Ji'an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan-Ming China (China Studies)

Ji'an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan-Ming China

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Ina Published for the Institute for Chinese Studies University of Oxford

Editors

Glen Dudbridge Frank Pieke

VOLUME 1 3

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i'an Literati and the Local in Song-Yuan-Ming China By

Anne Gerritsen

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On the cover : Fragment of a Song dynasty inscription in the Jishui County Museum, Jiangxi province. Photograph by author. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISSN 1 570- 1 344 ISBN 978 90 04 1 5603 6 © Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NY, Leiden , The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NY incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,

IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NY provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 9 1 0, Danvers, MA 0 1 923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

To my parents

CONTENTS List of Maps .............................................................................. A Note on Translations and the Use of Chinese Characters ... Acknowledgements .................................................................... List of Abbreviations .................................................................

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Chapter One Introduction

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. . . . . . . .................. . . . . 0 ••••••••••••••••••••

Chapter Two Sacred Landscape in Southern Song and Yuan Jizhou

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

Chapter Three Literati and Community ...............................

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Chapter Four Imagining Local Belonging in Southern Song and Yuan Jizhou

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Chapter Five Other Ways of Being Local in Southern Song .. . and Yuan Jizhou

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Chapter Six Local Temples in Early Ming: The Central View

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Chapter Seven Late Ming Ji'an: A New Sacred Landscape? ............. , ... .. .. .. .. ........ .. .. ... .. . .. .. . .. .. ... .. .. .. .. ... .. ... .. .. . ..

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Chapter Eight Temples and Literati Communities in Late . M·lng J1' an .................................. ............................................

1 77

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Chapter Nine Other Ways of Being Local in Ming Ji'an ...... 201 Appendix ....... .................................. ....... ............ ..................... .... 23 1 Bibliography . . ......................... ............................ ............ 235 Index ..... ................ ........................... ............ ....... ......... ............... 247 ............

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LIST OF MAPS Map 1 . Map 2. Map 3. Map 4. Map 5. Map 6. Map 7 .

Provinces of Ming China Southern Song prefectures of Jiangxi Southern Song Jizhou and its counties Southern Song sites . Counties in Ming Ji'an prefecture Ming prefectures of Jiangxi .. ....... ..... ....... ........... ... .... ... Xu Xiake in Ji'an

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A NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND THE USE OF CHINESE CHARACTERS The religious buildings that figure in the pages that follow are difficult to classify. I have, on the whole, relied on the typology used in the local gazetteers for the area, although that typology does not capture the often richly varied nature of the actual religious practices that might have taken place at such sites. Generally, I have rendered miao m as 'shrine', si � as 'temple' or 'monastery', guan II! as 'abbey' or 'Dao­ ist monastery', an ml: as 'chapel' and yuan IlJt as 'cloister', but these should not be taken as indicating categorical distinctions. Temples for the god of walls and moats (chenghuang ��lj[) have been rendered either as 'Temple for the god of walls and moats' or 'Chenghuang temple'. Chinese characters have been provided for all transliterated Chinese terms, place names, and personal names where they are first men­ tioned. Please see the bibliography for the Chinese characters in titles and authors quoted in the footnotes and for the translations of titles in other languages.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Over the years, I have accumulated many debts, and I am grateful to have this opportunity to acknowledge my gratitude. My teacher at Harvard University, Professor Peter Bol, has not only been supportive and insightful at many crucial junctures in my academic development, but also provided the initial inspiration for this project when he first taught his graduate seminar onJinhua in 1 993-1994. The dissertation that finally emerged from that initial inspiration benefited greatly from his guidance, and that of Professors Philip Kuhn and Robert Hymes. Barend ter Haar, Wilt Idema, and Harriet Zurndorfer deserve thanks for the inspiration their teaching provided when I was an undergraduate at the Sinologisch Instituut in Leiden, and for their ongoing support. I am grateful for the help I have received over the years from the library staff in the Harvard-Yenching Library, the library of the Sinolo­ gisch Instituut in Leiden, the Cambridge University Library, the Bod­ leian Library in Oxford, the Shanghai Library, the Jiangxi Provincial Library, and Jiangxi Normal University Library. On my first trip to Jiangxi, my travels were generously supported by a Packard Dissertation Completion Fellowship. Kenneth Dean put me in touch with Professor Liang Hongsheng ��1: of Jiangxi Normal University. Liang Hong­ sheng, Gao Liren (JjiLA, and Wu Wei �� travelled with me inJi'an in April 2000 and opened my eyes to the importance of 'fieldwork'. In 2002 and 2005, my research in Ji'an was funded by grants from the British Academy, and in 2006 by the Universities' China Committee in London. I am grateful above all to Liang Hongsheng for making my travels inJi'an not only possible, but so worthwhile. He introduced me to the county museum directors inJi'an, who in turn accompanied us to the many hidden treasures under their care. I am grateful especially to the Jishui museum director, Li Xilang ** M, and to the many 'local' men and women who welcomed me to their villages and almost made me feel I 'belonged'. Peter Bol, Paul Ropp and WP. Gerritsen read earlier versions of the manuscript in its entirety, and their comments have been extremely helpful. Fokke Gerritsen offered crucial help with producing the maps included here. The maps of Jiangxi and Ji'an were initially generated using the China Historical Geographic Information System (CHGIS,

XIV •

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Version: 3.0), and I am grateful to Merrick Lex Berman for his assist­ ance. My thanks also to Patricia Radder and Albert HoffStiidt at Brill, and to the anonymous reader. Irene Anderson and Peter King both read several chapters, and offered extremely useful suggestions for their reshaping and clarification, for which I am very grateful. I thank Bernard Capp and Margot Finn, who ploughed through the entire manuscript, and saved me from many infelicities. Many others have read parts of this work, listened to and offered comments on talks, or have contributed in ways they may not even have been aware of, and I am grateful to them all. The responsibility for all remaining errors lies, of course, entirely with me. For academic encouragement, moral support, and friendship along the way, I am grateful to Red Chan, Chen Hsi-yuan, Chu Ping-tzu, Tony DeBlasi, Peter Ditmanson, Rob Foster, Kenneth Hammond, Maria Jaschok, Rana Mitter, Chloe Starr, and many others. Since 200 1 , the History Department at Warwick University has provided me with a stimulating and supportive environment. My thanks especially to my colleagues Maxine Berg, Bernard Capp, Rebecca Earle, Margot Finn, Sarah Hodges, Colin Jones, and Carolyn Steedman. My family deserves more thanks than anyone else: my parents for their unstinting generosity and support over the years, Christopher for his love and companionship, and Matthijs and Bella for reminding me of what really matters in life.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Liu Yi ;ui.$ ( 1 797- 1 8 78), compo Bailuzhou shuyuan zhi alt 1Jll.�;t (Gazetteer of Bailuzhou Academy). ( 1 8 7 1 , reprint, Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu, 1 995). DMB Luther Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang, eds. Dic­ tionary if Ming Biography 1368-1644 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 976). Ji'anfozhi (Prefectural gazetteer of Ji'an). JAFZ Xiaofeng Daran ��*� ( 1 589-1 659), compo Qjngyuan zhiliie QYZL wl*;tlll§- (Gazetteer of �ngyuan). (1 669, reprint, Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin, 1 998) xX] Liu Chenweng ;UJrZ� ( 1 232- 1 297). Xuxiji �J[1�� (Literary collection of Liu Chenweng). Wenyuange siku quanshu, vol. 1 1 86 (Taibei: Shangwu, 1 983-86). XXK'Y] Xu Hongzu 1�5M� ( 1 586- 1 64 1). Xu Xiakeyouji 1�n:�JMi'fC. (Travel record of Xu Xiake). (Late Ming, reprint, Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1 980), 3 vols. Ouyang Shoudao ���:@ ( 1 208- 1 2 7 3) . Xunzhai wenji ��)(� (Literary collection of Ouyang Shoudao). Wenyuange siku quanshu, vol. 1 1 83 (Taibei: Shangwu, 1 983-86). BLZ

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION When Wu Sidao ,�:Wfili, the newly appointed magistrate of Yongxin 7k�JT county, Ji'an E� prefecture, in south-westernJiangxi (see Maps 1 and 2), was viewing the important sites in the county, he noted a stain on the floor of the county school. Upon closer inspection, the stain was the dark colour of dried blood and the shape of a woman. In answer to Wu's queries, a local gentleman explained that this stain was formed by the blood of Lady Tan $. When the Mongol forces had pushed southwards and annexed this area in the late thirteenth century, most of the members of the Tan family had been murdered. Lady Tan had taken refuge in the county school, clutching her child. In her attempt to resist the soldiers' attempt to rape her, she and the child in her arms had been killed. Her blood had stained the stone floor, and despite repeated attempts to wash the floor, the stain remained as a symbol of her valiant attempt to protect her chastity. In her honour, the com­ munity had built a shrine to commemorate Lady Tan. Wu Sidao was then led to the location of the shrine, and, noticing its decayed state, decided it was his duty as magistrate to restore the site. Thus far my description follows the events as Magistrate Wu Sidao, a man from Cixi �� in Zhejiang who served as magistrate in Yongxin between 1 376 and 1 380, noted them down shortly afterwards.l In another version of these events, Wu Sidao's restoration was not the end of the affair. This second, longer, fictionalized version was written by a man from Ji'an named Li Zhen *1� ( 1 376- 1452).2 In Li Zhen's account, Wu Sidao's son Wu Xi ,�W� composed a piece of lute music not long after he had heard about Lady Tan. As he played the piece on his lute, he suddenly became aware of a girl who identified her­ self as Lady Tan's servant. The girl explained that she, like Lady Tan I

Wu Sidao, 'Tan jiefu citang ji', in Chong Tianzi, ed. , Xiangyan congshu ( 1 909), 1 657- 1 658. The text is also included in Wu Sidao, ChuncaozhaiJi, 1 . 1 2b-1 4a, and in Yongxin xianzhi ( 1 874), 5.22a-23a. 2 For his biography, see Luther Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang, eds., Dictionary if Ming Biography 1368-1 644 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 976), 805-807. Hereafter DMB.

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4

CHAPTER ONE

herself, had become an immortal, and had come to Wu Xi to express her dissatisfaction with the way in which the statues of her mistress and herself were displayed in Yongxin. In the conversation between the magistrate's son and Lady Tan's servant, it transpired that Lady Tan had composed a sequence of twenty poems expressing her thoughts and feelings about the home where she had grown up. Wu Xi was deeply impressed, and promised to take on the rearrangement of the statues, placing the servant next to her mistress in a more prominent position, and making regular offerings to the two.3 These two versions of a local tale contain all the elements that fea­ ture in this book: stories set in Southern Song (1 1 27- 1 270) and Yuan dynasty ( 1 264-1 368)Jiangxi province,Jizhou 5'j'I'I, to be more precise, or Ji'an, as it was called during the Ming dynasty ( 1 368-1 644); local landscapes dotted with shrines and temples; and members of the schol­ arly elite, or 'literati', who wrote about the sites in the local landscape, seeking to assign meaning to those sites. The changes in literati writings about sites in the Jizhou/Ji'an landscape during the Song-Yuan-Ming transition form the subject of this book. Literati identities

The men who figure in this account Magistrate Wu Sidao, his son Wu Xi, the author Li Zhen, and even the local gentleman who initially introduced Wu to the shrine were all educated men. I refer to the members of the scholarly elite throughout this book as 'literati' or 'gen­ tlemen', although their social and political status fluctuated over time. To understand who these men were, we need to explore their identities. How did they see themselves? How did they represent themselves? Did Li Zhen, who hailed from Luling � county in Ji'an prefecture, but served largely in other places, see himself as a Luling or aJi'an man? Or did he see himself as an itinerant servant of the imperial bureaucracy? And what about Wu Sidao, who served as magistrate in Yongxin for three years? Did he identifY mostly with his hometown in Zhejiang, or did he have some sense of belonging in the Yongxin community? When The story is included in a collection of short stories entitled 'More Stories Written while Trimming the Wick' (Jiandengyuhua). See Li Zhen, Jiandeng xinhua (wai er zhong) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1 962), 1 47- 1 62. The collection was completed in 1 4 1 9 or 1 420. 3

INTRODUCTION

5

Wu Sidao visited the sites of Yongxin for the first time, he was clearly an outsider, and when the local gentleman told him the story of Lady Tan's bloodstain and took him to see her shrine, Wu was merely an observer. He then vowed to restore this temple, and had a text carved in stone for the shrine. Why? What was Wu Sidao hoping to achieve? How did he see himself in relation to this worship? Did he wish to be part of a 'community of believers', or did he wish to transform the practice from the outside? Such questions force us to reflect upon the role of scholar-officials in the localities where they were posted and on the sense of belonging the literati had in the communities where they lived. Questions of belonging and exclusion are central to the identity of the literati, and their identity is a major concern in this book. This inscription by Wu Sidao about the bloodstain of Lady Tan, as well as the many other temple inscriptions texts composed to commemorate the history of a religious site or a specific event in its history, carved in stone and placed inside or in front of the temple that form the main body of sources for this study, enable us to explore such issues of locality, identity, community, and belonging. Temples and shrines

The shrine built to commemorate Lady Tan, the statues of the two women in the story, and their status as immortals, raise a related set of questions about the significance of such sites within local society. A shrine for a chaste woman would not normally be considered a 'sacred' site, and Wu Sidao's temple inscription firmly places the shrine among the secular sites of moral instruction in the area. Li Zhen's account, however, adds a different dimension. In his version of the events sur­ rounding the shrine, the women have become immortals, and are the subject of several exchanges between deities. Does Li Zhen allow us here to see a glimpse of his personal belief in a complex and hierarchi­ cally structured pantheon of deities? Or is he telling a tale in a narra­ tive tradition that draws on the genre of religious tales, which may or may not represent popular belief? Many of the materials discussed in this book allow little insight into the literati world of religious belief Nevertheless, this book takes 'belief' seriously, and explores issues of belief in sources that have on the whole been interpreted in an overly functionalist fashion as expressions of cultural capital and vehicles of personal advancement. It examines temples, shrines, monasteries and

6

CHAPTER ONE

sacred sites as complex spaces of interaction, where human beings explore their own identities and their place in the visible and invisible worlds that surround them. Periodization

The story of Lady Tan also raises the issue of periodization. The account introduces a woman of the late Southern Song dynasty who lived through the Mongol-Yuan conquest. It is set during the early part of the Ming dynasty and was further commented upon in the late Ming. As such, these materials encompass the entire chronological span of this book, beginning with the Southern Song around 1 1 00, and ending with the late Ming, in the early decades of the seventeenth century. The existence of such materials, which straddle several dynas­ ties and bring to the fore actors who look back to previous eras and worry about the times ahead of them, itself provides justification for covering a time span of roughly five centuries. Important continuities run through these centuries, and only become manifest when we look at the period as a whole and at the ways in which patterns of local identity and belonging fluctuated throughout this period. The five centuries from Southern Song to late Ming are significant for several reasons. As Richard von Glahn and PaulJakov Smith argue in The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, the transitional period from Southern Song to Ming is framed by periods of intense change.4 It is preceded by what Mark Elvin has termed the 'medieval economic revolution', with its well-known transformations in farming, modes of transportation, economic and urban structures, and science and tech­ nology.5 Although there were local variations, the fast and multifaceted Paul Jakov Smith and Richard von Glahn, eds., The Song-ruan-Ming Transition in Chinese History (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003). Paul Smith argues that we should see the Song-Yuan-Ming transition as a discrete historical unit. See Paul Smith, 'Introduction: Problematizing the Song-Yuan-Ming Transition', in Smith and von Glahn, eds., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, 1-34. 5 See Mark Elvin, The Pattern qf the Chinese Past: A Social and Economic Interpretation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1 973), 1 1 3-1 99. His work built on the seminal work byJapanese scholars. Many others have written about the Tang-Song transformations, among them Robert Hartwell, 'Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1 550', HarvardJournal qf Asiatic Studies 42.2 ( 1 982): 102-59; and Naito Konan, whose work has been made available in translation byJoshua Fogel. See Joshua Fogel, Politics and Sinology: The Case qf Naito Konan, 1866-1934 (Cambridge: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1 984). 4

INTRODUCTION

7

growth of the Tang (6 1 8-907) and Song dynasties gradually came to an end with the establishment of the southern capital in Hangzhou after 1 1 27, or, some would argue, with the brutal Mongol invasion that led to the establishment of the Yuan dynasty in l 27 l .6 The Song­ Yuan-Ming transition was succeeded by a 'second economic revolution', which took place during the late Ming and Qng dynasties.7 This second period of transformation is often seen as the precursor of China's own modernity. From the vantage point of the twentieth century, the social, economic and cultural changes of the late Ming seemed to offer fertile ground for the beginnings of modern development. What happened in the period from Southern Song to late Ming, in the centuries that lie between these two epochs of rapid transformations, has until now received far less attention. Scholars of pre-twentieth-century Chinese history tend to fall into two groups: those who see the transformations of the late Ming and early Qng period as the narrative starting-point of modern China; and those who strive to demonstrate that the social and economic transfor­ mations of the late Ming-early Qng were mere embellishments and expansions of changes that had their origins in the Tang-Song period. The period between these two transformations was, until the appearance of The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition, only championed by a relatively small group of scholars of the Mongol-Yuan dynasty. Because of the paucity of documentation, it remains unclear to what extent the growth and development of the Tang-Song actually came to a halt. In some areas the brutal Mongol invasion of the thirteenth century in the north, and the civil wars and millenarian uprisings that preceded the establishment of the Ming dynasty of the fourteenth century in the south, clearly played important roles. But growth did not slow down everywhere. The studies in The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition amply demonstrate why the period deserves attention, but they also underline the need for studies that highlight local variation. This book seeks not only to fill that gap 6 Those who see the fall of the Northern Song as the end-point of the Tang-Song

transformations include, for example, Hartwell, 'Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China'; Robert P. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite qf Fu­ Chou, Chiang-Hsi, in Northern and Southern Sung (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1 986); and James Liu, China Turning Inward: Intellectual-Political Changes in the Early Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1 988). 7 William Rowe, 'Approaches to Modern Chinese Social History', in Olivier Zunz, ed., Reliving the Past: The Worlds qf Social History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1 985), 236-96.

8

CHAPTER ONE

by focusing on a single area, but also to demonstrate, on the basis of the evidence of that single area, that the Song-Yuan-Ming period is not characterized by continuity alone. In the area of relations between the state and the local elites, Smith suggests that on the whole, the state was 'passive' and the elites largely 'autonomous', although he concedes that there is no real consensus on the issue even among the contribu­ tors to the volume.8 This study, in contrast, suggests that Song and YuanJizhou literati related to their local community and to the central state in different ways from both early Ming and late MingJi'an men. Emphasizing the general continuities of the Song-Yuan�Ming period as a whole should not prevent us from taking note of the important changes that took place at the local level. Another important reason for studying the transitional period from Southern Song to late Ming is the current lack of understanding of the ways in which the many transformations of the Tang-Song transition were transmitted to the next period of rapid change that took place in the late Ming. One of these Tang-Song transformations occurred in the field of religion.9 Valerie Hansen was the first to point to what she called the growth of 'secular' religion, a term she used to signify religion unmediated by the clergy. Von Glahn prefers to use the term 'vernacularization' for this process of increasing access to the spiritual realm for ordinary lay people. Robert Hymes, who distinguishes several models in Chinese religion, refers to it as the 'personal model', in which ordinary people have unmediated access to the gods.10 Edward Davis' work also touches upon the transformation of religious practices during the Song, although he discusses the ways in which Buddhist and Daoist practices themselves changed during this period, rather than focusing on changes in communities of believers. 1 1 The work of Hansen, von Glahn and Davis, among others, has done a great deal to elucidate the 8

Smith, 'Introduction', in Smith and von Glahn, eds., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transi­ tion, 1 9-20. 9 The transformation of religion during this period is the subject of a collection of articles edited by Patricia Ebrey and Peter Gregory, entitled Religion and Sociery in Tang and Sung China (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1 993). 10 Valerie Hansen, Changing Gods in Medieval China, 1 127-1276 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1 990); Richard von Glahn, The Sinister Wqy: The Divine and the Demonic in Chinese Religious Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 1 2; Robert P. Hymes, Wqy and Bywqy: Taoism, Local Religion, and Models qf Diviniry in Sung and Modern China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 4-5. 11 Edward L. Davis, Sociery and the Supernatural in Song China (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 200 1).

INTRODUCTION

9

Song transformation of religious practice, but much less has thus far been written about the next stage of the story. How did these changes fare during the Yuan and Ming dynasties? What had happened when the next period of rapid growth and development set in towards the end of the Ming? Although this book is not about religious change per se, but rather about the role of religious practice in shaping local identity and community, these questions constitute the background of my narrative. It will show how the involvement of one group of lay worshippers and believers in religious practices, and their manipulation of those practices, continued to change over the following centuries. The local

The events in Li Zhen's story all took place in Yongxin, one of the nine counties of Ji'an prefecture.Ji prefecture (Jizhou), as it was called during the Song and Yuan dynasties, or Ji'an prefecture as it was known from the Ming onward, forms the focus of this study of locality and belonging (see Map 3). Today's Ji'an region (Ji'an diqu E�:t(g&!) is in western Jiangxi province, sharing borders with Hubei and Hunan provinces in the west. One main arterial river, the Gan , flows northward through the middle of Ji'an, connecting its most fertile counties. It was along the Gan that northerners first trekked south during the Five Dynasties period (907-960).12 Although Ji was located at a substantial distance from the imperial capital(s), it was nonetheless a centre of cultural and intellectual gravity until the sixteenth century.Ji'an prefecture produced over one thousand successful metropolitan degree holders (jinshi :ii±) during the Ming dynasty alone, more than any other Ming prefecture. 13 The influence of Ji'an men at the imperial court waxed and waned, and their attitudes towards their native Ji'an changed accordingly. Ji'an's intrinsic interest alone, however, only partially justifies the study of one locality if the aim is to further our broader understand­ ing of Chinese social history. What can an enhanced understanding of 12

See the study by Aoyama Sadao on the rise of elites in Jiangxi from the Five Dynasties period onwards. Aoyama Sadao, 'Godai-So ni okeru Kosei no shinko kanryo', in Wada Hakase Kanreki Kinen Tayosho Ronso (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1 95 1 ), 1 9-38. 13 The prefectural gazetteer forJi'an of 1 875 lists a total of 1 ,00 1 jinshi graduates dur­ ing the Ming. See Ji'anfozhi, Zhongguofongzhi congshu ( 1 875, reprint, Taibei: Chengwen, 1 989). Hereafter JAFZ ( 1 875). Ho Ping-ti lists a total of 1 ,020. Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 962), 247-8.

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12 After recounting some of these miracles, Wang Tinggui writes again: These are extraordinary events, some of which may seem hard to believe, but they all took place recently. The elders observed them with their own eyes, and the people all recounted them in detail. 13

Wang drew on the personal experience of the elders to underscore the veracity of these miraculous events, twice using the expression 'with their own eyes'. His reliance on the standing of the elders within the community and the authority of locally transmitted details to lend veracity to his account, as well as his own sense of awe at the setting of the shrine and the powers of the deity, suggest that he experienced these events not as an outsider but as a participant. Ritual communities were typically constructed in the shared experience of such events as the II

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miraculous rainfall at Panteng, and by describing them as a participant, Wang Tinggui positioned himself as a member of that community. Liu Chenweng (1 232-1 297), a literatus from Luling and prolific author of temple inscriptions, whose personal circumstances will be discussed further below, also wrote texts about local temples from the perspective of a member of the local religious community.14 Temples, in Liu's experience, performed central roles in local communities. In Jishui county, for example, the presence of the deity of Lingwei Shrine iI�1WJ ensured that: local practices are dignified and the people are honest. The fruits of their labour are even more plentiful and abundant, and for three hundred years [the locals] have been known for their scholarly honours and official rank. 15

This deity not only boasts examination success amongst his powers, but a positive influence on local morals. One might expect such phrases to be uttered as part of a drive for imperial recognition, and Lingwei Shrine did obtain its name by imperial edict during the Chunyou reign­ period ( 1 24 1 - 1 253), but Liu Chenweng had little interest in such mat­ ters. He was, however, deeply interested in what happened at this shrine. After quoting the full text of a Northern Song inscription preserved inside the shrine, which tells the story of the arrival of a large stone, carried to this site by raft on the swollen Gan, he wrote: The shrine was moved from the river westwards. The person who moved it was Sun Keshun f*:RJllt Recently, his grandson Jue fl, together with He Renshu 1i1J1-;Jil( and Liu Honggui ilJ1.L:1:JI" led the villagers to build a Hall for the Stone Gentlemen (Shilang dian E&��). The seventh of the statues in the right corridor has not yet been identified. Wang Ziyun is the most illustrious among them.16

We cannot now trace these individuals who safeguarded the shrine from flooding by moving it westward, and who enlisted the help of the vil­ lagers to extend its buildings. We cannot confirm the identity of the seventh deity, or find out who Wang Ziyun was. What matters for our purposes, however, is that Liu Chenweng was very familiar with the local community of worshippers at the temple and with locally held 14

Such texts are included in Liu's literary collection, Xuxi ji, hereafter XX]. Liu's biographical details are discussed in further detail below. See pages 84-9 1 . 15 XX], 4.40b. 16 XX], 4. 39a-b.

•

"

IMAGINING LOCAL BELONGING

71

beliefs. His insider knowledge, and the respect he afforded those local figures by including them in his narrative, suggest that Liu Chenweng, too, was writing his inscription as a participant member of the commu­ nity that these worshippers constituted. Wang Tinggui's mid-twelfth-century inscription and Liu Chenweng's mid-thirteenth-century inscription both suggest that these literati imag­ ined themselves to be members of local communities, communities that were shaped by the temples and shrines their texts commemorate. An early fourteenth-century text written for a popular shrine known as Lingji Shrine ;tWtf� in Longquan, provides another example of such elite membership in religious communities. Its author, Kang Rui �fIffi , was a Longquan native who served as instructor from 1 344 in Xin'gan tJTi'ffi county in Linjiang prefecture, just north of Jizhou. 17 He was clearly impressed with the extensive worship of this group of deities in Longquan: On the register of officially sanctioned worship in Longquan, the temple at Gong Stream Ui� is the only temple for gods who truly reign supreme within this area. The locals devotedly worship them, homes have their statues, and in [each] neighbourhood there are shrines for them. At times of droughts or epidemics, famines or military upheaval, prayers are imme­ diately followed by a response. . . . The way in which the deities bless the area is by no means limited to providing sons and grandsons. I S

Kang Rui was obviously aware of the powerful benefits brought by these deities, and their powers extended well beyond Longquan: Evidence of their numinous powers is even more manifest further afield. Within an area of 500 kilometres, [people] rush here to bow down and kow-tow, begging for [the god's] numinous powers. Further yet, boat­ travellers on rivers and lakes who fear the wind and waves all call on him, too, praying for divine assistance. The numinosity of the spirit is so abundantF9

One might hazard a guess here that this was a cult that had spread throughout the region. Despite, or perhaps because of, the wider appeal Ii

Kang Rui, ;;,i Duanyu. In 1 344 he was given the post of instructor in Xin'gan. Later he served in Ganzhou prefecture, and was eventually promoted to the post of assistant judicial officer (panguan) in Longxing (now Nanchang), the seat of the circuit government. Kang's name is given variously as Kang Duan and Kang Rui. The 1 773 and 1 873 gazetteers have Kang Rui, the 1 683 edition has Kang Duan. No further biographical details are known about him. 18 Kang Rui, 'Zhongxiu Lingji miao ji', Longquan xian;;,hi ( 1 7 73), 9.7b. 1 9 Longquan xian;;,hi ( 1 773), 9. 7b.

I I , ,

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of the deity beyond county boundaries, Kang invokes certain strategems to stress the intimate relationship between county and deity: The family name of the gods is Gong. For generations [the Gongs] lived in Tianpei in this county. There were seven brothers and they all lived as recluses, not taking up official posts. They had a reputation among the locals for their virtue, righteousness, filial piety and their friendship. In the dingmao year of Tianyou of the Tang dynasty [i.e. 907] , the oldest brother, just when he was lifting up a piece of sandalwood, lost his footing and fell in the water. The younger brothers tried to save him, but they all drowned consecutively. They were buried by the entrance of [the village of] Shilong Shuangxi E��1!!r�. [One of the brothers then] appeared in a dream of a village elder named Liao Jiuweng w1L�, saying: 'My broth­ ers and I have died. We have become gods, and our blood shall feed this land. You must set up a shrine to worship us. We will send the materials there ourselves.' When they finished there was thunder and rain, creating giant waves that drifted the logs to the place of their grave. The villagers marvelled at this. They built a shrine at this location. Today's shrine at Luotuan *III in Heshu 7f:JU canton is located at the original location of their apotheosis.20

The ties between deity and location were first and foremost ancestral or kinship ties: the gods lived 'in this county', they had a good reputa­ tion 'among the locals', and the shrine was built at the original location of their apotheosis. The gods belonged in this area, and had a loyalty to it in a way that paralleled the ways in which the worshippers also belonged. But there was a second, more sinister, connection between deity and location, expressed in the deity's own words, 'our blood shall feed this land'. Their violent death through drowning forced the locals into a new and reciprocal relationship; their 'blood' could only 'feed the land' if they are themselves fed by regular sacrifice. What Kang Rui introduced as a harmless, beneficial deity represented also a powerful and potentially threatening dark force, which the locals had to serve to avoid its harm.21 These deities and the residents of this locality were drawn into an exclusive and mutually dependent relationship. But what of Kang Rui's own position within that relationship? Was he an outside observer, or did he belong to the community? His faithful and detailed retelling of the events suggests that he did not deny the importance of such narra­ tives. In fact, there are numerous indications that he believed them to 20 21

Longquan xian;chi ( 1 7 73), 9.7b�8a. For further discussion of such practices, see von Glahn, The Sinister Wqy.

IMAGINING LOCAL BELONGING

73

be a significant part of the way in which the temple functioned within the local community. His narrative served to confirm the value of such locally held beliefs, and Kang Rui's retelling of those narratives con­ firmed that he, too, would like to be regarded as a member of that com­ munity, even if his personal belief in these events is left ambiguous. His long inscription retells in full detail several more recent miracu­ lous events, and then describes, in line with the conventions of the genre, recent efforts to restore the shrine. In 1 327, a descendant of the Gong family had donated two-thirds of an acre of land and more than 55,000 strings of cash to pay for a complete refurbishment of the shrine. The ancestral shrine (zumiao) was completely rebuilt on a grander scale and with a great deal more ornamentation; new statues were carved, and all implements were provided in accordance with the ritual prescriptions. The project, completed by the beginning of the new year in 1 329, had become a Gong family matter.22 The request had then gone out to Kang Rui to write down these details. We exalt [this temple's] awesome numinosity which assists the country (guqjia [�]'�) and guards against disaster. Its success manifests itself in the people and is transmitted to later generations, and it keeps on being pro­ duced without end. The numinous powers of the deities are an unlimited joy. Like mountains and valleys, they never decay. I intend to make a great announcement about its blessings so as to enlarge and continue the cel­ ebration of the favours bestowed on the country. The new temple is very grand and graceful, and this is its beginning. I have respectfully collected these stories to record their dates.23

The elevated language of Kang Rui in this section, the inscription proper, suggests that Kang's writing was intended to lend prestige to the project. One could surmise that this inscription was intended to pro­ mote the shrine from a local popular cultic site to an officially approved shrine.24 Perhaps the request to Kang for an inscription reflected the shifting social status of members of the worshipping community of Lingji Shrine.25 By describing the powers of the deities as offering bless­ ings to the land (guo) and its resident great families (jia), Kang rendered the temple's benefits no longer as purely local, but as more widely 22

Kang Rui listed all the more recent Gong descendants on the back of the stone. Longquan xianzhi (1 7 73), 9.9b. 23 Longquan xianzhi ( 1 7 73), 9.9a-b. 2. One sees similar developments in the cult of Kang Wang, popular in this area during this time. See Gerritsen, 'From Demon to Deity.' 25 See Ter Haar, 'Local Society and the Organization of Cults.'

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shared throughout the country. What was once a thriving cult with a local body of worshippers, became, with the help of Kang's narrative, a community with aspirations of boasting an officially sanctioned temple. One could read this process as hegemonic discourse, suggesting that Kang Rui is wresting control over the temple away from local believers. One could, however, also read Kang Rui's description as an attempt to gain entrance into and membership of the community of worshippers. His act of writing covered the entire spectrum of envisioning local reli­ gious practices: it included on the one hand Kang's recognition that the deities' demonic origins lie with the violent deaths of the Gong broth­ ers, and on the other hand Kang's attempt to attach universal value to the deities' blessings. Both approaches within the act of writing created a space for Kang Rui among the community of worshippers: through writing, Kang could imagine that his recognition of the origin story of the deities entitled him to membership of the groups of believers; his elevation of the temple into elite discourse facilitated Kang's sense of belonging to the temple's community. The inscriptions by Wang Tinggui, Liu Chenweng and Kang Rui, discussed here, all suggested that literati imagined that they belonged, or at least could belong, to the religious communities that lay behind the temples they commemorated in their texts. Literati authors situated the temple in a social space, a local ritual community, and they situ­ ated themselves within those communities. Kang Rui cast himself in an active role within this community; his act of writing this inscription was part of a process that attempted to transform the shrine from popular deity cult to officially sanctioned shrine. If we regard Kang's role as an active one within the community, then we need to explore how common it was for literati to play such an 'active role'. Literati roles in ritual communities

If literati imagined themselves to belong to the communities situated around local temples, what was the nature of their membership? Were they merely observers, passively participating, or did they take a more active part? Liu Ruli �Ij&�, who served as magistrate in Luling, cer­ tainly imagined himself to be an active member of the local community. In 1 255, Luling suffered a drought, and Liu decided to climb Mount Yunteng �!lILiJ to carry out prayers for rain. Near the top he found a . Liu spring, its water collecting in a pond near Biaoyu Shrine

IMAGINING LOCAL BELONGING

75

made his supplications at this spring, hoping to draw on the efficacious powers of the spring's deity, despite his dismay at the lax behaviour of those present, who paid little attention to the ritual proscription of washing in this spring. The inscription continued: When he was finished with the prayers for rain he returned home. Rest­ ing on his bed he dreamed that he saw carts and horses decorated with streamers lined up in a hall. Someone told him: 'Quickly go out to wor­ ship!' Startled, Liu got up, and rushed to the place of worship. Wind was blowing, it was thundering, and severe rain fell down incessantly. That year there was a good harvest, and the next year when they prayed for rain, there was also a response.26

Encouraged by this success, Liu decided to make the spring a more prominent place for worship. He contacted a Mr. Zeng �, owner of the pond into which the water of the spring emptied, and asked him to stop it being used for washing, so as to prevent pollution of the upper flow of the river. He also improved the access road to the spring. The text hints at considerable local tension: between Magistrate Liu and those who used the spring regularly for washing and bathing, and between Magistrate Liu and the landowners, the Zengs. The text states explicitly that this spring was not the one most commonly used for prayers in times of drought ('Not all traces of those who prayed for rain in the past led to this spring');27 the magistrate nevertheless insisted on declaring this the official location for rain prayers. The magistrate was clearly imposing his interpretation of correct ritual onto locally diver­ gent practices. For the purposes of my argument, however, the exist­ ence of that tension serves to emphasize the active role members of the local elite envisaged for themselves within the arena of local religious practice. Even if many locals disagreed with the magistrate, Liu himself was clearly convinced he had a part to play in the theatre of local reli­ gion. We can only guess at the exact nature of the relationship between Magistrate Liu and the Zengs, but it is clear that Liu's plan to turn the spring into a sacred space dedicated to worship could only work with the cooperation of the Zengs. The dependency of local governors on the locally resident elite to put their plans into effect is a truism throughout Chinese history, and it was no different for local ritual. Magistrates and literati recognized each 26

27

Ouyang Shoudao, 'Yongyunchi ming', XZvry, 26. 1 b. XZvry, 26. 1 b.

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other as useful partners in transforming local religious practices. When a certain Magistrate Li arrived in Luling in the middle of the thirteenth century, for example, he went to pray at the Luling shrine for Kang Wang, whose cult was widespread inJizhou at the time. Afterwards the magistrate spoke to Ouyang Shoudao, one of the most prominent lit­ erati in the area, saying: The government of the ancients controlled both deities and humans, and never separated the two, as later generations would. I heard recently that there was a shrine for [Kang] Wang here, but the worship [carried out] accords less and less with the Classics.28

The magistrate then instructed Ouyang Shoudao to write an inscription to place at the shrine to explain how this god should be worshipped, a request Ouyang gladly complied with. Ouyang's inscription explains in great detail how he felt worship here could be improved. He shared the concerns of the magistrate, considering current practices less than desir­ able. He expressed some doubt, however, about what the effect of his inscription might be. As discussed above, when the abbot at Luo Moun­ tain requested an inscription, Ouyang had argued that such texts could not guarantee the longevity of the institution. In this case, Ouyang felt the literati were not doing enough to improve local morals: My composition and calligraphy are not skilled enough to elucidate the abundant virtues of [Kang] Wang. I am only mindful of the Honourable Magistrate's clarification of the [proper] meaning of these vulgar prac­ tices. He first promulgated this among the learned scholars of the area, so that they would spread it to the people in the rural communities. Did the confusion [over correct practice] and the fear [of the demonic] in the villages disappear afterwards? No. Not only was there no improvement, but also there was no punishment for this worship [of their deity] . Hence there is also no one to blame.29

A certain resignation comes through in these final words of the inscrip­ tion, as if Ouyang accepted that his improving writings only had a lim­ ited effect. Not only did few of the commoners listen to him, but literati practices, too, left much to be desired: Only three out of every ten Confucian scholars who live in this area pre­ serve the correct [way of doing things] without deviation. They transform

28 29

Ouyang Shoudao, 'Lingyou miao ji', XZT1J, 1 6.4b-5a. XZT1J, 1 6.5a.

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vulgar behaviour without being transformed by vulgarity. Do we not look up to these people?30

The few who did preserve proper behaviour played a transforming role in local society, and Ouyang felt it behoved him to take an active role within the religious community. Both Ouyang Shoudao and the magistrates discussed here were aware that although they would like to transform local practice, their success depended entirely on other members of the community. But what exactly motivated the literati in this participation? What were they hoping to achieve as active participants in local religious communities? Should we see their participation as private acts personal responses to private spiritual needs or should we understand them as socially con­ structed, with implications for their role in society? I shall demonstrate below that their participation should be understood on both levels. Jizhou literati, like other social groups, frequented temples to satisfy pri­ vate spiritual needs. Temple inscriptions, read carefully, do testify to the nature of those needs. Recognition of this private dimension does not deny the existence of a more public dimension to their participation, and I argue that literati also saw their participation within local ritual communities as a way of enhancing their position within those local communities. I propose that ritual communities served as an arena for negotiations over local power. By imposing their interpretation on local ritual practice, literati attempted to negotiate their place and strengthen their position within the local community. Before discussing the social dimensions of their participation in local religious practices, I shall dis­ cuss what I suggest can be read as the private religious experiences of Jizhou literati between 1 1 00 and 1 350. Private religious experiences if the literati

Let me return once more to the inscription for Panteng Shrine in Anfu written by the twelfth-century literatus Wang Tinggui. I suggested ear­ lier that Wang's evocative description of the scenery, and his reliance on the testimony of the local elders to lend authority to his account, could be read as expressions of a desire for membership of the local commu­ nity. This is how the inscription ends: 30

XZTiJ,

1 6.5a.

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These mountains and rivers are all controlled by deities who can bring about transformations and give rise to clouds and rain. The god's blessings reach tens of thousands of people. It would therefore be appropriate to enter [this god] in the register of worship, since we have received such illus­ trious [favours] , but the request has not yet been granted. The abundant powers of the deity, however, are not dependent on whether the god has honorary titles and enfeoffments [or not] . Listing titles and enfeoffments when discussing a god is like asking after posts and titles when discussing a human being. How do important posts and heavy responsibilities in the end bring benefit to the people? It is the same for the gods.31

The deity, locally regarded as impressively powerful, had not yet received official sanction from the state, despite the magistrate's faithful retelling of the deity's miracles. Wang Tinggui was clearly sympathetic to the locals' desire for state recognition, but he also made it clear that he himself held another view: the powers of a deity are not dependent on 'honorary titles and enfeoffments'. Is Wang not revealing some internal contradiction here? Officially, his view was that requesting state recogni­ tion was the appropriate procedure for a locally beneficent deity, but at the same time he could not help expressing a divergent personal view. He drew a comparison with human beings: we should not rely on a person's official titles and posts to recognize his strengths and benefits. Wang himself had a chequered career history: despite his successfuljin­ shi examination in 1 1 1 8, he had supported the controversial Hu Quan (1 1 02�1 1 80) at a time when Hu Quan was out of favour, and as a con­ sequence, he spent most of his years writing in Anfu.32 Clearly Wang saw parallels between the deity's lack of recognition and his own lack of advancement. Wang used this opportunity to communicate his under­ standing of the value of the deity to say something, indirectly, about his own life experience. In an earlier chapter I discussed briefly a revealing inscription writ­ ten by Xiao Xuchen, the water transport official who was so keen to show off his mastery of bureaucratic procedure. When he wrote his inscription for Zhaoji Temple in 1 1 25, he was addressing a broad audi­ ence. His text, as he writes in his final sentences, was carved into stone and placed in the [temple's] central hall, 'to give great glory to the new Anfo xianzhi ( 1 872), 1 7 .4b. 32 Wang Tinggui's biography was written by Zhou Bida, and is included in the last chapter of Wang's literary writings. See Wang, Luxi wenji, folu 2a-7a. Hu Quan, more than twenty years younger than Wang Tinggui, also hailed from Luling. He was militantly opposed to the pacification policies of the mid-twelfth century. 31

j !

IMAGINING LOCAL BELONGING

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order of the emperor'; he offered this inscription so that religious prac­ tices 'will continue without fail'.33 And yet, alongside his lofty aims of assisting the emperor in the transmission of his orders and safeguard­ ing the continuation of orthodox practices, Xiao also had a personal agenda. He wrote: My family home is in Quanjiang fR¥I, but until I was an adult I followed my father's official postings to the north and south. When he served at court, he always had to ask leave to go, and report his coming home. I do not know how many rivers and lands he traversed, and yet he was never concerned about dangers. All this was the gift of this deity.34

We know nothing else about Xiao Xuchen, nor about his father. We can merely guess at the restlessness of a childhood spent in the wake of a lower governmental official career, the father dragging his family from one provincial posting to the next. Life at the capital, with its constant scrutiny of one's movements, may not have offered much relief, and travel was part of life. For the travelling official and his family, this god, for whom Xiao knows neither name nor story, clearly offered stability and security. Gratitude for the sense of protection it had offered both to the official and the anxious child must surely have been part of his motivation in reporting the 'awesome record of the deity' to the sub­ prefectural authorities, leading eventually to the granting of a plaque. While on the surface the text may merely be a recounting of official procedures, it can, at the same time, be read as a testimonial of a mean­ ingful private religious experience. Literati ritual and social strategy

Of course the private and public dimensions of religious practice can­ not be wholly separated; rather, we should see them as closely inter­ twined, as is clear in the inscription written in the late thirteenth century by Zhao Yike iE/HiP]' for Immortal Ge's Altar in the Wugong Mountains in Anfu county. The altar, named after the famousJin dynasty immortal Ge Hong (284-364), who allegedly perfected his arts here before mov­ ing to Gezao Mountain M _'EHlJ , was widely known among literati for its numinous powers: 'Carrying offerings of grain, [believers] rush here

33

Xiao Xuchen, 'Ci Zhaoji miao e ji', Longquan xianzhi ( 1 7 73), 9. l Ob. 3 1 Longquan xianzhi ( 1 7 73), 9. I Oa.

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at double speed for an audience [with the deity] , and only rarely are their prayers not answered.'35 Zhao had himself spent time here in his younger days: When I was a young official, I met my fellow clansman Zhao Yuanyang m1Jj'iJ�, a Daoist adept, outside the world of worldly concerns. We visited the Daoist branch temple of Jiyun, looking for authentic traces of the toad of white jade in the realm. We left after three days. That is now twenty years ago.36

Then, in the middle of the autumn, he arranged to meet at the same place, this time with ajinshi Liu Yunzhang �1j�::&I, his own clanmate Zhao Kai ��, and a local scholar named Zhou Nanrui mJl¥iffffi . 37 At the agreed time we all ascended to the altar. After we performed our rituals, we climbed to the top for the view. There were few clouds and one could look far. Wu and Chu were all there in the blue horizon, even Kong Van's sharpness of vision could not improve [the view] . I felt weak for some time. At high noon, when we were about to go down, a Daoist adept invited us for an audience. He explained that they were renewing the plat­ form and were doing restorations because a gentleman often rested there. We asked after his name, which was Shi Yuchan, who appeared to be a descendant of Grand Secretary Shi Tianze Ji:*r¥. At the original shrine, behind the living quarters, sound and light were both restricted, so it was very gloomy. But looking at the elegance and dignified nature of the tem­ ple buildings, one believed it to have been an extraordinary place. [We thought] it should be possible to ensure that Immortal Ge's [altar] gets refurbished. As in the past we stayed overnight, and when we were about to leave, [the abbot] pointed to the altar plaque written by the chancellor [i.e. Wen Tianxiang] , and requested an inscription. I could not refuse, and hence I have written about the origins of this mountain for the walls, so that visitors can read about it.38

The events described here are nothing out of the ordinary. Several friends make an outing to a mountain. While they admire the scenery, they are spotted by a Daoist, who asks the gentlemen to lend their sup­ port to his restoration campaign in the form of an inscription. Zhao Yike obliges, and records what he knows about the history of the Wugong Mountains and the altar. But the record tells us much more. Twice Zhao 35 Zhao Yike, 'Ge xian tan ji', A,yu xianz;hi ( I S72), 1 7.7b. On Ge Hong, see Campany,

To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth. 36 A,yu xianz;hi ( I S72), 1 7.7b. 37 For Zhou Nanrui brief biographical notes can be found in the Anfu gazetteer. A,yu xianz;hi ( I S72), 1 1 .2Sb. 38 A,yu xianz;hi ( I S 72), 1 7 .Sa.

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visited this place with a fellow clansman (tongzong �*), the repetition of the term suggesting its significance. Such shared outings consolidated a relationship, especially when Zhao Yuanyang, a Daoist adept, spent much of his time away from the daily interactions of secular life.39 In fact, the consolidation of relationships pervades the inscription. On the second outing, Zhao was joined by his clanmate Zhao Kai, local jin­ shi Liu Yunzhang, and scholar Zhou Nanrui. The four local dignitaries must have bonded not just through the shared performance of rituals at Ge Hong's altar, but also through their ascent of Wugong Mountain, Jiangxi's highest peak, Zhao Yike's jubilant admiration of the view no doubt enhanced by the exhilaration of reaching the top and the exhaus­ tion from the effort. If these men consolidated a pre-existing relationship, their shared membership of the literati community, another relationship was cemented which had much less raison d 'etre: between the Daoist religious establishment and the local literati. On the surface the nature of the transaction appears to be clear; the Daoist master clearly felt his resto­ ration project would benefit from an explicit connection with the local literati, assuming that the social standing of the literati would translate into cultural capital for his Daoist establishment. Underneath the sur­ face, however, the transaction was complicated by the apparent need on both sides to justify the relationship. Zhao Yike's retelling of his visit to the Daoist temple, Jiyun, twenty years earlier, now sounds more like a tale fuelled by the need to build Daoist credentials than a mere nostalgic recollection. The Daoist master, for his part, played on Zhao Yike's con­ science by showing Wen Tianxiang's calligraphy on the temple's plaque. Allegedly, Wen's father had come to Immortal Ge's Altar to pray for a son before Wen Tianxiang's birth, and Wen Tianxiang had donated this plaque after he had achieved honour in the capital. If someone of Wen Tianxiang's fame had lent his support to the temple, surely Zhao Yike could not refuse. Zhao's inclusion of this exchange in the inscrip­ tion confirms that its message was not merely intended for Zhao's ears, but also for a wider audience. While the Daoist master stood to gain from the association of his establishment with the prominent literati of the area, Zhao also basked in the glory of being ranked alongside Wen Tianxiang. In the negotiation of the various relationships between the

39

Zhao Yuanyang has a biography in the section on Buddhists and Daoists in the Anfu gazetteer. Anfo xian::;hi (1872), 1 3 .64b-65a.

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people involved, the recounted memory of an earlier trip and Wen's calligraphy became valuable resources. The inscription for Immortal Ge's Altar reads, at first glance, as a straightforward account written for the purposes of fund-raising for the benefit of the Daoist Master. A close reading of the text, however, sug­ gests the negotiation of much more complex reciprocal relationships between literati and religious specialist. The writing of this text was an active, dynamic process through which Zhao Yike negotiated his place and his role within the local community. In the text a community was constructed in which he, his relatives, his literati friends, and the Daoist master all manipulated the available resources to position themselves within the local community. Participation through criticism

Participation in local religious life for Zhao Yike, as would appear from this inscription, consisted of visiting a local temple with friends, and writing an inscription for the temple. He did not, in so far as we can tell from this single inscription, offer his views on other activities that may have taken place there. Other literati used temple inscriptions as a means to convey their views of local religious practice. I would argue that for them, offering critical views of local religious practice should be understood as a desire to participate in that practice. Of course it is precisely the frequency with which we hear the critical literati voice that leads scholars like DavidJohnson, Terry Kleeman or Edward Davis to dismiss the genre entirely, and they are right to suggest that this lit­ erati desire to participate does not mean actual participation or even membership of ritual communities.40 Ouyang Shoudao, whose views we already touched on above, was one of these critical voices. Con­ sider, for example, his critique of the activities at Shilong Shrine EV� . Not far from the Luling county capital, the deity of Shilong Shrine, known for its efficacy, attracted 'people from far and near'.41 Following standard procedure, the locals requested a name (hao lJit) for the deity, so that at a later date further requests could be filed with the authorities

40

See, for example, DavidJohnson, ed., Ritual and Scripture in Chinese Popular Religion (Berkeley: Chinese Popular Culture Project, 1 995). See also Kleeman, 'The Expansion of the Wen-ch'ang Cult', or Davis, Society and the Supernatural. 4 1 Ouyang Shoudao, 'Shilong miaobei', XZf1J, 1 3 . 1 5b.

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asking for permission to bestow higher honorary titles upon the deity. Despite several requests, the court had not yet granted such permission. Undeterred, the deity, still resident at Shilong, had continually provided blessings. At this point, in 1 260, Ouyang Shoudao got to know a local resident and active member of the worshipping community, who persuaded the famous literatus to write an inscription. Ouyang clarifies in the inscription that he only once stayed here for a month, and thus, strictly speaking, did not regard himself as a member of the local community. He did, however, use the opportunity to express his views; he explains 'what makes this deity a deity.'42 In the course of his discussion, Ouyang makes an interesting observation. He rejects the value of requesting a name (hao) for the deity: What is the use for this god in having its name known? From the past, stories are passed on of scholars (shi) dwelling on high precipices or in secluded valleys, and even though they [themselves] do not care about their usefulness to the world, their benefit reaches everywhere of its own accord. Man and spirit are one. So long as there was a spirit on distant Guyi �;f;J?t Mountain, and a disciple of Laozi lived on Weilei Mountain �oI!L1J, disasters did not take place and the annual harvest was plentifu1.43

The passages that Ouyang referred to here both discuss the order in the universe that emanates naturally from insignificant, unnoticed beings (the demonic man on Guyi Mountain and Gengsang Chu �*� on Weilei Mountain), as opposed to being the result of the deliberative pol­ icies of a celebrated ruler like Yao or Shun. Ouyang's point was to argue for the existence of a beneficial power emanating from these higher beings, hermits or gods or virtuous men, whether they were known by name and recognized by the state or not.44 In making this point, Ouyang went against the view, presumably shared throughout the community of 42 XZUJ, 1 3 . 1 5b. 43 XZUJ, 1 3 . 1 4b. The reference is to Zhuangzi, Book I . Ouyang Shoudao does

not quote the text verbatim. A.C. Graham translates this passages as follows: 'In the mountains of far-off' Ku-yi there lives a daemonic man, whose skin and flesh are like ice and snow, who is gentle as a virgin. He does not eat the five grains but sucks in the wind and drinks the dew; he rides the vapour of the clouds, yokes flying dragons to his chariot, and roams beyond the four seas. When the daemonic in him concentrates it keeps creatures free from plagues and makes the grains ripen every year.' See A.C. Graham, Chuang-tzu: The Seven Inner Chapters and Other Writingsfiom the Book of Chuang­ tzu (London: Allen & Unwin, 1 98 1), 46. 44 For a discussion of this aspect of Chinese religion, see von Glahn, The Sinister Way.

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worshippers around Shilong, that official recognition of the deity would be valuable. But Ouyang went even further; he denied not only the value of state sanction, but the role of the worshippers. While the worship­ pers desired official recognition of their deity's powers and thereby also recognition of their community, Ouyang was voicing his own, privately held view: this deity, like Guyi and Gengsang Chu, needed neither wor­ shippers nor imperial recognition to be of benefit to the world. Liu Chenweng: personal commitment and critique

Ouyang Shoudao was not alone in expressing personal views that dif­ fered from those held by the members of the community that had requested the inscription in the first place. One of Ouyang Shoudao's students followed in his teacher's footsteps; Liu Chenweng (1 232-1 297), too, frequently used temple inscriptions to express his personal views about local religious practices. Liu Chenweng, of humble background, had gained the attention of Ouyang Shoudao, and under his tutelage became a recommended student in Luling in 1 258.45 Only four years later he passed the jinshi examination, but because of his outspoken criticism of the policies of Jia Sidao .1Y� ( 1 2 1 3-1 275), the emperor (Lizong, r. 1 225-1 265) placed him in third position in the palace exams.46 On account of his elderly parents, Liu took on the position of headmaster at the Lianxi Academy iJfr#ktHJc in Ganzhou in south­ ern Jiangxi, not far from his home. During the 1 260s and 1 270s, Liu received several invitations to serve in high government posts, but first the required period of mourning for his mother and then the fall of the Song government in 1 276 curtailed his career.47 Liu was deeply moved by the death of Jiang Wanli rI;§tJI!. (1 1 981 2 75), who had taken his own life to express his loyalty to the Song, and

45

For a convenient and full biography of Liu Chenweng, see Liu Chenweng, Xuxi ci (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1 998), I - I S . 46 In 1 259Jia Sidao had become Grand Councillor and was in the process of pushing through several highly unpopular agricultural reforms. For his biography, see Herbert Franke, ed., Sung Biographies (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1 976), 203. 47 Jiang Wanli recommended him for several posts, and Liu did return to the capital as an editor in the history office, but his career in central government was soon put on hold again for the mandatory period of mourning for his mother. Seven years later, he was recommended once again for a number of positions in the capital, and this time it was the fall of the Southern Song court in 1 276 that cut short his career.

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he spent the last eighteen years of his life withdrawn from Mongol-Yuan public life. Although he received little recognition in any official capac­ ity, Liu was widely known and respected for his sharp literary observa­ tions, his deep-felt loyalism to the Song, and his outspoken criticism and praise of his contemporaries.48 It is the same frankness that character­ izes the many inscriptions he wrote for temples and shrines in Jizhou. Liu was a frequent visitor at local temples and monasteries, and knew a great deal about their history and current circumstances. His writings are engaging, apt displays of his wide knowledge and insight, although by no means every point is delivered with the same clarity of purpose. The mysterious name of a monastery, encountered on a cross-coun­ try ramble in the Lu Mountains, Monastic Hall of Purple Ganoderma (Zizhi daoyuan �zill: �JG), led him into a broad-ranging discussion of the many varieties of the fungus ganoderma and their description in Ge Hong's Baopuzi neipian.49 A temple located near the mouth of the river reminded Liu of the water cascading down in waterfalls near their springs in the mountains, which in turn led him to remind us that the river originated deep underground before welling up into a spring. People only see the downstream part [of a river] , . . . but their springs origi­ nate in remote lands, something which people often overlook. I measure this earth by the heavens, and I know the sea from such springs. Since writing about Lingwei Shrine also highlights the mouth of the river, I dare not neglect this. 50

His verbosity came from this sense of 'not daring to neglect' the details, the connections, and the wider associations, even if they were not imme­ diately relevant to the points he wished to make. Armed with a great deal of knowledge, Liu entered into spirited dia­ logues both with the people he encountered on his visits and with his readers, sometimes recording his conversations verbatim. In an inscrip­ tion for Luling's Chaoxian Monastery, where the Huagai Immortals were worshipped, Liu describes his difficulties in finding out exactly who the Three Immortals were: See also Anne Gerritsen, 'Liu Chenweng ( 1 232-1 297): Ways of Being Local' in Kenneth J. Hammond, ed., The Human Tradition in Premodern China (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 1 1 1 - 1 25. 49 Liu Chenweng, 'Zizhi daoyuan ji', XX], 1 .25a-b. Purple ganoderma is associated with Daoism, and can refer to immortality. Zhi ;z: is known as 'glossy ganoderma' (ganoderma sinensis), still used today for its medicinal attributes. 50 Liu Chenweng, 'Lingwei miao ji', XX], 4.38b. 48

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For this inscription I knew the name of the immortal even without asking others, and those who know say that [a reference to] Lord Fuqiu is enough. I was, however, not able to find out the names of his pupils. People would say: 'This is Lord Shen, who once bestowed a poem. Is he not the same as Master Wang?' Or someone would say: 'He rode the phoenix in front of Laozi at the same time as Great MasterJin, and when he offered a poem, that was like when Laozi, over two hundred years of age, went to see Lord Xian of the Qjn.' Someone else said: 'After the poem was bestowed, there were Wang Bao and Wang Qjao, and they both have worthies' biogra­ phies.' And so on and so forth. But nothing was ever heard of Guo. So then they said: 'Guo is also a Wang, but he changed his last name, indeed they were paternal cousins. ' We may not know about times long past, but we do know that the idea that they were paternal cousins is complete nonsense! . . . In the records of immortals, there are many Wangs, there are six ancient and recent Wang Qjaos, but those are crude and superficial overviews, and they provide unsystematic and insufficient evidence, and to entrust Huagai Mountain with inscriptions of [Confucius' disciples] Van and Lu like Magu [Mountain] is even sillier.5 1

This long-winded outpouring suggests that the cult of the Huagai Immortals at this stage was not yet well-known inJizhou, and that Liu had little to say specifically about the cult.52 Liu's style itself, however, is revealing. It illustrates his strong opinions and his readiness to admit to gaps in his knowledge. His urge to record his thoughts and conver­ sations in such detail allows us to gain some insight into his personal religious experience. Liu was a keen walker, and enjoyed nothing more than exploring the mountains in search of shrines and temples. He would leave Luling on foot, and walk through quite rough terrain, sometimes up steep hills, to spend a night or two at whichever temple or mountain hut he encountered on his rambles. He found that with 'the desolate rustling of old trees, the [worries of the] mortal realm disappeared of their own accord. '53 Sometimes he went to pray, especially during the turbulent years around 1 275, when the Southern Song government, to which Liu was intensely loyal, was losing the battle with the Mongol invaders.54 He Liu Chenweng, 'Chaoxian guan ji', XX], 3.30a-3 1 a. Compare the discussion of this text in Hymes, Wqy and Bywqy, 9 1-2. 52 Two fourteenth-century inscriptions for temples associated with Huagai worship in Luling suggest that by then, such worship had become more widely known. Feng Yiweng, Jiahui guan ji', Luling xianzhi ( 1 873), 45.34b-35b; Jie Xisi, 'Tianhua wanshou gong bei', ]ie Xisi quarifi, 37 1-2. See Hymes, Wqy and Bywqy, 9 1 -2. 53 Liu Chenweng, Jizhou Nengrensi zhongxiu ji', XX], 4.6b. 54 Ibid. 51

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was always dismayed when he found temples in ruins, especially if he had once enjoyed a stay there. He was equally delighted when he found rickety buildings restored and leaky roofs rethatched. He had seen Nengren 1'fgC Temple, one of his favourite temples in Jizhou, decline from a small but well-kept private monastery to a deserted place: When I went past again several years later, the temple had become over­ grown, the road was destroyed. The plants formed a thick forest; gates were bolted, bells and drums had disappeared, and no monks were living there anymore. 55

But when he ran into the abbot, 'his clothes tattered and his shoes worn out, not prepared for guests', the abbot claimed to be able to restore the place completely, and requested an inscription from Liu.56 Liu refused, leaving the abbot to pace back and forth between the rubble of old paths and waving grasses, and declaring him a fool. Liu's lack of faith in the abbot turned out to be unfounded; when he stumbled across Nen­ gren Temple again on a chrysanthemum-picking expedition, he found the place utterly transformed. He could only apologize, and offer to write the inscription now, full of admiration for the achievements of the abbot. When Liu asked him how he had achieved this, the abbot answered: In the past these fields were not prosperous, but to encourage the juices to flow, one or two of the residents cut open the fields, thereby encouraging the spirit of the land to feel regret over earlier disasters. Gradually [they managed to] increase the boundaries. I selected only people of splendid and grand [abilities] to enter my dwelling. We moved hills and dug valleys, we refined the crops and replenished the fish, and we rebuilt the dilapi­ dated buildings in the mountains with gold and emerald. I am able to be energetic and able to be frugal, although I was not able to [control] time. As for time, that took care of itself, like wheat when the ground is covered with snow or a spring near a mountain top.57

Liu was greatly impressed by the modest abbot. He felt acutely aware that the abbot and his monks had been driven by unselfish motives, regarding the difficult task simply as their path (wu dao �ili), in contrast to an official and his workforce, who could only be driven to work by

55 56 57

Ibid. Ibid. XX], 4.7b.

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the promise of rich rewards, even then remaining dissatisfied with the results of their work. 58 Liu took the contrast between abbot and official much further, turn­ ing it into a thorough and emotional critique of society: The postal stations are running out of funds, the [income from] land taxes is dropping. The merchant goods that come in are piling up, yet the pre­ fectural storehouses remain empty. An official vainly sends fast missives, relying on documents, dragging along his superiors to listen, and getting the masses of the city to help him. On the day of [this official's] death, there will be flattering inscriptions on his grave, and his honorary name will be included in the Official History. Those who knew him, however, will regard him as a thief of the people, while those who write about him rave about his human talents. I can not be heavily critical of myself, while praising others who are different. What point is there in saying it? I am about to vent my angriest feelings, and spit out what is most shameful for later generations. 59

These are emotional utterances, betraying a deep sense of dissatisfac­ tion with the hypocrisy of a world where an official can fail his people so badly, and yet receive praise and recognition from the establishment. Liu was aware that not everyone would share his emotions, 'only peo­ ple who have experienced regret over a long period of time will under­ stand the sadness in my words', but he tried nevertheless to draw his readers' attention to the contrasts he perceived. Inspired by the name of the temple, he discussed the different interpretations of neng (ability) and ren (human-heartedness). While in Buddhist thought, 'being capa­ ble of human-heartedness' (nengren) is most important, according to the ru (Confucians), is understood to be public-spiritedness, awareness, love, in accordance with principle but without selfishness. . . . [Ren includes] everything before there was writing, and everything after the universe was established. But how could one word fully express all that!60

ren

The problem, according to Liu, was not only that the Confucian con­ cept of ren is too all-encompassing Liu compared it to trying to under­ stand the nature of a whole body on the basis of an understanding of a foot or a hand alone but that the Confucian idea of 'being capable' (neng) was too perfectionist: 58 59

60

Ibid. XX], 4.Sa. XX], 4.Sb.

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Neng is understood as 'there being nothing one cannot do. ' But if you [only] regard 'there being nothing one cannot do' as 'being capable', then there are always things one cannot do, even if one is a Yao or Shun.6l

In contrast, Buddhism understands having something one cannot do as part of one's capabilities (yi bu neng wei neng J;) ::ffj��fj�). It was only because of that attitude, according to Liu, this reconciliation with the limits of one's abilities, that the abbot was able to achieve the impossible and restore this temple with so few resources. The genre of ji, records written for temples, but also for schools, studios, government buildings and the like, allowed an author to expand at will on topics inspired by the names of such buildings. But Liu was doing much more than merely listing the known history of the building and holding forth about the significance of its name. Liu used the temple inscription to offer a deeply felt critique of fundamental Confucian concepts on the basis of his personal experience. Liu Chenweng's critical voice was by no means limited to Confucian concepts; in fact, one would be hard-pressed to identify Liu with any one tradition or school of thought. Rather than taking issue with one group of thinkers, or expressing loyalty to one way of thinking, Liu took issue with any lack of commitment, regardless of the religious tradi­ tion. He disliked, for example, visitors who travelled to Dafan Temple for an outing, without any understanding of the principles of Buddhist thought: People think they can travel here to see the sights at the beginning of the new year without an understanding of [concepts such as] the great void, transformation and illusion, but that means obtaining [the Buddha truth] by way of the polluted world! Only when people are about to die of the plague, when they are surrounded by groaning and moaning, and polluted by emissions of vomit, are they ready to gain [insight) . Nothing brings greater uncleanliness than this!62

Having fiercely defended the monks' commitment to Buddhist thought in the inscription for Nengren Temple, Liu clearly felt that the members of the lay community surrounding Dafan Temple did not measure up. He expressed a similar sentiment about the lay community of a Daoist temple on Yusi Mountain, used by visitors as if it was a guesthouse:

61 62

Ibid. Liu Chenweng, 'Dafan si ji', XX], 1 . 1 4b.

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How is it that in the past people who did not have a fixed home looked towards the temple and took on difficult [challenges] , and today people who have fixed abodes choose to remain dignified and do not [even] take up easy [tasks] . This, too, makes me disappointed. 53

Liu's point was that while the men who founded this sacred site were willing to endure such hardships here in order to achieve enlightenment, nowadays people living at home in luxury were only willing to spend a brief time here, and expected to achieve the same enlightenment. In another inscription, the monks themselves, and the Buddhist estab­ lishment more generally, came under attack: Only these last seven or eight years the enterprise of Buddhism has become all-encompassing. [ Monks] have become established as officials and teachers, carrying their Chan robes on their back. There are also important monks who come from the north, going around speaking for­ eign languages. They spend a thousand words [explaining] one character, evasively calling that 'helping the teaching. ' They outrage the world by disrespecting custom, playing about with the sutras and ignoring the rules of abstinence, wearing themselves out with their travels among the peo­ ple. The meaning (Yl) is not something that could be regained by restor­ ing the common laws. Despite favours from court and the avoidance [of taxes] flourishing abundantly, one can only differ from its teachings.64

It is clear that Liu regarded himself as an extremely committed member of the Jizhou community. While others fell short of the standards he set, he himself had wisdom and knowledge to offer to members of any religious tradition. Liu saw himself as a teacher, as we see in this anecdote. When the abbot of Wugong Temple asked him to write an inscription, Liu replied: 'I can.' Someone then said: 'You have seen what [the monastery] is like. The parts you have not yet seen are just like the parts you have seen.' I did not answer, but raised my hand and wrote the character for 'one' (yi ). The person said: 'One? Is that [character] to lead us? Can you give any further indications?' I did not reply, and wrote nothing further. Only by not writing [anything else] could they understand what [the character 'one'] signified. Some people subsequently understood [what I meant] , they bowed their heads and passed their insight on.55 -

63 64 65

Liu Chenweng, 'Yusi shan Chengtian gong Yuntang ji', XX], 4.37b. Liu Chenweng, 'Wugong si ji', XX], 4.35a-b. XX], 4.36b.

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He presented himself as a spiritual leader, recording his conversations and discussions in the style of Zhu Xi's *_ Tulu �g�. It was as teacher that he approached the religious establishments of Jizhou, and it was in his role as teacher that he offered his opinions. In the same way that only some of the Wugong monks understood the significance of Liu Chen­ weng's single line (the characteryi), no doubt only few members of the Jizhou population would have fully taken on board his teachings. It is, however, beyond doubt that Liu offered his teachings in good faith. Liu did not criticize the practices he observed as a disinterested outsider; his critical observations were motivated by a deep sense of personal com­ mitment to the community whose practices he described. What are we to make of this at times extremely bad-tempered scholar with his outspoken views about religion? I think we can draw several useful conclusions. Liu Chenweng imagined himself to be a vital part of the broader religious community of Jizhou. For him, the distinctions between Buddhist, Daoist, and Confucian traditions were noticeable, but of secondary importance to the overall spiritual health of the com­ munity. His writings make clear how deeply committed he was to the local. He was at all times deeply concerned for the well-being of the local community, and presented himself as its intellectual and spiritual leader. Rewriting local religious practice

Liu and his teacher Ouyang Shoudao were not exceptional in their visions of their involvement in local religious practice. Many others saw themselves as active members of the local religious community, and envisaged themselves as fonts of wisdom and sources of authority on the practices current within that community. Many authors of South­ ern Song and Yuan inscriptions interpreted a request for an inscrip­ tion as a request for advice. In their representation, however, such local practice took on a different meaning. The practice was rewritten, or translated, to conform to what was perceived to be an acceptable stand­ ard. Of course any representation of popular practice in the genre of temple inscriptions was always fundamentally rewritten, but at times the mechanics of this process are still visible, and here we can learn useful information about the ways in which literati attempted to rewrite what they perceived to be unacceptable practices.

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When a new Dongyue Shrine was built in Anfu 1 3 1 7, the famous literatus Jie Xisi described what had happened as follows:66 In the winter of the fourth year of Yanyou [ 1 3 1 7] , the daruhachi of Anfu . . . began building a Dongyue Shrine . . . outside the eastern city gates. He was assisted in the planning by Magistrate Guo Huitai, the sup­ porting clerks and charitable members of the local population donated their wealth, and since the land was fertile, the [building] materials of good quality, and the workforce hardworking, the shrine was completed by the autumn of the next year.67

They had clearly built an impressive building, with multiple halls, awe­ inspiring statues and no less than 72 small shrines. The temple also attracted a large number of worshippers: Young and old, male and female all crawled up there like ants, bowed down and worshipped on their knees like one would behave near one's parents. They carved a stone for the bridge saying 'Elegant Valley' and created a dwelling above it with six pillars which one could reach when walking around to look; they carved a plank for the pavilion with the words 'Bird's-eye view' (yi Lan -'if), to rest from one's travels and look at the view, and they appointed a Daoist Master, a certain Yao !l:t to look after the place.68

It was, as is clear fromJie's description, a popular site for worship that flourished thanks to the cooperation of the local well-to-do with the local officials. Despite his admiration for their achievement, Jie disapproves utterly of what he perceived to be the attitude of the worshippers:

66

Jie was born in Fuzhou, where he grew up under the tutelage of his impoverished but learned father. He did not embark on his official career until 1 3 1 4, starting as Junior Compiler in the Hanlin and Historiography Academy (Hanlin guashiyuan bianxiu). When Tugh Temur (r. 1 328�3 1 ) had established the Academy of the Pavilion of the Star of Literature in 1 329, an institution dedicated to the promotion of Chinese cultural values to the Mongols, Jie was among the first scholar-writers to be appointed. In the early thirties of the fourteenth century, he became one of Tugh Temur's confidants, and he continued to hold high offices under the reign of Toghon Temur (r. 1 333- 1 368), eventually being appointed as one of the editors of the Liao, Jin and Song Histories under Tuotuo. He fell ill during the editing of the Jin History, and died at home at the age of 7 1 in 1 344. 6 7 Jie Xisi, 'Anfu zhou Dongyue miao ji', in Jie Xisi quan )1, 328. Romeyn Taylor classifies Dongyue temples as 'qua.si-official' temples. They were part of the official pantheon, but their worship was not legally prescribed (as for example worship for the celestial spirits was). See Romeyn Taylor, 'Official Altars, Temples and Shrines Mandated for All Counties in Ming and Qng', Taung Paa 83 ( 1 997): 95-7. 68 Jie, 'Anfu zhou Dongyue miao ji', 328.

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People who only rely on gods without an understanding of goodness are misguided. If government is in disarray and the harvest fails, will you get what you want from the divine? Heaven has a constant way in [allocating] fortune and misfortune; similarly the state has constant rituals for serving the divine and ruling the people. Rituals cannot be tarnished, the Way cannot be slandered.69

Jie was expressing a commonly held literati view about popular religious sentiment, one that recurred through his writings about temples and religious practice. He took issue with the idea that gods would provide for one's every need, regardless of one's moral calibre. People turned to the divine realm only in their hour of need, and expected fortune to come their way as soon as they requested it.70 'Seeking fortune but not returning it, this is the way of the people', he wrote in another inscription.7l Such attitudes may have been prevalent, butJie strongly disagreed. In his view, heaven was constant in its allocation of fortune and misfortune; 'fortune and goodness, calamity and wantonness, they are the way of heaven. '72 Whether one is blessed with wealth and good fortune or not,Jie tried to impress upon his readership, depends not on making a request to a deity at the right time, but on the heavens, and the heavens' allocation of fortune and misfortune is contingent on moral practlce. Jie knew he was swimming against the tide here, well aware that popularly held views strongly diverged from his own. That divergence is less interesting than Jie's attempts to rectify such views. Transform­ ing local practice, he believed, could take place through writing such inscriptions. His writings provide a fascinating insight into the mechan­ ics of this transformative process, because, unusually, Jie represented both versions of events: a locally current story about belief or practice, followed by his retelling of the same story, this time couched in what he considered a more appropriate vocabulary. In an inscription for a shrine in the town of Xiajiang �tI in nearby Linjiang prefecture, he included the following narrative: •

The goddess is Old Lady Wen ¥1ii of the Qn dynasty. She fished in Cheng Creek f¥¥�, and caught a large fish roe. She hid it at home and it

69 Ibid. 70

See von Glahn, The Sinister Wqy, for a discussion of such views of religion, espe­

cially 1 3- 1 7. 71 Jie Xisi, 'Xiaotong miao ji', Jie Xisi quan Ji, 336. Ibid. n

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produced seven dragons, five male and two female. She then reared them, and after their scales and horns were fully grown she set them free in the river. Every day the old lady waited by the riverside, and the dragons gave beautiful fish to her, since she had done her best in feeding them. The first [Qin] emperor heard of this, and summoned the lady. When she was in mid-stream, the dragons snatched the boat and returned home with it. The woman drowned, and the villagers buried her on the right waterfront of Cheng [Creek] , on the bank of Jiang River �*. Later mourners wept at her grave, and they disliked the fact that her resting place was by the waves. One evening there was thunder and she was moved to a higher mound, and the worship by the villagers started from here.73

Classically, worship originates at the site of a violent death.74 A woman drowns in the river, and worship springs up to appease her demonic spirit. The account, by the timeJie noted it down, has become entwined with a second narrative, that of the dragons, the most common spirits of the river, and a mutual relationship of nourishment and depend­ ency is developed between the woman and these spirits. The site of the shrine, as Jie himself explained, was highly numinous: Into Xiajiang flow rivers fromJizhou, Ganzhou, and Nan'an Wfti:, and this is also a place where powerful merchants and traders gather. Because two mountain ranges almost connect here, the waters are rapid and turbulent. Each year several boats are smashed here. . . . Probably there were branch temples here to appease the evil of the waters, but that can no longer be investigated. Whenever boats go up or down, or there is a drought or an epidemic, there are always prayers here.75

By the time Jie described this site, the different strands of worship and their origins could no longer be separated, but we can guess at their possible constituent parts: the sacred site marking a violent death; a site for worship to appease the river spirits where river traffic negotiates the rapids as the river rushes through a narrow gorge; a meeting-point for merchants from different areas, perhaps combining their own cults with those from other areas. Of course this is guesswork, and probably Jie, staunch Confucian and critic of popular practice, had only offered the tidiest of surface renditions of what was probably an extremely vibrant sacred site.

73 74 75

Ibid. See the discussion of such violent origins of deities in Ter Haar and Feuchtwang. Jie Xisi, 'Xiaotong miao ji', 335.

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Having given us the bare outline of what goes on in Xiajiang, Jie proceeded to rewrite the practice in a different vocabulary. First he described what a dragon is: Nothing in the realm has greater spiritual quality than a dragon; nothing has greater merit in the realm than the dragon. Its virtue matches heaven, it is the greatest among fish and reptiles, and one cannot fathom its mani­ fold transformations. 76

Jie's dragon received the highest accolades possible in the Confucian view of heaven and earth: it matches heaven. It was not only greater than other animals, it also greatly outshone human beings in its moral qualities: The old lady did not give birth to the dragons, yet she received their grati­ tude for her rearing and upbringing. In life she was nourished by their giving her fish, in death they wore hemp to mourn her. They moved her resting place to ensure her safety. These dragons did what the sons and grandsons of the local gentlemen were unable to do. No one has more understanding of the main principles of loyalty and filiality than these dragons. The virtue of the dragons is of the highest calibre. 77

The story of worship performed to appease the demonic spirit became, inJie's version, a tale of basic Confucian values: care for one's elders in both life and death. The dragon, popularly held responsible for disasters on the river, became the embodiment of moral values. Jie knew that he was, as we said above, swimming against the tide of popular opinion, and acknowledged the divergence between his own views and those of the people: It is not in the heart-and-mind of dragons to be good at capsizing boats and drowning people. Those who are disloyal and unfilial, who have no humanity and harm righteousness, break themselves away from heaven, and they will encounter [such tragedies] . 78

Jie placed the responsibility for one's fate squarely on the individual's own shoulders. Capsizing on a dangerous river and drowning as a result was nothing to do with the spirits of the river, and everything to do with the moral character of the person who drowns.Jie had further evidence to support his point. When someone from his hometown travelled across Lake Chao :li¥i'ill , great waves threatened to overturn his boat: 76 Jie Xisi, 'Xiaotong miao ji',

77

78

Ibid. Ibid.

336.

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The gentleman, wearing court dress said a prayer on his boat. The gen­ tleman dragon (longjun ll�;g) returned the courtesy on the water, and the wind stopped immediately. This is how a dragon assists good people. If you do good, would a dragon not help you? Looking at it from this point of view, when someone capsizes or drowns this is not due to the dragon but to the person.79

This sentiment, spelled out explicitly here, also underliesJie's statement in the inscription for the Anfu Dongyue Temple: 'People who only rely on gods without an understanding of goodness are misguided.'so Although he knew that popularly held views were widely divergent, he used such inscriptions to highlight his own beliefs and to try to encour­ age moral behaviour. Jie greatly favoured the technique of retelling a popular tale in terms that were meaningful in his own world-view. A shrine in Linchuan received the same treatment: This place at first had one old pine tree, and often the sound of pan flutes was heard hovering above it. There was a well underneath the pine tree, and people drew from it and prayed here. It could revive what was dried up and cure the ill. One day, a god and his pupil spoke to the lay monk in his dream, saying: 'I am the scholar (xiucai) Zhu Sen *�jI§::t. My two brothers and I all became hermits here. People at your temple worship us, so we ought to bless your people.' Then the monk carved three statues of gods out of the pine tree, dressed as officials just like in his dream, and the temple worshipped them.8 !

It was the story of a secluded shrine in the mountains, where the spirit of the well appeared in the abbot's dream. From then on, the statues of three gods were worshipped here, by a spring that had special numinous powers. So far so good. Next,Jie presented his own version: I would say that when the god said [ his surname was] Zhu, he meant 'zhu' f* (tree-trunk), and when he said 'Sen', he meant 'shan' t� (pine). With 'scholar' (xiucai) he meant 'mei mu' �* (beautiful wood). 'The three brothers' refers to the means by which the three pieces of wood came to life. Of course wood is a repository for virtue, the wood [element] rules benevolence, and therefore wood does good, and not evil; it brings bless­ ings, not calamities, while it can greatly protect our people.82

79

80 Bl B2

Ibid. Jie, 'Anfu zhou Dongyue miao ji', 328. Jie Xisi, 'Fuzhou Ling'gan miao ji', Jie Xisi quan ji, 3 3 1 . Ibid.

IMAGINING LOCAL BELONGING

97

Jie did not deny the value of the worship, but changed its significance. The communication of the deity, left intact inJie's first version, took on an entirely different meaning in his recounting of what happened. The translation can hardly do justice to the subtle punning and wordplay, but in Jie's retelling, suddenly, this is no longer about anthropomor­ phic deities, who have a reciprocal relationship with their worshippers, but about the beneficial qualities of wood, represented by the tree that grows by the spring. Jie Xisi was well aware of the gap between his own explication of the events and locally held beliefs. It was, in his view, the responsibility of the learned man to bridge that gap. That responsibility was spelled out in the Dongyue text: The divine is what cannot be reached yet is not remote; sincerity is what cannot be fully understood without being stimulated. Sincerity and the divine can only be united to produce blessings by an ethical man (junzi 'fir). To improve the constant principles of worship, and to rectify the vulgar practices of the state, this is one of the matters of the state, and the heart-and-mind of thejunzi.83

If heaven and the state existed at one end of the spectrum, and the people at the other, then there was, according to Jie, a realm of action in between those two, which only the ethical man could manipulate. The ethical man alone had the ability to bring together spirituality and truth; he alone could bring about good fortune for people by cultivating the Way and its ritual system. Ultimately, therefore,Jie suggested that what­ ever form of worship people might engage in at this Dongyue temple, it was only a cultivation of moral values, expressed through correct ritual, that was going to make any difference, and only a cultivated individual, thejunzi, could bring this about. Conclusion

When Zhao Yike and his friends climbed to the top of one of the peaks in the Wugong Mountains to admire the view and visit the temple, bonds were forged between all the participants in the excursion. Zhao and his relatives, Zhao and his literati friends, Zhao and the abbot, these relationships were all given meaning in that shared experience. By

83 jie, �nfu zhou Dongyue miao ji', 328.

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CHAPTER FOUR

writing about it, the landscape and the temple became inscribed with that story, and for those who participated, the temple and its setting became the location of that shared sentiment. The space gained mean­ ing in this process, not just in the minds of those who participated, but also in the minds of those who later read about it, including us. Tem­ ples throughout Jizhou during the Song and Yuan became inscribed by similar stories, as literati created and recreated the histories of the local temples. They were literati creations, of course, and in no way should they be read as telling the whole story of these temples. But they do tell significant stories: of literati imagining they could belong in the local landscapes, be part of the community, perform meaningful roles within them, and transform the local. They cast themselves in a variety of roles, as guardians of local morals, as teachers and spiritual leaders, as translators of local practice. What matters is that the literati took a great deal of interest in local temples and envisioned themselves as active and authoritative members of the communities they constructed around them. Of the many local institutions they wrote about, the tem­ ple offered them by far the best opportunity to belong.

CHAPTER FIVE

OTHER WAYS OF BEING LOCAL IN SOUTHERN SONG AND YUAN JIZHOU Writing about temples allowed Southern Song and Yuan literati from Jizhou to imagine local landscapes within which they belonged and had meaningful roles to play. Temple inscriptions provided Jizhou scholars during the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties with the opportunity to associate themselves closely and personally with a wide variety of sacred sites. As we will see in the chapters that follow, temple inscrip­ tions changed significantly over time, and literati did not continue to see them as providing such attractive possibilities for shaping their local communities. Before we move on to what happened during the early Ming, however, we need to reflect on the implications of what we have established thus far. The Southern Song and Yuan landscape, I sug­ gested, was a dynamic imagined space, where literati writing combined the view of a threatening and to some extent unknown physical space with the idealization of that space, where humans had successfully nego­ tiated those dangers and threats. The landscape, as I argued above, was not a static space but a dynamic process. Writing about the landscape and about the temples within it was part of that dynamic process, and the landscape of Southern Song and YuanJizhou, as we can visualize it today, is a landscape mediated through these writings. Literati wrote texts about landscape and about the temples within it, and in the act of writing, sought to impose order on their environment. Reading temple inscriptions as records of such processes allows us to see the literati as agents in their social and physical spaces. Of course they were not alone in seeking to shape their environments, and I am by no means arguing that their vision of the landscape a physical world made unthreatening by a constant human presence in the form of tem­ ples and shrines where literati members of the community determined the meaning of the religious practices carried out here was meaningful to anyone but themselves. I am suggesting, however, that we can learn something interesting about the literati from these writings. During the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties, when theJizhou landscape was not yet fully 'tamed', local literati turned to temples and shrines for personal

1 00

CHAPTER FIVE

solace and to create important local roles for themselves. It is important to set out here what this means, and what it does not. First, of course, the vast majority of the local population will have assigned utterly dif­ ferent meanings to local sacred sites, and literati meanings were not constant or uncontested. Second, temples were not the only sites in the social landscape to offer the opportunity to order the environment and to perform local activist roles; other local institutions offered equally interesting opportunities. It would take us too far beyond the focus of this book to explore all of these. Peter Bol's work on local activism in Jinhua (in Zhejiang), for example, or Robert Hymes' writings on Fuzhou (inJiangxi), have already demonstrated some of the multifarious ways in which Song and Yuan dynasty literati carved out spaces in local society through writing. I It may be instructive, however, to look briefly at other ways of expressing involvement in local society that presented them­ selves to the literati in Southern Song and YuanJizhou, such as writing prefaces for locally compiled genealogies, or writing about schools and academies. Pufoces for genealogies

The studies brought together by Patricia Buckley Ebrey and James Watson in Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China ( 1 986) chronicled a process whereby from the Southern Song onwards, lineages grew in importance in local society. 2 As Ebrey suggests in her overview of the development of 'descent group' organization, by 1 350 organized descent groups in southern China had charitable estates, ancestral halls for gatherings and ritual purposes, and they engaged in the compila­ tion of genealogies.3 Genealogies became particularly important as documents that established the social status of the descent group, or the alliances forged through marriage between different local descent groupS.4 Local literati wrote prefaces for their own, and increasingly for other people's, genealogical compilations, positioning the descent group

1

See, for example, Bol, 'This Culture qf Ours'; Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen; Hymes, Wqy and Bywqy; Walton, Academies and Society. 2 Ebrey and Watson, eds., Kinship Organization. 3 Patricia Buckley Ebrey, 'The Early Stages in the Development of Descent Group Organization', in Ebrey and Watson, eds., Kinship Organization, 53-4. 4 Ebrey, 'The Early Stages', 45.

OTHER WAYS OF BEING LOCAL

101

within local society and beyond.5 Not many of such prefaces remain for the Southern Song, more for the Yuan, but as it happens the literary col­ lections of both Ouyang Shoudao and Liu Chenweng contain several prefaces for Jizhou descent groupS.6 One of Ouyang Shoudao's prefaces was for his own illustrious Ouyang family, which he traced back to the Tang, when the first ances­ tor moved to Jizhou to serve as its prefect.7 The descent group included of course Luling's most famous son Ouyang Xiu. As is well-known, Ouyang Xiu's association with Luling is rather tenuous: he was born in Sichuan, raised in Hubei, and visited Luling only once.s As Ouyang Shoudao put it rather wistfully: 'Wenzhong [i.e. Ouyang Xiu] trav­ elled in all directions, and only returned to his native area on a few occasions.,g Nevertheless, of course it mattered to Ouyang Shoudao to claim the link with the great man, and to position himself and his kin in this line of descent, even though in Shoudao's time there were no less than six or seven Ouyang branches with genealogies in the wider area. 10 Ouyang talked about the process of compiling the genealogy, the numbers of generations involved, and the numbers of branches with genealogies in the area, all with a freshness of approach that suggests this was a new venture for him. Ouyang's preface for the genealogy of Huang Shidong 1i�fPm was similarly engaged with the process itself. Rather than using the genea­ logical preface as a forum for discussing other matters, Ouyang wrote about the importance of compiling genealogies without them, how can one know about the different branches and their origins? and about the difficulties of tracing back many generations when wars and disrup­ tions prevented one from making proper investigations.1 1 He counted himself lucky 'to live in ordered times, and in a happy place, where one knows where one's ancestors originated, and where the graves are Hymes, 'Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy', 1 22. 6 As Ebrey points out, Morita Kenji's work has revealed this increase in the writ­ ing of prefaces for genealogies by famous men during the Southern Song and Yuan dynasties. Ebrey, 'The Early Stages', 47. She quotes Morita Kenji, 'So-Gen jidai ni okeru shofu' Tayoshi kenkyii 3 7 ( 1 979): 509-35. Morita counts only nineteen Song genealogical prefaces. 7 Ouyang Shoudao, Xunzhai wenji (Siku zhenben edition), 1 9.9b. 8 For more details on Ouyang Xiu's life, see James T.e. Liu's biography of Ouyang in Franke, Sung Biographies, 808-8 1 6. ji, 1 9. I Oa. 9 Ouyang, Xunzhai wen 10 Ouyang, Xunzhai wenji, 1 9. 1 1 b. 11 Ouyang, Xunzhai wenji, 1 l .8b-9a. 5

1 02

CHAPTER FIVE

maintained.'12 Writing such genealogical prefaces, his style suggests, was not something he did often. A great deal of scholarship has confirmed that the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were periods of enormous growth in a new kind of genealogical compilation.13 Indeed, Robert Hymes has shown that these genealogical compilations were part of the localist strategies in Yuan Fuzhou. 'The reading and prefacing of gene­ alogies', he writes, 'became, in Yuan, in part a medium of acquaint­ ance and social connection, especially with local men of note and influence.'14 Indeed, the genealogy prefaces from Yuan Jizhou suggest that this was true, too, for Jizhou. Nevertheless, I would argue that writing prefaces for genealogies did not yet offer the same appeal to Jizhou literati as shrines and temples did in this period. In part, this is because of the newness of the genre. Prefaces for genealogies were a novel genre at this time. The fractional sample that remains today suggests literati men thinking about the pos­ sibilities offered by writing such prefaces, rather than authors thoroughly familiar with the genre. The conventions of the genre of temple inscrip­ tions created certain limitations, to be sure, but, as I have shown in the previous chapter, they also allowed authors to expound their own views on a wide range of issues, an opportunity they frequently used to their advantage. As Peter Bol has persuasively shown for Wuzhou (later Jin­ hua prefecture in Zhejiang), literati who were interested in 'the creation of a literati cultural community with a local identity' were also involved in local governmental reforms, in creating local geographical, biograph­ ical, and literary compilations, and in writing local histories.15 But as Bol's study makes clear, the transformation from private genealogical records with prefaces compiled by members of the family to genealogies as public records of family histories took place gradually, and perhaps was complete in Jinhua before it was complete or even fully in train in Jizhou. Far more work needs to be done here, examining in greater detail the significance of genealogies in Song-Yuan-Ming Jizhou. For 12

Ouyang, Xunzhai wenji, I I . l Oa. 13 Peter K. Bol, 'Local History and Family in Past and Present', in Thomas H.C. Lee, ed., The New and the MultiplR: Sung Senses qf the Past (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004), 3 1 9. See also Hugh R. Clark, 'Reinventing the Genealogy: Innovation in Kinship Practice in the Tenth to Eleventh Centuries', in Lee, ed., The New and the Multiple, 237-286. See also Ebrey, 'The Early Stages'; Morita, 'So-Gen jidai ni okeru shufu'; Hymes, 'Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy'. 14 Hymes, 'Marriage, Descent Groups, and the Localist Strategy', 1 27. 15 Bol, 'Local History and Family', 338.

i

, .

OTHER WAYS OF BEING LOCAL

1 03

now, I think we can proceed on the assumption that in Southern Song and Yuan Jizhou, temples and shrines offered more attractive oppor­ tunities for local transformation than did genealogies. What about the other types of local institution so prominent in literati consciousness of the time? Below, I will briefly discuss literati writings on schools and academies. Schools and academies in Southern Song and Yuan Luling

The most important educational institutions in Luling were the Ji'an prefectural school and the Luling county school. The county school was located in the northern corner, while the prefectural school had a more prominent location inside the southern walls, near the gates and the river moorings. Both schools were probably founded in the middle of the eleventh century, and repeatedly restored and rebuilt over the fol­ lowing centuries. 16 Alongside such government-sponsored institutions were large numbers of more or less private academies, some small and short-lived, others large, famous, and proud of their long heritage.17 The Southern Song and Yuan were periods of active growth in acad­ emy building, and Jizhou was no exception. 18 Such schools and acad­ emies are often referred to as 'local', but this raises the question: in what 16

The oldest extant gazetteer for the area, the Ji'an prefectural gazetteer from the Jiajing reign-period ( 1 522-1 566) of the Ming dynasty, tells us that the Confucian school of the prefecture was founded in 1 044, when it was located to the south-west of the prefectural seat. It was then moved once in 1 1 25 , and again in 1 1 88 , and did not settle at its sixteenth-century location until the Ming. See [JiajingJ JAFZ ( 1 522-66), 7. 1 a. The county school, founded in the same year according to much later gazet­ teers, was also restored repeatedly during the course of the following centuries. JAFZ (1 875), 1 7. 30a-42a. 1 7 On the difference between public and private educational establishments, see Hsiang-kwang Liu, 'Education and Society: Local Education in Hui-chou, 960-1 800' (Columbia University Ph.D., 1 996). 1 8 The Jiangxi educational historian Li Caidong has made a comprehensive study of academies in Jiangxi, and his figures yield some fascinating insights. He has found data for at least four academies newly built in Jizhou during the Northern Song (in Longquan, Taihe and in Yongfeng), which suggests a period of stability and prosper­ ity in the area at this time. Academy building continued during the Southern Song, when about twenty new academies were built in Jizhou. This amounts to less than one eighth of all Jiangxi academies built during this time, so that Jizhou was by no means at the forefront of Jiangxi academy building activities. This changed during the Yuan, when almost a quarter of all new academies built in Jiangxi were located in Jizhou. See Li Caidong, Jiangxi gudai shuyuan ya,yiu (Nanchang: Jiangxi jiaoyu chu­ banshe, 1 993), 53- 1 02.

,

II

I

I

1 04

CHAPTER FIVE

ways were such academies 10cal?19 Were they, like temples, sites of com­ munity construction and local identity formation? Or were academies and schools imagined within a much wider network of institutions that disseminated and celebrated cultural traditions crossing administra­ tive boundaries? Were academies local sites for the exploration of and participation in the culture of the whole empire?20 To answer such questions, I will focus briefly on literati writings about a few of the educational establishments in Luling, specifically Bailuzhou Academy s 2r1+1 ��1C on Bailu Islet s 2ml in the Gan, founded in 1 242 by Grand CouncillorJiang Wanli, and the county school in Luling.21 Jiang had founded Bailuzhou Academy as soon as he arrived in Luling, and because the academy gained such great fame, Jiang would be remembered for his contribution to local culture in a shrine estab­ lished on Bailu Islet.22 Jiang appointed none other than Ouyang Shou­ dao as head of the academy. Although Ouyang Shoudao's leadership of the academy was briefly interrupted in 1 253, when he served as assistant head of Yuelu Academy in Changsha, Hunan, he remained committed to Bailuzhou Academy for most of his life.23 Under his leadership, stu­ dent numbers rose quickly, and one of the men to study under Ouyang Shoudao was Wen Tianxiang ( 1 236-1 283). Wen was ranked first in the 1 256 metropolitan examinations, a feat that would be mentioned in the academy records for many centuries.24

19

See, for example, Robert Hymes, 'Lu Chiu-yiian, Academies, and the Problem of the Local Community', in De Bary and Chaffee, eds., Neo-Confocian Education: The Formative Stage, 432-456. Paul Smith also refers to academies as 'local' institutions. Paul Smith, 'Introduction', in Smith and von Glahn, eds., The Song-Yuan-Ming Transi­ tion, 23, 26. 20 Similar issues are discussed in a study by Thomas Lee on Jizhou. See Thomas H.C. Lee, 'Song Yuan shuyuan yu difang wenhua-Jizhou diqu shuyuan, xueshu, yu minjian zongjiao', (n.d., manuscript). 21 Jiang's biography can be found in Franke, ed., Sung Biographies, 207-209. 22 Liu Wenyuan suggests thatJiang Wanli arrived as governor inJizhou in 1 238, and did not found the academy until 1 242. Liu Wenyuan, Jiang Wanli yu Jizhou', ]i'an shizhuan xuebao, 20.4 ( 1 999), 53. Other documents suggest Jiang arrived in 1 24 1 , and founded the academy almost immediately. See, for example, Liu Yi, comp., Bailuzhou sh19uan zhi ( 1 87 1 , reprint, Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu, 1 995), 5.4b. Hereafter, BU;:. 23 Yuelu Academy, or Marchmount Hill Academy, is discussed extensively in Wal­ ton, Academies and Society. The academy was founded in 976, and was one of the four famous Song academies. 24 Liu Wenyuan, ]i'an gudai mingren zhuan (Nanchang: Baihuazhou wenyi chubanshe, 1 995), 1 20.

OTHER WAYS OF BEING LOCAL

1 05

Ouyang Shoudao's writings on Bailuzhou Academy

So what did Ouyang write about the academy? How did he imagine the connection between Bailu and Luling? Ouyang's most explicit state­ ment about Bailuzhou Academy appears in a 1 263 text, written two decades after it had been founded. The piece was written to commemo­ rate the establishment of a private building (a pavilion) for the use of the headmaster at Bailuzhou Academy.25 The inspiration for the piece was provided by Emperor Lizong's (r. 1 225-1 265) decision to confer official recognition on the headmasters of academies: In the past, the heads of academies did not receive regular employment (zhengyuan), so they often served concurrently as [prefectural] professors. Only since last year has [their position] been established as an official appointment.26

Official recognition of the position also provided an opportunity to build a proper residence for the headmaster. Ouyang Shoudao had used his private home when he served as headmaster and had given his lectures at home, but his successor did not have such facilities. The prefectural authorities then donated some land inside the city walls not far from the islet, and provided the building materials and the labour needed for the construction of accommodation for students and a residence for the headmaster. The comparison with the prefectural school obviously mattered to Ouyang: From now on the headmaster has somewhere to stay, and in form and appearance he can truly be an equal with the professor of the prefectural schoolY

Ouyang Shoudao went on to elaborate on the role of academies in the wider educational system of the realm. At first, he wrote, education was freely available throughout the realm as there were schools both in the capital and in the villages. Teachers who had achieved knowledge and insight above others would take students into their homes. This all changed when the Way was lost. Scholars started to retreat to the mountains, where they were inaccessible for students, and while great 25

Ouyang Shoudao, 'Bailuzhou shuyuan shanzhangting ji', XZUJ, l 4.5a-8b. The text is also included in BLZ, 5. l a-4a. It discussed briefly in Walton, Academies and Society, 77-79, and in Meskill, Academies in Ming China, 1 5- 1 6. 26 XZUJ, 1 4.5a. 27 XZUJ, 1 4.6a.

1 06

CHAPTER FIVE

learning thrived in these remote places, none of this learning was trans­ mitted to others. The exception to this were the academies, where schol­ ars continued to debate and give lectures. In more recent times, Ouyang continued, men who had gained know­ ledge and learning in such academies were given civil service appoint­ ments. After this brief history of educational establishments, Ouyang returned to the matter that concerned him most: If in an area of 500 kilometres there is only one professor, then the prefec­ ture will treat [the headmaster] as an outsider, and not consider him part of the staff. When the headmaster is included, there are two [professors] . In our Luling, there are as many as twenty to thirty thousand scholars (shi), and when those who visit, clasping their writing tablets, do not find places at the prefectural school, they go to the academy. But never before has the senior person, teaching students at an academy, been a servant in the imperial service, appointed by the court. 28

From the style of writing, it is clear that Ouyang was satisfied with this new-found respect for the office of the headmaster. But there is a per­ sonal dimension; while Ouyang had given so much of his active life to the running of Bailuzhou Academy, he had never before had the oppor­ tunity of demanding respect from his fellow Luling scholars and from the members of the central government. At the same time, Ouyang Shoudao sought to represent his Bailuzhou Academy as a site for teaching and learning that went well beyond the local. The education provided here contributed, in fact, to the flourish­ ing of the dynasty as a whole: In the three ages of antiquity, there was no contact between the learning in the capital and in the villages, and between the scholars who resided in mountains and grottoes. In later ages, the teaching of [those who secluded themselves] in the mountains was not authorized by the emperor. Only today these two [i.e. state sponsored education and private learning in academies] are combined, and it is because of this that the culture of our Song [dynasty] is most flourishing.

Ouyang suggests here that the Song empire as a whole benefited from the inclusion of headmasters into the central government bureaucracy. What took place at Bailuzhou Academy, both the learning of the stu­ dents and the housing of the headmaster, reflected on the state of edu­ cation in the empire as a whole. In other words, for Ouyang Shoudao, 28

XZU:7, 1 4. 7a-b.

OTHER WAYS OF BEING LOCAL

lO7

local education was significant, not because it was local, but because it was a significant part of learning in Southern Song China. The com­ munity envisioned here was the wider community of scholars, drawn together by shared ideals and cultural values. The location of the acad­ emy might well have been local, but the meaning Ouyang assigned to this went well beyond the local. Liu Chenweng on Luling educational establishments

Of course Ouyang Shoudao was not only a local man, but a man with wider ambitions. Was he alone in this vision of education in Luling? Ouyang's student, Liu Chenweng, had, as it turns out, rather similar feelings about the educational establishments in Luling, although a more strongly defined sense of local pride also appears in Liu's writings about Bailuzhou Academy. When Jiang Wanli, founder of Bailuzhou Academy, committed sui­ cide to demonstrate his loyalty to the Song, Liu was deeply affected. He decided to spend the remainder of his life locally, supporting himself by teaching and writing. In the last year of Southern Song rule, a shrine was built to commemorate Jiang Wanli, and Liu marked the occasion with an inscription.29 From the first lines of this text, Liu celebrates the influenceJiang Wanli had locally, in 'our prefecture' (wu zhou 1§fjll'I). The founding of the academy, Liu wrote, ensured that Jiang gained wide­ spread admiration inJizhou: 'The gentry considered him virtuous and the clerks and the common people admired him. '30 As Liu saw it, this was Jiang's personal achievement: How could it just be that the learned discussions of the scholars are superior, and the customs of the common people are refined? The cul­ tural achievements of this gentleman [i.e. Jiang Wanli] touched people's hearts, so that he continues to be remembered like this, now that he has passed on.3 1

The achievement may have been personal, but the outcomes were long­ lasting, and through it 'our prefecture' had gained in standing.

Liu Chenweng, 'Luzhou shuyuanJiang wenzhong gong citangji', in Liu Chenweng ji (Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1 987), 85-87. 30 BL

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Map 5. Counties in MingJi'an prefecture. Map based on China Historical GIS, Version 3.0 (April 2005)

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1 16

CHAPTER SIX

for men from this area. Dardess suggests that during the Song, local pride and identity was focused largely on the prefecture as a whole, something I have seen confirmed time and again in the sources.3 Song and Yuan literati referred to themselves as men 'fromJi', or men 'from Luling', without specifying in which county in Jizhou they were born. Dardess, whose study focuses on Taihe, suggests that: Somehow, between the end of the Sung and the forming of the Ming in 1 368, Chi'an prefecture broke apart in all respects save for its administra­ tive function in the apparatus of the imperial state.4

Around the middle of the fourteenth century, he argues, literati authors begin to refer to themselves as 'men from Taihe', which he takes as his starting point for his study of Taihe. Having looked at a longer span of time, and a broader geographical unit, I have found little evidence of this 'break-up' of Ji'an identity in the Ming. I agree that men from the same county, whether from Taihe or from any of the other Ming counties, often pointed out this shared connection. At the same time, however, the prominent literati from early Ming Ji'an who served at court, and whose temple inscriptions we will be reading in this chapter, offered their texts, and thereby their patronage, to men from all over Ji'an. Without denying the existence of a shared county pride, espe­ cially among the extraordinarily successful and powerful Taihe clique, Ji'an also mattered as a focal point for a shared prefectural identity, especially for men from, say, Yongfeng, or Wan'an. Their counties may have been less prominent, but they certainly made sure their readers knew they belonged to the same prefecture that had produced men like Yang Shiqi and Liang Qj.an �M. There is another difference between my arguments here, and those of John Dardess. Dardess chronicles a process of change that begins, in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, with a strong col­ lective identity, manifest in expressions of local pride, appreciations of the local landscape, and celebrations of local connections through friendships and marriages.5 This flourishing Taihe then begins to lose its appeal, in Dardess' masterly analysis, during the course of the fifteenth century. 'The sixteenth-century residents', he writes, 'seem not to have

John Dardess, A Ming Society: T'ai-ho County, Kiangsi, in the Fourteenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1 996), 3. 4 Ibid. 5 Dardess, A Ming Society, 2. 3

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 17

cared about it one way or the other.'6 Reading temple inscriptions from the entire prefecture reveals, as Dardess suggests, significant changes over the course of the fifteenth century. There is no doubt that the counties of Ji'an were deeply affected by the political changes of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and that those changes are manifest in writings produced by local men. I understand those changes, however, in a slightly different way, although these two views are by no means mutually exclusive. While Dardess places the emphasis on the existence of a strong collective identity in early Ming Taihe, which gradually disappears over time, I am struck mostly by changes in the location of that local pride. During the early Ming, the men from Ji'an constantly drew attention to their location at the capital, and to their distance from the local. A local pride did indeed exist, but in the early Ming, that pride was located not in Taihe itself or any other Ji'an county or in Ji'an prefecture as a whole, but far away at the capital. The emphasis on location at the capital emerges most clearly when we compare Southern Song and Yuan expressions of local pride and Ji'an identity, which were firmly located inJizhou. From the middle of the Ming onwards, the sense of pride and identity altered significantly: it moved from the capital back to the locality, and rather than viewing the local from the centre, the local was once again viewed from the locality. In what follows I will briefly sketch the political changes of the early Ming, and the dramatic changes in the political fortunes of men from Ji'an, before turning to the temple inscriptions of the early Ming to illustrate the point that Ji'an literati were no longer envisioning local communities to which they sought to belong. They distanced themselves from the local, cementing instead their contacts at the capital. Political change and social tranifOrmation in ear!J Ming ]i'an

There can be little doubt that the fourteenth century was a hugely disruptive period inJi'an. When the Yuan government began to disin­ tegrate in the first half of the fourteenth century, Jiangxi was one of the areas where peasant revolts erupted, and in the battles over ter­ ritorial control in the middle of the century, Jiangxi was the scene of heavy fighting. In 1 352, the Red Turban armies of Liu Futong IU :fMJm 6

Ibid.

'.

1 18

CHAPTER SIX

attacked Jiangxi and established control over Ji'an, only to lead to further uprisings and revolts in the decade that followed. Brutal fight­ ing ensued, causing widespread death and destruction.7 The area first became the stronghold of the rebel general Chen Youliang 1I*:&tf,� in 1 360, and then, after the naval battle on Lake Poyang in 1 363, fell in the hands of a rival Yuan rebel by the name of Zhu Yuanzhang. As Edward Dreyer has shown, the Poyang battle was a decisive moment in Zhu Yuanzhang's campaign for the unification under his control, which followed in 1 368.8 Much has been said about the various social transformations that took place under the regime of Zhu Yuanzhang. His emphasis on the agricultural foundations of the empire is well documented, as is his attempt to impose the state cult on all levels of the population.9 To achieve this, the emperor issued a series of edicts. From the first year of his reign ( 1 368), a system of worship at the altars for soil and grain (Shf!ji tan t±�:l:l!) was instituted throughout the empire. Each prefecture, sub-prefecture, and county was to build an altar for soil and grain to the north-west of the city walls; worship at the altar for soil and grain became a legal obligation for every tax-paying adult man at his appropriate level in the realm and would henceforth be one of the most important elements of the state cult.IO To understand local practices, Zhu Yuanzhang sent his officials into the countryside to take note of all efficacious gods, terrestrial deities, and worthies that regularly received worship. Deities deemed worthy were entered in the Sacrificial Statutes (Sidian t8�), and were to receive worship on a regular basis.1 1 7

For general descriptions of the traumatic events of the fall of the Yuan dynasty and the establishment of the Ming, see F.w. Mote, Imperial China, 900-1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1 999), 5 1 7-548; Edward Dreyer, Early Ming China: A Political History 1355-1435 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1 982), 1 2-64. 8 Dreyer, Early Ming China, 49-52. 9 On the agricultural base of, for example, the Ming fiscal administration, see Ray Huang, 'The Ming Fiscal Administration', in Twitchett and Mote, eds., Cambridge History qf China, vol. 8, especially 1 06-1 1 2. On Zhu's imposition of the state cult, see, for example, Romeyn Taylor, 'Official Religion in the Ming', in Twitchett and Mote, eds., Cambridge History qf China, vol. 8, 840-892. See also Romeyn Taylor, 'Official and Popular Religion and the Political Organization of Chinese Society in the Ming', in Kwang-ching Liu, ed., Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1 990), 1 2 6-1 57. For an insightful review of Zhu Yuanzhang's policies and their revisions, see Sarah Schneewind, 'Visions and Revisions: Village Policies of the Ming Founder in Seven Phases', T'oung PaD 87 (200 I): 3 1 7-359. 10 Long Wenbin, ed., Ming huiyao ( 1 887, reprint, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1 956), 1 1 7. 1 1 Ming Tai::;u shilu ( 1 4 1 8, reprint, Taibei: Academia Sinica, 1 962), 35.3b; Yu Ruji,

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 19

Following this edict, local officials were no longer permitted to perform the worship of deities not entered in the Sacrificial Statutes, regardless of their local following. 1 2 Over the following years, further edicts were issued, instructing each locality to standardize worship so that it would conform to the state cult. 1 3 The rituals included worship of the celestial deities of wind, clouds, thunder, and rain; and of terrestrial deities such as the gods of mountains and streams, of soil and grain, of walls and moats, and hungry ghosts. For each of these rituals, the dates and times of the worship, the size and shape of the buildings, the procedures during the ritual, the sacrificial texts, and the preparation of the sacrifice were determined in minute detail. I4 Recent research has tended to stress the constantly changing nature of Zhu Yuanzhang's policies, and questioned the lasting effect of his regime. 15 Even if the Hongwu reign-period ( 1 368-1 398) was not the beginning of an entirely new social structure, the evidence from Ji'an suggests that his policies had a significant impact at the local level. Throughout the prefecture, or so the gazetteer records would have us believe, new temples were built, shrines were erected and monasteries were restored. Rebuilding ]i'an's shrines and temples

During the first decades of Ming rule,Ji'an county magistrates initiated a vast program of temple building and rebuilding. Much of their effort focused on the establishment of proper shrines for the state cult, and

comp., Libu zhigao ( 1 620, reprint, Taibei: Shangwu, 1 983-6), 30. 1 5a-b; Shen Shixing, comp., Da Ming huidian ( 1 587, reprint, Taibei: Shangwu, 1 983-86), 86. 1 1 b. 12 Long, ed., Ming huiyao, 1 80. 13 This worship was to include worship of 'sagely emperors, enlightened kings, loyal officials, and martyred scholars entered in the Sacrificial Statutes and not located at an improper (yin) shrine'. Yu, Libu zhigao, 30. 1 6a. 14 See, for example, Yu, Libu zhigao, 30. 1 7a-30a. 1 5 The work of Edward Farmer explored various aspects of Zhu Yuanzhang's new social and economic policies. The overall argument of his work is that Zhu Yuanzhang constructed a 'new' China by imposing and legislating a new order. See, first and fore­ most, his Zhu Yuanzhang and early Ming Legislation: The Reordering qf Chinese Society Following the Era qf Mongol Rule (Leiden, EJ. Brill: 1 995). The amount of revision to policies issued during Zhu Yuanzhang's reign transpires from Schneewind, 'Visions and Revi­ sions'. For an overall discussion of Zhu Yuanzhang's reign, see the studies included in Sarah Schneewind, ed., Long Live the Emperor! Uses qf the Ming Founder Across Six Centuries qf East Asian History (Society for Ming Studies, forthcoming).

1 20

CHAPTER SIX

we see evidence of these activities throughout the prefecture.16 Buddhist and Daoist temples also came under the control of the central state, and Zhu Yuanzhang issued a constant stream of edicts relating to all aspects of Buddhist and Daoist monastic life. 1 7 Though his policies were not consistent, his overall intention was to restrict the social influence and freedom of Buddhist and Daoist institutions.18 Many of his new regulations were hopelessly unrealistic; in 1 392, for example, he ordered the Buddhist registry offices to start keeping detailed records 'that give full knowledge' (zhouzhice JWJ�Offfr) and to distribute them throughout the realm.19 They were to contain the relevant details of each monk, including the date of his ordination and the serial number of his licence. While it is easy to dismiss such orders as impossible to implement, the evidence from Ji'an suggests that Zhu Yuanzhang's orders did filter down to the county level, where local governors and well as members of the local clerical elite were clearly aware of their existence. Local gazetteers contain records of the various altars for the state cult, lists of temples for local deities, and lists of Buddhist and Daoist temples and monasteries. They provide, as shown earlier, a highly unreli­ able record for the actual number of temples that existed. Many more such buildings will have gone unrecorded, and the record that does exist will always be slanted towards the interests of the elite readership of In Jishui, for example, Magistrate Li Hengfu *mffi began rebuilding the altars and shrines for the state cult as soon as he arrived in 1 373. An altar for hungry ghosts was built in the county capital, and the altars for soil and grain and for terrestrial and celestial forces were relocated closer to the county capital. Jishui xianzhi ( 1 875),juan 1 2. In Anfu, the altars for soil and grain as well as the altars for celestial and terrestrial forces were rebuilt at a new location. ArifU xianzhi (1 872),juan 3. In Wan'an, the magis­ trate had a similar set of government-sponsored altars built. Wan'an xianzhi (1 873),juan 7 . In Luling, Longquan, Yongfeng, and Yongning the same government temples were built, all in the early years of Hongwu's reign. JAFZ ( 1 875), juan 8-10. 1 7 For a more detailed discussion of the early Ming policies with regard to local reli­ gious practices and organization, see Anne Gerritsen, 'The Hongwu Legacy: Fifteenth­ century Views on Zhu Yuanzhang's Monastic Policies', in Schneewind, ed., Long Live the Emperor! Uses of the Ming Founder Across Six Centuries of East Asian History. 1 8 Chiin-fang Yii suggests that those aspects of Buddhism that could be com­ bined with Confucian values-in particular tantric rituals-were tolerated (through the favouring of 'doctrinal', or 'sutra instruction' (jiang) , temples), but that all other aspects, in particular meditation and the study of the sutras was in so far as possible confined to the temples. There they were to remain isolated and separated from the lay population. See Chiin-fang Vii, 'Ming Buddhism', in Twitchett and Mote, eds., Cambridge History of China, vol. 8, especially 904-909. See also Chiin-fang Vii, The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Chu-hung and the Late Ming Synthesis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 981). 19 Long, Ming huiyao, 695. 16

·

._

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LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

.

- --

121

such gazetteers. All we can be sure of is the picture compilers wished to convey to that readership. We saw earlier that for the Southern Song, we have records of about 85 temples, 23 of which we only know by name. We know that the other 62 Southern Song temples were either built or restored during the 1 47 years between 1 1 2 7 and 1 274. By contrast, we have records for about 260 temples in the early to middle Ming (the 1 32 years between 1 368 and 1 500), and of those 260 there are only eight for which we know only the name. The record would have us believe that sixteen of those 260 were restored immediately in the first year of Ming rule in 1 368, a further sixteen in 1369, and 25 in 1 370. A staggering 227 temples and shrines were restored during the Hongwu, Jianwen ( 1 399-1402) and Yongle (1 403-1 424) reign-periods in Ji'an prefecture. Of course these figures tell us very little. For the vast majority of records, the entry in the prefectural or county gazetteer reads some­ thing like this: 'Fushou Temple. Located in the 35th township. Built in 1 163 and restored in the tenth year of Hongwu ( 1 3 7 7) by the monk Guangtong.'20 It tells us nothing about the kind of place it was in 1 1 63, nor about what happened in the almost two hundred years between foundation and restoration, or about the extent of the restorations of 1 377. Where temple inscriptions themselves have been included in the gazetteers, we can glean further information about the actual processes involved, as we see in this example: When our illustrious Ming began, a start was made on [the restoration of] the multitude of destroyed [temples] . Zhu Ximing *J� fJJ3 , pupil of [previous Daoist master Zhang] Tianquan ,*:7(�, could not bear the destruction of the abbey his teacher had worked so hard for. So he enlisted Luling's Chen Yunwen Il*ft::z and others to donate money and manpower. In thejiazi year of Hongwu [i.e. 1 384] they made plans from the entrance gates down to the corridors. Throughout the sacred buildings, they changed what was rotten and preserved what could be maintained. They worked towards it as if it was a long-term plan, but they finished it unexpectedly fast.2 1

We learn a bit more here: leadership came from a Daoist master, who took on this restoration project in part out of loyalty to his master, sug­ gesting the site was actively used until its destruction. The reference to Chen Yunwen, now meaningless because he cannot be traced, suggests 20 21

JAFZ (1 875), 1 0.2 1a. Liu Dunxin, 'Qinghua guan ji', Luling xianzhi ( 1 873), 45.35b-36a.

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members of the local community became involved. And finally, it was completed more quickly than had been expected. More commonly, however, it took much longer than expected to complete the restoration of an entire temple, as we see in this example: From the spring of 1 439, it took seventeen years to the winter of 1 455 to announce its completion. [The Daoist master Wu] Huanfei did not make use of any outside help. He just limited his many expenses, imposed strict rules on [materials] that were left over, and first and foremost relied on his own money, doing the work in the proper order, never using too many people for a small job. Therefore it was difficult to get to the end, and it took a long time.22

These temple restorations were complex processes that required fund­ ing, labour, and the skilful management of resources the purchasing of materials and assigning of manpower to small jobs was clearly as much a challenge in the fifteenth century as today. The compilers of local gazetteers nevertheless assumed that their readers could conceive of a prefecture where as many as 227 temples and shrines were restored within the space of just over fifty years. What is more, they could conceive of this in a prefecture that had been the site of extensive fighting in the decades before 1368, and had suffered a traumatic time during the civil war surrounding the debacle of Yongle's usurpation. The nineteenth-century compilers of gazetteers, especially those who compiled the Luling, Yongfeng and Longquan gazetteers, are rarely explicit about the textual and epigraphic sources they had used to compile the sections on temples and monasteries, but they will have had access to the earlier editions of theJi'an prefectural and county gazetteers, no longer extant.23 However they gained their information, the compilers present us with a record of far-reaching change throughoutJi'an. Political disruption and local warfare had led to the destruction of much of the sacred landscape. Many of the sites in the landscape that had attracted the attention of Jizhou literati like Ouyang Shoudao, Liu Chenweng and others had been left in ruins. A new emperor was in place, and orders were being issued for a rebuild­ ing on a grand scale. The landscape that was shaped by the traces of institutional, communal and individual histories was being thoroughly remodelled. Ji' an was not the same place that Jizhou had been. 22 Xiao Weizhen, 'Huixian guan ji', Luling xianzhi ( 1 873), 45.41a. 23 Peter Bol discusses the importance of looking at earlier sources included in local

gazetteers in Bol, 'The Rise of Local History', especially 44-54.

, •

i

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 23

]i 'an men and the central government

The thorough programme of rebuilding that took place throughout Ji'an prefecture during the early decades of the Ming dynasty was not the only significant change. These changes in the landscape went hand in hand with another change with far-reaching consequences. The literati in Ji'an were no longer mostly local men, but part of the highest echelons of the political elite. Before we discuss the changes in the inscriptions they wrote, we need to take stock of the transforma­ tion of the Ji'an elite. As John Dardess has demonstrated for Taihe, men entered the civil service in great numbers during the early Ming, and occupied crucial positions in the central government until the middle of the fifteenth century.24 The figures for examination success in Ming Ji'an are truly staggering.25 Over one thousand Ming jinshi hailed fromJi'an, more than from anywhere else, and the vast majority of those jinshi degrees were obtained during the first century of Ming rule. By 1 464, Ji'an had already produced 449jinshi degree holders, as opposed to 248 from Fuzhou and 1 46 from Suzhou.26 A closer look at these early generations of successful men will highlightJi'an's unusual accomplishments. The first cohort: Ji'an men serving Zhu Yuanzhang

The first cohort of men who advanced to high positions under Zhu Yuanzhang's rule was largely made up of men from Taihe. Among them were men like Chen Mo [)t� (1 305-ca. 1 389), who spent most of his life under Yuan rule, working as a tutor in Taihe, but advanced to a post at the capital after Zhu Yuanzhang came to the throne. His nephew, Yang Shiqi, would later make a much greater impression on the historical records, but Chen Mo is significant as one of the first Taihe 24

Dardess writes: 'In the first half of the fifteenth century, T'ai-ho men entered Ming government in extraordinary numbers. From 1 403 to 1 457, more than 453 of them, or about ten men every year, entered bureaucracy through one or another of the available channels.' See Dardess, A Ming Society, 1 74. . , 25 The table in the appendix illustrates the success rates of jinshi candidates from JI an. 26 Ho, The Ladder qf Success, 247-8. The years 1 400 and 1 404 were outstandingly successful for Ji'an: the three highest ranked candidates in both years all hailed from Ji'an. No other prefecture ever managed to do as well as this. See also Li Tianbai, Jiangxi zhuangyuan pu (Nanchang: Jiangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1 997) and Liu, Ji'an gudai mingren zhuan.

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CHAPTER SIX

men to serve the Ming. He was a friend of the poet and official Liu Song IU* (132 1�138 1), a fellow Taihe man, who, like himself, grew up under Yuan rule, and went on to hold several posts in the central government under Zhu Yuanzhang.27 Chen Mo, older than Liu Song, survived Liu Song by eight years, and dedicated several writings to his friend.28 Xie Jin ( 1 369� 1 4 1 5), a precocious youngster from Jishui who passed thejinshi exam in 1 387 before he turned twenty, also served Zhu Yuanzhang, but made himself so unpopular with his frank criticisms of the emperor that he was sent back to Jishui in 1 390, where he remained until Zhu Yuanzhang's death.29 TheJi'an men Lan Zizhen (1 334�1 386) and Chen Cheng ( 1 365�1 458) also served at Zhu Yuanzhang's court. Lan, of the she minority, served only briefly in the 1 380s until his premature death in 1 386, but Chen, a jinshi of 1 394, went on to serve Yongle as ambassador, and wrote an impressive travelogue after his journey to Inner Asia in l 4 1 4� 1 4 l 5. He retired in 1 425, and spent the remaining thirty years of his life at home in Jishui. 30 Zhu Yuanzhang, thus, had a significant group of Ji'an men at his court. And it was not only the first Ming emperor who drew heavily on men from Ji'an: the Jianwen emperor, who ruled from 1 398 to 1402, chose a Jiangxi man as one of his three closest advisers.31 ]iJan men serving Zhu Di

The real brain-drain from Ji'an, however, occurred during the reign of Zhu Di **it, known as the Yongle emperor (r. 1 403�1 424). Liang Qjan �M ( 1 366� 1 4 1 8) and Yang Shiqi (1 365�1 444), both from Taihe, were part of this cohort. Liang Qjan, a provincial graduate from Taihe, started out with a series of posts in local government. In the first year of

27

See Dardess, A Ming Society, 1 74. On Liu Song, see also Rao Longsun, 'Liu Song yu Xijiang pai', Xinan shifon daxue xuebao ( 1 997): 99- 1 04. 2B Chen Mo, Haisangji, juan 9. 29 For his biography, see DMB, 554-558. 30 DMB, 144- 1 45. 31 TheJianwen emperor'sJiangxi adviser, Huang Zicheng ( 1 3 50-1 402), hailed from Fenyi, just north of the Ji'an prefectural border in Yuanzhou. See Dreyer, Early Ming China, 1 58. The five Yongle grand secretaries fromJiangxi were XieJin, Hu Guang,Jin Youzi, Hu Van, and Yang Shiqi. Only Hu Van andJin Youzi did not hail from Ji'an. See Dardess, A Ming Society, 96-7. See also Henry Tsai, Perpetual Happiness: The Ming Emperor Yongle (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 200 1), 1 09- 10.

I

I

1

I

j

II

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 25

Yongle's reign, he was invited to come to the capital to take part in the editing of the Veritable Records of Taizu. He later served as director general of the Yongle encyclopaedia, and was chief examiner at the capital in 1415. Liang Qj.an then held an appointment in the secretariat of the heir-apparent. While the Yongle emperor campaigned in the north, Liang Qj.an was among those responsible for the behaviour of the heir-apparent. This responsibility would cost him dear; he and several other high officials were executed in 1 4 1 8 after the alleged misbehaviour of the heir-apparent came to the attention of the emperor.32 Liang Qj.an and his close contemporary, Yang Shiqi, were among the Taihe men who shaped and directed much of the Ming government during the first half of the fifteenth century.33 Yang was summoned to Nanjing in 1 398. Under Yongle he rose to the post of grand secretary, one of the founding members of what would become known as the Grand Secretariat (neige I*J fil). As Dardess has shown, Yang Shiqi's patronage, extended to fellow Taihe men while he was serving as grand secretary, meant that 'the grip of a handful of men from one county in China on the controlling levers of Ming government was quite extraor­ dinary.'34 Under Yang's tutelage, Taihe men like Minister of Personnel Wang Zhi .I:.1i ( 1 379- 1462), Xiao Zi If� (d. 1 464) and Chen Xun �11 (1 385-1 462) all rose to prominent positions. According to Peter Ditmanson, however, it was not only Taihe men who enjoyed Yang's friendship. Among the hundreds of biographies and grave inscriptions composed by Yang, only a minority were written for Taihe men.35 Yang Shiqi and Liang Qj.an were called to serve at the capital on the basis of their literary reputations, and never passed the palace examina­ tions. Shordy after their arrival, however, Ji'an men began to pass the examinations at the highest levels, and in great numbers. Between 1 397 and 1 493, Ji'an men passed the triennial palace examinations ranked first, second or third in over half of the examination years, and in both 3'

Dardess writes, 'On August 27, 1 4 1 8, Liang Ch'ien was placed under arrest, charged with having failed to warn the heir apparent not to pardon a military officer--whom the heir apparent had just convicted and sentenced to exile.' Liang was executed on 1 6 October, 1 4 1 8. Dardess, A Ming Society, 1 85. 33 For Yang Shiqi's biography, see DMB, 1 535-1 538. For a further study of Yang Shiqi's career, see Yang Zhihua, 'Shilun Yang Shiqi dui Mingchu shehui zhengzhi de gongxian', Jiangxi shifon daxue xuebao 3 1 .4 ( 1 998): 65-69. 34 Dardess, A Ming Society, 1 44. 3S Peter Ditmanson, 'Intellectual Lineages and the Early Ming Court', in Papers on Chinese History 5 (1 996): 6.

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1 400 and 1 404, the first three places all went to Ji'an men.36 When the Yongle emperor chose his grand secretaries in 1402, three of the seven were men from Ji'an, and one hailed from just across the Ji'an border in Yuanzhou. Apart from Yang Shiqi from Taihe and Xie Jin from Jishui, they were Hu Guang !)HI (1 370- 1 4 1 8), also from Jishui, andJin Youzi �i;i:JJj( (1 368-1432) from Xiajiang.37 A fifthJiangxi man, Hu Van !)HI ( 1 36 1-1443), was born in Nanchang. The Ji'an connection formed a powerful bond amongst these men. Hu Guang, for example, was born in Jishui in 1 370. In the year he was born, Hu's father Hu Shouchang Mw � ( 1 333- 1 378) began serving Zhu Yuanzhang in various provincial postings. At the time of his father's early death, Hu Guang was only eight years old. Brought up by his mother and his paternal grand-uncle, he worked extremely hard, and repaid their faith in him by being ranked first among the metropolitan graduates in the examinations of 1 400. Wang Gen 3:. Pt (1 368- 1 40 1), two years his senior and also from Jishui, was ranked second, and Li Guan ::$=:1:, from Luling, was ranked third. Despite Hu Guang's association with Jianwen, who had ranked him first in these exams, Hu Guang was selected by the Yongle emperor to serve as his grand secretary, where he worked closely with another of the Ji'an grand secretaries: Xie Jin. Xie Jin, who had passed the exam at a much younger age, and had gained more experience in the central government, served as his senior grand secretary. XieJin felt a responsibility for the success of his fellow Ji'an men at court, and began to encourage men from allJi'an counties to aim for examination success. It was a responsibility that extended to the lesser-known parts of the prefecture; when men from Yongxin county had only limited examination success between 1 368 and 1400 only one man from Yongxin had passed, two from Yongxin passed in 1402, and a further two in 1 404 Xie wrote: When I look at the nine counties [of Ji'an] , its scenery is magnificent, and outstanding people are born there. It must surely be possible for them [all] to enjoy wealth and success. [ . . .] It is a question of people's ambition. When a tablet was erected in the school [in Yongxin] to display the names of the successful jinshi candidates, I wrote an inscription to

36 Iiu, Ji'an gudai mingren zhuan, 3 1 0-3 1 4. 37 Jin Youzi hailed from Xiajiang, just north of the Anfu border. His collected writ­ ings hardly mention his hometown, and only refer to Anfu. See Jin Youzi, Jin Wenjing ji, juan 7 and juan 9.

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encourage the gentlemen from Yongxin to strive for further success in the examinations. I know that this must start with the schools.38

XieJin himself hailed fromJishui, where more candidates passed than in any other county, but his loyalty is clearly not merely withJishui but with all the Ji'an counties. Brilliant as he was by all accounts, Xie Jin was no diplomat. Having spent the years between 1 390 and 1 399 in exile at home after offending the first Ming emperor, he repeatedly offended the Yongle emperor as well, in 1 407 and again in 1 4 1 1 , after which he was executed in jail. Hu Guang, a much more discreet and cautious figure, then took his place as the senior figure among the grand secretaries. Yang Shiqi and Jin Youzi, another Yongle grand secretary, both wrote glowing descriptions of Xie after his death, and testify to a close and personal friendship between these men. They shared not only their background in Ji'an, but their dedication to the government of Yongle.39 The cohort if 1 404

For Hu Guang, passing first in the examinations of 1 400 led to fame throughout the realm. Zeng Qj, who was ranked first in the 1 404 metropolitan examinations, achieved less enduring fame, although he, too, managed to capitalize upon his Ji'an connections. Zeng Qj was born in 1 372 in Yongfeng. His great-great-grandfather had served the Song government; his grandfather and father had both served in the Yuan government. He was just over thirty years old when he took the metropolitan examinations, and after ranking him first, the Yongle emperor appointed him as editor in the Hanlin Academy. His cohort of successfuljinshi candidates from Ji'an was bigger than any before it or after. Zhou Shu JWJJ£ ( 1 375-1437), from Jishui, was ranked in second place, and Zhou Mengjian JWJ�rm (1 378-1 430), also fromJishui, third, and these three were followed by at least four more Ji'an men. These included, for example, Li Shimian *B�fRl1. ( 1 374-1 450). Li's family had only recently moved to Anfu, and after his examination suc­ cess he was appointed to the Hanlin Academy, where he, too, worked 38

Xie Jin, 'Yongxin jinshi timing ji', Wenyi ji, 1O.27a. 3 9 Hok-lam Chan, 'The Chien-wen, Yung-lo, Hung-hsi, and Hsiian-te reigns, 1 399-1435', in Frederick W Mote and Denis Twitchett, eds., Cambridge History qf China, volume 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1 368-1 644, Part I, 2 1 0.

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CHAPTER SIX

as one of the editors of Yongle dadian and of the Veritable Records of Ming Taizu.40 Li Shimian was a highly critical civil servant, voicing outspoken opinions about the building of the new palatial buildings in the north in 1 42 1, for example, and about the emperor's sexual activi­ ties during the period of mourning for the Yongle emperor in 1 425.41 Twice he was jailed, once with horrific injuries after being tortured, but still he survived. He was rehabilitated under the Xuande emperor, was appointed as libationer in 1 44 1 , and served another two emperors until his death in 1 450. Also among the 1 404 graduates was Zhou Chen ( 1 38 1 - 1 453) from Jishui, who passed the exam when he was only in his early twenties, and served five different emperors. He would gain a reputation under Xuanzong for the tax concessions he offered to those under his juris­ diction in the lower Yangzi region, and became well-known for his efficient financial administration and economic reforms.42 Then there were Li Zhen ( 1 376-1452) from Luling and Wang Zhi ( 1 379-1462) from Taihe. Wang Zhi spent almost forty years making a career in the Hanlin Academy, drafting documents for several emperors. In 1 443, Wang Zhi became minister of personnel on the recommendation of Yang Shiqi, and remained in post until he was in his late seventies in 1 457, when he was dismissed after the palace coup and allowed to return home, where he died in 1 462.43 Li Zhen became a Hanlin bachelor in 1 404, worked on the compilation of Yongle dadian, and served for a time in Guangxi and Henan. Li Zhen was to make his name as author of a collection of short stories, 'More Stories Written while Trimming the Wick', written in 1 41 9, and published in an illustrated edition in 1 433. The success of the 1 404 cohort would never be repeated, but it is indicative of the enormous political powers that were combined in men from Ji'an serving the early Ming emperors.

865-868. 41 The memorial submitted by Li Shimian in 1 420 is largely translated in Tsai, Perpetual Happiness, 1 26-7. 42 Huang, 'The Ming Fiscal Administration', 1 1 0-1 1 1 . As governor of the Southern Metropolitan Region, Zhou Chen wrote an influential report, showing that the people who had disappeared from the registers due to increased mobility of households, had frequently not moved far away from their original registration. See Heijdra, 'The Socio-Economic Development of Rural China', 479. For a discussion of the reforms Zhou Chen proposed, see Chan, 'The Chien-wen, Yung-lo, Hung-hsi, and Hsiian-te reigns', 296-7. 43 For Wang Zhi's biography; see DMB, 1 358- 1 36 1 . 40 DMB,

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-

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LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 29

Religious leaders from Ji'an

It was not only members of the secular elite, however, who allied themselves closely with the central government. Religious leaders, too, were drawn into the central bureaucratic system of the state. Rao Zhengdao MiEJ1t for example, known by the religious name Chongxu �r:p)1ii: , was born in Jishui, and attracted attention because of his particularly strange face. A Master of the Way recognized that this boy was not meant to be a mere mortal, and took him to a Daoist monastery. There he acquired a range of techniques including carving talismans and manipulating thunder. Mter the founding of the Ming, he was called to court to become music and dance-master on the staff of the chamberlain for ceremonials (taichangyuewu sheng *11t:��1:), and Zhu Yuanzhang also called upon him during a period of severe drought. He was so effective in calling up rain that the Yongle emperor was equally impressed, and made him chief sacrificial officer at the northern capital. Though born in Jishui, his entire working life was centred around the imperial court.44 Liu Bowan ttl1s7'G, a scholar from Anfu, was skilled in astrology, geography, medicine and prognostication. He was made officer in the Imperial Observatory (lingtai lang JHI&A) and then held a post in the Directorate of Astronomy.45 During Zhengtong ( 1 436-50), another Anfu astronomer held a post in the same office.46 Liu Deyuan tU1j¥)ffi , from Longquan, was skilled at prognostication, and was invited to the court in Beijing at the end of the Zhengtong period.47 These local men offered their services at court, and were appreciated for what they provided. They were drawn into service at the capital, and carried out their religious duties as charged by the emperor. Men from ]i'an writing at court

Many men from Ji'an served at court in the early Ming. They served in larger numbers, and in higher positions than they ever had before, or ever would again. Ji'an continued to produce high calibre graduates

44 45 46 47

JAFZ (1 875), JAFZ (1 875), JAFZ (1 875), JAFZ ( 1 875),

37.72h-73a. 37.47a. 37.47a-b. 37.47b.

1 30

CHAPTER SIX

during this period, and many of them made a significant impression on government. Men like Yang Shiqi, Xie Jin and Liang (ban became famous names throughout the realm, and to some extent remain well known even today. Others served in high positions, but were forgotten soon after. What matters here is that while they were in imperial service, they extended their patronage to otherJi'an men. As Dardess has shown, collegiality held these men together, as they gathered in county-based meetings. Although Dardess suggests that meaningful contrasts can be drawn between Taihe collegiality and, say, Anfu collegiality, I am not persuaded that these were lasting significant differences. Men recognized themselves as men from a county, but also as men fromJi'an, and also as Jiangxi men. Their loyalties depended on the circumstances, and changed depending on what suited them. Someone like Yang Shiqi, who extended his patronage to great numbers of men from Taihe, still wrote many more texts for fellow officials in the central administration.48 For the men fromJi'an who filled the ranks of the central government in significant numbers until well into the fifteenth century, central gov­ ernment was where their attentions were focused. As a consequence, theJi'an authors contributing inscriptions to com­ memorate restorations in their home counties during the first century of Ming rule were remote figures, writing their texts from a distant perspective. To be more precise, many wrote their texts while in office at the capital. The frequency with which they referred to this distance, and to their location at the capital, suggests that this mattered a great deal to them. 'In the winter of the fourteenth year of Yongle [i.e. 1 4 1 7] villager Wu Daohong �:@:5L, came to court, and together with Hu Shaowu iiJ3 f.1Bm: asked me to write an inscription for them.'49 The author of these lines is Liang (ban, director general of Yongle dadian and minder of the Yongle heir-apparent. One year after agreeing to write this inscription on behalf of his fellow Ji'an men, Liang would lose the emperor's trust and be executed at court, but when Wu Daohong and Hu Shaowu visited Liang at court, nothing could have indicated such a dramatic reversal of fortunes. They would hardly have made the journey had they not felt that Liang's association would be beneficial for their abbey. Liang, for his part, must have felt it was important to

48

Ditmanson, 'Intellectual Lineages and the Early Ming Court', 6. See also Peter Ditmanson, 'Contesting Authority: Intellectual Lineages and the Chinese Imperial Court from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Centuries' (Harvard University Ph.D., 1 999). 40 Liang Q}an, 'Donghui guan ji', Bo'anji, 3 . l l a.

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

131

stress his location at court. Not only did he state explicitly that they visited him at court, but he also made clear he knew little of the abbey: 'I am indeed from the same prefecture (tongjun ren fPJf�)\.), but I have never been to Yueshan Jj ill . Hearing Daohong and Shaowu tell me about it, I felt cheered, and in my mind's eye I saw the place. '50 Liang was happy to contribute an inscription, ostensibly so that visitors would know of the sacrifices made by those who had restored the abbey, but perhaps also so that visitors would know of the great status of the man who had written the inscription. Liang liked to point out the fact that he was at the capital whenever he had the opportunity. When he was asked to contribute a text for the mountain dwelling of a man named Hu Youchu iiA :ff:fJJ , he ended with the following words: A certain son of Youchu came to the capital. Then Hanlin Bachelor Hu Guan !SA rl came to me to ask me for a text, which I wrote on his behalf Hu Guan is Youchu's nephew.5!

Although Hu Guan clearly was not a personal associate of Liang Qian, and he did not know Hu Youchu well enough to know the name of his son, he was happy to contribute, perhaps because these Hu's were the descendants of the illustrious Hu Quan (1 1 0 1-1 1 80), who had first built his residence on this mountain. Hu Quan's fame had made this a renowned site, as Liang wrote: Curious gentlemen often climb to the top to enjoy the view in all direc­ tions. Invariably someone points to the Hu family residence, enquiring after the martyr who lived there, feeling deeply affected.52

Liang Qian may have liked this sense of personal connection between himself and the famous Hu Quan, but clearly he also relished the opportunity to point out that the descendants of Hu Quan had to travel to the capital to make this request for an inscription. Liang Qian was not alone in expressing such sentiments. Xiao Weizhen JI*ltJ'{, a jinshi of 1 430, held several central government posts, cul­ minating in a post as minister in the Nanjing Department of Military Affairs, a post he left in 1 465.53 In his inscription for Huixian Abbey @]fwD. in Luling, he wrote: 50 51 52 S3

Ibid. Liang (lian, 'Furong shanfang ji', Bo'anji 3.5b. Ibid. Luling xianzhi ( 1 873), 27. 1 4a.

1 32

CHAPTER SIX

This year in the autumn [the monk] Huanfei did not regard hundreds of kilometres too far to honour me with a visit at the Nanjing Censorate with his pupil Sun Xiaode �.1j and ask me for an inscription. 54

The tone of the inscription is respectful of the efforts undertaken by the monk in restoring an abbey that, like so many others inJi'an, had not survived the fighting at the end of the Yuan dynasty. Xiao expressed the sincere hope that people would read his inscription and appreciate what the monk had done, including this long journey to the capital where he, Xiao Weizhen, served his emperor. At the same time, one might guess, they would appreciate the status of the inscription's author. When an abbey in Longquan was restored in the 1 430s, its Daoist master Yin Wuyuan j3"J9}5I; travelled to the capital to request a permit (du die �!t*).55 While he was there he asked Xiang Fei JJ[ffg to write down the narrative of the temple's history to make a formal request of the high government official Xiao Zi for an inscription. The text itself is formulaic, and probably closely follows the written details that had been prepared for him. Nevertheless, the fact that Yin Wuyuan had to travel to the capital to make the request for an inscription is clearly stated at the outset of the text.56 When the famous Xie Jin wrote an inscription for a Daoist monastery in Jishui, he ended his inscription with these words: In the fifth year of Yongle [i.e. 1 406] a certain Zheng served at Shenle Abbey. He requested an inscription from me, but I had no time. The next year, when I had completed it, I received an order to come to the capital. When the rituals were completed and I was about to return home, I received another request to record the entire story of the abbey. I then wrote this poem.57

The emphasis added by Xie Jin is clear: initially too busy to write an inscription at all, he was then called to the capital to serve the emperor just at the time he was completing the text. A further request came, but as he made sure the reader understands, he was still at the capital

54

Xiao Weizhen, 'Zhongxiu Huixian guan ji', Luling xianzhi ( 1 873), 45.4 I a. .,., In 1 4 1 7 , the Yongle emperor had reiterated the Hongwu prohibition of private temples and monasteries. Yu, Libu zhigao, 34.30b-32a. The number of monks was repeatedly restricted by issuing quotas for the number of residents at Buddhist and Daoist monasteries per administrative unit. It may well be that Yin Wuyuan intended to use the inscription to lend weight to his application for official registration. 56 Xiao Zi, 'Zhongxiu Ziyang guan ji', Longquan xianzhi ( 1 7 7 1), 7.22a. " XieJin, '�ngtan Jixu guan ji', Jishui xianzhi ( 1 875), 8 . 1 4a.

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 33

when the poem was composed. As in the examples of Liang (ban and Xiao Weizhen, these high officials were by no means unwilling to make their contributions to the institutions in their home prefecture. At the same time, they were keen to stress that their outlook was centred on their ultimately more important roles at the capital, from where they were sending their contributions. Their location at the capital when writing inscriptions makes for a distant relationship between author and local temple, as the authors themselves frequently point out. As Liang (ban said, when writing the inscription for Wu Daohong and Hu Shaowu, he had never been to the temple, but could imagine it on the basis of the tales they told him. The Hanlin Compiler Xie Duan, too, stated clearly that he had never been to Longyin Abbey in Longquan. 'I had long ago been told of a monastery in Longquan called Longyin, but I had never been there.'58 Authors like Liang (ban and Xie Duan were therefore much more dependent on the information they were provided with. In one inscription, Liang (ban did not even know the exact start and completion dates of the project he was commemorating: 'It started in xx year/month/day of Yongle and was completed by the time of xx year/ month/ date. '59 When Liu Dingzhi (1 409-1 469) was asked to write an inscription for Donghua Abbey in his native county, Yongxin, he wrote: 'Since I have taken up my post I have not been back to Donghua Abbey, and that is now more than thirty years ago. I have, however, always had the place in mind.'60 Like Liang (ban, Liu makes an effort to sound as if he remembers the place well, and suggests that there are other reasons why he had not been back: 'The scenery of this county is slightly hidden, there is no postal route that crosses it and few officials visit this place, so the old foundations are not well known. '61 But Liu Dingzhi was the only successful jinshi candidate from Yongxin in the examination year of 1 436, was ranked third in the palace exams, and had made a successful career in the Department of Ritual since then. He wrote this text after a short visit home, when the Daoist master had taken him on a brief tour of the grounds to show him the recent restoration efforts. He would have been highly regarded in his home 58 59

60 61

Longquan xian::;hi ( 1 7 7 1 ), 7 . 1 7 a-b. Liang Qjan, 'Yanzhen guan Ziwe ge beiji', Bo'an ji, 4.35b. Liu Dingzhi, 'Xuxiu Donghua guan ji', Yongxin xian::;hi ( 1 874), 7.6a-7a. Ibid.

1 34

CHAPTER SIX

county, but Liu clearly saw himself as a man of the capital, who had left his roots in Yongxin far behind him. Clearly, these men from Ji'an, who served at court in such high numbers, had not lost interest in the temples in their native area. They relate very differently, however, to these temples from their counterparts in Southern Song and Yuan Jizhou: they are far less involved. Rather than seeking to shape the practices associated with the temples from the inside, they write about them from a distance. All of the inscrip­ tions written by early Ming literati from Ji'an share this characteristic, but none more so than Liang Qj.an. His writings allow us to get a bet­ ter sense of how exactly these authors distance themselves from their natIve commumtIes. •

•

•

Distance from the local: the writings if Liang Qjan

Liang Qj.an was one of the 'eminent native sons' of Taihe, and people would travel to the capital and ask officials like him to write texts for their local establishments, often for temples and abbeys, but also for family genealogies and other institutions of local culture.52 Liang clearly maintained links to his native community, although those links are never intimate. He wrote his inscriptions for Ji'an from his post in the metropolitan government, and his writings suggest that his most important social circles were located at the capital. Liang's writings demonstrate a certain ambivalence over this distance. On the one hand, as we have seen, he stressed his governmental posi­ tion, on the other hand his writings reveal a deep sense of attachment to his native Taihe. Consider for example this description of Longcheng Temple ft��: There is a temple called Longcheng [Dragon Walls] twenty kilometres to the east of Taihe. The mountains come from myriad kilometres to the south-west, jumping up and down like dragons, all interconnected. Approaching the temple, the mountains surround it with luxuriant growth like a city wall, hence the name of the temple. Behind it flows the Gan, in front lie the peaks of Ziyao �:rt and Sangu -=:_. Looking out over them, one sees [the temple's] remoteness, enclosed between steep peaks and cliffs and never-ending lush greenery, while from the temple lazy clanging noises rise up. Climbing to the top, one sees pines and cypresses

02

Dardess, A Ming Society, 1 1 8-9.

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

1 35

in the mist, as if one has gone far from the dusty world of mortals, while on Mount Tiantai :7( '6' [in Zhejiang] and Mount Lu [in Jiangxi] crowds constantly surround you. Indeed its scenic beauty has no match.63

Dardess argues that this passage shows how the site 'conveyed a strong sense of otherworldliness to Liang Ch'ien'.64 This may be true, yet it seems to me that Liang could not resist bringing up the connection to the 'dusty world of mortals'. The temple, which had Northern Song origins, was largely rebuilt in the early years of the fifteenth century by a team of monks under the direction of a certain Dingcheng JEm, whom Liang knew quite well. About him Liang writes: I love the intelligence of Dingcheng and his ability to write poetry. Among those he had contact with were many famous scholars, like the former minister of the Department of Personnel Liu Song. They all privately admired [Dingcheng] .65

This connection to the famous government official from Taihe, Liu Song ( 1 3 2 1 - 1 38 1), and the suggestion of close social links between the monk and other officials at the capital, can only have been included to serve a particular purpose: to lend a certain weight to Liang's inscription. The contact between Liu Song, who had passed his jinshi degree in 1 370, and subsequently held posts in Department of Military Affairs, in the Department of Ritual, and eventually as minister in the Department of Personnel and the monk Dingcheng conveys tremendous status on the monk and on Longcheng Temple. This worldly aspect of Liang's inscription for Longcheng, I would suggest, may well have been more significant than what Dardess calls his 'sense of otherworldliness'. There is no doubt that Liang was fond of Taihe. His literary writings include many pieces written for friends and connections in Taihe, and they often betray a deep attachment to the beauty of the area. At the same time, Liang was not at all attracted to locally held beliefs. This combination of fondness for the area and disdain for its local traditions

63

Liang Qjan, 'Zhongxiu Longcheng si ji', Bo'anji, 4.42b-43a. 64 Dardess, A Ming Society, 37. His translation reads: 'Here the hills approach from several hundred Ii to the south-west, undulating like an uninterrupted chain of dragons. They make a forested ring around the temple, hence its name [Dragon Wall] . You can see the Kan River far off in one direction, and the San-ku peaks in another. You find yourself among steep cliffs with endless green and idle rustling sounds. Atop the heights, you are among the mist-clad pines and cypress, so far from the everyday world that it is like being up among the sacred mountains T'ien-t'ai and Lu-shan.' 65 Liang Qjan, 'Zhongxiu Longcheng si ji', Bo'anji, 4.43b.

1 36

CHAPTER SIX

is clear in an inscription written for a mountain dwelling in Luling.66 The text is full of references to the beauty and culture of Luling. The inscription begins with a description of the outstanding beauty of Hibiscus (Furong ��) Mountain, where the dwelling was located: I remember in the past when we let the boats loose amongst green springs and white egrets. Looking several kilometres beyond Wen River, Hibiscus Peak stands out lusciously and prominently. Coloured clouds open up and close in around it, and a multitude of mountains surround and face it, but not a single peak stands as a match to it. [. . .] Every person in the realm admires and longs for the [kind of] flourishing of loyal virtues and literary culture that Luling has had for hundreds of years. [people] assume that the spirits of its mountains and valleys pro­ duced such outstanding talent. They all desire to view its scenic beauty, and those who have not yet had the chance regret this. 57

These passages reveal the great pride, fondness, and respect for the culture of the area Liang professes. In between these two statements, however, Liang wrote: For generations tradition has it that on [Hibiscus Peak] one can find materials like cinnabar (dansha), kongqing, and amber (hupai).58 People also say the mountain serves as a prison for ghosts. Thus it also has the name Heaven's Gaol (Tianyu :7(�). People say this is where spirits and the like are arrested and detained. Of course this is utter nonsense, but those who are fond of the bizarre like to pass down such tales. The prefectural gazetteers even mention it as if it were a true fact, but people do not know that this is simply not the case. How sad, to have a mountain like Hibiscus Mountain and not be able to roam around, climb up and down to pick out its most scenic beauty spots, merely because of this belief in such ridiculous and unfounded theories. It is laughable. 59

Although Liang had a great deal of respect for the culture of Luling, this does not stretch to beliefs that may be peculiar to only this area. Locally held beliefs are devalued in this text, and his inscription seems to be directed at those who would agree. Reading these texts in their wider perspective suggests that for men like Liang Qj.an, writing in the early Ming, one's native county was a 66

Liang CDan, 'Furongshan fang ji', Bo'an;i, 3.4b-5b. 67 Bo'an;i 3.4b-5a. 68 'Kongqing' is a green liquid found inside large chunks of copper ore. All are thought to have medicinal powers. 69 Bo'an;i 3.4b-5a.

LOCAL TEMPLES IN EARLY MING

137

place to be fond of. The landscape, in Liang's mind, was a place of great scenic beauty. Once again, the landscape as it is conjured up through Liang's writings, was not devoid of his own perspective. But that perspective, I would argue, is not particularly local. Rather, the landscape is a place where connections that are meaningful at the capi­ tal are forged. The community, constituted by the shared enjoyment of this landscape, is not formed within this landscape, but located at the capital. The local significance if 'distant' inscriptions

There are, of course, at least two sides to the inscriptions written by Ji'an men located at the capital. Their inscriptions were meaningful not only to their authors, but also to those who requested and displayed these texts locally. In assessing the distance that is a significant charac­ teristic of these early Ming inscriptions, we need to explore the issue from both sides: from the perspective of those who stayed behind in Ji'an the recipients of these high-powered endorsements and from the perspective of their authors at the capital, who, as I shall argue, were not merely addressing a Ji'an audience, but a far wider one. Although many men left to serve at the capital, not everyone did. So how did those who stayed behind experience the changes that had taken place? During the first century of Ming rule, members of the local community inJi'an were mostly looking outside their locality for confirmations of their worth. Local men were keen to establish and strengthen contacts with their fellow Ji'an men at court. Moreover, they used requests for temple inscriptions to reflect some of the status of central government officials at court onto their local institutions. Let us take a Buddhist temple in Longquan as example. Zijiao Temple, originally built during the Tang, had received an offi­ cial plaque in 1 060, when a prominent Longquan man, the Northern Song central government official Xiao Zuo IHtc , had written an inscrip­ tion. The temple had fallen into disrepair, and it was not until the early years of Yongle's reign that a local villager expressed a desire to restore the buildings. This local landlord, a man named Peng Yongwei � ffl ,OO(;, enlisted the help of two monks from nearby Ganzhou prefecture, pre­ paring a small dharma hall for them to live in. After they surveyed the situation, they declared the dharma hall unsuitable for the veneration of the Buddha, and made clear that a great deal of funding would

1 38

CHAPTER SIX

be needed. Peng Yongwei acceded, offered his own funds, and raised more funds from the locals in the area. It took five years to complete, but at the end of that period the buildings were all of an impressive beauty, the temple authorities had all the necessary tools and imple­ ments for the performance of rituals, and had even taken repossession of lands the temple had once owned but then lost. The entire restoration process was by all accounts a purely local affair. Peng, whose family had been of high standing in Longquan for more than twelve generations, had used his local reputation to enlist the help of other wealthy families in Longquan to make their contributions. To mark its completion, however, Peng and his fellow Longquan men did not turn to a fellow local. Instead, they requested an inscription from a Taihe man; they approached Xiao Zi. Xiao Zi had passed the jinshi examination in 1 427, and would eventually become chancellor at the Directorate of Education and grand secretary in 1 452 until his death in 1 464: a high official indeed, and with no Longquan connections. Xiao Zi's text reveals little personal involvement with the temple and its restoration process. His narrative is full of detail, listing the names of those involved and detailing the extent of the restorations, but largely devoid of emotion. His only words of praise are these: If the disciple of [the monk] Fusheng had not taken on this responsibil­ ity, and [peng] Yongwei had not provided his assistance, then no one would have known of the collapse and rebuilding of this temple. There is a connection between such collapses and restorations in the realm, and it can only be overcome with the kind of contribution that [peng] Yongwei and the disciple of Fusheng have made to Zijiao [Temple] . This is something I admire. 70

This is in fact the central theme of Xiao Zi's inscription. The affairs of the realm (tian xia :;;hi shi :xT:>tI >tI trl

'2 tl

....

�

SuccesifUljinshi candidates from Ji'an in the second half if the Ming:2 Year

Luling

Taihe

Jishui

Yongfeng

Anfu

Longquan

Wanan

Yongxin

Yongning

Total

151 1 1514 1517 1 52 1 1 523 1 526 1 529 1 532 1 435 1 538 1 54 1 1 544 1 547 1 550 1 553 1 556 1 559 1 562 1 565 1 568 1 67 1

0 4 0 0 2 0 1 2 0 1 0 1 2 1 4 0 0 0 2 2 3

3 0 0 1 1 6 3 0 2 3 3 3 1 0 2 2 2 2 0 0 4

1 4 1 2 4 0 6 2 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 2 2 1 2 2 0

1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 0 1 2 2 0 0 0 0 1 0

11 4 6 1 7 2 3 0 1 1 0 2 2 0 0 3 2 1 1 3 7

0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 1 2 2 0 0 3 2 0 1 1 1 0 0 2 2 3 0 1 1 0

2 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

18 16 12 6 14 9 16 6 6

2

Figures based

on

JAFZ (1 7 76), juan 25.

8 7 7 7 5 II 10 9 6 6 9 14

> >tI >tI t'1

� ....

�

� � �

� 0:l ....

(cont. ) Year

Luling

Taihe

Jishui

Yongfeng

Anfu

Longquan

Wanan

Yongxin

Yongning

Total

1 574 1 57 7 1 580 1 583 1 586 1 589 1 592 1 595 1 598 1 60 1 1 604 1 607 1610 1613 1616 1619 1 622 1 625 1 628 1 63 1 1 634 1 63 7 1 640 1 643

2 1 3 1 0 0 2 1 1 5 2 2 0 4 3 2 2 2 1 1 2 0 1 0

2 1 1 2 3 0 0 2 0 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 0 0 1 1 2 0 1 0

2 1 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 1 3 0 1 1 2 3 1 1

0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

0 2 3 4 4 4 1 1 1 3 0 2 3 0 2 3 3 6 0 1 0 3 8 3

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0

0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 0

1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

7 7 8 8 9 7 3 5 2 11 5 5 7 8 8 9 10 10 3 6 8 8 12 5

total

63

65

56

18

1 14

5

32

19

1

373

�'tI

t%1

�

.....

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--

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245

Zurndorfer, Harriet T. 'Medieval Chinese Society and the Local "Community'" The China Qyarterly I I I ( 1 987): 492. . Change and Continuity in Chinese Local History: The Development if Hui-chou preftcture, 800-1800 (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1 989).

--

INDEX academies 1 9, 54, 60, 1 00, 1 03-1 1 2, 203 , 220 restoration costs I I I , 2 1 1 see also Bailuzhou Academy, Lianxi Academy, Yuelu Academy activism, local 1 2, 20, 1 00, 1 56, 202-203, 222-223, 227 Akizuki Kan'ei 1 97n47 ancestral halls 20 Anderson, Benedict 14, 59n30 Anfu buildings for the state cult in l 20n l 6 Chenghuang temple in 144-147 examInatIOn success III 1 5 7 Hu Zhi in 1 85-1 89 in late Ming 2 1 6, 224, 226, 229 men from 67-69, 77-8 1 , 1 29-1 30, 1 6 1 , 1 7 1, 183 in Records if Great Sites 32n20 roads in 23, 1 62 sacred sites and temples in 26, 28-29, 36, 40, 68, 7 7-8 1 , 92, 96-97, 1 26- 1 27, 1 73 Xu Xiake in 1 64-168 Anhui 1 7 1 anthropology 1 1 , 1 3-14, 52, 55-57 Aoyama Sadao 9nl 2 Appadurai, Arjun 1 4, 1 5n25 audience, translocal 1 40, 1 44, 1 8 1-182, 1 88, 192, 202 •

•

•

Bai Yuchan 1 65 Baifa Chapel (Anfu) 1 65 Bailuzhou Academy 1 04-1 1 0, 1 59- 1 60 in late Ming 207-208, 2 1 1-2 1 2 restoration 208, 2 1 1 , 2 1 4 restoration costs 2 1 1 Bailu;:;hou sh19uan ;:;hi 1 04-105, 1 07, 1 1 0-1 1 1 , 208, 209n23, 2 1 I n33-34, 2 1 2n55 Baishi Shrine (Taihe) 1 70 Baiyun 165 Bao'en Monastery (Yongfeng) 1 73 Barth, Fredrik 52 Beardsley, Richard 59, 60 Beattie, Hilary I I n 14

Beijing 1 84 belief literati 5, 55, 66, 7 1 , 73, 77-79, 96-97, 1 35 local 73, 93, 97, 1 35-1 36 popular 5, 1 36 religious 32-34, 43, 1 80- 1 8 1 , 1 92 Bell, Colin 60n3 1 belonging concept of 49, 59 and exclusion 5, 68, 1 94, 207, 220 fostered through community covenant 225-226 linked to memory 1 4 and the local 6, 1 5, 1 8, 46, 52, 59, 65-98, 153, 227 through intellectual pursuits 1 85-200 in Yongxin 4 Benji 1 6 1 , 2 1 5 Benjiao 1 86, 1 88 Biaoyu Shrine (Luling) 74 Bloom, Irene 208n22 Bol, Peter K. 1 2, 1 6n28, 48n4, 54, 1 00, 1 02, 1 22n23, 227 Boltz, Judith Magee 29n 1 6, 34n26 Bossler, Beverly 1 2n 1 8 Bourdieu, Pierre 54-55 Brook, Timothy 54-55, 1 49, 155, 1 5 7n6, 1 69n32, 1 84n l 3 Buddha 1 3 7 , 1 66, 1 69, 1 86-1 88, 1 9 1 , 197, 2 1 5 Buddhism 44, 49, 88-9 1 , 1 6 1 , 1 85- 1 86 chan 39, 90, 1 59, 1 6 1 , 167, 209, 2 1 5 deities 5 1 and monastic guidelines 2 1 5 in practice 8, 29, 87 in relation to Confucianism 1 85-1 92, 1 94, 209-2 1 0, 2 14-2 15, 2 1 7-2 1 9 temples 44, 50, 65, 87-90, 1 20, 1 37, 1 66, 1 74, 1 88, 1 90, 1 95-197, 2 1 5 worship 38 lay see laity bureaucracy imperial see government, central Burke, Peter 1 2n 1 7

248

INDEX

Cai Yue 1 1 3-1 1 4 Campany, Robert Ford 29, 80n35 capital, positions in see government, central careers see government, central Carpenter, Christine 62n42 caves see Daoism: cave heavens ceramics 2 1 , 22, 1 53, 1 55, 1 60 Chaffee, John 60n36, 1 04n 1 9 Chaling 1 67 Chan, Hok-Iam 1 27n39, 1 28n42 Chaoxian Monastery (Luling) 85 charitable estates 6 1 , 1 00 Chen Cheng 1 24 Chen Mo 1 23-1 24, 1 40-1 44, 147, 1 50, 1 92-1 93 Chen Mountains 1 64 Chen Xun 1 25 Chen Youliang 1 1 8 Chen Yunwen 1 2 1 Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi) 225 Chenghuang see god of walls and moats Chong Tianzi I n I Chongren 29 Chongxian Abbey (Luling) 1 7 7, 1 88 Chongxu 1 29 Chongyuan Abbey (Jishui) 1 73 Chongyuan 1 7 7 Ci'en Temple (Luling) 208 Cixi I Clark, Hugh R. I I n 1 4, 59n30, 1 02n l 3 Classic rif Moving Dragons (Hanlong jing) 36 Cohen, Myron 6 1 n39 collections, literary 1 7, 47, 65, 67, 70, 1 02, 1 39 late Ming 204, 207 communication, with higher forces 30, 1 80 community compact see community, covenant commumty of believers 5 and belonging 5, 68, 74 building a shrine I covenant 20, 60, 220-227, 229 and identity 9, 1 5, 5 1 , 58, 1 1 7, 2 1 6, 227 and kinship 207, 220 and literati 1 8, 47-63, 68, 74-77, 82, 98, 99, 1 02, 107, 1 1 4, 1 78, 197, 2 1 0-2 1 1 , 2 1 9, 224 •

and local history I I n 1 4 local and regional 8, 1 2, 20, 56, 82, 9 1 , 1 49 rituals 57n24, 58 theory of 59-62 translocal 1 8 1- 1 82, 1 85, 1 94 Comprehensive Gazetteer (Da Mingyi tong zhi) 1 59, 1 60, 1 64, 1 68-169, 1 73n44, 1 74n46 Confucianism in relation to Buddhism 88-89, 1 20n 1 8, 1 85-1 92, 1 94, 1 98, 2 1 0 and early Ming 1 42-1 43 and late Ming 202n2, 2 1 3-2 1 4, 2 1 8 and officials 1 88, 192 and temples 76, 94, 187, 2 1 5, 2 1 8-2 1 9 as tradition 23, 48-50, 60, 9 1 , 95, 1 09, 1 6 1 , 1 88, 1 93, 1 98, 2 1 5 see also schools, worthies court imperial 9, 83, 1 50 see also government, central crops in Jiangxi 2 1 in Ji'an 43 cults demonic 44, 74 popular 73, 74 state 5 1 , 1 1 8-1 1 9, 1 4 1 , 1 43, 1 46, 192 territorial 56, 57, 58 D'Andrade, Roy 52, 55n 1 9 Da Ming Huidian 1 1 9n 1 1 Da Mingyi tong zhi see Comprehensive Gazetteer Dafan Temple (Luling) 89 Dajue Chapel (Luling) . 1 60 Daoism 49, 9 1 , 1 98, 209 adepts 80, 92, 1 1 3, 1 22, 1 39, 1 50, 1 64 cave heavens 1 67 deity 5 1 in practice 8, 29 religious orders 44 and temples 50, 80-8 1 , 1 20, 1 29, 1 32, 1 74, 1 7 7 Daozang 30n I 7, 1 39 Dardess, John on Confucianism 1 40, 1 42- 1 43 on genealogies 205n I I on Taihe 1 1 4- 1 1 7, 1 23- 1 25, 1 30, 1 34, 1 50, 1 68, 1 84, 1 85 n 1 6,

249

INDEX

202-205, 208n22, 2 1 2n36, 228-229 Datong 1 86-1 87 Davis, Edward 8, 1 7, 66n4, 82 De Bary, Wm, Theodore 60n36 Dean, Kenneth 56, 58, 1 93n38 deities 97 local 72 official recognition of 84, 147 popular 1 46 pantheon of 5, 1 4 1 temple 1 6, 67, 93 terrestrial 1 1 8-1 1 9 of thunder 1 77 Diamond Sutra (Jingangjing) 43 Dictionary qf Ming Biography see Goodrich, Luther Carrington Dingcheng 1 35 discussion meetings (jiangyue) 202, 2 1 2 Ditmanson, Peter 1 25 , 1 30n48 Dodgen, Randall 6 1 n39 Donghua Abbey (Yongxin) 1 33 Dongshan Monastery (Yongxin) 1 89- 1 9 1 Dongyue Shrine (Anfu) 92, 96-97 dragons 26-27, 3 1-37, 43, 67, 94-96, 1 73, 1 97 Dreyer, Edward 1 1 8, 1 24n3 1 drought 26-27, 35, 67-69, 7 1 , 74-75, 94, 1 29, 1 45, 1 70 drowning 43, 72, 94-96, 1 74 Duara, Prasenjit 56-57 Dyer, C. 62n42 Ebrey, Patricia Buckley 8n9, 1 8n34, 34n26, 48n3, 1 00, 1 0 1 n6, 1 02n 1 3, 229 economic growth in Jizhou 23 elders, local 69, 77, 1 77-1 78, 1 8 1 , 1 95, 2 1 9, 224-225 elites and central state 8 in contrast to 'people' 58-59 local 8, 1 1- 1 2, 1 7, 30, 7 1 , 75, 1 23, 1 49, 1 82, 2 1 1 , 220, 223-224, 227-228 national and political 39, 48, 68, 1 23, 1 69, 2 1 6, 226 readership 1 7, 68, 1 20 religious 39, 1 20, 1 29 status 53-58, 204 scholarly 4, 22 Elvin, Mark 6, 56

Enfeoffinent 78, 1 46 Enlarged Territorial Atlas 1 84 epidemics 68, 7 1 , 1 66 Esherick, Joseph 53n 1 1 exammatlOns candidates 36 civil service 48, 1 25 success 54, 70, 1 08, 1 23, 1 26, 1 28, 1 50, 1 55, 157, 1 75, 1 82, 1 89, 2 1 8 success rate in Jishui 1 57n9 exorcism 1 80 •

•

Faji Cloister (Longquan) 1 69 Family Library (Utah) 205 Fan Deqin 26n8 fangshi, see religious specialist Fangyu shenglan see Topography for Vzsiting Scenic Sites Farmer, Edward 1 1 9n 1 5 Faure, Bernard 50n6 Faure, David 56 fear 34, 5 1 , 1 7 1-1 72, 1 75 Feng Yiwen 42, 86n52 Fenyi 1 24n3 1 Feuchtwang, Stephan 56, 58, 94n74 filiality 95 Finlay, Robert 22n2 Five Worthies Shrine (Luling) 1 6 1 , 2 1 5 floods 3 1 , 44-45, 70, 1 1 0, 1 62, 1 93, 1 59n 1 4 Fogel, Joshua 6, 60n33 Foucault, Michel 52 Franke, Herbert 84n47, 1 0 1 n8, 1 04n2 1 Fried, Morton 59, 60 Fujian 1 7 1 Fuqiu, Lord see Huagai Furong (Hibiscus) Mountain 1 36, 1 60 Fuzhou 23, 29-30, 42, 56, 57, 92, 1 00, 1 02, 1 23 Gan River 9, 2 1-22, 3 7-38, 43, 70, 1 34- 1 35, 1 57- 1 59, 1 6 1 , 1 68-1 69, 1 74, 2 1 3 Gangying Shrine (Jishui) 1 74 ganoderma 85, 85n49 Ganzhou 23, 7 1 n 1 7, 84, 94, 1 37, 1 69, 1 83 Gao Liren 22n2 gazetteers, local 1 6-1 7 , 47, 65, 1 20, 1 22, 1 36, 1 49, 1 59, 1 70, 1 98, 208, 2 1 1-2 1 2 Ge Hong 29, 79-82, 85, 1 63- 1 64, 1 72- 1 73

250

INDEX

Ge Lixiang 33 Gemeinschaft 6 1 -62, 222 genealogies 1 9, l Oo-- 1 03, 203-207, 220, 227, 229 in libraries see Shanghai Library, Family Library Gengsang Chu 83-84 genre 49, 73, 89, 9 1 , l O2, 1 90 geomancy 26, 33 Gesellschaft 6 1 -62, 222 Gezao Mountains 79 Giddens, Anthony 52 god of walls and moats 55, 1 1 9, 1 40--1 48, 1 5 1- 1 52 in late Ming 1 92-1 94, 208 and Zhu Yuanzhang 5 1 government, central 1 2, 48, 66, 76, 84n47, 93, 1 06, 1 7 1 , 227 careers in 4, 1 2, 79, 1 1 4, 1 50, 1 79, 1 90, 1 92, 20 1 , 203 early Ming 1 1 3- 1 5 1 , 227 and education 2 1 8, 220 late Ming 1 79, 1 82-1 85, 201 -229 passim view of temples 1 1 3-1 5 1 Graham, A.C. 83 Granaries 60 Grand Secretariat (neige) 1 24n3 1 , 1 25- 1 27, 1 38, 150 Great Harmony see Datong Guangdong 1 55, 1 66, 1 84, 1 89 Guangxi 1 56, 1 67 Guangyutu see Enlarged Territorial Atlas Guanyin 50, 1 7 7 Guanyinya (Anfu) 1 65, 1 67 Guilin 1 55 Guizhou 1 56, 1 66- 1 67, 1 78, 1 83-1 84 Guo Huitai 92 Guo Weijing 1 97 Guo Zizhang 1 6 1 , 1 83 Guo, Lord see Huagai Guyi Mountain 83-84 Haar, Barend ter see ter Haar, Barend Hahn, Thomas 1 67n30 Hamashima Atsutoshi 1 40n78 Han Xizai 159 Han Yu 1 09 Hanlin Academy 1 27-1 28, 1 45, 1 83 Hanlin and Historiography Office 92n66 Hansen, Valerie 8, 1 6n29, 1 7, 47n2, 50

Hargett, James 26n9 Hartwell, Robert 6, 53, 229 Hauf, Kandice 60n36, 1 83n 1 2, 2 1 3n38, 2 1 9, 221-223 He Changyao 205n 1 0 He Mountains 1 64 He Qgao 208-2 l O He River 1 63, 1 68 Heijdra, Martin I l n l 6, 1 28n42 Hengzhou 1 67 Heshan 1 1 4 Heshu 72 Hirsch, Eric 1 3-14, 30, 35, 45 Ho Ping-ti 9n 1 3 , 58n29, 1 23n26 Hong Mai 1 7 Hongwu see Zhu Yuanzhang Howe, Nicholas 62n42 Hsu, Madeline Y 60n35 Hu Guan 1 3 1 Hu Guang 1 24n3 1 , 1 26, 1 83 Hu Quan 25, 39, 67, 78, 1 3 1 Hu Shaowu 1 30- 1 3 1 , 1 33 Hu Shouchang 1 26 Hu Yan 1 24n3 1 , 1 26 Hu Youchu 1 3 1 Hu Zhi 1 83-1 89, 1 9 1 , 202, 204, 206-207, 2 1 0, 2 1 5 Huagai Mountains (Fuzhou) 1 56, 1 77n2 Huagai Mountains (Ji'an) 1 7 7 Huagai, the three immortals 29-30, 42, 85-86, 1 7 7 Huanfei 1 32 Huang Shidong l O 1 Huang Sishan 1 48n98 Huang Tingjian 38-39 Huang Zicheng 1 24n3 1 Huang Zongming 208n l 8 Huang, Ray 1 1 8, 1 28n42 Huguang (Hunan and Hubei) 9, 22, l O4, 1 55-1 56, 1 67, 1 69 Huhai xinwen yijian xuzhi 33n23, 36, 43, 44n53 Huixian Abbey (Luling) 1 3 1 Hummel, Arthur 1 57n6 hungry ghosts, altar for 1 1 9, 1 20n 1 6 Hymes, Robert P. 7n6, 8n l O, 29n 1 6 on culture 52 on genealogies l O2 on Huagai 42, 86n5 1 on localism 53, 100, 204, 229 on Lu Jiuyuan 6 1 n37, 104n l 9 on models of religion 8, 44 on Song-Yuan continuity 1 8n34

INDEX

identity and belonging 5 and the centre 1 1 7 and community 9, 1 4, 2 1 2 literati 18, 48-49, 5 1 local 6, 2 1 6 national 1 2 and place 6, 1 1 7 regional 1 3 immortals 1 80 female 4, 5, 26 in Jishui 28 in Taihe 28 Tao and Pi 25 see also Ge Hong, Huagai, Lady Tan inscriptions, temple early Ming 1 1 3, 1 94, 207 and fund-raising 80, 82, 1 69 late Ming 1 7 7- 1 82, 1 85, 20 1-202, 216 and literati views 84, 9 1 , 93 and locality 1 79, 1 8 1-182, 1 95, 1 99, 20 1 situating in context 68 as source 1 6-1 7, 47, 65-66, 73, 1 1 7 telling local stories 1 94-- 1 97 written at the capital 1 23- 1 5 1 Jia Sidao 84 Jiandengyuhua 4 Jiang River 94 Jiang Wanli 67, 84, 1 04, 1 07, I I I Jiangkou 1 65 Jiangyou group 20, 1 6 1 , 1 83-1 85, 2 1 3-2 1 6 jiangyue, see discussion meetings Jianwen see Zhu Yunwen jiapu, see genealogies Jie Xisi 25, 42, 86, 92-97, 1 0 1 , 107- 1 1 0, 1 78, 1 8 1 , 1 95 Jin Youzi 1 24n3 1 , 1 26 Jingde Monastery (Luling) 1 95 Jingdezhen 22, 1 53, 1 60 Jinggang Mountains 23 Jinghu 23 Jingju Monastery 39, 44, 1 60-- 1 6 1 , 2 1 2, 2 1 4 restoration 2 1 4-2 1 5 Jingtu Chapel (Luling) 159 Jingwen 1 56, 1 63, 1 68n3 1 Jinhua (Wuzhou) 1 00, 1 02, 1 43 jinshi examination 78, 84, 1 33, 1 44, 1 50, 1 69-1 70, 1 88- 1 89, 2 1 4

25 1

from Jiangxi 22 from Jizhou/Ji'an 9, 23, 1 23, 1 44, 1 48, 1 82-1 84 Jishui 22-23 Chenghuang temple in 1 47-1 48 Huagai in 29 Kang Wang in 4 1 in late Ming 205, 2 1 7 , 222, 228-229 magistrate in 1 92-1 93 men from 25, 1 24, 1 26-1 29, 1 6 1 , 1 82, 1 84 sacred sites and temples in 28, 3 1 , 38, 39n37, 70, 1 32, 1 73-1 74 shrines for state cult in 1 20n 1 6 Xu Xiake in 1 57-1 59, 1 68 Jitai basin 22, 1 68 Jiulong Mountain 1 64, 1 66-1 67, 1 86n 1 7 Jiulong Temple (Anfu) 1 66-1 67 Jiyun Abbey (Anfu) 1 64 Johnson, David 82 junzi 97, 206 Juren 1 7 1 Kang Rui 7 1 , 73, 74 Kang Wang 4 1 -42, 73, 76, 1 46, 1 5 1 Katz, Paul 1 6n29, 48n3 kilns in Yonghe 22, 37-38 Kim Youngmin 208n22 kinship 1 3 , 56n22, 1 00, 203, 207, 220 Kleeman, Terry 48n3, 66n5, 82 Kowaleski, Maryanne 62n42 Kumin, Beat 62n43 Ifyodotai 60 ladder of success 58, 1 23 laity Buddhist 44, 89, 96, 1 96 worship by 8-9, 1 20n 1 8, 1 65, 2 1 3 Lan Zizhen 1 24 landscape as constructed space 45, 99, 1 08, 1 1 0, 1 53, 1 99 idea of 1 4 inscribing 35-37, 46, 48, 99, 1 37, 1 80 in Jizhou/Ji'an 1 3 , 1 8- 1 9, 99, 1 23, 1 53-1 75 late Ming 1 53- 1 75, 1 85, 20 1 , 228 as process 1 3 , 45, 99 sacred 1 8, 26, 27, 30, 77, 94 shaping of 27-3 1 temples in 1 5, 44

252

INDEX

Langlois, John D. 1 43n84 Lantian 22 1 , 225 Laozi 83, 86 Layder, Derek 5 1 -52, 55 Le'an 1 56 Learning of the Way 5 1 , 2 1 0 Lee, Thomas H.C. 1 02n 1 3, 1 04n20 Leizhou 1 89 Levi, Giovanni 1 2n 1 7 Li Caidong 1 03 n 1 8 Li Chi 1 57n6 Li Guan 1 26 Li Hengfu 1 20n 1 6 Li Juchen 1 1 3- 1 1 4 Li Shimian 1 27-128 Li Si 1 09n38 Li Tianbai 1 23n26 Li Zhen 1 , 4-5, 9, 1 28 Liang Qian 1 1 6, 1 24- 1 25, 1 3(}-1 3 7, 1 5 1 , 1 60 Lianxi Academy 84 libraries see Shanghai, Family Libu zhigao 1 1 9n 1 1 , 1 1 9n 1 3- 1 4, 1 3 2n55 lieux de memoire 1 5 Lin Yinzhu 2 1 1 Linchuan (in Fuzhou) 23, 96 lineages 1 3, 20, 57, 1 00, 203-204, 206-207, 220, 227-228 Lingji Shrine (Longquan) 7 1 , 1 74 Lingwei Shrine (Jishui) 70, 73 Linjiang 23, 7 1 , 93 literati as authors 1 6, 47, 50, 58, 65, 1 29- 1 5 1 , 1 95 and belief 55, 66, 67, 77 careers 5, 79, 84, 1 1 4 and central government 1 1 4, 1 1 7, 1 23-1 3 7, 1 79, 1 92 and community 1 8, 47-63, 74-77, 98, 1 02, 1 78, 1 95, 2 1 9, 224 condemnation of local practice 1 7, 82-84, 89, 9 1 -97, 93, 1 36, 1 78 identity 48-49, 5 1 late Ming 20 I , 2 1 7 , 228 ritual 79-82 and temples 65, I I I writing about the local landscape 4, 20, 99 see also elite Liu Bowan 1 29 Liu Chengzhi 26n9 Liu Chenweng 25, 39, 42, 70- 1 , 74, 84-9 1 , 1 22, 1 48, 1 53, 1 59, 1 95, 20 1-202 on schools 1 07-1 1 0

Liu Deyuan 1 29 Liu Dingzhi 25, 1 33 Liu Dunxin 1 2 1n21 Liu Futong 1 1 7 Liu Guangzhen 1 89- 192 LiuJi 1 42, 1 43n84 Liu Jiangsun 42 Liu Qiu 1 44- 1 48, 1 92-193 Liu Ruli 74 Liu Shou 1 72-1 73, 20 1 Liu Song 1 24, 1 35 Liu Tongsheng 1 82 Liu Wenyuan 1 04n22, 1 04n24, 1 23n26, 1 26n36, 1 82n l O, 208n22, 222n65-66 Liu Yang 1 7 1 , 1 73 Liu Yi 1 04n22, 1 82n9, 208 Liu Yuanqing 1 67 Liu Yunzhang 80-8 1 Liu Zhu 1 62 Liu Zongbin 1 09n35 Liu, Hsiang-kwang 1 03n 1 7 Liu, James 7n6, 1 0 1 n8 Liu, Kwang-ching 1 1 8n9 localist turn as discussed by Peter Bol 1 2 Locality and Belonging 1 4 locality 5, 9, I I , 1 2 and belonging 15, 1 8 construction of 1 5, 56, 1 79 and identity 42, 1 95 meaning of 1 3 , 14, 1 5 , 1 85 and pride 1 1 7 production of 1 5 and tales 1 97 and temple 1 78, 1 94 Long Dawei 1 89n25 Long Wenbin 1 1 8n l O, 1 1 9n l 2 Long Yuqi 1 83 Longcheng Temple (Taihe) 1 34 Longhu Mountain 1 39 Longhua Monastery (Jishui) 159 Longquan academies in 1 03n 1 8 gazetteers from 1 22 Ge Hong in 29 in late Ming 1 68-1 70, 1 74 men from 25 and other counties 23 religious leaders from 1 29 sacred sites and temples in 25-27, 30, 32, 40-4 1 , 7 1-73, 79, 1 1 3-1 1 4, 1 32-1 33, 1 3 7- 1 39 shrines for the state cult in 1 20n 1 6 shrine for Xu Xun 1 97-1 99 Longxing see Nanchang

253

INDEX

Longyin Abbey (Longquan) 1 1 3-1 1 4, 1 33 Lovell, Nadia 1 4 loyalty 95 to Song 85, 86 to Zhu Yuanzhang 1 94 Lii Dajun 22 1 Lii Dongbin 38 Lu Jiuyuan 6 1 n3 7 Lu Mountains 85, 1 3 5 Luchuan 1 45 Lujiang 1 63, 1 67 Luling history of 22, 25-26 Huagai worship in 29--3 0 in late Ming 1 83, 1 95, 20 1 , 205, 208, 2 1 1 -2 1 2, 2 1 7, 228 magistrate in 74, 76 men from 4, 25, 70, 78, 1 0 1 , 1 1 3, 1 1 6, 1 24, 1 26, 1 28 and other counties 23 sacred sites and temples in 37-43, 65, 82-86, 1 3 1-1 32, 1 36, 1 39 schools and academies in 1 03-1 07, 1 10 shrines for the state cult in 1 20-1 22 Xu Xiake in 1 59-1 60, 1 62, 1 68-169, 1 7 1 Luo Hongxian 25, 1 6 1 , 1 82-1 84, 202, 204-205, 2 1 3, 2 1 6-2 1 7, 2 1 9-222 Luo Mountain 65, 66, 76 Luo Qnshun 204, 208, 209, 2 1 1-2 1 2 Luotuan 72 Luozi Mountain 28 Lutai 1 67 macro-regions, see Skinner magistrates 34, 69, 76, 92, I l l n4 1 , 1 20n 1 6, 1 42, 1 44, 1 47-148, 1 92, 1 98, 208, 2 1 1 , 2 1 4, 2 1 6, 222, 225 Marme, Michael I I n l 4 McDermott, Joseph 221 n60 memory linked to belonging 1 4 Mencius 1 09 merchants 36, 88, 94, 1 53, 1 55, 1 62, 1 70, 1 75, 2 1 7 Meskill, John 60n36, 1 05n25 metropolitan degree holders seejinshi migration 1 55 Ming Huidian see Da Ming Huidian Ming Huiyao 1 1 8n l O, 1 1 9n 1 2 Ming Taizu shilu 1 1 8n l l , 1 25, 1 28 Miyakawa Hisayuki 1 98 monasteries see temples

modernity in China 7 Mongols invasion of 7, 86 in Yongxin I monks 30, 36-37, 50, 9 1 , 1 1 4, 1 2 1 , 1 32, 1 38, 1 50, 1 56, 1 66, 1 70, 1 86, 1 89-1 90 'More Stories Written while Trimming the Wick' 4, 1 28 Morita Kenji I O I n6 Mote, Frederick l I n 1 6, 1 1 8n 7 mountams in Anfu 67, 79-82 in Ji'an 1 99 in Jishui 25, 28 in Jizhou 45 in Longquan 3 1 in Taihe 25, 28, 1 34 see also Chen, Furong, Gezao, Guyi, He, Huagai, Jiulong, Longhu, Lu, Luo, Luozi, Tiantai, Wugong. •

Naito Konan 6 Nan'an 94 Nan'gan 225n76 Nanchang 23, 7 1 , 1 26, 1 97-1 98 Nanjing 1 25, 1 3 1- 1 32, 1 4 1 , 1 84, 209 Nengren Temple (Luling) 87 Neo-Confucianism 60 Newby, Howard 60n3 1 Nie Bao 1 6 1 , 2 1 3, 2 1 6, 22 1 , 223 Ningzhou 1 67, 1 86 Nora, Pierre 1 5 'Notes on Travelling the Jizhou Mountains' (Jizhou zhushanyo0i) 38 offerings 4, 79 Ouyang De 1 6 1 , 2 1 3, 2 1 6 Ouyang Shoudao 9 1 , 1 04-1 1 0, 1 22, 1 48, 1 95, 20 1-202 and Bailuzhou Academy 1 05-1 07, 1 59 on genealogies 1 0 1- 1 02 inscriptions by 65-66, 75-77, 82-84, 1 5 1 , 1 78 on Kang Wang 4 1 Ouyang Xiu 25, 1 0 1 , 1 09, 205n l l , 206 Ouyang Yun 1 70 Panteng Shrine (Anfu) 67, 68, 69, 77 parish 49 Parkin, David 1 4n22 Peng Shipei 205n I 0 Peng Yongwei 1 3 7- 1 38

254

INDEX

Perdue, Peter I I n 1 4 periodization 6, 60 Peterson, Willard 202n2 population growth 22, 155 in Jiangxi 22n3, 1 75 porcelain see ceramics postal stations 88 pottery see ceramIcs Poyang, Lake 2 1 , 22, 23, 1 1 8, 1 98 prayers for rain 26, 27, 74 for relief 68 for harvest 75 pride, local 1 1 6 Qjngfeng Bridge 1 89 qinggui, see Buddhism and monastic guidelines Qjngyuan Mountains 38, 1 60- 1 6 1 , 1 77, 1 88, 1 95, 207 in late Ming 2 1 2-2 1 7 Qjngyuan zhilue 39n36, 39n38, 1 6 1 n 1 8, 1 7 7n3, 1 78, 1 79n6, 1 80n 7, 1 95n4 1 , 208, 2 1 3n42, 2 1 4n45, 2 1 6n47-48 Qju Jun 1 55 Quanjiang 79 Quanzhou 57n25r •

Rankin, Mary Backus 53n l l Rao Longsun 1 24n27 Rao Zhengdao 1 29 Raozhou 1 53 rapids, river in Yongxin 1 63- 1 67 in Wan'an 1 69 Record if the Listener I 7, 32, 44 The Jizhou Camphor Tree' 33 Records if Great Sites 25-40 Redfield, Robert 59, 60n3 1 Reiter, Florian 1 39n73 religious specialist (fongshi) 3 1 , 44 restoration costs see academies, temples Ricci, Matteo 1 69 Ritual Statutes (Lidian) 1 43 ritual and community 6 I n57, 68-69, 74-77, 82 Department of 1 33, 1 35, 1 63, 208 duties 155 and gods 1 8 1 literati 79, 97, 1 00 local 1 4, 50n6, 57, 200 performance of 56, 58, 2 1 7-2 1 9

regulations 73, 1 40, 1 44 and state cult 93, 1 1 9-1 20, 2 1 8 and space 1 4 1 and worship 1 92, 1 94 rivers see rapids, spirits, He, Gan, Jiang, Yangzi Rowe, William 7n7, I I n l 4 Rulerfor Moving Dragons (Hanlong chi) 36 sacrifice 72 Sacrificial Statutes (Sidian) 1 1 8-1 1 9, 1 4 1 , 1 44, 1 47, 1 92, 1 94 Sangren, Steven 56 Schipper, Kristofer 56, 1 98 Schirokauer, Conrad 60n36, 6 1 n38 Schmidt-Glintzer, Helwig 60n32 Schneewind, Sarah 1 1 8-1 19, 220 scholar-officials see literati schools 89, 1 00, 203, 207-208 community 220 as focal point 1 9, 20, 6 1 , 103-1 1 2, 207-220 restoration 2 1 7 in Yongxin I , 2 1 7-220 Seidel, Anna I 46n96 Sequel Record if the Listener 33, 42 Shaanxi 1 83 Shahar, Meir 49, 1 77 n l Shang Yang 1 09n38 Shanghai Library 205 sheji tan, see altars for soil and grain Shen Shixing 1 1 9n I I Shen Tingrui 30n 1 7 Shen'gang Mountains 1 60- 1 62 Shengfo Monastery (Anfu) 1 86, 1 88-1 89 Shepard, PUexandra 62n44, 68n9 Shi Tianze 80 Shi Youmin 155 Shi Yuchan 80 Shiba Yoshinobu I I n l 4 Shilong Shrine (Luling) 82-84 shrines see temples Sichuan 1 87- 1 88, 1 98 Sidian see Sacrificial Statutes Siku quanshu 204 Silk industry 23 Siu, Helen 56 Sivin, Nathan 29 Skinner, G. William I I , 56 Smith, Paul Jakov 6, 8, 1 2n 1 8, 1 04n 1 9, 226-227 social domains 5 1

INDEX

soil and grain, altars for (shqi tan) 1 1 8-1 1 9, 1 20n 1 6, 1 45, 1 93 Song Lian 1 42 Song-Yuan transition 1 8, 65-98, 85 Song-Yuan-Ming Transition in Chinese History, The 6-7, 1 2n 1 8, 1 04n 1 9, 226 Song-Yuan-Ming transition 4, 1 02, 223, 227, 229 space central community 2 1 9-220 constructions of 1 3- 1 4, 30, 43, 45, 48, 54-55, 6 1 , 74, 98-99 familiar 1 70, 1 99, 20 1 negotiations in 6, 45, 48, 68, 1 80 sacred 1 5, 48, 50, 75, 1 4 1 , 1 7 7, 2 1 5 spirits (shen) 34n26, 1 80, 2 1 9 river 94-96, 1 62- 1 63, 1 74 state cult see cult, state and temples, for state cult Strauss, Claudia 54n 1 9 Strickmann, Michel 1 98n48 Su Qin 1 09n38 Sun Xiaode 1 3 2 Suzhou 1 23 Szonyi, Michael 56, 57n24 Taihe roads in 23 sacred sites and temples in · 25, 28, 32, 38, 40-4 1 Huagai worship in 29 academies in 1 03n 1 8 Dardess on 1 1 4, 1 1 6-1 1 7 , 1 50 men from 1 23-1 28, 1 30, 1 34-1 35, 1 38-1 40, 1 6 1 , 1 70, 1 77-1 78, 1 83- 1 85 temple for the god of walls and moats in 1 40-144 Xu Xiake and 1 68 in late Ming 202-204, 208, 2 1 2, 228-229 Taixiao Abbey (Longquan) 1 69-- 1 70 tales literary 1 7- 1 8, 1 85, 1 97, 1 99 local 4, 37, 1 36, 1 94-1 97, 200 Ming 1 33, 1 73 of miraculous events 26, 3 1 , 32, 35-37, 42-43, 45, 69, 73, 80-8 1 , 96, 1 60, 1 95- 1 98 religious 5, 1 2, 43-44, 67, 1 36, 1 74, 1 98 transmission 32

255

Tan, Lady 1 , 4-6, 1 4 Tang Wenwei 205n9 Tanigawa Michio 60 taxes 88, 90, 1 1 3, 1 1 8, 1 28, 1 55, 1 74-1 75, 1 98 Taylor, Rodney 1 88n24 Taylor, Romeyn 92n67, 1 1 8n9, 1 46n96, 1 77n 1 temples ancestral shrines 74 cults of 1 2 Buddhist see Buddhism and temples building 40-42 defined 49-5 1 Daoist see Daoism, and temples in gazetteers 1 6n30, 1 20-1 2 1 inscriptions see inscriptions, temple and literati 1 8, I l l , 1 49 in the local landscape 4, 58 meaning assigned to 1 6, 54, 1 85 permits for 1 32 restoration 1 2 1 , 1 47 restoration costs 73, 1 86 rise and fall 65, 87, 1 22 as socially integrative spaces 55-58 for state cult 50, 1 4 1 , 1 46, 1 92 ter Haar, Barend 1 7n3 1 , 33n23, 56, 57, 58, 73n25, 94n74 Tiantai, Mount 1 35 Tianyu Mountain see Furong Mountain Toghon Temiir 92n66 Tiinnies, Ferdinand 6 1 -62 Topography JOr Visiting Scenic Sites (Fangyu shenglan) 37, 39 travel records 1 7, 38-39, 1 24, 157, 1 75 late Ming 1 70-1 75 by Liu Shou 1 72-1 73 by Xu Xiake 1 9, 1 53-1 70 travel by foot 30, 1 63 by river 23, 7 1 , 79, 94-95, 1 53, 1 57, 1 62-1 63, 1 7 1 , 1 74, 2 1 3 by sedan chair 1 67 to the capital 1 3 1 - 1 32, 1 34, 1 50 to shrines and temples 67-69, 89, 92, 1 77 , 1 85- 1 86, 1 99, 2 1 3 , 2 1 9 Tsai, Henry 1 24n3 1 , 1 28n4 1 Tugh Temiir 92n66 Tumu 1 45 Tuotuo 92n66 Tuping Monastery (Anfu) 1 86 Twitchett, Denis 1 1 n 1 6

256

INDEX

Ubelhor, Monika 60n36 upnsmgs local 22 millenarian 7 Red Turbans I I 7 •

•

Veritable Records if Ming Tai::;u see Ming Taizu shilu von Glahn, Richard on community granaries 60n36 The Country if Streams and Grottos I I n l 4 on the god Wutong 1 7 review of Hansen 50n8 The Sinister Wqy 72n2 1 , 83n44, 93n70, 1 77n l , 1 80- 1 8 1 The Song-Yuan-Ming Transition 6, 1 2n 1 8, 226n8 1 on vernacularization 8 Walton, Linda 54, 6 1 n38, 1 00, 1 04n23, 1 05n25 Wan'an 23, 32n20, 1 1 6, 1 20n 1 6, 1 68-1 70, 206 Wang Gen 1 26 Wang Keshou 2 1 1 Wang Mingchen 1 77-1 8 1 , 1 85, 1 9 1 , 1 94-1 95, 1 99 Wang Mingming 56-57 Wang Mo 26n9 Wang Tinggui 67-7 1 , 74, 7 7 , 78 Wang Wei 1 42 Wang Xiangzhi 153 Yudi jisheng 25, 26-40 Wang Yangming followers 1 6 1 , 1 83-1 85, 202-203, 2 1 0, 2 1 3-2 1 4 in Jiangxi 2 1 2-2 1 3, 22 1 -222 thought 20, 202, 2 1 4, 225 Wang Zhen 1 45 Wang Zhi 1 25, 1 28, 203 Wang Zhisong 205n l l Wang, Lord see Huagai Ward, Julian 1 57n6, 1 68n3 1 Watson, James L. 1 8n34, 1 00 Weber, Max 52-53 Wei Xiang 1 69 Weller, Robert 49, 1 77n l Wen Tianxiang 25, 39, 80-8 1 , 1 04, 1 59, 1 70, 1 73 Wenchang 1 7 7 wenji, see collections, literary withdrawal from society at end of Song 85 Withington, Phil 62n44, 68n9

women chaste 5 immortals 26 in Ji'an 1 7n3 1 , 92 statues of 5 in tales 30, 43, 94, 1 96 see also Lady Tan worthies, Confucian 5 1 , 60, 86, 1 1 8-1 1 9, 1 45- 1 46, 2 1 5 Wu Cheng 1 43 Wu Daohong 1 30-1 3 1 , 1 33 Wu Hongze 1 09n35 Wu Huanfei 1 22 Wu Meng 1 98 Wu Shiyin l l On40, I I I n4 1 Wu Sidao 1 , 4, 1 4 Wu Xi 1 , 4 Wugong Mountains 23, 40, 79-82, 97, 1 63, 1 65, 1 85-1 86 Liu Shou visiting 1 72- 1 73, 20 1 Xu Xiake visiting 1 64-1 67, 1 7 1 Wugong shan::;hi 1 65n23, 1 66, 1 7 1 n38, 1 72n4 1-42 Wugong Temple (Luling) 90-9 1 Wutong, the god 1 7 Xiajiang 93-95, 1 26 xwngyue, see commumty covenants Xianju Monastery (Wan'an) 1 69 Xian::;ong shilu 1 45 Xiao Donghai 1 08n32 Xiao Ruyi 1 1 3-1 1 4 Xiao Weizhen 1 22n22, 1 3 1 - 1 33 Xiao Xuchen 47, 78, 79 Xiao Zhen 1 1 3-1 1 4 Xiao Zi 1 25, 1 3 2n56, 1 38-1 39 Xiao Zuo 1 37-1 39 Xiaofeng Daran 39n36, 208 Xie Duan 1 1 3-1 1 4, 1 3 3 Xie Jin 25, 1 24, 1 26- 1 27, 1 30, 1 32, 1 89, 205n l 0 Xin'gan 7 1 Xingsi 38-39 Xu Hongzu 1 56n6 Xu Huailin 2 1 n l Xu Xiakeyouji 1 9n35, 1 57-1 67 Xu Xiake 1 9, 1 56- 1 72, 1 99 in Ji'an 1 56- 1 64 travel to Wugong Mountains 1 64-1 67 Xu Xuan 159 Xu Xun 1 97- 1 99 Xu yijian::;hi see Sequel Record if the Listener Xu zherijun, see Xu Xun .

.

INDEX

Xu, Perfected Being see Xu Xun Xuande see Zhu Zhanji Xuantan Abbey (Jishui) 1 73 Xuanzong see Zhu Zhanji Xunzhai wenji, see Ouyang Shoudao XuxiJ� see Liu Chenweng Yan Zhenqing 38-39, 40 Yang Shiqi 25, 1 1 6, 1 23-1 26, 1 30, 1 83, 203 Yang Wanli 25 Yang Zhangru 4 1 , 67, 1 48 Yang Zhihua 1 25n33 Yangshi sanxiu zupu 205n 1 0 Yangzi River 2 1 Yichun 33-34 Yifeng 1 1 4 rljianzhi see Record qf the Listener Yin Tai 1 63n20 Yin Tai 204, 206-2 1 1 , 2 1 5, 2 1 7 Yin Wuyuan 1 32, 1 3 9 Yinzhi 1 65 Yixian 1 1 4 Yongchu shanchua,yi 26 Yongfeng academies in 1 03 gazetteers 1 22 and Huagai Immortals 29 men from 1 1 6, 1 27, 1 6 1 , 1 82n9 and other counties 23 in Records qf Great Sites 25, 27-28 sacred sites and temples in 32, 38, 40, 1 20n 1 6, 1 73 Wu Shiyin in 1 1 0n40 Xu Xiake in 157, 1 68 Yonghe 22, 37-38, 1 60 Yongle dadian 25, 1 25, 1 28, 1 30 Yongle see Zhu Di Yongning 1 20n 1 6, 1 67, 183 Yongxin examination candidates from 1 26-1 27, 1 89 in late Ming 205, 209, 2 1 7-2 18, 22 1 , 224--2 26 officials from I l On40, 1 33- 1 34, 1 90 and other counties 23 and tale of Lady Tan 1-4, 9, 1 4 temples in 1 90-1 92 Xu Xiake in 1 62-1 64, 1 67-168, 171 Yu di zhi 35n28 Yu Longsheng 1 53, 155 Yu Ruji 1 1 8n l l Yii, Chiin-fang 1 20n l 8 Yuan Haowen 33n23

257

Yuan invasion 6, 1 8, 86 in scholarship 7 Yuanji 1 59 Yuan-Ming transition disruption in 1 9, 1 1 0-1 1 1 , 1 1 3, 1 1 7, 1 22, 1 49, 1 89, 203, 2 1 2 Yuanzhou 23, 33-34, 1 24n3 1 Yudijisheng see Records qf Great Sites Yuelu Academy 1 04 Yueshan 1 3 1 Yunnan 1 56, 1 67 , 1 89 Yunteng Mountain 74 Zeng Gao 1 83 Zeng Q 1 2 7 Zhang Cheng 1 65n23 Zhang Guangxun 1 65n23 Zhang Tianquan 1 2 1 Zhang Tianyou 23n6 Zhang Yi 1 09n38 Zhang Yuanshu 29 Zhang Yuchu 1 39 Zhao Erqi 1 95-1 98 Zhao Kai 80-8 1 Zhao Min 1 47 Zhao Yike 29, 79-82, 97, 1 73 Zhao Yuanyang 80-8 1 Zhaoji Temple (Longquan) 78 Zhengtong see Zhu Qzhen Zhenwu Shrine (Luling) 1 77, 1 95 Zhenwu 1 7 7 Zhenyuan 1 6 1 Zhongliu 1 93 Zhongxian 1 1 0-1 1 1 Zhou Bida 'Notes on Travelling the Jizhou Mountains' 38-39 and other famous Jizhou men 2 5 , 67n6 and Qngyuan Mountains 2 1 2 residence of 1 60 and Wang Tinggui 78n32 Zhou Chen 25, 1 28 Zhou Mengjian 1 2 7 Zhou Nanrui 80-8 1 Zhou Shu 1 27 Zhou Wenying 1 08n33 zhouzhice (records that give full knowledge) 1 20 Zhu Di (the Yongle emperor) and Daoism 1 39 and officials from Ji'an 1 24-- 1 33, 205 and the state cult 1 7 7

258

INDEX

temple building under 1 2 1-1 22, 1 37, 1 89 Zhu Mu 37 Zhu Qzhen (the Zhengtong emperor) 1 29, 1 45 Zhu Xi 6 1 n37, 9 1 , 22 1 Zhu Ximing 1 2 1 Zhu Yuanzhang (the Hongwu emperor) and god of walls and moats 5 1 , 1 4 1 , 1 46, 1 48 local impact in Ji'an 1 1 9-1 24, 227 and local religious practice 1 1 8- 1 20, 1 4 1 , 1 92 and officials from Ji'an 22, 1 23- 1 23, 1 26, 1 40, 1 42- 1 44, 1 50 and religious leaders from Ji'an 1 29, 1 39 and state building 1 2, 1 9 Zhu Yunwen (the Jianwen emperor) 1 2 1 , 1 24, 1 26

Zhu Zhanji (the Xuande emperor) 1 28, 1 45 zhuangyuan 1 23n26, 1 26, 1 27, 1 82-1 84 Zhuangzi 83 Zijiao Temple (Longquan) 1 3 7 Zixiao Abbey (Luling) 1 39 Ziyang Abbey (Longquan) 1 39 Zizhi daoyuan (Luling) 85 Zou Depu 2 1 6 Zou Hansheng 1 70 Zou Jifu 1 86 Zou Shouyi 1 6 1 , 1 83-1 84, 205, 2 1 3, 2 1 6, 22 1 -226 Zou Yuanbiao 1 59, 1 6 1 , 1 83-1 84, 1 92- 1 94, 1 99, 2 1 4-2 1 5 zupu, see genealogies Zurndorfer, Harriet T. 1 1 n 1 4, 60n34

C HINA STUDIES ISSN 1 570-1 344 I.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

1 0.

I I.

12.

13. 1 4.

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