coronation. 47
Kugel's observation is without doubt correct; thus all translations that con nect the verb "[DO with the preceding must be rejected. This does not mean, however (despite Kugel), that the reconstruction [mtD]i? must be wrong. In fact, the verb could begin a new sentence (clause), and, syntactically and lexically, could be unconnected with the preceding. 48
2.3. Individual or Collective
Interpretation?
The main question of scholars working upon this text is the identity of the "firstborn son" of the present fragment. We can distinguish two lines of in terpretation. 1.
The firstborn son is an individual figure, a royal eschatological protago nist, who will rise to lead the people of Israel in the eschatological age.
4 5
Ibid., 133-137. Philonenko, "De la «ft:iere de Jesus»," 137-138. Kugel, "4Q369," 138. S o DJD 13: 357; Evans, "Note," 194; Philonenko, "De la «Priere de Jesus»," 137; DSSSE, 2: 731. 4 6
4 7
4 8
93
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
This is the opinion of the editors and, furthermore, Craig Evans and Marc Philonenko. These scholars refer above all to the close links be tween 4Q369 and Psalm 89. This connection points clearly in an indi vidual and "messianic" direction. Furthermore, these scholars refer to another Qumranic text (4Q458), in which both the expressions "anointed" and "firstborn" occur together and refer to a royal individual. In contrast, James Kugel, after a careful critical analysis of the motifs in the text, concluded that the firstborn of 4Q369 is the people of Israel. The attributes and theological motifs that the author used in column ii were closely connected to the people in early Jewish literature. Therefore, ar gues Kugel, we cannot assign individual characteristics to the text.
2.
Regarding the images used in this composition, it is obvious that they show parallels to the image of Israel found in the writings of early Judaism. None of these parallels, however, excludes the individualistic interpretation of the text. The analysis of the expression "firstborn" in se does not provide a satis factory solution to the problem. Considering only Qumranic examples, on the one hand, in the Words of the Luminaries (4Q504) we read the following: "For you called [I]srael «my son, my first-born»." Here we have a noneschatological, collective use of the word. On the other hand, 4Q458 15, 1 contains the expression niD3 in a possibly eschatological context. If this firstborn is connected with the "anointed with the oil of kingship" of frg. 2 ii 6 in the same composition, it could refer to an individual. The individualistic interpretation of the text is reinforced by its abovementioned connection with Psalm 8 9 , and especially verses 27-28. 49
50
51
52
53
snyw -rcr} *>% nnK Mrnp. *nn :px- D'prf? ]vbv mm, Toa W*]* ,
"He shall cry to me, 'You are my Father, my God, and the Rock of my salva tion!' I will make him the firstborn, the highest of the kings of the earth." (NKSV) These verses contain a short dialogue—with a cultic Sitz im Leben—between God and his anointed king. In the course of this dialogue the nature and ex tent of the king's relationship with God is declared. The author of 4Q369 4 9
An elaboration of these "collective treats" can be found in Kugel, "4Q369," 122-146. 4 Q 5 0 4 1-2 iii 5-6: n*D3 »n bxivvb) nmp K'D, Baillet, DJD 7: 137-168. A similar text is found in 4QInstruction (4Q418 8 1 , 5 ) , where the object of the firstborn state is marked only by a sg.2.m suffix; thus it is unclear who it refers to (although the entire composition seems to have collective characteristics). See DJD 34: 300. rro^D p e n TOO, see DJD 36: 358. On this psalm, with its highly complicated literary and theological background see inter alia Ahlstrom, Psalm 89; Dumortier, "Rituel d'intronisation," 176-196; recently Heim, "(God-) Forsaken King," 296-322. In a broader Qumranic context see Xeravits, "UdvossegkozvetitoV'336-338 (Hungarian). 5 0
5 1
5 2
5 3
94
CHAPTER THREE
connects his teaching to this passage, picking up three points of reference from the text of the psalm. 1. 2.
In line 6, YHWH installs somebody as His firstborn (cp. mm " T D 2 ) . Line 7 describes the position that his firstborn status provides to this figure in the sphere of (political) domination of the present world (cp. P*JHDW? frto).
3.
Line 10 calls God the "firstborn's" father (cp. nm
'3*np? wn).
In line 7 , the author of 4Q369 was wary of simply borrowing the expression |vto from Psalm 8 9 . Instead, he used a circumlocution, either using all of the fundamental elements found in the psalm-verse (Ps 89:28b), or replacing them with convenient parallel expressions. It seems most probable that in 4Q369 1 ii the author consciously linked his work to the Davidic tradition already present in Psalm 8 9 , a tradition that could have had its own eschatological interpretation at the time of the com position of 4Q369. The material of column ii can be understood as speaking about an individual future figure. 5 4
55
2.4.
Significance
The importance of 4Q369 is that, based as it is mainly on the material of Psalm 8 9 , it describes a positive individual eschatological protagonist, a fu ture royal figure. The connections that link 4Q369 1 ii with Psalm 8 9 under line the Davidic affiliation of this figure, and the author of 4Q369 emphasises in particular his close connections with God. This is expressed especially by the language of filial relationship between God and the future king (cp. lQSa; 4Q174).
3. 4QNARRATIVE A (4Q458) 3.1.
56
Introduction
Provenance and Palaeography. This composition, preserved in nineteen ex tremely damaged fragments, was found in Qumran Cave 4. After some spo radic mentions, it was published in the DJD series in 2000. The editor, Eric Larson, defined the palaeographic characteristics as a formal late Hasmonaean script, and dated it to "some time in the first century
5 4
Note that the term itself is already absent in the biblical relectures of Psalm 89; cp. the comparative analysis in Dumortier, "Rituel d'intronisation". It seems to be typical that in the essay of Kugel—who completely rejects the individual and "messianic" interpretation of 4Q369—we cannot find a single reference to Psalm 89, although the significance of this text was formerly stressed by, for example, C.A. Evans or M. Philonenko. E d i t i o n : Larson, DJD 36: 353-365. Photographs: PAM 41.865, 42.971, 43.544. 5 5
56
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
95
BCE, probably around the middle of the century." Nevertheless, the editor called attention to the different formation of certain letters. Johannes Zimmermann argued for a later dating. He pointed out similarities with the War Scroll, and classified the script of the fragments as fruhherodianisch, thus dating the copying of the text to the second part of the first century B C . De spite this, the editor's dating seems to be acceptable. 58
Date and Origin. Nothing definitive can be said concerning the emergence of the composition. 4Q458 does not contain scribal faults that are able to help deciding whether it is a copy of an earlier document or not. There are two al ternative interpretations of the character and origin of the text. 1. 2.
In their preliminary edition, Ben Zion Wacholder and Martin Abegg classified the composition as a sectarian writing. Devorah Dimant and Johannes Zimmermann pointed out that 4Q458 lacks decisive sectarian terminology. If they are right, it is safer to la bel 4Q458 as an extra-Qumranic writing, the emergence of which ante dates the copying of the Qumranic exemplar. 59
It must be mentioned that very little of the composition actually survives. On the one hand, the orthography does not show Qumranic peculiarities; on the other hand, although we cannot find particular sectarian terminology in the fragments, the preserved material shows thematic similarity with such Qum ranic writings as the War Scroll or 4Q285. With respect to genre, the composition seems to be an apocalyptic narra tive in which eschatological events, particularly the events of the eschatologi cal war, are revealed. The fragments depict an extremely harsh struggle, where the active presence of the angels seems to be emphasised more strongly than in the War Scroll. The author stresses also the involvement of cosmological and heilsgeschichtliche elements during the eschatological events. If we interpret the text as a dream vision (cp. frg. 13), then we can translate the verbs in the past tense. 60
3.2. 4Q458fragments
1-2
Passages of remarkable length are found only on fragments 1-2 of 4Q458. The other fragments of the composition are merely remains of several broken words. 2
] bT\K2 1[ 57 DJD 36: 353. 58 Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 205. 59 Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 46; Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 205. 60D»rD"Dm nnvr, 2 i 2 and tfenn (sic!) xs, frg. 1, 9, or the patriarchs in frg. 12.
3
96
CHAPTER THREE
4 5 6 7
]f)K WT KV?[
] CDK nianoi ]Q loi? nofiij j-nox ? jienb -161*0 1
iaznn
nK "p n m n a n p n
1
n n ? Dn^fif
9
fa
io
?D > ° [
11
1 ] to the beloved [ 2 ] the beloved [ 3 ] in a/the tent [ 4 ] they do/did not know the[ 5 ]burns of fire [ 6 ]and they will stand/stood with him [ 7 and he will s]ay/spoke to the first, sayingf 8 ]for life. And the fi[r]st angel will throw/threw 9 [ jdesolating [swor]d, and he (will) cut down the tree of evil 10 [ ]the oppressors for spoil... (4Q458frg. 1,1-11) 61
Comments: The two occurrences of T T at the beginning of this fragment very probably denote an individual. If we compare the biblical and early Jewish use of this word, in the vast majority of cases T T denotes different individuals. The main body of the fragment focuses on the eschatological war, and possibly on the final stage of the war. The cutting down the tree of evil seems to be a symbolic event, implying the eradication of the evil enemy. Line 10 implies the victory over the oppressors. Moreover, if the alterna tive reading on^n ("Egypt") for on^n ("the oppressors") is correct, it con tains a further eschatological re-actualisation of a heilsgeschichtliche topic. 62
63
64
col. ii
col. i
nbfaib ]°n ?
]ft>n nxi in-n*n j o o p m D ?-)i>n nK i^arn ]fi 6hn bv -j^m ip-un ,{
F n r ^ Q joizn
rvwn
D'nD'om n [ T n
tvmf\[ nnnpn m:n[ ftKoan ni[ rrmn K[
x 2
3 4 5 6
1 [ to terjrify them 2 [ the moo]n and the stars 3 [ ] the second one 4 [ ]and he will flee, in the ci[t]y 5 [ ] uncleanness 6 [ ] fornication 2[ ] 3 and he will destroy him and his army [ ] 4 and it will swallow all the uncircumcised ones, and it will[ ] 5 and they will be justified. And he
6 1
DHXfr, or perhaps DH»5[. The biblical and Qumranic occurrences of the word are collected in DJD 36: 356. In the Qumran Library, only the so-called Self-Glorification Hymn contains references to the collective denotation of the word. Although in 4Q431 i 7 we read the singular T T , the plural form of the same expression in 4Q427 7 i 13 shows that in all probability, we are dealing in this composition with a collective entity. Cp. the image of the cutting down the forest of Lebanon in 4Q161 frg. 7-10, 6-8; 4Q285 frg. 7, 1-2, an image borrowed there from Isa. 10:34. Reconstruction of Garcia Martinez and Tigchelaar, DSSSE, 2: 936. 6 2
6 3
6 4
6 5
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
went/will go up the mountains [... (4Q458 2 i l - 6 a n d i i l - 6 )
[
97
] 6 anointed with the oil of the kingship (of)
Comments: These broken lines seem to relate the definitive end of evil. In an undefinable manner, such cosmic entities as the moon and the stars could also be some how involved in the struggle. Line i 4. This line may be a parallel of 4Q285 4, 7, which describes the flight of the enemy before Israel. That fragment of 4Q285 relates also the penultimate events of the final eschatological victory. Line ii 5. At the beginning of line ii 4, the verb i p i m could refer to Isa. 45:25, relating to the victorious righteous ones. The rest of the line presents some problems of interpretation. If the reading cnn is correct, then it could refer to: 1.
The leader of the enemy, who, flees during the final battle from the bat tlefield (cp. 4Q285 4, 7). However, since his flight is already related in line 4 of the previous column, this would thus create an inconsistency in the structure of the passage. The victorious leader of the righteous. If so, however, the reasons for his walk to the mountains are somewhat enigmatic.
2.
Alternatively, the editor read Dhn, and translated "he ascended (or will as cend) the height." This reading can imply the exaltation or even enthrone ment of the righteous leader. Some hold that the biblical basis of the expres sion is Ps. 68:19, yet this verse speaks of the ascent of YHWH; on the other hand, this ascent takes place during a battie. It is thus not really likely that the author of 4Q458 obtained this image from the Psalter in this instance. In any case, the inner coherence of these damaged lines seems to require the righteous leader to be the subject of this phrase. Regarding the two pro posed reconstructions, both have interpretative problems, and based on the photographs, we cannot decide with certainty between o n n and Diin. Al though the photographs do not provide a solid basis for choosing between the readings, we opt for the former (onn), since this seems to be the more usual. 67
68
69
Line ii 5. The expression rvchn ]OD2 J T C D D , which—as the editor of the text has already noted—is in this form a hapax, obviously denotes a royal personage. The positive individual protagonist of 4Q458 is clearly not an angelic being; the Reading of DSSSE, 2: 936, the editor read D n n . In DJD 36: 358 he argues against the reading D n n on grammatical grounds, believing it to require a definite article. Yet the form is quite regular in biblical Hebrew. DJD 36: 360 with reference to Scott, "Throne-Chariot," 114. Cp. Kraus, Psalms, 2: 53-54. 6 6
6 7
6 8
6 9
98
CHAPTER THREE
idea of angels receiving an anointing is not found in early Jewish writings. The expression does not seem to be used here in a titular sense, meaning rather "a person who is anointed with the oil of kingship." A further question raised by this composition is whether such expressions as T T , rroto p a n -moo or the m s n of frg. 1 5 refer to the same figure, or to different entities. What seems to be certain is that all of these words and ex pressions refer to individuals. In the case of m r a , the context is extremely damaged, yet the next line preserved the word n x i n j n , "the prophecy." The prophecy in question—if it is really connected to niD3—could be a reference to Psalm 89, as in the case of the material of 4Q369. The damaged state of the fragment, however, does not allow anything more definite to be said. 3.3. Significance of 4Q458 The significance of this fragmentary composition for the present study is the following: 1.
It shows the cosmic and heilsgeschichtliche nature of the eschatological war against the forces of evil. It emphasises the active presence of angels during these events. The text refers to an individual, who most probably is the victorious human leader of the righteous. He is labelled rro^ft p e n I T O D , and it is possible that the terms T T and T o n also refer to this figure.
2. 3.
4. MESSIANIC APOCALYPSE (4Q521)
4.1.
70
Introduction 71
Fragments of 4Q521 were found in Qumran Cave 4 . The significance of this Hebrew composition was already noticed by its original editor, Jean Starcky, when he introduced the various MSS belonging to his lot, although he did not publish any part of it. After a silence of nearly four decades, Emile Puech—the new editor of Starcky's lot—published all the fragments of 4Q521. 72
73
Palaeography and Date. 4Q521 is composed of sixteen fragments. The palaeographic characteristics of the script suggest a date in the first half of the
70
E d i t i o n : Puech, DJD 2 5 : 1 - 3 8 . Photographs: PAM 43.604. My preliminary views on this document were published as Xeravits, "Messias, mint a vegso idflk elofutara," 127-147 (Hungarian). A A W , "Travail d'edition," 66. Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 475-522; Idem, Croyance, 2: 627-692; Idem, "Some Remarks," 551-565. 7 1
7 2
7 3
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
99
a
first century BC (a formal Hasmonaean script; 1QS and lQIs show the closest similarities). Puech holds that the text was copied between 100-80 B C . However, this indicates only a terminus ante quern for the composition, since the fragments clearly contain a copy of an earlier work. 75
76
Genre. Scholars have not arrived at a consensus regarding the genre of the document; Starcky himself was wary of defining its genre in his early publi cation. This is striking, seeing that Starcky consistently characterised the genres of his fragments. Puech in the preliminary edition—as noted already in the title of his article—characterised the work as a "messianic apocalypse." He thought that this description was supported by both the thematic relation ship of 4Q521 with numerous apocalyptic texts (Daniel 12, / Enoch, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, etc.) and by the eschatological and messianic tone of the composi tion. It must be noted however, that the remaining fragments of 4Q521 lack the defining elements of an apocalypse as literary genre. The reason of the relationship with the apocalypses can be found rather in the common es chatological background. Eschatology, however, is not a genre, but a mood or perspective that can be expressed through several particular genres. W e consider the definition of Florentino Garcia Martinez as the best in this case. He lists 4Q521 in his collected translations among the "Poetical Works" and "Sapiential Poems." The author of the work teaches about the final state of the created world, yet, in contrast to the apocalypses, the future is an open reality for him. He wants to preserve his reader in the right path of religious life. 77
78
79
80
Origin. As with the question of the genre of 4Q521, the problem of origin also divides scholars. Puech asserts a sectarian origin of the composition, followed by Garcia Martinez and others, and classifies it as the work of the
7 4
See Cross, "Development," 133-202, esp. 166-173. "The absolute dates for the Has monaean series are established between 150 B . c and ca. 30 B.C., as required by the well-fixed chronology of the Herodian formal hands." Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 480. See especially frg. 8, where we can find supralinear words: this clearly refers to scribal cor rections. His quite vague determination was: "un beau texte mentionne le Messie...," AAVV, "Travail d'Edition," 66. Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 515: "Tous ces themes ... aussi la dominante eschatologique et messianique inviterait-elle a ranger ce texte dans le genre «apocalyptique» des mi lieux juifs du if siecle avant J.-C." Stegemann, "Bedeutung der Qumranfunde," 495-530; Collins, "Apocalyptic Movement?," 26. For a standard definition of the genre apocalypse/apocalyptic see Collins (ed.), Apocalypse, 9. "A genre of revelatory literature with a narrative framework, in which a revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being to a human recipient, disclosing a transcendent reality which is both temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, and spatial insofar as it involves an other, supernatural world." W e may add that the channel of the revelation can be a vision, a heavenly journey ("ecstasy"), or direct communication from a heavenly being ("angel"). Garcia Martinez, DSST, 394-395. 7 5
7 6
7 7
7 8
7 9
8 0
100
CHAPTER THREE
Qumran Community. Other scholars, noting the absence of particular sec tarian vocabulary, hold that 4Q521 is an extra-Qurnranic writing, or at least a composition whose origin is uncertain. W e cannot argue convincingly for either a sectarian or a non-sectarian origin for the composition. On the one hand, the absence of the particular sectarian vocabulary in 4Q521 is without doubt. However, Puech and Garcia Martinez emphasise certain parallels with several Qumranic writings, par ticularly the Hodayot. It must be noted, however, that these parallels seem to be too vague to indicate direct influence. Regarding two particular topics, the resurrection and the eschatological coming of Elijah as a precursor of the ac tivity of YHWH, 4Q521 shows affinities with several texts of the Qumran Library, compositions which can be characterised as non-sectarian works. The theme of resurrection occurs in some works, of which 4Q385 (4QPseudo-Ezekiel ) is the most characteristic, while the figure of the es chatological Elijah occurs in the Aramaic 4Q558. 82
a
83
4.2. 4Q521 2 ii + 4, lines 1-15 4
irroD ? i i o r P X M D'OP&N
l
D'emp m^ftft T& Kb ON -K&[K toi] 2 vacat m a w wpnn isoKnn 3 o r t a D^rron to nx iK^on n a n Kbn 4 Kip* am nyiw ipy D'Ton *D 5 ran pj^rr D^JIDJO *)mn i n n D'TDU *?m 6 ID RRO^D KOD D*-non DK -QD* 5 7 [D^IJSD p)pir a m y npia o m o K TPO 8 [ p NORM D^RRPRI] p m K D^t^]^-) 9 -inKrr KI ? ER*6 NICB n[CDI>D *]"IBI 10 ,0
4
[•AN
^"N NEW* VN KI^CD M-FBII 11
-RON* D^I? MRR DTIQI D ^ N K S T '5 12
tfaim
^nr wwr&i irper Dp*rr]i 13
D'ttntfpS Dtel [
8 1
D'JIirOI 14 - ]K1 15
See Puech, DJD 25: 36-38; Garcfa Martinez, "Textos de Qumrari," 192-193. See, for example, Collins, "Works of the Messiah," 106; Idem, Apocalypticism, 89; 128129; Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 48; Eadem, DJD 30:13. Cp. Dimant, DJD 30: 13; a list of passages referring to the resurrection can be found in Collins, Apocalypticism, 124-128. Note that Emile Puech consistently argued that sectarian works share the belief in the resurrection, see esp. Croyance, 2: 335-702, or "Messianism, Resur rection, and Eschatology," 246-56; "Messianisme, eschatologie et resurrection," 287-297. This conclusion is, however, rightly criticised by Collins, Apocalypticism, 111-129, who points out that only non-sectarian compositions testify explicitly to resurrection (apart from 4Q385; see 4Q245; 4Q504; and perhaps 4Q542). 8 2
8 3
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
101
1 [for the heajvens and the earth will listen to his anointed one, 2 [and all tjhat is in them will not turn away from the commandments of the holy ones. 3 Be en couraged, you who are seeking the Lord in his service! vacat 4 Will you not in this encounter the Lord, all who hope in their heart? 5 For the Lord will observe the pious, and call the just by name, 6 and upon the poor, his spirit will hover, and the faithful, he will renew with his strength. 7 For he will honour the pious upon the throne of eternal royalty, 8 freeing prisoners, giving sight to the blind, straightening out the twis[ted.] 9 And [e]ver shall I cling [to those who ho]pe! In his mercy, he will [...] 10 and the fru[it of] good [deeds] shall be delayed from nobody. 11 And marvellous acts, that have never been, will the Lord perform, just as he s[aid,] 12 for he will heal the badly wounded and will make the dead live, and he will proclaim good news to the meek 13 and give lavish[ly to the poor,] lead the exiled and enrich the hungry 14 and the under [standing ones ... ] and all of them like the holy [ones... 84
85
86
87
Comments: Line 1. irroft'?. Considering the general orthographic pattern of the Qumran Library, the suffix of the word could either be singular or plural. Regarding the or thography of the present document, the singular reading is more probable. The orthography of consonants and suffixes on the fragments of 4Q521 is in accordance with the orthography of Biblical Hebrew. We cannot find any examples where the plene scripta of biblical orthography could have been copied in a defective manner. Elisha Qimron holds that the reason of the shortening of the suffix v- to a single waw is not an orthographic issue, but rather the result of a change of pronunciation. On the other hand, Qimron 88
89
90
8 4
Puech translates "des commandements des saints" (Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 486), while F . Garcia Martinez reads "from the holy precepts" (DSST, 394.). The expression does not occur elsewhere; here we can interpret it as a genitive construction rather than an adjec tival one. The defective plural form of m^Q follows biblical orthography. See further Duhaime, "Messie," 265-274. The lacuna contains the verb of this line's second colon. The verb is obviously not in the plural: before the lacuna there are traces of a yod. The subject here is YHWH; the grammatical form of the verb corresponds to the imperfects of lines 5-7. Puech reconstructed cb®\ and listed several other possibilities (Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 485, 490.). Garcia Martinez translated "he will jud[ge" (DSST, 394.), which supposes the reconstruction ttB0\ Both solutions are acceptable, although one objection has to be expressed concerning the latter: only the prefix of the verb has survived; thus the reading of Garcia Martinez could have been "he will[ judge." n r o : a , with bet secondarily inserted above the line. This word—the feminine Nip'al parti ciple of the verb *o:>—occurs only once in the Hebrew Bible, in Ps. 87:3 (plus the highly enig matic D^D of Prov. 8:24, which is generally emended to »53J, based on Job 38:16). The meaning is "marvellous, glorious acts." In the Qumran Library we can find it several times, but generally in the masculine, and referring to persons (e.g. l Q p H a b iv 2 , 1 Q H x 8, 1Q19 3 iii). The translation is taken fromD^lST, 394, with corrections. Qimron, Hebrew, 59: "there are about 30 cases where we find v instead of V - . . . " There are only two characteristic exceptions: the negative particle Kb is always written with mater lectionis (X)b), while, the loi sound of the second syllable in the imperfect is also marked with waw (so, for example, TOJ>» in frg. 5, 1; frg. 6, 4 [here the waw is in a supralinear position] and mwn in frg. 9, 3). As, for example, the supplementation of suffixes in second and third persons with a he. 8 5
8 6
8 7
8 8
8 9
9 0
102
CHAPTER THREE
emphasises the efforts of the Qumranic scribes to conserve the differences between the singular and plural third person suffixes. Thus, without sound contextual reasons, in the case of suffixes we should always presume a form that conforms to Biblical Hebrew orthography. 91
Line 5. D'pH^/b'Ton: although some scholars take these expressions as termini technici and do not translate them, they simply denote the pious men bound to God by their devotedness (see below). *np* DKQ: the subject of the verb is YHWH. Although the construction "call somebody by name" occurs repeatedly in the Old Testament as referring to the honour of YHWH, it can equally denote God's relation towards His 92
93
94
creature. Line 6. The connection between and rrn occurs several times in the Qumran Li brary. On the interpretation of this connection see the 7CTco%oi tco KVEVIUXTI of the Matthaean Beatitudes (Mt. 5:3). The text connects the presence of the divine spirit in the "eschatological age" with the spirit active in the age of the creation. The author established this connection by the use of the rare verb p)m (cp. Gen. 1:2). The precise stichometrical setting of lines 5-6 is worth mentioning, as it helps in interpreting the subject of the related eschatological events. These lines can be divided into four cola with three stresses each: ipn' D'Ton ' n x *D A - B - C 95
*np* o r a p)mn iron
irrn *]'*?rr
D'pH2fl ww by\ wrm^
B ' - C (= C'i + C ' ) B' - A' - C B' - C - A' 2
The first colon contains the subject of the entire unit ('nx). The verbs of the cola gain complements in order to retain a constant number of stresses. The complements in the third and fourth cola refer back to the subject—thus compensating for their distance from the first colon. In the last two cola, the
9 1
Qimron, Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 59: "Such instances of non-standard spelling for the third person singular suffixes—with both singular and plural nouns—indicate that these suf fixes were pronounced alike (o or w). The scribes, however, almost always succeeded in pre serving the orthographic distinction." See, for example, Karasszon, "Qumran," 29 (Hungarian). The commentary of Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 488, could also be interpreted with D^TOrr as a technical term. The problems in some translations come from the fact that some scholars have used an un reliable source, the edition of DSSU, 19-23. An assessment of this rather confusing book can be found in, for example, Harrington and Strugnell, "Critical Note" 491-499, or Garcia Martinez, "Notas al margen," 123-150, esp. 139-141. See, for example, Isa. 40:26; 41:25; 4 3 : 1 ; 45:3-4—citing only passages from DeuteroIsaiah, which has close connections with the present composition. See, for example, Puech, "Hymne essenien," 59-88 and Idem, "4Q525," 80-106. 9 2
9 3
9 4
9 5
103
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
succession of verb and complement appears in a reversed order compared to each other (A' - C I I C - A'). Line 7. iv niobn k c o by. The related expression of Ps. 145:13 speaks about the reign of YHWH. A fragment of the Self-Glorification Hymn (4Q491c 1, 4-5) links the expressions "eternal reign" and "throne" with the "council of the poor" (n^vnK rm>), although the fragment is damaged at the passage in question. The author of the Eschatological Midrash similarly applied the expression to a human figure, when eschatologising the Nathan oracle that proclaims the eternal king dom of the Davidic dynasty (2 Sam. 7:11-14, 4Q174 1 i 10-12). We can also refer to the relationship between the author of 4Q521 and the group that had formed and bequeathed the Book of Daniel (N.B. the collective images in Daniel 7). These traits lead to the conclusion that the author is speaking here about the reign of the pious granted by YHWH for their steadfastness. 96
97
Line 8. The author cites the hymnic passage of Ps. 146:7b-8. The subject is still the nK found at the beginning of line 5. See further Isa. 61:1-2, HQMelch ii 4; the parallel with these passages is obvious, especially in lines 12-14 of the present column. s
Line 9. The object of the verb of the first colon (prm)—due to syntactical reasons— is not YHWH, but the D ?IT[, which is what remains of a Hip HI participle. We can reconstruct in the lacuna the mem that forms the participle, and the preposition bet that governs the verb p m . ,{
9 8
Lines 12-14. These lines take their inspiration from different biblical verses, such as Deut. 32:39, Isa. 61:1-2, Hos. 6:1-2. The executor of the actions mentioned in these lines both in the Bible and in the extra-biblical Jewish literature is generally God. In Isa. 61:1 the action of proclamation of good news for the poor is the responsibility of the prophet anointed by God's spirit. Several Qumranic fragments reflects this issue; see, for example, the "iedo of HQMelch who is an eschatological prophet. The other five expressions of these lines, how ever, are connected closely to God in biblical and extra-biblical tradition. 99
9 6
See Hunzinger, "Fragmente," 131-151, Baillet, DJD 7: 12-44. For this interpretation, see inter alia Smith, "Ascent to the Heavens," 181-188. Allegro, DJD 5: 53-57. Cp. Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 490; cp. KB, 199a. DSSU, 21 reads D^2)[. Garcia Martinez, "Notas al margen," 140-141 reads: "la fotografia no permite verificar con certeza ninguna de las dos lecturas, pero el shin es paleograficamente mas dificil." 1 lQMelch 2:18: r r n r i i r o n rrxvr - H t n o m ; see Puech, "1 lQMelkTs&ieq," 499-500. For the re construction of the fragmentary 1QH xxiii 15 (see Sukenik, -fcnx, 52), cited by Puech, see his "Apocalypse messianique," 493. See further Puech, "Hymne essenien," 82-84. Cp. this tradition in the self-identification of Jesus. 9 7
9 8
9 9
104
CHAPTER THREE
Thus, the mentioned background of V~)&n does not have enough strength to connect the related actions to the human protagonist. Note further that God is the subject of all three units of this column, introduced by "O and composed of imperfect verbs (5-6, 7-8, 12-14). 100
101
4.3. 4Q521 2 Hi The text of this fragmentary column is as follows: PD
p Dmx
[
"Iran "|{'}ion pn ran
l
]& D'D te rYOK D'JO l b ] 2
rrnsnn 'rrx r o i n
[
[
"ICDK 3
D]ipQ ten p x n nba 4
[
*?X"KD>
[
]I6DTP
'5
5
IJSDIB ran
te
6
1 and the law of your favour. And I will free them with[... for] 2 it is certain: the fathers will return towards the sons. [...] 3 who blesses the Lord, accord ing to his favour[...] 4 May the earth rejoice in all the place[s...] 5 for all Israel in rejoicing[ ] 6 and [his] tribe [and] they will exalt[... 102
103
Comments: Line 1. •pon pn m\ The reading of the fragment is with a plural suffix ("[Hon). The editor (Puech) deleted the yod on contextual grounds—cp. Mai. 3:22, 2 4 — since the latter verse seems to be alluded to in the following line. Eisenman and Wise read *)"nrv instead of "[ion, thus translating "and the Law will be pursued." On the photograph, however, two letters are clearly recognisable: a samek and a dalet, while the initial het is also highly probable. We find a sg.2. invocation of God already in the first column of frg. 2, and thus may naturally suppose that the suffix refers here to God (despite the fact that the previous column used sg.3). 104
1 0 0
Cp. the interpretation of DSSU, 20. See, however, Garcia Martinez, "Notas al margen," 141: "En realidad el problema no existe si el texto es leido correctamente, como lo hace Puech... Las acciones gloriosas que no son obra de Dios desaparecen del texto, que en realidad linicamente habla de acciones gloriosas realizadas por Dios mismo, acciones que son precisamente las enumeradas en las lineas 12-13." The reading of Eisenman and Wise is faulty: »rrx ncWD vrr KV?CB rmnDn, "and as for the wonders that are not the work of the Lord...," see Garcia Martinez, "Notas al margen," 140. For the stichometry of the latter see Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 494-495. Puech reconstructed the continuation of the line as n®]X, cp. DJD 25:20. This reconstruc tion could fit into the sapiential background of 4Q521, yet it is hardly verifiable with certainty. See furthermore Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 498. For the use of the literary form in the intertestamental literature see Idem, "4Q525," 80-106. The translation is taken from DSST, 394, with minor corrections. Garcia Martinez, "Notas al margen," 140, asserts on the basis of the photograph used by him that only the two medial letters are verifiable: "la lectura -io- me parece cierta, lo que excluye la lectura de E.-W." 1 0 1
1 0 2
1 0 3
1 0 4
105
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
...p omx i p k i . The verb is the Hip'il of nru, which occurs five times in the Old Testament. Four of these mean "to save, liberate." The subject of the verb is on two occasions a human (Isa. 58:6, Ps. 105:20), and in another two occurrences God (Ps. 146:7 and 79:11 emended). Although the connection of the previous column with Psalm 146 allow us to suppose that the subject of the verb is God, the context in fact excludes this possibility. The fragments do not mention YHWH in sg.l. form, and a sg.l. reference to YHWH would be legitimate only in case of a direct biblical citation. We cannot find, how ever, such citations. These would require an introductory formula, which does not occur in this instance. 105
106
Line 2. The return of the fathers to the son is the theme of Mai. 3:24, as the result of the coming of Elijah, a precursor of the day of YHWH. We can refer also to a passage of the MS B Hebrew text of Ben Sira, in the Praise of the Ancestors (Sir. 48:10). Ben Sira similarly introduces in this verse the eschatological events between the fathers and sons with pro, and connects these events with the coming of Elijah. 107
Lines 3-5. These lines relate the eschatological situation after the activity of God and His anointed. This situation is characterised especially by j o y . The author of 4Q521—as it seems from the preserved fragments—focuses on the central point of the eschatological salvation. First, he mentions the entire world, then the people of Israel. tDnttf. The word could mean "sceptre," as an attribute, but is sometimes used as a synonym for the person who leads the people. W e have already noted, however, that the author alludes here to passages in Malachi and Ben Sira that relate the future coming of Elijah. In this context, we can understand the word as meaning "tribe," as in Ben Sira (48:10). In this case the reading could be vjtfota as well. Thus, although the "messianic" connotation of this small fragment is undeniable, the word cd:m does not prove the presence of a 108
109
1 0 5
The only exception is Job 6:9 I T T ) \ see KB, 645. For example, m r o TBIO; niTD X IDDD mro; x D yro. D*3n by rrox zb ywrb ... ntf? pra Diron, see Puech, "Livre de Ben Sira," 411-426. Beentjes, Book of Ben Sira, 86. See: Isa. 9:2; 35:1b; 61:7; Zech. 9:9; 1 Enoch 51:4-5; 4 Ezra 7:28; Bar. 4:36; 5:9. The lit erary fiction of the latter writing refers to the return from exile. Considering the date of its com position, the Book of Baruch could be interpreted as a consolation in a concrete historical situa tion, in the 2-1 century BC. (See, for example, Moore, Daniel, Esther and Jeremiah, 316: "I Bar 5:5-9 must be dated not earlier than the late first century B.C., the Psalm of Encouragement and Hope [4:4-5:4] may have been written any time between the fourth and second centuries B.C., the first half of the second century being the most probable."). The eschatological connotations of Baruch are undeniable, at least on its final redactional level. As, for example, in Gen. 49:10; Isa. 9:3; 11:4; Ps. 2:9; 45:7; CD vii 19-20. 1 0 6
1 0 7
1 0 8
1 0 9
106
CHAPTER THREE
royal eschatological protagonist. The references in the previous lines are to Elijah as an eschatological prophet. 4.4. Further Important Fragments
of4Q521
Other fragments of 4Q521 contain further passages which are pertinent to our present inquiry. 4.4.1. Frg. 5 i+frg. 6 This is a four-line, very fragmentary passage of 4Q521. In line 7 the reading pra[ ("sustenance") occurs. Note the importance of provisions" in several es chatological texts, such as Isa. 7:15; 25:6, Mk. 1:13. 4.4.2. Frg.5ii+frg. 7 In the fragment constituted by the second column of frg. 5 and frg. 7, an exhortative-paraenetic voice is emphasised. This tone is found only in 2 ii 3-4. [7\VV "IIB]K to fl[K] 1K1[
[toi p t o
vacat
v t f a t f D ' t o n m a mpo P]5"FX
1
m -HBK ton f p a n *nK] 2 toi
IDS -MK]
3
niCDH nK D'ttMJn [DD]*?P] 4
v a o t f TDI> ' n o nK mnon Dpp*] 6 [
jn^K '3TK m'jSis D D ^ n T ^ i m[i]5i 7
[
]nnai n r n p n
8
[
]D1 9
[
]i 10 p ma *;n11
[ [
Dijnn
[
12
D ' J T H K IKBp 13
[
]D*QE? TDlpI 14
[
JD^Kto *?pi] 15
1 ... ]see all t[hat the Lord 2 has made: the ear]th and all that is in it, vacat the seas[ and all 3 they contain,] and all the reservoirs of waters and torrents, vacat 4 [Al]l [you,] who do good before the Lor[d, 5 you are blessed and no]t like those, who [are] cursed. And they shall be for death [when] 6 that one who gives life [will rais]e the dead of his people, vacat 7 And we shall give thanks and announce to you the just acts of the Lord, who[...] 8 son[s of the d]eath and opens[... 9 ... 10 ...] 11 and the valley of death [...] 12 and the bridge of the aby[ss...] 13 and the accursed coagulate [...] 14 and the heaven(s) will meet [... 15 and al]l the angelsf.. 110
111
112
1 1 0
The reading is certain, yet Garcia Martinez seems to ignore it in his translation (DSST, 394: '[he makes] the dead of his people [ri]se"). In DSSSE, 2:1046-1047 the reading is incorporated. The reading of this word is highly problematic, and its interpretation is very uncertain. The translation is taken from DSST, 394-395, with minor corrections. 1 1 1
1 1 2
107
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Comments: Lines 1-3. Here the author describes the created order, and the sovereignty of God on earth, which is a well-known biblical topos. Cp, for example, Neh. 9:6, Ps. 146:6 (this psalm is a primary point of reference for the present author), 2 Mace. 7:28 (a highly important verse, in view of its broader context). Puech argued that the author mentions D'D mpD among the created realties be cause of the importance of collected waters in the everyday life of the Qum ranites. It seems more probable, however, that the author consciously aligns himself with the creation story in Genesis, where D'ftn mpD is the term for the waters collected in one place after the rising of the land. 113
114
Lines 4-5. At the beginning of line 4 the editor proposed the reconstruction of a verb ex pressing joy, referring to such biblical passages as Isa. 26:11.19; 52:8, Ps. 98:34, Rev. 19:6-7. This is the first preserved instance of 4Q521 where the es chatological lot of the righteous and that of the evil is contrasted (cp. Deut. 30:19, Dan. 12:2). The former will gain (eternal) life, the latter (eternal) death. Line 6. rrnnn. Until the publication of this document, scholars generally held that the Amidah provided the earliest Hebrew occurrence of this tide of G o d . It also occurs in the New Testament, in John 5:21, Rom. 8:11 (here in infinitive form), and in Rom. 4:17 (here as participle: £cpo7toun)VTOc; xotic; v e K p o u q ) . 115
Lines 7-8. A new textual unit begins here with two verbs in the cohortative. The Hip HI of h t belongs to the basic vocabulary of individual thanksgiving, yet the plural form of the cohortative does not occur in the Old Testament. The Hip'il of m is part of the vocabulary of the individual supplications (Ps. 22:32; 51:17; 64:10; 71:12.18), and of the hymns, or hymnic parts of several compositions (Ps. 40:6; 97:6; 142:4). We can find two further, obviously li turgical, occurrences of the word (Ps. 50:6; 75:10); furthermore, Ps. 30:10 also uses these verbs in a parallel manner, but in a negative sense, with re spect to the netherworld. ninon *n and final recall Ps. 102:21; the subject of the verbs is God, not his agent. 116
1 1 3
Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 503: "Puis suivent des complements plus precis, peutetre en relation avec la situation de la secte et son environnement dans la desert de Qumran!" Gen. 1:10: tftf mptfnnmpa^ p x nttD^ n>rb* mpn. 1 1 4
1 1 5
1 1 6
1
w i n ? m nnx
DTID UTTD.
Lipinski, "Psaumes," 1-125. "C'est a cette second partie des psaumes de ce type (i.e. des psaumes d'action des graces individuelle—G.X.) que s'appliquent au sens strict les termes hodd, «rendre graces», et todd, «action des graces»," page 77.
108
CHAPTER THREE
Lines 12-15. Here we find the earliest Hebrew occurrence of the word "iiztt. Before the publication of 4Q521, it was known only from rabbinical texts, both in He brew and Aramaic. Mention of the abyss (Di]nn) further strengthens the connection with the age of creation. The expression of line 13 (D'jTnK ixap) also carries strong eschatological connotations, for the verb see Job 10:10, Zeph. 1:12. In both instances the verb is part of a description of divine pun ishment. The last two preserved lines of the fragment describe God's glorious appearance. 117
4.4.3. Frg. 8, lines 5-12 liTST H[
5
• I K n«[
6
mpir rronp
i
mTOQ tei npro TOT ,
N
K
^
^
'HK nK - [ [ i n
9 1
Q
u
'ri? [ 12 5 ...] they will appear 6 [...] the man/Adam 7 [... bjlessings of Jacob 8 [...templle and all the holy utensils 9 [...priesthoo]d and all his anointed ones 10 [... and they] will speak the word of the Lord 11 [... bles]s the Lord 12 [...]eyes of... Comments: The mention of the first man in line 6 continues the evocation of the Urzeit. From line 7, the author characteriss the eschatological events with cultic traits. rrrTOQ (line 9), in contrast with 2 ii 1, is clearly in the plural. In all prob ability, the word refers to the priests or to those who were anointed officially for cultic service. As a result, the editor holds that the feminine suffix of the word refers to "priesthood." 119
120
4.4.4. Frg. 9 rrjnn
117
I
'HJK - D p i m
2
jrrioo i p p m w n ro\
3
Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 507 drew attention to some occurrences of this word from the centuries BC, found on Neo-assyrian, Neo-babylonian and Egyptian Aramaic inscrip tions. The reading of Puech (toppnn] ?) is ignored here. It is not unfamiliar in its context, yet the parchment is extremely damaged, and no reconstruction is in fact verifiable. The translation is taken horn DSST, 395, with minor corrections. Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 508. For the word rrteo as denoting officials see, for example, Roberts, "Old Testament's Contribution," 39-51. 1 1 8
1 1 9
1 2 0
1
109
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
1 ... Jwill not bfe ... 2 ... ] and with the ser[va]nt of the L[ord ... 3 ... Jwill leave by anointed[... Comments: Line 2. *n]K -D[i>]m. The expression "Servant of the Ix>rd/YHWH" is frequent in the Old Testament. It can denote different figures; in a general sense, it is an at tribute of every pious person, but the most important occurrences are those where it denotes a leader of the people or a group of the people, by the power of God. This figure can be a patriarch, a king, a prophet, the priests, Moses —those who can also carry the attribute rrao. The Qumranic use seems to harmonise these attributes, at least in the case of the prophets. 121
122
123
124
125
126
4.5. Concluding Assessment and Significance The author of 4Q521 clearly relates eschatological events. The literary genre used is poetical, as the colometry of frg. 2 ii or frg. 5 ii demonstrates. In the former case we find a hymn, and in the latter a thanksgiving. The exhortative parts place the entire composition into a sapiential context, assigning to the different genres a common literary horizon. According to the teaching of the author of 4Q521, the condition of partici pation in the eschatological benefices is righteous conduct in conformity to God's will; this participation is available for all Israelites. The author empha sises the issue by labelling his addressees with attributes that refer to the pi ous in the Psalms and in early Jewish religious literature (4Q521 2 ii 5-6). The "pious," "righteous," "poor" and "steadfast," as it was stated, are not ex clusive categories for the author; he did not take these expressions as techni cal terms of an elitist group. Rather, he understood them as general attributes of all believers. A similar presentation of the eschatological age is found in the New Testament. The most important passages in this regard are Mt. 11:45 a n d L k . 7:22. The most important eschatological event for the pious will be the trans formation from their injuries and deficiencies. This will be fulfilled in the resurrection, and then in their participation in God's reign. These themes are all familiar in early Judaism. The novum of 4Q521 is the connection of these 127
128
1 2 1
For example, Gen. 26:24; 32:10. For example, 2 Sam. 7:5: David (plus 28 further instances), 1 Kgs. 1:19. 26 etc.: Solomon. It can even be a foreign king, acting according to the will of YHWH, for example, Cyrus: Isa. 43:10. For example, 1 Kgs. 18:36: Elijah, or in a general sense, Am. 3:7, Jer. 7:25. Ps. 134:1. For example, Exod. 14:31, Deut. 34:5. Cp. l Q p H a b ii 9; vii 5, 4Q166 ii 5, 1QS i 3, perhaps l Q S b i 27. Only the ww could perhaps be a technical term, especially with his conceptual contact with rrn. The other three expressions, however, also generalise the meaning of WW. For the differences between the language of the Matthaean text and that of 4Q521 see Kvalbein, "Wonders of the End-Time," 87-110. 1 2 2
1 2 3
1 2 4
1 2 5
1 2 6
1 2 7
1 2 8
110
CHAPTER THREE
themes with each other and with the coming of a positive eschatological pro tagonist. Although God alone will perform all the mentioned eschatological activities, the positive eschatological protagonist of the text has an important role in these events as the herald of the coming salvation. The interpretation of the anointed one in the composition is a complicated issue. The anointed is obviously one person. His most important characteris tic is his prophetic appearance. A prophetic figure as God's agent became a more and more important aspect of the eschatological expectations of Israel since the Babylonian exile (we can refer, for example, to the deutero and trito Isaianic corpus and particularly to the figure of YHWH's Servant in Deutero Isaiah). In 4Q521 the identification of the prophet with Elijah is indisputable, based especially on the allusions to the Book of Malachi. The name of the prophet Elijah appears in another Qumranic text (4Q558), also as an es chatological prophet. It must be noted that the author of 4Q521 did not distinguish between two eschatological figures, "the messiah" and his precursor prophet. This distinction becomes an important aspect only in the beginnings of Christian preaching. 129
130
5 . LEVI APOCRYPHON ( 4 Q 5 4 1 )
5.1.
131
Introduction
4Q541 is an Aramaic text that displays close connections with the Testament of Levi. Although there are no verbatim overlaps, the two texts show traces of a strong thematic relationship, especially in the material from chapters 1 7 - 1 8 of T. Levi. Scholars differ in their views on the relationship between these writings, yet there is a general agreement that 4Q541 is more ancient than T. Levi, even with respect to the first, pre-Christian stage of the Testament. The original editor, Jean Starcky labelled the work as 4QAhA (= Aharonide Arameen, based on its strong priesdy character); in the official edition it is called Apocryphe de Levi. 132
133
1 2 9
The royal characteristics seem to be absent. We have interpreted the oao of frg. 2 iii 6 as "tribe," not as "sceptre." Puech, "Apocalypse messianique," 497-499, asserts the mention of the Davidic king-messiah, Collins, "He Shall Not Judge," 162, denies it. See further Idem, "Works of the Messiah," 98-112. D p p n-htf? n^K pb: Starcky, "Quatre &apes," 497-498, denoted by the siglum 4QarP. The prophet arrives here directly before the judgement of God. See pp. 120f. and 187f. below. Editions: Puech, DJD 3 1 : 225-256. Photographs: P A M 41.888, 43.587, 43.588. See Brooke, "4QTestament of Levi," 86; for the Testaments see Hollander and de Jonge, Testaments, 17-85; furthermore, Denis, Introduction, 227-242 and267-287. Eisenman and Wise, DSSU, 142 hold that the work is clearly the remains of T. Levi itself. Starcky, "Quatre Stapes," 481-505. 1 3 0
1 3 1
1 3 2
1 3 3
111
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
Palaeography. 4Q541 was written at the turn of the second and first centuries BC, to judge by its palaeographic characteristics. Qumran Cave 4 provided twenty-four fragments of the work and a very fragmentary, short exemplar of the same composition (4Q540). The work was written in Aramaic, but its text contains several Hebraisms. 134
135
Origin and Date. Seeing that the composition does not show parallels with the so-called sectarian texts of the Qumran Library, it seems that we are dealing with an extra-Qumranic composition. The Aramaic language of 4Q541 reinforces this impression—texts written in Aramaic are generally not considered to be works of the Community. Its emergence could even antedate the Community, perhaps originating in the—possibly priesdy—circles that produced such works as the surviving Aramaic testaments in the Qumran Li brary (cp. 4Q537-539; 4Q542), or the Visions of 'Amram (4Q543-549). 136
Genre. The literary genre of 4Q541 is a complicated question. Several frag ments seem to contain apocalyptic revelations (e.g. frgs. 1-2), the apocalyptic voice sometimes appearing together with wisdom elements (see frg. 7). Traces of a thanksgiving seem to be preserved in frg. 3. In the fragments that are of crucial importance to the present study (frgs. 9 and 24), an eschatologi cal individual is revealed. The combination of these different genres allows us to suppose a compo sition with a complex literary genre, similar to the testament literature. In deed, we are perhaps dealing with the earlier form of a testament, belonging to the figure of Levi. 137
5.2. The Relevant Fragments
of4Q541
5.2.1. 4Q541frg.9. We deal here with two fragments of the composition, frgs. 9 and 24 (the bestpreserved ones). These fragments deal with an eschatological figure, in all probability the high priest of the eschatological age. bub rfrrrcn n n ied*i nriQDin ]fpn*? f\om[ t t \ nnbv rniro nna'ao yao "iqkdd maxo ntm town m i r p x T]n *oton *?jn Kinx btt a m i ] m m men ynm* wbv p a jane) ixrwy p tf?a-un kihk -pair wvo r m p ^ t f hV?i> yacm *tdi p : r hV?i> ]kh:t> pp-Di pranzn *mavn km nDQ'ni napD asm "pB h i mrf?[ ] 1 3 4
2 3 4 5 6 7
See Puech, "Fragments d'un apocryphe de L6vi," 450-452, Idem, DJD 3 1 : 226-227. Scholars generally argue that this is a characteristic of the genre testaments. Puech, "Fragments d'un apocryphe de L6vi," 454: "Ces fragments aram£ens contiennent quelques h£braismes, comme il n'est pas rare dans ce genre de composition;" DJD 3 1 : 229. On this see DJD 3 1 : 213-216. Cp. Hollander and de Jonge, Testaments, 21-23. 1 3 5
1 3 6
1 3 7
112
CHAPTER THREE
138
1 ...]the[ir ]places[ and] for his sons [ 2 ] and he deliver up his [wi]sdom[ for the]m. And he will atone for all the children of his generation, and he will be sent to all the children of 3 his [peojple. His word is like the word of the heavens, and his teaching, according to the will of God. His eternal sun will shine 4 and his fire will burn in all the ends of the earth, and it will shine above the darkness. Then darkness will vanish 5 [fr]om the earth, and gloom from the dry land, they will utter many words against him, and an abun dance of 6 [false]ness. And they will fabricate fables against him, and utter every kind of disparagement against him. His evil generation will transform 7 [... ]he will be, and that deception and violence will be its place. [And] the peo ple will go astray in his days, and they will be bewildered... (4Q541 9 i 1-7) 139
140
141
Comments: Lines l-4b. The author introduces his protagonist. The first surviving sub-unit of this passage (to the beginning of line 3) consists of four cola, three of which remain in their entirety. All start with a verb ( I O D % "iSDn, rfrner) relating or qualifying the mission of the protagonist. Already these cola show that we are dealing with a figure who possesses teaching (nnDDn "ion'') and sacerdotal ("ISD*) characteristics. The figure's atoning function shows that he is the high priest of the era to which the com position refers. Next follows a bicolon that forms a nice synthetic parallelism (line 3b-c), and emphasises the magnificent teaching of the protagonist. The word ytXD in line 3, according to early Jewish custom, replaces the name of God (this is reinforced by the explicit divine name at the next colon: bx). The expression ubv is ancient; Marc Philonenko has recendy demonstrated that it was used as a special divine name in magic works up to the late Roman period. See furthermore T. Levi 18:3-4. ,
142
Lines 4c-6a. These lines provide the axis of the passage. The material of the two bicola (arranged with 4+2 II 4+2 stresses) is in sharp contrast. The first describes the effects of the protagonist's activity, while the second, unexpectedly, intro1 3 8
In the official edition Puech reads after this word "?n& DJ> ("en sentence(s)"), while Garcia Martinez and Tigchelaar, DSSSE, 2: 1080 read m i »3D ("the sons of his generation"), similarly Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 255. The photograph does not allow these reconstructions. Puech reads here r\DV ("his people": "son [peupl]e(?)," in "Fragments d'un apocryphe de Levi," 466 he writes: "les traces avant -h favorisent la lecture mem de preference a taw"). Klaus Beyer reads mpfl] ("his generation": "sein Geschlecht," ATTME, 79). Both the mem and the bet after the lacuna are, however, extremely uncertain (see PAM 43.588); the "traces" mentioned by Puech are in fact hardly enough to restore any letters. However, the reconstructions of Puech and Beyer both fit the context. Beyer reads ^ B X I ("und verkehrt," see further DSSSE, 2: 1080); this understanding of the word is similar to that of Puech ("|*BK% "detournera/transformera"). Brooke's reading has an ini tial yod, giving a translation of "will destroy." The translation is taken from DSST, 270, with minor corrections. Philonenko, "Son soleil eternel," 405-408; Caquot, "Testaments qoumraniens," 15. 1 3 9
1 4 0
1 4 1
1 4 2
113
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
duces the opposition of someone to the protagonist. This theme is elaborated further in lines 6b-7, where the author relates the evil of the protagonist's generation. 5.2.2. 4Q541 frg. 24. The second fragment that we consider important enough to cite here is frg. 24. At the foot of the fragment the bottom margin of the column can be seen, the last line ending with a considerable (two-line) vacat. It is not improb able that this fragment contains the end of the entire composition. The text reads as follows: m
[ [
]n bx\\ bv i j n p t o bnxnn b[x 2 xpH]S [b]K\ ]*n& ][ ]5[ pnpoi ix p h a i o 3 ] j [ H p x^fri xsn& TH TibTOnbx\ nm nor KQ ipn 4 j r o o TIC nrrriK ^ I D ^ * m n D& r o n * 6 D'prn nn n n p i r i ] bx ,
vacar
]Q m n n
K E ^ r T r a m n m nrnm Kinn 144
5 6 145
2 do n]ot mourn in sackclo[th]s [for ... ]and do not [ 3 b]roken off, or hi[dden] offence[s Jrevealed offences, and the j[ust] G[od ...] 4 Search and ask and know what the dove has sought(?), and do not punish it by the mew(?) and hanging(?) ... 5 and a nail (?) does not approach to him. And you will establish for your father a name of joy, and for all your brothers, a tested foundation 6 you will make rise. And you will see and you will rejoice in eternal light, and you will not be of the enemy, vacat (4Q541 24 ii 2-6) 146
147
148
149
150
Comments: The interpretation of this fragment is highly complicated, since it gives only indirect information about the protagonist. The genre is probably a sort of exhortation. The imperatives and imper fects with prohibitive sense that dominate the passage strongly point in this 1 4 3
Based on P A M 43.587, Puech was able to identify remains of a letter he in the eighth line of the preceding column. If his identification is correct, then the present column ends with a twoand-a-half line vacat, which strongly indicates the end of at least a greater section of the compo sition, if not the entire composition itself. Puech (DJD 3 1 : 252) reconstructed the lacuna as p r 6 n }mv HDtfjn, "ne comets pas [de fautes qui ne seraient pas 2 ra]chet£s." Beyer (ATTME, 80) reconstructs here n , yet the fragment seems not to allow enough space for two letters. A similar reconstruction can be found in Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 264. Puech reconstructs r D D n n \ "te benira." Beyer reads K3VT C'unser strahlendes Aussehen") with a dubious zayin. Yet (see the photo graph) there is no further letter before the yod. Puech and Zimmermann read here K^m ("pendoir/pendaison"), while Brooke has K ^ m ("and hanging"). Beyer and Puech maintain the present reading—in fact, the photograph does not allow us to read the opening letters of the word with certainty. Dubious reading. The reading was created through a correction by the scribe. Originally h e had written Krcn, which he later corrected to Ktfin by erasing the sade and inserting a supralinear 'ayin. See Puech, "Fragments d ' u n apocryphe de L6vi," 478-479, and DJD 3 1 : 256. 1 4 4
1 4 5
1 4 6
147
148
1 4 9
1 5 0
114
CHAPTER THREE
direction ( t a x n n ^[K and jn bto in line 2; i m ' i m npn and Tr^inon *?*n in line 4). The presence of V^nK in line 2 could indicate the dark fate of the protago nist. Also problematic is the question of who the person being admonished here is. John Collins is of the opinion that he is "someone in power not to afflict the poor," someone whom he further qualifies as a "descendant of Levi." It has to be noted, however, that the subject of the admonition in line 2 is not the same as the subject below; in line 2 it is in all probability the people or a group of the people who are evoked. It would not be logical if the mourning and the afflicting persons were one and the same. 151
Lines 4b-5a. Emile Puech raises the possibility that these lines reflect the crucifixion of the protagonist. It must be noted, however, that although we find several indi cations throughout the fragments of 4Q541 about the suffering of the pro tagonist (cp. the presence of the term m*OQ twice in frg. 6, or cp. 9 i 5b-7), the idea of his crucifixion is somewhat dubious. 152
1.
At the end of line 4, we find the expression x^m, which means "hanging/crucifixion." Based on the photograph (PAM 41.888) this re construction seems certain, yet the context is not clear enough for us to draw solid conclusions. At the beginning of line 5, Puech understands the word K ^ i as "clou/pointe." This translation is based on the evidence of the Syriac— there is no evidence for the use of the word in western Aramaic, which at least diminishes the certainty of the translation. Moreover, the context, and thus the interpretation, of the entire sentence is again obscure.
2.
ra 3np[n] *?K K ^ I r p n ] | p i p K^rn T S 'rrtinon bxi this sentence in its context is part of an exhortation, through which an unidentifiable figure is admonished. The crucifixion of someone—if a crucifixion is really mentioned here—is possibile in the future. The admonished figure is being warned not to commit these things against someone. Line 5b-6. Here we find two bicola that give to the passage—and perhaps to the entire composition—a solemn conclusion. The text ends with an irenic scene, as signing good reputation, peace and joy to a figure. Puech interpreted this pas sage as referring to the post mortem destiny of the priestly protagonist of the
1 5 1
See Collins, "Teacher and Servant," 47; Idem, Scepter and the Star, 126. See Puech, "Fragments d'un apocryphe de Levi," 475-478, where he treats the crucifixion of the protagonist as a possibility. Later on he explicitly affirms it: "il sera violemment rejete par eux, ce que confirmerait la mise en garde du frag. 24 a rencontre de pratiques de crucifixion." See Puech, "Messianisme, eschatologie et resurrection," 281. In DJD 3 1 , he once more writes more cautiously. 1 5 2
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
115
composition. With this interpretation, these cola form a nice parallel with the closing scene of the passage Isa. 52:13-53:12. It must be noted, however, that the addressee of this passage is the same as that of the previous exhortation. 5.3. The Importance
of4Q541
The following comprises the importance of these fragments for the present study: 1.
Frg. 9 relates an eschatological protagonist, who is a priestly figure (iSDn). This figure has extraordinary majesty in his teaching and wis dom, and his mission seems to be universal. Frg. 9 also describes a harsh opposition of "his generation" against the protagonist. Here we read only of verbal infamy committed against him, yet, other fragments of the composition contain hints of his possible physical suffering (m*DQ, perhaps K ^ n , This latter aspect is cer tainly present in 4Q541, but the actual state of the fragments does not allow to reach firmer conclusions.
2.
Last, but not least, we note—along with several earlier commentators of the text —that the author of the composition makes several allusions to the Deutero-Isaianic corpus, mainly in frg. 9. Some of these hints were taken from Isa. 52:13-53:12, which is among those texts that contemporary scholar ship labels as the Ebed-YHWH passages. The universal aspect of the protago nist's mission towards the whole of Israel and all the peoples; or the connec tion between his mission and suffering (caused by the protagonist's own people) are obvious thematic parallels on a first reading. A more detailed reading shows that even the vocabulary of the passage is similar to (the targumic version of) Deutero Isaiah. 154
155
1 5 3
On KQ^i) *rrrn see Puech, "Fragments d'un apocryphe de L6vi," 479: "Le sens peut etre «dans la lumiere eternelle», £voquant aussi bien le sort post mortem que la lumiere durable en cette vie." Similarly, DJD 3 1 : 256. The most elaborated treatment of this aspect can be found in Brooke, "4QTestament of Levi," 92-97. W e do not refer consciously here to "Ebed-YHWH Songs." The passages characterised by this late, scholarly term were not considered as a unit in ancient Judaism. That is why we avoid la belling 4Q541 as "the first individual interpretation of the Servant Songs": the author of the present text clearly had no idea what a so-called Servant Song was. On this, see the caveats of Collins, Scepter and the Star, 123-124. These passages of Deutero-Isaiah have a certain amount of common ground and some common expressions that are obvious already at first reading—and if someone seeks scriptural proofs for the figure of the suffering righteous, these passages provide them. 1 5 4
1 5 5
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CHAPTER THREE
6. VISIONS OF 'AMRAM (4Q543-549)
156
At the end of this section we analyse the data provided by an Aramaic com position called Visions of 'Amram. Here we find elements that may be associ ated with the milieu from which the Qumran Community emerged. 6.1.
Introduction
The fragments of the Visions of 'Amram were published first by Jozef Milik. The composition was preserved in six (or seven), badly damaged copies from Qumran Cave 4 . The official edition of the work was published recently by Emile Puech in DJD 3 1 . 157
Palaeography and Date. Scholars generally hold that the work is very ancient, dating it at least to the second century BC or even earlier. A terminus ante quern of the work is provided by the date of the Qumran copies. Puech dates the most ancient Qumranic copy of Visions of Amram to around 1 2 5 B C . As for the emergence of the composition, Klaus Beyer has noted that the Book of Jubilees ( 4 6 : 1 0 - 1 1 ) seems to cite the Visions of Amram. If the de pendence of Jubilees on 'Amram is certain, the latter cannot have emerged later than the middle of the second century B C . Puech suggests on linguis tic grounds that 'Amram could have been composed as early as the third century BC. 158
159
160
161
Origin and Genre. In view of the postulated date of the composition and its Aramaic language, the Visions of 'Amram is a pre-Qumranic composition that antedates the emergence of the Qumran Community. Despite the fact that 'Amram was not their own work, the Community held it in a particularly high esteem; few other compositions, indeed, were preserved in seven or more
1 5 6
Edition: Puech, DJD 3 1 : 283-405. Photographs: P A M 40.609, 43.571, 43.597. The title of the composition can be found on two different fragments: 4Q543 i 1 (frg. 1); 4Q545 i 1 (frg. l a ) : *b - D nnp - n D*IQJ> rmn ^ n r o pons, "Copy of the writing of the words of the vision of 'Amram, son of Qahat, son of Levi." In Milik, "Visions de Amram," 77-97, the title of the text 4Q548 was * Amram'. See further another contribution by the same author: "Milkisedeq," 95-144; and the comprehensive treatment of the available material in: Kobelski, Mel chizedek, esp. 24-36. See also the editions in DSSSE, 2: 1084-1095; DSSU, 151-156; ATTM, 210-214; ATTME, 85-92; Garcia Martinez, "4Q'Amram B , " 111-114. Cp., for example, Milik, "Visions de Amram," 78. Puech, Croyance, 532; Idem, DJD 3 1 : 285-287. See Puech, Croyance, 532; DJD 3 1 : 285, 320-321 (the most ancient exemplar is 4Q544, followed by 4Q543. ATTME, 85. More details can be found in Puech, DJD 31:286. Cp. VanderKam, "Origins and Purposes," 20. 1 5 7
1 5 8
1 5 9
160
1 6 1
117
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
copies. (Of the apparently non-sectarian works only Enoch, Jubilees and the New Jerusalem fragments are represented in such numbers). It is highly complicated to define the literary genre of this composition due to the fragmentary state of the Qumranic copies. For the most part, it shows charac teristics of the testament literature, which was widespread in early Judaism. Throughout the work, the priesdy patriarch 'Amram—grandson of Levi and fa ther of Aaron and Moses (cp. Exod. 6:18, 20)—relates to his sons the visions he has seen during his life. As in the various early Jewish Testaments, the work is fundamentally dominated by apocalyptic elements. 163
6.2. Related Fragments of the Visions of 'Amram The fragments of Visions of 'Amram do not contain any of the terms familiar from those compositions of the Qumran Library that anticipate the eschato logical coming of positive figures. A passage found in 4Q544 provides how ever important data for this study. 164
[
]pD*o "by p a n p n a m vacat
xEfrn H mrn ^imn to
[mmx -h pDxi "by p ^ ] ® D pn H JD p ™ p x nbxvn nn n^n ^ p r i m n nc^rra ? run rnnix KUD pn "b nnxi DHX "on buz by p ^ & n ytfbw p ] 12 1
[nnm W
[
r t a ) xm
ffmn ywrv\ p : m rrcripM ^n ?] p[sn ] ^ n mm p t o n n i ] 13 1
[
m±n nona]i pan ^maxi mmn [
]b[
] xfii[ nnn xnn*o] 14
10 i n m y vision, t h e v i s i o n of t h e d r e a m , vacat A n d b e h o l d , t w o w e r e q u a r r e l ling o v e r m e a n d t h e y said[ ...] 11 a n d t h e y entered into a g r e a t d e b a t e o v e r m e . A n d I a s k e d t h e m : ' W h o a r e y o u that h a v i n g r u [ l e o v e r m e ? ' . . . A n d t h e y said to m e : ' W e a r e 12 thus r u ] l e r s a n d w e r u l e o v e r all t h e h u m a n k i n d . ' A n d they said to m e : ' W h i c h of us d o y o u [ w a n t to b e r u l e d ? ' A n d b e h o l d , I lifted m y e y e s a n d s a w 13 that o n e ] of t h e m h a d a dreadful a p p e a r a n c e [like a s n a ] k e [ a n d all of] h i s c l [ o ] t h i n g w a s c o l o u r e d a n d o b s c u r e d b y d a r k n e s s [ ... 14 A n d I l o o k e d at t h e o t h e r ] a n d b e h o l d [...] i n h i s a p p e a r a n c e a n d h i s f a c e was smiling and[ h e vas covered b y a c l o t h i n g . . . (4Q544 frg. 1, 10-14) 1 6 5
1
1 6 8
6
1 6 7
1 6 9
Comments: In this passage 'Amram relates a vision, in which two otherworldly figures appeared to him, quarrelling over him. Milik identified these figures with the 1 6 2
From the non-biblical texts the following works are preserved in seven or more copies: Enoch, Jubilees, Rule of the Community, Damascus Document, Shirot 'olat hashabbat, Instruc tion, Hodayot, War Scroll. See, for example, Collins, "Testaments," 325-355. Denis, Introduction, 227-289. More fragmentary versions of the same passage can b e found in 4Q543 frgs. 5-9 and 4Q547 1-2. Part of the reconstruction was made with the aid of these fragments. The expression DIK »» is an obvious hebraism in the Aramaic text. Reconstruction based on 4Q543 frgs. 5-9, 6. Reading of 4Q543 frgs. 5-9, 6. On the present copy we can find nvsnio, which is an obvi ous scribal fault. See Milik, "Visions de Amram," 82; Garcia Martinez, "4Q'Amram B , " 113. Reading of 4Q543 frgs. 5-9, 7. The present copy contains a highly problematic reading: pan. The translation is taken from DSST, 273, with minor corrections. 1 6 3
1 6 4
1 6 5
1 6 6
1 6 7
1 6 8
1 6 9
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CHAPTER THREE
"watchers" (]'Ti>) of the Enochic literature. This identification, in view of the affinities between the present text and the Enochic corpus, is not improbable. It must be noted, however, that the term Ttf or p r u does not occur in the fragments of the Visions of 'Amram. These figures are quarrelling over ' A m ram himself. The patriarch engaged them in a conversation, learning that these figures had gained dominion over all humankind. The passage uses the same dualistic structures characteristic of the Qum ran Community's world-view. This fact may explain the popularity of the Vi sions of 'Amram among the Qumranites. 170
Line 14. Milik tried to interpret the enigmatic reading of the line (PUN) as a reduced form of the particle Kn ("behold") and the word-pair KDD/X?2V that means "viper" (cp. the word "snake" in the previous line). The main problem of this interpretation is that the text has already turned from the dreadful figure to describe the other (cp. rpm KnnKi, certain reconstruction). His association with the snake would therefore be curious. Florentino Garcia Martinez and Klaus Beyer arrived independently at the conclusion that pun is a result of a scribal fault, and that the original reading could have been related to the one found in 4Q543 frgs. 5-9, 7 . Their reading is based on the verb -pn, which means "laughing, smiling." In the subsequent fragments of 4Q544, 'Amram talks to the smiling figure and asks the names of the quarrelling ones. 171
172
*NPN]fr P N b - m i Kin P P [
pfiv
KQ 'KID m o m vacat ircn ^bmi N ^ N NDOTNI -J'fl&JN NNNI> TOI RONTON
jmKi nsi^N bo bv vtoon Kim NRN NHPX *?]tai Kim] bio bv 0 ^ 0 nat K'DTK iy K ^ k [ Q P
12
13 14
15 16
173
11 ... r]uling over you[ ... 12 ... ]this, who is he? And he said to me: 'This one is c[alled ... 13 ...]and Melki-resha". vacat And I said: 'My Lord, what is 1 7 0
An interesting parallel can be found in the New Testament, Epistle of Jude; cp. Berger, "Streit des guten und des bosen Engels," 1-18. Because of this problem, Milik translated xnrno with the highly questionable "encore." Similarly Kobelski, Melchizedek, 27 and DSSU, 155: "And I looked again..." See Beyer, ATTM, 584; Garcia Martinez, "4Q'Amram B , " 113-114. The latter clearly de scribed how we can deduce the reading from the proto-Semitic ^l*dhk. ("De esta raiz protosemitica [*dhk, G.X.] se habrian derivado el arabe DHK, el ugaritico y hebreo SHK y el arameo antiguo * ' H K /* es el equivalente standard en arameo del p proto-semitico/ ... L a raiz aramea * 'HK habria originado H ' K por metatesis.") Puech restored in the lacuna at the beginning of the line XTD ("watcher"). A small frag ment of the Visions of 'Amram* provides the following reading: ] p JO[ (4Q546 22), which was reconstructed by Puech as *np#, cp. DJD 31:372. Eibert Tigchelaar has suggested restoring the initial lacuna of 4Q544 2, 11 with the aid of this small fragment (oral communication). It must be noted, however, that the reading of the fragment is very dubious. 1 7 1
1 7 2
1 7 3
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
119
the domi[nion ... 14 ... da]rk and all his work is d[a]rk and in the darkness he [ ... 15 ... y]ou see. And he rules over all darkness. And I[ ... 16 ... from the sa]ved ones to the earthly ones, I rule over all that is bright and al[l... (4Q544 frg- 2) 174
Comments: Unfortunately, the fragment has only preserved the name of one of them, i?tm " D ^ Q , which is obviously the name of the dreadful figure. Recently, Paul Rainbow has questioned whether the name Dtzn 'Dbn could be connected with one of the angelic opponents, and argued that he is in fact "the human accomplice of Belial." His proposal is, however, not very convincing. The context of the fragment and that of the remains of the entire passage does not require the presence of any human figure other than 'Amram on the scene. 'Amram asked the names of the angelic antagonist, so it is entirely logical, therefore, for the text to contain these names. Regarding the objection of Rainbow that the lacuna at the end of line 1 2 and at the beginning of line 1 3 is too long to suppose that i?2n ^bn is the name of the angel, see the proposal 1 7 5
176
of Puech in DJD 3 1 : 3 2 7 - 3 2 8 .
Note the consistent use of dualistic terminology throughout the fragment. From the name ixzn ^bn we can conclude that the name of the other figure could be a parallel expression: p-ra vbn. This conclusion is not arbitrary; the name Melchizedek occurs in another Qumranic text (1 lQMelch), where he is presented as a protagonist of the eschatological age, together with another personage (called "ltzno). In addition, line 2 of the third fragment of 4Q544 deserves mention, where we find the following reading: ]]nan n r f r n "b " )D[*o, ".. .and s]aid to me: three name[s.. 177
s
6 . 3 . Significance of the Visions
of'Amram
This passage of the Visions of 'Amram takes the reader into the angelological horizon of the Qumran Community's dualistic worldview. Moreover, it re veals the spiritual and theological milieu which could have been the breeding ground for the formation of their dualistic ideology. The 4Q548 copy of the work shows the closest connections to the vocabulary of the "classic" Qum ranic writings. The angelic protagonists are absent from this fragment, yet numerous (pairs of) expressions witness to the dualistic approach. We need only note the most obvious examples: KT>m and fcoton or iflzm bso and B'topi D p s n or acron (see 4Q548 frg. 1, 1 0 - 1 2 ) . All this points towards the fact that when forming their theology, the Community depended by-and-large on a consistent intellectual system. The
The translation is taken from DSST, 273, with minor corrections. On the etymology, see the attempt of Philonenko, "MelkiresV et Melkira'," 159-162. Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 185-187. See pp. 68ff. above and 194ff. below.
120
CHAPTER THREE
eschatological elements, or elements that can easily be interpreted in an es chatological way, were not unfamiliar in this system, nor was the presenta tion of figures who will act in the eschatological age—with God, or against Him. While at the beginnings of the Community's existence these themes seem to be dormant or secondary, the Qumranites were able to use them when they wanted to build up their eschatological views. The angelic opponents in the Visions of 'Amram are not eschatological pro tagonists in the sense that we are concerned with in the present study. Never theless, they testify to the idea of direct and consistent angelic rule over the dif ferent lots of the world, an idea that can easily be included in the scene of eschatological events. We will see this below, in the case of 1 lQMelchizedek. 178
B
7. 4 Q V I S I 0 N A R ( 4 Q 5 5 8 ) 7.1.
179
Introduction
The remains of this Aramaic composition are preserved in 146 extremely small, damaged fragments. 4Q558 was copied in the second half or around the end of the first century BC. Its original editor was Jean Starcky, and the official edition is in preparation by Emile Puech. Starcky labelled the text simply as "arP" (papyrus arameen), Klaus Beyer called it "Prophetengeschichten," while Florentino Garcia Martinez referred to it as the "Aramaic Vision." In view of the fragmentary state of this composition, it is highly difficult to define its genre and contents. Several fragments contain names from Israel's history (which is why Beyer understood this text as "stories about prophets"). There are also several traits that can be interpreted as eschatological allusions, such as, for ex ample, the repeated mention of angels, the lightning and meteors of frg. 1, and the trees that (will be?) cut down in frg. 3. 180
7.2. Text From the viewpoint of the present study, frg. 1 is important (cp. PAM 43.583 top middle). This piece preserves 8 fragmentary lines of a column, an intercolumnar break and traces of the closing letters of two lines from the previ ous column. The text of the first five lines is as follows:
]Q
n
|H[
2
1
3
npK Km T m ? apron
1 7 8
See Xeravits, "Early History," 118-120. Edition: Garcia Martinez and Tigchelaar, DSSSE, 2: 1114-1115. Photographs: P A M 43.581-43.583. Cp. Starcky, "Quatre &apes," 497-498; Puech, Croyance, 2: 676-677. See further Beyer, ATTME, 93; Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 413-415. 1 7 9
1 8 0
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
121
onp rvbxb nbm pb
4
K'prn Kpia p p|[p]in
5
1 ... ]evil[ ... 2 ...] that [...] 3 the eight as an elected one. And behold, I[ ...] 4 To you, I will send Elijah befo[re ...] 5 st[r]ength from lightning and met[eors ... 181
Comments: Line 3 . The numeral fccrnn could refer either to David or Noah according to the inter pretations of scholars. W e hold the latter view. Those who interpret KTon as referring to David (the eighth son of Jesse) understand Tra*7 as an allusion to Ps. 89:4, which, however, is quite uncertain. 182
183
Line 4. An allusion to, or citation of, Mai. 3 : 2 3 . The author of 4Q558 changes the verb of the biblical passage (nbti) to an obviously future form. 7.3.
Significance
The significance of this tiny fragment lies in the fact that it shows that the Community shared the views of the authors of 4Q558 (certainly extra- or preQumranic circles) in the use of Mai. 3 : 2 3 when speaking about eschatological events. Moreover, it portrays Elijah as a prophet who will reappear in the es chatological age (redivivus).
8. EXCURSUS: WRITINGS CONNECTED TO MOSES (4Q374AND4Q377)
8.1.
1 8 4
Introduction
Finally, we will treat in this chapter as an excursus the material of two He brew compositions, published under different tides. Both 4Q374 and 4Q377 deal with the figure of Moses, and present him with similar characteristics. These presentations of (the historical) Moses testify to an important step in his quasi-transcendent reinterpretation, which could be a convenient starting point for his eschatological interpretation. 4Q374 is a Hebrew text. Some deny that this is a Moses-apocryphon, and claim that the events of the Exodus and the conquest of the land were de185
1 8 1
Puech (Croyance, 2: 676), and following him Zimmermann (Messianische Texte, 413) read here ]tn or ]°n, but the letter het is not possible. Noah: Fitzmyer, "Aramaic Elect of God Text". David: Starcky, "Quatre Stapes," 498; Puech, Croyance, 677-678; or recently Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 415. See pp. 187f. below. Editions: Newsom, DJD 19: 99-110; VanderKam and Brady, DJD 28: 205-217. Photo graphs: 4Q374: PAM 43.359; 44.080; 4Q377: PAM 43.372. See further Newsom, "4Q374" 40-52. 1 8 2
1 8 3
1 8 4
1 8 5
122
CHAPTER THREE
scribed in this work. This does not exclude, however, an identification of the work as a Moses-apocryphon. Attempts have also been made to demon strate that4Q374 2 ii describes the deification of M o s e s . 4Q377 is a short Hebrew fragment, which also contains an important con tribution to the present topic in relating, most probably, the angelification of Moses at Sinai. 187
8.2. Discourse on the Exodus/Conquest
Tradition
(4Q374)
8.2.1. Introductory Remarks 4Q374 is preserved in sixteen different fragments. Most of these are ex tremely small and damaged; fragments 2 and 13, however, contain the re mains of two written columns. It seems certain that the inter-columnar break preserved in these fragments divided originally three columns. 4Q374 was copied in the last third of the first century BC. Some charac teristics of the composition, such as the use of the tetragram, or the lack of proper Qumranic vocabulary, lead us to seek the origins of the work outside the Qumran Community. 188
m
8.2.2. 4Q374 frg. 2 i i We present here the text preserved by the second column of fragment 2, as follows: jm H I T i F ' © A D mm a T ^ t o o n ]Q Drrrcsrcrti nekton me? [Wnp p i ] n n m a i K n to r r n a n p a n i T m wfi Dm ]±v n i n e r ^ n i r n o i o n n x to D*rrfc>i6 inrrni
3 4 s 6
] Dn Drrvni Dprpmp ^om nnb w o r n lanoiin i Fiim iii? [op ? i-pari K S I Q ^ D H ^ K * O B Y r x r n i 8 1
b^pb tin w u p p m i x n o m -pin* *6 toi 9 1
im* iwin ? b[ ] orf?[
] 10
1 together and[ ...] 2 and nations were raised up in anger[ ...] 3 through their deeds and through the impurity of the acts of [...] 4 and [for them ] there will 190
1 8 6
"It appears that the events of the Exodus and the settlement in the land are referred to in the past tense, thus precluding the possibility that 4Q374 is a Mosaic pseudepigraphon": DJD 19: 99. See Fletcher-Louis, "4Q374," 236-252. Cp. the photograph P A M 44.080, DJD 19, plate xiii; Eisenman and Robinson, Facsimile Edition, plate 1760 (slightly worse than that one found in DJD). Other fragments contain very little legible text. W e mention here the following expres sions: "land" ( p x : frgs. 1, 2; 2 i 4 [a quite curious reading is found: rnmrr, presumably the result of a phonetic writing, see DJD 19: 101]; 6, 1), "to possess" (ttrv: 2 i 6), "to redeem you" ("fnna'p: frg. 3, 2), "for fine gold and he made" (niBJn TQK ?: frg. 4, 2, cp. BDB, 20b), "a mediator for your people" (-pi) ? p n : frg. 7, 2) and "clouds" (tfpn&r. frg. 7, 3). Furthermore, frg. 2 i 7 contains the place name T O . 1 8 7
1 8 8
1 8 9
1
1
NON-SECTARIAN
123
WRITINGS
be neither remnant nor survivor, and for their descendants [...] 5 and he planted for [u]s, his chosen ones, in a land, preferable to all other lands [...6 and] he made him a god over the powerful ones and fri[ght] for the Pharaoh [ ... 7 ] they melted and their hearts trembled and their entrails dissolved. [But] he took pity on[ ... ] 8 And when he made his face shine upon them for healing, they strengthened [their] hearts again, and knowledge [...] 9 and no one knew you and they melted and trembled and they were startled at the vo[ice ... 10 ... ]for them[ ...] for deliverance[... 191
192
193
Comments: Lines 1-5. The beginning of the passage seems to review or summarise Israel's experi ence during their wandering in the wilderness. The first four lines deal with the •'n:, hostile towards the Israelites (which suggested our reading [pnfi at the beginning of the line). Line 4 contains a sort of curse against these na tions. The passage closes with line 5, which alludes to or evokes God's promise concerning the land. Lines 6-10. The next passage moves on to relate another event. These lines are formu lated with characteristics typical of a theophany. In all probability, the author deals here with what happened at Mount Sinai. Line 6 recalls the wording of Exod. 7 : 1 ; on this basis it surely describes God's activity towards Moses. The words in the third person plural masculine in this line and subsequendy refer to the frightened Israelites. The reason for their fear is not the events they experienced during the Exodus or the experi ence of meeting with the Canaanites. Rather, their fear is caused by the events at the Sinai. It is highly probable that the "powerful ones" of line 6 are the leaders of the Israelites, as is suggested by the antithetic parallelism. Regarding the dramatis personae of lines 7b-10, there is dissent among scholars over the interpretation of the third person singular masculine suffixes found in these lines. Carol Newsom in her editions argues that the suffixes refer to God. In contrast, Crispin Fletcher-Louis holds that the suffixes in line 6 refer to God, but in the following instances to Moses. Thus, he asserts that 194
195
196
197
1 9 0
1
The reading of scholars is generally [DD] ?, see DJD 19: 102-103, or DSSSE, 2: 740. This word invokes, however, the same entities as the following and previous pl.3.m. suffixes. The reading D r6K ? (scriptio defectiva) is found in another fragment of the present work: 4Q374 4, 1. DSSSE, 2: 740 reads here ni)Di, but the reading of the editor fits better in the context (cp. the presence of VDT in the next line). The translation is taken from DSST, 278, with minor corrections. The place name »ro is preserved in line 8 of the previous column, unfortunately, without any intelligible context. 1 9 1
>
L
1 9 2
1 9 3
1 9 4
195
*]X»33 rrrr ym pmo runs'? D»r6x ^Tina nxn ntwr^K mrr lain.
1 9 6
According to the editor's interpretation of the passage. See Newsom, "4Q374," 46-47, and DJD 19: 102-104. runs ?! nirnoi II onnx bv Dvrfrx?. 1 9 7
1
1
124
CHAPTER THREE
the author of the text related the quasi "deification" of Moses. FletcherLouis based his argumentation on a careful and comprehensive analysis of the interned evidence provided by the text and on a comparative analysis of a great number of early Jewish writings. The proper interpretation of the expression "]ii>T K ? in line 9 also divides scholars. According to the editor the object of these lines could be Israel or God. Both of these solutions, however, have inconsistencies. If we accept that the "you" refers to the "deified or angelified" figure of Moses, the appar ent editorial inconsistencies are at least weakened: the deified person cannot be immediately recognised. 199
1
200
8.3. Apocryphal Pentateuch B (4Q377) 8.3.1. Introductory Remarks 4Q377 also very likely preserved parts of a Moses-pseudepigraphon. Moses and Miriam are explicitly mentioned in this text, and both appear as figures from the past. The fragmentary remains of the composition contain two important epithets connected with Moses: "anointed one" (rrt&D) and "messenger" (iiznQ). The composition in its actual etat is an opistographon, with lines written on both sides of the skin. It must be noted that the skin is rather a "pseudoopistographon," the verso preserving the mirror-image text of another col umn. The script of the text is Herodian. It does not contain particular sectarian terminology. 201
202
203
8.3.2. 4Q377frg.2, colli The first preserved column contains a narrative-like text. On the second col umn an exhortative text can be read, with reminiscences of the figure of Moses and the events at Sinai. Both columns contain personal names—none, however, help to place the content of the work more precisely in the Israelite histoire sainte. 204
1 9 8
This idea is not unfamiliar in some Qumranic works, and in other writings of early Juda ism. Cp. 4Q491(?); 4Q511 frg. 35; 1 Enoch 89:36; Jubilees 31:14, etc.; see furthermore: Smith, "Ascent to the Heavens," 181-188. See C. Fletcher-Louis, "4Q374," 240-250. Cp. LAB 61:8-9, and Fletcher-Louis, "4Q374," 248-249. A critique of Newsom's inter pretation is found on pp., 237-238. Its title in the PTSDSSP series is Moses Apocryphon C. See Wise, Thunder in Gemini, 133. This is a very rare phenomenon in the scribal customs of the Qumran Community (only 16 examples in the whole Qumranic corpus). Cp. DJD 28: 205. The following persons are mentioned: Rephaiah, Zimri, Eliyu and 'lybh. The first two are known from the Old Testament, but not from the Pentateuch. There is a certain Zimri in Num. 25:14, but he is said to belong to the tribe of Simeon, not to that of Gad as in 4Q377. 1 9 9
2 0 0
2 0 1
2 0 2
2 0 3
2 0 4
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
125
}oo rDTTEnoif
f ]
jo 1
vaozr
iron rnpira 2 1 ] D[ ]oooo «pnpn 3©pm m m r r a [ noxn ]fa ?x | j n 3 1 moiih TiQcn TIQJP Kb -wx crxrr -mx v a c a / [ n ]°t&°°[ M ] < > * ? 4 1 ]oofin irrrnx 'rrfrx m m inx robb*\ i m o o rrenn 'an °°[ ]°Q 'TD'? 5 [ ^QT hdxo D^B *?x o r e bicw topi D]S - n ¥ i v a a t f * r o n n o tf? 6 1 ] vac D'QI&[D] ntoQQ m i j n Exn ux-in n[ j» i [ ^ ] X D i ran DJ> ETX 7 1 ^IDI] imoD - n s fx*) V W W G rn^x fx x'D finirf? "inn to p x n to*> 8 ] xton fiftnpo') D'rrfrx TOD ^ s t o onmx m m i m latfflntfSn} topn 9 1 ,J
1
om
o^m^xn BPX nenoi
D'ni^x
-jjcBno *Q x'D ooo[ joooo ifi ?')
imfo[
1
v^car
imais - n m -JX^QDI w i p n n i D^IDQf*?} 1X"Q3 XI*?
p i r n o i m a m 10 r
ko p>n vto
ItOX D>[
DHOn OPX
11 12
1 ... ]and your signs[...] 2 they understand the precepts of Moses, vacat [... ] 3 And answered 'lybh[ and s]aid: H[ear,] Congregation of YHWH and pay atten tion, all the assembly [...] 4 l°[ ] [ ] \y°[ ]y[ ] wzcar Cursed is the man who does not persevere and keep and carry [out] 5 all m°[...] ° by the mouth of Moses his anointed one, to follow YHWH, God of our fathers, who commanded 6 us from the mountains of Sinai, vacat And he has spoken with the assembly of Israel face to face, like speaks 7 a man to his neighbour. And like >s °[ ]r, he has appeared to us in a burning fire, from above, [from] the heaven. 8 And on the earth, he stood on the mountain to teach us that there is no God apart from him, and no Rock like him. [And all] 9 the assembly {the congregation} ]answered and trembling seized them before the glory of God and the wonderful thunders 10 and they stood at a distance, vacat But Moses, the man of God, was with God in the cloud, and covered 11 him the cloud, for [... ]when he sanc tified him and as an angel he spoke from his mouth, for who is a messen[ger] like him, 12 a pious man? And he sho[wed...] which were never created before or afterwardsf... oo
oc
o
ot
205
Comments: The column seems to begin with the remains of a narrative, and from line 3 relates the speech of someone called 'lybh. This speech seems to include the curse of lines 4b-6a. In the body of the curse, Moses is called "anointed one of God" (TPEQ). This term obviously emphasises the prophetic character of Moses. After the vacat, from line 6b, we find a colourful description of a theophany. During the course of this theophany, YHWH appears to his peo ple in fire and clouds, in order to instruct them (lines 6b-8). Then the author of the text relates the answer of the people, who are deeply touched by the tremendum et fascinosum event (lines 9-10a). This leads to a closer presenta tion of Moses. It is noteworthy that the author mentions Moses here as counterpoint to the people frightened by the theophany. In this, the text shows close similar2 0 5
The translation is taken from DSSSE, 2: 745, with minor corrections, harmonising the readings of the official edition.
126
CHAPTER THREE
ity to 4Q374. The epithets of Moses are: "man of God" (D'm^xn BPX), "like an angel" "messenger" (iieno), "pious one" (onon IZPK). Through these epithets the human virtues of Moses are emphasised in general, but stress is also laid on his individuality. This particular individuality originated from his personal relationship with God. For the present discussion, the most important epithet of Moses is the "messenger" (IKDD). The expression -rono (Pi'el participle of the verb "ion "to proclaim") has a very limited number of occurrences in the Qumran Library. In fact, we find only five other certain occurrences of the word. Four of these belong to different copies of the same writing (the Hodayoi), and 1 lQMelchizedek provides the fifth. 1.
1QH xxiii 14 praises God who sends a messenger, a person who acts for the poor. Since the verbal elements of the passage—apart from the opening consecutive imperfect (nnam)—are atemporal, we are not able to decide whether the author wished to speak of eschatological events or n o t . However, the biblical background of the passage (Isa. 61:1-3) has to be noted, a text with special importance also for the author of 1 lQMelchizedek, which points towards the eschatological interpretation of the text. Another Cave 4 MS of the Hodayot also contains the expression IKDQ: 4Q432 frg. 3, 4 (parallel text of 1QH x). The context here is an individ ual lament, without any hints on the histoire sainte or eschatology. 4Q440 3 i 16, the so-called Hodayot-like Text C—despite its fragmen tary state—clearly speaks of an eschatological messenger. This compo sition also contains obvious references to the beginnings of the history in its previous fragments. Finally, the I E D D of 1 lQMelchizedek is an eschatological prophet. 206
2.
3.
4.
By way of comment on these occurrences, it must be noted that the ~\unn of all these passages is a figure with prophetic characteristics. 8.4. 4Q374 and4Q377:
Their Relationship and Significance
These compositions share several common traits that raise the question of their relationship. As a first caveat, we must note that both works are pre served in a highly fragmentary state. The most obvious similarities of the compositions are as follows: 1. 2.
Both texts present Moses in an exalted state. The events described by both works occur during Israel's sojourn in the desert after the Exodus. More precisely, both contain allusions to the Sinai episode, which is indicated by the circumstances of Moses' exal2 0 6
This text is treated in Puech, "Hymne essemen," 83-85, Idem, "4Q525," 101-105.
127
NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS
tation: shining face, clouds, and the idea of mediation in 4Q374 on the one hand; thunders, clouds and angelic speaking in 4Q377 on the other. In contrast to the exalted Moses, both texts relate that the people were frightened by the theophany. Both seem to use a similar tremblingstrengthening sequence, in which Moses appears as the one who strengthens the people. In 4Q374 it is Moses' shining face that strengthens the Israelites; in 4Q377 Moses, who is introduced by the obviously adversative waw after the description of the trembling people, could well also have a strengthening role.
3.
207
We can certainly also find some differences, which could indicate that—de spite the similarities—we are dealing with different compositions. For exam ple, 4Q374 is a discourse, as classified by its editor, or a narrative, whereas the preserved fragments of 4Q377 contain admonitory speeches. In col. ii the speech is uttered by someone called 'lybh, and consists of a deuteronomic heading, a short curse then a reminiscence of the Sinai events divided into three parts. Thus, while the Sinai events provide the setting of 4Q374, they are presented only in 'lybh's reminiscence in 4 Q 3 7 7 . Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the preserved fragments do not contain overlaps, and that we cannot find common vocabulary in the two compositions beside some ideas mentioned above. 4Q374 and 4Q377 are, therefore, two different apocryphal writings, con centrating on Israel's desert sojourn and perhaps directly on the figure of Moses. We cannot reconstruct their original extent or contents, but the bestpreserved fragments of both compositions deal with the same issue: the figure of Moses during the revelation at Sinai. It is important to note again that the compositions lack any eschatological orientation. As for the significance of these compositions, the angelified or deified figure of Moses that appears in them is a convenient starting point for an atemporalising or eschatologising of this figure. On the other hand, 4Q377 re lates two important terms to the figure of Moses: rrao and ~\unn. This proves to be an important contribution to the interpretation of the figure of the es chatological prophet in 1 lQMelch. 208
209
9. NON-SECTARIAN WRITINGS: SUMMARY
When we review the data analysed above, the first striking aspect of these texts of the Qumran Library is the lively variety of different eschatological 2 0 7
Fletcher-Louis, "4Q374," 247, referred to this sequence as "judgement-restoration pattern." The pi.I.e. forms of frg. i 10 also allow the supposition of a speech rather than narrative. On the division of the speech, see the related chapter of the analytic part. Although this text is also located in the desert sojourn, as indicated by the presence of Miriam in frg. i 9. 2 0 8
2 0 9
128
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expectations they reflect. Despite their emphasis on different figures as es chatological protagonists, they agree in that all of these writings are inter ested in the eschatological activity of only a single individual. This means that we cannot find in the preserved fragments of these texts the presence of an individual "co-protagonist" of eschatological events. It seems, moreover, that none of them even requires the presence of such a figure. The coming eschatological individual is depicted with various character istics in these passages too, as king, priest or prophet. This certainly shows that the authors of these passages bound themselves with patterns inherited from the Old Testament, where a king, priest or prophet could appear as an eschatological figure. 1.
2.
3.
As for the eschatological king (4Q246; 4Q369; 4Q458), labelled variously as rriBD (4Q458), Ton (4Q369; 4Q458), or with the tides of 4Q246, he is first and foremost a victorious warrior and judge. His close relationship with God is constandy stressed by terms evoking procreation. As regards the eschatological (high) priest (4Q541), he is related as a figure possessing extraordinary teaching, and as one who atones in the eschatological Day of Atonement. Concerning the eschatological prophet (4Q521; 4Q558), he appears as the herald of the coming salvation. He can be termed rrcBD (4Q521), whereas 4Q558 explicidy identifies him as Elijah (redivivus).
Finally, two groups of writings deserve attention, 4Q'Amram and 4Q374 and 377. These writings do not testify definitively to an eschatological scenario. The manner, however, in which they relate their protagonists (the angelic Melchizedek and the angelified Moses) may be considered as an important point of reference for the eschatological interpretation of these figures.
PART TWO SYNTHETIC APPROACH
The texts analysed in the previous part of this study clearly testify that the literary heritage of the Qumran Community includes some compositions— both sectarian and non-sectarian—that mention the eschatological appearance of positive protagonists. These figures were expected to function in the es chatological age, and to play a positive role in the future history of the Cho sen People. At the same time, it is also clear that various works present these figures differently, and assign to them different levels of importance. There fore, the picture that the Qumran Library shows in this regard does not seem to form a consistent theological system. In this second part of the study, we offer a systematic analysis of the mate rial yielded by the related texts of the Qumran Library. In course of discus sion, we concentrate on larger thematic topics. First we explore various terms that are used to denote the positive eschatological protagonists. Then we turn to various figures of the histoire sainte who seem to be presented as active during the eschatological events. Third, we examine the institutional back ground of these figures and analyse the various functions attributed to the positive eschatological protagonists of the Qumran Library. Finally we de vote some pages to the numerical question of "Qumran messianism" and re consider the scholarly "quasi-dogma" of a Qumranic double messianism. We do not intentionally undertake to make a chronological presentation, since neither the conditions and nature of the material, nor the actual state of the research allow a satisfactory result in this regard. 1
1
Our position on this issue was expressed in Xeravits, "Early History," 113-121.
CHAPTER FOUR
TERMS In this chapter we examine the various terms by which the authors of the texts we have analysed from the Qumran Library denote figure(s) they con sider as positive protagonist(s) of the eschatological age. As will be demon strated, throughout the Qumran Library we find significant variety even at the level of the terms used to denote these positive protagonists. A. ANOINTED ONE The present chapter begins with a treatment of the term ITCDQ, "anointed one." The later theological system of nascent Christianity considered this title as a reference par excellence to the positive eschatological protagonist. The ques tion naturally arises whether the related material of the Qumran Library tes tifies to the same view.
1. PASSAGES CONTAINING THE W O R D rnoo
A purely statistical analysis shows that in the complete published corpus of Qumran Library the word rrcDQ or its derived forms occurs in 25 instances in 14 different works. In some of these cases the concrete meaning of the term is clearly not eschatological. It is clear, however, that messianic figures—in the strict sense of the term—were part of the eschatological imagination of the Qumran Community. To begin with, therefore, we shall give a brief overview of the term JTOD in the Qumran Library. 1. In the Cave 1 MS of the Rule of the Community (1QS) the word moo occurs once, in 1QS ix 11, in the expression bxim piriK TPIDD. Here the term "anointed" is in the plural, and refers to two different figures. Based on the context, these figures are clearly eschatological personages, generally con sidered to be cultic and lay leaders of Israel. The emergence of these es chatological figures closes a particular historical age (1QS ix 5b-10). It must be noted, however, that a 4Q MS of this work (4Q259, which we believe to antedate 1QS), does not contain this "messianic" passage. 1
2
3
1
2
3
The paucity of the evidence is also underlined by Evans, "Qumran's Messiah," 135. See the statistical overview of Abegg and Evans, "Messianic Passages," 192-194. See p. 17f. above.
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TERMS
2. The second column of the Rule of the Congregation (lQSa) provides three instances of rraD: lQSa ii 12.14.20. In the first occurrence the reading is rnoon, while in the latter two we find *?XIBP ITOQ. Here the anointed one is a single personage, the lay leader of Israel in the eschatological age. The Rule of the Congregation does not contain the term pinx mi&D, although lQSa ii 19 mentions a priest (]n*Dn). The authority of this priestly figure is clearly higher than that of the "Anointed One of Israel." Note that the reading of lQSa ii 12 seems to reflect a titular use of the term. 3. Different tradition-historical levels of the Damascus Document provide seven occurrences of ITIBD: CD ii 12; vi 1; xii 23; xiv 19; xix 10; xx 1; 4Q270 2 ii 14. The use of the word in the Damascus Document is twofold. In CD ii 12; vi 1 and in 4Q270 we find the following pattern: 0)zmp (mi) vvvn. The other occurrences provide a different formulation: ?xi&r(Q)i pinx(D) ITCDD. In the first case, "anointed one" is a technical term, denoting figures from the past who were in some sense anointed to their office (prophets). The "anointed one" of the other instances is an eschatological personage, a cultic leader of Israel in the eschatological age. As in the case of 1QS, the emer gence of this figure closes a particular period of history. 4. One occurrence of miBD comes from the Commentary on Genesis A (4Q252). In 4Q252 v 3 we find the expression pisn mioa, where it refers to an eschatological royal personage who has explicit Davidic origins (see the equation of pi^n rvm with T H riQ^ in the same line of the text). 5. Various writings, collected as Moses-pseudepigrapha provide three oc currences of rroa: 4Q375 1 i 9; 4Q376 1 i 1; 4Q377 2 ii 5 . In the latter in stance the "anointed one" is Moses ( Y T O D HCDID), while the two former cases yield the expression mtDDn |rron. The eschatological orientation of these texts is unlikely. 6. The Messianic Apocalypse (4Q521) provides three occurrences of mtBD, with different meanings. In 4Q521 2 ii 1 imtDQ denotes the eschatological prophet (Elijah redivivus); in 4Q521 8, 9 mmiDQ to refers to the priests in general; in 4Q521 9, 3 we find the reading ]rr©D, although this figure is not able to be identified. It is obvious that the "anointed one" is an eschatological personage in all these instances. 7. The War Scroll (1QM) provides only one occurrence of the word, in the plural: 1QM xi 7 (ro'mtBD). The "anointed ones" are the prophets, who will serve during the eschatological war (they are anointed to the prophetic office). 8. The term mcDD occurs once in HQMelchizedek (11Q13), in line ii 18, as njnn mtoo. This "anointed of spirit" is an eschatological figure, whose task is to bring good news (IKDD). The author of the text identifies him with a figure foretold by Daniel, yet the Danielic citation has not survived. Based on the prophetic character of the ICDD, this figure can be identified as an es chatological prophet. t
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9 . W e find four further occurrences of ITCDD in the Qumran Library, as follows. 4Q287 10, 13: lopip nil 'rraa, the "anointed ones," are probably the prophets of the past or the present. 4Q381 15, 7: "[rrcoD ^ K , the anointed one, is a non-specified Israelite king, and similarly in 4Q382 16, 2: ^[Kj-ittr m i 0 [ D . In the latter cases we cannot find any reason to interpret these passages eschatologically. Finally, in 4Q458 2 ii 6 the expression JTO^D p e n rn&o, based on the apocalyptic character of the text, refers to the eschatological king. The evidence is summarised in the following chart.
eschatolog.
1QS lQSa CDii CD vi CD xii CD xiv CD xix CD xx 4Q270 4Q252 4Q375 4Q376 4Q377 4Q521 2 4Q521 8 4Q521 9 1QM xi 11Q13 4Q287 4Q381 4Q382 4Q458
X X
— — X X X X
— X
— — — X X X X X
— — — X
individual leader number royal priest prophet X X — plur. X — — sing. — — — plur. — — — plur. X — — sing. X — — sing. X — — sing. X — — sing.? — — — plur. X — — sing. X — — sing. X — — sing. X sing. — — X sing. — — plur. — — — ? — — — — — — plur. X sing. — — plur. — — — X — — sing. X — — sing. X — — sing.
remark
prophets in gener. prophets in gener.
prophets in gener. Davidic
Moses Elijah priests in gener. unidentif. prophets in gener. prophets in gener.
1.1. The Temporal Setting In the majority of instances (13 times) the "anointed one" is a figure of the eschatological age. In some other cases ( 9 times) the word I T I B Q obviously de notes non-eschatological figures. 1.1.1. Non-eschatological Occurrences Two of the cases where rrc&D is used in a non-eschatological context come from the Damascus Document M S A l (pp. i-viii). This layer of the work, a historically oriented admonition, describes the whole histoire sainte from the
TERMS
133
beginnings to the coming judgement. The eschatological voice is not unfa miliar in this layer, see, for example, the theme of judgement or the mention of the prince of lights and Belial. The contexts of the word rroft are never theless related to the past. CD ii 12 describes the manner in which God in structed his people throughout their history. The instruments of God in this activity were his "anointed ones." In CD vi 1, "Moses and the anointed ones" are those against whom "those who shifted the boundary" spoke rebellion, by leading Israel astray. This event belongs also to the sphere of the past. The "anointed ones" in these cases are non-eschatological figures. Although they belong to the sphere of the past (cf. the parallelism with Moses), they are rather atemporal figures, who mediate the divine teaching to Israel. They can be regarded as the prophets in general, an identification that is supported by the following: 1.
There is clear parallelism between the expression "through Moses and also through the holy anointed ones" (CD vi 1) and such expressions as "through Moses and through all his servants the prophets" (1QS i 3), and "through your anointed ones, seers (Tin) of decrees" (1QM xi 7-8). Even in the context of CD vi 1, "those who shifted the boundary"—an tagonists of the "anointed ones"—have a prophetic activity, "to prophesise deceit" ("ipt& w a n ) . This provides an antithetical parallelism with the prophets (D'*raa).
2.
In two other non-eschatological occurrences of rron, a similar picture emerges. For the same reasons as above, the "anointed ones with the spirit of holiness" in 4Q270 2 ii 14 and the "anointed ones with his holy spirit" in 4Q287 frg. 10, line 13 are the prophets. "Preaching rebellion" against them deserves a curse according to 4Q270. 4Q287 frg. 10 is extremely damaged, and is interpreted on the basis of its apparent analogy with 4Q270. The con text in these cases is again atemporal. The "anointed ones" are mentioned within a legal corpus, which apparentiy was not interested in eschatological issues, but was intended for the actual historical era. Two further non-eschatological occurrences of rran come from the socalled Non-Canonical Psalms (4Q381-382). The orientation of these psalms is obviously non-eschatological, with the "anointed one (of Israel)" under stood as a king from Israel's past. Finally, there are the three occurrences of rriBD in the fragments of the Moses-pseudepigrapha. In these cases the term denotes different figures, the high priest on the one hand and Moses on the other. The latter passage is im portant for present purposes. 4
4
See pp. 182f. below.
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1.1.2. Eschatological Occurrences As regards the context of those instances where rre?Q has an eschatological setting in the Qumran Library, we may discern two different types. 1.
On the one hand, the broader context may be non-eschatological. The author inserts into this broader context reference(s) to eschatological anointed one(s). On the other hand, we find passages that refer to anointed figures with an obvious broader eschatological context.
2.
The broader context of 1QS and CD is non-eschatological. The appearance of the anointed one(s) marks the temporal delimitation of certain ages. With their appearance a new era begins, which is clearly indicated by the expres sion ion/Twaa iv to introduce the clauses in which they occur. The emergence of the anointed one(s) marks the end of the period of the "first directives" or "regulations" (1QS ix 10; CD xiv 18) for the Community, an era that is gen erally called the "time of wickedness" (CD xii 23). The period that arrives after the coming of the anointed one(s) will be the age of the judgement (CD xix 10, xix 34-xx 1), which clearly lends eschatological overtones to these clauses. It must be noted that these passages do not provide further data on the anointed one(s). The broader context of the other occurrences of rrao is eschatological. In these cases, the texts yield further details on the anointed one(s). lQSa, 4Q252 and 4Q458 provide essentially a similar picture, by presenting the anointed one as a single royal person, a lay leader of the eschatological Israel. The eschatological interpretation of lQSa ii 11-22 is consistendy accepted by scholars. Although 1QS vi 2b-6 presents a similar scenario when speaking of the actual meal of the Community, the superscript at the very beginning of lQSa places the material of the composition into tfD'rr m r o a . Furthermore, the initial temporal clause "when God begets the Anointed One with them" ( l Q S a ii 11-12) clearly expresses a future setting. It seems that the funda mental idea of the author of the passage relates to the expected eschatological fulfilment of an existing custom of his own Community (1QS vi 2b-6). In this, he is certainly inspired by passages of the Hebrew Bible such as Isa. 25:6 or Joel 2:26, which deal with the eschatological banquet presided over by God. The author of lQSa ii 11-22 interprets this banquet as one conform ing to the customs and organisation of the Community. Some factors also testify to the temporal setting of 4Q252. The first is the reception of the opening verse of the passage (Gen. 49:10) in early Judaism. Secondly, the introductory words of the interpretation ("while Israel has the dominion") also witnesses to future connotations. In the Community's 5
5
Levey, Messiah, 7-11; 3 1 ; Monsengwo-Pasinya, "Deux textes messianiques;" Lust, "Messianism and Septuagint" 188-191; Idem, "Septuagint and Messianism" 39-41.
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TERMS
thought, the dominion of Israel is clearly an eschatological theme (see, for example, 1QM i 5). In addition, the formula Kin iv also appears in 4Q252 v 3, which is familiar from those passages in 1QS and CD mat mention the arrival of the future anointed one(s). Finally, the eschatological setting of 4Q458 is provided by the apocalyptic characteristics of this text. It is enough to mention the martial scenario with its intensive angelic presence, its terror ( 2 i 1), flight ( 2 i 4), killing ( 2 ii 3) and flames (frg. 1, line 5); or even the cosmological overtones of the work with its "moon and stars" ( 2 i 2 ) . We may naturally suppose that 4Q458 deals with the eschatological war, of which it gives a vivid account. The anointed one of the passage is clearly a single personage, a royal figure of the war. Since he is anointed, he must be a human figure. 6
1.2. Evaluation and Consequences of the Scope of the Material This short temporal sketch shows that not all passages of the Qumran Library containing the word rrtDD can in fact be considered "messianic passages." That is, not all the terms "anointed one" refer to eschatological figures; those that lack eschatological context cannot be considered "messianic passages" in any sense. Therefore, we exclude them from further study in the present chapter. These passages are the following: CD ii and vi, 4Q270, 4Q287, 4Q381-382, 4Q375-376. In the case of 4Q377, although its temporal setting is non-eschatological, its teaching is essential for the understanding of the figure of Moses redivivus. Therefore, the testimony of mis passage is relevant to what follows.
2 . A N O I N T E D O N E , OR M E S S I A H ?
2 . 1 . The Data Provided by the Qumran Library Attention has often been drawn to the dangers of reading later theological concepts into the material of the scrolls. The importance of this caveat should particularly be emphasised in the case of such a theologically charged con cept as "the messiah" or (eschatological) anointed one. In what follows, we investigate the nature of rrtDD of the Qumran Library, and go on to ask in what sense the given Qumranic passages use mis term. 7
6
There is clearly more than one angel in the scene; see the jpjenn in frg. 1, line 8. See esp. one of the earliest remarks in this regard: Silbermann, "Two Messiahs," 77. See further de Jonge, "Role of the Intermediaries," 45, 63. 7
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2.1.1. rrcDD in an Attributive Sense From a mere grammatical point of view, in the great majority of the instances collected above, iron appears in an attributive sense. This means that the "anointedness" refers to a characteristic feature of the person whom the word denotes. 8
1.
The expression rroto p e n rnoo of 4Q458 presents the least difficulties. This is simply an attributive construction, translated as "(a person) anointed with the oil of kingship." In 4Q521 frg. 2 (woo) and 1QM xi 7 (nywm) the sg.3.m. and sg.2.m. suffixes refer to God, the meaning of the relevant phrases is: "the one(s) whom God anointed" (to his task). We also find in 4Q377 "Moses, His anointed," with the same meaning: "a person, anointed by God." The cases where the word rrt&o forms a unit with expressions such as n n , emp n n (CD ii, vi, 4Q270, 4Q287, 1 lQMelch) are closely related to the above. In these expressions n n denotes the spirit of God, and thus substitute in the clauses for the name of God. The meaning of these ex pressions is, consequently, the same as above: "persons anointed by the (holy) spirit (of God)." Finally, the meaning of the word in 4Q521 frg. 8 is similar, yet the suffix here is sg.3.f. This refers most probably to the feminine word "priesthood" (rmro). We may thus understand the expression as "persons, anointed to the priesthood."
2.
9
3.
4.
10
Some occurrences of rrtDD are found in a construction presenting some prob lems in interpretation: 1QS ix 11; CD xii 23; xiv 19; xix 10; xx 1. In these cases the word rptoo belongs to a composite expression, grammatically as the nomen regens of two nomina recta, "Aaron and Israel." We leave the nu merical question aside in the present instance. What is important in this case is that the grammatical form of these expressions does not allow us to decide whether rrtoo is understood here as a titular expression or not. In these cases, the origin of the anointed one(s) is emphasised: the group they belong to, or the place he/they come from.
8
This sense of the nouns having a qatil basic form is attested both in biblical and in mishnaic Hebrew, see GBH, §88E&: "adjectives, sometimes substantivised, adjectives with a passive meaning." On the origin of the form see ibid.: "in Ugaritic and Aramaic qatil ( > ^Bf? in the lat ter) is the passive participle of the Qal conjugation." See further GMH, §228&. The ipNfo *3K1, "and I, Your anointed" of 4Q381 15, 7 testifies to a similar understanding of the term (cp. DJD 11: 102). In 4Q375-376 the rn&Dn \mr\ is obviously none other than "the anointed priest." Since the author of these texts borrowed the expression directly from chapters 4 and 6 of Leviticus, its ex act meaning could be the same as there: the acting high priest. (In this regard, it is not important whether 4Q375-376 have an eschatological setting or not.) Cp. the commentaries ad loc, for example, Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, 231; or Hartley, Leviticus, 59. 9
1 0
137
TERMS
2.1.2. rroo in the Titular Sense Two occurrences of mtDQ in the Qumran Library testify to a remarkable evo lution from the Hebrew Bible usage of the word: lQSa ii 12 and 4Q252 v 3. In these cases the word is used in a titular sense, as a technical term. Here we may translate it as "Anointed One" with capitals, or even "(the) Messiah." In lQSa ii 12, rrt&o occurs in the absolute form with the definite article, and without any other noun or suffix. irtDon, mat is "the Anointed One," here refers to a person by denoting not only one of his particular characteristics, but his very position within the given community described in the text. In this regard, the closest parallel of mtDDn in this text is the ]iTDn of lQSa ii 19 (and probably lQSa ii 12), which also have the titular meaning. In 4Q252 v 3 we find the composite expression pixn rrtDD. The conceptual analogies of this expression with the tide p"ran rmo are obvious; the addi tional ~n~t nQ^ in 4Q252 clearly shows, however, that these expressions de note different figures. As the "Righteous Teacher," the "Righteous Messiah" seems to imply a pre-eminent office for the Community. This office and the titular meaning of the expression can be determined by the equation of the Anointed One with T n nnx. The "Righteous Messiah" is a royal leader of the eschatological Community. 11
2.2. The Use of the Word in Early Judaism The last two occurrences of rrtDD in the Qumran Library seem to be of special importance. This is indicated by the fact that the Hebrew Bible does not attest the technical meaning of the word, as referring to a positive eschatological agent. On the other hand, this meaning became central to the thinking of nas cent Christianity, as reflected by the writings of the New Testament. Between these two corpora of literature, we can detect traces of a manifold conceptual development. 2.2.1. The Septuagint (LXX) We begin with the LXX, one of the earliest Jewish reflections on the text and theology of the Hebrew Bible. Here the following complicated picture emerges. 12
1 1
In the Hebrew Bible, n*BD never occurs in an eschatological titular sense. Cp., for example, Roberts, "Old Testament," 5 1 . The precise meaning of the term LXX is an extremely complicated one. Here we do not en ter into this problematic, noting only that by LXX we mean a process in early Judaism intended to create a Greek corpus of Jewish authoritative writings. This process extended from the third century BC to the second century AD, and consisted of translating texts from Hebrew and Ara maic into Greek, editing them, and adding material written originally in Greek. See, for example, Tov, "Jewish Greek Scriptures," 223-237; Miiller, First Bible, 98-123; Ulrich, Dead Sea Scrolls. It must be noted that the LXX which is at our disposal is not a purely Jewish work, but was transmitted (and certainly further edited) by the ancient Christian church. Thus, it must be em1 2
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CHAPTER FOUR
A purely lexicographical approach to the data provided by the LXX results in t h e following. The expression xpurccx; for the Hebrew word rrao occurs 51 times in different grammatical forms. This shows that the Greek translators did not reserve xpxaxoq exclusively for rendering rrtDQ. However, if omit the occurrences of x p i o T c x ; in the deutero-canonical books, its use is fairly con sistent. The Greek translators chose another word to render rrtDG in only two cases: Lev. 4:3 and Dan. 9:26. In Lev. 4:3 we find 6 &p%i£peti ("after these things when the time of the appearance of the Anointed One has been fulfilled and he returns with glory"). rc^ira ,c73o.\.re\ ^ccsAiMo ... 1^ ("all will be delivered into the hands of my Servant, the Anointed One"). W e believe that the three other occurrences of the word in suffixed form have the same meaning, and have to be interpreted also in a titular sense, according to the analogy of the sg. 2 9
3 0
3 1
3 2
s
3 3
3 4
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CHAPTER F O U R
Finally, we survey en passant the data provided by those pseudepigraphic writings whose testimony we consider uncertain because of very probable Christian influence (Test. XII Patr., 4 Ezra, 1 Enoch 37-71). Regarding their origin, the Test. XII Patr. may well be the most ancient. Its original material may be dated back to the middle of the second century B C . Although this work may have been originally composed by a "hellenised Jew," we have nevertheless very few indicators that allow us to know anything about its preChristian form. The Testaments provide one certain occurrence of the word Xpioxoq, in T. Reub. 6:8, as follows: 35
36
37
38
Aia wiho dviiXXopoci tifiTv o t K o u e t v
xou
Aeuli pi^pi TeXeubaeax; xpovcov
&p%iep£ax; xpiaioO 6v eXnz Ki&pioc,. " T h e r e f o r e I c o m m a n d y o u to l i s t e n to L e v i . . . until t h e c o n s u m m a t i o n of t i m e s of t h e a n o i n t e d h i g h p r i e s t , o f w h o m t h e L o r d s p o k e . " 3 9
A closer look of the passage shows, as Marinus de Jonge has plausibly dem onstrated, that it is perhaps due to the hand of a late Christian interpolator, who inserted here a hint to the high priesthood of Christ. 40
emphatic occurrences. Seeing, however, that their grammatical form allows also an at tributive interpretation, we content ourselves with the obvious testimony of the three ' W i ' i i r a passages." The most important elements of the presentation of this Anointed One are as follows. His coming will be an age of abundance (29:4-8). The resurrection of the righteous and the defini tive perdition of the souls of the wicked will follow the coming of the anointed (30:1-5). He will judge and put to death the last ruler of the wicked; this judgement will take place on Zion (39:740:4). He will also judge and overcome the nations (70:9; 72:2-4). His dominion will b e ever lasting (40:3). ?olsA r&**n oiXxti K'ooiixa ("And his dominion will last forever"): this everlastingness is perhaps concerned only with the present age: r A - m . i r^A^ TAX..I r&*x±. ^i^r?
^.vasn.n rdia\ ^cAsoXi-A rc^o.v^o ("until the world of corruption has ended and until the
times which have been mentionned before have been fulfilled"). More details are found in Klijn, "Sources and the Redaction," 74-75. The most important scriptural reminiscence of these pas sages is Daniel 7. Its four-kingdom schema (also present in Daniel 2) is alluded to in 39:3-5, while Dan. 7:27 (on the everlasting reign) is alluded to in 40:3. Isa. 42:1 also influenced these passages of 2 Baruch—yet, the servant here is identified with the anointed one (see 70:10). 3 5
The different scholarly opinions are collected together in Denis, Introduction, 267-285. See furthermore Collins, "Testaments," 325-355; de Jonge, "Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs," 359-420. O n the question of Christian interpolations, see de Jonge, "Christian Influence," 182235. Critical edition of the Greek text: de Jonge, Testaments. Kee, "Testaments," 777. See Hollander and de Jonge, Testaments, esp. 82-85. "In T e s t L . 10:2 the word occurs only in MS c, where it is plainly an addition. In various places in the MSS (e.g., b c k) Xpurcoc, occurs in the margin in texts the author ref. to Jesus Christ": de Jonge, "xpu»," 512, note 93. Translation is taken from Hollander and de Jonge, Testaments, 105. De Jonge, "Christian Influence," 210-211. The translation of H.C. Kee (OTP, 1: 785: "he is the anointed priest of whom the Lord spoke") offers a solution for which the Christian attribution of the passage seems to be unnecessary. It must be noted, however, that Kee clearly mistranslates this sentence, by disregarding the genitive form of ctpxiepeox; xpiaxcO. 3 6
3 7
3 8
3 9
4 0
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TERMS
4 Ezra, originating from the end of the first century AD provides three oc currences of the word christus (7:28-29, 12:32). Two of these are situated in the third eschatological vision of Ezra, as follows: 41
Reuelabitur enim filius meus *iesus * christus cum his qui cum eo, et iocundabit qui relicti sunt annis cccc. et erit, post annos hos, et morietur filius meus *iesus* christus, et omnes qui spiramentum habent hominis ( 7 : 2 8 - 2 9 ) . " F o r m y S o n , * J e s u s * t h e A n o i n e d O n e shall b e r e v e a l e d w i t h t h o s e w h o a r e w i t h h i m , a n d t h o s e w h o r e m a i n shall r e j o i c e four h u n d r e d y e a r s . A n d after t h e s e y e a r s m y S o n , * J e s u s * t h e A n o i n e d O n e shall d i e , and all w h o d r a w h u m a n breath."
The passage in this form is the work of a Christian hand. The reading *iesus* is found, however, only in the Latin text; all other versions omit this name. Nevertheless, if we disregard the actual name of Jesus, the passage contains some striking developments compared to the above. The term "Anointed One" is used clearly in a titular sense, which is strengthened by the comple ment filius meus (= Dei). His appearance marks the beginning of a 400 years period of rejoicing. After these, however, the Anointed One will die. The titular use of the term and the age of the abundance that follows the coming of the Anointed One are attested also in PssSoL and 2 Baruch. However, neither the idea of the divine affiliation of the Anointed One, nor that of his death is attested elsewhere. The third occurrence of the word is at 4 Ezra 12:32 (in the form unctus), in the context of the interpretation of Ezra's fifth vision (the so-called "Eagle Vision"). The interpretation identifies the lion of the vision—whose task is to punish the evil symbolised by the eagle—with the anointed one: Et leonem quern uidisti de silua euigilantem, aquilam et arguentem earn iniustitias ipsius... altissimus in finem ( 1 2 : 3 1 - 3 2 ) .
et mugientem et loquentem ad hie est unctus quern reseruauit
" A n d as for t h e l i o n t h a t y o u s a w r o u s i n g u p o u t of t h e forest and r o a r i n g a n d s p e a k i n g to h e e a g l e a n d r e p r o v i n g h i m for his u n r i g h t e o u s n e s s . . . this is t h e a n o i n t e d o n e w h o m t h e M o s t H i g h h a s k e p t until t h e e n d . "
The titular use of the expression here is not certain; we may understand it simply in the attributive sense (unctus is a literal rendering of the attributive meaning of r r a o ) . It is noteworthy, however, that the Syriac version contains a longer text that includes the Davidic origin of the anointed one. Finally, two occurrences come from the Similitudes of Enoch (1 Enoch 48:10, 52:4), dated to the end of the first century A D . As regards the gram42
43
4 1
The critical edition of the Latin text is Klijn, Lateinische Text. For translations of the Syriac and Ethiopic see: Gry, Diresprophetiques d'Esdras. For the Syriac see: Bidawid, 4Esdras. The translations of 4 Ezra are taken from OTP 1: 525-559 (B.M. Metzger) with minor corrections. . \ . O . A . I cn^H\ ^ oc73 ("who will arise from the posterity of David"). The Ethiopic text is found in Knibb, Ethiopic Book. 4
2
4 3
144
CHAPTER FOUR
matical form of these occurrences, both are constructed with a sg.3.m. suffix that refers to God. This seems to indicate that the word here has an attributive sense, as in the case of the other occurrences of this grammatical form. 2.2.3. The Targumim At the end of this sub-chapter, some remarks are pertinent regarding the manner in which the Targumim use the word KITCDQ. A S a preliminary obser vation, we note that the present form of the Targumim emerged in the course of a highly complicated process of development. The origin of the particular pericopae is uncertain in many cases; however, their material contains in many instances very ancient elements and traditions. The targumic use of xrrtDQ is twofold. On the one hand, they translate the Hebrew rriDQ usually with the appropriate grammatical form of xrrtDQ. In these cases the Aramaic text witnesses to the same general meaning as can be found in the Hebrew Bible. On the other hand, the Targumim contain xirtDD in passages where the Hebrew Bible had not used it. In these cases the Tar gumim show a peculiar, "messianising" tendency. Generally, they use the singular emphatic form of the word, and understand it obviously as a tide (see, for example, TO, TJl Num. 24:17; TJ2 Isa. 9:5, 10:27, 11:1, Jer. 30:9). Sometimes they form different composite expressions with the word, as, for example, xwmvobn (TJl Num. 23:21; TF Num. 24:7; TJl Num. 24:20), xrrtoo H3J>(TJ2 Isa. 42:1, 52:13), K p T H K i r o a (TJ2 Jer. 23:5), or even ^ K i t t T i K i r t D Q i (TJ2 Isa. 11:6). These expressions in the Targumim refer al ways to a royal figure, with obvious Davidic characteristics. 44
45
46
3.
CONCLUSIONS
By comparing the data analysed above, we may draw some important conclu sions regarding the material provided by the Qumran Library.
4 4
D I : T I nr emsD mpnn nrn rmn "isos impn: This passage of the Talmud Jerushalmi, related to Neh. 8:8, considers the emergence of the Targum and the canonical Old Testament as parallel events (y Meg. 28b). Although this picture is obviously exaggerated, the Qumran scrolls provide evidence for the fact that already in the first century C E some books of the Old Testament had their Aramaic translations. See H Q t g J o b (11Q10 edition: DJD 2 3 : 79-180) with translation of Job 17-42 (a small fragment on chapters 3-5 came from Cave 4, see DJD 6: 90), or the very fragmentary Leviticus-targum under the siglum 4Q156, with the translation of Lev. 16:12-21 (edition: DJD 6: 86-89). On the Targumim in general see Le Deaut, Introduction] Kahle, Cairo Genizah. Kaufman, "Dating the Language," 118-141; Boccaccini, "Targum Neofiti," 254-263. Diez Macho, Neophyti 1; Alexander, "Targum, Targumim," 320-331. See, for example, Levey, Messiah, 145. For an evaluation of the targumic material see Levey, Messiah, esp. his summary on pages 142-144. For the late dating of the messianic passages in TJ2, see Idem, "Date of Targum Jona than." For a more elaborate treatment of the targumic reinterpretation of some Pentateuchal pas sages, see P6rez Fernandez, Tradiciones mesidnicas. 4 5
4 6
TERMS
1.
145
lQSa and 4Q252—the first copied before 7 5 BC, the second before 2 5 BC—represent the oldest witnesses to the titular use of the word rriDO. There is no evidence that ITIBQ was used in this way within early Juda ism before the composition of lQSa and 4Q252. The writings of the Qumran Library that use the word rrcDD in an es chatological setting are among the first to do this. Outside the Qumran Library only the Psalms of Solomon witness unambiguously to es chatological connotations of the word before the turn of the era. It must be noted that most of the Qumranic works involved in the messianic is sue antedate the Pss. Sol. Our other sources in this regard, 2 Baruch and 4 Ezra, come from a later period. If we review again the chart presented above, we find a striking diver sity of applications of rrtDD in Qumran Library compared to other early Jewish writings. In the latter corpus, whenever mtDQ occurs in an es chatological context, it always refers to a figure with consistent royal characteristics. On the contrary, the Qumran Library presents the rri&D in different ways. This figure can be a king (1QS, lQSa, 4Q252, 4Q458), but also a priest (1QS, CD, 4Q375-376), or prophet (4Q377, 4Q521).
2.
47
3.
48
The answer to the question "anointed one" or "Messiah" is both. On the one hand, the authors of these Qumranic texts use the word i r r a in conformity with its Hebrew Bible usage. On the other hand, in some cases works of the Qumran Library eschatologise the Hebrew Bible connotation. These different usages of I T O D show that there seems to have been no "canonised" meaning in the Qumran Library. Its meaning could be different in particular passages. In the related works of the Qumran Library we find various figures denoted by term rpt&o. In the case of 1QS ix 11, two personages clearly simultaneously appear on the scene. The other occurrences of the word, however, do not seem to support the view of the "bi-messianism" of the Qumran Library. 49
B. PRINCE (OF THE CONGREGATION) As we have argued above, works of the Qumran Library use the word rrtOQ inter alia in reference to a figure having royal characteristics. We turn now to analyse another, related epithet, the ("prince").
4 7
See p. 132. above. The elaborated state of this aspect is different in the writings. See, for example, the case of 4 Ezra, where the royal nature of the Anointed One is less emphasised. See Stone, Features of Eschatology, 121-133; Idem, Fourth Ezra, 207-213. This long-debated "numerical" question of the "messianic view" of the Community will be addressed later (see pp. 221 ff. below). 4 8
4 9
146
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The term KTO is used by the Qumranites when speaking of a royal positive eschatological protagonist. In the Hebrew Bible this term, used above all in the Pentateuch and Ezekiel, denotes leaders of either the people of Israel or sections of it. In Ezekiel's eschatological visions the term refers to a future righteous ruler, a kind of typological, or perhaps redivivus, David. The word irtzn occurs several times in the Qumran Library, both in the singular and in the plural. The plural occurrences, indicating angels or his torical leaders, cannot be connected with the present topic. 50
51
1. PRINCE-PASSAGES IN Q U M R A N
52
The occurrences of the word KTO in the singular appear with three different meanings. Firstly, in the Shirot 'olat hashabbat, the singular form of a w denotes an angelic being, which conforms to the plural use of the word in this docu ment. The unparalleled reading cnjip however, allows us to suppose that in this case a figure with a pre-eminent position is being mentioned. This figure seems to lack any eschatological connotation, as does the entire Shirot 'olat hashabbat. Secondly, in two cases the term refers to historical or contemporary persons. 53
50
S e e N i e h r , " r a , " 647-657. First of all, the word in the plural occurs some 20 times in different manuscripts of the Shi rot 'olat hashabbat (4Q400-407). *r2)3 in the plural is part of certain composite expressions, with *6s »3BD or with ttrn (latter being an orthographic variant of 0*Ci). These composite expressions refer to beings belonging to the angelic sphere. 1. Seven K'TQ *XDD »«nD3 and » n WtM are mentioned (see 4Q400 3+5 ii 2; 4Q403 1 i 1, 6, 10, 17, 19, 2 1 , 23, 26; 4Q405 3 ii 6; frg. 13, lines 2, 5, 7). Their task is to bless the Lord, the holy ones, and all those who walk straight. 2. These figures have priestly characteristics. This is obvious from their task, and is indicated explicitly by K ^ s rrmnp] »KnD3 'pwo in 4Q405 frg. 8-9, lines 5-6, or JDB [rroiTrD in 4Q403 1 ii 22. The latter expression recalls the idea of seven chief princes serving in the heavenly liturgy. 3. The D»x»03 of the Shirot 'olat hashabbat are the angels, surrounding God in His heavenly sanctuary. The expression Dnc03 W in 4Q403 1 ii 20 and some analogous expressions, such as in 4Q405 frg. 8-9, lines 5-6, show that not only pre-eminent angelic figures are called x*03 (for example, "archangels"). In 4Q400 1 ii 14 their dependence from God is ex pressed. See further the *?K TO in 1QM iii 3. Second, the plural occurrences of the word in the Temple Scroll must be interpreted historically or sociologically. These do not have eschatological connotations (11Q19 xxi 5; xxii 2; xlii 14; lvii 11-12; 11Q20 v 9, 23). Here the word refers to different leaders of the Israelite community. Cp. the concordantial list of Abegg and Evans, "Messianic Passages," 194-197. A long dis cussion of the related Qumranic material can be found in Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 49127. It occurs only once, in the small and damaged line 4Q401 23, 1. 5 1
5 2
5 3
147
TERMS
g
1.
The word in 4Q423 (4QInstruction ) 5, 2, according to the most prob able interpretation of the passage, denotes the contemporary unjust leaders of Israel, who seem to be paralleled with Koran. In CD v 1, within the historical admonition of the Damascus Document, a short exegetical section mentions the -fin of Deut. 17:17 as *nw. The passage identifies the with the historical David, and tries to excuse David's multiplication of wives. 54
2.
This last passage is not without importance for the present study. Its broader context is the critique of Israel's contemporary leaders ("builders of the wall"), against whose behaviour the case of David is mentioned. The altera tion of the original "[bQ of the Hebrew Bible passage to X'Ktt can best be ex plained as a deliberately created contrast between the claims of the contem porary leaders and David, the ideal king. Based on the requirements of Scripture, the contemporary leaders prove to be unworthy of having the lead ership, while the similar comportment of David can be excused by his igno rance of the related rubrics (CD v 2-4). The third main meaning of iren is of crucial importance from our point of view. In twelve instances, the word occurs in a composite expression, in the construct state, mostiy with mun as nomen rectum. Occurrences of this ex pression, unattested in the Hebrew Bible, are as follows: four times in 4Q285 (frg. 4, tines 2, 6, 10; frg. 7, tine 4), twice in 4Q376 (1 iii 1, 3), and once each in the War Scroll (1QM v 1), Rule of Blessings (lQSb v 20), Damascus Document (CD vii 20 = 4Q266 3 iii 21 and 4Q269 frg. 5, line 4) and 4Q161 (frg. 5-6, line 3). 55
56
1.1. Martial
Activity
The first characteristic of the passages dealing with the X'tw is that all have a certain martial scenario. The appears either as one of the protagonists of the eschatological battie (1QM, 4Q161, 4Q285), or is simply described as a warrior (lQSb, CD vii, non-eschatologically 4Q376). As to the number of occurrences, our major source on the figure of KTO is 4 Q 2 8 5 , which has been preserved only very fragmentarily. Apart from frg. 8, no overlaps can be detected with other writings. The first three occurrences of the ictM are in frg. 4, which deals with the final victory over the Kittim. If the reconstruction of the editors is correct—and there is no reason to question 57
58
54
E l g v i n , DJD 34: 518-520. Abegg and Evans, "Messianic Passages," 195 consider this as a reference to Moses. In both cases, the reference is clearly historical and non-eschatological. See, for example, van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 116. Or with mtfrr V D . See pp. 63ff. above. The contents of the scroll have been studied by Alexander, "Reconstruction and Reading," 342-347. 5 5
5 6
5 7
5 8
148
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them—the *rtw is the military chief of Israel in the battle. He heads "all Is rael" (line 2), and most probably pursues the enemy "as far as the Great Sea" (line 6), and "before [him] will be brought," most probably, the captured leaders of the enemy (line 10). Frg. 7 then contains a highly debated passage about killing here, most probably, the judicial activity of the victorious wvn is related. It is remarkable that the material of 1QM—with which 4Q285 has the closest affinities—consigns considerably less importance to the The tide appears in 1QM only once, in v 1, where the author mentions the shield of the K»CD3; the figure himself and his activity remain in silence. The pre dominance of the K T O , however, is implied; his shield is mentioned after the leaders of the different tribes, leaders who are also called occasionally (D^K^D. Moreover, the inscription on the shield of the *ptw covers all the names of those who constitute Israel (1QM v 1-2). The expression mvn *rtw occurs also in 4 Q 1 6 1 , unfortunately in a highly damaged part of the document. The author of this text seems to relate es chatological and contemporary events successively; nevertheless, the XTO clearly does not belong to the contemporary sphere. The "wilderness of the peoples" where the *rcn will return is the place where the Sons of Light are exiled until the beginning of the eschatological batde (1QM i 3 ) . The verbal element that follows the mention of the JPIM is DiT^tfQ TICP; this comes from the previously cited passage of Isaiah (10:24-27), which is a prophecy fore telling the liberation of Israel from the yoke of the enemy. The artoa is thus here also connected with the eschatological liberation. The *nw appears in the Midrash Amos-Numbers of the Damascus Docu ment, where a short, yet important exegetical hint is connected to him (CD vii 20-21). Noteworthy in the present instance is that the Midrash identifies the eschatological warrior prophesised by the Balaam oracle (Num. 24:17) with the r r a n bo xwa. His task is to "destroy all the sons of Seth," that is, to liber ate his people. This image is very close to that of the eschatological battle; moreover, the basic biblical text of the passage appears also in 1QM xi 6. The blessing that lQSb v 20ff contains over the mun again emphasises the militant character of this figure. In particular, the images used in lines v 5 9
60
61
62
63
64
65
5 9
Cp. l Q M i i i 15.16; iv 1; 4Q496 10, 3-4. See pp. 51ff. above. For the interpretation of the historical background of the pesharim see, for example, Amusin, "A propos de 1'interpretation," 381-392; Idem, "Reflection of Historical Events," 123152. The source of the expression is Ezek. 20:35, where it denotes the place of the purifying judgement over Israel. See Xeravits, Szentirds-trtelmezts, 2 (Hungarian); Zimmermann, Messi anische Texte, 66. See Block, Book of Ezekiel, 1: 651, or Allen, Ezekiel 20-48, 14. Allen sees here an allusion to the Exodus. The complement DPT^D is in the plural here (the reading of the MT is singular), for it was harmonised with the DDittQ of the previous line. See pp. 43ff. above. See pp. 30f. above. 6 0
61
6 2
6 3
6 4
6 5
149
TERMS
23bff. strengthen this aspect. The iren is compared to a "fortified tower," he has a sceptre that "lays waste the earth," his "breath of lips" is efficacious, and with it he will "kill the wicked." His fortitude is compared to a "trampling bull" and "preying lion." He will be "served by all the nations." 66
1.2. Royal
Characteristics
A second important characteristic of the figure of *PCM is the stress upon his royal, even Davidic, nature. W e concentrate here upon three—in this regard the most eloquent—texts, lQSb, 4Q161 and 4Q285. 4Q285 frg. 7 and 4Q161 identify the with T H r m , an expression that refers to the eschatological descendant of the Davidic dynasty. In 4Q161 both area and T H unx appear; yet the direct contact between these expressions is not obvious at first sight. The *rtw appears on 4Q161 ii, while T H r m is found on 4Q161 iii. The first figure is connected with Isa. 10:24-27, the second with Isa. 11:1-5. The pesher interprets both passages eschatologically, as prophecies concerning the eschatological liberator. Nothing indicates within the text, how ever, that these expressions—despite their physical distance from each other— refer to different figures. They envisage the same eschatological, royal warrior. This interpretation is strengthened by the material of 4Q285, where the iden tification of the two terms with each other is made explicit. Although in 4Q285 7, 4 only the letters jfe are preserved, we can allow the restoration nQ^; the en tire expression T I T rift* occurs in the previous line. The third text in this connection is the passage of lQSb that contains the blessing on the The imagery used here is obviously royal and Davidic. At the very first, the x'Btt is told to be one who will "establish the kingdom (rro^D) of his (= God's) people forever" (lQSb v 21). After this, the material of the blessing is elaborated—in line 22a, then in lines 24-26a—by the exten sive use of Isa. 11:2-5. Although the author cites the biblical text "tres remanie," he depends strongly on his source, which is one of the eschatologi cal Davidic prophecies of the Hebrew Bible. Kenneth Pomykala recently argued that lQSb does not necessarily envis age a characteristically Davidic ruler. He claims that Isa. 11:1, with its ex plicit reference to the "shoot of Jesse"—therefore "a specific connection to the davidic figure"—is lacking. He also points to the fact that Isa. 11:1-5 is used elsewhere as referring to a priestly figure, and that " l Q S b 5:20-29 is 67
68
69
70
71
Finally, 4Q376 contains two references to the fftffl, in a non-eschatological context. What ever the case, the author of 4Q376 describes the xnw as a warrior, a militant leader of Israel (during the wandering in the wilderness). Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, passim; Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, 91-106. See further Alexander and Vermes, DJD 36: 239. Milik, DJD 1: 129. Cp., for example, Wildberger, Isaiah, 1: 459-485. Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, 242-243. 6 6
6 7
6 8
6 9
7 0
7 1
150
CHAPTER FOUR
really a pastiche of images from various biblical texts" referring to royal, but not necessary to Davidic, figures. Pomykala's arguments, however, lack real decisiveness. He mentions some passages related to T. Levi as using Isa. 11:1-5(9) in reference to a priest. In fact, these references are rather sporadic allusions, without the obvious consistency in usage as found in l Q S b . Fur thermore, the material of the *rc0>passage in lQSb is governed by the Isaiah allusions. The rest of the biblical material alluded to seems to be in accor dance with the meaning of the Isaiah passage. To this, we may add that those Qumranic texts that direcdy identify the wvn with T H nnx (4Q161 and 4Q285) consistently use Isa. 11:1-5 as basic biblical background material. Finally, lQSb v 21 contains a damaged expression; the most probable recon struction is T p p nnm, which testifies also to the Davidic connections of the nrm of l Q S b . 72
73
74
1.3.
Conclusions
From the above, it is clear that the rran artw of the Qumran Library is a positive eschatological protagonist. On the one hand, he is described as a royal warrior of the eschatological battle. On the other hand, his Davidic lineage is also stressed by some writings. It seems that the most elaborated description of this figure is found in 4Q285. In this fragmentary composition all the specified characteristics of the *nw (militant and Davidic images, with Isa. 11:1-5 as biblical background) appear together. 75
2. DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERM The data at our disposal allows us to discern a kind of development of the term from the biblical period to early Jewish times. The main direction of this development is marked by an apparent eschatologising or "messianising" tendency. The roots of this development go back to the Hebrew Bible.
7 2
a
Pomykala mentioned T Levi 18:5, 7 and 4QTLevi ar i 14. All these are far from concrete allusions or citations, esp. in the case of Isa. 11:2! 1. T. Levi 18:5 uses Isa. 11:9(LXX). 2. T Levi 18:7 reads rat 7tvetiua auveaeooc, rai ayuxaixol) Kaianatioei en afrcov: a remote allusion to Isa. 11 :2(LXX). 3. 4QTLevi ar i 14 (in fact 4Q213a i 14) reads: iTYOii m m rrDDin. See p. 206. below. See pp. 30f. above. A chart summarising the relationship between some terms of the Qumran Library on the eschatological king is found in Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 126. a
7 3
7 4
7 5
151
TERMS
2.1. Hebrew Bible The word XTO (derived from Vx&tt "to lift") means above all a person who is lifted up over others, that is, a leader of some people. The word occurs both in the singular and in the plural. In the Book of Numbers, which yields the greatest number of occurrences, and in Joshua the plural is the dominant form. Here the expression refers to tribal chiefs, subordinated to Moses and then to Joshua. Every tribe has its own x m According to the Pentateuch, these office-bearers have a characteristic function during the desert sojourn of the Israelites, after the Exodus. In some instances we find the expression mvn WW), a plural equivalent of the "messianic title" of the Qumran Library (Num. 4:34; 16:2; 31:13; 32:20, etc.). W e cannot dispute the influence of these passages on the formation of the Qumranic expression. Another biblical writer who used K'CDD with predilection was the prophet Ezekiel, in a twofold manner. On the one hand, conforming with the use of the word in the Pentateuch, Ezekiel labelled historical, or rather, contempo rary leaders as X'QW or D ^ x m These can be the actual Jewish king (Ezek. 12:10, 12), or an evil leader of the people (21:30), the king of Egypt (30:13), or Gog, an eschatological evil gentile leader (38:2, 3; 39:1). The word is in clear parallelism with in Ezek. 7:27. From these occurrences, the refer ences to Gog are the most significant; here the word obviously denotes an es chatological—although evil—figure. In Ezekiel we find other passages where the artw appears as a positive es chatological figure, moreover, as a future David(ide). These passages are 34:23-24 and 37:24-25: 76
77
Trj
IIQV
nx ]nn$ n i n i ir\$ r u n nr}^ 4
Tibpm
4
nip ? in ? rrrr m m nnx run* x n
DDinn x'fin t n n i r j wnbxb nrjb rrnx mrr ^ x i ,r
I w i l l s e t u p o v e r t h e m o n e s h e p h e r d , m y s e r v a n t D a v i d , a n d h e shall f e e d t h e m : h e s h a l l feed t h e m a n d b e their s h e p h e r d . A n d I, t h e LORD, will b e t h e i r G o d , and m y s e r v a n t D a v i d s h a l l b e p r i n c e a m o n g t h e m . ( E z e k . 3 4 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; NRSV)
cfo*? rrrp -in*t rurrrj orrix cftini)
wv)
nybv
n a £ Tipm
-n-j nriin
lobi 'BBtforn
own ^ DiTEn nan rjby n a n nbwb nrjb rvm n n y T I T J
M y s e r v a n t D a v i d shall b e k i n g o v e r t h e m ; a n d t h e y shall all h a v e o n e s h e p h e r d . T h e y s h a l l f o l l o w m y o r d i n a n c e s a n d b e careful t o o b s e r v e m y s t a t u t e s . T h e y shall l i v e i n t h e l a n d t h a t I g a v e t o m y s e r v a n t J a c o b , i n w h i c h y o u r a n c e s t o r s
lt
n
See Niehr, wmt 648-649. The reservations of the royal status of the Knoa, expressed recently by Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, 28 (further bibliography there) seem exaggerated. 7 6
7 7
152
CHAPTER FOUR
lived; they and their children and their children's children shall live there for ever; and my servant David shall be their prince forever. (Ezek. 37:23-24; NRSV) In both cases, "David" is told to come as a shepherd, servant of YHWH and prince. Moreover, 37:24 mentions the kingship of this future David, which suggests that the prophet equates the expressions *ptw and "fin with each other, and does not use ictw in the sense of "subordinated ruler." In the present in stance, it is unimportance whether the prophet envisaged a redivivus or a typo logical David. In both cases, the coming David will be the future king of the people, according to the will of YHWH. It must be noted that Ezekiel's future Davidic has no martial character. Although verses 34:25 and 27 contain references to militant activity, the subject of these verses is God alone. This conceptual development from the realm of the past and present to that of the future did not result in the original meaning of the term being changed or forgotten. In chapters 40-48 of Ezekiel wvn appears again; in this case, however, it refers to a different figure than in chapters 34 and 37. Al though in Ezekiel 40-48 the K'CM is a future or eschatological figure, he is not a Davidic figure. Rather, the here is only the patron of the cult of the fu ture temple and his task is to provide all that is necessary for the cult. Out side Ezekiel, and after its composition, we find no other instances in the He brew Bible where KTO is used with an eschatological meaning. 1 Chron. 2:10; 5:6 and 2 Chron. 1:2 use the word in reference to figures of the past: nonDavidic and even non-royal leaders, in conformity with the meaning that the Pentateuch attributed to the term. In the Book of Ezra (1:8), Sheshbazzar is called HTirp ? artoan, without any eschatological connotations. 78
79
1
2.2. Early Jewish
Literature
The LXX and other ancient Greek translations rendered the word as ap%a)v, referring similarly to leaders of the people. In some instances in Daniel, dp%a)v relates to angelic beings, the patron-angels of peoples. Nevertheless, the Hebrew original of these instances is *w, and not K m The evidence yielded by early Jewish literature for the *rtw is quite weak. We only find several instances in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs where the word ap%cov occurs. Only two of these seem to be relevant to the present discussion, both of which present certain problems. 8 0
7 8
See the previous footnote. Block, Book of Ezekiel, 2: 300: "Ezekiel's preference for nasi' over melek, the normal designation for Israel's rulers, is not intended to deny this person's true kingship, but to highlight the distinction between him and the recent occupants of the office." See further Joyce, "King and Messiah," 330-332. A comprehensive treatment of Ezekiel's can be found in Levenson, Theology of Resto ration. On this see Delling, "ap%cov," 488. 7 9
8 0
153
TERMS
1.
Of the five occurrences, only one seems to be eschatological (T. Dan 5:6), here, however, the ocp%cov is Satan, a negative ruler. A further problem is that behind the dp%o)v either KTO, nto or mi could be an original Hebrew concept. In T. Reub. 6:7 the otpxovxec; are Levi and Judah. This verse refers thus to positive figures, but the meaning of the term here is clearly noneschatological. 81
2.
It seems that the use of the word with the meaning developed by some pas sages of Ezekiel became a characteristic of the Qumran Community in early Judaism. It is important to note that all the Qumranic KTO passages (except 4Q376) come from texts that are generally viewed as sectarian writings. Within the strongly martial frame of the Community's eschatology, the figure of the KTO is further elaborated, the future Davidide of Ezekiel being given an explicitly martial character. The shepherd of Ezekiel became the victorious warrior of the eschatological battle. This militant "davidic messianism" is not a Qumranic peculiarity, yet the creative development of the traditions origi nating in Ezekiel regarding the K'tw obviously took place at Qumran. Other early Jewish references to the date from the end of the period, and show affinities with the Qumranic meaning of the term. We find the title (^Kier) connected to Bar Kokhba, leader of the harsh Jewish uprising against Rome from 132-135 A D . Bar Kokhba generally used a simpler form referring to himself, which consisted of his name (pi?Qt&) and patronym (Kno*D p ) , but also used this title as a self-designation (preserved in two of his letters: Nahal Hever 54; Nahal Se'elim 3 0 ) . A number of documentary texts from the period indicate, however, that Bar Kokhba was generally labelled as C?K-MBO a m Whether this title was applied to Bar Kokhba as an eschatological term, thereby understanding his work as inaugurating the final salvation of Israel, or whether an archaising biblical term was simply chosen to refer to his lead ership, can hardly be decided. It must be noted, however, that both Bar Kokhba himself and his ideological supporters such as Rabbi Aqiba associ82
83
84
85
8 6
87
8 1
The apxcov Tfjc, nXdviy; in T. Sim. 2:7 and T. Jud. 19:4 is also a negative and angelic princi ple, yet is obviously non-eschatological. See, for example, Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 23-58. See, for example, Atkinson, "Herodian Origin," 435-460. A well-documented treatment of the Bar Kokhba revolt is Schafer, Bar Kokhba; see esp. 67-73. All the Bar Kokhba letters have been edited recently by Yardeni, Textbook, 1: 155-183; 2: 64-69. Nahal Se'elim 30 can also be found in DJD 27: 103-104. The letter uses the formula as 8 2
8 3
8 4
8 5
8 6
See, for example, Mur 24 (DJD 2: 122-134); Nahal Se'elim 49, line 2 (DJD 27: 121-122) in Hebrew; Nahal Se'elim 8, line 1 and 13, line 2 (DJD 27: 27-28 and 67). A recent treatment of the interpretation of the nature of the Bar Kokhba revolt can be found in Oppenheimer, "Leadership," 152-168. 8 7
154
CHAPTER F O U R
ated several terms with him that belong to the eschatological vocabulary of other sources (e.g. rrtDO [*|*?Q] and the star imagery). C. FURTHER ROYAL AND PRIESTLY TERMINOLOGY The data analysed in the previous chapters have shown that different positive future agents were present in the eschatological thought of the authors and collectors of the Qumran Library. The analysis of two related terms (rrao and *rtM) has demonstrated that the eschatological recipients of these designations are above all royal (rrtDO and wvi) or priestiy (rnoD) figures. We now consider some other terms which can be connected with royal or priesdy eschatologi cal protagonists.
1.
SEMAH
The primary meaning of the Hebrew word nnx ("sprout, branch") is related to vegetation, denoting certain botanical entities. In some prophetic passages nnx refers to a future (eschatological) figure (Jer. 23:5; 33:15; Zech. 3:8; 6:12). Both sources have their own characteristics. 88
89
1.
In Jeremiah, no}* is constructed with words derived from Vp"rc. In 23:5 we find p"i¥ rrQ^, while in 33:15 np"rc nnx occurs. These compound terms refer to a future, righteous Davidic ruler of the people. In Zechariah, nD^ appears as a proper name or, rather, as a pure meta phor, and denotes an eschatological protagonist of the expectations of Zechariah. 90
2.
91
A common characteristic of these texts is that they present una as a royal figure. Jeremiah explicitly prophesises his Davidic relationship. The Da vidic lineage is lacking from Zechariah, yet—seeing the political-historical background of the related oracles—we may naturally interpret the passages as relating the coming of a future Davidide. In the Qumran Library the expression (Til) nnx occurs five times in an es chatological context (4Q161 7-10, 18; 4Q174 i l l ; 4Q252 v 3-4; 4Q285 7,3.4). 92
8 8
The meaning of the term has now been extensively treated by Rose, Zemah and Zerubba bel, 91-106. Rose questions the traditional rendering of nDii as "branch" or "sprout," proposing instead "(a) Vegetation, greenery, growth', and (b) 'growth' (as a process)," p. 106. T o these texts add Ps. 132:17, where the verbal form fVD^K is found, referring to Y H W H ' s act for David. N.B. the connotation here is not obviously eschatological. Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, 110-120, extensively treats the expression, with ample refer ences to the scholarly discussion. See further Hoffman, "Eschatology," 88-90; Holladay, Jeremiah, 1: 616-620; 2: 228-231; and McKane, Jeremiah, 1: 560-565; 2: 861-865. Cp. Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, 121-141. See the yvh of Jer. 23:5 and 33:15, and cp. Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, 114-120. 8 9
9 0
9 1
9 2
155
TERMS
1.1. nnx Passages in 4Q161 and 4Q174 The context of 4Q161 is martial; in the present instance the biblical basis of the pesher is Isa. 11:1-5. As pointed out above, this Isaianic passage is in terpreted in some Qumran texts as referring to the eschatological Prince of the Congregation, thus as a "messianic text" (lQSb, 4Q285). The pesher in 4Q161 relates the Isaianic passage to a figure, called T H [... Although the tide is fragmentary preserved here, we can reconstruct it with certainty as T H nn%, based on the data provided by the other Qumranic no}* texts. He will arise ("TD^n) in the days called D ' D H n n r o a , as a judge and warrior. The strength of the eschatological no}* will be extraordinary (in accordance with Isa. 11:4b). All the peoples will be subjected to him, including Magog, which is the land of an evil eschatological K'CM, Gog. As discussed in the analytical part of this study, the expression crnp "in inserts a priestly element in the description of no^. Nevertheless, his priestly character is not otherwise em phasised. Note, however, the dependence or subordination of nQ^ to the priests according to lines 24-25 of the fragment. 4Q174 i 10-13 also presents riD^ as an eschatological Davidic king. At the end of the introductory part of the Eschatological Midrash, the author inter prets an edited variant of 2 Sam. 7:12-14," the core of the so-called Nathan oracle, as referring to T H nn*. The role of the T H nm in 4Q174 is briefly treated. He is said to arise and save Israel. Kenneth Pomykala has argued recendy that the text says nothing about his r u l e . It must be noted, however, that "to save Israel" is generally described as the activity of God or that of his royal agent; thus the rule of is implied. According to 4Q174 the THnD^ will be accompanied by another figure called the minn ttfTn 93
94
95
96
97
98
100
101
102
9 3
See pp. 149ff. See, for example, VanderKam, "Messianism in the Scrolls," 216-218. Carmignac, TdQ, 2: 73. Based on the occurrence of the verb ins) in lQpHab viii 9, Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 139 and 241, holds that its precise meaning is "to take office." On this see esp. 1QM xi 16, where God will judge Gog during the eschatological battle; cp. Carmignac, Regie de la Guerre, 168-169. A broader treatment of Gog and Magog can be found in Lust, "Gog," 373-375 and Idem, "Magog," 535-537. See pp. 52f. above. Note that recently Evans, "Qumran's Messiah," 146-148, tried to question the subordination of the Davidic "messiah" to the priestly one. The present text, however, seems particularly clear in stating this dependence. See further the comments of Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 70. The reasons for this editing is treated by Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 111. Originally, the oracle did not contain messianic allusions; its aim was to prophesise the everlastingness of the Davidic dynasty. See inter alia Renaud, "ProphStie de Natan," 5-61. The structure and rhetoric of the oracle is treated by Elsinger, House of God, 40-64; on pages 89-102 he gives a rapid overview of the "biblical echoes of 2 Sam 7," yet some of his dating seems to be problematic, esp. in the case of Psalm 89, on which see, for example, Dumortier, "Rituel d'intronisation." Certain aspects of the "messianic" character of the oracle have recently been treated by Lust, "David dans la Septante," 252-263. Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, 195-196. Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 198; see esp. CD v 19; 1QM xi 3. See further Deut. 20:4 and Num. 10:9, cited also in 1QM x 4, 8. 9 4
9 5
9 6
9 7
9 8
9 9
1 0 0
1 0 1
1 0 2
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CHAPTER FOUR
("Interpreter of the Law"). This seems to be a priestly personage; yet all that the text mentions concerning him is his arrival. In light of the sparsity of information on the protagonists, it is obvious that the central intention of the author of 4Q174 is not to relate positive eschato logical figures. It is nevertheless clear that he considered at least 2 Sam. 7:12-14 as a biblical passage open to a "messianic interpretation," i.e. prophesying the arrival of a positive eschatological protagonist (belonging to the house of David). In doing so, the author made an interpretative step that was unfamiliar in the previous literature of Judaism. The nnx passages of 4Q161 and 4Q174 show certain similarities with each other. These are the following. 103
104
1.
Both texts use the same verb in the same form (noiun) to describe the arrival of T H r m . Both texts situate this arrival ma'n m m a . Both texts present the T H nnz as being accompanied by another figure(s) of a priestly character. 4Q161 establishes the relationship of these figures by taking T H no:* as being subordinated to the priest, while 4Q174 does not state anything about this issue.
2. 3.
1.2. nos Passages in 4Q252 and 4Q285 The relevance of the material of 4Q252 and 4Q285 to the present study lies in the fact that they characterise Tin with other, parallel tides. 4Q252 v 3-4 identifies the T H TOS as p-ran nvon ("righteous messiah"). The author of the text connects his protagonist with Gen. 49:10; he is a future (x*n iv) Davidic king, to whom "the covenant of kingship of his people(!)" will be given forever. The tide p i ^ n rrtBD may be interpreted in two different ways. 1.
On the one hand, the influence of Jeremiah's p H ^ rtQ^ and n p " $ is undeniable. This provides the Davidic characteristics of the figure. On the other hand, there are clear lexical connections between the es chatological tide p i ^ n rrao and the historical p"ran mio, which denotes the revered past leader of the Qumran Community. The author clearly
2.
105
1 0 3
On this see, for example, the remarks of Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 161-174; Steudel, "4QMidrEschat," 541. Cp. the chart in Oegema, Anointed, 301. See further Stoebe, Zweite Buck Samuelis, 230, who argues that the messianic interpretation of 2 Samuel 7 is a later development (Stoebe cites 4Q174 as a witness of this development). A thorough interpretation of the biblical passage, with an assessment of scholarly discussion, is found in McCarter, II Samuel, 210-231. Van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 171, argues that the analogies between the two figures came from the polemic use of the word p*n* and the common political-historical background, "jrra hat in den erwahnten Wendungen demnach einen ganz besonderen (polemischen) Klang und bemuht sich, den wahren Lehrer und Messias vom falschen und illegitimen Lehrer und Messias ausdrucklich zu unterscheiden. Gerade die Sekte von Qumr&n, die sich in die 1 0 4
1 0 5
157
TERMS
did not equate the bearers of these titles with each other. The n~nn did not belong to the Davidic lineage, but was of priestly character. Rather, the play on words between the two terms stresses the importance of the T H no* from the viewpoint of the Community. 106
In the latter regard, it is worth mentioning that 4Q252 describes the T H nn* as a representative of the people. The legitimacy of his reign comes from the covenant that God had concluded with his people. This aspect is underlined by the expression "covenant of the kingship of his people" ("IDU m r ^ n n n n ) , which in this combination is a hapax in the Qumran Library. 4Q285 provides another parallel tide of the T H nn*, in identifying him with the m a n *nw. The reading ]6* rrwn *PB» in 4Q285 7, 4 is easily recon structed on the basis of the T H nn* of the previous line. His description as royal military leader of the eschatological war has been treated in the previ ous chapter. Here we emphasise the presence of a priestly figure in the scene. The damaged context has not preserved any particular characteristics of this figure, except that his task is to give a command (m^i, 4Q285 7, 5), but it is not entirely clear to w h o m . The word ]rro appears here without article; he could be "a priest" in general, excluding the possibility that the author meant here another particular eschatological protagonist (a "priesdy messiah" see pp. 64f. above). Based on the data provided by 4Q252 and 4Q285 T H nn*, m a n vcm and (pn*n) rrtDQ at first sight seem to be interchangeable titles for one and the same figure. 107
108
1.
It must be noted that we cannot find anywhere the identification of mj>n *nz» with m o o . There is, however, no reason to interpret the T H nn* of 4Q285 and that of 4Q252 as denoting different figures. Although the remains of 4Q252 v have not preserved allusions to the martial activity of T H nn*, they agree with 4Q285 in describing the 109
2. 3.
apokalyptische Zeit der Gotteslosigkeit hineingestellt wusste, hatte Anlass zu dieser Polemik, gab es ja gerade in Jerusalem, ja, im Tempel Gottes, einen gottlosen Hohenpriester, der sich illegitim der Konigswurde bemachtigt hatte und neben ihm den falschen Propheten, der mit seiner Lehre das Volk verfuhrte. In einer derartigen geistlichen Situation erwuchs die Hoffnung auf einen gerechten und legitimen 'Gesalbten', auf einen 'wahren Messias'. In solchen Zeiten pflegt man den 'wahren Lehrer' vom 'Lugenpropheten' zu unterscheiden." See further Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 117. Note the presence of irrn now in the following line of the document (4Q252 v 5). On this, see the remarks in Alexander and Vermes, DJD 36: 239 and 241. Abegg, "Messianic Hope," 87 and 9 1 , reconstructed the passage as ttamn] |rro on the basis of the War Scroll. Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 83, translates "der Priester." On page 88, however, he contents himself with referring to 4Q161. A chart summarising the occurrences of the different titles is found in Zimmermann, Mes sianische Texte, 126. 1 0 6
1 0 7
1 0 8
1 0 9
158
CHAPTER F O U R
T n nnx (i.e. the pixn ivcdq) as the eschatological, royal Davidic leader of Israel. 1.3. The Importance of the Term T i l riQ^ The theological importance of T H at Qumran is that it considers the es chatological expression TH*? p n s nD^ found in Jeremiah and the name nn^ in Zechariah from the same viewpoint. W e begin the discussion with three passages from the Hebrew Bible, the authors of which describe the coming figure of the future Davidic king with terms borrowed from vegetation. The first text is Isa. 11:1 inap "icph and VGh&JQ 1^3); the two others are the mentioned passages of Jeremiah (where noa and in one the verb rro^x with YHWH as subject is found). It is obvious that the passages of Isaiah and Jeremiah use different terms. ncDn and nD^ are not equivalent, yet they share the application of certain plant imagery to the eschatological Davidic ruler. We may cite two auxiliary passages. In Ps. 132:17, YHWH "causes to sprout" ( T D ^ ) David's horn; in Isa. 53:2 the Servant of YHWH is told to grow up as a root ( G h f 0 ? ) . Both texts show sev eral differences from Isaiah 11 and Jeremiah 23 and 33. Psalm 132 is not an eschatological, and consequently not a "messianic," text. Although it even uses word rrtDD in parallel with the expression "trfp p p , this Psalm refers to a historical Davidide. Isaiah 53, although it can be interpreted as a text hav ing eschatological overtones, does not refer to a Davidic figure. The testimony of these passages makes it clear that it was not unusual in biblical thought to associate plant imagery with Davidic and/or eschatologi cal issues. W e should further note, that in all of the above-cited passages, the 110
1 1 1
112
113
1 1 0
See the recent thoroughgoing argumentation of Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, 107-110 and 116-120. Dahood, Psalms, 3 : 248, attributed another meaning to the verb ITQSX here ("make glow") on the basis of its meaning in Syriac ("to shine brightly"). His proposal, however, is not very probable. Kraus, Psalms, 2: 475-479, characterised the Psalm as "Zionlied" and "Konigslied" with cultic a Sitz im Leben (a royal festival of Zion, "konigliche Zionfest"), as a late pre-exilic com position. Seybold, Psalmen, 496-499, sees here a "Zionserklarung" which was composed by us ing a previous "Midrasch iiber 2S 6 und 7." Only a few scholars have considered Ps. 132:17 as a late, messianic text; see, for example, Briggs, Psalms, 467-476. The word p p used by the psalmist means here "power, strength." The proposal of Dahood, Psalms, 3 : 248, concerning the meaning of the word is improbable. Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, 404-406, leaves open the possibility of the royal interpretation, yet he himself considers a prophetic one more probable. The royal allusions came from the similarities with Isa. 11:1, but as Bonnard, Second Isa'ie, 212, note 4 remarked: "il ne faut pas trop presser le rapprochement entre ce text [Is 11:1 - G.X.] et Is 53, car les contextes sont tres differents et seul est commun le mot 'racine'." For the general interpretation of the "Servant Songs" see inter alia McKenzie, Second Isaiah, xxxviii-lv; Bonnard, Second Isa'ie, 37-56; Haag, Gottesknecht bei Deuterojesaja; Baltzer, Deutero-Isaiah, 18-22. 1 1 1
1 1 2
1 1 3
TERMS
159
plant imagery occurs clearly in metaphorical sense, and there is no titular use of the related terms in the Hebrew Bible. The nD^ of Zechariah shows differences from the above, in precisely the latter aspect. A number of scholars hold mat riQ^ in Zech. 3 : 8 and 6 : 1 2 was used in a metaphorical sense, and meant Zerubbabel, a contemporary of the prophet to whom several expectations of restoration were attached immedi ately after the return from the Babylonian exile. It is much more probable, however, that in Zechariah the metaphorical interpretation of the word is sec ondary and clearly appears as the personal name of a future ruler, whose identity the author did not wish to further identify. The Qumranic usage of r\nx testifies to the first exegetical fusion of the related material of Zechariah and Jeremiah. The authors of the Qumranic pas sages picked up important points of reference from both biblical sources. The Qumranic nos, on the one hand, is a Davidic figure. On the other hand, the expression T i l n n ^ functions as a tide of the eschatological royal ruler, or at least one of his tides. The Qumranic authors, again, interpreted the biblical tradition in an innovative manner. W e note, finally, that the early Jewish literature does not show any interest in the term Only two passages are at first sight reminiscent of this term: Sir. 5 1 : 1 2 viiia, and a blessing in the 'Amidah. In both places we find the Hip HI participle of the root vna in a "messianic" context. However, both texts recall and eschatologically reinterpret Ps. 1 3 2 : 1 7 , rather than referring to our T H r m . 114
115
n6
2.
SCEPTRE AND STAR
In the Qumran Library both the words CDDK? ("sceptre") and 3D*D ("star") occur, in some instances referring to positive eschatological personages. These terms could refer to different figures, but here we treat them together, since we find no eschatological mention of DDID without cnra. This is because both tides belong to the same biblical text, Num. 2 4 : 1 7 ; when citing this passage, the Qumranic authors took the tides together. The related occurrences are CD vii 1 8 - 2 0 (cp. 4Q266 3 iii 2 1 and 4Q269 5 , 2 . 3 ) ; 1 Q M xi 6 - 7 ; and 4Q175 1 2 regarding the cno and DDID of Num. 2 4 : 1 7 . The term CDnttf occurs twice more, apart from the Numbers passage and without iyo: lQSb v 2 7 - 2 8 and 4Q521 2 iii 6 .
114
On this view see Amsler, Zacharie 1-8, 49, 84, 109; Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1-8, 210-211, 276-278; most recently Bracke, "Branch," 776. Rose, Zemah and Zerubbabel, passim, esp. 121-176, plausibly demonstrated that r\£& here can be understood as the proper name of a future figure, different from the contemporary Zerub babel (for the related literature see there). For these see Xeravits, "Figure of David," 35-36. 115
116
160
CHAPTER FOUR
2.1. Occurrences O/EQ© with DDID and with Num. 24:17 In the case of 4Q175 and 1QM xi, only the text of Num. 24:17 appears, with out any explicit interpretation. When collecting "messianic proof-texts," the compiler of the Testimonia inserts Num. 24:15-17 as the second impor tant scriptural unit in his collection. The compiler considered this passage to be the most important one he was able to cite from Scripture concerning the eschatological king. The royal interpretation is obvious; the other texts that frame it refer to the eschatological prophet (Deut. 5:28-29 + 18:18-19) and priest (Deut. 33:8-11), respectively. The prophetic allusions of the first citation are clear from its content, and in the case of the third citation there is also a specifying superscription: IQX (line 14). It thus seems that ac cording to the interpretation of the compiler of 4Q175, the two expressions CDn& and nsiD, found in Num. 24:17, refer to the same royal figure. The related passage in 1QM also contains only the Numbers citation (in this case Num. 24:17-19), without explicit interpretation. The context and some elements in the cited passage, however, help us understand the inten tion of the War Scroll's author. The biblical verses are inserted into a passage with perhaps a liturgical Sitz im Leben. This is a liturgical hymn, to be recited before battle, one that contains reminiscences of the histoire sainte} With the citation of Num. 24:17-19, the author closes the hymn, yet fails explicidy to identify to whom the biblical passage refers. The CDUE and DDID of the bibli cal text in 4Q175 refer to one figure, whereas in CD—as will be argued be low—they clearly describe two different figures. There is nothing in the pres ent passage of the War Scroll to indicate that CDntB and DDID refer to different figures. Most scholars agree that conta and DDID are used to designate the es chatological king, as in 4 Q 1 7 5 . Philip Davies argued that, according to the inner logic of the passage, "the quotation itself must be taken as applying to God, and not to any great human warrior." Davies' interpretation has two main weaknesses. Although the hymn is consistent in attributing all glory and power to God, it evokes human agents of God's activity. These are described as kings—in 1QM xi 1-2 "David, your servant" (rD-Qtf T H ) , in 1QM xi 3 117
118
19
120
121
1 1 7
According to the most widespread theory concerning this document; see pp. 57f. above, and recently Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 434-436. The theological view of the Testimonia is very close to that of 1QS ix 11. Note that the scribe of the Testimonia was the same as that of 1QS, so it does not seem arbitrary to suppose that he could also have been the compiler of the Testimonia. See the comments of Davies, War Scroll, 91-92 and 96-97. Van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 116, characterised it as a "Lobpsalm." The unity of this passage with the preceding column was held by Jongeling, Rouleau de la Guerre, 258. For example, van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 118: "endzeitlichen Heilskonig;" Jongeling, Rouleau de la Guerre, 2 6 1 : "C'est done une figure royale qui est envisage* par eoto. Et ce doit alors etre aussi le sens de rD"D." Davies, War Scroll, 97, by adding: "Since the hymn's theme is the ascription of all glory to God, to apply the quotation any other way would amount to a downright contradiction." 1 1 8
1 1 9
1 2 0
1 2 1
161
TERMS
"our kings" (WD'PQ)—and as instruments or executors of God's historical acts. Secondly, the explicit initial reference to mpirQ and also weakens the argument that God is meant here. It is thus not necessarily "a downright con tradiction" to understand the closing citation as referring to the executor of the mighty martial acts of God in the eschaton, that is, to the future king of the people. The next passage to be analysed is CD vii 18-20, from the Midrash AmosNumbers. Here the text of Numbers appears together with an interpreta tion. A characteristic difference from the above is that the author here applies the two key terms to two different figures. The nrro is identified with a figure called the m n n onn, and the tDncD is identified with the m m wm. With the latter identification, the author attached himself to the tradition of the royal interpretation mat we find also in 4Q175 and in 1QM. However, the insertion of the new figure, the rmnn u n n , widened the scope of references to the pas sage in the priestly direction. This passage clearly presents two different es chatological personages, a royal and a priestly one. Their relationship, how ever, was not specified by the passage. 122
2.2.
Occurrences o/tDnft without Num. 24:17
The word £D3ttf occurs in two further instances in the Qumran Library, within an eschatological context, but independendy from the Numbers-passage. The first appears in lQSb v 27-28, in the context of the "Blessing of the Prince of the Congregation." After allusions to Isaiah l l , the author states that "God has raised" (roopn, Hip'il of Dip) the Prince of the Congregation "to a sceptre for the rulers" (D^IZTIQ*? vnvh); thus the word tDnca is related to an eschatological royal figure. It seems, however, that when using onto here, the author did not borrow from Num. 24:17. It is more probable that the source of the expression in the present instance is: 1 2 3
•
Ps. 2:9: the iron rod (^n? ED©), with which the future king will break the nations; or Isa. 11:4b, following the previous allusions to Isaiah; or Gen. 49:10, with the eschatological ruler belonging to Judah.
• •
The CDDCD in lQSb is clearly not a tide of the eschatological king. Rather, the word is used here in a metaphorical sense, describing the powerful activity mat will characterise the king during the eschatological events. With his sceptre he beats the enemy; this will be the symbol of his victorious reign. 124
1 2 2
Parallel passages are preserved—albeit in a quite fragmentary state—in 4Q266 frg. 3. iii 21 and 4Q269 frg. 5. 2 and 3. See our remarks on this issue on pp. 149ff above. See, for example, NIDOT, 4:28. 1 2 3
1 2 4
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CHAPTER FOUR
The second passage is from 4Q521 2 iii. Line 6 contains the damaged ex pression ijcbnft nao. Here again, the eschatological setting is clear, since the previous tines describe the future coming of the prophet Elijah. The interpre tation of the DUE, however, is extremely problematic. Emile Puech has pro posed several possibilities of reconstruction, all of which seem to be too imaginative. We cannot find any points of reference indicating the biblical base for the use of ED© in this instance. We share the opinion of those schol ars who do not accept the translation of CDDCD here as "scepter." In fact, the word most probably echoes here the presentation of Elijah redivivus as found in the book of Ben Sira, where the CDnto occurs as "tribe" (cp. Sir. 48:10). Thus, the occurrence of CDnft in 4Q521 is not connected to the present issue. 125
126
2.3. "Messianic"
Wirkungsgeschichte
of the EDitfto'D Imagery
As already stated, the main source of the CDnttf/ro'D imagery is Num. 24:17, a verse taken from the Balaam oracles in Numbers. To this we may add Gen. 49:10, where en© occurs alone. These verses did not have eschatological con notations in their original contexts. The basic material of Genesis 49 is one of the earliest pieces of Israelite literature. Some of its components may predate the emergence of the Israelite state. The Blessing of Judah, which contains verse 10 with the en©, seems to be the most recent material in the chapter, but may have have originated during the early decades of the monarchy. Certain elements in the Blessing of Judah are open to an eschatological interpretation; but it must be noted that the original intention was perhaps to eulogise the Davidic dynasty in its historically present form. As for the reception of the verse, it is far from certain that it was always understood as a positive oracle; Ezekiel alludes to it in a judgement prophecy (Ezek 21:32). The question of Num. 24:17 reveals more difficulties than does Gen. 49:10. This verse is part of the fourth Balaam oracle; the corpus of these ora cles has an extremely complicated literary and tradition history, with its date and origin provoking considerable disagreement among scholars. Some 127
128
129
130
131
132
1 2 5
Puech, DJD 2 5 : 2 1 . See Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 367 and 369, who translates the word as "seine/ihre Stamme." See inter alia Seebass, Genesis III, 183-187; de Moor, "Genesis 49," 184-195. An extensive history of scholarship is found in the thoroughgoing study of de Hoop, Genesis 49,1-80. Wenham, Genesis 16-50, 476-478; Seebass, Genesis III, 176, 187; de Moor, "Genesis 4 9 , " 192-195. Seebass, Genesis III, 173-176, 187-188. Wenham, Genesis 16-50, 476-478; de Moor, "Genesis 49," 192-195; and see esp. the re lated study in de Hoop, Genesis 49, 122-139. On this passage see Block, "Bringing Back David," 169-170. Idem, Ezekiel, 1: 689-693. The most elaborate study of the Balaam oracles is Rouillard, Piricope de Balaam. A good history of scholarship is found on pages 9-25 of this extensive monograph. 1 2 6
1 2 7
1 2 8
1 2 9
1 3 0
1 3 1
1 3 2
163
TERMS
hold that the verse in question with its closer context could belong to an an cient level of the literary unit of the Balaam oracles; others, however, con sider it a late text. In the original intention of the text, the fourth Balaam oracle referred to the present and future of the Davidic dynasty, and prophe sied its power and reign over the surrounding peoples. On first reflection, we observe that in the Hebrew Bible CDntD and D D I D be long to the realm of royal symbolism. The above-mentioned two passages clearly represent this line of thinking. Leaving aside the Qumranic occurrences for the moment, the first passage that evidences an eschatological reworking of Num. 24:17 comes from out side the Hebrew Bible, and is dated to the second half of the first century BC. In describing the future Davidic king, the author of Psalm of Solomon 17 asks God to give strength to this king xov Gporttoai &p%ovca K m This latter figure— as was argued above—can clearly be considered as referring to a royal pro tagonist of the eschatological events. In view of the parallelism between the two figures in the Midrash Amos-Numbers, it is evident that the m m iznn can also be an eschatological personage. The Eschatological Midrash (4Q174) also mentions the rrnnn ©"in, and his presentation seems to be identical with that we find in CD vii 18. Al164
165
1 6 3
Noted also by Alexander and Vermes, DJD 36: 243. See the edition of Garcia Martinez, et al, DJD 23:246-248. Davies, Damascus Covenant, 119-125; Idem, "'Damascus' Sect and Judaism," repr. 171. See further van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 69-70, 174-175; Zimmermann, Mes sianische Texte, AAX-AAA. The conclusion of the latter is less probable than that one proposed by Davies. ("Der 'Toraausleger' in CD 6,7... sehr wahrscheinlich der historische Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit." Similar views were expressed also by, for example, van der Woude, and Knibb, "Interpreter of the Law," 383.) As already indicated in the related chapter of the analytical part of the present study (see pp. 43ff. above), some scholars have tried to interpret the figure of the Interpreter as belonging to the past in CD vii. Yet both the consistent eschatological application of the Numbers passage in the Qumran Library and the present context point towards a future interpretation. See further Xeravits, "Precisions," 55-56, where the related literature is given. 1 6 4
1 6 5
170
CHAPTER FOUR
though with a different scriptural basis (2 Sam. 7:12-14), the future coming of the rmnn e n n is foretold, again together with a royal eschatological pro tagonist who is here called the mn nos. None of these texts relate any personal data about the m n n envr. The only thing stated is that he will accompany a royal protagonist, and "will come to (tan) Damascus" (CD vii 19). Thus the question of his closer identification, at least regarding the nature of his authority, is a complicated issue. A two fold perspective has emerged in scholarly discussion. Some consider this figure as priestly, others as prophetic. For the prophetic identification of the n~nnn Knn, the most natural argu ment is his connections with the biblical prophet Elijah. This opinion seems, however, based only on the complement pvm *on of CD vii 19, which, ac cording to some scholars, recalls 1 Kgs. 19:15 and the person of Elijah. Florentino Garcia Martinez even maintains that the nmnncrrn is the es chatological Elijah redivivus, but has no strong arguments in favour of this thesis. Regarding the priestly character of the rmnn ©"in, more evidence can be collected. 166
167
168
1.
In the few Hebrew Bible passages where the verb e r n occurs with n n n as complement, the expression is always related to priests. W e may mention the following passages. In Ezra 7:10 the priest Ezra is told to "set his heart to study the law of YHWH" (mm mirrnx arm ?); 1 Mace. 14:14 eulogises the Hasmonaean Simon who "sought out the Law" (tov 169
1
VOJXOV ^ e ^ T | t T ] a £ v ) .
2.
170
4Q175, a text that seems to consider several types of eschatological protagonists, interprets Deut. 33:10 (priests as teachers of the Law: ron-Tin sipsf? T9??P T l ) as referring to the eschatological high priest. Thus we have at least one Qumranic witness of the eschato logical priest(s) as interpreter(s) of the Torah. n
f
171
1 6 6
A rapid overview of related research is found in Garcia Martinez, " T w o Messianic Fig ures," 36-37. With nearly the same wording, see Idem and Trebolle Barrera, People, 183-184. See further Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 438-439. This was emphasised esp. by van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 55-57; yet h e interpreted the figure as a priestly one, see below. Garcia Martinez, "Two Messianic Figures," 38-39; Idem and Trebolle Barrera, People, 184. Cp. Starcky, "Quatre etapes," 497. For the verb see Wagner, " c m , " 313-329. In two further passages the expression refers not necessarily to priests, yet certainly not to prophets (Sir. 32:15 and Jubilees 1:12). In Jubilees 1:12 the prophets are "the witnesses" (DHJ>); "those who search out the L a w " (mmn ^pnD) form a different category (the Hebrew terms are taken f r o m 4 Q 2 1 6 [4QJub ] ii 12-13). Brooke, Exegesis at Qumran, 204; Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 439. 1 6 7
1 6 9
1 7 0
a
1 7 1
171
TERMS
3.
The rote of Num. 24:17 is associated with a prominent priest in, for example, T. Levi 18:3 ( m i dvaxeXei aaxpov If we retain the view that minn e n n could be identified must be noted that he was considered by later circles prophet, but also as the eschatological high priest.
4.
eschatological atiwo). with Elijah, it not only as a 172
173
These arguments seem sufficient to hold that the eschatological minn e n n was considered by the Qumranites as a priesdy figure. Some scholars, who also hold to his priesdy identification, have equated him with the "Anointed One of Aaron." We are nevertheless quite sceptical regarding the inter changeable nature of such titles, without explicit identification that has tex tual support. We only note that the "partners" of the eschatological minn e n n are mvn *nzn on the one hand, and mn no^ on the other. There are no texts in the Qumran Library where these royal terms are used together with the priestly pnx n*ro. 174
3.3.
Conclusions
At the end of this treatment of the explicit individual eschatological priesdy terminology used by the Qumran Library we can draw at least the following conclusions. 1.
There are only a small number of texts where terms referring to such figures are present. The singular (ttftonn) }niD, which sometimes occurs in an eschatological context, seems to describe a figure that remains in the background dur ing the events. Even the idea that all references to ]niD in the different texts denote one and the same figure remains uncertain. In the War Scroll, the figure to whom the term refers utters several speeches; in 4Q285 he commands something to be done by the X'QEJ, yet already here the identity of this priest is not entirely clear. The only passage where |niDn plays a really important role is lQSa, where he is clearly paralleled with n'taon understood in the titular sense. Here he is "the Priest." The Rule of the Congregation belongs to differ ent traditions than the War Scroll; thus their teaching does not neces sarily conform to each other. Note, moreover, that even lQSa does not describe a/the central event of the eschaton; rather, its author has con tented himself to relate a general communal custom of the Community of those times.
2.
3.
175
1 7 2
Remarked by Collins, Scepter and the Star, 114. Van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 55-57; see further Cothenet, "Document de Damas," TdQ, 2: 173. A recent expression of this view is VanderKam, "Messianism," 220-234, who holds that the different titles describe the same figure. See, for example, the absence of the martial voice from the related part of lQSa. 1 7 3
1 7 4
1 7 5
172
4.
CHAPTER FOUR
Finally, the eschatological nnmn enin is also an overshadowed figure. All we can state about him with some certainty is that he will be a priesdy figure of the eschatological age and will emerge together with a royal figure.
That certain texts of the Qumran Library speak of an eschatological (high) priest is therefore obvious. Where he is explicitly named however he does not really appear as a protagonist of the events. 176
D. CONCLUSIONS The related writings of the Qumran Library use various terms in referring to positive eschatological protagonists. The analysis of these terms produces the following results. There are some frequendy used expressions in this connection, such as rriBD, munx'ttn, Tinna^ when speaking of royal figures, and mraa, ) T D , minn iznin when speaking of priests. These terms occur frequently, however, rather than being exclusive designations of eschatological protagonists. Some compositions use the terminology of filial relationship (lQSa, 4Q174, 4Q246; 4Q369; 4Q458), while in 1QS the term "prophet" occurs. Other compositions have not preserved such characteristic expressions that can be treated within the terminological chapter (e.g. 4Q175; 4Q541; 4Q558). W e can detect the interchangeability of some terms. The authors of sev eral works could use the royal terms nnao, nnrn *nz», Tin nnx as referring to the same figure. We also find the interchangeable use of the pairs nn^n KTO and Tin nnx (4Q161; 4Q285), and rwn and Tin noa (4Q252). Although the terms mrao and nnrn KTO seem not to be used interchangeably, in view of the fragmentary state of the related material we can draw no definitive conclu sions. What seems to be interesting, nevertheless, is that the eschatological use of the terms nnrn *riz» and Tin nn^ occur exclusively in sectarian compo sitions (lQSb; 1QM; CD; 4Q161; 4Q174; 4Q252; 4Q285). Before the emergence of the related works of the Qumran Library, the es chatological use of nnun and Tin nEft seems to be foreign to the thinking of Judaism. We can say something similar concerning the occurrences of rn&D in lQSa and 4 Q 2 5 2 . The titular use of the expression is also unat tested before the emergence of these writings. Whether these could be con177
178
179
180
181
1 7 6
See pp. 213ff. below. These cases will be treated in the chapter on functions. Cp. the chart of Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 126. The interchangeable terms mentioned above belong to the realm of royal terminology. It must be noted that we cannot find such interchangeability of terms used to denote priestly figures. Note that Zechariah uses the word nn* probably as a personal name, not construed with the complement m . At least the related parts of both texts are sectarian compositions. 1 7 7
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1 7 9
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1 8 1
TERMS
173
sidered as Qumranic developments is difficult to judge. What can be said is that later on, both wvn and rrwn area are used in a "messianic" connection. 182
Both during the Bar Kokhba revolt, and the rrflD in some early Jewish writings and in nas cent Christianity. 1 8 2
CHAPTER FIVE
FIGURES The terms treated in the previous chapter share the feature that—even in an eschatological sense—they belong to the realm of societal language. They denote first of all offices, or office-holders, without closer personal specifica tion. When an author, writing on eschatological themes, used these expres sions, his main point was not the personal identification of the persons re ferred to. It was rather the institution-traditional background that the author considered important and wanted to emphasise. On the other hand, in several passages concrete figures from the past enter the scene. These are mentioned sometimes together with their names, some times without them, but in a clear enough context to identify them. We find in these passages the presence of Melchizedek, Moses and Elijah. These figures, although they clearly belong to the historical past of Israel or of humankind, are presented as being active in the eschatological era. Some scholars even hold that the Righteous Teacher—with his considerably closer historical presence—was also anticipated by the members of his Community as an es chatological figure. As we have discussed, however, this view can hardly be maintained. In this chapter we investigate those passages that either explicidy or implicidy contain hints of the eschatological presence of the above-mentioned figures. 1
2
A. MOSES
REDIVWUS
In the analytic part of the present study we collected two texts related to the figure of Moses (4Q374 and 4Q377). As was argued, these cannot be consid ered as eschatological writings. They are, nevertheless, important for the pre sent inquiry, for they describe the historical Moses as an exalted or even angelified human being. In this, they place Moses in an atemporal sphere, which is a convenient starting-point for his eschatological reinterpretation. W e begin with a short overview of the importance of Moses in the Qum ran Library. Then we analyse the data provided by 4Q374 and 377. After this
1
See, for example, Davies, "Teacher of Righteousness," 313-317. Critique: Knibb, "Teacher of Righteousness - A Messianic Title?," 51-65; Idem, "Teacher of Righteousness," 921. See pp. 47f. above. 2
175
FIGURES
we pick up on some important points of reference from the literature of early Judaism. Finally we analyse a passage which clearly presents Moses as an eschatological figure (1 lQMelch ii 15-21).
1. T H E IMPORTANCE OF MOSES IN THE QUMRAN LIBRARY
1.1. The Historical
Moses
The historical figure of Moses appears in several texts written or collected by the members of the Qumran Community. The available sources are twofold. Many occurrences are provided by the so-called Reworked Pentateuch texts of cave 4 (4Q364-365), which relate the events described by the Pentateuch with considerable closeness to the biblical source. Other mentions of Moses are present in different documents. In most cases Moses is not personally en scene; only his name is mentioned for several reasons. The image of Moses in Qumran is quite uniform; various compositions emphasise generally the same features. The very first characteristic of Moses is his presentation as an authorita tive figure. His authority derives from his legislative role, which is expressed in different ways: 3
The Torah belongs to Moses (nunn rrnn). He has books (nmn i a o , an ap parent allusion to the Torah), which he has written (raiD nro ~ M X ) . Moreover, it is God who communicates through Moses, by speaking to or commanding his people.
1.
4
2.
5
The second characteristic follows from the above. The members of the Community thought that transmitting the divine speech—especially in writ ten form, as in case of the literature they accepted as authoritative—is first of all a prophetic task. Therefore the prophetic aspect of Moses, which had al ready been present in the Old Testament, was stressed by the Qumranites in different ways. 6
1.
The written heritage of Moses was viewed in parallel with the works of the prophets; see the expression D ^ n p n 'pBonp] n©iD "ison in 4QMMT (4Q397frg. 14-21, 10).
3
Scholars even argue that these texts are not 'reworked' compositions, but biblical texts; see, for example, Segal, "4QReworked Pentateuch," 395 and 398. See, for example, 1QS v 8; CD xv 2, 9, 12; xvi 2,5; 4Q397 frg. 14-21, 10; 4Q398 14-17 i 2; 4Q504frg. 1-2, 12. See, for example, 1QS i 3; viii 15, 22; CD v 2 1 ; 4Q504 1-2 v 14 (ms); 1QM x 6; 1QH iv 12 C m ) ; 4Q266frg. 11,1-2 (TDK). On this see Xeravits, "Considerations," 171-173. On the question of authoritative literature in Qumran, see VanderKam, "Authoritative Literature," 382-402. The prophetic issue was treated recently by Bowley, "Prophets and Prophecy," 354-378. 4
5
6
176
2.
CHAPTER FIVE
The figure of Moses—as one proclaiming the word of God—appears parallel to the prophets in 1QS i 3 ( n ^ n n vmv T m nana -pa) and CD v 21-vi 1 (enip 'rn&Dn nunn -rn); here the expression emp VTCDD re fers to the prophets. In some cases Moses is mentioned as a "servant of God," an epithet that was already applied to him in the Old Testament. In the Qumran Library, it seems to be an idiom connected to the figures of prophets. 7
8
3.
9
10
In this way, Moses shares similar status with the prophets. Moreover, when Moses and "the prophets" are mentioned together, the former always has an eminent or stressed position. We can thus even say that Moses was consid ered by the Qumranites as the prophet par excellence} at least in the past. 1
1.2. Eschatological Reworking of the Figure The historical Moses was thus held in high esteem by the Qumran Commu nity. W e can detect, furthermore, several eschatological connections with his figure, although these are not strongly emphasised. The starting-point is the material of the Testimonia (4Q175). As we maintain, this work collects biblical texts (and an apocryphal one) related to eschatological-messianic issues. The first biblical passage is a composite text from Deut. 5:28-29 + 18:18-19. Here, YHWH announces that he will raise up a prophet, who will be "like you" (rains). In Deuteronomy, this divine speech is directed to Moses, and the Qumranic text emphasises this by adding the initial sentence "and **** spoke to Moses saying." In this way, the Testimo nia connects Moses to an eschatological personage, the future prophet, as in several currents of early Judaism. It must, however, be mentioned that this prophet in the Testimonia is not identified with Moses, who only serves as a typos for the figure to come. Thus, methodologically, the rather vague pas sage of 1QS ix 11, which seems to echo the same theological view that lies behind the Testimonia, cannot be considered evidence for the expectation of 12
13
7
See our remarks on pp. 132f. above. Without mentioning the prophets, Moses appears similarly as mediator in the following loci: 1QS viii 15; 1QM x 6; 1QH xvii 12; 1Q22 ii 5, 11; CD v 2 1 ; xv 9. "Your servant," - p a s in 4Q378 22 i 2, and probably 4Q368 frg. 2. 2. See, for example, Num. 12:7; Neh. 1:8; Mai. 3:22, etc. Cp. Coats, Moses, 182-185; GlazierMcDonald, Malachi, 249. The importance of the title ini) applied to Moses has been emphasised recently by Hugenberger, "Servant of the Lord," 129. See, for example, 4Q504 1-2 iii 12, or the case of David, who is also "servant of God" (cp. 1QM xi 2) and prophet (cp. 1 l Q P s xxvii 11 [DavComp]). In this connection the occurrences of T"QJ> in the Hodayoth are especially interesting. These refer first of all to the Righteous Teacher, whose prophetic self-consciousness seems obvious. See such passages as lQpHab vii 4-5 or 1QH vii 26-27; Bowley, "Prophets and Prophecy," 371-376. As does, for example, Meeks, Prophet-King, 173; Hughes, "Moses' Birth Story," 13; Bowley, "Prophets and Prophecy," 3 6 1 . See pp. 57f. above. On this issue, see esp. Dexinger, "Prophet wie Moses," 97-111; Idem, "Reflections," 83-99. 8
9
1 0
a
1 1
1 2
1 3
177
FIGURES
the eschatological Moses. Here nothing is implied but—if the *P33 of 1QS is really the same as that of the Testimonia—based on the biblical prophecy of Deut. 18:15, the eschatological prophet has typological connections with the historical Moses. Such a typological correspondence is not unfamiliar in the thinking of the Qumran Community; even the Righteous Teacher seems to have Mosaic characteristics. Regarding the writings of the Qumran Library, where reference is made to the eschatological prophet, the Mosaic allusions of this figure are minimal. We can find only one passage where the eschatological prophet seems to be implicidy identified with Moses: HQMelch where the anointed of the spirit appears. It is worm noting mat several scholars have tried to interpret even the figure of the "Interpreter of the Law" as a future Moses (and sometimes as a future Righteous Teacher as well). It has been argued above, however, mat the Interpreter is a priestly figure. This identification thus does not quite fit into the general prophetic understanding of Moses in the Qumran Library. 14
15
16
17
2. SOME IMPORTANT WRITINGS OF THE QUMRAN LIBRARY
As already stated, we do not consider our available sources (4Q374 and 4Q377) to be eschatological compositions. However, their material is im portant for the present study, since they describe (the historical) Moses with terms that could be important for understanding an eschatological reinterpretation of the great hero of Israel's past. 18
2.1. The Figure of Moses on 4Q374 and 4Q377 The passages of 4Q374 in question are only fragmentarily preserved (2 ii 610, and, very probably frg. 7), and their interpretation is thus very uncertain. Scholars do not even agree on who the protagonist is in the most important passage (4Q374 2 ii 6-10). Some hold that he is God; others are of the opin ion that the author here describes Moses. As stated in the related chapter of 19
1 4
See, for example, Wieder, " Law-Interpreter," 158-174; van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 84-89; Garcia Martinez, "Escatologizacion," 112-116. On this see pp. 182f. below. Wieder, "Law-Interpreter," 158-174; Vermes, "Figure de Moise," 81-83; van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 84; Meeks, Prophet-King, 169-170. See pp. 169f. above. On these texts see esp. the contributions of Fletcher-Louis, "4Q374," 236-252; Idem, "Some Reflections," 292-312. See further Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 332-342, who only treats 4Q377. The figure of Moses in 4Q374 has been comprehensively studied recently by FletcherLouis, "4Q374," 247-250. On the other hand, see Newsom, "4Q374," 40-52; Eadem, DJD 19: 99-110. 1 5
1 6
1 7
1 8
1 9
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CHAPTER FIVE
the analytical part of this study, we share the latter view. As regards 4Q377, it is clear that its author is dealing with Moses. He is named explicidy three times in frg. 2 ii, and we may add to this the two "pious man" expressions, which obviously also refer to Moses. Moses is characterised by these texts as follows. In 4Q377 Moses is called D'rrbx erx, who was tfrrfrx nv ("with God"). This characterisation is not unfamiliar from the Old Testament: Moses also appears there as being with God, and as a man of God. 4Q374 ii 6 contains similar, yet even more emphatic, wording, labelling Moses as one that God made D n n x wnbxb. By this phrase, the author could emphasise either Moses' exceptional and intimate relationship with God—as does the author of 4Q377—or the strength of his teaching, as, for example, Exod. 7:1. On the other hand, this wording could also mean that Moses received an angelic or even deified form (D*m*?x)—an idea not unfamiliar from the content of this text, and found in several early Jewish writings. Moses is connected with the clouds; his being with God in 4Q377 is situ ated p n , and the clouds covered him (pun vbv oyi). The clouds (D'pra) ap pear also in 4Q374 in the small fragment 7. This aspect emphasises Moses' presence during and involvement in the theophany. Crispin Fletcher-Louis connected three biblical passages to this issue: Dan. 7:13; Sir. 50:6 and Mk. 9:2-13. The similarity between 4Q377 and the latter two is obvious. The transfiguration story of Jesus in particular shows the same scene: a person with a passive role becomes covered with clouds during a theophany, more exactly during the descent of God. (See esp. Mk. 9:7, Kod eyevexo ve(peXr| £7ticna<x£o\)Ga abioiq KCCI £ Y £ V E T O <povf| £K Tfj KID and om.
6 8
Esp. the eschatological reapplication of themes from Genesis 1; the idea of resurrection;
ib.
punishment of the D'rmK.
189
FIGURES
must be noted that we find nothing in these fragments to suggest that Elijah be considered as precursor of another positive eschatological protagonist(s). It is not at all evident that the cnco of 2 iii 6 means "sceptre" (see pp. 105f. above). As regards the related reading of Sir. 48:10bp, it is instead plausible that we have "tribe(s)" here. 4Q521 2 iii thus contains allusions to the coming Elijah. Column ii of the same fragment provides further information on a positive eschatological pro tagonist. He is named irron, "his anointed;" the suffix refers to God. The author does not relate ample details of this anointed's activity. Heaven and earth are told to listen to him, yet the marvellous acts that will characterise the days of his emergence will be performed by God alone. The anointed one himself will accomplish none of these "signs." The roottfntD,which has ex hortative connotations, is the only verb that is closely connected to him. Thus, the anointed one of 4Q521 2 ii is a figure with a teaching or admoni tory or exhortative role, whose authority seems to be universal (cp. p a m D'op&n and on -MD[X toi). The identification of this rron is debated among scholars. We find three main lines of interpretation, a priesdy, a royal and a prophetic o n e . Gener ally, all these approaches seem legitimate. An anointed one could either be king, priest or prophet. Certain factors, however, allow us to disqualify some of these approaches. Emile Puech, the editor of the text, holds that this anointed one is a royal figure, whom he separates from the Elijah redivivus of frg. 2 iii. Puech's ar guments are based on the one hand on his understanding of the tsntD of 4Q521 2 iii 6 as a sceptre (of the royal messiah). On the other hand, he asserts that Elijah as precursor of "the messiah" may be traced back to pre-Christian thinking. However, no clear reference is found in the text to support this view. The oft-repeated argument in this connection—based on the CDn& of 4Q521 2 iii 6—is especially weak, as has already been discussed. 69
70
71
72
73
74
75
6 9
See, for example, Puech, Croyance, 646: "le Prophete qui doit prec£der la venue du Jour de Y H W H et done la venue meme du messie" (italics mine, G.X.). Puech, Croyance, 648. Cp. Collins, "Works of the Messiah," 103; Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 367. The basic biblical texts are Ps. 146:7-8; Deut. 32:39; Hos. 6:1-2; Isa. 61:1-2. According to Tabor and Wise, " 4 Q 5 2 1 , " repr. 158-160, lines 12-13 deal entirely with the activity of the anointed. John Collins argues that these marvellous acts—described by the second column of frg. 2—can at least partially be connected to the figure of the anointed one, based on allusions of the passage to Isa. 61:1-2; see Collins, "Works of the Messiah," 100. The structure of the text, how ever, does not allow us to see any other agent of the mentioned activities than God. See Kvalbein, "Wonders of the End-Time," 106-108. For a comprehensive Forschungsgeschichte, see Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 379-382. Puech, Croyance, 634; 645-646; 669; 672-673. Similar views are expressed by Garcia Martinez, People, 168-170. See pp. 105f. above. 7 0
7 1
7 2
7 3
7 4
7 5
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CHAPTER FIVE
Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr interpreted irrtDD as being in the plural, as referring to priests. This solution, however, is at least partly wrong. We have argued in the related chapter of the analytic part of this study that irrcoQ denotes here a single figure. It is highly probable that another instance of rro& in 4Q521 frg. 8, 9 (rrrnDQ ^m) refers to priestly figures. It is also certain, however, that these anointed ones are different from the single anointed of frg. 2. We may also mention the teaching/admonitory role of the anointed one, which may be understood as a priestly characteristic. The scriptural background of the pas sage, however, requires another line of interpretation. Others argue for a prophetic identification. In this case, the ITIBQ could be identical with Elijah of the next column. On the one hand, the teaching role of the anointed one fits well with a prophetic understanding of the figure. On the other hand, the biblical passages behind the presentation of this figure re quire also his prophetic interpretation. The opening sentence of the column clearly depends upon Isa. 1:2 and/or Deut. 32:1, with the exhortation in both cases being uttered by prophetic characters (Isaiah and Moses). We may also mention the presence of Isa. 61:1-2, which has obvious prophetic connec tions. Although 4Q521 relates the activities of Isa. 61:1-2 to God, the root r r a in both passages is common. There is no reason to doubt that in 4Q521 2 ii 1 the root r r o refers to a character similar to that found in Isaiah—that is, to a prophetic figure. In sum: by interpreting the rriBQ of 4Q521 2 ii 1 as a prophetic figure, we may naturally suppose his identity with Elijah redivivus of the next column. 76
77
78
79
3.
CONCLUSIONS
The positive eschatological (human) protagonist of 4Q521 is Elijah redivivus. The remaining fragments present him as a "precursor." In contrast to the view of those scholars who understand the rrtDQ of 4Q521 2 ii 1 as a royal figure, the emergence of Elijah redivivus will not precede the arrival of any other eschatological protagonists. Rather, he will be precursor of the day of judge ment or the day of YHWH. We may say something similar about 4Q558. The material in the preserved fragments of this composition does not allow the detection of any eschatological figures other than Elijah. In this regard the Qumran Library shares a "conservative" theological view about Elijah redivivus. While early Christian thinking and several Jew ish sources from the Christian era (the earliest is b. Erub. 43a-b) interpret 7 6
Niebuhr, "4Q 521,1 II," 154-160. See pp. lOOf. above. For a critique of Niebuhr's position see, for example, Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 380-381. See especially the pioneering article of Collins, "Works of the Messiah;" also Zimmer mann, Messianische Texte, 382-383; Becker, "4Q521 und die Gesalbten," 73-96. 7 7
7 8
7 9
FIGURES
191
Elijah redivivus as the forerunner of "the Messiah," the preserved Qumranic fragments seem to content themselves with the teaching of Mai. 3:23-24 and Sir. 48:10. Several Qumranic writings—this is a matter of fact—are aware of the view of the eschatological prophet as the precursor of other messianic personages. The data provided by 1QS ix 11, 4Q175 or even HQMelchizedek point in this direction. In these cases, however, the future prophet is either unidentifiable, or someone other than Elijah (1 lQMelch: Moses redivivus). In those texts that obviously speak about Elijah redivivus (4Q521 and 4Q558), he proves to be the only eschatological protagonist of the compositions and we find no other "messianic successor" whose arrival must be preceded by Elijah. Finally, although Melchizedek's appearance in 1 lQMelch is closely con nected with the idea of the judgement (see esp. 1 lQMelch ii 13), he is pre sented as an angelic intermediary of YHWH's judgement. In this aspect, his precursor may be considered differendy from Elijah redivivus appearing in 4Q521 and4Q558. C. THE ANGELIC MELCHIZEDEK After analysing the redivivus presentation of Moses and Elijah in the Qumran Library, we turn now to another figure, Melchizedek. He also can be inter preted as a redivivus, but his figure was even more transformed in the Qum ranic writings than those of Moses or Elijah—explicitly as an angelic being. Before analysing the presentation of Melchizedek in several writings of the Qumran Library, we present a rapid overview of passages in the Hebrew Bi ble where Melchizedek occurs, and the manner of his presentation. This is done in order to detect the possible dependence and developments of the Qumranic view of Melchizedek compared to his earlier presention in the He brew Bible.
1. THE FIGURE OF MELCHIZEDEK IN THE O L D TESTAMENT
A number of studies deeding with Melchizedek begin by asserting the "episodic" or "mysterious" nature of his appearance in the Hebrew Bible. And indeed, this name occurs only twice in the whole corpus of the Hebrew Scriptures. Both refer to the same figure, but without revealing much about his identity (see Gen. 14:18-20 and Ps. 110:4). 81
8 0
For the debate about the forerunner Elijah see Faierstein, "Why Do the Scribes Say," 7586; Allison, "Elijah Must Come First," 256-258; J.A. Fitzmyer, "More about Elijah Coming First," 295-296. See, for example, Delcor, "Melchizedek from Genesis," 115; or Aschim, "Melchizedek the Liberator," 243. 8 1
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The context of the short passage of Gen. 14:18-20 is highly complicated. The basic problems of Genesis chapter 14 are as follows. Firsdy, the chapter as a whole seems to emerge independendy from the main literary sources of the Pentateuch; secondly, the chapter seems composed from three different pericopae or fragments of pericopae. Originally, all these units were independent in their intention, Sitz im Leben and emergence. Thus, the historical and theo logical evaluation of the Melchizedek episode is a complicated task. The three original pericopae lying behind Gen. 14 are as follows: 82
83
1.
Gen. 14:1-11 (Feldzugsbericht). An account on the campaign of the four great Near Eastern kings in the style of Mesopotamian royal inscriptions. Gen. 14:12-17, 21-24 (Befreiungserzahlung). An account of the military activity of Abram, who liberates his relative, Lot. This passage shows connections with the stories of charismatic heroes found in the book of Judges. Gen. 14:18-20. In this passage Melchizedek and Abram appear together. The verses can best characterised as a cultic aetiology; its original in tention may very well be connected with the tithe given to the Temple of Jerusalem.
2.
3.
84
We can locate the emergence of the Melchizedek episode in two different situations, either during the Davidic-Solomonic era or considerably later, un der Nehemiah. Several features may be interpreted as rather ancient ones. For example, the archaic description of ]vto % in verse 19b, and the name • t o for Jerusalem make the earlier dating more plausible. 85
86
87
82
A thorough Forschungsgeschichte of the chapter is found in Westermann, Genesis 12-36, 187-190. See, for example, Zimmerli, 7. Mose 12-25, 35. Some scholars have tried to connect the chapter with one of the sources of the Pentateuch, but their efforts remain unconvincing. On this division see Westermann, Genesis 12-36, 190-192; Seebass, Genesis II/l, 45-47. Determining the relative chronology of the emergence of these original literary units is not our concern here, but they had nearly attained their present form before being put together by a later redactor. Considerable redactional activity is present only in verses 12, 17 and perhaps 21 (men tion of the king of Sodom). For the former opinion see recently Day, "Canaanite Inheritance," 74. For the latter see Delcor, "Melchizedek from Genesis," 120; Tournay, Seeing and Hearing God, 211-212. See further Rooke, Zadok's Heirs, 88-90. If the composite divine name \vbv *?K may refer to an autonomous deity, then it occurs in the Old Testament only here and in Ps. 78:35 (clearly a post-exilic text; cp. lQApGen xx 21 and per haps 4Q242 passim). If jv'pi) is only an epithet that can be applied to every god (see, for example, Elnes and Miller, "Elyon," 294b-295a), then we find numerous occurrences in the Old Testament Description of this deity as "maker of heaven and earth" (f*i*n D^DCJ r\p)—according to Westermann, Genesis 12-36, 205-206—is best placed in the Jerusalem cult of the early monarchic period. See further Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 21-22. The obvious reference to the identity of D'pttf as Jerusalem (specifically Zion) is provided by the ancient Psalm 76 (verse 3); see, for example, Kraus, Psalm?, 2: 109-110. For a recent (yet unconvincing) rebuttal of the Salem - Jerusalem identification, see Goulder, Psalms of the Re turn, 145. See also Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 48-50. 83
84
85
86
87
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FIGURES
Whether Gen. 14:18-20 originally had a broader context from which it was extracted by its later redactor, can no longer be established. The present form of the short unit gives only meagre information about Melchizedek. His figure is characterised in a twofold manner: as a royal figure, king of nbti, and as a (high) priest of ]vbs) *?K. The text says nothing about his descent, fate or anything else. Although some argue that Melchizedek is first of all a royal figure, his activity is solely priesdy in this passage: he blesses Abram who then gives him a tithe. The other occurrence of Melchizedek in the Hebrew Bible is even shorter than the episode in Gen. 14. His name appears in one colon of Psalm 110. Psalm 110 is one of the earliest pieces in the canonical Psalter. Most schol ars tend to date it, or at least the traditions lying behind the composition, to the early decades of the Israelite monarchy. The language used implies that the addressee is a king, which is evident from the YHWH-fighting-for-his-elected vocabulary, or the term i\w neia. The whole psalm seems to reflect the Sitz im Leben of a royal enthronement. It must again be noted that—similarly to Genesis 14—the priesdy character of Melchizedek is evoked (verse 4b). Moreover, his kingship remains entirely concealed in this passage. The first question concerns the identity of the Melchizedek figures found in the two biblical sources. Despite the deficiency of information there, we have some indications that suggest an answer. The following points of con nection between the two passages must be taken into consideration. 88
89
90
91
92
1.
Both passages have an orientation towards Jerusalem. On the one hand, we consider the cbti = Jerusalem identification in Genesis 14 as a matter of fact; on the other hand, Psalm 110:2ap explicitly refers to )V^. In both texts, the priestly character of Melchizedek is closely connected (at least in their present form) with YHWH. Both texts contain—at least implicit—allusions to the kingship of Mel chizedek. In Genesis 14 this is explicitly stated (D ?^ ^ Q ) , whereas in Psalm 110 a king is said to have an eternal priesthood "TraT*?*? Mel-
2. 3.
1
8 8
See, for example, Cross, Canaanite Myth, 211. There is debate among scholars as to who in fact gave the tithe to whom; see, for example, Fitzmyer, "Melchizedek in the M T , " 66-67. Later tradition, however, considered Abram as the one giving the tithe; see lQApGen xxii 17 (the "wealth of the king of Elam and his allies" be longed as booty to Abram). For example, Dahood, Psalm?, 3 : 112, proposes a tenth-century dating; Kraus, Psalms, 2: 346-347, speaks of traditions of an early Israelite festive act. Several scholars attribute to Psalm 110 a considerably late emergence, for example, Tournay, Seeing and Hearing God, 212, around the fourth or third centuries BC (see further bibliography there). According to Fitzmyer, "Melchizedek in the MT," 63, the Sitz im Leben of the Psalm may be the celebration of some victory or conquest. pyro to TOl^l) xh\sh inbTinK. Recently, Goulder, Psalms of the Return, 145-151, has argued that the enthronement described here is a priestly one, more precisely that of Joshua the son of Jehozadak, from after the exile. There is no compelling reason to accept his solution. 8 9
9 0
9 1
n
l
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chizedek," which is best interpreted as referring to a figure embodying a sort of bifurcated authority. These indications refer to the identity of the Melchizedek figures in the bibli cal texts. It would be arbitrary to say more on the interpretative relationship of these passages. Based on the above, the Melchizedek of the Hebrew Bible—disregarding the question of his historicity—is a priest-king of pre-Israelite Jerusalem. He is described as meeting Abraham during a cultic event, and being honoured by the patriarch with a tithe. On the other hand, his priesthood was considered as having some importance with regard to the Israelite kings of Jerusalem. 93
2. THE FIGURE OF MELCHIZEDEK IN THE QUMRAN LIBRARY
The name Melchizedek appears in Qumran in three different works (lQApGen; 4Q401 and 1 1 Q 1 7 [Shirot 'olat hashabbat]; HQMelch). The data they provide on Melchizedek is more detailed than in the Hebrew Bible (Genesis 14 and Psalm 110). The identification of the Melchizedek of the Old Testament with that of Qumran may nevertheless be disputed. In the Genesis Apocryphon, which is most probably not a work of the Community, Melchizedek is clearly the same figure as the Melchizedek of the Old Testament. lQApGen, when translating into Aramaic and rewriting parts of the biblical Urgeschichte and the events of Abraham's life, includes material from Genesis 14, which is rewritten in a literal manner. ApGen xxii 14b-17 contains the Melchizedek episode, which corresponds nearly verbatim with the Old Testament text. Melchizedek is here the king of Salem, priest of ^K, who blesses Abram after his victory, then receives the tithe from the patriarch. The figure of Melchizedek is neither interpreted nor modified in any way in this passage. 94
95
96
9 3
A number of scholars hold that Psalm 110 may allude to the Genesis passage. See, for ex ample, Tournay, Seeing and Hearing God, 212, or most recently Fitzmyer, "Melchizedek in the M T , " 64 (with further references in note 4). For a contrary view see, for example, Briggs, Psalms, 374. See Kutscher, "Dating the Language," 288-292; Idem, " Language of the Genesis Apocryphon," 1-35; Fitzmyer, Genesis Apocryphon. Schiffman, Reclaiming, 188-190; Garcia Martinez, "Tradiciones," 70. See further Dimant, "Qumran Manuscripts," 34-35. Which was explicitly identified with Jerusalem in xxii 13. Although some scholars tend to interpret the phrase ofrtDTV XVI as a gloss (Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 63), the Salem - Jeru salem identification is obvious in the scroll. In the blessing, is not identified with YHWH, as in the M T . Instead, he is described as KJnio X^DCD m o . 9 4
9 5
9 6
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FIGURES
2.1. 11 QMelchizedek and the Shirot 'Olat Hashahhat The main Qumranic source concerning a figure named Melchizedek is 11 QMelchizedek. This text, composed within the Qumran Community, is a thematic pesher on different scriptural passages, of which Isa. 61:1-3 seems to be the most important. Parts of at least three columns have remained. Its temporal setting is eschatological: the text, according to 1 lQMelch ii 7, deals with the events of the tenth jubilee of history (characterised also as D' O'n m n x , ii 4 ) , from its first week to the last. In this context, the author mentions repeatedly the name Melchizedek (certain occurrences: 1 lQMelch ii 5, 8, 9, 13, probable occurrences: again in 1 lQMelch ii 5 and frg. 8, 1). In most of these instances the name appears as part of various composite ex pressions (for example, "inheritance of Melchizedek," "lot of Melchizedek," "year of grace of Melchizedek"). It appears only once as the subject of an active verb (1 lQMelch ii 13). Melchizedek's activity is treated mainly in 1 lQMelch ii 5-14. The clearest indication is found in the above-mentioned line ii 13. 98
99
100
101
102
103
m m
ovm
>6BIDD Dpo mp*
pix
But Melchizedek will carry out the vengeance of Go[d's] judgements [on this day and they shall be f]r[eed from the hand of] Belial and from the hands of all the sp[irits of his lot.] 104
105
On the one hand, we have here clearly sectarian language. The name b^bi, together with the complement ftTia 'mil (the reconstruction is certain; see its further occurrence in ii 12), is a clear indication of this fact. On the other hand, the activity described indicates the eschatological setting of the pas sage. Liberation from the power of Belial is an eschatological issue in several writings of the Qumran Library. Melchizedek is here an eschatological lib erator, an agent of divine judgement. In view of these features, he may be de scribed as a positive eschatological protagonist. 106
107
9 7
HQMelch: DJD 2 3 : 221-241; Shirot 'olathashabbat: DJD 11:173-401 and DJD 23:259-304. Miller, "Function of Isa 61,1-2," 467-469; Sanders, "Old Testament in H Q Melchizedek," 373-382; Idem, "From Isaiah 61 to Luke 4," 89-92; Collins," Herald of Good Tidings," 229-231. See Puech, Croyance, 2: 546-548; Garcia Martinez, "Tradiciones," 72. The weeks mean year-weeks. Passages to which scholars most commonly refer in this con nection are Dan. 9:24-27; T. Levi 16:1-18:14; 1 Enoch 93:1-10; 91:12-17. See Hollander and de Jonge, Testaments, 174-175; Black, Book of Enoch, 288-289. Milik, Books of Enoch, 248-258. p-tt •D'JD rf?ra, p-rc O ^ D "rm, ipx ^bbb ]*enn rao. noBBD Dps ny p-re ^ o i . The structure of the composition is treated in Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 395. That is, those belonging to his lot. The translation is taken from DSST, 139. Kobelski, Melchizedek, 57, with a list of related Qumranic passages. See esp. 1QM throughout, the conclusion of the "Instruction on the Two Spirits" (1QS iv 12-14), and 4Q286 7 ii (all are works of the Community). 9 8
9 9
1 0 0
1 0 1
1 0 2
1 0 3
1 0 4
1 0 5
1 0 6
1 0 7
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The text tells us that Melchizedek does not act single-handedly. According to 1 lQMelch ii 14, all divine beings will come to his aid ( ?K biD, probably P"rcr?] These are described in ii 9 as 'tonp &[V, the "people of the holy ones of God," which refers to angels. Furthermore, the judgement which Melchizedek will execute has a universal nature, and will extend also to the transcendent sphere. If vbv at the beginning of line ii 10 refers to the figure of Melchizedek, then the author has applied Ps. 82:1 to him: ,L
1QK T i l 'TtZD Vbl) DTD 1D1G OIBBT D'nV?x mip5[ m p n DSp] DTIV?X
As it is written about him in the songs of David who said: "Elohim will [st]and in the assemfbly of God,] in the midst of the gods he judges." 108
Here Melchizedek is labelled as an D'rrfrx, and described as judging the an gels. Thus, according to HQMelch, Melchizedek is both eschatological lib erator and leader of the angelic hosts. Other aspects are present in the text. Melchizedek will make the so-called "captives" (•"Dion, ii 4 ) return (nnrBr, ii 6), and he "will free them from [the debt of] all their iniquities" (nonTravw b)D[ KED ytanb a w ^ , ii 6). These events will mark the beginning of the final jubilee. Also attributed to Mel chizedek is the atonement ("IED*?, ii 8) of all belonging to him, on the es chatological Day of Atonement. The other Qumranic source on Melchizedek is more taciturn than HQMelch. Two different MSS of the Shirot 'olat hashabbat seem to contain elements of his n a m e . A small fragment (4Q401, frg. 11, 3) reads: nnm ]TO p"f^[ ^bn. Here too, Melchizedek is mentioned with an allusion to Ps. 82:1. The other occurrence is even more puzzling and uncertain, yet, accord ing to the reconstruction of the editors, it reads (11Q17 ii 7): 1 0 9
110
pix ^ibnb *6[D mora wen w ;
1
1
1
the chiefs of the princes of the wonjderful [priesthoods] of Melch[izedek... There is again no description of his activity. However, if the reconstruction is correct, we have here the same priestly characterisation of Melchizedek as in 4Q401.
108
The translation is taken fiom DSST, 139. The - i m nnnb m p of ii 6 refers to D Q0n (both originate from the same scriptural verse, Isa 6 1 : l e a ) , and the author identifies them as pnp* nfrra rrom, who reappears later as p*TC[ 'ofxi jnMK in ii 8. An introduction is provided by Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 1-83; Eadem, PTSDSSP 4B: 1-15. Most recently, see Fletcher-Louis, All the Glory, 252-279. This reconstruction is based on the readings of 4Q403 1 ii 21 and 4Q405 frgs. 8-9, 6-7. 1 0 9
1 1 0
111
,v
FIGURES
2.2. Who is
197
Melchizedek?
The first impression given by the material presented above is that the Mel chizedek of 1 lQMelch and the Shirot 'olat hashahbat differs in several re spects from the Melchizedek of the Old Testament and lQApGen. 1 lQMelch abounds with scriptural allusions, but lacks explicit reference to Genesis 14 or Psalm 110. 2.2.1. A Transcendent Figure The most striking feature of the Melchizedek of 1 lQMelch is that he is not an ordinary, mortal human being; his transcendent character is obvious. Firstly, there are close connections between the way in which Mel chizedek and the positively-depicted "archangelic" being are portrayed in some dualistically formulated passages of the Qumran Library. 1.
In 1 lQMelch, Melchizedek is opposed to Belial, the evil angelic leader (ii 13). In the Qumran Library, the antagonists of Belial are angelic be ings (see, for example, 1QS iii 20-21; 1QM xiii 10-11; CD v 18). Dur ing the eschatological war, human protagonists may also be present, but in 1 lQMelch we find only Melchizedek on the positive side. If he is a human being, how would he be able to defeat Belial, who is the only negative character present, without a human representative? In 1 lQMelch, only Melchizedek and Belial are said to have a "lot" C?"M), i.e. peoples belonging inseparably to them. Throughout the Qum ran Library only God or leading angelic principles have their own "lot" (1QM xiii 10-11). Moreover, Melchizedek leads a host, consisting of beings called "people of the holy ones of God" or "[the righteous] divine ones," that is, angels. Again, only the two archangelic opponents appear in Qumran com manding subordinate angels. 112
2.
113
3.
The author of 1 lQMelch emphasises Melchizedek's transcendence by ap plying several passages from the Old Testament direcdy to him. He reinter prets Isa. 61:2a, the "year of grace of YHWH" as the "year of grace of Mel chizedek" (1 lQMelch ii 9). In all likelihood, the author understood Melchizedek as the -prn^K of Isa. 52:7cp (ii 24-25). Although this interpreta tion is not preserved in the remaining fragments—due to physical damage to the skin—we may assume it with certainty in view of the length of the la-
1 1 2
Recently Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 179-194 argued in his detailed article against the angelic interpretation of Melchizedek. On this point see 186-187, 190-191. See, for example, Kobelski, Melchizedek, 57; Puech, Croyance, 2: 553; Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 403. The objections of Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 191-192, are valid only regarding rr?m. 1 1 3
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114
cuna, the context, and the similarities with line ii 1 3 . Finally, the author seems to apply the opening verse of Psalm 82 to Melchizedek: he is the •TnbK who "will stand up in the assembly of God, and will judge in the midst of the gods" (1 lQMelch ii 10). Three decades ago, Jean Carmignac questioned this interpretation of line ii 10, and argued that the initial vbv does not refer to Melchizedek but to the word "judgement" that immediately precedes i t . This objection may be grammatically correct, yet Fred Horton has argued convincingly that the position of the word CD22?o in the construct chain to which it belongs makes Carmignac's case very unlikely. Moreover, the reading of 4Q401 frg. 11,3 C?x n p m ]iTD p"ft[ O^Q) strengthens the likelihood of the suggested interpre tation. Soon after Carmignac published his interpretation of HQMelch, Jozef Milik arrived at the completely different conclusion that this Melchizedek may be considered as greater than an angel, labelling this figure as a "hypostasis of G o d . " It must be noted, however, that most of the evidence does not verify Milik's opinion. 115
116
117
118
1.
Firsdy, Melchizedek is presented as the antagonist of Belial: in the Qumran Library Belial's opponent is always an "ange cree" (in the words of Milik), and not God in person. Secondly, the author of HQMelch does not identify Melchizedek explicidy with God. The divine names are always present in the different lemmata, but do not reappear in course of the pesharim. Moreover, neither wrvbx nor bx in the text refer to God—in this respect the author of HQMelch follows the biblical usage, where these words can also refer to figures other than God. The epm^K of Psalm 82 refers to God, whereas the word is used by the author of 1 lQMelch to denote di vine beings (ii 10, the second D'rrfrx of the quotation). The bx of Ps. 82:1 refers in 1 lQMelch ii 14 to the members of Melchizedek's host.
2.
3.
In the light of the characteristics treated above, the transcendent or angelic character of Melchizedek seems certain, despite the recent objections of Florentino Garcia Martinez, who states that
1 1 4
Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 193, labels this identification as a "pure guess," yet the factors mentioned argue in favour of it. The length of the lacuna allows a reading such as bxfoz i p n nDfrr* im nxirr pix vbn. Note, furthermore, the clear presence of the lamed. The context is again judgement and liberation from Belial. See, moreover, the reading of ii 13. Carmignac, "Melkisedeq," 343-378; see recently Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 182-183. Both are masculine singular forms. Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 74-75. Milik, "Milki-sedeq," 125. 1 1 5
1 1 6
1 1 7
1 1 8
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FIGURES
Melchizedek, although being presented as a heavenly being, is not described simply as an angel (he is called elohim but not malak)... and his earthly origins seem to serve as a backdrop for his exalted heavenly position. 119
Firsdy, Garcia Martinez confuses the issue with his distinction between "elohim and malak". It is not clear whether the word was used by the Qumranites as an exclusive reference to a particular group of heavenly be ings. 1.
Belial, the antagonist of Melchizedek in 1 lQMelch—with whom Mel chizedek was placed on the same metaphysical level—was called an an gel by the Qumranites. We may also assume that Melchizedek is an angel, too. In the Qumran Library, yfrn was not the only term used for the angels. Other terms are n n , ^x, D'torrp, and even wrnbx appears as a syno nym for angel. 120
2.
121
122
Thus, the fact that Melchizedek is not called ytbn cannot be considered a per suasive argument against his angelic characterisation. As regards Garcia Martinez's second point, the "earthly origins" of Mel chizedek do not contradict his presentation as an angelic figure. For this, we must consider the underlying biblical sources. 2.2.2. The Biblical Sources On the two biblical sources, we see that at the beginning of the development resulting in the figure of 1 lQMelch, reflection on the biblical Melchizedek played an important role. Firstly, in the Hebrew Bible we find only the Mel chizedek of Genesis 14 and Psalm 110 who bears this name. Secondly, the Melchizedek of both passages has royal and priesdy connections, as has also the protagonist of 1 lQMelch. 123
Priest and King Most scholars assume the high priesthood of the Melchizedek of 1 lQMelch, but this is not an issue without problems. Only 1 lQMelch ii 8 contains 124
1 1 9
Garcia Martinez, "Two Messianic Figures," 24; Idem, "Tradiciones," 74. See, for example, 1QM i 15; xiii 11-12 (cp. 4Q495 frg. 2, 4); or 4Q286 7 ii 1-10. In the latter instance Belial is characterised as "the wicked one" (tf]&nn) and as "the ange]l of pit" (nntDTT "[IK^o). Note the correspondence between this title and the expression in 1QM xiii 11 "you made Belial for the pit" (iron bpbz rmnoj) rmxi). For example, 1QM xii 4; xiii 14; 4Q286 frg. 2, 1-2; frg. 7 i 6; frg. 12, 3, the Shirot 'olat hashabbat throughout. 4Q400 1 ii 7; frg. 2, 5; 4Q402 3 ii 12; 4Q404 frg. 3 , 3 . For the interpretation of these dam aged fragments, see Newsom, DJD 11:186. See recently Garcia Martinez, "Tradiciones," 74-75; furthermore Kobelski, Melchizedek, 62-71. As remarked by Kobelski, Melchizedek, 64: "One of the vexing problems of 1 lQMelch is to determine whether there is ever an allusion to the priesthood of Melchizedek." 1 2 0
1 2 1
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possible evidence in support of this view. The author mentions the eschato logical Day of Atonement (at the end of the tenth jubilee), when "atonement will be made for all the sons of light and for the men of the lot of Mel chizedek." Scholars generally hold that the subject of this activity is Mel chizedek, even though the verbal form can be either Pi*el or Pu'al infinitivus constructus ( " i s ? ? or " i s ? * ? ) . If the grammatical form is a Pu'al, then it reveal nothing regarding its subject. Nevertheless, the view that Melchizedek should be regarded as "making atonement" is likely. 4
1.
In this part of the text the author mentions no other positive protago nists. The ixonn in 1 lQMelch ii 16 is a prophetic figure, whereas making atonement is clearly a priestly task. The figure in the Shirot 'olat hashabbat, whose name is probably Mel chizedek, evidendy has a priestly character. The atonement will be made for a group with a particularly intimate re lationship with Melchizedek 0?~n:i).
2. 3.
We may thus assume that it is Melchizedek who will make the atonement for the people of his own lot. The assumption of Melchizedek's royal character has twofold roots in scholarship. Firstly, it is generally connected with the eschatological judge ment executed by Melchizedek. The executor of this eschatological judge ment is a royal figure both in the Old Testament and in the writings of early Judaism. Secondly, scholars refer to Isa. 52:7, "your God rules." 1 lQMelch ii 23 applies this verse to Melchizedek, thus attributing to him the character of a ruler (~pn). Psalm 110 and Genesis 14 Paul Kobelski supposes a direct influence of Psalm 110 on the development of the figure in 1 l Q M e l c h , arguing that 1 lQMelch picked up the following traits from the psalm: the victory of an exalted figure, with his host, who rules over his enemies in the day of the judgement. Kobelski thus maintains that the Melchizedek of 1 lQMelch is the of PS. 110:1. However, if Psalm 110 was such a crucial text of reference for the Qumranic author, why did he not refer to this biblical text explicitly? The author wrote an exegetical work, in which we might naturally expect to find a quotation from an important prooftext lying in the background of his thought. Moreover, the assessment of Kobelski that "these similarities... are too numerous and too basic to the in terpretation of each document to be coincidental" seems somewhat exagger ated. The only real connection between them is the name Melchizedek. 125
126
1 2 5
Kobelski, Melchizedek, 53-55; see further Puech, Croyance, 2: 556-557. This is the case in the Gospel passages that are repeatedly cited by scholars in this con nection. See, for example, Mk. 12:36; 14:62 and parallel verses. 1 2 6
201
FIGURES
The problem of Genesis 14 as an underlying biblical source for 1 lQMelch is even more vexed, for we find nothing—except the name Melchizedek again—requiring the influence of the verses from Genesis. Anders Aschim has recently tried to demonstrate that 1 lQMelch may best be located in a proc ess of development in early Judaism, which creatively reinterpreted Genesis 14 in an eschatological manner. Yet, he himself admits that the presence of Genesis 14 in the background of 1 lQMelch is at least ambiguous. 127
128
Interpretation The evidence collected above allows us to clarify two issues. At first, there are characteristics that remind the earthly origins of the Melchizedek figure of 1 lQMelch. On the other hand, we find hardly any explicit textual reference to Genesis 14 and Psalm 110. Since 1 lQMelch is a document with an exe getical character, this fact is striking. It seems there is distance between the thought of the author of 1 lQMelch and that of the unknown circles who formed an eschatological figure from the biblical Melchizedek. We may compare this with the two Qumranic redivivus figures treated above. In the case of Elijah redivivus, the authors inserted explicit biblical references into their works. Thus, we find a paraphrase of Mai. 3:24 and per haps Sir. 48:10 in 4Q521 2 iii 2, and a close Aramaic paraphrase or citation of Mai. 3:23 in 4Q558 (here even the name is preserved). In the case of Moses redivivus a more complicated line of references may be found. The author of 4Q377, when describing the angelification of Moses, closely con nects his scene to the Sinai events; then the author of 1 lQMelch seems to have formulated his Moses redivivus by using the epithets "anointed" and "messenger" testified to by 4Q377. This close relationship to the biblical sources is lacking in 1 lQMelch, where the scene is dominated by those characteristics of Melchizedek that were interpreted above as angelic features. 129
130
2.2.3. Angelified Human Beings We must also keep in mind that a figure's earthly origins do not necessarily exclude the possibility of his (re)interpretation as an angel. We have seen in 4Q374 and 4Q377 that to a certain degree some works belonging to the Qum ran Library testify to the angelification of Moses, and that some early Jewish
1 2 7
Kobelski's claim {Melchizedek, 52) that the two words vb® and l^fo, cited from Isa. 52:7 in 1 lQMelch ii 15-16 are echoes of the cb® [ 7Das abv *]K^D of Genesis 14 seems quite arbitrary. Aschim, "Melchizedek the Liberator," 243-258. On this, see also Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 156-161. The lack of explicit textual references to either Genesis 14 or Psalm 110—the only bibli cal sources for Melchizedek—suggest that it was not the author of 1 lQMelch who formed the eschatological figure of Melchizedek. This is further strengthened by the fact that we have good reason to suppose that a similar Melchizedek figure was already present in a text that predates 1 lQMelch, the Visions of 'Amram. TA L
1 2 8
1 2 9
1 3 0
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CHAPTER FIVE
writings are aware of the transformation of humans to an angelic status or nature. In later texts we find even more references to human beings who became angels. These texts go so far as to suppose the "metaphysical" trans formation of these humans. W e may cite as additional evidence material from the Visions of 'Amram (4Q544-548). This Aramaic composition, although predating the Community, was familiar to the Qumranites, for whom it seems to have had a particular theological importance, since it is one of the earliest witnesses to the type of dualistic thinking which became characteristic of them. Despite the efforts of several scholars to assert the Qumranic origin of this composition, it was most likely written before the founding of the Community. The theological view represented by the Visions of 'Amram influenced the dualistic system of several key works of the Qumran Library. In one of the visions which the priestly patriarch 'Amram saw in Egypt (cp. 4Q544 frg. 1, 9), two quarrelling figures appeared to him. According to most scholars, these are the archangelic opponents Melkiresha and Mel chizedek. Only the name Melkiresha is actually preserved, yet there are sev eral points in favour of reconstructing the name of the other as Mel chizedek. The two figures are described with the following characteristics. 131
132
133
134
135
1.
The appearance of one is terrifying ( ^ m m m ) , the other is smiling (pun). 1 3 6 This indicates that they are different figures: an evil one and a good one. They receive control and rule (I'Krten p ^ o ) over humankind: one over all the darkness (KD^n bv CD^EQ), the other over all that is bright (KTm'rD bv CD^tB mx) and, possibly, over the sons of light
2.
3. 4.
Both seem to have three names (|]ro& nrfrn). The patriarch has to choose between them ("inn mroK KMG p a ) .
The first and second characteristics show that the quarrelling ones are those transcendent, angelic beings found under various names in other dualistically formulated texts of the Qumran Library. Although only the name Melkiresha 131
See the works cited in pp. 180f. above. On this see Charles worth, "Righteous as an Angel," 137-145, and the transformation of Enoch into Metatron in 3 Enoch. Cp. Alexander, "3 Enoch," 243-244; 249-250. This work is preserved in six (or seven) fragmentary copies from Cave 4. Edition: Puech DJD 31:283-405. 132
133
134
135
See esp. Kobelski, Melchizedek,
25.
This interpretation was recently challenged by Rainbow, "Melchizedek as a Messiah," 185, who labelled it as a "problematic big assumption." However, his counter-arguments are weak. Rainbow claims that the space before Melkiresha in 4Q544 frg. 2, 2-3 is too long for a certain reconstruction, and that the testimony of 4Q544 frg. 3, 2 does not clarify this issue at all. In fact, the preserved parts of the vision seem to provide enough material for supposing the in clusion of Melchizedek. On the latter, see the remarks of Garcia Martinez, "4Q'Amram B," 111-114. 136
203
FIGURES
is preserved, other writings provide further names for him, such as the Prince of Darkness, or even Belial, antagonist of Melchizedek in 1 lQMelch. W e have good reasons to suppose that the opponent of the evil angelic figure Melkiresha is Melchizedek. The protagonist of 1 lQMelch shows close connections with the material evident in the Visions of 'Amram. He is a tran scendent figure, an archangel, in sharp opposition to Belial (which may be interpreted as a parallel name of 'Amram's Melkiresha), an opposition that culminates in a fiery battle. Moreover, he rules over his lot, who are the sons of light (1 lQMelch ii 8, cp. 4Q544 frg. 2, 6; frg. 3, 1). Furthermore, the name to be modelled after Melchizedek. Thus supposing that one of the three names of the positive protagonist of the Visions of 'Amram is Melchizedek, we find another appearance of him as an angel. Melchizedek, then, apparendy appears in four writings of the Qumran Li brary. Three of these are relevant for our study, 1 lQMelch, AQ'Amram and the Shirot 'olat hashabbat. In all these texts, Melchizedek either belongs to the angelic world—serving together with the angels in the heavenly temple in the Shirot—or has explicit angelic characteristics. Despite his earthly origins, which are nowhere emphasised, he is presented in these texts as an angel. Finally, it is possible that in some stage of the formation of the Mel chizedek figures of the Visions of 'Amram and 1 lQMelch, Genesis 14 and Psalm 110 served as a biblical basis. However, we have no information on this stage of composition. The result of the process, as the actual form of 1 lQMelch and Visions of 'Amram present it, does not depend primarily on Genesis 14 and Psalm 110. It was not the authors of these texts who trans formed the biblical Melchizedek into an eschatological, angelic protagonist, into Melchizedek redivivus. Another eschatological reinterpretation of the biblical Melchizedek, the Letter to the Hebrews, explicitly refers to both Genesis 14 and Psalm 110. Later texts, such as the Nag Hammadi tractate on Melchizedek, or the re lated passages of Pistis Sophia do not refer to the Old Testament basic texts, they depend fundamentally on the passage in Hebrews. 137
138
139
140
141
142
1 3 7
W e may also add Satan as another name of the evil opponent from a later source, the As sumption of Moses. See similar remarks concerning the second century BC interpretation of Melchizedek in Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 156-161. Note that the authors of the Book of Jubilees omit the Melchizedek episode from their re written Genesis. Some scholars hold that the for them unacceptable change from the biblical Melchizedek to the transcendent one may have resulted in this omission. On this see, for exam; pie, Sacchi, ibid. Another explanation could be the fact that the priestly figure of Melchizedek does not fit in Jubilees' theological views on the transmission of the priesthood. See VanderKam, Textual and Historical Studies, 280. Pearson and Giversen, " N H C I X , 1: Melchizedek," 19-85. See Horton, Melchizedek Tradition, 135-147. In early Jewish literature, Melchizedek receives an extensive treatment in 2 Enoch, but de spite his "heavenly journey," the Melchizedek of 2 Enoch shows different characteristics than 1 3 8
1 3 9
1 4 0
1 4 1
1 4 2
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CHAPTER FIVE
3,
CONCLUSIONS
The Qumranic figure of Melchizedek is a superhuman, transcendent being, similar to the positive archangelic protagonist of the dualistically formulated passages of the Qumran Library. The Qumranic Melchizedek may be a redi vivus figure; but the related sources do not emphasise this aspect. We do not have enough evidence to know who formed the figure of Melchizedek redivi vus. In 1 lQMelch nearly all connections toward the biblical figure are secon dary. Melchizedek in 1 lQMelch is an angel. D. SUMMARY In this chapter we have seen that several biblical figures were used by the authors of certain texts as models for depicting positive eschatological pro tagonists. It is remarkable that we find the redivivus presentation of figures only with respect to a prophetic protagonist. In these cases, Moses and Elijah are interpreted as personally returning in the eschatological age. As for Melchizedek, often considered as an eschatologically reappearing biblical figure, we have argued that the Melchizedek figure of 1 lQMelch was not modelled direcdy on the personage encountered in Genesis 14 and Psalm 110. We cannot label this angelic Melchizedek as a redivivus figure. The is sue of the personal return of a past figure has no predominance in this case.
the protagonist of the Qumranic compositions. For a good bibliography see Orlov, "Melchizedek Legend," 23-38, esp. 24, n. 2.
CHAPTER SIX
FUNCTIONS Throughout the previous chapters we have explored positive eschatological protagonists presented by the Qumran Library from two different viewpoints. Firsdy, we based our research on different terms by which the authors of sev eral compositions referred to such figures. Then we analysed those person ages of Israel's historical past who served as a basis for reflection by certain authors. During this work, we have already described different functions that authors of the eschatological texts of the Qumran Library attributed to their positive protagonists. We have noted also that when an author chose a term or tide to designate a positive eschatological protagonist, his choice was influenced by institution-traditional issues. Certain titles were considered as being closely connected with particular institutional backgrounds. The terms KTO and nn^, for example, have obvious royal connections, while such tides as ]ro or m i n n enin come from the realm of priesdy terminology. These terms are thus characteristic of one or another particular institution in historical Is rael. Some titles may be interpreted as belonging to various institutional backgrounds, such as the crucial term n ^ Q , which may be understood as ei ther a royal or a priestly or even a prophetic epithet. The institutions mentioned above—offices of king, priest and prophet— can in se be considered as belonging to the realm of a functional issue: repre sentatives of these institutions always represent special functions in the lead ership of Israel. In the different eschatological compositions of the Qumran Library, we find three main functions attributed to the positive eschatological protagonists: royal, that is martial-juridical; priestly, that is cultic; and finally, prophetic. In this chapter, we focus particularly on the issue of functions.
1. ROYAL (MARTIAL-JURIDICAL) FUNCTION
It is striking that positive eschatological protagonists frequendy appear in the material treated throughout the previous chapters in the context of the es chatological battle between the forces of the righteous and those of evil. In this turbulent scene a pre-eminent activity is attributed to a figure character ised by royal traits. The martial-juridical functions of the positive eschato logical protagonists are closely connected with the royal institution. In the previous chapters, we have analysed eleven compositions, which—although
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CHAPTER SIX
using different terminology—take into consideration the eschatological pres ence of a royal personage. The idea of the eschatological king is expressed in: • • • •
1QS, lQSa, 4Q252 and 4Q458 by the word man; lQSb, 1QM, CD, 4Q161 and 4Q285 by the word 4Q161, 4Q174,4Q252 and 4Q285 by the word nn*; lQSb, 1QM, CD and 4Q175 by the use of the EOD-ns'D imagery;
Despite differences in terminology, the functions attributed to the denoted royal figure show certain similarities. Two characteristic functions of the figure(s) in question—the only exception being lQSa—are the mar tial/liberator and the juridical ones. Both aspects are rooted in the Old Testa ment presentation of the royal leader of the people of Israel. The ideal char acteristics of this figure were described as belonging to the realm of these two functions (see below). In the Qumran Library, the martial function of the royal eschatological protagonist is emphasised in two characteristic ways. On the one hand, the authors cite or allude directly to passages from the Old Testament that deal with explicit martial issues. On the other, they consistently apply martial ac tivity to the royal protagonist. 1.1. Scriptural
Background
Regarding the explicit scriptural issue, we find a particular group of Old Testament passages connected to the royal eschatological protagonist in the Qumran Library: Gen. 49:10; Num. 24:15-19; Isa. 10:33-11:5; and Am 9:11. Num. 24:15-19. In its original setting, this passage forms part of the Balaam oracles. It foresees a future Israelite ruler who will gain a definitive victory over all enemies. The keywords are priD, T3Kn, ")p"ip, all of them ag gressive verbs that describe the cruelty of war against enemies who are termed nxiQ, rwD'^a^D, DHK and TJW, whether "traditional enemies" of Israel, or the whole of humankind. As an outcome of the war, the future king will gain possession of his enemies, which clearly indicates his victory. Various parts of this passage from Numbers appear in 1QM xi, CD vii and 4Q175. Isa. 10:33-11:5. This passage is also used by different compositions. In the Isaianic corpus, this complicated text combines themes of judgement over the enemies and the rise of a righteous future ruler. It is cited or alluded to in lQSb, 4Q161 and 4Q285—all obviously sectarian compositions. Among the preserved fragments of 4Q285 frg. 7, lines 1-2 cite Isa. 10:34-11:1 in a battle scene. The key linking words are the rpihs: vocabulary and the niain Km on 1
1
The problem of the original relationship between Isa. 10:33-34 and ll:lff are treated, for ex ample, in Wildberger, Isaiah, 1: 449-450, 462-464. The authors of the Qumran Library who used these texts considered them as belonging to the same passage, cp., for example, 4Q285 7, 1-2.
207
FUNCTIONS
the one hand, and the image of the area killing the chief of the enemy on the other. 4Q161 separates the two main parts of the passage, first relating Isa. 10:33-34 to the extermination of the Kittim, then Isa. 11:1-5 to the victorious warrior T H no2£. Finally, an impressive part of the section 'Blessing of the Prince of the Congregation' in lQSb (v 24-26) is formed on the basis of Isa. 11:2-5: lQSb
Isaiah pacM*? TKran rrDim 11:4ap
v22 v24 v 24-25 v25
ropa] tin vm iron nynzv m - m rniaai n&u r m nib
bx v 25-26
va Kara p*rnDm
ni)i m i n-ron rrca m i ll:2b
nbw
mm n * m
rcrmQ] TITK p-re m m
V3ma TITK p-rc m m
n*m
mi
r o r ^ n TITK npioxi
ii:4ba
^con ITD* v r e o m - m ll:4bp
vxbn
ii:5
m m minxm
The author selected citations from Isaiah in a quite conscious manner: he cited verses or cola which have explicit military overtones (Isa. 11:4b and 11:2b), or are connected to juridical issues (Isa. 11:4a and 11:5). From the famous catalogue of virtues in Isa. ll:2-3a, the author chose only verse 2b, where nTon rvxv rrn are related especially to military skills. 2
Amos 9:11. The original setting of this passage is also martial; in some sense, however, it differs from the above. In a complex prophecy that envisages the future of the people of Israel, a direct speech of Yahweh enumerates differ ent events of the coming times: the judgement and then the renewal of Israel. Verse 9:10 contains explicit martial vocabulary; here, however, the wicked of Israel is said to "die by the sword." Yet the mention of "possessing of the rem nants of Edom" (9:12a), especially in the light of Num. 24:18, may be under stood as indicative of a victorious war over external enemies. The promise of "raising up the booth of David that is fallen" is placed in this context, and both the Midrash Amos-Numbers of the Damascus Document and 4Q174 cite it as referring to a coming warrior. In CD vii 20 the "Prince of the Congregation" will "destroy all the sons of Seth," while in the Florilegium the "booth of David that is fallen" will arise "to save Israel" (4Q174 i 13). Gen. 49:10. This passage raises a different issue. Although the original context seems to lack an explicidy martial setting, certain elements allow us to suppose that this verse was interpreted as recalling the idea of war in cer tain writings of the Qumran Library. We mention only two indicators. Firstly, one keyword of the biblical passage, EDCB ("sceptre"), was generally under stood in the Qumran Library as referring to an eschatological warrior. Fur2
Cp. Wildberger, Isaiah, 1: 472.
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CHAPTER SIX
thermore, the author of 4Q252 col. v—a passage that uses the biblical verse in question—altered the nbr\ of Gen. 49:10ap to wbyi, a word characteristi cally belonging to the vocabulary of 1QM. 4Q252 underlines the invincible character (ronp Kb]) and everlasting reign (tbw mirr ID) of the future royal protagonist. Gen. 49:10 is perhaps also alluded to in lQSb v 27-28, but this is uncertain. W e may also recall here Ps. 2:9 (another passage with aggressive martial overtones). 1.2. Description of the Royal Activity A survey of the activity attributed to the eschatological royal protagonists yields similar results. Km. On fragments of 4Q285—our main available Qumranic source about the Km—he leads Israel in the eschatological war (frg. 4, 2), and organises their tactics (frg. 4, 8). A captured leader of the enemy, the probable object of frg. 4, 10, is to be brought before the Km, who later judges him (frg. 7, 4) and puts him to death. The blessing of lQSb enumerates the following verbs and terms describing the activity of the Km: iron, p K n n n n , *?TIQ, *?nn p p , nenm none. He will be nbmtb on©, who will be served by the nations. All these traits refer to the martial character of the Km; while such terms as r r a n , or the idea of walking in perfection, or the Isaianic p i * and nnnK, are part of the juridical theme. In CD vii 20-21 only one explicitly martial activity is connected to the Km: he raises and then destroys all the sons of Seth, an allu sion to Num. 24:17. Finally, although 1QM v 1 and4Q161 frg. 5-6, 3 provide little information on the function of the Km, the martial connections of both passages are undeniable. 3
T H nn*. In 4Q161 and 4Q285 he is identical to the Km. The former com position, damaged in the section on the Km, provides information about the activity of T H nn*. The expressions i n w ira* and inin tDiDCDn D ^ n ^in relate both the military and juridical skills of the figure. In 4Q174 T H nn* will arise to save Israel, a motif is clearly connected to the eschatological war of lib eration. CDDCD and nnin. Where these terms refer to eschatological protagonists (1QM, CD vii, 4Q175), Num. 24:15-19 governs their presentation. In CD vii an© is identified with rnun ^n Km, while in 1QM xi and 4Q175 we find the biblical passage practically unexplained.
rron. With the sole exception of lQSa, where n*ro refers to an eschato logical royal protagonist, he is characterised also by martial traits. In 1QS the author does not attribute any activity to the figure he mentions. However, we 3
N.B. The only preserved verb, which is connected directly to the figure of K»©3, is the irvom of frg. 7, line 4.
209
FUNCTIONS
may surmise that the royal eschatological figure of 1QS ix 11 (*?*ni2p rnao) was considered to have martial functions, since 4Q175—which has a theo logical view closely similar to the given passage in 1QS—describes the fu ture king as a warrior (cp. the presence of Num. 24:15-17). As regards 4Q252, inclusion of the reinterpreted Gen. 49:10 provides a slight martial connection for the passage. As for 4Q458, frg. 2 ii 3-5 places the anointed one clearly in both a martial and juridical context, which is provided by ver bal roots such as "QX, vbn and p-ra. 1.3. A Further Witness: 4Q246 A further composition witnesses to the martial characteristics of the royal es chatological protagonist in the Qumran Library. This text falls outside the scope of the research above, in treating both titles and figures. This is the controversial text 4Q246, the Aramaic Danielic Apocryphon. Here we note only that the related chapter in the analytical part of the present study argues that one section (4Q246 i 7-ii la) refers to a positive individual eschatologi cal royal protagonist. The entire context of the composition implies a martial setting. The opening scene of the preserved part (4Q246 i 4-6) recalls a bloody war over all the earth. Several enemies par excellence of Israel are involved; the opening scene culminates with mention of the kings of Assur and Egypt (4Q246 i 6). The cruel nature of their reign is also emphasised in the third scene (4Q246 ii lb-3). The fourth scene, with the rising of the people of God (ii 4-9), depicts the definitive victory over the cruel kingdoms. Thus we have good reason to suppose that the positive protagonist of the second scene (4Q246 i 7-ii la) is also involved in the martial events. Although nothing is said explicidy in this instance of his military activity, the preserved material of lines i 7 and i 8 implies that the author considered his protagonist as tri umphant over the enemies, who are obviously the cruel kings of the first and third scene: 4
Kinx bv mnb m
[...
This impression becomes even stronger when recognising that the sg.3. mas culine suffixes of the fourth scene refer also to this positive royal protagonist. He appears to be not only a victorious warrior of God (4Q246 ii 6b-9a), but also as a righteous judge (4Q246 ii 5b-6a). It is useful to mention the way in which some writings use traditions reflected by the Hebrew Bible (lQSa; 4Q174; 4Q246; 4Q369; perhaps 4Q458). In these compositions we find the terminology of filial relationship
4
See pp. 88f. above.
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CHAPTER SIX
between God and the future kings, the authors even using the vocabulary of procreation. Instead of turning to the New Testament and formulating farreaching conclusions about the divine sonship of the eschatological king, we refer to an ancient Near Eastern tradition, reflected by certain passages of the Hebrew Bible. Here God adopts the king during the latter's enthronement and acknowledges him as his son. The influence of Psalm 2 is especially striking in the case of lQSa, Psalm 89 in the case of 4Q369, and 2 Samuel 7:14 in the case of 4Q174. In alluding to this tradition, the authors of the re lated texts emphasise the close connection between God and the king and stress the exceptional nature of the latter. 5
1.4. The Figure of Ideal King in the Old Testament and its Reapplication That the related material of the Qumran Library emphasises above all the martial and juridical aspects of the function of the positive eschatological royal protagonist is not surprising. In doing so, the authors of these composi tions have attached themselves to an ancient tradition which was rooted deeply into certain currents of the Old Testament. It is obvious that the royal institution was not unanimously appreciated in Old Testament times in a positive fashion. We find many texts containing a harsh critique not only of particular kings, but also against the institution as such. W e also find a good number of instances that testify to a positive appre ciation of the kingdom of Israel, both as a matter of fact and as an idea. That is, there are Old Testament passages that speak about the ideal manifestation of the king's figure. For present purposes, we have chosen two types of material, which have different backgrounds and Sitzen im Leben, and may mirror differ ent concrete historical experiences. Yet they are commonly affirm that the royal office has a positive, ideal (perhaps future) manifestation. One kind of evidence is the material provided by the so-called royal psalms, above all Psalms 2; 72; 101 and 110. These compositions, with their possible pre-exilic liturgical Sitzen im Leben describe the functions par ex cellence of the Israelite king. Among these works, Psalm 2 and 110 focus on the king's military activity, which is considered to result in a universal vic tory over the nations. This is made explicit in Ps. 2:8-9 and 110:1-2. 5-6, but the overall context depicts the king as a victorious warrior. In the case of Psalms 72 and 101 the juridical character and activity of the king is empha6
7
8
9
5
For example, Psalms 2; 72; 89; 110; 2 Sam. 7:14. Being a secondary topic from the present perspective, we mention only Donner, 1:194-202, with ample bibliographical details. 6
7
Geschichte,
For the following we may consult, for example, Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, 11-68.
8
Instead of listing a huge number of scholarly titles on the issue, we refer here only to Kraus, 107-123; Preuss, Theology, 2: 29-34 as introductory works. Another opinion can be found, for example, in Tournay, Seeing and Hearing God, 199-229, who holds the post-exilic setting of all these compositions. Theology of the Psalms, 9
FUNCTIONS
211
sised. We find especially in Psalm 72 language that stresses the divine origin and fundamental nature of the king's judgement. This psalm is also important in underlying both the universal scope of this royal judgement—the gentiles are also subjected to this activity—and the permanent positive effects of the ideal king's reign (nbw with universal and even cosmic dimensions). Other kind of evidence is yielded by several prophetic texts, expressing expectation of the coming of a future, ideal king. In this group of writings, the very function of the future king is not always related explicidy. However, the circumstances of his reign, and God's activity on his behalf, suppose the military/juridical aspects of this figure. We can cite, for example, two wellknown prophecies from the proto-Isaianic corpus: Isa. 9:1-6 and 10:3311:5. In the climax of the first passage (Isa. 9:6), CDD&D and n p i * are the most important attributes of the coming king's activity. Both expressions belong to the realm of juridical vocabulary. Moreover, among the "throne-names" of the future ruler, we find several with obvious martial connections, especially the two initial ones, yvv *6a and -ma (9:5bcc). The second Isaianic passage (10:33-11:5) is even more eloquent in this re gard. Here we find explicit enumeration of martial and juridical functions at tributed to the coming ruler (several keywords of the passage are listed above). This passage is also important in that it seems to be a text that direcdy influenced the views of certain compositions of the Qumran Library. We may cite further prophetic evidence in this regard. Let us refer only to several passages from Jeremiah, such as 22:1-5; 23:5-6; 33:15-16. The first two are prophecies against actual rulers of the people, and evoke in this con text the ideal figure of the Israelite king. The keywords in Jer. 22:3 are tDStDn, n p i * , and a warning to "deliver from the hand of the oppressor anyone who has been robbed, and do no wrong or violence to the alien, the orphan, and the widow," the vocabulary of the righteous judge. In Jer. 23:5 we find simi lar wording, the coming king, righteous or legitimate successor ( p H * no*) of David will do mm and n p i * in the land. Moreover, this passage contains clear reference to the military skills of the coming king in 23:6a: neon'? per ^K-ion m r r vmn VD'n. Jer. 33:15-16, in the context of a salvation oracle, en visages again righteous offspring of David, the future ideal ruler, and repeats nearly verbatim the wording of 23:5-6. Note that these passages of Jeremiah—especially the latter two—were also crucial texts for certain com positions of the Qumran Library, for they apparendy served as a model in forming the figure of the Qumranic T H nn*. In order to avoid multiplication of evidence, the texts mentioned above are sufficient to demonstrate that both the atemporal ideal manifestation of the 10
1 0
The determination of the latter passage's boundaries is generally different in modern schol arship. See, for example, Wildberger, Isaiah, 1: 462-465. We nevertheless use here this division, for it seems to be more in line with the Qumranic understanding of the passage.
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Israelite king and its expected future counterpart were characterised in the Old Testament by martial and juridical terminology. This view proved to be fitting for the eschatological thinking of certain early Jewish circles, as wit nessed by writings of the Qumran Library. These circles not only picked up and referred to some of these Old Testament passages with predilection, but interpreted other texts in the light of this pattern, as we can see in the case of Gen. 49:10 or Am. 9:11. These circles, when speaking of a positive royal protagonist of the eschatological events, obviously referred to the coming king described by these passages. For them, the military leader of the es chatological war will be the one foreseen by the authors of the Old Testament passages. However, the thinking of the authors of these compositions of the Qumran Library show a striking development compared to that of the Old Testament texts. In the latter case, the Davidic connections of the coming figure are nearly universally stated or alluded to. In the Qumran Library, al though certain texts assert obviously strong Davidic connections of the com ing ruler (lQSb, 4Q161, 4Q174, 4Q252, 4Q285, most of these are na* pas sages), in other compositions the Davidic issue seems of secondary importance (1QS, 1QM, CD, 4Q175, 4Q458). The interest in this case rests on the function of the expected king, rather than on his lineage. Finally, a few remarks on the historical background of these passages. Several scholars hold that we should understand the emergence of the martial Davidic "messianism" in the Qumran Library (esp. 4Q161, 4Q174, 4Q252, 4Q285) against a Herodian background. It must be noted, however, that al though all of the texts in question were copied in the Herodian era, their Herodian emergence is not obvious. It seems natural to suppose, for example, that 4Q161 was composed close to the time of the historical events that it reflects: the end of the reign of Alexander Jannai, or some time after his reign, but during the Hasmonaean era. Moreover, if we accept that Davidic allusions are present in lQSb—a text copied in the first part of the first cen tury BC—the Herodian origins of "Davidic messianism" in the Qumran Community is hardly tenable. In fact, from the middle or end of the second century BC onwards the inner political situation of Israel encouraged empha sis on the Davidic lineage, which could be considered as legitimate in the realm of the political leadership. Thus, throughout virtually the entire his tory of the Qumran Community we find suitable historical-political circum11
12
13
14
1 1
On this, see the remarks of Pomykala, Davidic Dynasty Tradition, 232-246, with our modi fications concerning l Q S b (see pp. 149f. above). Most recently Atkinson, "Herodian Origin," 435-460. On the historical events of 4Q161 see Amusin, "A propos de Vinterpretation," 381-392; Idem, "Reflection of Historical Events," 123-152. Aristobulos became king in 104 BC, but note earlier the reign of Hyrkanos, and especially his intercourse with Eleazar. See, for example, Goldstein, "Hasmonean Revolt," 322-332; Sacchi, History, 253-259. 1 2
1 3
1 4
FUNCTIONS
213
stances for stressing the Davidic aspect of the royal eschatological protago nist, and, more broadly, for stressing the eschatological presence of a royal protagonist. The different viewpoints attested by 1QM and 4Q285 may suggest that the Davidic connections of the eschatological royal protagonist were consid ered of secondary importance in the Community's thinking. Whereas in 1QM we find no explicit Davidic allusions, the 4Q285 version of the eschatological war ascribes an important role to the wvn, a figure this composition identifies with the Davidic nQ*. This difference, however, does not seem the result of a sort of thematic development. In fact, in 1QM the presence of any individual protagonist during the eschatological events is underrepresented. Tendencies of development can rather be found in the emergence of an individual es chatological protagonist as such. The fact that the future king could be de scribed with both Davidic and non-Davidic traits indicates the multi dimensional nature of the Community's thinking about positive eschatologi cal protagonists.
2.
PRIESTLY (CULTIC) FUNCTIONS
As has been demonstrated, some of the eschatologically oriented writings of the Qumran Library contain references to priestly figures. Sometimes we seek in vain any activity attributed to these figures, as in the case of 1QS ix 11; CD xii 23; xix 10-11; xx 1, and the two minn errn passages in CD vii 18 and 4Q174 i l l . Other cases, however, provide information about the function of the eschatological priest(s), describing him/them as being involved in cultic affairs. This cultic function has at least three manifestations. The first two are connected to the eschatological war, where priest(s) utter different prayers and blessings, and perform several rites concerning the war. Third, without the martial scenario, the eschatological high priest makes atonement on the eschatological Day of Atonement. To begin with, we mention 1QM ii 1, the first appearance of the eschato logical high priest in the War Scroll. This passage describes him as presiding over the temple cult, at the beginning of the war. He is thus—first and fore most—head of the cultic community of the eschatological times. Therefore, all functions attributed to the high priest gain their legitimacy from his very position. 2.1. Blessing and Praying The traditions of the War Scroll describe the eschatological high priest and different inferior priests as uttering blessings and prayers. The first of these is 1QM xv 4, where the high priest, surrounded by other priests and levites, is told to read aloud (*np) "the prayer for the time of war" (najn'OTT iv^n n ^ a n )
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CHAPTER SIX
from tfie "Book of the Rule of his time" (inu "po ~)S[o). This prayer contains thanksgivings (nmn n m ) , and the cultic act of the high priest is connected with the strengthening of the warriors by the "priest assigned for the time of vengeance." The words of this prayer are not included in the text. At the end of 1QM, during the final battle and then after the victory, we find two other passages, where the high priest together with his suite blesses and praises the God of Israel (1QM xviii 5b-14; xix lib-end). In the first case, the text of the blessing itself is preserved. This consisted of a general historical reminiscence, with at its centre God who keeps his covenant and acts wonderfully towards his people, and who fights alongside his people during the battle. W e mention here two further passages from the traditions pertaining to the War Scroll, represented by 4Q285 frg. 8 and 11Q14 frg. 1 ii. This blessing is to be uttered after the final victory, and its content deserves attention, since it evokes the image of the eschatological peace on earth, familiar from several passages of Old Testament. It must be noted that the passages from which the material of this passage were built are not all eschatologically-oriented texts. After a general introduction, and blessings of God, Israel and the angels, the author begins with a direct allusion to Num. 6:25a. Then the blessing con tains citations from or references to various biblical passages. The passages from the Pentateuch are related either to the entrance of the people to the Promised Land (Exodus), or to the preserving of God's commandments (Le viticus and Deuteronomy). All these are interpreted by the author of the Qumranic text in the light of Ezek. 34:25-26, which had itself already eschatologically reworked the covenantal blessing of Leviticus 26. Even more im portant, the allusions from Ezekiel come from one of the iCtM passages of the book. These considerations lead to a twofold conclusion: 15
1.
With the victory over the forces of evil during the eschatological batde, the ideal kingdom of the will be inaugurated, as had been presaged by Ezekiel. Its presence was emphasised by works in the Qumran Li brary such as lQSb, CD vii, 4Q161 and 4Q285. This period will be the eschatological fulfilment of the entrance to the Promised Land.
2.
16
With the blessing he utters, the eschatological high priest seems to announce the inauguration of this period. 2.2. Rites During the War In other texts, the eschatological priest(s) perform different rites. Not all of these belong to the activity of the high priest. He himself appears in at least 15
16
Exod. 23:25-26; Lev. 26:3-7; Deut. 11:14-15; 28:11-12; Jer. 5:24 and Ezek. 34:25-26. On this aspect, see the attractive proposal of Lyons, "Possessing the Land," 130-151.
215
FUNCTIONS
one passage of the War Scroll (1QM xvi 13ff) when performing rites during the war, namely the strengthening of warriors. His speech contains three characteristic elements: first, references to past events where God's holiness and power manifested; second, the everlastingness of God's aid for his peo ple; and third, the dominion of Israel and her patron angel. Besides this, several other eschatological priestly activities are related, such as performing different rites during the battle. Yet most of these are not connected to the high priest. We find priests blowing trumpets between the lines of the army (1QM vii 13; viii 5, 8, 14, etc., repeatedly). The reason for this activity is the strengthening of warriors (e.g. 1QM vii 12). In 4Q161 frg. 7-10, 24-25 a pre-eminent priest appears holding clothes in his hand. The context is quite damaged, yet we may suppose that here the rite of the inves titure of the royal protagonist is related. In 4Q285 frg. 7, 5 a priest, perhaps the high priest, commands something, but exacdy what is not preserved. 17
2.3.
Atoning
Two texts from the Qumran Library may be interpreted as relating to the es chatological high priest making atonement. In the Damascus Document (CD xiv 19 and 4Q266 10 i 12-13) the priestly eschatological protagonist, the "anointed one of Aaron and Israel" is said to perform the atonement for sins. The interpretation of the grammatical form of the verb " I E D seems ambiguous, since it is not clear at first sight whether we are dealing with a Pi 'el or Pu 'al form (there is a similar problem with 1 lQMelch). On the one hand, if the verb is in the active Pi'el, then the subject is the priestly ^jnizn p n x rrao. On the other, if the verb is in the pas sive Pu 'al, then the subject of the atoning activity is not expressed. It may be the anointed one or it may be God who makes the atonement. The verb "ISD, apart from xiv 19, occurs six times in the Damascus Docu ment (CD ii 5; iii 18; iv 6, 9, 10; xx 34). In these cases, the verb is in the Pi'el, and its subject is God. Based on this we could try to interpret CD xiv 19 as relating to the atoning of God, too, and the grammatical form of the verb as Pu 'al. Yet we cannot find the Pu 'al form of the verb I E D anywhere in the Damascus Document. As we have noted, in all of those cases where the 18
19
20
1 7
The strengthening task is attributed to the "priest assigned for the time of vengeance" in 1QM xv 6. Some scholars hold that this specifically assigned priest is identical with the high priest, since the latter has the same function in xvi 13. See, for example, Carmignac, Regie de la Guerre, 218; Idem, TdQ, 1: 119. Davies, War Scroll, 71-83, has plausibly argued, however, that the figure of the high priest in this literary layer of the War Scroll is due to secondary reworking of the material. The high priest and the "priest assigned for the time of vengeance" are different figures. On this topic see Baumgarten, "Messianic Forgiveness," 537- 544. Cp., for example, Garnet, Salvation, 87-97 and 134-135. On this, see, for example, van der Woude, Messianischen Vorstellungen, 30-32; Zimmer mann, Messianische Texte, 37-38. 1 8
1 9
2 0
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CHAPTER SIX
subject is God, the Damascus Document uses the active PVel form. Moreo ver, in all of these cases "IQD occurs together with a preposition ("im or whereas in CD xiv 19 it has a direct object. Finally, the related reading of 4Q266 10 i 12-13 also supports the identification of the verb's subject as the 21
Another passage of the Qumran Library (4Q541 frg. 9) clearly testifies to the atoning role of the eschatological high priest. Here the bv IQD formula clearly reflects the cultic language of Leviticus, a book that repeatedly under lines the atoning role of the (high) priest or Aaron. Finally, the angelic protagonist of 1 lQMelch, an angelic high priest of the heavenly liturgy, may also be described as performing the atoning rite of the eschatological Day of Atonement. In these cases, we have no reason to consider the eschatological high priestly atonement differently to that depicted in the Hebrew Bible, that is, as a cultic act performed by the high priest on the Day of Atonement. 2.4. The Case oflQSa:
Two Protagonists in Cultic Function
We have already hinted in this chapter that the presentation of the royal pro tagonist in lQSa differs from the image found in the other related documents of the Qumran Library. The priesdy protagonist of this text also has different characteristics in comparison with the other cases where a priestly protago nist is presented in the scrolls. In the first place, we consider the Rule of the Congregation to be a com posite document, the related part of which (lQSa i 1-3 + ii 11-22) lacks any explicit or implicit allusions to martial issues. This part of the Rule of the Congregation is a treatise on the eschatological banquet, the author of which rewrote eschatologically a passage of the Rule of the Community (1QS vi 2b6). This part of 1QS relates a common custom of the Community, a commu nal meal that took place within smaller units of the Community. According to 1QS, this banquet is presided over only by a priesdy figure ( ) n i D ) . The author of the related passage of lQSa rewrites mis custom and inserts the following developments. First, he eschatologises the scene, giving an eternal character to the custom that in 1QS belongs to the common life of the members of the Community. Secondly, the custom, which in 1QS takes place within smaller units of the Community, is extended to the entire eschato logical Community. Third, in addition to the priestly figure of 1QS the author inserts another protagonist into the scene: the ^Kittr rrt&Q, called also rrtDon, 23
2 1
On this, cp. esp. Lev. 16:32. See the analysis of Baumgarten, "Messianic Forgiveness," esp. 541-542. The interpretation which considers the anointed one as performing the ritual act of atonement is reinforced by the study of Laato, "Eschatological Act", 91-107. DHMK rrwv an rrrr -KDX, 1QS vi 3. 2 2
2 3
FUNCTIONS
217
who is best identified as a royal figure. At the same time, the author retains an important aspect of its source, namely the precedence of the priesdy figure over the banquet. The latter issue is especially important if we take into consideration the intimate relationship that lQSa attributes the royal protagonist as having with God. This relationship, followed by the idea present in such biblical passages as Psalm 2, was related by filial terminology. Despite the extremely close connection between the eschatological royal protagonist and God, who "begets" him, the precedence of the priestly figure over the royal one is obvi ous in lQSa. On the one hand, this view mirrors the same line of thinking as we find in the War Scroll, where the high priest is the cultic head of the entire eschatological Community. However, instead of the collective expectations of the War Scroll the emphasis of lQSa lies on the presentation of individual representatives of the eschatological Community.
3. PROPHETIC FUNCTIONS
As already discussed, mere are several loci in the Qumran Library where an eschatological protagonist is described, a protagonist having prophetic char acteristics. The terminology used in this regard shows some diversity. To begin with, the word rrtDQ in the Qumran Library may refer to pro phetic figures. In the majority of cases these figures belong to the historical past of Israel (1QM; CD ii, vi; 4Q270; 4Q287; 4Q377). Yet these cases are not without importance from the present viewpoint, since they testify to the Qumranic use of the term rrrao as denoting prophets. Nevertheless, in two compositions the word rPK?Q refers clearly to eschatological figures. In 4Q521 frg. 2 ii rrtDQ seems to denote the same figure as the Elijah redivivus of the following column. The author of 1 lQMelchizedek calls a figure—character ised as Moses redivivus—rrnn iron. As pointed out above, not only Elijah but also Moses was considered in the Qumran Library as having prophetic char acteristics. In addition, texts as 1QS, 4Q175 or 4Q558 clearly relate the eschatologi cal activity of prophetic figures without labelling them with the word ITCDQ. The main task attributed to these figures is a precursory one. There is a noteworthy difference, however, with respect to what the eschatological prophet will be the precursor of. His arrival could precede the day of judge ment or the appearance of some other positive eschatological protagonist.
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3.1. Prophetic Precursor of the Day of Judgement At first sight, 4Q521 is not really eloquent in describing the activity of its mtoo. But, as already discussed, he seems to have an exhortative/admonitory task with universal authority. Since the subsequent material of the column relates the miraculous eschatological activity of God, we may consider the function of the rran to be a precursor and herald of eschatological salvation. If we accept the identity of the iron of col. ii, and the protagonist of col. iii— and there are no good reasons to contradict this identification—the activity of this precursor includes what the Old Testament attributed to the eschatologi cal Elijah redivivus. We find a similar view in the fragmentary Aramaic text 4Q558. As argued above, the task of rr^K in this text consists of being the precursor of the es chatological events, the day of judgement. These two texts (4Q521 and 4Q558) are the sources that deal clearly with Elijah redivivus. This understanding of his figure is perfectly in line with the view presented by related passages in Malachi and Ben Sira. In all these compositions the only human protagonist en scene is Elijah redivivus. He precedes the manifestation of the real protagonist of the eschatological events, that is God. The authors did not feel it necessary to insert another pre eminent human eschatological agent into the events. 24
25
26
3.2. Prophetic Precursor of a Positive Eschatological
Protagonist
1 lQMelch retains the view that the eschatological prophet will serve as a precursor or herald. Yet the author of this text develops the issue in two im portant ways. On the one hand, 1 lQMelch specifies the message of the her ald. Line ii 20 of the text states:
"To comfo[rt] the [afflicted," its interpretation:] to instruct them in all the ages of the wo[rld . . . ] . 27
Firsdy, this line links Isa. 61:2b (D'tairtoDrrf?) to the figure. According to this, his message consists of comforting the people of God during the turbu lent events of the eschatological age. Secondly, the author interprets the nmb of the biblical passage as nn^yoinp. The latter verb belongs to the realm of sapiential language; thus this interpretation establishes a link with the view expressed by the author of 4Q521 that the eschatological prophet will in struct/admonish his audience.
2 4
2 5
2 6
2 7
See pp. 188f. above. wmb i w p x m D»nflon, 4Q521 2 ii 1. See pp. 187f. above. The translation is taken from DSST, 140.
219
FUNCTIONS
On the other hand, in 1 lQMelch the eschatological prophet appears together with another positive eschatological protagonist, the angelic Melchizedek, who "will carry out the vengeance of God's judgements" (1 lQMelch ii 13). The as pect of judgement is connected here with the figure of Melchizedek, the angelic protagonist of the text, who will accomplish the judgement in the eschatologi cal age. The prophet—instead of being the precursor of the day of judgement in particular, as in the Old Testament or in 4Q521 and 4Q558—becomes the her ald of the other eschatological protagonist. * With this development, the author of 1 lQMelch anticipates the teaching found in the New Testament and later Judaism that presents Elijah redivivus as "precursor of the messiah." What is interesting in this case is that the es chatological prophet of 1 lQMelch is not Elijah but Moses redivivus. W e may say something similar about the data provided by 1QS ix 11 and 4Q175. These writings are extremely reticent in the present regard, but at least the following issues seem clear. A prophetic eschatological protagonist is depicted, and appears together with other eschatological protagonists: in 1QS as bvcw') p n x V T B O , and in 4Q175 as a royal and a priestly figure. The eschatological prophet seems to be the herald of these figures. Note that the identity of the prophet in 1QS ix 11 and in 4Q175 is not en tirely clear. The biblical citation related to him in 4Q175 is Deut. 5:28-29 + 18:18-19, which allows us to suppose that the author considered the historical Moses as typos for the eschatological prophet. The theological view of the interpolated messianic passage in 1QS ix shows close connections with 4Q175 (even their scribe was the same person); thus we may allow that the of 1QS ix 11 is also an eschatological Mosaic figure. It is uncertain, however, whether these Mosaic prophets were also considered as Moses redivivus. 28
4.
CONCLUSION:
FUNCTIONS OF POSITIVE ESCHATOLOGICAL PROTAGONISTS
In this chapter, we have analysed the various functions that the Qumran Community attributed to the positive eschatological protagonists to which they referred. We found three functional types: royal, priestly and prophetic. This conforms to the main leading functions in Israel testified to by the He brew Bible. It seems that the functional issue had crucial importance in the Qumranic reflection on positive eschatological protagonists. The various r e lated terms and the various figures always occur in connection with a par ticular function. It is noteworthy that even the angelic protagonist Mel chizedek was characterised with the categories of the functional realm as high priest and royal warrior.
2 8
See p. 176. above.
CHAPTER SEVEN
THE "NUMERICAL" QUESTION The last short chapter of this study deals with a question regarded as an es tablished consensus by most scholars: the "number" of the expected protago nists of the Qumran Library. According to the majority view, we find an idea labelled "messianism" at Qumran; the typical or distinctive manifestation of this is its duality. Schol ars also emphasise the alleged biblical background of this dual messianism, and its affinities with the contemporary leadership of Qumran. The writings analysed in the first part of this study testify to a variety of views about positive eschatological protagonists. As regards the present is sue, we discern three main types within these texts. 1
1.
2.
3.
In a number of compositions only one eschatological protagonist is evi dent: CD MSS A2 and B; 4Q246; 4Q252; 4Q369; 4Q458; 4Q521; 4Q541; 4Q 'Amram; 4Q558. We may also classify here 4Q161 and 4Q285. A larger part of the related texts speaks about the eschatological activity of two different positive protagonists: lQSa; lQSb; CD vii 9-viii 2; 4Q174; 1 lQMelch. Two compositions, 1QS and 4Q175 refer to the eschatological activity of three different positive protagonists.
As preliminary observations, we mention the following. The related nonsectarian compositions deal exclusively with a single eschatological protago nist. Those works that refer to two protagonists are exclusively sectarian ones. Two further compositions, both of them sectarian, speak about three eschato logical protagonists. Finally, among the texts interested in the eschatological activity of only one protagonist, we also find sectarian compositions (4Q161; 4Q252 and 4Q285). The works of the second type are above all sectarian; * W e quote three programmatic sentences testifying to the majority opinion. (1) Knibb, "Eschatology," 384-5: "The starting point for the discussion of messianism at Qumran ought to be the statement in 1QS 9:11 [...] and the list of messianic proof texts in 4QTestimonia. [... t]hese two texts clearly attest the existence from about 100 BCE of the typical Qumran expecta tion of two messiahs, one a priest, the other a royal figure." (2) Zimmermann, Messianische Texte, 466: "Die traditionsgeschichtliche Einbettung, die Analyse der Texte selbst, die Wirkungsgeschichte sowie mogliche zeitgeschichtliche Beziige und Parallelen geben gute Griinde dafur, auch weiterhin von einer 'Zwei-Messias-Erwartung' in Qumran zu reden." (3) VanderKam, "Messianism," 234: "The evidence does allow one to conclude, then, that at Qumran there was a dual messianism, with one messiah being priestly and the other davidic."
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which might support those scholars who maintain the idea of "dual messianism of Qumran." However, the presence of sectarian compositions bom in the first and third types warns us at least to be careful in judging this case. W e begin with the second type, compositions referring to two eschato logical protagonists. lQSa; lQSb; CD vii 9-viii 2; 4Q174 speak about a royal and a priesdy protagonist, whereas 1 lQMelch describes an angelic and a prophetic figure. As for the terminology used, we find no consistent uniformity. In lQSa, the royal protagonist is rrc&on or bxrw rrao; while the priestly one is simply )iTDn. In lQSb the royal protagonist is m r n aren, while the term that denotes the priestly one is not preserved. In the Midrash Amos-Numbers the royal protagonist is mun *?D K T O , while the priestly one is n n m n tonin. Finally, in 4Q174 the royal protagonist is T i n nnx, while the priestly one is again m i n n conn. 2
As we have seen, the royal protagonists of lQSb, CD vii and 4Q174 are similarly characterised as victorious eschatological royal warriors, yet we cannot say the same about the royal protagonist of lQSa. In this case, the martial scenario is absent, and the royal protagonist appears to exercise a solely cultic function, together with the priesdy figure. In CD vii and 4Q174 the function of the priestly protagonist remains unelaborated, but in light of his name (nnmn enin), an interpretative, teaching authority may be assigned to him. In lQSb, the pre-eminent personality of the priesdy protagonist is de picted as serving jointly with the angels in the (eschatological) temple. The angelic figure of 1 lQMelch is Melchizedek, who bears equally royal and priestly characteristics, as a warrior and as an acting high priest of the es chatological Day of Atonement, while the prophetic figure appears as his her ald or precursor, a ncnD, who is mnn I T B D . As regards the third type (1QS ix and 4Q175), there is no reason to label the eschatological prophet differentiy as "the messiahs." In these sectarian passages three different eschatological protagonists are en scene. W e can say nothing more specific about their function or activity. The only certain factor is that we have in 1QS ix 11 a royal and a priesdy protagonist, labelled as ^xnen p n x 'rriDD, and a prophetic one, who is simply called The prophet is mentioned before the royal and priestly protagonists, which may indicate that he has the same precursory role as the nana of 1 lQMelch. In 4Q175, this issue is, however, not explicit. The sectarian compositions 4Q161; 4Q252 and 4Q285 consistentiy refer to only one protagonist of the eschatological events, a royal warrior. 4Q161 and 4Q285 call him nn^n and T i n nos, whereas 4Q252 uses the terms pnsn rri&D and T i n nD^. In 4Q161 and 4Q285 priestly activity is also men tioned, but it seems that in these texts we are dealing with priests as members 2
See pp. 205ff. above.
THE NUMERICAL ISSUE
223
of a group and not as individual protagonists. They—as a collective—seem to have authority over the royal protagonist. In contrast, the Damascus Docu ment—apart from the secondarily inserted Midrash Amos-Numbers—refers to a priestly protagonist, who is termed bxr\m p n x rrcDG. We do not have abundant information about this figure, who seems at least to make atone ment in the eschatological time (CD xiv 19). Another passage in the Damas cus Document, also of independent and secondary origin compared to the rest of the material, refers likewise to a priestly protagonist, who is described as an authoritative teacher (CD vi 11). Regarding the complicated term bxim p n x ITIDQ, which has a very long interpretative background, we may say the following. In several passages of the Qumran Library we find iron as nomen regens in a construct case fol lowed by two nomina recta. When this nomen regens is in the plural, the in terpretation does not present difficulties: it mirrors the expectation of two anointed ones. In nearly all instances, however, the nomen regens is in the singular. Some scholars are of the opinion—a few already before the Qumran discoveries, with respect to the Damascus Document—that we have here: 3
4
1. 2.
palaeographically, simply a mistake, or orthographically, defectiva scripta of a plural form, in which case these passages also express the expectation of two eschatological protagonists. 5
Palaeographically, a recently published fragment of the Damascus Document found in Cave 4 contains the same singular reading, which disproves the first objection. Orthographically, the obvious plene orientation of the Hebrew language used in Qumran refutes the latter one. Some scholars emphasise that the singular nomen regens is not unfamiliar in the Hebrew language, being found in cases where the nomina recta are conceptually close to each other. Yet in the present passage the nomina recta are two different concepts. Application of the singular to a plural concept is 6
7
8
3
The bibliography on this question is huge; see inter alia Brownlee, "Anointed Ones/' 3744; Caquot, "Messianisme," 231-247; Collins, Scepter and the Star, 74-101; Cross, "Notes on the Doctrine," 1-13; Puech, "Messianisme," 265-271; Talmon, "Waiting," 122-126; Villal6n, "Sources," 53-63. Unfortunately, the entire material of the Qumran corpus provides only one explicit example of this construction: 1QS ix 11 with its extremely complicated textual Vorgeschichte. Firstly, Ginzberg, Unknown Jewish Sect. 4Q266 10 i 12; see DJD 18: 72-73. The analysis of the passage is in Baumgarten, "Messianic Forgiveness," 537-544. See, for example, Qimron, Hebrew, §100.34 (chapter "Yod Representing Final e"). SaenzBadillos, History of the Hebrew language, 136: "The orthography of this variety of Hebrew is characterized by the use of scriptio plena, which is found in every document and reflects the general tendency of the time." Some cite as a contra-example Gen. 14:10 (motfi D*io *pti). This seems, however, to be an exception, and its textual position is not entirely certain; cp. Abegg, "Messiah at Qumran," 130. 4
5
6
7
8
224
CHAPTER SEVEN
otherwise not unfamiliar in Hebrew, but limited to a small number of cases (especially parts of the body). The interpretation of word I T O D as referring to a singular subject is sup ported, moreover, by the fact that in the only locus where the figure has a finite verb, and not an infinitive form (CD xiv 19), the verb is clearly in the singular. (In the case of the distributive singular, the plural verbal form would be correct, cf. Gen. 14:10.) In the non-sectarian compositions—as discussed already—we find the es chatological activity of single protagonists only. In 4Q246; 4Q369; 4Q458 a royal figure appears, best characterised as a warrior. 4Q521 and 4Q558 refer to a prophetic figure, characterised as Elijah redivivus, and also called in 4Q521 I T O D . The protagonist of 4Q541 is the eschatological high priest, a pre-eminent figure with extreme strength of teaching, who will eventually make atonement in the eschatological Day of Atonement. Finally, the posi tive protagonist of AQ'Amram is an angelic being. From the above, it is evident that the various compositions of the Qumran Library used various terminological and functional patterns when speaking about positive eschatological protagonists. On the one hand, authors of the related sectarian compositions worked into their writings all the patterns found in the non-sectarian writings they had collected. On the other hand, the sectarian authors used this material freely and creatively, and we find no indi cation that they considered any aspects as an "authoritative doctrine." As for the priesdy/royal dual pattern, it is true that this is testified firstly by some Qumran sectarian writings, which might indicate that it was devel oped within the Qumran Community. In view of the entirety of the material, it seems safer to label it as "a distinctive Qumranic view," rather than "the distinctive Qumranic view" of positive eschatological protagonists. Moreo ver, we can find several other "distinctive Qumranic views," among the pat terns used in the related writings of the Community. 9
1.
The "triple messianism" expressed by 1QS ix 11 and 4Q175 is unique within the Community. This may be considered an idiosyncrasy of the scribe of these compositions. The angel/prophet dualism of 1 lQMelch is also a distinctive Qumranic pattern.
2.
It is worth noting, furthermore, that similar terminology sometimes reflects different functions. The lay miDQ of lQSa—who is en scene together with a
9
Cp. GBH, §136/: "Alongside the tendency to use the plural despite the presence of the idea of singular, there is the opposite tendency to use the singular instead of plural in a case where several individuals have something in a similar manner, especially a member." See further Xeravits, "Precisions," 47-59.
THE NUMERICAL ISSUE
225
priestly protagonist—has, for example, a completely different function to that of the royal warrior figures of lQSb; CD vii 9-viii 2 or 4Q174. Quoting again James VanderKam, "at Qumran there was a dual messian ism." This is true. But there were other "messianisms" as well. The Qumran Community reflected upon the issue of expectation of positive eschatological protagonists, but failed to create a consistent doctrine in this aspect. Royal, priestly, prophetic and angelic figures occur in the literary heritage of the Community with lively variety.
CONCLUSIONS At the end of our study of the positive eschatological protagonists attested by the various sectarian and non-sectarian compositions collected in the Qumran Library, the following conclusions can be formulated. (a) Material The two chapters in the analytical section testified to the fact that positive es chatological protagonists are present in both the sectarian and non-sectarian corpora of the Qumran Library. This shows that like-minded groups within early Judaism also reflected upon this issue, and that the Qumran Community was not exceptional in dealing with it. Some of the related non-sectarian writings might antedate the emergence of the Qumran Community, but from the present viewpoint this is of secondary importance. The material of the related sectarian works does not seem to depend definitively upon any of these non-sectarian compositions. As for the sectarian works, positive es chatological protagonists are mentioned in a quite broad corpus of writings, compositions of different genre and intention. Yet there are only two texts that seem to focus primarily on these figures (4Q175; 1 lQMelch). This al lows us to conclude that the issue of positive eschatological protagonists was not a central theological topic intensively explored by the Community. It is true, when compared to the rest of known early Jewish literature, the Qumran Library provides incomparably more data on positive eschatological protago nists. Yet it is equally true that within the entire corpus of the Qumran Li brary, this topic proves to be of secondary interest. 1
(b) Terminology The first chapter of the systematic part of this study—on the terms used to denote positive eschatological protagonists—showed that within these com positions we find considerable variety. Several terms occur more frequently than others. First we mention the term iron, which denotes various positive eschatological protagonists in the Qumran Library, for the first time in its Wirkungsgeschichte. Besides TOE, we find other related terms as well. The various terms are sometimes used in an interchangeable manner (in the case of the royal figures, moo and T H nft^ or T H nnx and mun K'taa), but in gen eral, they do not necessarily denote the same historical or ideal individual. This cautions us against considering the terminological aspect as the main 1
The only exception may be the figure of Melchizedek in 1 lQMelch, which seems to have been developed with regard to the "ange souriant" of the Visions of 'Amram.
227
CONCLUSIONS
level of reflection, which in se disqualifies approaches that seek to define the Qumranic expectation of positive eschatological protagonists from the per spective of the expressions used (e.g. "messianism"). 2
(c) Figures The second chapter of the systematic part moved from the terminological is sue to explore several individual figures, presented by some texts of the Qumran Library as being active in the eschatological age. We found three such figures. One of them, Melchizedek is an angelic figure, while the other two are redivivus figures from the historical past of Israel: Moses and Elijah. (d) Functions In the third chapter of the systematic section, in exploring various functional patterns used by the related compositions and passages of the Qumran Li brary, we found the same variety as in the case of the terminology. The func tions of positive eschatological protagonists of the Qumran Library represent three different types of leadership in biblical Israel. These eschatological figures may be described as kings, priests and prophets. As for the royal p r o tagonist, his Davidic connections are often mentioned, but the accent gener ally lies on his martial and juridical function, not on his lineage (except Tn no^). Some texts—both sectarian and non-sectarian—emphasise the filial relationship of the eschatological king and God, and in this they eschatologise the ancient Near Eastern motive of the king's divine adoption, shared also by the biblical Israel. The figure of the eschatological priest is depicted in some passages as one serving together with the angels. The view of com munion with the angels, however, is not restricted to him; some texts con sider similarly the members of the Community. Finally, a prophetic protago nist also occurs in several texts, serving as a precursor of either the eschatological events or the arrival of another protagonist. On occasion some of these figures could occur together, in these cases the relationship of them may also be expressed, but this issue receives a characteristic expression only in lQSa, where the eschatological high priest clearly has a pre-eminent posi tion in the eschatological communal meal, compared to the lay protagonist. Other passages content themselves in referring only to the simultaneousness of the activity of more than one protagonist. 3
2
See, for example, the opinion of VanderKam, "Messanism," 234, note 43: "The Mel chizedek text (1 lQMelch) has been left out of consideration because the figure described there is not a messiah. He appears to be an angel..." This statement is materially true but shows the weaknesses of such an approach. On the one hand, the angelic Melchizedek is not classified as "messiah," but in his functions he does not differ from those protagonists VanderKam treats in his valuable article. On the other hand, 1 lQMelch refers to another positive eschatological pro tagonist, which is explicitly labelled as "messiah." This figure was, however, not treated by VanderKam, apparently because—being a prophet—this figure does not fit into his assumed "messiah-concept." 3
Cp. Collins, Apocalypticism,
119; and recently Fletcher-Louis, All the Glory,
passim.
228
CONCLUSIONS
(e) Numbers and Consistency This issue leads to the "numerical question" of the Qumranic expectation of positive eschatological protagonists. We maintained that some converging tendencies notwithstanding, we could not find an exclusive and/or consistent view of the Qumranic "dual messianism" often asserted by scholars. The re lated material testifies to both diverging and converging tendencies, the com plex entirety of which allows us to conclude that the reflection on positive eschatological protagonists was not a settled doctrine in the Qumran Com munity. We can find several "distinctive Qumranic views" on this issue, such as the simultaneous activity of more than one protagonist, but even here, sev eral parallel views are preserved, such as the king/priest and angel/prophet dualisms or the king/priest/prophet pattern. The latter view is testified to in only two texts (1QS ix and 4Q175), both of which were written by the same scribe, which raises the possibility that this pattern was his personal opinion or invention. This fact may point to the flexible nature of the "messianic view" at Qumran, and evokes a belief under development, which excludes the possibility of a consistent and "canonised messianic view" within the Com munity. The Community interpreted creatively the material they inherited from the Old Testament; nevertheless, they were far from having a settled, "canonical" opinion on this question. Members of the Qumran Community considered the issue expectation of positive eschatological protagonists as an issue worth reflecting upon. We cannot find, however, any indication that they considered this topic as having crucial importance. They believed in God who was master of history, and who through His agents was actively involved in the events of history. Obvi ously, they found a place for the agents of God's historical activity in the es chatological age, but without formulating definitive judgements about them. In concluding this study, it is appropriate to cite the words of John Collins regarding the apocalyptic view of Qumran. These sentences can be applied to the present issue in their entirety. It is not suggested... that there was any fixed creed. Even the properly sectarian writings are not systematically consistent, and there seems to have been consid erable flexibility in the formulation of beliefs. Orthopraxy in the observance of the Law is emphasised more than orthodoxy of belief, although beliefs also played an integral part in the constitution of the community. 4
4
Collins, Apocalyptic
Imagination,
175.
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ATTM: ATTME: DSSSE: DSSU:
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2
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b
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3
3
b
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INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abegg, M.G., 60, 88, 95, 130, 146, 147, 157, 223 Ahlstrom, G.W., 93 Albertz, R., 3-5 Alexander, P.S., 15, 17, 2 1 , 63, 144,147, 149, 157, 169, 202 Allegro, J.M., 46, 50, 52, 55-57, 59-62, 103 Allen, L.C., 148 Allison, D.C., 191 Amsler, S., 159 Amusin, J.D., 22, 34, 5 1 , 5 2 , 1 4 8 , 166, 212 Andersen, F.I., 181 Argall, R.A., 5 Aschim, A., 5 1 , 1 9 1 , 2 0 1 Atkinson, K., 153,212 Attridge, H., 89 Baillet, M., 33, 36, 75, 89, 93, 103 Baltzer, K., 158 Barth61emy, D., 22, 23, 26, 27 Bauckham, R., 5 3 , 6 5 , 6 6 Baumgarten, J.M., 32, 33, 215, 216, 223 Becker, M., 190 Beentjes, P.C., 105, 140, 180 Berger, K., 118 Bergman, J., 165,166 Bernstein, M.J., 59, 60, 63 Beyer, K., 112, 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 120 Bidawid, R J . , 143 Black, M., 195 Blenkinsopp, J., 178 Block, D.I., 148,152, 162 Boccaccini, G., 5, 144, 165 Bonnard, P.E., 158 Bowley, J.E., 175,176 Bracke, J.M., 159 Brady, M , 121 Briggs, C.A., 158, 194 Brooke, G.J., 45, 46, 50-52, 5 5 , 5 9 , 6 1 , 110, 112,113, 115, 155,156, 170 Brownlee, W.H., 223 Buchanan, G.W., 86 Burrows, M., 52 Callaway, P.R., 49
Caquot, A., 112,223 Carmignac, J., 25, 26, 28, 35, 49, 5 1 , 60, 62,71-74, 77, 155, 165, 198,215 Charles, R.H., 33 Charlesworth, J.H., 2 1 , 24, 25, 27, 28, 139,202 Clements, R.E., 163 Coats, G.W., 178 Cody, A., 165 Collins, J.J., 1, 5, 10, 49, 72, 73, 83, 87, 99, 100,110, 114, 115,117, 142,166, 171,180, 182,189, 190, 195,223, 227,228 Cook, E . M . , 8 8 Coppens, J., 139 Cothenet, E., 43, 44, 46, 49, 171 Crenshaw, J.L., 185 Cross, F.M., 4 , 1 5 , 1 6 , 20, 84, 85, 99, 165, 193,223 Dahood, M J . , 158,193 Davenport, G.L., 5 Davies, P.R., 17, 34, 35, 40, 45, 48, 49, 7 6 , 1 6 0 , 165, 167, 169,174, 215 Day, J., 192 D e V r i e s , S J . , 184 Dedering, S., 141 Delcor,M., 191, 192 Delling, G., 152 Denis, A.M., 35, 4 1 , 42, 110,117, 142 Dexinger,R, 176,180, 181 Di Leila, A.A., 140,178, 180 Diez Macho, A., 144 Dimant, D., 14, 16, 23, 34, 5 1 , 59, 6 1 , 69, 82, 8 3 , 9 0 , 9 5 , 1 0 0 , 1 5 3 , 194 Donner, H., 210 Doudna, G., 64 Duhaime, J.L., 5, 75, 77, 78, 101 Dumortier, J.B., 93, 9 4 , 1 5 5 Dupont-Sommer, A., 10, 44 Eisenman, R., 1, 62, 63, 104, 110,122 Elnes, E.E., 192 Elsinger, L., 155 Eshel, E., 10 Evans, C.A., 22, 27, 89, 9 1 - 9 4 , 1 3 0 , 1 4 6 , 147,155
250
Fabry, H.J., 88 Faierstein, M.M., 191 Feldman, L.H., 139 Fitzmyer, J.A., 7 1 , 74, 82-85, 88, 121, 187, 188, 191, 193, 194 Fletcher-Louis, C.H.T., 122-124, 127, 177, 178, 1 8 0 , 1 8 1 , 196,227 Flusser, D., 56, 85, 88 Frohlich, 1 , 5 0 , 1 8 1 Garcia Martinez, F., 11, 44, 46, 59, 60, 63, 66, 68, 82-85, 88, 9 1 , 96, 99,100-104, 106, 112, 116-118,120, 165,169,170, 177, 187,189, 194, 195,198, 199, 202 Garnet, P., 215 Gilbert, M., 140 Giversen, S., 203 Glazier-McDonald, B., 176, 185 Gmirkin, R., 76 Goldstein, J.A.,212 Goodblatt, D., 165 Gordon, R.P., 63 Goulder, M.D., 192,193 Green, W.S., 139 Gry, L., 143 Haag, H., 158 Harl, M., 139 Harrington, D.J., 102 Hartley, J.E., 136 Heim, K.M., 93 Hempel, C , 6, 2 3 , 2 4 Hendel, R.S., 61 Hoffman, Y., 154 Holladay, C.R., 180 Holladay, W.L., 154 Hollander, H.W., 110, 111, 142, 163,195 Hoop, R. de, 162 Horgan, M.P., 52 Horton, F.L., 50, 70, 7 1 , 73, 192, 194, 198, 203 Houtman, C , 181,184 Hugenberger, G.P., 176 Huggins, R.V., 69, 90 Hughes, P.E., 176 Hultgard, A., 8 Hunzinger, C.H., 103 Ibba, G., 76, 77 Jacobson, H., 180, 181,218 James, M.R., 140, 163 Jeremias, G., 49
INDICES
Jonge, M. de, 110, 111, 135, 140, 142, 163,195 Jongeling, B., 160 Joyce, P.M., 152 Kahle, P., 144 Karasszon, I., 102 Kaufman, S.A., 144 Kee, H.C., 142 Klijn, A.F.J., 143 Klijn,A.F.J., 141,142 Kmosko, M., 141 Knibb, M.A., 35, 43, 46, 47, 4 9 , 1 4 3 , 169, 174,221 Knohl, I., 10 Kobelski, P.J., 7 1 , 74, 116, 1 1 8 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 7 , 199-202 Kraus, H.J., 27, 97, 158, 192, 193, 210 Kugel, J., 90-94 Kugler, R.A., 29, 165, 166 Kutscher, E.Y., 194 Kvalbein, H., 109,189 Laato, A., 216 Lacocque, A., 165 Lagrange, M.J., 33 Laperrousaz, E.M., 180 Larson, E., 94 LeD6aut, R., 144 Leemhuis,F., 141 Levenson, J.D., 152 Levey, S., 134,144 Levey, S.H., 164 Levi, I., 33 Levy, R., 32 Licht, J., 25, 26 Lim, T.H., 1,63 Lipinski,E., 107 Lust, J., 134, 138, 1 3 9 , 1 5 5 , 1 6 3 Lyons, W.J., 63, 64, 66, 214 Mattila, S.L., 79, 83 McCarter, P.K., 156 McKane, W., 154 McKenzie, J.L., 4, 158 Meeks, W.A., 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 0 , 1 8 1 Meshorer, Y., 163 Metzger, B.M., 143 Meyer, E., 33, 34 Meyers, C.L., 165 Meyers, E.M., 165 Milgrom, J., 136 Milik, J.T., 16, 19, 20, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34, 35, 44, 57, 60, 63, 64, 68, 69, 71, 72,
251
INDICES
74, 82, 85, 88, 90, 116-118, 149, 165, 166, 182,195, 198 Minkowsky, C , 45, 46 Miller, M.P., 182, 195 Miller, P.D., 192 Monsengwo-Pasinya, L., 134 Moor, J.C. de, 4, 162 Moore, C.A., 105 Murphy O'Connor, J., 16-18, 35, 38, 3942, 45-47 Miiller, M., 137 Newsom, C.A., 14, 5 7 , 1 2 1 , 123, 124, 177, 196, 199 Nickelsburg, G.W.E., 5, 3 4 , 1 8 0 Niebuhr, K.W., 190 Niehr, H., 146,151 Nikiprowetzky, V., 139 Nitzan, B., 64 Oegema, G.S., 1, 59, 60, 138,156, 163 Oppenheimer, A., 153, 164 Orlov, A., 204 Otzen, B., 64 Pearson, B.A., 203 Perez Fernandez, M., 144 Petersen, D.L., 159, 178 Pfann, S.J., 22 Philonenko, M., 91-94, 112,119 Pomykala, K.E., 1, 149-151, 155, 210, 212 Preuss, H.D., 4 , 1 8 5 , 210 Priest, J., 180 Puech, E., 2 1 , 27, 28, 68, 69, 7 1 , 72, 74, 82-88, 9 8 - 1 0 5 , 1 0 7 , 1 0 8 , 110-116, 118-121, 126, 162, 182, 183, 186, 187, 189, 195, 197, 200, 202, 223 Qimron, E., 32, 37, 44, 5 5 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 223 Rabin, C . , 4 1 , 4 2 Rabinowitz, I., 50 Rad, G. von, 4 Rainbow, P., 119, 197, 198, 202 Reicke, B., 188 Renaud, B., 155 Richardson, H.N., 26 Roberts, J.J.M., 108, 137 Robinson, J.M., 1 Rooke, D.W., 165, 192 Rose, W.H., 149, 1 5 4 , 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 , 165 Rouillard, H., 162,163 Russell, D.S., 3 Ryle, H.E., 140, 163
Sacchi, P., 1 8 1 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 3 , 2 1 2 Saenz-Badillos, A., 223 Sanders, J.A., 182,195 Schafer, P., 153, 163, 164 Schechter, S., 32-34,36, 44, 45 Schiffman, L.H., 14, 2 6 , 1 6 5 , 166, 194 Schmidt, W.H., 4 Schiipphaus, J., 140 Scott, J.M., 97 Seebass, H., 162, 192 Segal, M., 175 Seybold, K., 36, 158 Shemesh, A., 24 Silbermann, L . H . , 5 7 , 1 3 5 Skehan, P.W., 5 5 , 1 4 0 , 178, 180 Smith, M., 124 Starcky, J., 11, 2 1 , 47, 98, 99, 110,120, 121, 170, 187 Stegemann, H., 23, 24, 27, 29, 3 1 , 64, 76, 99 Steudel, A., 22, 55, 73, 79, 84, 86-88, 156, 168 Stoebe, H.J., 156 Stone, M.E., 145 Strugnell, J., 52, 55, 56, 57, 89, 102 Sukenik, E . L . , 7 5 , 7 8 , 1 0 3 Szyszman, S., 34 Tabor, J.D., 63, 65, 66, 189 Talmon, S., 2, 223 Talmon, Sh., 139 Tigchelaar, E.J.C., 15, 63, 89, 9 1 , 9 6 , 1 1 2 , 118,120 Tiller, P.A., 180 Tournay, R.J., 192-194,210 Tov, E., 137 Tov,E., 1 Trebolle Barrera, J., 165, 170 Ulrich, E., 137 VanderKam, J . C , 5, 6, 33, 47, 54, 72, 76, 116,121, 1 5 5 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 5 , 2 0 3 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 7 Vaulx, J. de, 163 Vaux, R. de, 27 Vermes, G., 15, 22, 29, 45, 46, 53, 63, 65, 66, 149, 157, 1 6 5 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 7 Villaldn, J.R., 223 Wacholder, B.Z., 37, 76, 82, 83, 95 Wagner, S., 170 Wenham, G., 162 Westermann, C , 192
252
White, S.A., 35, 41,43 Wieder, N., 177 Wildberger, H., 32, 149, 206, 207, 211 Wise, M.O., 10, 62, 63, 104, 110,124,189 Woude, A.S. van der, 10, 63, 68, 71, 74, 138, 147,156, 160, 165,169-171, 177, 187,215 Wright, R.B., 140 Xeravits, G., 6, 22, 25, 36, 38, 45, 49-53, 74, 82, 89, 93, 98, 120, 148,159, 166, 169, 175,186, 224
INDICES
Yadin, Y., 26, 56, 61, 62, 73,74,76 Yardeni, A., 153 Zeitlin, S., 34 Zimmerli, W., 192 Zimmermann, J., 1, 31, 78, 87, 88, 95, 112,113, 120, 121, 146, 148,150, 155, 157, 160, 162,169, 170,172, 177, 182, 187,189, 190, 195,197, 215,221 Zobel, H.J., 163
INDEX OF SOURCES HEBREW BIBLE Genesis 1:2 5:9 7 9 11 14:1-24 14:18-20 14:18 26:24 32:10 36 49 49:10 Exodus 6:18 6:20 7:1 14:31 15 20:21-22 23:25-26 29:6 34:29-35 39:30 Leviticus 4:3LXX 8:9 16:12-21 2L10LXX 2L12LXX 25:9 25:13 26:3-7 Numbers 4:34 6:24-26 10:9 16:2 21:18 24 24:15-17 24:17 24:17a
102 89 61 61 61 69, 192, 197, 199-204, 223, 224 191,193 69 109 109 61 8,61 60, 61, 63, 105, 134, 156, 161163, 206-209, 212 117 117 123 109 4 57 214 54 178 54 70, 136 138 54 144 138 138 72 70 214 151 28, 29, 214 155 151 39,48 8,57 57, 1 6 0 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 8 , 2 0 9 46, 148,158-164, 169, 170, 208 45,46
24:17bp 24:17-19 25:14 31:13 32:20 Deuteronomy 5:28-29 11:14-15 15:2 17:17 18 18:18-19 20:4 28:11-12 30:19 32:39 33:8-11 34:5 Joshua 6:26 Judges 5 1 Samuel 2:8 2 Samuel 2:5LXX 7 7:5 7:11-14 7:14 1 Kings 1:19 1:26 4:2 18:36 19:15 2 Kings 11:9 16:10 22:10 Isaiah 8:11 9:1-6 9:2 9:3 10:21-11:5 10:24-27
45-47 78, 1 6 0 , 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 124 151 151 57, 160, 176,219 210 70 147 8, 177 8,57, 160, 176,219 155 214 107 103, 189 57, 160, 170 109 57 4 54 56 138 27, 56, 88, 156 109 56,103,155,156,170 56,210 109 109 166 109 170, 187 166 166 166 75 138,211 105 105 52 148, 149
254
10:33-11:5 10:33-34 10:34-11:1 10:34a 11:1-11 11:1-5 11:1 11:2b 11:3 11:4 ll:4a0 ll:4ba ll:4b|3 11:5 11:9LXX 22:23 25:6 26:11 26:19 35:1b 40:26 41:25 42:1 43:1 43:10 45:3-4 45:25 49:8-9 52:7 52:8 52:13-53:12 53:2 58:6 61:1 61:2-3 61:2 61:7 66:18-21 Jeremiah 5:24 7:25 10:6 17:22 22:1-5 23 23:5-6 23:5 33:14-26 33:15 Ezekiel 7:27 12:10 12:12 16:18 17
INDICES
67,206,211 53,207 65,206 52, 65, 96 8,161 29, 3 1 , 32, 52, 54, 149,150, 155, 207 8, 149, 158, 163 31,150 54 105,141, 161,207 31 31 31 31,207 150 54 134 107 107 105 102 102 142 102 109 102 97 74 7 4 , 7 5 , 182, 1 9 7 , 2 0 0 , 2 0 1 107 115 158 109 72, 103, 182,189, 195,196 74, 126, 189, 195 73, 1 0 3 , 1 9 7 , 2 1 8 105 141 214 109 85 54 211 8, 158 8,138,211 65, 154 138,158 65,154,211 151 151 151 94 8
17:22-24 20:35 21:30-32 21:30 21:32 26:16 30:13 34 34:23-24 37 37:24-25 38:2-3 39:1 39:3-4 40-48 Hoseah 6:1-2 Joel 2:26 Amos 3:7 5:26-27 9:11 Micah 5:1-5 Zephaniah 1:12 Zechariah 3:1-10 3:8 6:12 9:9-10 9:9 Malachi 1:11 3 3:23-24 3:22 3:24 3:24a Psalms 1:1 2 2:7b 2:9 7:8-9 22:32 30:10 40:6 45:7 50:6 51:17 64:10 68:19 71:12 71:18
138 148 138 151 162 54 151 8,214 8,32, 151, 152 8 8 , 3 2 , 1 5 1 , 152 151 151 67 152 103, 189 185 134 109 44, 45, 47 8,44,47,56,206,207,212 8 108 165 65, 154, 159 65, 154, 159 8 105 74 85 8 8 , 1 2 1 , 184, 1 8 6 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 1 , 201 104 104, 105, 108, 201 185 56 27, 28, 86, 89, 210 27 105, 1 6 1 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 0 73 107 107 107 105 107 107 107 97 107 107
255
INDICES
72 8,89,210,211 75:10 107 76:2 85 76:3 192 78:35 192 79:11 (emended) 105 82:1 73, 196, 198 82:2 73 87:3 101 89 27, 32, 88, 89, 92, 94, 155, 210 89:4 32, 121 89:28 92-94 89:29 32 97:6 107 98:3-4 107 102:21 107 105:15 77 105:20 105 110 27,88,193,197,199-201, 203, 204, 210 110:2aj3 193 110:4 191 132 27, 89, 158 132:17 154, 158,159 134:1 109 142:4 107 145:13 103 146:6 105,107 146:7-8 103,189 146:7 109 Proverbs 6:23 91 8:24 101 Job 73 6:9 105 10:10 108 17-42 144 38:16 101
Ezra 1:8 7:10 Nehemiah 8:8 9:6 Lamentations 4:20LXX Daniel 2-6 2:4 2:21 2:45 3:33 4:34 5:6 7 7:10 7:13 7:14 7:23 7:27 8-9 9 9:24-27 9:25-26 9:26LXX 10:7 12 12:1 12:2 1 Chronicles 2:10 5:6 2 Chronicles 1:2 22:7LXX
152 170 144 107 138 68, 92, 103, 182 84 86 4 86 86 86 84 73, 86, 89, 103, 178 86 178 86 86 86, 142 64 72 195 74, 183 138 84 99 84,86 107 152 152 152 138
APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA Baruch 4:36 5:9 2 Baruch 4:5 27 27:15 29:3 29:4-8 30:1-5 30:1 39:3-5 39:7-40:4
105 105 91, 99, 140,141, 143, 145 180 141 141 141 142 142 141 142 142
40:3 51:3 51:10 59:4-11 70:9 70:10 72:2-4 1 Enoch 9:1 9:4 10:11 37-71 48:10
142 180 180 180 141, 142 142 142 5 , 6 9 , 7 1 , 9 9 , 140 64 64 64 142 143
256
INDICES
51:4-5 105 52:4 143 89:36 121, 180 91:12-17 195 91:13 185 91; 93 72 93:1-10 195 104:2 180 104:6 180 2 Enoch 203 22:8-10 181 Exagoge of Ezekiel 68-81 180 74-75 180, 181 85-89 180 4 Ezra 99,140,145 7:28-29 143 7:28 105 7:97 180 7:125 180 12:32 143 14:5 180 Jubilees 5, 76, 77, 203 1:12 170 31:14 124 46:10-11 116 LAB 91 61:8-9 124 1 Maccabees 14:14 170 2 Maccabees 140 1:10 140 7:28 107 Psalms of Solomon 140, 141, 143, 145 17 140, 141, 163
17:22a 17:32 18:5 Sirach 24:27 32:15 45:2-3 45:2 46:19 48:1-11 48:10 48:10b|3 50:6 51:12 Testament 6:7 6:8 Testament 2:7 Testament 16-18 16:1-18:14 18:1-3 18:3 Testament 19:4 24:1-6 Testament 5:6 Testament 3:11 11:17
of
of of
of
of of
163 140 140 140,218 91 170 180 178, 180 140 185 105, 162,184, 186, 201 186 178 159 Reuben 153 142 Simeon 153 Levi 142, 150 72 195 47,112 170 Judah 153 163 Dan 153 Moses 180 180,181
D E A D SEA SCROLLS l Q A p G e n (lQGenesis Apocryphon) 197 xx 21 192 xxii 13 194 xxii 14b-17 194 xxii 17 193 l Q p H a b (lQHabakkukpesher) ii 9 109 iv 2 101 vii 4-5 176 vii 5 109 viii 9 155 1Q22 (lQWords of Moses) ii 5 176 ii 11 176 1QS (lQRule of the Community) 5,15-19, 23, 57, 59, 79, 8 0 , 9 1 , 9 9 , 130,
132, 145, 164, 1 7 7 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 8 , 217, 221 i-iv 16 i3 109, 133, 175, 176 iii 20-21 197 iv8 91 iv 12-14 195 vl-13a 16 v8 175 v 13b-15a 16 v 15b-vii 25 16 vi2b-6 26, 134, 167,217 viii l-16a 16 viii 15 175, 176 viii 15b-ix 11 1 7 , 2 0 , 2 1 viii 16b-19 16
INDICES
viii 20-ix 2 viii 22 ix 3-x 8a ix3 ix5b-ll ixll
16 175 16 18 17-19,130 5 8 , 7 4 , 130, 136, 145, 160, 176, 1 8 8 , 1 9 1 , 2 0 9 , 213,219, 221-224,228 ix 12 19 ix 15 20 x 9-xi 22 16 x21 73 l Q S a / l Q 2 8 a (lQRule of the Congregation) 5, 6, 8-22, 58, 79, 80, 94, 132, 145, 168, 170, 172, 206, 208210, 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 , 224, 227 i 1 22, 24 i 1-3 24,166,217 i 4-5 24 i6 24 i 6-ii 10 23, 25 i6-iilla 24 i 21-24 166 i 26 166 ii l l - 1 2 a 2 6 , 2 7 , 134,137 ii 11-22 24, 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 , 1 6 6 , 2 1 7 ii 12b-21 25, 26 ii 19 27, 131,166 l Q S b / l Q 2 8 b (1 QRule of Blessings) 28-32, 79, 149, 150, 1 5 5 , 2 0 6 , 2 1 1 , 214,221,222,225 i 1-ii 20 29 il 29 i 19-iii 19 29 i 27 109 ii 21-iii 21 29 ii 22-iii 19 29 iii 22-iv 18 29 iii 22 29 iv 18-v 19 29-32 iv 22-28 29 v 20-29 149 v20 29,147,148 v 22 148,150 v 24 207 v 25-26 159,161,207 l Q H ' ( l Q H o d a y o t h ) 100 iv 12 175 vii 26-27 176 x8 101 xi6-18 10 xi 19-36 10 xv 17 74 xvii 12 176 xxiii 14-15 103, 126
257
1QM (lQWar Scroll) 23, 47, 60, 67, 73, 7579, 88, 91-95, 132,147, 148, 161, 167, 170, 179,206, 208, 213, 217 i5 86,135 19-13 84 i 15 199 iii 167,168,213 iil6-iiill 78 iil6-v2 78 iii 3 146 iii 13-iv 17 78 iii 13 86 iii 15-16 148 iv 1 148 v 1 78, 79, 147, 148, 208 vii 11 54 vii 13 215 viii 5 215 viii 14 215 ix 15-16 64 x4 155 x6 175,176 x8 155 xi 1-2 160 xi2 176 xi3 155,160 xi5 78 xi6 46,148,159 xi7-8 36, 131, 133, 136 xi 7b-8a 77, 78 xi8 78 xi 16 155 xii 4 199 xiii 10-11 197 xiii 11-12 199 xiii 14 199 xv 4 167,213 xv 6 167,168,215 xvi 13 167, 215 xvii 6-7 64,91 xviii5 167,214 xix 11-13 168 xixll 167,214 CD (Cairo Damascus Document) 5, 23, 3250, 79, 132, 136, 164, 206, 217, 221 i 1-11 49 ii 12 3 6 , 7 4 , 7 7 , 131, 133 ii 14-vi 1 39 iii 20-iv 4 34 iv 12b-19 34 iv 13-15 73 iv 14 34 vl 147 v2-4 147
258
v18 v 19 v 21-vi 1 v 21 vii vi 2-viii 3 vi 2-11 vi 4-5 vi 7-9 vi 7 vi8b-lla vi 10-1 l a vill v i i lb-viii 3a vi 15-vii 4 vii 4-viii 3 vii 4-6 vii 6b-8 vii 9-viii 2 vii 9-13b vii 12b-viii 10 vii 13-viii 1 vii 16 vii 18 vii 19 vii 19-20 vii 20 vii 21 viii lb-2a viii 9-12 X8-10 xii2 xii 22-xiii 2 xii 23-xiii 1 xiv 18-19 xivl9 xv 2 xv 9 xv 12 xvi2-5 xix 1-2 xix5-14 xix 6-7a xix7b-14 xix 7 xix 10-11 xix 22-24 xix 33-xx 1 xx 1
INDICES
73,197 155 36, 176 175,176 77,131,133 39 34,39,47 47 48 46, 49, 162 47-50 48 49,223 39 39 39, 206 39 39 38-47, 80, 221, 222, 225 39 34 37-39 56 46,169,213 46,170,187 105,159, 161 147, 148, 207, 208 42, 148, 208 39 34 33 73 36 36, 48, 131,134,136, 213 36,37,134 38,131,136,215,216,223, 224 175 175,176 175 33,177 39 38,39,41,43 39 39 42 36, 37, 43, 131,134,136, 213 34 36, 37, 134 131,136,213
3Q4 (3QIsaiah pesher)
51
4Q156 (4QTargum of Leviticus) 4Q161-4Q165 (Isaiah pesharim)
144 51
4Q161 (4QIsaiah pesher A) 6, 50, 51-55, 58-60, 6 5 , 6 7 , 7 9 , 8 0 , 1 4 8 - 1 5 0 , 155-157, 1 7 2 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 212, 214,221,222 frgs. 5-6, 3 53, 147, 208 frgs. 5-6, 10 52 frgs. 7-10 52, 96 frgs. 7-10, 3-8 53 frgs. 7-10, 18-25 54 frgs. 7-10, 18 6 2 , 1 5 4 frgs. 7-10,24-25 66, 169, 215 4Q162 (4QIsaiah pesher B) 51 4Q166 (4QHosea pesher A) ii 5 109 4Q174-4Q177 (4QEschatological Midrash) 6, 55-57 4Q174 (4QFlorilegium) 45, 47, 50, 5 1 , 5760, 65, 79, 94, 155, 156,172, 206,209,210,212,221,222, 225 i 11-13 54-56, 103, 155, 169,207 ill 46,62,154,213 4Q175 (4QTestimonia) 2 1 , 46, 47, 50, 575 9 , 7 8 , 80, 159-161,170,172, 176, 188, 191,206, 208, 209, 212, 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 , 224, 226, 228 4Q177 (4QCatena A) 6 1 , 65 4Q180-181 (4QAges of Creation) 69 4Q201 (4QEnoch A) iv 6 64 4Q202(4QEnochB) iii 7, 13 64 ivll 64 4Q204 (4QEnoch C) frg.4, 10 181 4Q212 (4QEnoch G) 1 iv 18 85 4Q213a (4QAramaic Levi B) i 14 150 4Q216 (4QJubilees A) ii 12-13 170 4Q242 (4QPrayer of Nabonid) 192 4Q245 (4QPseudo-Daniel C) 100 4Q246 (4QDanielic Apocryphon) 82-89, 128, 172, 209, 2 2 1 , 2 2 4 i 1-3 84, 209 i 7-ii l a 87, 209 i 9-ii 1 82, 85-86 ii 1-3 86, 87, 209 ii 4-9. 87, 209 ii 4 86, 87 4Q249a-i (4QcryptA 4QSerekh ha-'Edah A-I) 22, 23 4Q252 (4QCommentary on Genesis A) 6, 54, 59-63,65, 79, 80, 132, 134,
INDICES
145, 156, 157, 172, 206, 208, 209,212, 221,222 iv-v 60,61 v2 31,62 v 3-4 59, 154 v3 48,86,131,135,137 v4 31,62 v5 60, 62, 157 4Q253-4Q254a (4QComm. on Genesis B-D) 59 4QS 19 4Q255 (4QRule of the Community A) 15 4Q257 (4QRule of the Community C) 15 4Q258 (4QRule of the Community D) 17-19 4Q259 (4QRule of the Community E) 15,16, 19-22,140 4Q266 (4QDamascus Document A) 33,35, 45 3 iii 35, 41 3 iii 2 44 3 iii 21 147, 159, 161 10 i 11-13 37,215,216,223 frg. 11,1-2 175 4Q269 (4QDamascus Document D) 35, 159 frg. 5, 4 141, 147, 161 4Q270 (4QDamascus Document E) 135136, 142, 179, 217 2 ii 13-14 36 2 ii 14 77,131,133 4Q285 (4QSefer ha-Milhamah) 53, 54, 6368, 79, 95, 147-150, 155-158, 170, 206, 208, 212-214, 221, 222 frg. 4, 2-10 147 frg. 4, 4 67 frg. 4, 5-10 67,68 frg. 7, 1-6 64-67,96,149,206 frg. 7, 3-4 62, 154 frg. 7, 4 66, 97, 147,149,157, 208 frg. 7, 5 157, 168,215 4Q286(4QBerakhotA) frg. 2, 1-2 199 7i6 199 7 ii 195 7 ii 1-10 199 frg. 12,3 199 4Q287 (4QBerakhot B) 135, 136, 217 frg. 10, 13 77, 132, 133 4Q319 (4QOtot) 17 4Q364-365 (4QReworked Pentateuch) 175 4Q368 (4QApocryphal Pentateuch A) frg. 2, 2 176 4Q369 (4QPrayer of Enosh) 82, 89-94, 98, 128, 172, 209, 210, 221,224 1 i 1-7 90
259
1i6 90 119-10 89 1i 10 90 1 ii 1-12 90-94 4Q374 (4QDiscourse on the Exodus/Conquest Tradition) 82,121-124, 126, 128, 174, 177, 181,201 2 ii 122 2H6-10 177 frg. 4, 1 123 4Q375 (4QApocryphon of Moses A) 132, 135, 136, 145 1i 9 131 4Q376 (4QApocryphon of Moses B) 10, 132, 135, 136, 145, 147, 149153 lil 131 1 iii 1-3 146 4Q377 (4QApocryphal Pentateuch B) 82, 121, 124-128, 132,135, 136, 145, 174, 177, 201,217 2 ii 124-126,178 2 ii 4-5 36 2ii 5 131,179 2 ii 11 178, 179, 181, 183 4Q378-4Q379 (4QApocryphon of Joshua) 57 4Q378 (4QApocryphon of Joshua A) 22 i 2 176 4Q381 (4QNon-Canonical Psalms B) 133, 135 frg. 15, 7 132, 136 4Q382 (4QparaKings) 133, 135, 186 frg. 16, 2 132 4Q385 (4QPseudo-Ezekiel A) 100 4Q397(4QMMT D) frgs. 14-21, 10 175 4Q398(4QMMTE) 14-17 i 2 175 4Q400-4Q407 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat) 146 4Q400 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat A) 1 ii 7 199 1 ii 14 146 frg. 2, 5 199 3+5 ii 2 146 4Q401 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat B) 194 frg. 11,3 198 frg. 23, 1 146 4Q402 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat C) 3 ii 12 199 4Q403 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat D) li 146 1 ii 20 146 1 ii 21 146, 196 1 ii 22 146
260
INDICES
4Q404 (4QShirot Olal ha-Shabbat E ) frg. 3, 3 199 4Q405 (4QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat F ) 3 ii 6 146 frgs. 8-9, 5-6 146 frgs. 8-9, 6-7 196 frg. 13, 2-7 146 4Q418 (4QInstruction D) frg. 8 1 , 5 93 4Q423 (4QInstruction G) frg. 5, 2 147 4Q427(4QHodayothA) 7 i13 96 4Q431(4QHodayothE) i7 96 4Q432(4QHodayothF) frg. 3, 4 126 4Q440 (4QHodayot-like Text C) 3 i 16 126 4Q458 (4QNarrative A) 82, 93, 95, 128, 134, 1 3 6 , 1 7 2 , 2 0 6 , 209, 221, 222 frgs. 1-2 95 frg. 1,1-11 95,96 frg. 1,5 135 frg. 1,9 95 2 i 1-6; ii 1-6 9 6 , 9 7 211 135 212 95,135 2i4 135 2ii3 135,209 2ii 6 132 frg. 12 95 frg. 15, 1 93 4Q491-496 (4QWar Scroll) 75 4Q491 (4QWar Scroll A) 124 10 ii 13 167 lliill 167 4Q491c (4QSelf-Glorification Hymn) frg. 1,4-5 103 4Q493 (4QWar Scroll C) 75 4Q494 (4QWar Scroll D) 4 167 4Q495 (4QWar Scroll E) frg. 2, 4 199 4Q496 (4QWar Scroll F) frg. 10,3-4 148 4Q499 (4QHymns or prayers) 89 4Q504 (4QWords of the Luminaries A) 93,100 1-2 iii 5-6 93 1-2 iii 12 175,176 1-2 v 14 176 4Q511 (4QSongs of the Sage B) frg. 35 124
4Q521 (4QMessianic Apocalypse) 14, 74, 82, 98-110, 128, 132, 136, 145, 179, 186, 188, 191,218, 219,221,224 2 ii 1-15 100-104 2 iii 108,131,190,218 2 i i 3-4 106 2 ii 5-6 109 2 iii 104-106, 1 8 8 , 1 8 9 , 2 0 1 2 iii 6 159,162,189 frg. 5, 1 101 5 i + frg.6 106 5 ii + frg. 7 106-108, 188 frg. 6, 4 101 frg. 8, 5-12 108 frg. 8 131, 132,136, 190 frg. 9 108,131 frg. 9, 3 101, 131, 132 4Q534 (4QBirth of Noah A) 10, 188 4Q537 (4QTestament of Jacob) 111 4Q539 (4QTestament of Moses) 111 4Q540 (4QLevi Apocryphon A) 111 4Q541 (4QLevi Apocryphon B ) 82, 120125, 128, 172, 221, 224 frgs. 1-2 111 frg. 6 114 frg. 7 111 frg. 9 111-113,216 9 i 1-7 112 9i5b-7 114 frg. 24 111,113-115 24 ii 2-6 113 4Q542 (4QTestament of Qahat) 100 4Q543-4Q549 (4QVisions of 'Amram) 82, 86, 111, 116-120, 128, 202,221,224 4Q543 (4QVisions of 'Amram A) 116 frgs. 5-9 117,118 4Q544 (4QVisions of 'Amram B) 116,118 frg. 1,9 202 frg. 1, 10-14 117, 118 frg. 2 119 frg. 2, 2-3 202 frg. 2, 6 203 frg. 2, 11 118 frg. 3, 1 203 frg. 3, 2 202 4Q545 (4QVisions of frg. l a 116 4Q546 (4QVisions of frg. 22 118 4Q547 (4QVisions of frg. 1-2 117 4Q548 (4QVisions of frg. 1,10-12 119
'Amram C) 'Amram D) 'Amram E ) 'Amram F)
116,119
261
INDICES
4Q558 (4QAramaic Vision) 82,100, 110, 120, 121,128, 172, 186,187, 190, 1 9 1 , 2 0 1 , 2 1 7 - 2 1 9 , 2 2 1 , 224 6Q15 (6QDamascus Document) frg. 3 36 HQ5(llQPsalmsA) 68,73 xxvii 11 (DavComp) 176 11Q10 (1 lQTargum of Job) 144 11Q13 (1 lQMelchizedek) 5 1 , 68-75, 80, 86, 1 2 0 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 1 , 132,136, 177,179,181-183, 197, 204, 215-217, 221,222, 224,226, 227 ii 2-25 70-75 ii 4 103,196 ii 5 195 ii 7 195 ii 8 195,196,199,203 ii 9 195-197 ii 10 196,198 ii 13 68,191,195,197,198,212 ii 15-21 175, 182,201 ii 18 68, 103, 131, 182 ii 23-25 182,200 ii 24-25 197
11Q14 (1 lQSefer ha-Milhamah) 63 Iii 168 Iii 2 169,214 11Q17 (11 QShirot Olat ha-Shabbat) 194 ii 7 196 lQ19(HQTempleA) 68 xxi5 146 xxii 2 146 xiii 14 146 lvii 11-12 146 lviii 15-21 55 11Q20 ( H Q T e m p l e B ) v9 146 v23 146 11Q29 (1 lQRelated to Serekh ha-Yahad) 15 Nahal Se'elim 8 line 1 153 Nahal Se'elim 13 line 2 153 Nahal Se'elim 30 153 Nahal Se'elim 49 line 2 153 Nahal Hever 54 153 Mur24 153
N E W TESTAMENT Matthew 5:3 11:4-5 Mark 9:2-13 9:4 9:7 12:36 13:19 14:62 Luke 1:32 7:22 John 5:21
102 109 178 181 178 200 84 200 84 109
Acts 7:42-43 13:33 15:16-17 Romans 4:17 8:11 Hebrews 1:5-6 2 Peter 2:5 Revelations 19:6-7
47 27 47 107 107 27 187 107
107
PHILO DevitaMosis De mutatione 103 125
180 nominum 180 180
De somniis 2:189 180 Quaestiones in Genesim 1:86 180
RABBINIC WRITINGS b. Sukkah 52a y. Berakoth 2:5 y. Ta'anit 4:8
27 65
y. Megillah 28b 144 Lamentations Rabbah 1:16 65 Midrash to Ps. 2:9 27
164
TARGUMS On k el os Num. 24:17 Jerushalmi Num. 23:21 Num. 24:17 Num. 24:20 Jonathan Isa. 9:5 Isa. 10:27
144 144 144 144 144 144
Isa. 11:1 Isa. 11:6 Isa. 42:1 Isa. 52:13 Jer. 23:5 Jer.30:9 Fragmentary Num. 24:7
144 144 144 144 144 144 144
