Interpretations of Greek Mythology

INTERPRETATIONS OF GREEK MYTHOLOGY Edited by Jan Bremmer First published in paperback in 1987 by Croom Helm L t d Fir...

Author: Jan Bremmer

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INTERPRETATIONS OF GREEK MYTHOLOGY Edited by Jan Bremmer

First published in paperback in 1987 by Croom Helm L t d First published in paperback in 1988 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Reprinted 1990 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Interpretation of Greek mythology. 1. Mythology, Greek I . Bremmer, Jan N . 292'. 13 BL782 ISBN 0415-4)3451-5

Filmset in Baskerville by Pat and Anne M u r p h y , Highclifle-on-Sea, Dorset Printed and bound in Great Britain by Billing & Sons Limited, Worcester.

Contents

List o f Figures and T a b l e Abbreviations Preface 1.

W h a t is a Greek M y t h ? Jan

1

Browner

2.

O r i e n t a l and Greek M y t h o l o g y : T h e M e e t i n g o f Parallels Walter Burkert

10

3.

Oedipus and the Greek O e d i p u s C o m p l e x Jan Bremmer

41

4.

Wolves and Werewolves in G r e e k T h o u g h t

60

Richard 5.

O r p h e u s : A Poet A m o n g M e n Fritz

6.

Buxton 80

GraJ

Reflections, Echoes and A m o r o u s R e c i p r o c i t y : O n R e a d i n g the Narcissus Story

107

Ezio Petlizer 7.

Greek M y t h and R i t u a l : T h e Case o f K r o n o s

121

H. S. Vermel 8.

Spartan Genealogies: T h e M y t h o l o g i c a l

Representation

of a Spatial O r g a n i s a t i o n

153

Claude Calame 9.

M y t h s o f Early A t h e n s

187

Robert Parker 10.

M y t h as H i s t o r y : T h e Previous O w n e r s o f the Delphic Oracle Christiane

11.

215

Sourvinou-Inwood

T h r e e Approaches to Greek M y t h o g r a p h y

242

Albert Henrichs 12.

Greek M y t h o l o g y : A Select B i b l i o g r a p h y (1965-1990) Jan

278

Bremmer

Notes on C o n t r i b u t o r s

284

Index

287

Figures and Table

Figures 2.1

Seal Impression from N u z i : D e a t h o f H u m b a b a

30

2.2

Shield Strap from O l y m p i a : Perseus and G o r g o

31

2.3

Seal f r o m C y p r u s : H e r o F i g h t i n g M o n s t e r

31

2.4

Seal f r o m Assur: D e a t h o f H u m b a b a

32

2.5

C l a y Plaque f r o m G o r t y n : D e a t h o f A g a m e m n o n

32

2.6

Seal f r o m T e l l K e i s a n : D e a t h o f H u m b a b a ?

33

2.7

Seal from N i m r u d : G o d F i g h t i n g the Snake

33

2.8

C o r i n t h i a n A m p h o r a : Perseus and the kêtos

34

8.1

T h e Aegean W o r l d

157

8.2

T h e P é l o p o n n è s e and C e n t r a l Greece

167

8.3

T h e Genealogy o f the First K i n g s o f Sparta

181

Table 11.1

V a r i a n t s o f the K a l l i s t o M y t h

256-257

Abbreviations

ABV

J , D . Beazley, Attic Black-Figure

Vase Painters

( O x f o r d , 1956) Add

L . B u r n and R . G l y n n (eds), Beazley Addenda. Additional References to ABV,

ARV

& Paralipo-

mena ( O x f o r d , 1982) AJA

American Journal oj Archaeology

ANEP

J . B . P r i t c h a r d , The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament ( P r i n c e t o n , 1954 ( S u p p l e m e n t 1968))

ANET

J . B . P r i t c h a r d (ed.) Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3 r d edn (Princet o n , 1969)

ARV

J . D , Beazley,

BCH

Bulletin de Correspondance

BICS

Bulletin

Attic

Red-Figure

Vase-Painters,

2 n d edn ( O x f o r d , 1963) Hellénique

of the Institute of Classical Studies at the

University of London B u r k e r t , GR

W . B u r k e r t , Greek Religion. Archaic and Classical (Oxford,

HN

1985)

Homo Necans. The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial

Ritual

and Myth

(Berkeley,

Los Angeles, L o n d o n , 1983) OE

Die orientalisierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur, SB

Heidelberger

A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hist. Kl. S&H

1984, 1. Structure and History

in Greek Mythology

and History (Berkeley, Los Angeles, L o n d o n , 1979) C a l a m e , Choeurs

C . C a l a m e , Les Choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce

CQ CR

Classical Quarterly

archaïque, 2 vols ( R o m e , 1977) Classical

Review

D é t i e n n e , Dionysos M . D é t i e n n e , Dionysos mis à mort (Paris, 1977)

Abbreviations Invention

LTnvention

de la mythologie (Paris,

1983)

FGrH

F. J a c o b y , Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker

GR BS

Greek, Roman, and Byzantine

HSCP

Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

IG

Inscriptiones Graecae

Jdl

Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts

JHS

Journal of Hellenic Studies

JNES

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

LIMC

Lexicon

(Berlin-Leiden,

1923-58)

Iconographicum

Studies

Mythologiae

Classicae

(Zurich, 1981- ) MH

Museum

Para

J. D .

Helveticum Beazley,

Black-Figure

Paralipomena,

Additions

Vase-Painters and to Attic

to

Attic

Red-Figure

Vase-Painters ( O x f o r d , 1971) PCG

R.

Kassel and C . A u s t i n (eds), Poetae Comict Graeci ( B e r l i n and N e w Y o r k , 1 9 8 3 -

RE

Realencyclopädie der klassischen

SEG

Supplemenium

SIG

W . D i t t e n b e r g e r , Sylloge Inscriptionum

epigraphicum

)

Altertumswissenschaft

Graecum Graecarum

3rd edn ( L e i p z i g , 1 9 1 5 - 2 4 ) SM SR TGrF

Studi e materiali di storia delle religiom Tragicorurn Graecorum Fragmenta,

v o l . 1, ed. B.

Snell ( G ö t t i n g e n , 1971); v o l . 3, ed. S. Radt (1985); v o l . 4, ed. S. R a d t (1977) ZPE

Zettschrift für Papyrologie und

Epigraphik

Preface

T h i s collection o f o r i g i n a l studies offers new interpretations o f some o f the best k n o w n characters a n d themes o f Greek m y t h ology,

reflecting the c o m p l e x i t y and fascination o f the Greek

i m a g i n a t i o n . F o l l o w i n g analyses o f the concept o f m y t h a n d the influence o f the O r i e n t on Greek m y t h o l o g y , the succeeding chapters shed new light on the t h r e a t e n i n g appearance o f w o l f a n d w e r e w o l f a n d on such f a m i l i a r figures as O e d i p u s , O r p h e u s and Narcissus. T h e p u z z l i n g relationship o f m y t h and r i t u a l is i l l u m inated by a discussion o f the a m b i g u i t i e s i n the t r a d i t i o n s surrounding

K r o n o s . W h e r e does m y t h

end a n d h i s t o r y begin?

Studies o f the first Spartan a n d A t h e n i a n kings demonstrate ways in w h i c h m y t h is m a n i p u l a t e d to suit h i s t o r y , and an e x a m i n a t i o n of the early stages o f the D e l p h i c oracle shows that some history is actually m y t h . F i n a l l y , an analysis o f Greek m y t h o g r a p h y illustrates how m y t h s were handed d o w n in the Greek t r a d i t i o n before they became part and parcel o f W e s t e r n c i v i l i s a t i o n . T h e v o l u m e is concluded w i t h a b i b l i o g r a p h y o f the best m y t h o l o g i c a l studies o f recent decades. A l l chapters are based on the most recent insights a n d methods, a n d they display a great variety o f approaches. T h e v o l u m e w o u l d never have materialised w i t h o u t a chance m e e t i n g w i t h R i c h a r d S t o n e m a n , Senior E d i t o r at C r o o m H e l m . I a m very grateful for his most pleasant co-operation i n the preparat i o n o f this b o o k . I also owe grateful thanks to Sarah J o h n s t o n a n d K e n D o w d e n , w h o were w i l l i n g to shoulder the difficult task o f revising most o f the translations. Kees K u i p h o f skilfully

gave

cartographical assistance. F i n a l l y , a D u t c h i n i t i a t i v e i n m y t h o l o g y w o u l d have greatly

Preface surprised F r i e d r i c h C r e u z e r , one o f the great students o f Greek m y t h o l o g y i n the nineteenth c e n t u r y . H a v i n g left H e i d e l b e r g i n the s u m m e r o f 1809 to take u p a professorship at L e i d e n , he soon r e t u r n e d to G e r m a n y : for, as he put i t , he could not conceive any 1

m y t h o l o g i c a l t h o u g h t s because the c o u n t r y was too flat.

Holland

still has no m o u n t a i n s , b u t interest i n m y t h o l o g y abounds as we hope this book m a y show. JB. Ede, H o l l a n d

Note 1. C f . F . C r e u z e r , Aus dem Leben eines allen Professors ( L e i p z i g and D a r m s t a d l , 1848): " I n Holland dann — feine S t ä d t e , h ü b s c h e Leute — aber ich konnte keinen mythologischen Gedanken fassen in dem flachen L a n d e . " I owe this reference to Albert Henrichs.

1 What is a Greek Myth? J a n Bremmer

1

W h a t exactly is a Greek m y t h ? I n the past, m a n y solutions to this p r o b l e m have been proposed, b u t i n the course o f t i m e all have 2

p r o v e d to be unsatisfactory. T h e most recent analyses stress that m y t h belongs to the m o r e general class o f t r a d i t i o n a l tales. For e x a m p l e , W a l t e r B u r k e r t , the greatest

l i v i n g expert o n Greek

r e l i g i o n , has stated that ' m y t h is a t r a d i t i o n a l tale w i t h secondary, p a r t i a l reference

to s o m e t h i n g o f collective i m p o r t a n c e ' .

d e f i n i t i o n raises three i m p o r t a n t problems that we w i l l

3

This

discuss

briefly i n this i n t r o d u c t i o n . First, how t r a d i t i o n a l is a Greek myth? Second, to w h a t degree does Greek m y t h contain m a t t e r o f collective importance? A n d

finally,

i f m y t h is a t r a d i t i o n a l tale —

what then is the difference between m y t h a n d other genres o f t r a d i t i o n a l tales, such as the fairy-tale or the legend?

1. H o w T r a d i t i o n a l is G r e e k M y t h ? It is e x t r e m e l y difficult to d e t e r m i n e the age o f the average Greek m y t h . M a n y tales were recorded relatively late, a n d therefore we cannot

ascertain

the precise date o f t h e i r o r i g i n . Y e t H o m e r

already refers to the T h e b a n C y c l e , the A r g o n a u t s and the deeds o f Herakles. M o r e o v e r , there are a n u m b e r o f vignette-like passages in

his

poems

in which

he

briefly

m e n t i o n s heroes such

as

H i p p o k o o n , Phorbas a n d Anchises, all o f w h o m are located i n the Peloponnese a n d are also found i n m a i n l a n d t r a d i t i o n s . H o m e r also makes fleeting reference to details that apparently have been d e r i v e d f r o m l i t t l e - k n o w n sagas that range i n setting f r o m Crete 1

What is a Greek

0

Myth

to N o r t h e r n Thessaly, such as 'the grave o f A i p y t o s where men like to fight h a n d to h a n d ' {Iliad

2.604), A r e i t h o o s 'the club-

bearer' (7.8f, 137f) or A m y n t o r w h o lived i n a ' s t r o n g h o m e ' in Eleon ( 1 0 . 2 6 6 ) . N o n e o f these persons comes f r o m I o n i a , Aeolia or the islands, so they most p r o b a b l y derive from sources d a t i n g back at least to the t i m e before the Greeks e m i g r a t e d to those areas at the e n d o f the second m i l l e n i u m B C . T a k i n g the m a i n l a n d as o u r point o f departure,

we can also observe that the archaic

poet

A l c m a n (about 600 B C ) m e n t i o n s details about Odysseus and C i r c e that are different from those found i n H o m e r but not necessarily o f a later date. I f , indeed, various figures o r i g i n a t e i n p r e - e m i g r a t i o n sources,

then

the existence

m y t h o l o g y seems assured.

of a Mycenaean

layer

in Greek

4

C a n we go back further? T h e great philologists o f the last cent u r y discovered that Greek a n d V e d i c poetry shared the formulas kleos aphthiton, or ' i m p e r i s h a b l e g l o r y ' , a n d klea andron, or 'glories 1

o f m e n . F u r t h e r investigations have c o n f i r m e d the existence o f a c o m m o n I n d o - E u r o p e a n poetic language; organisations o f poets such as the H o m e r i d a i o f C h i o s or the K r e o p h y l o i o f Samos w o u l d have been bearers o f this poetic t r a d i t i o n .

3

Investigations into

I n d o - E u r o p e a n m y t h o l o g i c a l themes have been less successful. The

whole fabric o f I n d o - E u r o p e a n

mythology, which

Max

M i i l l e r a n d his contemporaries erected in the course o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y , had already collapsed by the end o f that century. Yet some complexes stood the test o f t i m e . T h e m y t h o f H e l e n , for e x a m p l e , has been shown to have close analogies i n V e d i c and Latvian

m y t h o l o g y . I n Sparta,

H e l e n was w o r s h i p p e d as

the

goddess who supervised the life o f girls between adolescence and m o t h e r h o o d . A s the w e d d i n g also plays an i m p o r t a n t role i n V e d i c and L a t v i a n t r a d i t i o n s , the p r o t o - m y t h o f H e l e n was p r o b a b l y part of Indo-European wedding poetry.

6

C a n we go back even further? B u r k e r t recently has studied H e r a k l e s ' capture o f cattle, w h i c h were h i d d e n in a cave, from a shape-changing o p p o n e n t . T h i s capture, as he shows, is closely analogous to the V e d i c I n d r a ' s fight against the d e m o n V i s v a r u p a , or ' o f all shapes', w h o had also h i d d e n his cows in a cave. But B u r k e r t also showed that there are close analogies for these fights in the m y t h o l o g y o f various h u n t i n g peoples o f Siberia and the Arctic.

7

A n o t h e r ancient t r a d i t i o n lies b e h i n d the epic o f the T r o j a n 2

What is a Greek Myth? W a r . V a r i o u s leading figures, such as Achilles, display the characteristics o f the ephebe, the Greek w a r r i o r at the b r i n k o f a d u l t h o o d . Many

details o f A c h i l l e s '

life

correspond

to such

figures

as

C u C h u l a i n n , the e x e m p l a r y ephebic w a r r i o r o f Ulster; Nestor's y o u t h f u l exploits are part o f a s i m i l a r i n i t i a t o r y t r a d i t i o n . M o r e over, a m o n g a n u m b e r o f E u r o p e a n peoples the s t o r m i n g o f a (fake) castle was part o f the y o u n g m e n ' s r i t u a l s . A s F r i t z G r a f observes, the convergence o f G r e e k a n d I r i s h t r a d i t i o n strongly suggests an I n d o - E u r o p e a n epic t r a d i t i o n closely connected w i t h the y o u n g w a r r i o r ' s i n i t i a t i o n . M y t h s associated w i t h the central i n s t i t u t i o n s o f archaic societies, such as the w e d d i n g and the rites of p u b e r t y , or w i t h matters o f vital concern, such as the quest for animals ( H e r a k l e s a n d I n d r a ) , have a m u c h better chance o f surv i v a l , indeed, t h a n m y t h s connected w i t h m o r e t e m p o r a r y i n s t i t u tions, such as the f o u n d a t i o n o f clans or temples. I n the case o f i n i t i a t i o n , a poetic t r a d i t i o n is all the more probable because some 8

Greek poets (still?) acted as i n i t i a t o r s i n the archaic age. T h e close association o f poets w i t h i n i t i a t i o n can also be found i n The Book of Dede Korkut, a collection o f tales set i n the heroic age o f the O g h u z T u r k s , who in the course o f the n i n t h and tenth centuries emigrated from Siberia i n the d i r e c t i o n o f A n a t o l i a . M o r e o v e r , the t r a d i t i o n o f the T r o j a n w a r finds a close parallel in Caucasian m y t h s , i n w h i c h a hero besieges a k i n g who has offended his h o n o u r , and takes his castle t h r o u g h a ruse; the s t o r m i n g o f a castie is also part o f Caucasian folklore. D o we perhaps encounter here m y t h i c a l themes o f Eurasian pastoral peoples that reach back into t i m e i m m e m o r i a l ?

9

O n the other h a n d , m y t h was also often u n t r a d i t i o n a l . T h e suitors o f Penelope request the newest song {Odyssey 1.352), a n d archaic poets r e g u l a r l y stress their o w n o r i g i n a l i t y .

10

I n fact, m a n y

rnythox clearly are not very o l d . H e s i o d derived part o f his theogony from the O r i e n t (cf. B u r k e r t , this v o l u m e ) ; the epic o f the Nostoi

y

the h o m e c o m i n g o f the T r o j a n heroes, presupposes Greek colonisation i n Southern I t a l y ; and the m y t h o f Theseus' f o u n d a t i o n o f democracy illustrates the decline o f the aristocracy's power i n the late archaic age. T h e respective audiences o f these mythoi must surely have recognised the novelty o f these tales at the t i m e o f their first

performances, even t h o u g h they soon became incorporated

into the t r a d i t i o n a l corpus o f m y t h s . M y t h o l o g y , then, was an open-ended system. As has been p o i n t e d out recently, it is precisely 3

What is a Greek Myth? this i m p r o v i s a t o r y character o f m y t h that guarantees its c e n t r a l i t y in Greek r e l i g i o n . T t is not b o u n d to forms hardened a n d stiffened by canonical a u t h o r i t y , b u t m o b i l e , fluent and free to respond to a c h a n g i n g experience o f the w o r l d . '

1 1

O n the other h a n d , the d i v i n e

a u t h o r i t y o f the archaic poet assured the truthfulness o f the tale (cf. b e l o w ) . I t was o n l y i n H e l l e n i s t i c times that C a l l i m a c h u s (fr. 612) had to w r i t e : T sing n o t h i n g w h i c h is not attested'. W h e n the poet had no m o r e d i v i n e a u t h o r i t y , t r a d i t i o n had to be i n v o k e d as the l e g i t i m i s i n g factor.

2. T h e C o l l e c t i v e I m p o r t a n c e of M y t h H a v i n g seen that m y t h s can be tales f r o m t i m e i m m e m o r i a l but also c o n t e m p o r a r y inventions, we w i l l n o w look at their place i n Greek society. I n the m o d e r n W e s t e r n w o r l d , m y t h s o f the Greeks and other peoples are p r i m a r i l y read, but i n the earliest Greek l i t e r a t u r e , the H o m e r i c epic, mythos meant ' w o r d , t a l e ' .

12

T h e oldest mythoi,

then, were tales recited i n front o f an audience. T h e fact o f oral performance means that m y t h cannot be looked at i n isolation; we must always consider by w h o m and to w h o m the tales were told. I t is impossible to trace here i n detail the development o f the t r i a d n a r r a t o r - mythos - audience t h r o u g h the whole o f Greek history; l o r o u r purpose it is sufficient to make a few observations about the m a i n differences between the archaic age and later periods. I n H o m e r , the n a r r a t o r ol\ mythoi was the poet, the aoidos, w h o was society's bearer of t r a d i t i o n and its educator par excellence. Public performance obliged h i m to r e m a i n aware o f his p u b l i c ' s taste; u n p o p u l a r new m y t h s or unacceptable versions o f o l d ones w o u l d be rejected by the p u b l i c a n d , surely, not repeated i n further performances. T h e poet's stature i n society was reflected by his, i n a certain sense, near-supernatural status. H e a n d his songs were called ' d i v i n e ' and he h i m s e l f ' o f the gods'. H i s epic poetry was believed to have been t r a n s m i t t e d by the Muses w h o ' w a t c h everyt h i n g ' . T h e d i v i n e o r i g i n o f his poetry enabled h i m to invent new myths or change the content o f the o l d ones; he could also freely change the poetic f o r m

— the o r i g i n a l

I n d o - E u r o p e a n eight-

syllable line was developed into the h e x a m e t e r .

13

I n the course o f the archaic age, a whole complex o f factors, such as colonisation, the g r o w t h o f democracy, a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f 4

What is a Greek Myth? w r i t i n g and m o n e y , d r a m a t i c a l l y changed the character o f society. These developments

the status o f the poet,

the

acceptance o f m y t h , a n d the nature o f the poet's audience.

also changed

As

C l a u d e C a l a m e has s h o w n , the Muses played an increasingly subo r d i n a t e role i n archaic p o e t r y . T h i s d e c l i n i n g p o s i t i o n , as he persuasively suggests, reflected the poet's m o r e secular role i n society and g r o w i n g consciousness o f his o w n c r e a t i v i t y . M o r e over, the a r r i v a l o f literacy enabled intellectuals to fix a n d scrutinise the t r a d i t i o n . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l mythoi now came u n d e r attack f r o m philosophers a n d historians — authors w h o wrote i n prose a n d w h o d i d not subject their o p i n i o n s to the censure o f the comm u n i t y i n p u b l i c performance. A t first sight, the m y t h s ' audience r e m a i n e d the same, as the poets c o n t i n u e d to p e r f o r m i n aristocratic circles, b u t their patrons were n o w i n the process o f losing part o f their political p o w e r — a development that must also have had repercussions for the poet's p o s i t i o n i n society. These developments accelerated poets still

i n the course o f the classical p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h

continued

to relate

myths

(tragedy!),

and

in

the

Hellenistic age the poet's f u n c t i o n i n society had largely been lost to

philosophers

and

historians.

The

versions

of myths

that

C a l l i m a c h u s and his friends w r o t e were no longer directed at society at large, b u t rather p r i m a r i l y at a small circle o f l i t e r a r y friends.

Post-Hellenistic

recorded

the archaic

travellers,

such

m y t h s connected

as

with

Pausanias,

still

the temples

they

visited, but these tales n o w had lost completely their erstwhile relevance to the c o m m u n i t y .

1 4

I n one area, however, certain aspects o f m y t h c o n t i n u e d to prosper. T h e Greek colonisation o f the East p r o m o t e d feverish activity i n the i n v e n t i o n o f m y t h i c a l founders and genealogies, and in the e x p l a n a t i o n o f strange names. I n general, however, the new m y t h s , w h i c h were mostly bricolages o f the o l d , established ones, no longer were composed b y poets b u t by historians, w h o wrote i n prose a n d d i d not c l a i m to be d i v i n e l y inspired. T h e p o p u l a r i t y o f m y t h lasted well i n t o the R o m a n E m p i r e , but the mythoi, w h i c h once

helped

men

to

understand

or

order

the

world,

now

functioned p r i m a r i l y as a major part o f a c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n whose importance

increased

as Greek

independence d i m i n i s h e d . A s

various cities lost their political significance, it was their m y t h i c a l past that could still furnish them w i t h an i d e n t i t y and help them to distinguish themselves f r o m other cities. M y t h , then, meant rather 5

What is a Greek Myth? different things to the Greeks at different stages o f their h i s t o r y .

15

3. Myths and Other Traditional Tales W h e n we take the t r i a d p o e t - m y t h o s - a u d i e n c e

as o u r point o f

d e p a r t u r e , it becomes easier to see the difference between Greek m y t h a n d other genres o f p o p u l a r tales, such as the fairy-tale or the legend. Fairy-tales are told p r i m a r i l y i n private a n d i n prose; they are

situated,

f u r t h e r m o r e , outside

a specific t i m e and

place.

Whereas Greek m y t h always details the place a n d o r i g i n o f its heroes, fairy-tales content themselves w i t h stating that 'once u p o n a t i m e ' a k i n g was r u l i n g — we never hear i n w h i c h c o u n t r y or i n w h i c h age. A n i n d i v i d u a l fairy-tale therefore exists i n isolation, w h i l e a Greek m y t h evokes further m y t h s i n w h i c h the same n a m e d heroes are i n v o l v e d ; it is almost true that every Greek m y t h is u l t i m a t e l y connected i n a chain o f association w i t h every other G r e e k m y t h . M o r e o v e r , fairy-tales are told not to order or explain the w o r l d , but to entertain their audience, a l t h o u g h moralistic overtones were often i n t r o d u c e d . T h e English w o r d ' l e g e n d ' comprises two genres o f tales that in G e r m a n are distinguished as Legende a n d Sage. T h e Legende is p r i m a r i l y a hagiographical legend, a story i n prose about a holy person whose life is held u p to the c o m m u n i t y w i t h the exhortation:

'go a n d do l i k e w i s e ' . These stories,

t h e n , clearly were

invented or told by the c h u r c h to influence the lives o f the faithful. As such, they are restricted i n scope a n d also are typical products of a m o r e l i t e r a r y age — ' l e g e n d ' comes from the L a t i n legenda, or ' t h i n g s to be r e a d ' . T h e Sage is a legend that explains b u i l d i n g s or stresses the boundaries between m a n a n d animals (cf. B u x t o n , this v o l u m e , C h . 4); it accounts for e x t r a o r d i n a r y events a n d catastrophes; and it describes a w o r l d peopled by spirits a n d demons. F o r those who believed these legends, Sagen w i l l have functioned very m u c h like mythoi i n archaic Greece. A n d just as mythoi helped to bolster the identity o f the Greeks u n d e r the R o m a n E m p i r e , Sagen acquired a political significance i n the later nineteenth c e n t u r y when they were collected by G e r m a n bourgeoisie i n search o f a c o m m o n past.

16

O n the other h a n d , a l t h o u g h these legends c l a i m to be t r u e , 6

What is a Greek Myth? there are no claims o f d i v i n e i n s p i r a t i o n ; m o r e o v e r , the stories n o r m a l l y are t o l d i n p r i v a t e and i n prose; I t has recently been persuasively suggested that the w o r d Sage presupposes an archaic, perhaps even I n d o - E u r o p e a n , n a r r a t i v e prose t r a d i t i o n . U n l i k e at R o m e , however, where the f o u n d a t i o n m y t h o f R o m u l u s and R e m u s was a p p a r e n t l y handed d o w n i n prose, i n archaic Greece m y t h s were the exclusive t e r r i t o r y o f poets. It is true that dist i n g u i s h e d scholars, such as G . S. K i r k , have made use o f the n o t i o n o f the folktale to e x p l a i n motifs o f Greek m y t h , but it must be stressed that such tales s i m p l y are not attested Greece.

i n archaic

17

W h a t exactly is a G r e e k m y t h ? W e started this chapter w i t h B u r k e r t ' s d e f i n i t i o n o f m y t h as 'a t r a d i t i o n a l tale w i t h secondary, p a r t i a l reference

to s o m e t h i n g o f collective i m p o r t a n c e ' . T h i s

d e f i n i t i o n has p r o v e d to be v a l i d for the whole p e r i o d o f Greek h i s t o r y . A t the same t i m e , h o w e v e r , we have seen that m y t h s are not always t r a d i t i o n a l tales, n o r is t h e i r collective i m p o r t a n c e the same d u r i n g the whole o f Greek h i s t o r y . Perhaps one could propose a slightly simpler d e f i n i t i o n :

' t r a d i t i o n a l tales relevant to

society'. I t is true that to us the appearance o f gods a n d heroes is an essential part o f Greek m y t h , but the supernatural presence is only to be expected

when religion

is embedded

in society.

18

W e s t e r n secularised societies have nearly abolished the supern a t u r a l , but they usually still have their favourite (historical) tales that serve as models o f b e h a v i o u r o r are the expression o f the c o u n t r y ' s ideals. I t is t h e i r relevance to G r e e k society that makes the mythoi still fascinating today, for however different the Greeks were from us, they were also very m u c h the s a m e .

19

Notes 1. T h e notes are confined to the most recent literature. I am in general much indebted to Fritz Graf, Gnechtsche Mythoiogie ( M u n i c h and Z u r i c h , 1985). 2. For a survey of the various explanations, see G . S. K i r k , Myth: Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient Mythology and Other Cultures (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1970) 1 - 4 1 ; W . Burkert, 'Mythos und Mythoiogie', in Propylden Geschuhte der Ltteratur, I (Berlin, 1981) J 1 - 3 5 ; Graf, Mythoiogie, 1 5 - 5 7 . 3. Traditional tales: K i r k , Myth, 3 1 - 4 1 and The Nature of Greek Myth (Harrnondsworth, 1974) 2 3 - 3 7 ; Burkert, S&H, 23; Graf, Mythoiogie, 7. 4. Pre-Homeric mythology: Graf, Mythoiogie, 5 8 - 6 8 . Mycenaean layer: A . Hoekstra, ' E p i c Verse before H o m e r ' , Med. Ned. Ak. Wet., AJd. Letterk., NR., JOS (1981) 5 4 - 6 6 ; note also A . Snodgrass, 'Poet and Painter in Eighth-Century

7

What is a Greek Myth? 4

G r e e c e , Proc. Cambr. Phil. Soc., 25 (1979) 1 1 8 - 3 0 , esp. 122. A i r m a n : C. C a l a m e (cd.), Alcman ( R o m e , 1983) 487, 496, 574, 612. 5. Formulas: see most recently E . D . Floyd, Kleos aphihiton: An Indo-European Perspective on Early Greek Poetry', Glotta, 58 (1980) 1 3 3 - 5 7 ; G . Nagy, 'Another Look at Kleos Aphthiton, Würzh. Jahrb, 7 (1981) 1 1 3 - 1 6 ; but see now M . Finkclberg, CQ 36 (1986) 1 - 5 . Poetical language: the standard study is R Schmitt, Dichter und Dichtersprache in indogermanischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, 1967); sec most recently W , M e i d , Dichter und Dichtkunst in indogermanischer Zeit (Innsbruck, 1978); C . Watkins, 'Aspects of I E poetics', in E . P o l o m é (ed.), The Inda-Eumpean\ in fhf 4th and 3rd Millenia ( A n n Arbor, 1982) 1 0 4 - 2 0 , Poetic organisations: VV. Burkert, 'Die Leistung eines Kreophylos: Kreophyleer, Homeriden und die archaische Heraklesepik', MH, 29 (1972) 7 4 - 8 5 , 6. Helen: M . L . West, Immortal Helen ( L o n d o n , 1975); C a l a me, Chœurs I, 333 - 5 0 (Helen in Sparta). 7. Herakles: Burkert, S&H, 85f, who is overlooked by J . M . Blazquez Martinez, 'Gerion y otros mitos griegos en O c r i d e n t e , Gerwn, I (1983) 21 - 38. 8. Initiation and T r o j a r W a r : Graf, Mythologie, 7 1 - 4 . Ritual background of T r o j a n W a r : J . Bremmer, 'Heroes, Rituals and the T r o j a n W a r ' , Studi StornoReligwsi, 2 (1978) 5 - 3 8 ; F . Bader, 'Rhapsodies h o m é r i q u e s et irlandaises*, in R. Bloch (ed.). Recherches sur les religions de l'antiquité classique (P'aris and G e n e v a , 1980) 9 - 8 3 Poet as initiator. C a l a m e , Choeurs I , 3 9 3 - 5 ; Graf, this volumc^Ch. 5, section 9; note also J . F . Nagy, The Wisdom of the Outlaw. 7he Boyhood Deeds of Finn in Garlic Narrative 'Tradition (Berkeley, Los Angeles, L o n d o n , 1985) C h s . 1 and 6, on Finn as poet and initiator. 9 Oghuz T u r k s : G . Lewis (ed.), The Book of Dede Korkut (Harmondsworth, 1974) 5 9 - 8 7 . C a u c a s i a n parallels: W . J . Abaew, ' L e C h e v a l de T r o i e . Parallèles C a m asiens', Annales ESC, 7^(1963) 1 0 4 1 - 7 0 ; Bremmer, 'Heroes', 31 (storming i-asile). For other possible age-old traditions, see Burkerl, S&H, 85, 95. 10. Originality of poet: Horn, Od. 1.351 F; A l c m a n fr. 14 Page = 4 C a l a m e ; Pind. 0 / 3 . 4 , 9.48f; W . J . Verdenius, ' T h e Principles of Greek Literary C r i t i c i s m ' , Mnem. I V 36 (1983) 1 4 - 5 9 , esp. 221 (with extensive bibliographies). 11. J . G o u l d , ' O n M a k i n g Sense of Greek Religion', in P. Easterling and J . V . M u i r (rds). Greek Religion and Society (Cambridge, 1985) 1 - 3 3 , 2 1 9 - 2 1 . 12. For the meaning of mythos, see C . Spicq, Notes de lexicographie néo-testamentaire, II (Fribourg, 1978) 5 7 6 - 8 ; D é t i e n n e , Invention, L . Brisson, Platon, les mots et les mythes (Paris, 1982). 13. Poet: H . Maehler, Die Auffassung des Dichterberufs im frühen Griechentum bis zur Zeit Pmdars ( G ö t t i n g e n , 1963); B. Snelt, Dichtung und Gesellschaft ( H a m b u r g , 1965); Verdenius, 'Principles', 2 5 - 3 7 . Divine origin : Horn. //. 18.604; Od. 1.328,8.498, 17.385 and 518f; Hes. Th. 94f; P. M u r r a y , 'Poetic Inspiration in Early Greece', JHS, 101 (1981) 8 7 - 1 0 0 ; Verdenius, 'Principles', 3 7 - 4 6 . Poetic form: N. Berg, 'Parergon metricum: der U r s p r u n g des griechischen Hexameters', Münch. Stud, zur Sprachw , 37 (1978) 1 1 - 3 6 . 14. Declining role of Muses: C . C a l a m e , 'Entre oralitc et écriture: Enonciation et é n o n c é dans la p o é s i e grecque a r c h a ï q u e ' , Semiotica, 43 (1983) 2 4 5 - 73. Critique of myth: D é t i e n n e , Invention, 1 2 3 - 5 4 ; J . B r c m m e r , 'Literacy and the Origins and Limitations of Greek Atheism', i n j . den Boeft and A . Kessels (eds), Actus: Studies in Honour of H L W. Nelson (Utrecht, 1982) 43 - 55. T h e role of myth in Hellenistic poetry and post-Hellenistic authors is still in need of investigation; there are some good observations in P. V e y n e , Les Grecs ont-tls cru à leurs mythes.- (Paris, 1983). 15. C f . P. Weiss, 'Lebendiger Mythos: G r ü n d e r h e r o e n und städtische G r ü n d u n g s t r a d i t i o n e n im g r i e c h i s c h - r ö m i s c h e n Osten', Würzb. Jahrb , 7(9 (1984) 179-207. 1

1

1

8

What is a Greek Myth? 16. Difference between myths and other traditional tales: see most recently L . R o h r i c h , ' M ä r c h e n - M y t h o s - S a g e ' , in W . Siegmund (ed.). Antiker Mythos in unseren Märchen ( K a s s e l , 1984) 1 1 - 3 5 , 1 8 7 - 9 ; J . Scullion, 'Märchen, Sage, Legende. Towards a clarification of some literary terms used by O l d Testament scholars', le tus Test., 34 (1984) 321 - 3 6 . Political significance ni Sagen: R . Srhenda. Maren von Deutschen Sagen. Bemerkungen zur Produktion von " V o l k s e r z ä h l u n g e n " zwischen 1850 und 1870', Geschichte und Gesellschaft, .9 (1983) 2 6 - 4 8 . 17. Indo-European prose tradition: E . R i s c h , 'Homerisch ennepo. Lakonisch epheneponti und die alte E r z ä h l p r o s a ' , ZPE, 60 (1985) 1 - 9 . Folk tales: K i r k , Myth and Nature of Greek Myth. 18. For the notion of embedded religion, see R . C . T . Parker, 'Creek R e l i g i o n , in The Oxford History of the Classical World (Oxford, 1986) 2 5 4 - 7 4 . 19. For information, comments and correction of the English I am indebted to Fritz Graf, Nicholas Horsfall, Sarah Johnston, A n d r é Lardinois, Robert Parker, and Professor Rudiger Schmitt. 1

9

2 Oriental and Greek Mythology: The Meeting of Parallels Walter Burkert

1. Some G e n e r a l Reflections A r e there m i g r a t i n g myths? T h i s question, w h i c h has often been asked, is a fascinating one, b u t it is not at all clear whether we should start searching for e m p i r i c a l evidence w i t h w h i c h to answer it,

or preclude

i t , from

the outset,

by d e f i n i t i o n .

have haunted the study o f folklore from

'Parallels'

the start; theories o f

m i g r a t i o n or o f m u l t i p l e , spontaneous generation still confront one another; A d o l f Bastian advocated the concept o f ' E l e m e n t a r g e d a n kenV

Waldemar

Liungmann

proclaimed

'Traditionswan-

2

d e r u n g e n E u p h r a t - R h e i n ' . T h e fact that any diffusion o f tales must have taken place largely t h r o u g h oral transmission, whereas o n l y w r i t t e n sources are available for historical d o c u m e n t a t i o n , m u l t i p l i e s the problems. B u t it is the very concept o f m y t h that engenders a special d i f f i c u l t y

J t h o u g h no readily available defini3

tion o f m y t h has w o n general a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t , the consensus is that m y t h , c o m p a r e d w i t h folktale i n general, must have a special social a n d intellectual relevance to archaic societies. T h i s requirement binds m y t h to p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l and ethnic entities, to t r a d i t i o n a l closed societies or groups. Some o f the most

successful

m o d e r n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f even Greek m y t h o l o g y are based on such an a s s u m p t i o n , and concentrate on the closed circle o f the 4

u n i q u e Greek p o l i s . But the m o r e i l l u m i n a t i n g a n d f u l f i l l i n g the message o f m y t h may appear in such s u r r o u n d i n g s , the less transferable, by d e f i n i t i o n , it w i l l be. L e i b n i z i a n monads stand w i t h o u t w i n d o w s t h r o u g h w h i c h to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h what m i g h t be outside. T h e most n a r r o w d e f i n i t i o n o f m y t h as 'the spoken part o f 10

Oriental and Greek Mythology the r i t u a l ' generally is rejected nowadays, but the connection o f m y t h w i t h r i t u a l remains an i m p o r t a n t fact, and the concept o f 'charter m y t h ' repeatedly proves useful. But indeed, on account o f this, m y t h seems tied to historically u n i q u e organisations or even organisms; acceptance o f this assumption w o u l d dispose o f any idea o f ' m i g r a t i n g m y t h s ' were it not for m i g r a t i n g societies: the Locrians i n I t a l y w o r s h i p p e d their A j a x as they had in central Greece; the b e g g i n g priests o f the A n a t o l i a n M o t h e r Goddess, the metragyrtai, b r o u g h t r i t u a l castration and the c o r r e s p o n d i n g A t t i s m y t h to the Greek and R o m a n w o r l d s B u t these are special cases. Yet it is clear that Greek m y t h o l o g y spread w i d e l y t h r o u g h o u t the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , d o m i n a t i n g in p a r t i c u l a r the i m a g i n a t i o n s o f the Etruscans a n d R o m a n s ; to explain this diffusion as either a series o f misunderstandings or a schoolchild's m e m o r i s a t i o n o f l i t e r a t u r e , rather than as an example o f l i v i n g a n d ' g e n u i n e ' m y t h , w o u l d be m u c h too simple. But i f it is granted that Greek m y t h s ' m i g r a t e d ' to I t a l y , then not even Greek m y t h can be assumed to have arisen spontaneously from u n c o n t a m i n a t e d ' o r i g i n s ' ; it arose w i t h i n a society that f o r m e d itself in intense c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h older. Eastern civilisations. Myth,

in

fact,

is

a

multi-dimensional phenomenon,

and

a l t h o u g h its function is most v i t a l in closed archaic societies, it should be seen a n d investigated in all its various aspects. T h e r e are two m a i n dimensions o f m y t h , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to the w e l l - k n o w n linguistic d i s t i n c t i o n between the ' c o n n o t a t i v e ' and ' d e n o t a t i v e ' functions o f l a n g u a g e :

6

there is a n a r r a t i v e structure that can be

analysed as a syntagmatic chain o f ' m o t i f e m e s ' , and there is some reference, w h i c h often m a y be secondary and tentative, to phenomena o f c o m m o n reality that are thus a r t i c u l a t e d , expressed and c o m m u n i c a t e d ; this reference is most manifest i n the use o f proper names. I n most m y t h i c a l texts, b o t h dimensions i n t e r t w i n e and influence one another; their d y n a m i c s , however, are q u i t e different. T h e n a r r a t i v e structures are based on a very few general h u m a n or even p r e - h u m a n p r o g r a m m e s o f action, a n d thus are quite easily understood and encoded i n m e m o r y , to be reproduced, or re-created, even from incomplete records. T h i s is the fascination o f a tale to w h i c h we all are sensitive. O n e favourite tale type is the 'quest* — the subject o f V l a d i m i r Propp's

Morpho

logy of the Folktale. Its u b i q u i t o u s subtype is the ' c o m b a t tale'; other types include 'the g i r l ' s tragedy' and 'sacrifice and r e s t i t u t i o n ' / 11

Oriental and Greek Mythology T h e denotative ' a p p l i c a t i o n ' on the other h a n d , w h i c h t u r n s a tale to m y t h , is a n y t h i n g but general; it depends on p a r t i c u l a r situations, w h i c h m a y well be u n i q u e . Yet because tales are a means o f communication,

not private signs, p a r t i c u l a r i s a t i o n is l i m i t e d ;

there are no private m y t h s . I n fact, there are v a r y i n g levels o f generalisation i n most h u m a n aspects o f reality; certain societal configurations a n d p r o b l e m s w i l l recur i n s i m i l a r forms i n m a n y places; the n a t u r e - c u l t u r e antithesis, d o m i n a t i n g the analysis o f m y t h s by C l a u d e L é v i - S t r a u s s ,

8

is basic to m a n k i n d , a n d

the

p a r t i c u l a r theme o f life-versus-death opens still w i d e r horizons. T h u s , some diffusion definite

not o n l y o f tales but o f m y t h s , i n c l u d i n g

'applications',

becomes

possible

after

all.

Even

if

' g e n u i n e ' , l i v i n g m y t h is rooted i n a special h a b i t a t , it m a y well find

fertile soil, to w h i c h it can easily adapt, i n other places or

times;

it m a y

even

transform

new

surroundings,

processing

reality, as it were, by its special d y n a m i c s . O n e should still pay a t t e n t i o n to the d i s t i n c t i o n made by A l a n Dundes,

among

others,

9

between

'motifemes'

and

motifs:

a l t h o u g h a tale, even a m y t h i c a l tale, consists o f a well-structured chain

of 'motifemes',

each

of which

has

its necessary

and

i m m u t a b l e place, there are also single surface elements that are detachable a n d may ' j u m p ' f r o m one tale to another, especially i f some o r i g i n a l , 'salient' feature o f one catches the i m a g i n a t i o n , like genes, as it were, ' j u m p i n g ' between chromosomes. T h u s , certain motifs recur t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d ; or at any rate this is the impres10

sion conveyed by Stith T h o m p s o n ' s indispensable W h e t h e r historical diffusion

Motif-Index.

has occurred even at the level o f

motifs is still a serious q u e s t i o n . B u t it is a question that must be kept distinct f r o m the p r o b l e m o f ' m i g r a t i n g m y t h s ' , the concept o f w h i c h implies the transfer o f a n a r r a t i v e chain and thus also, usually, the transfer o f ' a p p l i c a t i o n ' , or the message o f the m y t h . I n the catch-phrase ' O r i e n t a l a n d G r e e k ' the specialist still hears a r i n g o f d i l e t t a n t i s m ; methodological c i r c u m s p e c t i o n encourages avoidance o f the topic. Sheer a c c u m u l a t i o n o f evidence, however, has begun to force the issue. Greek l i t e r a r y culture d i d not t h r i v e i n isolation, b u t rather i n the shadow o f older civilisations, assum1

i n g a n d then o u t g r o w i n g what was ready at h a n d . ' T h e t e r m ' o r i e n t a l ' i n itself is m o r e than questionable; it is a label that all too clearly echoes the ethnocentric perspective o f 'Westerners'

and

tends to obscure the fact that quite different civilisations existed 12

Oriental and Greek Mythology m o r e or less to the east, or the southeast, o f E u r o p e . T h e r e was the first

rise o f h i g h c u l t u r e , characterised by state organisation and

literacy, i n M e s o p o t a m i a and Egypt i n the t h i r d m i l l e n i u m B C . Whereas E g y p t is enclosed by n a t u r a l boundaries, M e s o p o t a m i a n influence began to spread towards b o t h the M e d i t e r r a n e a n and the I n d u s at q u i t e an early date. D u r i n g the second m i l l e n i u m there developed several adjacent civilisations each o f an i n d i v i d u a l type, Europe

t a k i n g a share o f c u l t u r a l pride w i t h the rise o f the

M i n o a n - Mycenaean civilisation. T h i s civilisation, unfortunately, has not produced any extant l i t e r a r y texts as yet and thus must still r e m a i n i n the b a c k g r o u n d as far as m y t h study is concerned. M o r e fertile archives are p r o v i d e d by the c o n t i n u i n g literature o f Egypt and M e s o p o t a m i a , or come from S y r i a n U g a r i t - R a s Shamra and from

Anatolian Hattusa-Bogazkoy.

Bronze Age t r a d i t i o n s end

a b r u p t l y i n b o t h places, as i n Greece, at about 1200 B C . After the ' D a r k Ages' there emerge,

in a d d i t i o n to some relics o f H i t t i t e

t r a d i t i o n i n Southern A n a t o l i a , a lively and v a r i e d u r b a n civilisation i n S y r i a and Palestine, w h i c h can claim the decisive i n v e n t i o n o f the ' P h o e n i c i a n ' script, and also the ' m i r a c l e o f Greece', w h i c h asserts its status t h r o u g h the poetry o f H o m e r and H e s i o d . T h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n was to endure, whereas, o f the S y r i a n - Palestinian l i t e r a t u r e , only the H e b r e w Bible was to survive later catastrophes. W h a t is left, thus, is a chance selection taken from m u c h richer literatures a n d , p r e s u m a b l y , oral cultures, w h i c h can be the basis for a c o m p a r i s o n o f ' o r i e n t a l ' and Greek m y t h o l o g y : SumeroA k k a d i a n and E g y p t i a n sources are rich but geographically distant from those o f Greece; O l d T e s t a m e n t texts are o f a very peculiar t y p e . T h e r e r e m a i n the fragmentary tablets from

Bronze Age

H a t t u s a and U g a r i t ; the Phoenician and A r a m a i c literature from I r o n A g e S y r i a , w h i c h must have been closest to that o f the Greeks, has vanished completely, as has the P h r y g i a n and L y d i a n literature o f A n a t o l i a , i f indeed it ever existed. T h e r e are t w o m a i n periods w h e n c u l t u r a l contacts between the East and Greece apparently were most intensive: the late Bronze Age ( 1 4 / I 3 t h c e n t u r y B C ) o n the one h a n d (to C y r u s G o r d o n is due 12

the concept o f an ' A e g e a n K o i n e ' for this p e r i o d ) and the 8/7th c e n t u r y B C , w h e n Phoenicians and Greeks were to penetrate the whole o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n i n a c o m p e t i t i v e effort. T h e latter has been called the ' o r i e n t a l i s i n g p e r i o d ' by archaeologists; its historical b a c k g r o u n d is the m i l i t a r y expansion o f Assyria that b r o u g h t 13

Oriental and Greek Mythology u n i t y a n d devastation to L a t e H i t t i t e s , Syrians, Palestinians and E g y p t i a n s . T h a t the later periods shall not concern us here should not detract from their i m p o r t a n c e ; at that t i m e , however, Greek civilisation had l o n g reached its o w n f o r m a n d was r e p e l l i n g all unassimilated

'barbarian'

elements.

The

formative period o f

Greek c i v i l i s a t i o n , i f it ever existed, must have belonged to the 'orientalising period'.

2. N i n u r t a a n d H e r a k l e s O f all Greek m y t h o l o g i c a l figures, Herakles is perhaps the most complicated a n d the most interesting. H e is by far the

most

p o p u l a r o f G r e e k heroes, a fact reflected by the f o r m i d a b l e mass o f evidence. A t the same t i m e there is not one a u t h o r i t a t i v e literary text to account for this character — i n the way H o m e r ' s

Iliad

accounts for Achilles — but rather a plethora o f passing references; f u r t h e r m o r e , no single place gives h i m a home and b a c k g r o u n d , but rather the whole M e d i t e r r a n e a n provides a c h a n g i n g complex o f stories connected to q u i t e different local cults. Yet there is an identity m a r k e d by his name a n d by a canon o f iconography that was established at an early date. T h e attempts to understand the origins and the development o f the Herakles figure as a series o f literary ' i n v e n t i o n s ' are b o u n d to f a i l .

1 3

T h e i d e n t i t y o f Herakles consists i n a series o f exploits, dthla, w h i c h all are o f the 'quest' t y p e . M o s t o f t h e m have to do w i t h animals; their canonical n u m b e r is twelve. Herakles is a m a r g i n a l figure, w e a r i n g a l i o n s k i n , w i e l d i n g a c l u b or a b o w , leading an i t i n e r a n t life. H e has an i n t e r m e d i a t e status even w i t h regard to gods, he is w o r s h i p p e d both as a dead hero a n d as an i m m o r t a l god. A l t h o u g h i n v i n c i b l e , he must s u b m i t to the c o m m a n d o f a k i n g o f ' w i d e p o w e r ' , ' E u r y s t h e u s ' . H i s father is Zeus, the r u l i n g god o f the p a n t h e o n . Ever since the o r i e n t a l evidence Mesopotamian noticed.

14

parallels

to

the

became available, s t r i k i n g

Herakles

figure

have

been

N e w texts a n d pictorial representations are still t u r n i n g

up a n d more surprises m a y lie ahead. O n e i m p o r t a n t S u m e r i a n A k k a d i a n text, ' N i n u r t a and the A s a k k u ' , was finally published i n 1983.

15

T h e god N i n u r t a , ' L o r d o f the E a r t h ' , w h o became conflated 14

Oriental and Greek Mythology 1

w i t h N i n g i r s u , ' L o r d o f G i r s u , at an early d a t e ,

16

is a valiant

c h a m p i o n w h o fights monsters, p r o v i n g v i c t o r i o u s in each case. H i s r e n o w n — and this has become fully k n o w n only w i t h the recent p u b l i c a t i o n o f the text — is based on a series o f twelve 1

' l a b o u r s : he overcame,

k i l l e d , and b r o u g h t to his city twelve

fabulous monsters. T h e y include a w i l d b u l l or bison, a stag, the 1

A n z u - b i r d , a l i o n , ' t e r r o r o f the gods , and above all a 'seven1

headed serpent ; n a t u r a l l y this last attracted a t t e n t i o n most o f all since it had become k n o w n f r o m texts and pictures. T h e series has been called 'the trophies o f N i n u r t a ' . A n e n u m e r a t i o n o f twelve labours is also contained i n K i n g G u d e a ' s description o f the temple o f N i n g i r s u at Lagash, k n o w n as G u d e a ' s ' C y l i n d e r A \ incomplete list occurs i n another

7

An

Sumerian - Akkadian literary

c o m p o s i t i o n , ' T h e R e t u r n o f N i n u r t a to N i p p u r ' . texts, so far, gives an elaborate

1

1 8

N o n e o f the

n a r r a t i v e account o f N i n u r t a /

N i n g i r s u ' s ' t r o p h i e s ' , they are j u s t m e n t i o n e d as i f they were a w e l l - k n o w n series. T h e epic texts may be somewhat

later than

K i n g G u d e a ' s r e i g n , w h i c h is dated to c. 2140 B C , but clearly belong to the epoch o f ' S u m e r i a n renaissance' (22/21st century B C ) . Consider that, i n a d d i t i o n to ' t w e l v e l a b o u r s ' , N i n u r t a is a son o f E n l i l , the s t o r m g o d , the r u l i n g god o f the pantheon, that he 1

is said to have ' b r o u g h t the trophies to his c i t y ,

1 9

that he is usually

identified w i t h the figure o f a god w i t h c l u b , bow and a n i m a l ' s skin on

Mesopotamian

seals,

20

and

the association

with

Herakles

becomes inescapable. L e v y and F r a n k f o r t , impressed by the seal p i c t u r i n g the

fight

w i t h the seven-headed snake, have already

stated that this must be a case o f m i g r a t i o n o f m y t h from East to West ( n 14); v a n D i j k

is positive about

the connection, too,

a l t h o u g h he prefers to hypothesise a ' c o m m o n source'

i n pre-

history. As one looks more closely at details, however, the outlines o f the m y t h s become less distinctive, and peculiarities come to the foreg r o u n d that make the 'parallels' less s t r i k i n g . I t is not only that the ' t r o p h i e s ' are not q u i t e the same i n different texts (the same can be said for the labours o f Herakles), but also that some o f t h e m r e m a i n quite o b s c u r e ,

21

and even those readily understood include

' g y p s u m ' and ' s t r o n g copper', demons difficult to i m a g i n e in confrontation

w i t h Herakles. W h a t is more i m p o r t a n t is that

the

m y t h s o f N i n u r t a / N i n g i r s u are deeply enrooted i n the w o r l d o f Sumer, the cults and the temples. G u d e a ' s C y l i n d e r A assigns a 15

Oriental and Greek Mythology place to all the twelve ' t r o p h i e s ' at the N i n g i r s u temple o f Lagash, at a 'place o f l i b a t i o n s ' , i.e. a place integrated i n the temple cult. ' N i n u r t a and the A s a k k u ' tells h o w a d e m o n o f the ' M o u n t a i n ' was overcome

in order

to make

the m o u n t a i n s

available for

m i n i n g , and the 'fate' o f 19 minerals f i t t i n g l y concludes the narrative; it was G u d e a who started the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the ' m o u n t a i n s ' ; his p a t r o n god therefore assumes the role o f c u l t u r e hero i n this context. T h e p o e m , no d o u b t , was to be recited at a festival;

22

this function is clearer still in the case o f ' N i n u r t a ' s

R e t u r n to N i p p u r ' . W e are d e a l i n g w i t h m y t h s i n the full sense, i n their u n i q u e historical setting — w h i c h makes them u n l i k e l y candidates for ' m i g r a t i o n ' . N i n u r t a / N i n g i r s u t u r n s out to be so very S u m e r i a n that the resemblance to Herakles fades. O n e m i g h t even become suspicious that orientalists, w h o are still based strongly i n a classical b a c k g r o u n d , sometimes find their evidence to be j u s t slightly more Greek than w o u l d an u n t r i e d eye. Van

D i j k w o u l d allow the S u m e r i a n

'stag w i t h six heads' to

correspond to both the C e r y n t h i a n h i n d and the E r y m a n t h i a n boar — neither o f w h i c h , i n c i d e n t a l l y , is k n o w to have had more than one head Ninurta.

2 3

— and wishes to add cows to the exploits o f

M o r e d i s q u i e t i n g is the fact that G i l g a m e s h has been

credited w i t h a ' l i o n s k i n ' i n practically all translations available, whereas the crucial w o r d in the A k k a d i a n text m a y equally be read as ' d o g s k i n ' , w h i c h seems to suit the occasion better: to put on this skin is an act o f self-abasement in the context o f m o u r n i n g for Enkidu.

2 4

T o complicate matters further, there are other identifications for both N i n u r t a and Herakles i n the dialogues o f East and West: the Asakku

monster

in ' N i n u r t a and the A s a k k u ' couples w i t h a

m o u n t a i n , begetting a b r o o d o f f o r m i d a b l e stones that frightens even

the g o d s .

25

T h i s seems parallel to the

Hittite

myth of

K u m a r b i begetting U l l i k u m m i , the d i o r i t e monster destined to o v e r t h r o w the g o d s .

26

I f K u m a r b i , i n t u r n , is understood to corres-

p o n d to K r o n o s , and U l l i k u m m i to T y p h o n , then the c h a m p i o n and saviour o f the gods, i n line w i t h N i n u r t a and the

Hittite

weather god, w o u l d be Zeus instead o f Herakles. I n fact, N i n u r t a , when fighting the A s a k k u , has all the e q u i p m e n t o f a weather g o d , i n c l u d i n g the r a i n s t o r m and the t h u n d e r b o l t . W h e n , o n the other hand,

knowledge o f the 'seven planets'

was t r a n s m i t t e d

from

B a b y l o n i a to the Greeks, p r o b a b l y i n the fifth c e n t u r y , N i n u r t a ' s 16

Oriental and Greek Mythology star

was

'translated'

as

that

of

Kronos/Saturnus,

whereas

M a r d u k ' s star became that o f Zeus/Jupiter, w i t h Herakles t a k i n g no p a r t .

2 7

O n the other h a n d , there is the w e l l - k n o w n identifica-

t i o n o f Herakles w i t h M e l q a r t o f T y r e , w h i c h , a l t h o u g h its basis r e m a i n s unclear to us, was taken for granted for m a n y c e n t u r i e s . W a s the basis p r i m a r i l y the gods

1

28

role i n colonisation, or the fact

that b o t h were i m m o r t a l i s e d t h r o u g h fire? A n o t h e r , m u c h discussed syncretism o c c u r r e d at T a r s u s i n C i l i c i a , where Santas/ Sandon was understood to represent Herakles, again, as it seems, i n the context o f a fire r i t u a l .

2 9

T h i s syncretism i n no way can be

traced to N i n u r t a / N i n g i r s u . T h e r e is, m o r e o v e r , an identification o f Herakles w i t h N e r g a l , the M e s o p o t a m i a n god o f the Netherworld,

3 0

whose i c o n o g r a p h y includes c l u b a n d b o w . It has been

suggested that even H e r a k l e s ' name can be d e r i v e d f r o m that o f Erragal-Nergal,

3 1

but

such suggestion

rests on u n c o m m o n l y

slippery g r o u n d s . T h u s , the real p r o b l e m is not a lack b u t rather a surplus o f interrelations. S i m i l a r i t i e s w i t h i n the m y t h s a n d iconographies o f a large g r o u p o f d i v i n e figures native to several adjacent civilisations or language groups seem to be ' f a m i l y resemblances', b u t there is not a single clear line that ties one element to another a n d to n o t h i n g else. T h e r e is no single ' H e r a k l e s m y t h ' that could have been passed, like a sealed parcel, to new possessors at a certain t i m e a n d place. C o m m u n i c a t i o n is b r o a d b u t i n d i s t i n c t . I n fact, we are d e a l i n g here w i t h the most general type o f tale, the 'quest' a n d ' c o m b a t t a l e ' . T h e snake or d r a g o n is suited ideally to play the role o f the adversary i n this c o n t e x t ,

32

as is the lion i n

m o r e heroic variants. E v e n a w i d e l y significant n u m b e r such as twelve

could

recur

i n different

cultures

independently.

Any

connection w i t h the twelve signs o f the zodiac, i n c i d e n t a l l y , should be discarded as far as the older p e r i o d is c o n c e r n e d .

33

A n d yet the parallels between N i n u r t a a n d Herakles seem deep a n d pervasive. T h e i r quests, f u l f i l l i n g the basic goal o f 'get a n d bring',

serve t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s by m a k i n g the

surroundings

h u m a n l y manageable, b y t u r n i n g ' n a t u r e ' i n t o ' c u l t u r e ' , be it by t a m i n g animals or by disclosing m i n e r a l s . B o t h Herakles a n d N i n u r t a are c u l t u r e heroes; a comparison o f the two o b v i o u s l y aids in i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by p l a c i n g this specific role o f theirs i n sharper relief. It

34

is the

leitmotiv

o f the

'dragon 17

with

seven

heads'

that

Oriental and Greek Mythology encourages one to assume m o r e direct connections. Seven is a favourite n u m b e r

in Eastern

Semitic civilisations. T h e

headed snake first makes its appearance in glyptic a r t

V}

seven-

and also

appears somewhat later in S u m c r i a n l i t e r a t u r e . T h e S u m e r i a n Akkadian

bilingual

texts remained

available u n t i l

the fall o f

N i n i v e h ; a list o f N i n u r t a ' s trophies, i n c l u d i n g the seven-headed snake, entered into a r i t u a l l i t a n y used in the temple cult o f the first millenium.

3 6

T h e S u m e r i a n designation mus-sag-imin is u n e q u i v o -

cal and readily understood, as is the A k k a d i a n t r a n s l a t i o n , seru seha qaqqadasu. T h e r e is clear evidence that the god slaying the sevenheaded serpent entered West Semitic l i t e r a t u r e in the Bronze Age and s u r v i v e d there d o w n to the first m i l l e n i u m ; the c h a m p i o n is Baal at U g a r i t , but the text d e s c r i b i n g the exploit recurs nearly w o r d for w o r d i n Isaiah's praise o f J a h w e .

37

T h e f o r m u l a must

have been preserved o r a l l y , as part o f a r i t u a l l i t a n y . T h i s still does not tell us h o w , w h e n a n d where this m o t i f reached the Greek world.

H e i a k l e s f i g h t i n g the h y d r a appears as a d r a w i n g on

Boeotian fibulae about 700

BC.

3 8

It is not possible to show icono-

graphic dependency o n an Eastern model i n this case, but for the curious detail that a crab is connected w i t h the scene,

whereas

crabs ( o r scorpions) appear o n the earliest, pre-Sargonic representation.

3 9

It w o u l d be excessively sceptical to deny any connection

w i t h the East, where a b r o a d a n d c o n t i n u o u s t r a d i t i o n o f the 'seven-headed snake' is established by the documents we have, but the contacts must have taken place at an inaccessible level o f oral tales. T h e l i o n fight enters Greek iconography somewhat earlier and clearly derives f r o m Eastern prototypes; but this is a separate tradition.

4 0

T h e hypothesis o f b o r r o w i n g , however, does not e x p l a i n w h y Greek m y t h o l o g y locates the d r a g o n fight at L e r n a , a place o f springs where the d r a g o n developed into a water snake, hydra, or the details o f the crab's a n d Iolaus* p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the c o m b a t , or w h y the l i o n was transferred

to Nemea.

L o c a l , perhaps pre-

existing A r g i v e Traditions m a y have been o v e r l a i d by o r i e n t a l influence. It m i g h t be claimed that we are t r a c i n g o n l y single motifs that ' j u m p e d ' between basically s i m i l a r yet separate m y t h i cal conceptions. W e r e m a i n completely in the dark as to (he question whether a complete system o f 'rwelve labours' ever was transm i t t e d . I f such a list of H e r a k l e s ' labours in Greece can be traced to Peisandros of Rhodos, i.e. before or about 600 B C , transmission 18

Oriental and Greek Mythology o f a complete set c o u l d be i m a g i n e d . F r a n k B r o m r n e r , not a negligible expert, insists that the cycle is not attested unequivocally before 300 B C .

4 1

M o s t scholars, however, w o u l d be inclined to use

the twelve metopes o f the temple o f Zeus at O l y m p i a to establish a clear terminus ante quern for the cycle o f twelve. Even so, the gaps in o u r d o c u m e n t a t i o n cannot be closed.

3. Cosmogonic M y t h Few events i n Greek studies o f this c e n t u r y can rival the impact K u m a r b i created a r o u n d 1950. T h e r e had been signals before, but it was G u t e r b o c k ' s Kumarbi o f 1946, made w i d e l y k n o w n by A l b i n Lesky,

among

others,

42

that definitely

d r e w the a t t e n t i o n o f

Hellenists to the H i t t i t e s . A t nearly the same t i m e the epochm a k i n g d e c i p h e r m e n t o f L i n e a r B engendered

a general e n t h u -

siasm for the Bronze A g e , and B o g a z k o y - H a t t u s a and M y c e n a e began to be viewed as partners, not to forget Bronze A g e T r o y . T h e H i t t i t e text that has been called ' K i n g s h i p i n H e a v e n ' offers parallels to Hesiod's Theogony so close i n o u t l i n e and details that even sceptics c o u l d h a r d l y object to their c o n n e c t i o n . B o t h texts present a sequence o f d i v i n e dynasties, each b e i n g o v e r t h r o w n by the next, u n t i l the r u l i n g god o f the p a n t h e o n , the weather g o d , finally

assumes c o n t r o l . T h e god * H e a v e n ' himself, A n u / U r a n o s ,

is vanquished by means o f castration, p e r f o r m e d by K u m a r b i i n the H i t t i t e version, K r o n o s i n the Greek; the castrator is an intermediate

figure,

w h o rises to power o n l y to lose it again. H i s

speciality is s w a l l o w i n g what he cannot c o n t a i n : K u m a r b i swallows the ' m a n h o o d o f A n u ' and becomes pregnant

with

three

gods, a m o n g t h e m the weather god; K r o n o s swallows his o w n c h i l d r e n , i n c l u d i n g the weather god Zeus. These chronologically parallel correspondences o f extremely strange events leave

no

doubt that the texts are related i n t i m a t e l y , the H i t t i t e text being earlier by some 500 years. I t is possible, o f course, to stress the differences amidst the c o m m o n features, 4

43

or i n a F r e u d i a n vein to

point to unconscious h u m a n desires' u n d e r l y i n g both v e r s i o n s ;

44

but that diffusion, nay, b o r r o w i n g o f m y t h d i d occur i n this case has not been seriously denied. T h e m a i n p r o b l e m that seemed to r e m a i n was whether such b o r r o w i n g took place d u r i n g the Bronze Age or later d u r i n g the 19

Oriental and Greek Mythology ' o r i e n t a l i s i n g e p o c h ' , i.e. a r o u n d the t i m e o f H e s i o d . T h e degree of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n and re-elaboration o f o r i e n t a l materials i n b o t h H e s i o d a n d H o m e r a n d the splendour o f the M y c e n a e a n w o r l d together argue for an early transmission, but the trade and comm u n i c a t i o n routes f r o m the ' L a t e H i t t i t e s ' and from S y r i a via C y p r u s right to Hesiod's Euboea have attracted greater attention recently; e v i d e n t l y there were q u i t e intensive contacts i n the eighth century.

45

It is clear that the t w o theses — Bronze Age and I r o n

Age transmission — are not m u t u a l l y exclusive; there m a y well have been early contacts a n d late reinforcements. T h e decision thus m a i n l y depends o n general p r e s u m p t i o n s about stability or m u t a b i l i t y o f an oral system o f m y t h . Questions become m o r e c o m p l e x , however, as it is realised that i n this case, too, it is not enough to compare one H i t t i t e text w i t h one w o r k o f H e s i o d i n o r d e r to establish a one-way c o n n e c t i o n . A s i n the case o f the Herakles themes, there exists q u i t e a family o f related texts that represent several civilisations a n d literatures; it becomes troublesome to identify definite channels i n a complicated n e t w o r k . ' K i n g s h i p i n H e a v e n ' has a k i n d o f sequel, ' T h e Song o f Ullikummi':

4 6

K u m a r b i , d e t h r o n e d , takes his revenge by copu-

l a t i n g w i t h a rock a n d e n g e n d e r i n g the d i o r i t e monster that is to o v e r t h r o w the gods. T h i s story e v i d e n t l y corresponds to the Greek story o f T y p h o e u s / T y p h o n , who challenges the reign o f Zeus after the T i t a n s ' defeat. T h e connection is made certain by a detail o f locality, the gods i n ' U l l i k u m i ' assemble o n M o u n t Casius in C i l i c i a , a n d it is o n this very m o u n t a i n that Zeus fights w i t h T y p h o n , according to A p o l l o d o r u s .

4 7

T h e reference to a region

where H i t t i t e , H u r r i t e a n d U g a r i t i c influence meet could not be clearer. Yet the A p o l l o d o r e a n version o f the T y p h o n fight bears still stronger

resemblance

Illuyankas',

4 8

to another

Hittite

text,

'The

Myth

of

i n w h i c h a d r a g o n fights the weather g o d . I n both

tales the weather god is defeated by his adversary i n the

first

onslaught, a n d v i t a l parts o f his body are taken from h i m — heart a n d eyes i n the H i t t i t e text, sinews i n A p o l l o d o r u s — w h i c h must be recovered by a t r i c k , i n order that the weather god m a y resume battle a n d emerge v i c t o r i o u s . I l l u y a n k a s is a 'snake', T y p h o e u s is endowed w i t h snakeheads i n H e s i o d and has a snake's tail i n A p o l l o d o r u s a n d i n sixth-century i c o n o g r a p h y .

49

T y p h o n , thus,

could be called a conflation o f U l l i k u m m i a n d I l l u y a n k a s , although 20

Oriental and Greek Mythology this still w o u l d be simplistic. H i s name has been connected w i t h the Semitic w o r d ' N o r t h ' — sapon in H e b r e w . T h e r e is the ' M o u n tain o f the N o r t h ' , w h i c h , from Syria, again w o u l d be M o u n t 50

Casius; there is a ' B a a l o f the N o r t h ' , Baal Sapuna.

I n fact,

T y p h o n has the character o f a storm god himself. H e is thus a complex figure that cannot be derived from one or two threads o f a linear transmission. T h e c o m p l e x i t y o f m y t h i c a l t r a d i t i o n even w i t h i n the w o r l d o f the H i t t i t e s is exemplified by a sudden reference in the ' U l l i k u m m i ' text to 'the olden copper knife w i t h w h i c h they separated heaven a n d e a r t h ' ,

51

w h i c h reflects a version o f the

cosmic m y t h especially close to that o f the Hesiodic K r o n o s , who cuts H e a v e n from E a r t h w i t h a steel knife, but apparently different from that o f K u m a r b i , as found i n the text ' K i n g s h i p i n H e a v e n ' . H i t t i t e and U g a r i t i c texts have restored the respectability o f an account o f Phoenician m y t h o l o g y that survives i n an elaboration o f i m p e r i a l date, by H e r e n n i u s P h i l o n o f B y b l o s .

52

Hesiodic touches

in his account cannot be denied, b u t he has four generations o f ' k i n g s ' i n heaven, Elioun 'the H i g h e s t ' preceding U r a n o s a n d thus c o r r e s p o n d i n g to Alalu i n ' K i n g s h i p i n H e a v e n ' . T h i s is enough to establish

the

survival

o f Bronze

Age

cosmic

mythology in

Phoenician cities d o w n to late a n t i q u i t y , a l t h o u g h p r o b a b l y neither in u n i t a r y nor unchangeable forms. H i t t i t e and U g a r i t i c civilisations c o m m u n i c a t e d both directly and t h r o u g h a t h i r d c i v i l i s a t i o n , that o f the H u r r i t e s ; the names K u m a r b i and U l l i k u m m i are H u r r i t e , and H u r r i t e influence is p r o m i n e n t in r i t u a l as i n m y t h o l o g y . But interconnections extend still

further.

Even

Macdonald Cornford,

before 5 3

the

Hittite

discoveries,

in the wake o f the ' M y t h and

Francis Ritual'

m o v e m e n t , had recognised the remarkable s t r u c t u r a l resemblance of Hesiod's Theogony to the B a b y l o n i a n epic o f creation, Enuma 5

elish\ *

a systematic investigation o f the relationships, i n c l u d i n g

those i n v o l v i n g K u m a r b i , was u n d e r t a k e n by G e r d Steiner, Enuma elish, too, includes a sequence o f r u l i n g gods a m o n g w h o m arise two m a j o r conflicts; a father god is laid to rest — although not ' H e a v e n ' i n this case, b u t A p s u , the ' W a t e r o f the D e p t h s ' — and the leading god o f the pantheon

— M a r d u k i n the case o f

B a b y l o n i a — qualifies for the k i n g s h i p t h r o u g h a Enuma

elish,

however,

is only

one

o f several

fierce

fight.

Mesopotamian

creation stories, and by no means the earliest. O n e i m p o r t a n t precedent, as it n o w turns o u t , is ' N i n u r t a and the A s a k k u ' . 21

5 5

The

Oriental and Greek Mythology adversary i n this text, c o u p l i n g w i t h the m o u n t a i n a n d begetting stones, is an avatar, i n t u r n , o f K u m a r b i a n d U l l i k u m m i ( n 26), We

finally b e g i n to hear a m a n y - v o i c e d i n t e r p l a y o f S u m e r i a n ,

A k k a d i a n , H i t t i t e a n d West Semitic texts, all o f w h i c h seem to have some connection w i t h H e s i o d . I t is impossible, however, to construct a c o n v i n c i n g s t e m m a o f these relations; perhaps it w o u l d not

even make sense to t r y . I t is better to acknowledge the lively

c o m m u n i c a t i o n between these societies a n d to take into account the general b a c k g r o u n d o f the m y t h s w h e n i n t e r p r e t i n g the special adaptations f o u n d i n the single texts that have s u r v i v e d by chance. A

remarkable

addition

to

the

Greek

corpus

has

recently

emerged: the D e r v e n i papyrus preserves q u o t a t i o n s f r o m an early O r p h i c theogony, w h i c h can p r o b a b l y be dated to the sixth century BC.

5 6

T h i s theogony includes generations o f ' K i n g s ' a m o n g the

gods, c o r r e s p o n d i n g closely to those i n H e s i o d , b u t also diverges in some r e m a r k a b l e ways. W e find that the castration o f U r a n o s by K r o n o s , w h o c o m m i t t e d 'a great d e e d ' , is i n t e r p r e t e d by the c o m m e n t a t o r as the separation o f heaven a n d earth; later, however, Zeus is made to ' s w a l l o w the genitals' o f the god ' w h o first had ejaculated the brilliance o f the sky (ailherY'; the 'first k i n g ' .

5 7

this must be U r a n o s ,

T h r o u g h this act Zeus somehow gets pregnant

w i t h all the other gods, the rivers, springs, a n d all other sorts o f beings; they all ' g r e w i n a d d i t i o n o n h i m ' ( 1 2 . 4 ) , whereas he had become the o n l y one, the monogenes ( 1 2 . 6 ) . S u r p r i s i n g l y e n o u g h , this text thus preserves the most s t r i k i n g incident o f the K u m a r b i story: the s w a l l o w i n g o f the genitals a n d the conception o f m i g h t y gods, i n c l u d i n g a r i v e r — the T i g r i s i n the case o f K u m a r b i . I t is also r e m a r k a b l e that the O r p h i c theogony has four generations o f ' k i n g s ' a m o n g the g o d s ,

58

as i n the H i t t i t e text and i n P h i l o n o f

Byblos, a l t h o u g h the count has been shifted by the a d d i t i o n o f Dionysos a n d the d r o p p i n g o f a k i n g before U r a n o s . T h i s may be connected w i t h the fact that Zeus fills the role o f K u m a r b i . T h e D e r v e n i text has m a n y lacunae a n d interpretations w i l l r e m a i n controversial;

but it does p r o v e , finally,

that O r i e n t a l - Greek

relations, at least i n regard to cosmogony, were not confined to the single channel that led to H e s i o d . T h e r e was m u c h m o r e a r o u n d than we had i m a g i n e d . C o s m o g o n i c m y t h , for us, has a special d i g n i t y a n d significance because it appears to foreshadow the philosophy that was to evolve w i t h the Presocratics. T h i s was already the perspective o f Plato 22

Oriental and Greek Mythology and A r i s t o t l e ,

59

a n d it n o w appears that 'the o r i g i n o f Greek

philosophy f r o m H e s i o d to Parmenides' — to paraphrase a wellknown title

6 0

— must be extended back to Sumerians, B a b y l o n -

ians a n d H i t t i t e s , not to m e n t i o n the Egyptians. T h e r e is a certain danger i n this perspective, w h i c h m i g h t be called the teleological fallacy: instead o f b e i n g j u d g e d in its o w n r i g h t , a p h e n o m e n o n is j u d g e d by what was to take its place i n later e v o l u t i o n . T h i s is not to deny that the stories o f procreation and combat that make u p the narrative structure o f m y t h i c a l cosm o g o n y show remarkable speculative energy and acquire a u n i q u e appeal by means o f the repercussions o f the vast and w o n d r o u s object to w h i c h they are a p p l i e d . But at the same t i m e , cosmogonical m y t h s , j u s t as other m y t h s , have settings and functions defined and particularised by the t i m e and place in w h i c h their archaic c o m m u n i t y o f o r i g i n exists. I n the Near East, cosmogony had special relationships to r i t u a l . It was the discovery that Enuma dish was recited at the B a b y l o n i a n N e w Year festival that triggered the 1

' M y t h and R i t u a l m o v e m e n t ,

61

the exaggerations of w h i c h should

not obscure the basic facts. O l d e r compositions such as Lugal-e no less clearly refer to festivals; Illuyankas is explicitly called the cult legend for the P u r u l l i festival o f the H i t t i t e s .

6 2

Theodor

Gaster

m a y have gone too far i n c o n s t r u i n g j u s t one pattern o f d r a m a t i c festival to w h i c h the m y t h s should be r e l a t e d .

63

But it is evident

that stories about the generations o f gods and their final fight for power were understood to reflect a n d c o m m e n t u p o n the establishment o f power in the c i t y , w h i c h was renewed periodically at the N e w Year festival. R i t u a l is the enactment o f antitheses,

from

w h i c h the thesis o f the present order — the status quo — differs; a n d m y t h tells about distant times when all the things we take for 1

granted and consider self-evident or ' n a t u r a l were 'not yet' there: the past reflected by r i t u a l presents alternatives, inchoate perverse

in contrast

to what

remarkable that Greece,

has

been

achieved.

and

It is most

unlike other ancient societies, d i d not

utilise these applications o f cosmogonic m y t h in permanent instit u t i o n s . T h e festival o f K r o n i a , Year

festival,

could

be

6 4

fittingly placed before the N e w

compared,

but

it

remained

rather

insignificant i n the sequence o f celebrations. Zeus' fights w i t h the T i t a n s and T y p h o n , as far as we can see, never directly entered r i t u a l ; they were used freely, however, in art a n d poetry, r e t a i n i n g a message o f sovereignty against debased enemies; thus T y p h o s is 23

Oriental and Greek Mythology i n t r o d u c e d i n P i n d a r ' s first P y t h i a n ode. C o s m o g o n i c m y t h i n the n a r r o w e r sense equally r e m a i n e d free for r e t h i n k i n g by the Presocratic philosophers. Y e t cosmogonical m y t h had fulfilled still another r e q u i r e m e n t : it f o r m e d part o f incantations for magical healing. P r i v a t e superstition m a y seem a strange bedfellow w i t h august ceremonies o f the cities a n d w i t h nascent p h i l o s o p h y . B u t cosmogony makes sense even there: as illness is an i n d i c a t i o n that s o m e t h i n g has gone w r o n g a n d is m o v i n g towards catastrophe, it is o f v i t a l i m p o r t a n c e to find a fresh start; the most t h o r o u g h m e t h o d is to create a w o r l d anew,

a c k n o w l e d g i n g the dangerous

forces

preceding or

still

s u r r o u n d i n g this kosmos b u t e x t o l l i n g the v i c t o r i o u s power that guarantees life a n d lasting o r d e r . T h u s , i n B a b y l o n i a n texts we find

cosmogonies used as charms against a toothache or a head-

ache, or for facilitating c h i l d b i r t h ; practically all the l i t e r a r y texts can also be used as m y t h i c a l precedences o f magical a c t i o n : to stop evil w i n d s , to procure r a i n , to w a r d o f f pestilence. T h e people w h o p e r f o r m e d such cures, w h e t h e r we call t h e m priests or magicians, were the intellectuals o f t h e i r epoch, a n d they were often m o b i l e groups that c o u l d successfully make a l i v i n g i n foreign lands. I n classical Greece, i t i n e r a n t priests w h o offered various cures accompanied by p e r t i n e n t m y t h s a n d r i t u a l s were k n o w n as ' O r p h i c s ' ; it is all the m o r e r e m a r k a b l e that N e a r Eastern m y t h s can be found in O r p h i c t r a d i t i o n . E v e n the n o t o r i o u s O r p h i c m y t h o f anthrop o g o n y , the rise o f m a n k i n d f r o m the soot o f the T i t a n s w h o had killed Dionysos, has its closest analogy i n M e s o p o t a m i a n m y t h s about the o r i g i n o f m a n f r o m the blood o f rebellious gods, slain i n revenge.

65

One 'conduit' p o r t e d from

6 6

t h r o u g h w h i c h cosmogonic m y t h was trans-

East to West m a y thus be identified

with

these

i t i n e r a n t magicians o r charismatics. Yet detailed d o c u m e n t a t i o n is still not available, and we cannot fix either t i m e or place i n a precise w a y . T h e r e m a y have been other, contemporaneous channels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , o p e r a t i n g at the various levels o f folktale, intellectual c u r i o s i t y , or even l i t e r a t u r e . H o w m u c h o u r knowledge depends on chance has been shown once more by the D e r v e n i find, a stroke o f luck not likely to occur a second t i m e .

24

Oriental and Greek Mythology 4. T r a i l s of I c o n o g r a p h y A l t h o u g h m y t h o l o g i c a l research n o r m a l l y gropes i n the d a r k for a r e a l m o f o r a l t r a d i t i o n that is not d i r e c t l y accessible, one f o r m o f evidence still springs to the eye; it is especially rich and influential j u s t by its permanence, and its t i m e and place o f o r i g i n is usually identifiable: the pictorial t r a d i t i o n , i c o n o g r a p h y . Pictures or sculptures m a y survive for m i l l e n i a ; pictures easily j u m p

language

barriers. I f m y t h s are expressed i n pictures, these play a fundam e n t a l role i n the

fixation,

p r o p a g a t i o n and transmission o f those

m y t h s : h a v e n ' t most o f us f o r m e d o u r concept o f ' d r a g o n ' from the pictures we have seen, p r o b a b l y at an early age? I n fact it is neither n a t u r a l n o r necessary that pictures should refer to m y t h s or tales. J u d g i n g f r o m present evidence there were no representations o f this k i n d i n M y c e n a e a n a r t .

6 7

Yet Sagenbilder

make their appearance i n Greek art about 700 BO a n d have played a p r o m i n e n t role ever s i n c e ;

68

and there were precedents b o t h i n

M e s o p o t a m i a n and E g y p t i a n art. O f course, o u r knowledge is largely dependent u p o n the physical properties o f the materials used: some, such as t e x t i l e s

69

or paintings o n wooden tablets had

h a r d l y a chance o f s u r v i v a l ; there was j u s t a slight chance for some of the most i m p o r t a n t , w a l l paintings and metal reliefs; stone sculptures are most d u r a b l e , but least transportable; the richest corpus that remains is seals, especially the typical M e s o p o t a m i a n c y l i n d e r seals and t h e i r impressions preserved i n c l a y .

7 0

Painted

ceramics were not used for pictures o f this k i n d i n the East. Y e t m y t h i c a l picture books must be used w i t h special

care.

Pictures are j u s t signs, a l t h o u g h we h a b i t u a l l y give t h e m some sign i f i c a t i o n . T h i s signification often m a y be some definite action, such as greeting,

fighting,

l o v e - m a k i n g , and this makes corre-

spondence w i t h a tale possible, as any n a r r a t i v e structure consists of a sequence o f actions. C o m b a t scenes, especially, can h a r d l y be m i s u n d e r s t o o d . T h e sequence, nevertheless, cannot be contained in one p i c t u r e ; the p r o d u c t i o n o f a sequence o f pictures to illustrate one tale is a rare and special development. I t is equally impossible for a simple picture to give the k i n d o f explicit reference

that

language affords by proper names. T h u s on p r i n c i p l e it is unclear whether a picture refers to an i n d i v i d u a l m y t h , made specific by the proper names contained i n i t , such as ' H e r a k l e s ' or ' A c h i l l e s ' . A g a i n , to add names by w r i t i n g , or to w o r k out a specific canon of 25

Oriental and Greek Mythology attributes to differentiate gods, heroes o r saints is a rare and secondary development. Greeks have used these devices since the archaic age. O r i e n t a l art is less distinct. A t the same t i m e iconography develops its o w n canon, as pictures are copied f r o m pictures: these are clear a n d demonstrable filiations, but totally at the level o f signifiant, w i t h little regard for signification a n d none at all for reference. T h u s i c o n o g r a p h y clearly indicates connections even between different civilisations; yet as re-interpretations a n d misunderstandings may occur at any t i m e , pictures cannot securely indicate the diffusion o f a m y t h . E v e n the c e r t a i n t y that special compositions o f m y t h o l o g i c a l content have been t r a n s m i t t e d is not yet a solution to the p r o b l e m o f ' t r a v e l l i n g m y t h s ' . O n e iconographic p a t t e r n o f M e s o p o t a m i a n art demands special a t t e n t i o n because it is connected w i t h the most p r o m i n e n t literary text o f the East: Gilgamesh and Enkidu

slaying Humbaba. I t m a y be

described as the s y m m e t r i c a l three-person

combat scene: two

c h a m p i o n s are a t t a c k i n g from either side a w i l d m a n , represented en face

i n the m i d d l e ,

nearly collapsing o n his knees i n the

' K n i e l a u f p o s i t i o n , w h i c h signifies an a t t e m p t at escape. T h i s type makes its appearance i n O l d B a b y l o n i a n times a n d continues to appear d o w n to the A s s y r i a n a n d n e o - B a b y l o n i a n epoch, spreadi n g also to I r a n , S o u t h e r n A n a t o l i a , Syria a n d G a l i l e a .

71

T h e r e is

no direct p r o o f that the figures should be called G i l g a m e s h , E n k i d u , and H u m b a b a , i n accordance w i t h Gilgamesh T a b l e t I I I to V ; but because H u m b a b a is a m a n o f the woods, a n d there is w r i t t e n evidence that H u m b a b a is represented by a frontal g r i m yet g r i n n i n g f a c e ,

72

this identification o f the ' w i l d m a n ' at the

centre o f the c o m p o s i t i o n w i t h his mask-like face has usually been accepted for at least the b u l k o f the representations. I t is almost the only m y t h i c a l scene i n M e s o p o t a m i a n iconography that thus can be i n t e r p r e t e d as r e f e r r i n g to a l i t e r a r y text; n o r m a l l y glyptic art seems to be j u s t heraldic, symbolic or ritualistic. It has been p o i n t e d out m o r e t h a n once that i n G r e e k art this scene became 'Perseus k i l l i n g the G o r g o ' :

7 1

at the centre is the

G o r g o , w i t h the mask-like, g r i n n i n g face o f a ' w i l d ' creature, in 'Kniclauf

position; the c h a m p i o n s — Perseus and A t h e n a —

stand o n either side, t a k i n g hold o f the monster. Even the detail that is so i m p o r t a n t for the G r e e k tale, that Perseus should t u r n his eyes away from the monster, has o r i e n t a l precedents. I n these, the c h a m p i o n s are

frequently differentiated, one 26

wearing a

long

Oriental and Greek Mythology g a r m e n t , the other a short one; for the Greeks, the fighter w i t h the l o n g skirt has become a female, A t h e n a . T h e correspondence is c o m p e l l i n g : the Greek artists must have seen o r i e n t a l models o f the type, p r e s u m a b l y either i n the f o r m o f seals or metal reliefs. A t the same t i m e , it is clear that this transference o f a m y t h i c a l scene does not constitute a transmission o f m y t h . T h e r e is not complete m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g either, however: the signification o f the ' c o m b a t scene', two fighters h e l p i n g each other against a ' w i l d ' creature, has been understood clearly. Yet the contexts do not m i n g l e . T h e H u m b a b a fight belongs to the exploits o f a c u l t u r a l 1

hero: G i l g a m e s h secures the access to the cedar forest in order to procure t i m b e r for the city, a feat analogous to N i n u r t a ' s

fighting

the monster o f the m o u n t a i n . T h e tale o f Perseus, on the other h a n d , has clear characteristics o f an i n i t i a t i o n m y t h : the hero travels to m a r g i n a l areas to get his special weapon that c o m m a n d s death. T h e most s t r i k i n g detail, the hero t u r n i n g his face away from the e n e m y , proves to be a creative m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g : on the o r i e n t a l p r o t o t y p e the hero is l o o k i n g for a goddess w h o is about to pass h i m a weapon; Greek i m a g i n a t i o n has a monster instead w i t h p e t r i f y i n g eyes. Details o f the G o r g o type, i n c i d e n t a l l y , have their special iconographic ancestry; Humbaba,

7 4

it cannot be derived fully

from

T h e new creation, for the Greeks, is an iconographic

sign w i t h o u t special ties to rituals or local groups, to be used freely in an ' a p o t r o p a i c ' sense o n pediments, shields, or in other contexts, a t e r r o r to scare away mischief from temples or w a r r i o r s . T h e r e is a curious seal from C y p r u s b e l o n g i n g to this context that deserves special m e n t i o n .

7:5

I t differs from the type i n so far as

it has only one c h a m p i o n . H e is decidedly t u r n i n g his face away from the monster, w h i c h he is seizing w i t h his left h a n d while raising his w e a p o n , a harpe, w i t h his r i g h t . T h e monster, en face and in ' K n i e l a u f , has E g y p t i a n i s i n g locks and something like diffuse rays stretching out from its head — for Greeks, these w o u l d be the snakes s u r r o u n d i n g the G o r g o ' s head — and the feet are huge b i r d ' s claws. T h i s detail is securely rooted i n Mesopotamia!! iconography, where L a m a s h t u a n d Pazuzu, dreaded demons, are represented in this w a y . B o t h , i n c i d e n t a l l y , have some further traits i n c o m m o n w i t h the G o r g o (n 74). T h e picture was published at the b e g i n n i n g o f this c e n t u r y in Roscher's Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie as being a clear illustration o f the Perseus story; Pierre A m i e t , on the other h a n d , has recently interpreted 27

Oriental and Greek Mythology the seal i n the context o f U g a r i t i c m y t h o l o g y , w i t h o u t ever m e n t i o n i n g Perseus and the Greeks. I t is unclear w h e t h e r the seal came f r o m a Phoenician or a Greek c i t y o f C y p r u s ; i n t e r p r e t a t i o n must p r o b a b l y r e m a i n a r i d d l e . T h e r e were also other o r i e n t a l or o r i e n talising versions o f the Perseus m y t h . A t Tarsos he had some special connection w i t h

fish;

76

this m a y or m a y not be connected

w i t h the huge fish b e h i n d the c h a m p i o n o n the C y p r i o t seal. Perseus' ties to fish and the sea are still m o r e p r o m i n e n t i n another

feat,

the

slaying o f the

ketos a n d

the

A n d r o m e d a . T h i s event was set at I o p p e / J a f f a ,

77

liberation of a n d there is a

C a n a a n i t e m y t h that seems to be the direct antecedent o f the Greek tale: Astarte is offered to J a m , the god o f the sea.

78

One

Greek vase p a i n t i n g o f Perseus, A n d r o m e d a , a n d the ketos (all i n d i cated by i n s c r i p t i o n s ) , the oldest o f its k i n d that is k n o w n so far, has some o d d singularities: Perseus is

fighting

w i t h stones, and

A n d r o m e d a , unfettered, is h e l p i n g h i m . These very details t u r n out to be d i r e c t l y dependent o n an o r i e n t a l p r o t o t y p e , represented especially by one seal o f N i m r u d that has often been r e p r o d u c e d :

79

a god is assaulting a monstrous snake and t w o m i n o r figures are assisting h i m . T h e

iconographic correspondence, especially

as

regards the stance o f the c h a m p i o n a n d the monster's head, is o v e r w h e l m i n g . Y e t for M e s o p o t a m i a n s ,

this clearly was a g o d ,

engaged i n cosmogonic struggle, M a r d u k fighting T i a m a t , accordi n g to the c u r r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; o n another, q u i t e s i m i l a r seal he is c a r r y i n g l i g h t n i n g i n his h a n d s ;

80

for the Greeks, this is another

heroic adventure i n a context o f i n i t i a t i o n . T h e r e is a curious misi n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n v o l v e d : on the A s s y r i a n seal, the six dots i n the sky b e h i n d the c h a m p i o n represent a constellation, as paralleled o n m a n y seals o f the k i n d (usually these are 'seven stars'); the Greek artist, i n a m o r e realistic v e i n , took t h e m for stones and placed the pile o n the g r o u n d securely between the c h a m p i o n ' s feet. W e thus find

a strange interplay o f contacts and separation: the story, the

setting and the picture are ' o r i e n t a l ' , but the parcel is u n t i e d , the strings are separated and made to enter novel c o m b i n a t i o n s so that the result is a n y t h i n g b u t a mechanical replica o f its antecedents. T h e three-person

combat scene, however,

produced

another

strange offspring in Greek art: one o f the oldest representations o f the death o f A g a m e m n o n killed by K l y t a i m n e s t r a and Aigisthos evidently Gortyn,

8 1

reproduces

the

pattern.

This

a

clay

plaque

a place notorious, in any case, for its strong 28

from Eastern

Oriental and Greek Mythology connections d u r i n g the archaic p e r i o d ; the very technique o f using terracotta m o u l d s was developed i n Crete f r o m Phoenician practices. T h e t w o c h a m p i o n s , d i f f e r i n g i n their dress, have become male a n d female, j u s t as i n the Perseus version; the v i c t i m is seen en face, as ever, pressed d o w n f r o m b o t h sides. Y e t the v i c t i m is made a k i n g by the a d d i t i o n o f throne a n d sceptre, w h i c h Aigisthos is seen

to

grab;

and

the

tricky

garment

used

to

suffocate

A g a m e m n o n has been added. T h i s is a deliberate c o m p o s i t i o n , meant to illustrate a famous G r e e k tale, but the iconographic outlines have been b o r r o w e d f r o m the o r i e n t a l p r o t o t y p e ; r e m o d e l l i n g has not been a complete success. A s to the contents, there appears to be no c o n n e c t i o n at a l l : A g a m e m n o n is not a ' w i l d m a n \ Y e t there m a y be u n k n o w n intermediates. I t is s t r i k i n g that on some o r i e n t a l exemplars,

especially one that comes

Semitic r e g i o n , T e l l K e i s a n i n G a l i l e a ,

82

from

the West

there is a f o u r t h person

added to the three-figure scene, a smaller female r a i s i n g her hands in a gesture o f m o u r n i n g . F o r the Greeks, this w i l l be Electra. T h i s w o u l d suggest that even i n this case o f creative m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g , there was not j u s t one chance event that has to account for the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , one artist i n G o r t y n s t u m b l i n g o n an o r i e n t a l model w h i l e t r y i n g to illustrate the tale o f A g a m e m n o n , but m u l t i p l e channels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h i s essay has been neither systematic n o r a i m e d at completeness, e n t e r i n g , as it does, a field where m u c h is still to be e x p l o r e d . I t has been restricted to connections w i t h M e s o p o t a m i a , while similar observations o f equal i m p o r t a n c e c o u l d be made w i t h regard to E g y p t ; suffice it to m e n t i o n A m p h i t r y o n .

8 3

T h e examples adduced

here m a y serve to establish some m o r e general tenets, however: ' O r i e n t a l ' a n d Greek m y t h o l o g y were close enough i n t i m e , place a n d character to c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h each other. M o r e than casual parallels are

evident;

sparks j u m p e d

from

one

to the

other

repeatedly. T h e r e are fundamental similarities, for instance i n the quest o f the c u l t u r e heroes, be it N i n u r t a or Herakles; there was diffusion o f motifs such as the l i o n fight or the seven-headed snake; more

profound

cosmogonic

influence

myth;

there

came was

about

also an

with

the

adoption of

impact o f iconography

especially i n the o r i e n t a l i s i n g epoch, w h i c h however left r o o m for m a n y creative re-interpretations. I t is not, or not yet, possible to isolate specific occasions

or single routes o f transfer. 29

One

Orientai and Greek Mythology should rather acknowledge a complex n e t w o r k o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w i t h single achievements standing out against a c o m m o n

back-

g r o u n d , w h i l e the ' o r i g i n s ' o f m y t h are not to be sought i n East or West, Bronze A g e or N e o l i t h i c , but in a more c o m m o n ancestry.

human

84

F i g u r e 2.1: Seal I m p r e s s i o n from N u z i : D e a t h of H u m b a b a . (See note 7 1 , p. 39)

30

Oriental and Greek Mythology F i g u r e 2 . 2 : S h i e l d S t r a p from O l y m p i a : Perseus a n d Gorgo. (See note 73, p. 39)

F i g u r e 2 . 3 : Seal from C y p r u s : H e r o F i g h t i n g M o n s t e r . note 75, p. 39)

31

(See

Oriental and Greek Mythology F i g u r e 2.4: S e a l from A s s u r : D e a t h of H u m b a b a . (See note 71 p. 39)

F i g u r e 2.5: C l a y P l a q u e from G o r t y n : D e a t h of A g a m e m n o n . (See note 81, p. 40)

32

Oriental and Greek Mythology F i g u r e 2.6: Seal from T e l l K e i s a n : D e a t h of H u m b a b a ? note 82, p. 40)

(See

F i g u r e 2.7: Seal from N i m r u d : G o d F i g h t i n g the S n a k e .

(See

note 79, p. 39f)

33

Oriental and Greek Mythology F i g u r e 2.8: C o r i n t h i a n A m p h o r a : Perseus a n d the ketos.

(See

note 79, p. 391)

Notes 1. O n the concept of ' Elementargedanke' by Philip Wilhelm Adolf Bastian, see Enzyklopädie des Märchens I (Berlin, 1977) 1 3 2 4 - 7 . 2. W . L i u n g m a n n , Traditwnswanderungen Euphrat-Rhein, 2 vols (Helsinki. 1937/8). 3. See C . S. K i r k , Myth, Its Meaning and Functions tn Ancient and Other Culture^ (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1970) 1 - 4 1 ; Burkeri, S&H, 1-34; F . Graf, Griechische Mythologie ( M u n i c h and Z u r i c h , 1985) 7 - 14. 4. See especially the publications of the 'school of Paris': e.g. J . - P . V e r n a n i , Mythe et société en Grèce ancienne (Pans, 1974); J . - P . Vernant and P. V i d a l - N a q u e l , Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1972); M . D é t i e n n e . Les jardins d'Adonis (Paris, 1972) and Dionysos. 5. Burkcrt, S&H, 102-3 6. Ibid., 1 - 3 4 . 7. V . Propp, Morphology of the Folktale (Bloomington, 1958; original edn. L e n i n g r a d , 1928); Burkert, S&H, 14-18. 8. C . L é v i - S t r a u s s , Mythologiques I - I V (Paris, 1 9 6 4 - 7 1 ) ; idem. ' L a geste d ' A s d i w a î \ in Anthropologie structurale deux (Paris, 1973) 1 7 5 - 233. 9. A. G . Dundes, The Morphology of North American Indian Folktales (Helsinki, 1964); idem, Analytic Essays in Folklore ( T h e Hague, 1975) 61 - 7 2 (1st edn 1962). 10. S. T h o m s o n , Motif-Index of Folk-Literature I - V I (Copenhagen. 1 9 5 5 - 8 ) . 11. See Burkcrt, OE. 12. C . H . G o r d o n , 'Horner and the Bible'. Hebrew Union Coll. Ann., ^6 < 1955) 43-108. 13. A recent attempt by F . Prinz in RE Suppl. 14 (1974) 1 3 7 - 9 6 ; the fullest

34

Oriental and Greek Mythology account of the literary evidence remains L . Preller, Griechische Mythologie, 4th edn, ed. C . Robert, vol. II (Berlin, 1921) 4 2 2 - 6 7 5 ; for the archaeological evidence, see F . Brommer, Herakles, 4th edn (Darmstadt, 1979); see also Burkert, S&H. C h . I V . 14 See A . Jeremias in W . H . Roscher ( c d ) , Ausführliche* Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie (henceforth cited as RML) vol. II ( L e i p z i g , 1 8 9 0 - 7 ) 8 2 1 - 3 with reference to earlier suggestions; B. Schweitzer, Herakles ( T ü b i n g e n , 1922) 133 - 41 ; after the discovery of the T e l l A s m a r seals (see below, n 35), G . R . Levy, ' T h e oriental origin of Herakles', JHS, 54 (1934) 4 0 - 5 3 ; H . Frankfort, Cylinder Seals ( L o n d o n , 1939) I 2 l f ; see Burkert, S&H 8 0 - 8 3 . 15. j . van Dijk, LOCAL UD ME-LÂMbt NIR-fiÀL, Le récit épique et didactique des travaux de Ninurta, du déluge et de la nouvelle création, vol. I ( L e i d e n , 1983). ( T h e text is henceforth cited by the traditional incipit Lugal-e). A preliminary and sometimes misleading account had been given by S. N . K r a m e r , Sumerian Mythology, 2nd edn (New Y o r k , 1961) 7 8 - 9 2 ; see also T . Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness (New H a v e n , 1976) 1 2 9 - 3 1 . 16. O n Ningirsu and Ninurta see D . O . Edzard in H . W . Haussig (ed.), Wörterbuch der Mythologie I (Stuttgart, 1965) U l f , 114f; the twelve 'trophies' are enumerated in Lugal-e 1 2 9 - 3 3 , cf. van Dijk 1 0 - 1 9 . 17. G u d e a A . X X V . 2 4 - X X V I . 14; (outdated) transcription and translation in F . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Die sumerischen und akkadischen Königsinschriften ( L e i p z i g , 1907) 1 1 6 - 1 9 ; translation in A . Falkenstein, W . v . Soden, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete ( Z u r i c h , 1953) 162f; new treatment in J . S. Cooper, ' T h e Return of Ninurta to Nippur', Anal. Or., 5 2 ( 1 9 7 8 ) 1451"; only here the number 12 comes out. These beings are called 'heroes killed , X X V I . 15 ( ' g e t ö t e t e Helden' Falkenstein; ' h é r o s tués' van Dijk 10). 1

18. See now Cooper, ' T h e Return of Ninurta', traditional incipit: An-gim dimma. T h e 'trophies' occur in lines 3 2 - 4 0 and 5 4 - 6 2 . A comparative analysis of the lists of 'trophies' is given by Cooper 1 4 1 - 5 4 ; further comments by van Dijk 10-19. 19. T h i s detail is in the text of An-gtm. 20. See below, note 24. 21. For six of them van Dijk gives only a transcription instead of a translation. 22. See van Dijk 7 - 9 . 23 V a n Dijk 11, 17, with explicit reference to the cows o f G e r y o n . 24. Gilgamesh V I l . i i i . 4 8 = V I I I . i i i . 7 (where the relevant sign is partially destroyed); R . C . T h o m p s o n , The Epic of Giigamtsh (Oxford, 1930) transcribes maskt kalbim at the first, maskt labbim at the second place (p. 45, 49); labbim also in W . v . Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch 526 B , s.v. labbu. Sign no. 322 (Borger) can be read kal as well as lab. Masak kalbt appears on a school tablet, Materialien zum Sumerischen Lexikon, vol. V I I ( R O M E , 1959) 123, 20. For kalbu, 'dog , to denote 'humility', 'disparagement of oneself see Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. V I I I ( K ) (Chicago, 1971) 72. T h e translations opt for 'lion': E . Ebeling in H . Gressmann (ed.), Altorientalische Texte zum Alten Testament, 2nd edn (Berlin, 1926) 165; A . Heide), The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels, 2nd edn (Chicago, 1949) 59; ANET, 86; P. Labat, Les Religions du Proche Orient (Paris, 1970) 191, 197; A . Schott, Das Gilgamesch-Epos, neu herausgg. von W . v . Soden (Stuttgart, 1982) 67. T h e seals have many gods or heroes with club and bow. Very few seem to wear 'animal skins' O n e figure with 'lion skin' in D . Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum; Cylinder Seals, vol. II ( L o n d o n , 1982) no. 213. 1

25. Lugal-e 2 6 - 4 5 ; van Dijk 5 5 - 7 . 26. H . G . G ü t e r b o c k , Kumarbi (Zurich, 1946); The Song of Ullikummi H a v e n , 1952); E . Laroche, Catalogue des textes Hittites (Paris, 1971) no. 345; 1 2 0 - 5 ; see n 46.

35

(New ANET

Oriental and Greek Mythology 27. References for 'Planet Ninurta' in F . G o e s s m a n n , Planetarium Babylonicum. Summerisches Lexicon, ed. A . Deimel, vol. I V 2 ( R o m e , 1950) 53; cf. 124. 28. H d t . 2.43f; bilingual inscriptions, e.g. P . M . Fraser, Ann. Br. Sch. Athens, 65 (1970) 3 1 - 6 ; Tyrioi HerakUistai on Hellenistic Delos, etc.; see R . Dussaud. 'Melqart', Syria, 25 (1946/8) 2 0 5 - 3 0 ; U . T ä c k h o l m , ' T a r s i s , Tartessos und die S ä u l e n des Herakles', Opuscule Romana, 5 (1965) 1 4 2 - 2 0 0 , esp. 1 8 7 - 9 . D . van Berchem, 'Sanctuaires d'HercuIe-Melqart*, Syria, (1967) 7 3 - 109, 3 0 7 - 3 8 ; C . Grottanelli, 'Melqart e Sid fra Egitto, L i b i a e Sardcgna', Rio. Studi Fenici, I (1973) 1 5 3 - 6 4 . T h e inscription from Pyrgi brought testimony for the 'burial of the god (see J . A . Soggin, ' L a sepoltura d é l i a d i v i n i t à ' , Äir. Stud. Or., 4 5 ( 1 9 7 0 ) 2 4 2 - 5 2 ) corresponding to the 'tomb' ( C l e m . R o m . Ree. 10.24.2) and the 'awakening' of Melqart (Menandros, FGrH 783 F I ) at T y r e ; for a representation of the 'god in the flames' at Pyrgi see M . V e r z a r in Met. Ec. Fr. Rome, 92 (1980) 6 2 - 7 8 . 1

29. H . G o l d m a n , 'Sandon and Herakles', Hesperia, Suppl. 8 ( 1 9 4 9 ) 1 6 4 - 7 4 ; E . Laroche, ' U n s y n c r é t i s m e g r é c o - a n a t o l i e n : Sandas » Herakles', in Les Syncrctismes dans les religions grecque et romaine (Pans, 1973) 1 0 3 - 1 4 ; S. Salvatori, ' I l dio SantaSandon: U n o sguardo ai testi', Parotû del Passaio, 30 (1975) 4 0 1 - 9 ; on the numismatic evidence see P. C h u v i n , / des Sao. (1981) 3 1 9 - 2 6 . 30. H . Seyrig, ' A n t i q u i t é s Syriennes: H é r a c l è s - N e r g a l ' , Syria, 24 (1944/5) 6 2 - 8 0 ; W . Al-Salihi, 'Hercules-Nergal at H a t r a ' , Iraq, 3 3 ( 1 9 7 1 ) 1 1 3 - 1 5 . 31. M . K . Schretter, Atter Orient und Hellas (Innsbruck, 1974) 170f following a suggestion of K . Oberhuber. Erragal (Irragal) as a name for the god of the under world occurs in Atrahasis II.vii.51 = Gilgamesh X L 101. 32. See B u r k e n , S&H 6; 1 4 - 1 6 ; 20. 33. Porph. 'Pen agalmaton' fr. 8, p. 13,3 Bidez; cf. O . G r u p p e in RE Suppl. 3 (1911) 1104. Number 12 of the zodiacal signs has a complicated prehistory and is not established before the sixth century; see R . Böker in RE 10A (1972) 5 2 2 - 3 9 s.v. Zodiakos. 34 See Burkert, S&H, C h . I V , 35. ( I ) Predynastic seal from T e l l A s m a r : Oriental Institute Communications 17: Iraq Excavations 1932-1933 (Chicago, 1934) 54, fig. 50; G . R . L e v y , JHS, 54 (1934) 40; H . Frankfort, Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region (Chicago, 1955) no 497; Burkert, S&H 82; P. Amiet, La Glyptique Mésopotamienne archaïque, 2nd edn ( P a n s , 1980), no. 1393; (2) Predynastic shell plaque: ANEP, no. 671; Amiet, no. 1394; (3) Sargonic seal from T e l l Asmar: Or. Inst. Comm., I7 49, fig. 43; JHS, 54, pi, 2; Frankfort, Strat. Cyl. Seals, no. 478; R . M . Boehmer, Die Entwicklung der Gtyptik während der Akkad-Zeit (Berlin, 1965), no. 292; ANEP, no. 691; Amiet, no. 1492; (4) Sumerian macehead in Copenhagen: H . Frankfort, Anal. Or., 7 2 ( 1 9 3 5 ) 1 0 5 - 8 , fig. 1 - 4 ; O . K e e l , Wirkmächtige Siegeszeichen im Alten Testament (Fribourg, 1974) fig. 40. y

( 1 ) - (3) are combat scenes; (4) has the snake above ' Imdugud' birds; ( 1 ) and (4) show coiled snakes, (2) and (3) four-footed dragons. From the back of the creature at (2) and (3) there rise vertical lines which have been intepreted as either 'tails (Boehmer, 52) or 'flames' (Frankfort, Or. Inst. Comm., 17, 54; idem, Cylinder Seats (1939) 122); they recur in the Late Hittite relief from Malatya, showing gods fighting with the (one-headed?) snake, E . Akurgal, Die Kunst der Hethiter ( M u n i c h . 1961) fig. 104; ANEP, no. 670, 36. T h e 'Converse Tablet' ed. W . Lambert in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W. F. Albright (Baltimore. 1971) 3 3 5 - 5 3 , 336f; cf. Cooper, ' T h e Return of Ninurta', 147. 37. M . Dietrich, O . Loretz and J . Sanmartin, Die keilatphaheiischen Texte am Vgant (Kevelaer, 1976) no. 1.5 I 27-30 (A NET p. 138); Isaiah21,\, L . R . Fisher (ed.). Ras Sharnra Parallels ( R o m e , 1972) I 3 3 - 6 , no. 25. 1

36

Oriental and Greek Mythology 38. K . Fittschen, Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarsteilungen bei den Griechen (Berlin, 1969) 147f; Brommer, Herakies, 13, pl. 8; Burkert, S&H 78,2; 81. T w o champions fighting a huge two-headed ( ? ) snake appear on a white-painted plate from C y p r u s , eleventh century: V . Karageorghis, Comptes-rendus de i'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (1980) 28, fig. 7; there are no clear iconographie correla tions to Eastern or Western types. 39. Burkert, S&H 80f with n 3. 40. Fittschen, Untersuchungen 8 4 - 8 ; Burkert, OE 22f. 41. F o r Peisandros, see G , L . Huxley, Greek Epic Poetry from Eumelos to Panyassis ( L o n d o n , 1969) 1 0 0 - 5 . Brommer, Herakles 5 3 - 6 3 ; 82. 42. H . G . G ü t e r b o c k , Kumarbt, Mythen von churritischen Kronos ( Z u r i c h , 1946) with the texts ' K i n g s h i p in H e a v e n ' ( L a r o c h e , Catalogue, no. 344; ANET 120f) and 'Ullikummi* (see above, n 26). T h e discovery had been signalled by E . Forrer in Mélanges F. Cumont (Brussels, 1936) 6 8 7 - 7 1 3 , cf. F . Dornseifl" in L'Antiquité classique, 5 ( 1 9 3 7 ) 2 3 1 - 5 8 ; A . L e s k y , Gesammelte Schriften ( B e r n , 1966) 3 5 6 - 7 1 (1st edn, 1950); cf. A . Heubeck, 'Mythologische Vorstellungen des Alten Orients im archaischen G r i e c h e n t u m ' , Gymnasium, 5 2 ( 1 9 5 5 ) 5 0 8 - 2 5 ; P. Walcot, Hesiod and the Near East (Cardiff, 1966); M . L . West, Hesiod Theogony (Oxford, 1966). 43. M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 3rd edn, vol. I ( M u n i c h , 1967) 515f. See also K i r k , Myth, 2 1 4 - 2 0 ; Burkert, S&H 2 0 - 2 . 44. E . R . Dodds, The Greeks and the irrational (Berkeley, 1951)61. 45. Transmission via Late Hittites and/or Syria was Heubeck's thesis; cf. Burkert, OE, passim. Walcot, Hesiod, 1 2 7 - 9 and West, Theogony, 28f argued for transmission in the Mycenaean epoch. S u r v i v a l of the Hittite Illuyankas myth into late Hittite times is usually inferred from the Malatya relief; see above, n 35. 46. See above n 26; on C a u c a s i a n parallels, W . Burkert, ' V o n U l l i k u m m i zum K a u k a s u s : Die Felsgeburt des Unholds', Würzb. Jahrb. N.F., 5 (1979) 2 5 3 - 6 1 . 47. ANET 123; Apollod. 1 (41) 6.3.7. T h e Iliad has Typhoeus en Arimois (2.783; cf. Hes. Theog. 304), which might be the first Greek reference to 'Aramaeans'. O n Typhoeus in Hes. Theog. 8 2 0 - 8 0 , see West, Theogony. 48. Laroche, Catalogue, no. 321; ANET 125f; cf. Burkert, S&H 7 - 1 0 . A n independent variant of the myth still recurs in Nonnos 1 . 1 5 4 - 6 2 , cf. M . R o c c h i , Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatotici, 21 (1980) 3 5 3 - 7 5 . 49. Hes. Theog. 8 2 4 - 6 ; speirai Apollod. 1 (42) 6.3.8; Chalcidian H y d r i a in M u n i c h : K . Schefold, Frühgriechische Sagenbilder ( M u n i c h , 1964) pi. 66. 50. Baal Sapuna ' L o r d of the North', is attested at Ugarit and in the treaty of Esarhaddon with T y r e (ANET 534); cf. Exodus 14.2; s i.e. dad will appear as / in A r a m a e a n , cf. SBr (Ugaritic, Hebrew) = Tyros. See O . Eissfeldt, Baal Zaphon, Zeus Kasios und der Durchzug der Israeliten durchs Meer (Halle, 1932); E . Honigmann in RE 4A (1932) 1576f; F . V i a n in Eléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne (Paris, 1960) 2 6 - 8 . 51. U l l i k u m m i iii-c, ANET 125. 52. T e x t in FGrH 790; O . Eissfeldt repeatedly advocated the authenticity of the 'Sanchuniaton tradition: Ras Schamra und Sanehunjaton (Halle, 1939) 7 5 - 9 5 ; idem, ' T a au tos und Sane hunjaton', Sitzungsber. Berlin (1952), 1. T h e new commentary by A, I . Baumgarten, The Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos ( L e i d e n , 1981) concludes that Philo is better explained in n o n - U g a r i t î c terms. See also J . E b a c h , Wettent stehung und Kulturentwicklung bei Philo von Byblos (Stuttgart, 1979). 53. F . M . C o r n ford, Principium Sapientiae (Cambridge, 1952), esp. 'Cosmogonical Myth and R i t u a l ' , 2 2 5 - 3 8 , and ' T h e H y m n to Marduk and the H y m n to Zeus', 2 3 9 - 49. T h i s book was edited posthumously; the chapters had been written before the K u m a r b i discovery; see E . R , Dodds's note, p. 249. 54. New edition of the cuneiform text: W . G . Lambert and S. B. Parker, 1

37

Oriental and Greek Mythology Enuma EUS (Oxford, 1967); transcription of I - I V in G . Steiner, Der Sukzessions mythos in Hesiod's 'Théogonie* und ihren orientalischen Parallelen ( D i s s . , H a m b u r g , 1959); ANET 6 0 - 7 2 ; A . Heide), The Babylonian Genesis (Chicago, 1942; 2nd edn 1951). 55. See van Dijk, 9f. Some other Babylonian creation stories are included in Heidel, Babylonian Genesis, 6 1 - 8 1 , A further Sumerian text i n j . van Dijk, 'Evistet-il un P o è m e de la C r é a t i o n " s u m é r i e n ? ' , in Cuneiform Studies in Honor of S. N, Kramer, ed. B. L . Eichler ( N e u k i r c h e n - V l u y n , 1976) 1 2 5 - 133. 56. T h e whole text has become available, though not in a final form, in ZPE, 47 (1982). Seven columns had been edited by S. G . Kapsomenos, Deltwn, 79(1964) 1 7 - 2 5 ; cf. W . Burkert, 'Orpheus und die Vorsokratiker', Antike und Abendland, 14 (1968) 9 3 - 1 1 4 . See now M . L . West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford, 1983) 6 8 - 1 1 5 . 14

57. oç fiey %Q(:£ev 10.5; the author etymologises Kronos from xçoveiv, as 'things being clashed together' were separated^ and the sun was fixed in j h c middle between earth and sky, col, 10/11. otiàoïov xot\r\tmvtv, o% outdoor txdoQt TTQÙTOS 9.4. "KQUToyovov ßaoikwi aiêoîov 12.3. That txdoQtiv is used as a transitive verb is clear from 10,1 exâoQJji TOP Xa^QOTarov Tt \kot\ X]ti'xd[r]arov paraphrasing aîdnça ixÛoQt\ cf. ÜQOJOXCOV Aesch. fr. 15 Radt = 133 Mette. West, Orphic Poems, 85f, followed b y j . S. R ü s t e n , HSCP, #9(1985) I25f, takes oïtàolov as an adjective, combining ingeniously 4.5 with 9.4, and thus makes the K u m a r b i motif disappear. T h i s is to impute to the commentator a gross misunderstanding of the Greek text he had before his eyes in a complete copy; he twice makes ôaifiova \ X V 6 Q \ 6 V the object of Tkccßtv (5.4; 4.8), not of xartinué. West (p. 86) also inserts Phancs Protogonos before Uranos, in accordance with the O r p h i c Rhapsodies, but without support in the Dervcni text. 10.6 OvQctvôs ïïvtpQovtôns, o î ITQÜ>TLOTOC ßctoihtvatv must be identified with the T O W T 0 7 O V O Ç ß(xOi\tvs 12.3, or else Uranos would not be the 'first' king. 58. T h e four kingdoms appear in the crucial testimony for O r p h i c anthropogony, Orphicorum Fragmenta 220 K e r n = Olympiod. In Phaed. p. 41 f Westerink, in accordance with the Derveni evidence. See also OE 116f. 59. Plato refers to Iliad 14.201 = 302 in Crai. 402 ab, Tht, 152e, 180cd, as does Arist. Met. 983 b27. Eudemus fr. 150 W e h r l i , preserved by Damaskios, De primis prtnetpus I 3 1 9 - 2 1 Ruelle, made a systematic collection of cosmogonie myths. 60. O . Gigon, Der Ursprung der griechischen Philosophie von Hesiod bis Parmenides (Basle, 1945). For the continuity from mythical to Presocratic cosmogony see also U , H ö l s c h e r , 'Anaximander und der Anfang der Philosophie', in Anfängliches Fragen ( G ö t t i n g e n , 1968) 9 - 8 9 (Ist edn 1953). 61. S. H . Hooke, Myth and Ritual (Oxford, 1933). For the ritual of the Babylonian New Y e a r ' s Festival, see ANET331 - 4 , with mentions of the recital of Enuma elish. 62. 'What follows is the cult legend of the Purulli Festival', ANET 125. For Lugal-e, see above, n 15. 63. T . H . Gaster, Thespis. Ritual, Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East, 2nd edn (Garden C i t y , 1961). 64. L . Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin, 1932) 152- 5. C f . Burkert, GR, 2 2 7 - 3 3 ; V e r s n c l , this volume, C h . 7. 65. See Burkert, OE, 1151. 66. T h e investigation of 'conduits' and 'multi-conduit-transmission' goes back to L i n d a D é g h , see Enzyklopädie des Märchens I I I (Berlin, 1981) 124—6. 67. See Vermeuk* and V . Karageorghis, Mycenaean Pictorial Vase Painting (Cambridge, 1982). 68. See Schefold, Sagenbilder, Filtschen, Untersuchungen. 69. K. S. Brown, The Question of Near Eastern Textile Decoratton of the Early First

38

Oriental and Greek Mythology Millenium B.C. as a Source for Greek Vase Painting of the Orientalizing Style (Diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1980) thinks this influence has been rather overrated. 70. A n indispensable older work is W . H . W a r d , The Seal Cylinders oj Western Asia (Washington, 1910); still useful is O . Weber, Altonentalische Siegetbilder ( L e i p z i g , 1920); Frankfort, Cylinder Seals; A . Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Roilsiegel (Berlin, 1940; 2nd edn 1966). Recent interest has concentrated on the early epoch: Boehmer, Entwicklung; Amiet, La Glyptique Mésopotamtenne archaïque; D . Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum: Cylinder Seats II ( L o n d o n , 1982); a good survey with bibliography: R . M . Boehmer in Der alte Orient. Propyläen Kunstgeschichte X I V , ed. W . O r t h m a n n (Berlin, 1975) 3 3 6 - 6 3 . 71. D . O p i t z , 'Der T o d des H u m b a b a ' , Archiv für Orientforschung, 5 (1928/9) 2 0 7 - 13; P. C a l m e y e r , 'Reliefbronzen in babylonischem Stil', Abh. Bay. Ak. der Wiss ., NF , 73 (1973) 44f; 1 6 5 - 9 ; C . Wilcke, RealL der Assy rwlogie I V (Berlin, 1975) 5 3 0 - 5 s.v. Huwawa; E . Haevernick and P, Calmeyer, Arch. Mitt. Iran, N.F. 9 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 1 5 - 1 8 . For late Hittite reliefs at T e l l Halaf, K a r k e m i s h , Karatepe, sec H . Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient ( L o n d o n , 1963) pi. 159 C ; H . J . K a n t o r , JNES, 21 (1962) 114f. T h e composition seems to be misunderstood or reinterpreted in Phoenician art, R . D . Barnett, Iraq, 2 (1935) 202f, but a fine example of the normal type is a bowl from N i m r u d , ibid. 205 = V i a n , Eléments orientaux (above, n 50) pl. I V b . For a seal from Galilea see below, n 82. See Figure 2.1, this volume: Seal impression from Nuzt, Ann. Am. Sch. Oriental Res., 24 (1944/5) 60 and pi. 37 728; JNES, 21 (1962) 115; Figure 2.4, this volume: Seal from Assur, Berlin 4215, eighth century B C : D . O p i t z , Arch, f. Orientforsch., 5 (1928/9) pl. X I 2; AJA, 3 5 ( 1 9 3 4 ) 352; Moortgat, Vorderas. Roilsiegel, no. 608 (date: p. 670; C a l m e y e r , 'Reliefbronzen', 166, fig. 124. 72. Wilcke, s.v. Huwawa, 534, See also V . K . Afanasyeva, 'GilgameS and E n k i d u in Glyptic Art and in the E p i c ' , Klw, 53 (1970) 5 9 - 7 5 . 73. C . Hopkins, 'Assyrian Elements in the Perseus-Gorgon-Story', AJA, 38 (1934) 3 4 1 - 5 8 ; B . G o l d m a n , ' T h e Asiatic Ancestry of the Greek G o r g o n ' , Berytus, 14 (1961) 1 - 2 3 ; H . J . Kantor, 'A Bronze Plaque with Relief Decoration from Tell Tainai\JNES, 21 (1962) 9 3 - 117; Burkert, OE, 81 - 4 . Figure 2.2, this volume, is a shield strap from O l y m p i a , E . K u n z e , Olympische Forschungen I I (Berlin, 1950) pl. 57; K a n t o r 115. 74. T . G . K a r a y o r g a , Gorgeie Kephate (Athens, 1970); J . Floren, Studien zur Typologie des Gorgoneion ( M u n i c h , 1977); Burkert, OE, 8 1 - 4 , also for relations to Lamashtu and Pazuzu. 75. M . Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer ( L o n d o n , 1893) pi, 31, 16 cf. p. 208; A . de Ridder, BCH, 2 2 ( 1 8 9 8 ) 452 fig. 4; RML I I I ( 1 9 0 2 - 9 ) 2032, art. 'Perseus'; W a r d , Cylinder Seals, no. 643c p. 21 If; Weber, Siegetbilder, no. 269; AJA, 38 (1934) 351; Berytus, 14 (1961) 22; P. Amiet, Ortentalia, 45 (1976) 27 with reference to Ugaritic mythology (26); Burkert, OE 83, 22; see Figure 2.3, this volume. B. Brentjes, Alte Siegelkunst des Vordenen Orients (Leipzig, 1983) 165, 203, has a new drawing, the inventory number V A 2145, and the information — contrary to Ohnefalsch-Richter — 'in Bagdad gekauft'. H e simply calls the picture 'Greek'. 76. See Burkert, HN 209f. 77. Strabon 16 p. 759; K o n o n FGrH 26 F 1, 40; los. Belt. lud. 3.420; Paus. 4.35.9. Andomeda's father Cepheus is son of Belos as early as Hdt. 7.61; E u r . fr. 881. 78. T h e 'Astarte Papyrus', a heavily mutilated Egyptian text with Canaanite names, ANET 17f 79. See Figure 2.7, this volume: Neo-Assyrian Seal, 'Williams Cylinder' (Pierpont Morgan Collection no. 688, New Y o r k ) : W a r d , Seal Cylinders 20If, no. T

39

Orientât and Greek Mythology 578; A . Jeremias, Handbuch der attOTicntalischen Geis tes kuliur, 2nd edn (Berlin, 1929) 431, fig. 239a. Weber, Altor. Sicgelbilder, no. 347; K r a m e r , Sumcrian Mythology pi. X I X 2; M . L . West, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient (Oxford, 1971) pl. H a ; P. Amiet, Syria, 42 (1965) 245. For the interpretation ' M a r d u k fighting T i a m a f see W a r d 20If; he also states that the six 'stones seem to be derived iconographically from the seven dots = seven stars often represented on seals. Figure 2.8, this volume: Late Corinthian A m p h o r a , Berlin; RML I I I 2047; Schefold, Sagenbtlder pi. 45; LIMC 'Andromeda' no. 1 (where the singularities mentioned in the text are set forth). 80. W a r d . no. 579; Weber no. 348; K r a m e r pl. X I X 1. 81. LIMC 'Agamemnon', no. 91, from G o r t y n ( M u s . Iraklion) , 675/50 B C ; Schefold, Sagenbilder pl. 33; M . L Davies, BCH, 93 (1969) 228, fig. 9 - 1 0 . See Figure 2.5, this volume. Davies especially deals with a Cretan seal (about 700 B C ; LIMC, Agamemnon no. 94); this has only two persons and thus does not belong directly to the type treated here. 82. O . K e e l , i n j . B r i e n d a n d J . B . Humbert (eds), Tell Keisan (1971 -76), une cité phénicienne en Galilée (Fribourg, 1980) 276f, pl. 89,17; 136,17. See Figure 2.6, this volume. C f . the Assyrian SeaJ, W a r d , Seat Cylinders, 211, fig. 642; Hopkins, 'Assyrian Elements', 354, fig. 12. 83. T h e begetting of the Pharao by A m u n is represented in Egyptian temples by a pictorial cycle, first at Der-el-Bahri (Hatchepsut, 1 4 8 8 - 1 4 6 7 ) and L u x o r (Amenophis I I I , 1 3 9 7 - 1 3 6 0 ) ; see H . B r u n n e r , Die Geburt des Gottkönigs (Wiesbaden, 1964). J . A s s m a n n , 'Die Zeugung des Sohns', i n j . A s s m a n n , W . Burkert and F . Stolz, Funktionen und Leistungen des Mythos ( F r i b o u r g , 1982) 1 3 - 6 1 ; that the Amphitryon story is derived from there, with the detail that T o t h = Hermes should accompany A m u n = Zeus on his amorous ways, has been stated repeatedly: A . W i e d e m a n n , Herodots zweites Buch ( L e i p z i g , 1890) 268; Brunner 214; W . Burkert, MH, 2 2 ( 1 9 6 5 ) 168f; S. M o r e n z , 'Die Geburt des ä g y p t i s c h e n G o t t k ö n i g s ' , Forschungen und Fortschritte, 40 (1966) 3 6 6 - 7 1 ; R . Merkelbach, Die Quellen des Alexanderromans, 2nd edn ( M u n i c h , 1977) 7 7 - 8 2 . T h e decisive motif, the god assuming the shape of the king, does not appear in the oldest Greek sources, Od, 1 1 . 2 6 6 - 8 . and Hes. fr. 195 = Aspis 1 - 5 6 , but may be presupposed on the chest of Kypselos (Zeus as a 'man wearing a chiton'; Paus. 5.18.3); see also Pherekydes FGrH 3 F 13; C h a r o n FGrH 262 F 2. 1

84. M y thanks to Sarah Johnston for correcting the English style of this essay — responsibility for its final form, though, remains with me — and to Cornelius Burkert for his drawings.

40

3 Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex Jan Bremmer

O e d i p u s is one o f the few figures o f G r e e k m y t h o l o g y whose name is still a household w o r d . H i s fate has i n s p i r e d p l a y w r i g h t s , libret1

tists,

film-makers,

a n d attracted the a t t e n t i o n o f F r e u d and L é v i -

Strauss, the f o u n d i n g fathers o f psychoanalysis a n d structuralist a n t h r o p o l o g y respectively (cf. b e l o w ) . I n spite o f the enormous interest, a satisfactory i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the m y t h has still not been a r r i v e d at. T h e f o l l o w i n g i n q u i r y does not p r e t e n d to present the last w o r d about O e d i p u s , b u t it hopes to show that historical, sociological and structuralist approaches can all cast l i g h t o n one a n d the same m y t h — a n d sometimes have to be e m p l o y e d s i m u l taneously. O n l y an eclectic analysis makes the best use o f the riches o f the m y t h o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n . T h e O e d i p u s m y t h has been discussed i n v a r i o u s ways. O l d e r scholars t r i e d above all to recover the m y t h ' s earliest stages. T h e y c o m p a r e d its various versions i n epic, tragedy a n d later Greek m y t h o g r a p h y , a n d i n this w a y they were able to demonstrate that in

the course

example,

o f t i m e i m p o r t a n t changes had occurred.

originally

Delphi

was

absent

from

the

story,

For and

O e d i p u s r e m a r r i e d after his wife's death. O n l y i n classical times d i d the poets' interest shift f r o m the family to the i n d i v i d u a l ; i n archaic Greece an Antigone was u n t h i n k a b l e .

2

T h e most recent, structuralist approach has proceeded regardless o f these c h r o n o l o g i c a l considerations. I n a n o t e w o r t h y analysis,

Claude

Lévi-Strauss

compared

the

relationship

between

K a d m o s a n d his sister E u r o p a to A n t i g o n e ' s attitude to Polynices' corpse,

and concluded that these incidents have as a c o m m o n

feature the o v e r r a t i n g o f blood relations. I n a d d i t i o n , he drew 41

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex far-reaching conclusions f r o m the physical defects w h i c h are sug1

gested, a c c o r d i n g to h i m , by the names o f O e d i p u s , ' S w o l l e n foot , his 4

father L a i o s ,

1

1

Left-sided , and

his grandfather

Labdacus,

L a m e ' . H o w e v e r , it has to be objected that A n t i g o n e is only a

p o s t - H o m e r i c a r r i v a l in the O e d i p u s m y t h , a n d the name Laios (Laws)

does not derive f r o m the Greek w o r d laios, ' l e f t ' . H i s t o r i c a l

a n d linguistic knowledge remains indispensable, even i n a structuralist approach. Levi-Strauss's procedure is o f course perfectly understandable from his experience w i t h the non-literate peoples o f L a t i n A m e r i c a ; it is usually impossible to distinguish between historical layers i n his o w n chosen area. I n G r e e k m y t h o l o g y , on the c o n t r a r y , such a d i s t i n c t i o n is often possible, and a chronological d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f the v a r i o u s motifs must therefore always be a t t e m p t e d .

3

A l t h o u g h I shall incorporate the c h r o n o l o g i c a l perspectives o f the older scholars and shall make use o f structuralist methods, I shall be more indebted to scholars w h o followed a rather different approach,

n a m e l y the great

Belgian M a r i e D e l c o u r t .

4

Russian

folklorist P r o p p a n d

the

B o t h scholars analysed the m y t h by

s t u d y i n g the m e a n i n g o f all o f its i n d i v i d u a l motifs. T h e y t h o u g h t they could detect an i n i t i a t o r y pattern i n the m y t h , but failed to integrate O e d i p u s ' incest c o n v i n c i n g l y into this s o l u t i o n . Yet i n p r i n c i p l e their approach seems sound — o n l y by s t u d y i n g all the i n d i v i d u a l motifs against the b a c k g r o u n d o f a u n i f y i n g p a t t e r n can a m y t h as a whole be p r o p e r l y evaluated. H o w e v e r , the p o p u l a r i t y of the O e d i p u s theme means that the scope o f the i n q u i r y has to be d e l i m i t e d . F o l l o w i n g Levi-Strauss's m e t h o d o l o g i c a l guideline that a m y t h should be studied w i t h reference to its o w n e t h n o g r a p h i c a l context,

5

I shall analyse the O e d i p u s m y t h as m u c h as possible

w i t h i n the context o f the archaic a n d classical age. I n practice, this means that the sources can be restricted to those versions w h i c h 6

were k n o w n to the tragedians o f the fifth c e n t u r y ; versions w h i c h have become rationalised or adapted to the m o r e bourgeois climate 7

of Hellenistic times need not be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T h i s chapter, t h e n , w i l l concentrate o n t w o aspects o f the m y t h . First, successive episodes o f O e d i p u s ' life w i l l be looked at, w i t h particular reference to the p a r r i c i d e a n d incest, and secondly, an attempt w i l l be made to locate the Greek O e d i p u s complex i n a specific historical setting.

42

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex 1. O e d i p u s How

d i d it all begin? I n the fifth c e n t u r y , various versions o f the

m y t h ' s early h i s t o r y were c u r r e n t . I n Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes the D e l p h i c oracle warns the T h e b a n k i n g Laios that he w i l l o n l y save the city i f he dies childless. I n Sophocles' Oedipus Rex the oracle proclaims that the n e w b o r n son w i l l k i l l his father, but in E u r i p i d e s ' Phoenissae the oracle takes place before O e d i p u s ' b i r t h . T h i s v a r i a t i o n can h a r d l y be due to chance. T h e very b e g i n n i n g o f the m y t h was an area where the poets could freely exercise their i n g e n u i t y w i t h o u t a l t e r i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l plot o f the m y t h . Both oracle and prophecy w i l l not have been i n t r o d u c e d into the m y t h before the eighth c e n t u r y , since that was w h e n D e l p h i first rose to fame and the Greek polis came into existence. T h e oracle probably replaced a seer: a poet could h a r d l y get O e d i p u s away

from

Thebes a n d i g n o r a n t o f his true parentage w i t h o u t a prophecy (however given). Even i f there is an answer to this p r o b l e m for the pre-history o f the m y t h , for the classical period the presence o f the oracle is most i m p o r t a n t because it introduces such motifs as h u m a n v. d i v i n e intelligence, v a i n attempts to escape f r o m oracles, l i m i t a t i o n s o f h u m a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d fate — motifs w h i c h evidently fascinated the classical audience.

8

I n o r d e r to forestall the outcome o f the oracle, K i n g Laios had Oedipus

exposed.

The

myth

indicates

two locations o f

the

exposure w h i c h are not as different as they m i g h t appear at

first

sight. A c c o r d i n g to the first version, O e d i p u s was exposed on M t C i t h a e r o n and f o u n d by a shepherd f r o m S i c y o n . T h e t r a d i t i o n o f O e d i p u s ' discovery near Thebes by a S i c y o n i a n shepherd is an interesting glimpse into the sparsely

documented

activities o f

Greek herdsmen. U n d o u b t e d l y , his presence is a nice example o f transhumance — the system by w h i c h herds graze i n the m o u n tains i n the s u m m e r , a n d in the valleys d u r i n g the w i n t e r . A detailed exposition o f the m y t h m a y well have elaborated the difficulties experienced by the shepherds i n b r i n g i n g the f o u n d l i n g home!

9

A c c o r d i n g to the second version, O e d i p u s was put i n a

chest and t h r o w n into the sea. F o r t u n a t e l y , he was rescued by the queen o f C o r i n t h ( o r Sicyon) w h o was d o i n g her l a u n d r y at the seashore. W a s h i n g clothes m a y not seem a very royal a c t i v i t y , but in the Odyssey Nausicaa too departs o n a washing e x p e d i t i o n ; the m o t i f w i l l predate the Classical A g e when the enclosure o f w o m e n 43

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex was too strict to allow such a c t i v i t i e s .

10

B o t h versions e m p l o y c o m m o n m y t h o l o g i c a l motifs. Paris was exposed o n M t I d a and rescued by a shepherd, a n d Perseus was exposed at sea i n a chest. Whereas older scholars felt the need to d e t e r m i n e the p r i o r i t y o f one o f the two versions, the structuralist w i l l observe that sea a n d m o u n t a i n s are b o t h i n o p p o s i t i o n to the fertile l a n d a r o u n d the polis. E v i l beings a n d p o l l u t e d objects were carried to the m o u n t a i n s o r cast into the sea, a n d a Greek curse tersely says: ' i n t o the m o u n t a i n s or i n t o the sea'. B o t h areas, t h e n , c o n t a i n the same message: the c h i l d was exposed o n a spot f r o m w h i c h no escape was possible,

11

O e d i p u s was not the o n l y f o u n d l i n g to s u r v i v e . W e need o n l y t h i n k o f other famous persons such as Sargon, C y r u s , Perseus, R o m u l u s a n d R e m u s , a n d Pope G r e g o r y i n o r d e r to realise that this m o t i f is v e r y w i d e s p r e a d . mon

12

A l l these foundlings have i n c o m -

that they g r o w u p to become i m p o r t a n t w o r d l y o r s p i r i t u a l

leaders. V a r i o u s scholars have suggested that the exposure reflects a r i t u a l theme such as the rites o f i n i t i a t i o n , o r , as i n the case o f O e d i p u s , the p u n i s h m e n t for p a r r i c i d e ( i . e . to be d r o w n e d i n a bag).

13

N o n e o f these explanations is really c o n v i n c i n g . I t is m o r e

n a t u r a l to see i n the exposure a n a r r a t i v e p l o y : the i m p o r t a n t posit i o n o f the hero i n later life w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y is t h r o w n into greater relief by his earlier r e m o v a l f r o m that c o m m u n i t y .

1 4

Given

its knowledge o f the exposure m o t i f i n the case o f Perseus a n d other heroes, a Greek audience u n f a m i l i a r w i t h the m y t h p r o b a b l y w i l l have interpreted O e d i p u s ' exposure i n an analogous w a y u n t i l it d a w n e d u p o n t h e m that i n this p a r t i c u l a r case the exposure prepared the way for terrible things to come. W h e n O e d i p u s was exposed, his feet were m u t i l a t e d . V l a d i m i r P r o p p (above, note 4) has p o i n t e d out that i n m a n y legends the f o u n d l i n g is symbolically k i l l e d . T h i s could also be the e x p l a n a t i o n for

O e d i p u s ' m u t i l a t i o n — the w o u n d e d feet meant a de facto

death. O n the other h a n d , there is s o m e t h i n g o d d about this m o t i f . A f t e r a l l , O e d i p u s was a baby: h o w could anyone have expected that he w o u l d r u n away? T h e role o f the m u t i l a t i o n is actually secondary i n the m y t h . I t does not occur i n those versions where O e d i p u s is exposed at sea, nor does Sophocles let his hero l i m p i n 15

the Oedipus Rex.

A n d yet, this subsidiary m o t i f has exercised an

enormous influence on m o d e r n interpretations. A c c o r d i n g to their various orientations, scholars

have 44

explained it as a sign o f

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex a u t o c h t h o n y , a defect o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , the reverse o f good k i n g ship o r the o v e r c o m i n g o f fear o f c a s t r a t i o n .

16

A l l these explana-

tions misjudge the typical Greek w a y o f p l a y i n g w i t h names. P o p u l a r etymologies always c o n f i r m the values already ascribed to the bearer o f a name; they do not produce these values. I n other w o r d s , the e t y m o l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is always secondary, cannot be used as the m a i n key i n decoding the m y t h .

and

1 7

A f t e r the shepherds h a d found O e d i p u s , they b r o u g h t h i m to the court o f K i n g Polybus. T h e k i n g ' s name is fixed i n all versions o f the t r a d i t i o n , b u t the name o f his wife varies; she is called M e r o p e , P e r i b o i a , M e d u s a or A n t i o c h i s . E v i d e n t l y , c h a n g i n g w o m e n ' s names was one o f the poetic means o f g i v i n g a story a new l o o k .

1 8

E v e n t h o u g h the r o y a l couple pretended that O e d i p u s was their o w n son, his education at another c o u r t can h a r d l y be separated f r o m fosterage, the i n i t i a t o r y custom a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h Greek a n d o t h e r I n d o - E u r o p e a n aristocratic c h i l d r e n were raised at a court or f a m i l y different f r o m t h e i r o w n . T h i s once widespread custom lasted u n t i l the later M i d d l e Ages, a n d i n E n g l a n d became transformed

into

the

institution

o f the

public school.

19

The

exposure m y t h s c o u l d easily incorporate i n i t i a t o r y motifs, since boys usually had to spend some t i m e away f r o m home d u r i n g their rites o f p u b e r t y ; C y r u s ' a n d R o m u l u s a n d R e m u s ' g r o w i n g u p a m o n g t h e i r contemporaries also reflects Persian a n d R o m a n rites o f i n i t i a t i o n . I t was n o r m a l for the y o u n g aristocrat to r e t u r n home w h e n he had g r o w n u p i n o r d e r to pass t h r o u g h the final p u b e r t y rites. S i m i l a r l y , O e d i p u s left the court w h e n he h a d adulthood.

reached

20

W e need not analyse the reasons w h y O e d i p u s left his foster parents, o r w h y Laios left Thebes i n order to consult the D e l p h i c oracle. M o t i v a t i o n s were t y p i c a l l y a t e r r i t o r y where poets could use t h e i r i m a g i n a t i o n . I t is far m o r e interesting to i n q u i r e w h y O e d i p u s k i l l e d his father at a t r i p l e crossroads. C a r l R o b e r t spent m u c h effort o n localising the scene o f the c r i m e , a n d even p u b lished photographs o f i t ,

2 1

b u t it seems m o r e i m p o r t a n t to observe

that the Greeks considered a triple crossroads an o m i n o u s spot. I t was the place where ghostly Hecate was w o r s h i p p e d , where Plato wants corpses o f parricides to be stoned, a n d where i n Late A n t i q u i t y the poet N o n n u s still has w o m e n c o m m i t m u r d e r s .

22

E v i d e n t l y , m y t h o p o e i c i m g i n a t i o n d i d not chose its scenery at r a n d o m but deliberately. 45

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex A f t e r the m u r d e r o f his father, O e d i p u s c o n t i n u e d his j o u r n e y to Thebes where he solved the S p h i n x ' s r i d d l e . A full text o f the r i d d l e o n l y emerges i n the fourth c e n t u r y : T h e r e walks on l a n d a creature o f t w o feet, o f four feet, a n d o f three; it has one voice, but sole a m o n g animals that g r o w on l a n d or i n the sea, it can change its nature; nay, when it walks p r o p p e d o n most feet, then is the speed o f its l i m b s less than it has ever been before. Versions o f the r i d d l e have been collected i n other parts o f the w o r l d , but the Greek version, u n l i k e that o f other peoples, m e n t i o n s the various stages o f life as m o r n i n g , afternoon evening.

23

never and

T h e earliest sources locate the monster i n the m o u n -

tains where it usually kills T h e b a n youths; later sources dramatise the s i t u a t i o n by m e n t i o n i n g the ecclesia or acropolis o f T h e b e s .

24

M o n s t e r s n a t u r a l l y belong i n the w i l d , but it m a y seem curious that i n l i t e r a t u r e and i c o n o g r a p h y the S p h i n x is v i r t u a l l y always represented as a g i r l , a l t h o u g h a vase w i t h an o n a n i s i n g Sphinx does exist. T h e monster's female sex fits i n well w i t h the Greek tendency to represent monsters as female, i n p a r t i c u l a r as girls and/or o l d w o m e n , as is illustrated by the cases o f the M e d u s a , Gorgo,

Chimaera,

Lamia,

the

Sirens,

Erinyes,

Scylla

and

C h a r y b d i s . Whereas m o d e r n fiction likes to represent the u l t i m a t e danger as c o m i n g f r o m

outer space, male Greek i m a g i n a t i o n

always t h o u g h t o f the opposite s e x .

25

It has recently been argued that the episode w i t h the S p h i n x is a later a d d i t i o n to the O e d i p u s story, since there is no u n a n i m i t y r e g a r d i n g the sender — H e r a , Ares a n d Dionysos are m e n t i o n e d ; moreover,

the

episode is absent f r o m

a r g u m e n t is unacceptable.

s i m i l a r folktales.

First, H e s i o d (Th.

This

326) knows o f the

Sphinx as a threat to the T h e b a n s , a n d parts o f the r i d d l e ' s text already appear on a newly published sixth-century vase; allusions to it are to be found i n early fifth-century l i t e r a t u r e . T h i s chronological evidence w o u l d i n itself dispose o f the c l a i m that the Sphinx is a later a d d i t i o n . Secondly,

m o t i v a t i o n is variable i n poetic

t r a d i t i o n , as we saw before. T h i r d l y , the comparison w i t h other folktales forces the S p h i n x episode i n t o the shackles o f a p r i m e v a l version w h i c h is non-existent i n the historical t r a d i t i o n but has to be reconstructed f r o m m u c h later versions. T h e r e is no reason, 46

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex t h e n , to exclude the S p h i n x episode from the o r i g i n a l m y t h .

2 6

By freeing the T h e b a n s f r o m the S p h i n x , O e d i p u s acquired the t h r o n e a n d the h a n d o f the queen. T h e Odyssey version o f the O e d i p u s m y t h , the oldest version that exists, stresses the role o f Epikaste (Jocaste) i n this m a r r i a g e : 'she w h o had m a r r i e d her son' (1 1.273). S i m i l a r l y , the suitors o f Penelope were w a i t i n g to see w h o m she w o u l d choose to m a r r y . These m y t h s presuppose a m a t r i m o n i a l system i n w h i c h g a i n i n g the hand o f the q u e e n - w i d o w implies occupation o f the t h r o n e . T h e same system could be found elsewhere. H e r o d o t u s relates the g r i p p i n g story o f Gyges and the wife o f the L y d i a n k i n g Candaules; another L y d i a n k i n g was also succeeded by a subordinate w h o m a r r i e d the adulterous queen. I n Persia, the M a g u s Smerdis m a r r i e d Cambyses'

w i d o w Atossa,

w h o was i n c o r p o r a t e d into D a r i u s ' h a r e m after Smerdis' death, and — a very late example — i n the eleventh c e n t u r y , the Scandin a v i a n K n u t m a r r i e d the w i d o w o f E t h e l r e d , the defeated English king.

2 7

I f O e d i p u s ' w e d d i n g h a d been the end o f the m y t h , the result o f the analysis w o u l d have been o b v i o u s . I n the 1930s, L o u i s Gernet had already c o m p a r e d O e d i p u s ' c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the S p h i n x w i t h ordeals o f other heroes such as Theseus, Iamos and Pelops, a n d interpreted these tests as an ' i n i t i a t i o n r o y a l e ' . T h e pioneer o f the study o f Greek i n i t i a t o r y rites, J e a n m a i r e , also recognised i n this part o f the m y t h 'le t h è m e d ' a v è n e m e n t ' , but at the same t i m e he w o n d e r e d about the l i n k w i t h incest a n d p a r r i c i d e . C o u l d these latter two motifs really be connected w i t h the theme o f i n i t i a t i o n ?

28

T h e r e can be no d o u b t , i n fact, that parricide can be brought i n t o the o r b i t o f p u b e r t y rites, as is illustrated by the Theseus m y t h . Scholars have l o n g recognised that the A t t i c version o f the m y t h reflects an i n i t i a t o r y scenario: the prince who is educated away from home defeats the monstrous M i n o t a u r a n d

returns

home to become k i n g . I n the case o f Theseus, the k i n g is not s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d l y m u r d e r e d , but his suicide is caused by Theseus forgetting to change the sails. I n other w o r d s , i n this particular case m y t h has m i t i g a t e d parricide. I n its u n d i l u t e d f o r m , the c r i m e occurs in a B o r o r o m y t h . A boy n a m e d G e r i g u i g u i a t u g o raped his m o t h e r a n d was therefore abandoned by his father. After the performance o f a series o f h u n t i n g feats, he r e t u r n e d , p r o v i d e d his tribe w i t h fire a n d killed his father. T h e rape o f his m o t h e r symbolises separation from the w o r l d o f w o m e n . T h e k i l l i n g o f his 47

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex father expresses a 'social p r i n c i p l e o f universal v a l i d i t y :

"for

society to go o n , sons must destroy (replace) t h e i r fathers" \ W a l t e r B u r k e r t has wisely p o i n t e d to the i n i t i a t o r y p a t t e r n o f this B o r o r o m y t h . L é v i - S t r a u s s , o n the other h a n d , m e n t i o n s the connection o f the m y t h w i t h i n i t i a t i o n b u t fails to note its i m p o r t a n c e for the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the very m y t h w h i c h constitutes s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f his analysis o f South A m e r i c a n m y t h o l o g y .

the

2 9

W e can systematise these m y t h s as follows: Oedipus

Theseus

fosterage

fosterage

parricide

conquest o f monster

h u n t i n g feats

conquest o f monster

'parricide'

parricide

king

king

c u l t u r e hero

Geriguiguiatugo

U p to this p o i n t , these m y t h s display a comparable structure: a y o u n g m a n performs an impressive feat, defeats a monster, kills his father ( o r is the cause o f his death) a n d becomes k i n g (or c u l t u r e h e r o ) . T h e o r d e r o f motifs 2 a n d 3 is different i n the case o f O e d i p u s a n d Theseus, b u t this difference does not seem to be o f any p a r t i c u l a r interest. P r o p p attached great value to the fixed o r d e r o f the motifs i n a g i v e n folktale, b u t his p o i n t o f view is h a r d l y supported by Greek m y t h s a n d t h e i r p l o t s .

30

Y e t , however

comparable these m y t h s are u p t i l l this p o i n t , the p r o b l e m remains o f h o w Oedipus* incest can be fitted i n t o this scheme. Is an interp r e t a t i o n w h i c h takes r i t u a l as the s t a r t i n g p o i n t o f the

myth

perhaps m o r e satisfactory? A r o u n d the b e g i n n i n g o f this c e n t u r y an e x p l a n a t i o n o f the m y t h was looked for i n O e d i p u s ' connection w i t h D e m e t e r at the level o f cult. I t was t y p i c a l o f historians o f G r e e k r e l i g i o n that they t r i e d to regain firm g r o u n d by c o n c e n t r a t i n g o n r i t u a l instead o f m y t h after the excesses o f M a x M u l l e r a n d Usener. A n d indeed, a local h i s t o r i a n L y s i m a c h o s m e n t i o n s a cult o f O e d i p u s a n d his grave i n the sanctuary o f D e m e t e r i n Boeotian Eteonos.

Carl

R o b e r t , recently followed by B u r k e r t , saw i n this cult the o r i g i n o f O e d i p u s ' m a r r i a g e , since D e m e t e r was the G r e e k m o t h e r par excel lence. H o w e v e r , the b u r i a l i n D e m e t e r ' s sanctuary does not make O e d i p u s a son o f the goddess. M o r e o v e r , the assumption implies that at a very early stage the Boeotians o f Eteonos already worshipped an u n k n o w n hero w h o had n o t h i n g to do w i t h O e d i p u s , 48

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex a n d w h o , for u n k n o w n reasons, was transferred to Thebes by an u n k n o w n poet; i n a d d i t i o n , this solution leaves the l i n k w i t h p a r r i cide totally

u n e x p l a i n e d . I t seems rather

less complicated to

assume that the cult at Eteonos o r i g i n a t e d i n epic t r a d i t i o n like so m a n y other heroic c u l t s .

33

Solutions v i a i n i t i a t i o n or v i a r i t u a l prove to be unsatisfactory: an i n v e s t i g a t i o n into the s t r i k i n g c o m b i n a t i o n o f p a r r i c i d e and incest m a y perhaps be m o r e r e w a r d i n g . W e start w i t h a closer look at p a r r i c i d e . M o d e r n W e s t e r n society has become differentiated to such a degree that few people are dependent on t h e i r fathers for their f u t u r e ; neither are fathers v e r y dependent on their c h i l d r e n any m o r e for care i n t h e i r o l d age. C o n s e q u e n t l y , p a r r i c i d e does not play a m a j o r role i n the m o d e r n i m a g i n a t i o n . I t is therefore well to r e m e m b e r that i n ancient Greece sons were totally dependent o n t h e i r fathers for t h e i r later status, a n d that parents looked to t h e i r c h i l d r e n as a k i n d o f pension. T h e great stress Greeks laid o n h o n o u r i n g parents is a clear i n d i c a t i o n o f a s i t u a t i o n in w h i c h a n u n d e r l y i n g tension between fathers a n d sons must always have existed.

32

A n ever-present possibility, p a r r i c i d e was considered to

be one o f the most a p p a l l i n g o f crimes. O n e o f the signs o f the rule o f H a t e , as envisaged b y Empedocles, is the m u r d e r o f the father, followed b y the c o n s u m p t i o n o f his flesh. I m p u t a t i o n o f parricide was one o f the u n s p e a k a b l e t h i n g s ' w h i c h could well result i n legal action;

even

the

word

reluctance, i f at a l l .

' p a r r i c i d e ' was o n l y

mentioned

with

3 3

Incest was equally a p p a l l i n g , even t h o u g h the Greeks d i d not have a specific w o r d to denote the practice; n o r d i d they c o n d e m n sexual relationships between relatives to the same degree as has been usual i n the m o d e r n W e s t e r n w o r l d . M a r r i a g e s between u n c l e / a u n t a n d niece/nephew were relatively c u r r e n t i n b o t h the archaic a n d classical p e r i o d . M a r r i a g e s o f first cousins and those between half-brothers a n d half-sisters were also not u n c o m m o n .

3 4

Those between brothers and sisters seem to have been j u s t b e y o n d the l i m i t s o f the admissible, a l t h o u g h C a r i a n s , Egyptians and the Ptolemies p e r m i t t e d t h e m .

3 5

T h e Odyssey can still describe

the

m a r r i a g e o f A e o l u s ' c h i l d r e n w i t h o u t c o m m e n t , even t h o u g h it is located on an

island outside n o r m a l civilisation.

In

Hesiod's

Theogony, brother/sister marriages a m o n g the gods are evidently not considered to be a p r o b l e m , but such marriages occur in most mythologies o f the w o r l d w i t h o u t any apparent c o n d e m n a t i o n . I n 49

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex the classical p e r i o d , i m p u t a t i o n o f incest w i t h a sister belongs to the n o r m a l vocabulary o f legal and political abuse, but these accusations never seem to have led to a f o r m a l t r i a l . I n the early H e l l e n istic p e r i o d , Philetas still mentions a m a r r i a g e o f A e o l u s ' c h i l d r e n without

any

penalty

or

punishment.

In

the

same

period,

H e r m e s i a n a x relates the story o f L e u c i p p u s falling i n love w i t h his sister. A l t h o u g h his m o t h e r condoned the affair, it had terrible consequences. W h e n the sister's fiance denounced the couple to their father, the o l d m a n t r i e d to catch the couple in flagrante delicto. I n the t u r m o i l that followed the daughter was i n a d v e r t e n t l y killed by the father, w h o i n t u r n was killed by the son, also i n a d v e r t e n t l y . Even in this Greek soap opera, love between brother a n d sister is condoned by the m o t h e r , a l t h o u g h the p a r r i c i d e indicates rejection 6

by the poet/* T h e same disapproval appears i n E u r i p i d e s who lets Aeolus put his incestuous daughter to death. O v i d even pictures her fate i n the cruellest o f terms — it was apparently a relationship w h i c h only g r a d u a l l y became totally i n a d m i s s i b l e .

37

N o t so sex between parents and c h i l d r e n . I n O r p h i c m y t h o l o g y , Zeus' rape o f his m o t h e r R h e a / D e m e t e r results i n the b i r t h o f a daughter, Persephone, w i t h t w o faces, four eyes and horns: the m o t h e r is so shocked that she leaves her baby. T h e same poetry has Zeus m a t i n g w i t h Persephone i n the shape o f a snake. H o w e v e r , the b a c k g r o u n d o f these idiosyncratic beliefs is still very m u c h under-researched; it seems therefore too early to d r a w conclusions from t h e m . T h e i m p u t a t i o n o f sex between father a n d daughter or m o t h e r and son was part o f n o r m a l political a n d legal abuse. W e can h a r d l y be surprised, t h o u g h , that discussions o f real cases are l a c k i n g — even today these matters are usually clouded i n a veil o f secrecy. A t the i m a g i n a t i v e level, however, various examples o f such relationships can be found. H a v i n g tasted his o w n c h i l d r e n , Thyestes later i n a d v e r t e n t l y slept w i t h his daughter and i n this way begat A i g i s t h o s , the m u r d e r e r o f A g a m e m n o n . I n a p r o b a b l y Hellenistic {ale, the chief o f the Pelasgians,

Piasos raped

his

daughter Larissa, w h o in r e t r i b u t i o n managed to d r o w n her father in a barrel o f w i n e . I n another tale, H a r p a l y k e o f A r g o s was raped by her father K l y m e n o s . Subsequently, she killed her youngest b r o t h e r ( o r her son) and served h i m up to her father d u r i n g a public banquet. T h e gods changed her into a b i r d and her father committed suicide.

38

I n these stories, incest leads to p a r r i c i d e or c a n n i b a l i s m , whereas 50

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex p a r r i c i d e can lead to incest ( O e d i p u s ) or c a n n i b a l i s m (rule of H a t e ) . T h i s cannot be chance. For the Greeks, incest, parricide a n d c a n n i b a l i s m were the great taboos

w h i c h m a r k e d o f f the

civilised from the rest o f the w o r l d . Transgressions in these part i c u l a r areas were the crimes ascribed to the tyrannos,

the one

person w h o had placed himself outside n o r m a l society. These were also the transgressions propagated by the C y n i c s in their opposition to the r u l i n g n o r m s o f the polis. C a n n i b a l i s m , incest and k i l l i n g o l d people were also the crimes w h i c h the Greeks ascribed to s u r r o u n d i n g peoples in order to stress the s u p e r i o r i t y o f their o w n c i v i l i s a t i o n . T h e y were not u n i q u e in this a t t i t u d e , t h o u g h .

3 9

C a n n i b a l i s m a n d incest were also standard accusations levelled by Europeans against i n h a b i t a n t s o f countries discovered i n the early m o d e r n age; indeed, these i m p u t a t i o n s seem to occur all over the world.

4 ( 1

W e can now see that there is a strong moralistic flavour about these stories, since the m o n s t r o s i t y o f the transgression is c o m mented u p o n by l e t t i n g the protagonist c o m m i t a further m o n strosity. W h o e v e r c o m m i t s incest is prone to become a p a r r i c i d e or c a n n i b a l as w e l l . O r , whoever c o m m i t s p a r r i c i d e w i l l

become

incestuous and consume h u m a n flesh. T h e corollary must be that O e d i p u s ' incest is not a p r e - F r e u d i a n reflection on his relationship w i t h his m o t h e r b u t a c o m m e n t o n his p a r r i c i d e . T h e lack o f any p r o f o u n d interest i n his m o t h e r is c o n f i r m e d by the v a r i e t y o f her names: epic poetry calls her Epikaste, tragedy J o c a s t e .

41

T h e r e are t w o m o r e aspects to be considered. First, those w h o break the great taboos sometimes experience an a b n o r m a l end, as two further examples m a y illustrate. A late archaic poet related how Odysseus' son by C i r c e , Telegonus, u n k n o w i n g l y killed his father.

Subsequently

he

married

Penelope,

and

his

brother

Telemachos, i n a way his d o u b l e , m a r r i e d C i r c e . Both sons, then, m a r r i e d the wife o f their father who was not their o w n m o t h e r — a 'soft' version, so to speak, o f the m y t h s we have been discussing. After the w e d d i n g all the protagonists were i m m e d i a t e l y removed to the Isles o f the Blessed. T h e heroisation shows that people who c o m m i t crimes like p a r r i c i d e or incest acquire a status beyond n o r m a l h u m a n s , a l t h o u g h they can also become i n f r a - h u m a n . T h e Hellenistic poet Boios told a story about A e g y p u s , a Thessalian boy w h o i n a d v e r t e n t l y slept w i t h his m o t h e r , Boulis. I n this case the ' c u l p r i t s ' were changed into birds. O n e last example. T h e 51

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex death o f O e d i p u s i n K o l o n o s as related by Sophocles is a typical A t h e n i a n Lokallegende w h i c h arose i n the

fifth

century when a

n u m b e r o f heroes, such as A d m e t u s , Adrastus and Orestes, were annexed by A t h e n s . H o w e v e r , as the previous examples show, the A t h e n i a n heroisation o f O e d i p u s was the actualisation o f a possib i l i t y inherent i n the m y t h , a l t h o u g h the t r a d i t i o n o f his t o m b and his heroic status c o u l d conceivably antedate fifth-century A t h e n i a n t r a d i t i o n . T h e m o n s t r o s i t y o f the acts is further illustrated by the fact that poets can h a r d l y i m a g i n e that any person w o u l d deliberately k i l l his father or sleep w i t h his m o t h e r . I n most cases, the deeds are c o m m i t t e d i n a d v e r t e n t l y or as the p u n i s h m e n t o f a g o d .

4 2

A f t e r the incest was discovered, Jocaste hanged herself:

per-

m a n e n t incestuous relationships were u n t h i n k a b l e . T h i s way o f death was typical for female suicides. Weapons were the realm o f m e n , and w o m e n seem to have respected their m o n o p o l y . O e d i p u s r e m a r r i e d , a n d again the names o f his wife v a r y . I t is h a r d for us to understand that a poet c o u l d let O e d i p u s r e m a r r y , b u t the wedd i n g m a y well have been a poet's solution to the question ' W h a t happened next?' I n a w a y , the m y t h was finished after the discovery o f the incest b u t an audience always wants m o r e . So what can a poet do other than go on w i t h what always happens? T h e earliest stages o f the I n d o - E u r o p e a n languages d i d not have a w o r d for ' w i d o w e r ' . T h i s absence u n d o u b t e d l y reflected a social reality: to be a w i d o w e r was not a p e r m a n e n t male status. So O e d i p u s had to r e m a r r y . S i m i l a r l y , Jason gave funeral games after his m u r d e r o f Pelias, and Orestes p r o v i d e d a funeral banquet after k i l l i n g the m u r d e r e r o f his father. A l t h o u g h we are told that O e d i p u s suffered greatly, he r e m a i n e d k i n g , most likely died i n battle and received a n o r m a l funeral; his blindness is p r o b a b l y m e n t i o n e d first i n the Oedipodeia an epic poem o f the seventh (?) c e n t u r y . Does this mean y

that the H o m e r i c age rated parricide a very serious c r i m e , but still less serious than later centuries? O r are the strife and death o f his sons also part o f the terrible consequences o f O e d i p u s ' parricide? T h e r e is s o m e t h i n g unsatisfactory about his e n d .

4 3

H a v i n g looked at the successive periods o f O e d i p u s ' life, we can finally consider the p r o b l e m o f the m y t h ' s o r i g i n . W h e r e was the m y t h told first? As B u r k e r t (see n 2) observes, its place o f o r i g i n is h i g h l y u n c e r t a i n . T h e family o f O e d i p u s is not well established at Thebes at a l l , since there are no indissoluble ties w i t h local institutions and cults. T h e c o m p o s i t i o n o f the m y t h illustrates this lack o f 52

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex dependence o n any one specific local r i t u a l . T h e Oedipus m y t h is clearly a hricolage from various m y t h i c a l motifs: the exposure, the c o m i n g o f age o f a p r i n c e , and the c o m b i n a t i o n o f parricide and incest. As we have seen, these motifs can occur separately in a variety o f m y t h s , but they have been c o m b i n e d to p a r t i c u l a r l y s t a r t l i n g effect i n the O e d i p u s m y t h w h i c h an early poet located in Thebes for reasons u n k n o w n to us. Despite the u n c e r t a i n t y about the m y t h ' s o r i g i n we w o u l d like to close this study w i t h a suggestion r e g a r d i n g its m e a n i n g and place o f recitation i n the early archaic age.

I n the classical p e r i o d ,

O e d i p u s ' life had become part o f the tragic chain o f events o f L a b d a c u s ' d o o m e d house, b u t his life is still considered i n its o w n right

i n the oldest

version o f his m y t h {Odyssey

11.271-80).

O e d i p u s ' father was the k i n g o f Thebes, and O e d i p u s himself, as the Odyssey notes, ' c o n t i n u e d to r u l e ' after his m o t h e r ' s suicide — thus sovereignty is singled out as his most i m p o r t a n t q u a l i t y . L i k e m a n y other archaic m y t h s , the m y t h o f O e d i p u s is concerned w i t h the succession to the t h r o n e .

44

I n this case, however, the m y t h relates the story o f a perverted succession — the incest b e i n g the n a r r a t i v e expression o f society's disapproval o f p a r r i c i d e : O e d i p u s is a m o d e l o f h o w not to succeed to the throne. I n the classical p e r i o d the aspect o f succession no longer appealed to the poets, but i n the early archaic age this aspect must have been h i g h l y relevant. C o n s i d e r i n g the i m p o r tance attached to sovereignty, it is not impossible that at one t i m e the m y t h was t o l d to princes d u r i n g their p u b e r t y rites. B y g r o w i n g up,

princes f o r m a threat to their fathers whose throne they w i l l

one day have to occupy. I n a w a y , the Oedipus m y t h can be read as a w a r n i n g to the y o u n g e r generation: ' Y o u have g r o w n up b u t you

must continue to respect y o u r fathers.' T h e r e is something

F r e u d i a n about this m y t h .

2. A G r e e k O e d i p u s C o m p l e x ? Freud

proposed

a

different

solution.

H a v i n g observed

that

neurotic c h i l d r e n m a y be i n love w i t h their m o t h e r and want to k i l l their father, he stated that the same feelings, although less clear and less intense, can be f o u n d i n n o r m a l c h i l d r e n ; the Oedipus myth

supported

this observation. T h e thesis has r i g h t l y been 53

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex c o m b a t e d by V e r n a n t w h o p o i n t e d out that his foster

mother

w o u l d have had to be the focus o f O e d i p u s ' feelings, not J o c a s t e .

45

It is nevertheless s t r i k i n g that we do find a k i n d o f O e d i p u s c o m plex i n classical Greece.

I n the Oedipus Rex, Jocaste says to

O e d i p u s : " M a n y mortals have slept w i t h t h e i r m o t h e r i n their d r e a m s . ' Plato m e n t i o n s s i m i l a r dreams, a n d i n a chapter o f his Dreambook w h i c h reads like a Greek K i n s e y r e p o r t , A r t e m i d o r u s gives a detailed exposition o f t h e m .

4 6

Is it p u r e l y by chance that we

first start to hear about these dreams i n the fifth century? Probably not.

I n the early archaic age upper-class mothers — the only ones

about w h o m we have any i n f o r m a t i o n — w i l l have had l i m i t e d contact w i t h t h e i r sons, since at an early age these were r e m o v e d from home for fosterage or other types o f i n i t i a t o r y education. M o r e o v e r , w o m e n had a relatively v a r i e d social life in w h i c h u p to a certain extent they could freely m i x w i t h males. I n the course o f that age drastic changes took place. Except i n certain D o r i a n c o m m u n i t i e s , the c u s t o m a r y rites o f i n i t i a t i o n gradually disappeared, and husbands started to separate t h e i r w o m e n f r o m the presence o f other m e n ; a not so splendid isolation became the r u l e .

4 7

These changes must have had a considerable impact o n the mother-son

relationship. W e

may

compare

developments

in

m o d e r n Greek villages. Since the tractors have r e m o v e d w o r k i n g w o m e n f r o m the fields, w o m e n are leading a m u c h m o r e restricted life at h o m e . T h e p a m p e r i n g o f t h e i r sons has n o w become one o f the foci o f t h e i r life. T h e same development w i l l have taken place i n classical Greece. T h e w o m e n o f the upper classes had to stay at h o m e , and they were not even allowed to dine w i t h their husbands w h e n other m e n were present. R a i s i n g the c h i l d r e n now became one o f their m a i n activities. I n Plato's Laws,

the A t h e n i a n stranger

m e n t i o n s that the c h i l d r e n are u n d e r the care o f their nurses and mothers u n t i l they come into the hands o f teacher and paidagogoi. T h e Obsequious M a n o f Theophrastus even has to ask his host to let the host's c h i l d r e n j o i n them for d i n n e r . T h e consequent close contact between sisters and brothers enables Electra to say to Orestes: ' n o r d i d the household raise y o u : I was y o u r nurse'. W e do not

k n o w exactly how l o n g a boy r e m a i n e d u n d e r his m o t h e r ' s

w i n g , but d u r i n g the events leading u p to the l i b e r a t i o n o f Thebes f r o m the Spartan d o m i n a t i o n i n 379, a T h e b a n b r o u g h t his

fifteen-

year o l d son along to a banquet organised by one o f the pro-Spartan collaborators. T h e boy came from the w o m e n ' s q u a r t e r s . 54

48

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex It was these changes i n w o m e n ' s lives, I suggest, w h i c h gave rise to dreams o f sleeping w i t h the m o t h e r . S i m i l a r l y , we cannot fail to note that F r e u d ' s observations took place after drastic changes in most w o m e n ' s lives, since in the course o f the nineteenth century the social contacts open to w o m e n once again became restricted in the upper classes. It seems likely that this development, coupled w i t h the rise o f the nuclear family as we k n o w it today, generated the social e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h produced the feelings observed by Freud.

4 9

Even the O e d i p u s complex has a h i s t o r y .

50

Notes 1. C f . L . E d m u n d s , Oedipus. The Ancient Legend and Its Later Analogues (Baltimore and L o n d o n , 1985) 3 - 6 (with earlier bibliography); add C . Ossola, Edipo c ragioni di S t a t o \ Lett. It., 39 (1982) 4 8 2 - 5 0 5 ; H . Schmitz, 'Oedipus bei Durrenmatt', Gymnasium, 92 (1985) 1 9 9 - 2 0 8 . Edmunds's study is very infor mative regarding the later analogues but less satisfactory in its treatment of the Creek myth; see my review in JHS, 706(1986). 2. See the balanced appraisal by E . L . de Kock, ' T h e Sophoklean Oidipus and Its Antecedents', Ada Class., 4 (1961) 7 - 2 8 (with earlier bibliography) and Acta Class., 5 (1962) 1 5 - 3 7 ; see also W . Pôtscher, 'Die Oidipus-Gestalt', Eranos, 71 (1973) 1 2 - 4 4 ; T Stephanopulos, Vmgestaltung des Mythos durch Euripides (Athens, 1980) 99fT; W . Burkert, 'Seven against Thebes: an O r a l Tradition between Babylonian Magic and Greek Literature', in / poemi epici rapsodici non orner ici e la tradizione orate ( P a d u a , 1981) 2 9 - 4 8 ; J . - P . V e r n a n t , 'Oedipe', in Y . Bonnefoy, Dictionnaire des Mythologies I I (Paris, 1981) 1 9 0 - 2 ; R C . T . Parker, Miasma (Oxford, 1983) 385f. 3. C . L é v i - S t r a u s s , Structural Anthropology I (Harmondsworth, 1972) 2 1 3 - 1 8 , Isi edn (1955). Contra. E . L e a c h , Lévi-Strauss ( L o n d o n , 1970) 62ff; D é t i e n n e , Dionysm, I9f. 4. M . Delcourt, Oedipe ou la légende du conquérant, 2nd edn (Paris, 1981); V . J . Propp, ' E d i p v svete folklora', Ucenye zaptski Leningradskogo gosudarstvennogo unwersiteta, Ser. fil. 72 (1944) fasc. 9, 138- 75 = V . J . Propp, Edipo alla luce del Jolclore ( T u r i n , 1975) 8 5 - 137 = L . E d m u n d s and A . Dundes (eds), Oedipus A Folklore Casebook (New Y o r k , 1983) 7 6 - 121. 5. C . Le'vi-Strauss, Anthropologie structurale I I (Paris, 1973) 1 7 5 - 2 3 3 . 6. I will only give the older sources. For an exhaustive study, see C . Robert, Oedipus, 2 vols (Berlin, 1915) and Die gnechische Heldensage I (Berlin, 1921) 8 7 6 - 9 0 2 , and E d m u n d s , Oedipus, 6 - 1 7 ; add the reference to Oedipus' incest in I b y c u s ( P a g e , Suppl. Lyr. G Y , 222); P . J . Parsons, ZPE, 26(1977) 7 - 3 6 a n d j . M . Bremer, A . V . E r p T a a l m a n K i p , S. R. Slings, Some Recently Found Greek Poems (Leiden, 1987) 1 2 8 - 1 7 4 , on Stcsichoru.s* version of the Oedipus myth, 7. I follow here C . SourvinouTnwood, Theseus as Son and Stepson ( L o n d o n , 1979) 65 n 68, who has introduced the notion of the 'original pattern' of the myth, îhat is to say 'all versions formed while the mentality which operated on ihe creation of the myth was still alive and operative, so that the myth was understood and reshaped in its own terms'. 8. C f . J . Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1978) 55ff, 96-100. 1

55

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex 9. Exposure on Cithaeron: Soph. 0T\ E u r . Phoen. 25; S e n . Phoen. 3 1 - 3 ; Nie. D a m . FGTH90 F 8; Apollod. 3.5.7; J . R u d h a r d t , 'Oedipeet les chevaux*, MH, 40 (1983) 1 3 1 - 9 . Shepherds: C . Segal, Tragedy and Civilisation: An Interpretation of Sophocles ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1981) 31; M . C . Amouretti, 'L'Iconographie du berger* in Iconographie et histoire des mentalités (Paris, 1979) 1 5 5 - 6 7 . T r a n s h u m a n c e : S i Georgoudi, Rev. Et. Gr., 0 7 ( 1 9 7 4 ) 1 6 7 - 9 . 10. W a s h i n g queen: Corp. Vas. Ant. France 23; Louvre 15, pi. 10; H y g . / a A . 66. Nausicaa: Horn. Od. 6 . 9 0 - 5 . O t h e r washing women: Od. 15.406; E u r . Hipp. 121fT; Nonnus D. 3 . 9 0 - 3 . 11. Paris: R . A . Coles, A New Oxyrhynchus Papyrus: The Hypothesis of Euripides* Alexandros ( L o n d o n , 1974); P. Oxy. 3650. Perseus exposure: M . Werre-de H a a s , Aeschylus' Dictyutci (Diss., L e i d e n , 1961) 5 - 1 0 ; J . H . O a k l e y , Danae and Perseus on Seriphos', AJA, 86 (1982) 1 1 1 - 1 5 . Polluted objects: Parker, Miasma, 210: C u r s e : H . S. Versnel, Studi Stonco-Religiost, I (1978) 41f, 12. C f . G . Binder, Die Aussetzung des Königskindes: Kyros und Romulus (Meisenheim, 1964); idem, in K . R a n k e (ed.), Enzyklopädie des Märchens I (Berlin and New Y o r k , 1977) 1 0 4 8 - 6 6 ; B . L e w i s , The Sargon Legend ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1980). 13. See especially Delcourt, Oedipe, 1 - 6 5 . 14. O n the exposure motif see also J , B r e m m e r and N . Horsfall, Roman Myth and Mythography ( L o n d o n , 1987) 27-30. 15. Mulilation of feet: Soph. 0 7 1 0 2 6 ; E u r . Phoen. 28 - 31 ; Androtion FGrH 324 F 62; Peisandros FGrH 16 F 10; Apollod. 3.5.7. M a r g i n a l role: P. G . MaxwellStuart, Mam, 27 (1975) 3 7 - 4 3 . Sophocles: O . T a p l i n , Entr. Hardt., 29 (1982) 155f. 16. C f . L é v i - S t r a u s s , Structural Anthropology I I ; J . - P . V e r n a n l , ' F r o m Oedipus to Periander', Arethusa, 15 (1982) 1 9 - 3 8 ; D . Anzieu et al., Psychanalyse et culture grecque (Paris, 1980) 9 - 5 2 ; note also the critique of L é v i - S t r a u s s and Vernant by H . Lloyd-Jones, 'Psychoanalysis and the Study of the Ancient W o r l d , in P. Horden (ed.), Freud and the Humanities ( L o n d o n , 1985) 1 5 2 - 8 0 , esp. 1 6 6 - 7 1 . 17. C f . E . R i s c h , Kleine Schriften (Berlin and New Y o r k , 1981) 2 9 4 - 3 : 3 ; C . C a l a m e , ' L e nom d'Oedipe', in Edtpo. It teatro Greco e la cultura europea ( R o m e , 1986) 3 9 5 - 4 0 7 ; idem, Le récit en Grèce ancienne (Paris. 1986) 1 5 3 - 6 1 , 2 1 5 - 1 7 . 18. T h e r e are many examples of changing names of females in Pherecydes FGrH 3; note also the various names of Orpheus* wife (Graf, this volume, C h . 5, section 1), and of Oedipus' mother and his second wife (below), see also Henrichs, this volume, C h . 11, section 2, on names in myth. 19. Fosterage: Bremmer and Horsfall, Roman Myth, 53-6. Public school: N . O r m e , From Childhood to Chivalry: the Education of the English Kings and Aristocracy 1066-1530 ( L o n d o n , 1984) 44-80. 20. C y r u s : G . Widengren, Der Feudalismus im alten Iran (Cologne, 1969) 6 4 - 9 5 . Romulus and R e m u s : Bremmer (above, note 14). R e t u r n home: Schol. Od. 11.271. 21. Killing: Soph. 0 7 8 0 6 - 7 , 8 1 0 - 1 3 ; E u r . Phoen. 44; Nie. D a m . FGrH90 F 8; Apollod. 3.5.7; cf. Robert, Oedipus I , 86f. 22. Hecate: Sophocles F 535.4 Radt; A r . Plut. 5 9 4 - 7 ; Apollod. FGrH 244 F 110a; Chariclides PCG I V F 1 with Kassel and Austin ad l o c ; Parker, Miasma, 30. Plato: Leg. 873c. Nonnus: D 9.40, 47.484. 23. T e x t of riddle: Asclepiades FGrH 12 F 7a (tr. L . E d m u n d s ) ; cf. A . Lesky, Gesammelte Schriften ( M u n i c h , 1966) 3 1 8 - 2 6 ; H . Lloyd-Jones, in R . D a w e et at. (eds), DionysiQca (Cambridge, 1978) 60f. O t h e r versions: Frazer on Apollod. 3.5.8. 24. Sphinx: A . Lesky, RE I I 3 ( 1 9 2 9 ) 1 7 0 3 - 2 5 ; J . - P . Moret, Oedxpe, laSphxnxet 1

1

56

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex les Thébains, 2 vols ( R o m e , 1984). Location Sphinx: Moret, Oedipe I , 6 9 - 7 5 . Ecclesia: Asclepiades FGrH 12 F 7b. Acropolis: Apollod. 3.5.8. 25. Sphinx a girl: Pindar fr. 177d; Soph. OT 1199; E u r . Phoen. 48, 806, 1042; Moret, Oedipe I , 511 (who stresses the Sphinx's resemblance to the Pythia). Onanising Spinx: Moret, Oedipe I , 1 4 4 - 6 . Monsters female: J . G o u l d , . / / / S , 100 (1980) 551; J . Bremmer, T h e O l d W o m e n of Ancient Greece , in J . Blok and P. Mason (eds), Sexual Asymmetry (Amsterdam, 1987) 1 9 1 - 2 1 5 , esp. 203. 1

26. Contra: L . E d m u n d s , The Sphinx in the Oedipus Legend ( K ô n i g s t e i n , 1981); note also the critique by C . C a l l a n a n , Fabula, 23 (1982) 3 1 6 - 1 8 ; R . Parker, CR, 34 (1984) 336. Vase: Moret, Oedipe \, 39f, Allusions: West on Hes. Op. 533. 27. L y d i a : H d t . 1.713; Nic. D a m . FGrH90 F 44. Atossa: Hdt. 3.68, 88. K n u t : D . Whitelock et at. (eds), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 2nd edn ( L o n d o n , 1965) C 1017. 28. L . Gernet and A . Boulanger, Le Genie grec dans la religion, 2nd cdn (Paris, 1970) 77f; H . J e a n m a i r e , Rev. Phil., 21 (1947) 167; Delcourt, Oedipe, and Propp ' E d i p \ also suggested a connection with initiation. 29. Theseus and initiation: H . J e a n m a i r e , Couroi et couretes (Lille, 1939) 2 4 3 - 5 , 3 3 8 - 6 3 , F . Graf", ΜΗ, 3 6 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 1 3 - 1 9 . Interpretation of parricide: SourvinouInwood, Theseus, 15, quoting L e a c h , Lévi-Strauss, 80. Bororo myth: Burkert, S&H, 14; C . L é v i - S t r a u s s , The Raw and the Cooked ( L o n d o n , 1970) 3 5 - 4 8 . 30. For a critique of Propp, ' E d i p ' , see A . T a y l o r , T h e Biographical Pattern in Traditional N a r r a t i v e ' , / Folkl. Inst., 1 (1964) 1 1 4 - 2 9 . 31. Eteonos: Lysimachos FGrH 382 F 2, cf. Robert, Oedipus I , 44; Burkert, 'Mythos und Mythologie', in Propytàen Geschichte der Literatur I (Berlin, 1981) 1 1 - 3 5 , csp. 19. L . Farnell, Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality (Oxford, 1921) 334 had already noted: ' H i s [Oedipus'] cull is extraneous and cannot be dated to a very early period.' L . E d m u n d s , ' T h e C u l t s and the Legend of Oedipus', HSCP, 85 (1981) 221 - 3 8 , is not convincing. 32. Honouring parents: K . J . Dover, Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle (Oxford, 1974) 2 7 3 - 5 . Father/son relationship: S. Bertman (cd. ). The Conflict of Generations in Ancient Greece and Rome (Amsterdam, 1976); A . Maffi, ' Padri ν figli ira diritto positivo e diritto imaginario nella G r e c i a classica', in E . Pellizer and N . Zorzetti (eds). La paura del padri nella società antica e médiévale ( R o m e and B a n . 1983) 3 - 2 7 . 33. Parricide: Parker, Miasma, 124. Hate: Empedokles Β 137 D i e l s / K r a n z . Unspeakable: D . C l a y , 'Unspeakable Words in Greek T r a g e d y ' , Am. J. Phil., 103 (1982) 2 7 7 - 9 8 . 34. Uncle/aunt and niece/nephew: Bremmer, ZPE, 5 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 175 η 13, 181 η 43. First cousins: W . T h o m p s o n , T h e Marriage of First Cousins in Athenian Society', Phoenix, 21 (1967) 2 7 3 - 8 2 . Half-brothers/sisters: W . Lacey, The Family in Classical Greece ( L o n d o n , 1968) 106; A. R . W , Harrison, The Law of Athens I (Oxford, 1968) 22f. 35. C a r i a n s : S. Hornblower, Mausoius (Oxford, 1982) 3 5 8 - 6 3 . Ptolemies and Egyptians: K . Hopkins, 'Brother-Sister Marriage in R o m a n Egypt', Comp. Stud, in Soc. and Hist., 2 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) 3 0 3 - 5 4 . It is noteworthy that incest between brothers and sisters is not mentioned in the Egyptian, late Hellenistic (cf. L . Koenen, ZPE, 54 (1984) 9 - 1 3 and in Studia Hcllenistica, 27 ( L e u v e n , 1983) 1 7 4 - 8 9 ) Potter's Oracle, although in later apocalyptic literature sex between siblings frequently is a sign of the end of the world; cf. Κ. Berger, Diegriechtschc Daniel-Diegese ( L e i d e n , 1976) 89f. 36. Aeolus: Od, 1 0 . 5 - 1 2 ; cf. P. V i d a l - N a q u e l , Le Chasseur noir, 2nd edn (Paris, 1983) 53. Imputations: H . Mattingly, The University of Leeds Review, 74(1971) 284 (Ostracon mentioning C i m o n ) , cf. Parker, Miasma, 98, L y s , 14.28 (Alcibiades). Philetas: Parthen. 2. Leucippus: Parth. 5; cf. Ε. Pellizer, Favote d'identité —favole di

57

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex paura ( R o m e , 1982) 6 6 - 9 . For all the mythological stories, see J . R u d h a r d t , 'De l'inceste dans la mythologie grecque*. Revue franc de psychanal., 46 (1982) 731 - 6 3 , esp. 7 3 3 - 9 , to whom I am deeply indebted; add E . R o h d c , Der griechische Roman und seme Vorläufer, 3rd edn ( L e i p z i g , 1914) 448, 37. Aeolus: Euripides Aeolus (Nauck, Tr. Graec. Fragm., p. 365f); cf. Arist. Nub. 13711, Ran. 1081; Plato Leg 838c; O v . Her. 1 1 . 3 - 130. 38. O r p h i c mythology: M . L . West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford, 1983) 93fT. Abuse: Hipponax tr. 20 Degani ( = 12 West); Lysias fr. 30; Isaeus 5.39. Pclopeia: R a d l on Sophocles Thyestes (p. 2390- Larissa: Parthen. 28; Nie. Damasc. FGrH90 F 19; Strabo 13.621c; Schol. A p . R h o d . 1.1063; Eustath. 357.43f, Harpalyke: Euphorion fr. 26; Parthen. 13; H y g . Fab. 206, 242, 246, 253; Non nos D 1 2 . 7 0 - 5 ; Schol. //. 14.291; Rohde, Der griechische Roman, loc. cit. 39. C a n n i b a l i s m , incest and parricide as the great crimes: D é t i e n n e , Dionysos, 154; A . M o r e a u , 'A propos d'Oedipe: la liaison entre trois crimes — parricide, inceste et cannibalisme', in S. Said et al., Etudes de littérature ancienne (Paris, 1979) 9 7 - 127; Parker, Miasma, 326. l'yrannos: D é t i e n n e , Dionysos, 144; Vernant (above), n 16), 33f. C y n i c s : V i d a l - N a q u e l , Chasseur, 368; Parker, loc. cit. Stock accusa tions: A . Henrichs, Entr H-rdt., 27 (1981) 233f (cannibalism); J . Bremmer. The Early Greek Concept of the Soul (Princeton, 1983) 103f (killing old people); B. H . Stricker, ' C a m e p h i s ' , Med. Nederl. Ak. Wet , Afd Letterk., N R . 38, 3 (1975) with an exhaustive, if uncritical, collection of references to incest in the ancient world (I owe this reference to T h e o Korteweg). 40. C f . W . Arens, The Man-Eating Myth (New Y o r k , 1979) who wrongly denies the existence of cannibalism altogether, cf. P. V i d a l - N a q u e l , Les juifs, la mémoire et le present (Paris, 1981) 197 ff; A . Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man ( C a m b r i d g e , 1982) 80-90. 41. Epikaste: Horn. Od 11.271; Apollod. 3.5.7. Jocaste: Soph. 0 / 632, 950; E u r . Phoen 12, 289, etc. 42. Telcgonus: Proclus apud K i n k e l , Ep. Gr. Fr 57f; Apollod. Epit. 7.36 with Frazer ad loc. Boios: Anton. L i b . 5. Athens: A . Brelich, Glieroigreet ( R o m e , 1958) 40. Athenian cult of Oedipus: A . Henrichs, ' T h e "Sobriety" of Oedipus: Sophocles OC 100 Misunderstood', HSCP, 87 (1983) 8 7 - 1 0 0 ; Vidal-Naquet in J . - P . Vernant and P. VidaJ-Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne, II (Paris, 1986) 199f. 43. H a n g i n g Jocaste: Od. 1 1.277f; Soph. 07M263f, Ant. 53f, cf. N . L o r a u x , ' L e corps é t r a n g l é ' , in Y . T h o m a s ( é d . ) , Du châtiment dans la cité ( R o m e , 1984) 1 9 5 - 2 1 8 and Façons tragiques de tuer une femme (Paris, 1985). Names of wives: Oidipodeia apud Paus. 9.5.11; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 95; Peisandros FGrH 16 F 10; O n a s i a s apud Paus. 9 5.11; Schol. / / . 4.376. O n the problem of Oedipus' wives and children see also the forthcoming commentary on his new edition of the epic fragments which D r Malcolm Davies kindly let me read. I regret that I was only able to read his illuminating commentary at too late a stage in the preparation of this chapter. Widower: P. Koschaker, Zs. f. ausl. u intern. Privatrecht, Sonderheft zu Bd. 11 (1937) 1 18. Death and funeral: //. 23.679; H e s . fr. 192; Soph. Ant. 53f. Blindness: Burkert. 'Seven against Thebes', 30 (Oedipus' blindness in the Oedipodeia): R . G . A . Buxton, ' Blindness and Limits: Sophokles and the Logic of M y t h ' , J H S , 100 (1980) 2 2 - 3 7 ; D . Bouvier and P. M o r e a u , ' P h i n é e ou le père aveugle et la marâtre avruglante', Rev. Belge Phil. Hist., 61 (1983) 5 - 19. 44. C f . Gernet and Boulanger, Le Génie grec, 76f on the archaic myths concern ing the succession to the throne. 45. S. Freud, Die Traumdeutung ( V i e n n a , 1900) I 8 0 f f ( = Standard Edn I V , 258, 261 - 4 ) . Contra: V e r n a n t , 'Oedipe sans complexe', in J . - P . Vernant and P. V i d a l Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grèce ancienne (Paris, 1972) 7 5 - 9 8 . It seems, though,

58

Oedipus and the Greek Oedipus Complex thai V e r n a n i docs not always do Freud full justice, if. F . St huh. Hephat\tus. ,W> (1983/4) 2 6 5 - 7 ; Llovd-Jones, 'Psychoanalysis*, 164» 46. Soph. 07*9811'; Plato Rep 5 7 l r ; Artemidorus 1.79: cf. Park I'lVubnrr edition) ad loc. and S. Price, ' T h e future of dreams: from Freud to Artemidorus', Past & Present (1986); E . R Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeli v and Los Angeles, 1951) 47, 61 f 47. W o m e n : G . W i c k e r t - M i c k n a t , Die Frau = A n haeologia Honierii\t 111 R (Gottingen, 1982). Fosterage: see note 19. Initiation: Brelich, GU erox gu\ i, 1 2 4 - 8 . 48. Modern Greece: M . - E . H a n dm an, La Violence et la ruse Hvmmcs rt Jernmr\ dans un village grec (Aix-cn-Provence, 1983) 12lf, 1 4 1 - 4 Raising children Plait) Leg. 7.8C8e; T h e o p h r . Char 5.5; Soph. FA 1 1 4 3 - 8 ; Plut. Pel. 9.5, Mor. 595b. For this p a n of my argument I am totally indebted to M . - G o l d e n , Aspects of Childhood in Classical Athens (Diss , Toronto, 1981)268- 71, to whom the reader is referred for a more detailed discussion of these passages. 49. L . Stone, The Past and the Present Revisited ( L o n d o n , New Y o r k , 1987), p. 353f: ' C l i n i c a l F r e u d i a n i s m , with its stress on penis envy, early incestuous experiences (real or imagined), and the Oedipus complex, looks increasingly like the product of a V i c t o r i a n , central E u r o p e a n , middle-class, male chauvinist society. Some of its major hypotheses may well not apply to other times and other places.* 50. For information, comments and correction of the English I would like to thank R i c h a r d Buxton, C l a u d e C a l a m e , Albert H e n n c h s , Andre Lardinois, Alasdaii M a c D o n a l d and Robert Parker. I owe a special debt to J . M Moiet for the generous and timely gift of his splendid Oedipe.

59

4 Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought Richard Buxton

O n e o f the most p r o m i s i n g developments i n the recent study o f m y t h has been the emphasis placed on the 'logic o f the concrete'. T h i s phrase, b o r r o w e d f r o m

L é v i - S t r a u s s ' s investigation o f la

pensée sauvage^ refers to the tendency o f ' p r i m i t i v e ' forms o f classification — as deployed, for instance, i n m y t h s a n d rituals — to be articulated i n terms o f e m p i r i c a l categories ( r a w / c o o k e d , w i l d / tame, i n the b u s h / i n the village, etc.) and tangible things i n the real w o r l d (honey, oak-trees, g o l d , etc.). I n the present paper I take the example o f one t h i n g i n the w o r l d — the w o l f — to show how this sort o f t h i n k i n g operated i n ancient Greece. I n section 1. I e x a m i n e a variety o f contexts i n w h i c h wolves appear. M y a i m is to demonstrate how the complex reality o f the w o l f tended to be pared d o w n i n the t r a d i t i o n to a small n u m b e r o f characteristics w h i c h were 'good to t h i n k w i t h ' ,

2

and how even w r i t e r s o f a

'scientific' type were influenced by features o f the w o l f as depicted in m y t h . I n section 2. I use the specific example o f the w e r e w o l f to indicate how Greek wolves were ' g o o d to t h i n k w i t h ' i n one particular m y t h - a n d - r i t u a l complex; and I make some m o r e general points about ways i n w h i c h m y t h a n d r i t u a l can be seen to complement and yet to contrast w i t h each other.

1. G r e e k W o l v e s , R e a l a n d I m a g i n e d Before m a n k i n d ' s systematic attempts to exterminate i t , the grey w o l f {canis lupus) was a tremendously widespread p r e d a t o r .

3

In

N o r t h A m e r i c a it was found coast to coast; i n the O l d W o r l d it 60

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought extended f r o m B r i t a i n south to Spain and P o r t u g a l , east across Europe to Russia, C h i n a and J a p a n . I n the N e w W o r l d grey wolves are n o w v i r t u a l l y extinct except i n Alaska: extensive use o f strychnine i n the nineteenth c e n t u r y , and a decline i n the population o f the w o l f s

prey (especially c a r i b o u ) , have c o n t r i b u t e d

towards the decline, A comparable t h o u g h less drastic sequence o f events has o c c u r r e d i n E u r o p e . By 1800 wolves were extinct i n the B r i t i s h Isles.

4

A c c o r d i n g to a major investigation published i n

1975 b y the I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i o n for the C o n s e r v a t i o n o f N a t u r e and

N a t u r a l Resources,

5

wolves are

n o w extinct i n

France,

B e l g i u m , the N e t h e r l a n d s , D e n m a r k , East and West G e r m a n y , S w i t z e r l a n d , A u s t r i a a n d H u n g a r y ; v i r t u a l l y extinct i n F i n l a n d , N o r w a y and Sweden; a n d endangered i n P o r t u g a l , S p a i n , I t a l y , B u l g a r i a , Czechoslovakia, Poland and the U S S R . T o j u d g e by figures

for w o l f kills, the p o p u l a t i o n o f wolves i n Greece is fairly

stable. K i l l s stand at about 6 0 0 - 7 0 0 per year, the b u l k o f them being i n M a c e d o n i a ,

b u t some also i n E p i r u s , Thessaly

and

T h r a c e . U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o reliable inference can be made about the size o f the whole w o l f p o p u l a t i o n o f Greece on the basis o f figures for kills. T h e a n i m a l responsible for the decline o f the w o l f is m a n . W h y this h u m a n hostility to the wolf? N o r m a l l y wolves prey on large, hoofed beasts — the ungulates: c a r i b o u , bison, antelope, deer, moose,

elk. W h e n these are scarce the w o l f turns to smaller

m a m m a l s such as mice and rabbits, or to m a n ' s domesticated herds. I t is the fact that since the N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d m a n has raised stock w h i c h has b r o u g h t h i m i n t o conflict w i t h the wolf. It

is no surprise,

numerous

t h e n , that

i n classical a n t i q u i t y we

references to the w o l f as a c r u e l , predatory

find

enemy.

P l u t a r c h (Sol. 23.3) reports that 'the A t h e n i a n s were f r o m o f o l d great

enemies o f wolves, since

their c o u n t r y was

better

for

pasturage than for g r o w i n g crops'. So Solon i n t r o d u c e d a law that 'the m a n w h o b r i n g s i n a w o l f is p a i d five drachmas; for a wolfcub, one d r a c h m a ' .

6

( A c c o r d i n g to D e m e t r i o s o f Phaleron,

five

drachmas was the price o f an ox, one d r a c h m a that o f a sheep.) Wolves were p r o v e r b i a l for cruelty; hence Orestes' words about his o w n and his sister's i m p l a c a b i l i t y : 'like a r a w - m i n d e d wolf, o u r disposition, w h i c h we get f r o m o u r m o t h e r , cannot be appeased' (Aesch. Cho. 4 2 1 - 2 ) . A l r e a d y i n H o m e r the w o l f is seen as deadly and b l o o d t h i r s t y , as i n the famous simile about the M y r m i d o n s ( / / . 16.156A). 61

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought In

representing

wolves as cruel adversaries o f m a n

Greek

thought was s i m p l y reflecting the stark fact o f the c o m p e t i t i o n between the two species. But other qualities ascribed by Greek t r a d i t i o n to wolves begin to take us away from a direct transcription o f ' r e a l i t y ' . I t w i l l be convenient to concentrate on the two most p r o m i n e n t qualities: wolves co-operate;

and they

belong

outside. T h e perception o f wolves as co-operative does far m o r e than s i m p l y reflect the existence o f wolf-packs. I n a range o f historical periods and i n m a n y different types o f source, from the technical to the poetical to the anecdotal, the p o i n t is developed and elaborated. X e n o p h o n (Hipparch.

4 . 1 9 - 2 0 ) describes h o w , i n attacking a

c o n v o y , some d r i v e o f f the g u a r d while others seize the p l u n d e r . An

e p i g r a m i n the Palatine A n t h o l o g y tells o f a traveller who

j u m p e d into the N i l e to escape wolves: ' b u t they c o n t i n u e d the chase t h r o u g h the water, each h o l d i n g o n by its teeth to another's t a i l . A l o n g bridge o f wolves was f o r m e d over the stream, and the self-taught (9.252). (NA

7

stratagem

o f the s w i m m i n g beasts caught the

man'

A e l i a n too describes how wolves co-operate at a k i l l

8.14), and he also has the tail story: when wolves cross a r i v e r

'they fasten their teeth in one another's tails . . . and s w i m across without

h a r m or danger' (NA 3.6). T h e i e

is alas no reliably

recorded evidence o f w o l f behaviour o f this k i n d — the w o l f is i n its own

8

right a p a r t i c u l a r l y powerful s w i m m e r . T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g

is that wolves were perceived as acting co-operatively. T h e t r a d i t i o n o f l u p i n e co-operation is a l o n g one. T h e g r a m m a r i a n T i m o t h e o s o f Gaza ( 5 / 6 t h century A D ) observes i n his On Animals'* that, when t w o wolves coincide at a k i l l , 'the shares are equal'. actual

1 0

Once more it is instructive to consider the situation at an

kill.

I n Greece today — and it is u n l i k e l y that things were

very different in a n t i q u i t y — large kills are rare, so the issue o f sharing does not arise. ( Y o u d o n ' t share a mouse.) W h e n a large kill is made, the cubs w i l l usually be allowed in first, and thereafter there is a definite new-equality: d o m i n a n t

animals ( i . e . those

highest i n the ' p e c k i n g ' o r d e r ) get first go, and so on d o w n the line. But what is true is that there is a structured aspect to a k i l l , so that the n o t i o n of co-operation has a basis i n actual behaviour. M y t h 'clarifies' an asymmetrical order into equality. It is a small step from the idea that wolves treat each other as equals to the idea that wolves are all alike; and this step was also 62

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought taken i n G r e e k belief. T h u s we find i n Aesop (343 P e r r y ) a story about a battle between the dogs a n d the wolves. T h e d o g general was u n w i l l i n g to engage the enemy because they (the wolves) were all alike, while the dogs — some b e i n g C r e t a n , some M o l o s s i a n , some T h r a c i a n , not to m e n t i o n the v a r i a t i o n s in colour — were all different. O n c e m o r e the u n d e r l y i n g n o t i o n is that the wolves w i l i prove successful by v i r t u e o f b e i n g able to co-operate more closely than their adversaries. L i k e the co-operative wolf, the w o l f as outsider has a g r o u n d i n g in observable reality. N o t o n l y do wolves i n general r o a m i n areas w h i c h seem to h u m a n s to be outside the confines o f h u m a n t e r r i t o r y , but the lone w o l f — h a v i n g d r o p p e d out o f or been expelled from a pack as a result o f w o u n d i n g i n a fight or i n f i r m i t y , a n d thus b e i n g a k i n d o f outsider even amongst a c o m m u n i t y o f outsiders — is a recognised part o f w o l f ecology, k n o w n to a n t i q u i t y as to us (e.g. A r i s t o t . HA 594a30). H o w e v e r , as w i t h co-operation, the point is developed so that the w o l f becomes a powerful image for the m a n apart from other m e n . I n his poem about a person i n exile A l k a i o s writes as follows: ' I live a life i n the wilds, l o n g i n g to hear the agora . . . I am i n exile, l i v i n g on the b o u n d a r y . . . here I settled alone as a lykaimiais" (Lobel/Page 1 3 0 . 1 6 - 2 5 ) . T h e last w o r d is a puzzle, a n d the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n 'a wolf-thicket man* is far from c e r t a i n .

11

But for an association w i t h exile, wildness and soli-

tariness a c o m p o u n d o f lykos, * w o l f , is highly a p p r o p r i a t e .

12

There

is a similar logic i n Pausanias' aetiology for the shrine o f A p o l l o L y k i o s at A r g o s , according to w h i c h , w h e n Danaos a r r i v e d as an outsider i n A r g o s , he found a w o l f k i l l i n g the leader o f a herd o f cattle. T t occurred to the A r g i v e s that G e l a n o r ' — D a n a o s ' rival for the throne — 'was like the b u l l , a n d Danaos like the wolf; for as the w o l f w i l l not live w i t h m e n , so Danaos u p to that t i m e had not lived w i t h t h e m [ i . e . the A r g i v e s ] ' — because he had come from Egypt ( 2 . 1 9 . 3 - 4 ) . wolves was

1 3

A n o t h e r m y t h i c a l exile who had to do w i t h

A t h a m a s ( A p o l l o d . 1.9.2).

Having

killed his son

t h r o u g h H e r a ' s madness a n d been banished f r o m Boeotia, he was told by an oracle to dwell where he should be entertained by w i l d beasts. T h i s he d u l y d i d w h e n he found

wolves ' d i s t r i b u t i n g

amongst themselves portions o f sheep'. H e r e a h u m a n settlement replaces sharing-between-wolves. T h u s o n .the one hand wolves prefigure h u m a n society: to share is to be part o f a c o m m u n i t y . O n the other h a n d they contrast w i t h it as b a r b a r i t y contrasts w i t h 63

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought c i v i l i s a t i o n : w h a t they are s h a r i n g , after a l l , is raw meat.

The

A t h a m a s story neatly embraces b o t h the p r i n c i p a l features o f the m y t h i c a l w o l f i n Greece: as co-operator, it i l l u m i n a t e s the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n by s i m i l a r i t y ; as outsider, it i l l u m i n a t e s it by c o n t r a s t .

14

So far m y account has been synchronic, and has d r a w n together material from

a v a r i e t y o f sources w i t h o u t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n

on

g r o u n d s o f date or context. T o what extent do we need to m o d i f y that approach i n view o f the evidence? W e m a y start w i t h the m a t t e r o f h i s t o r i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e most recent scholarly treatment o f the w o l f i n ancient Greece, that by C . M a i n o l d i , puts f o r w a r d the a r g u m e n t that G r e e k perception o f the w o l f u n d e r w e n t one m a j o r change over t i m e : f r o m b e i n g 'le modele de T a n i m a l f o r t ' i n the H o m e r i c poems, the w o l f subseq u e n t l y became m a r g i n a l i s e d as an e m b l e m o f savagery above

a l l , o f dolos,

trickery.

1 5

The

post-Homeric

and,

association

between the w o l f a n d dolos is indeed c e r t a i n : i n Pythian 2 P i n d a r expresses the w i s h : ' M a y 1 love m y f r i e n d ; b u t against m y e n e m y I shall make a secret attack, like a wolf, t r e a d i n g n o w here now there o n m y crooked paths' ( 8 3 - 5 ) ; a Platonic letter describes a false or t r i c k y friendship as lykophilia (318e); A e l i a n k n o w s h o w wolves can make u p for a lack o f strength by f e i g n i n g a frontal attack, d a r t i n g aside a n d l e a p i n g o n the back o f the v i c t i m (NA 5.19); a n d perhaps the w o l f s best dolos is his s i m i l a r i t y to a d o g , as stated i n Plato's Sophist ( 2 3 1 a ) .

16

also i n the Iliad

H o w e v e r , not o n l y i n the E u r i p i d e a n Rhesus but does the spy D o l o n wear a w o l f s k i n d u r i n g his

c u n n i n g n i g h t exploit ( / / . 10.334; E u r . Rhes. h a r d l y coincidence that Odysseus'

204ff);

grandfather,

17

a n d it is

who h a d

given by H e r m e s o u t s t a n d i n g skill ' i n theft a n d i n o a t h

1

— the

latter on the p r i n c i p l e that w h o e v e r has power over bonds power also to break t h e m — is i n the Odyssey n a m e d as

been has

Autolykos

(19.394ff). I n short, the idea that t r i c k e r y is a later development i n the Greek image o f the w o l f seems to me unjustified. N o t o n l y that: i n m y v i e w no development i n that image can be isolated a n d located c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y u n t i l we reach the zoological studies o f Aristotle. D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n by context, o n the other h a n d , is possible a n d revealing. I n H o m e r i c epic the emphasis ( w i t h the exception o f the D o l o n episode) is o n wolves as a collectivity, fierce i n the fight and so suitable for c o m p a r i s o n to w a r r i o r s . I n the field o f political philosophy Plato characteristically uses the violent aspect o f the 64

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought w o l f to t h i n k about t y r a n n y .

1 8

I n fable the w o l f appears frequently,

often w i t h emphasis o n its c u n n i n g , and often too b e i n g presented in contrast w i t h the d o g .

1 9

I n such contexts, a n d i n others — for

instance the passages f r o m Choephoroi and Pythian 2 cited earlier — the w o l f is used as a means for expressing s o m e t h i n g about h u m a n b e h a v i o u r . B u t there is another sort o f context w h i c h illustrates even m o r e s t r i k i n g l y j u s t h o w pervasive were the patterns o f t h o u g h t embedded i n m y t h . I refer to w o r k s w h i c h were explicitly about a n i m a l s , a n d w h i c h we m i g h t v a r i o u s l y ascribe to the categories ' f o l k l o r e

1

and ' z o o l o g y ' . A s we shall see, the d i s t i n c t i o n is

not u n p r o b l e m a t i c . W e m a y b e g i n w i t h a report b y P l u t a r c h : A n t i p a t e r i n his b o o k On Animah asserts that wolves give b i r t h at the t i m e w h e n trees that bear nuts o r acorns shed their flowers: w h e n they eat these, t h e i r w o m b s are opened. B u t i f there is no supply o f these

flowers,

t h e i r offspring die w i t h i n t h e m and

cannot see the l i g h t . M o r e o v e r those parts o f the w o r l d that are not fertile i n nut-trees o r oak-trees are not t r o u b l e d by wolves. {Qu. Nat. 38) T h i s is a fine example o f h o w Greek t h o u g h t c o u l d c o m b i n e a t r a d i t i o n a l pattern o f ideas w i t h shrewd e m p i r i c a l observation. Our

first

reaction is perhaps to

find

a ' l o g i c o f myth* b e h i n d

A n t i p a t e r ' s account, since there was i n at least one region an acknowledged religious l i n k between acorns and wolves: A r c a d i a . A r c a d i a n s are perceived as acorn-eaters, hence as p r e - c i v i l i s e d ;

20

Arcadians are also worshippers o f Zeus L y k a i o s , i n whose cult b o t h wolves and oak-trees figure (see b e l o w ) ; wolves are outside c i v i l i s a t i o n , and

so are associated w i t h acorn-eaters, w h o are

before i t . B u t there is sound zoology here too. W o l v e s do indeed share a habitat w i t h n u t - and oak-trees. G o o d years for nuts and acorns mean

plentiful

supplies o f the small animals eaten by

wolves, and this plenty means i n t u r n that wolves produce large litters. But w h e n food is scarce, there is i n foxes and rabbits a higher p r o p o r t i o n o f aborted foetuses t h a n i n times o f plenty, and it is likely that the same is true for wolves. A n t i p a t e r ' s assertion thus provides evidence

for a remarkable

coincidence

between

t r a d i t i o n a l and e m p i r i c a l modes o f t h o u g h t . W e m i g h t expect a prion that i f any ancient a u t h o r i t y is g o i n g to 65

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought privilege the e m p i r i c a l against the t r a d i t i o n a l , it w i l l be A r i s t o t l e . A n d i n some cases we do indeed f i n d h i m carefully r e c o r d i n g data w h i c h subsequent zoological research has c o r r o b o r a t e d :

'poly-

dactylous quadrupeds (such as the d o g , l i o n , wolf, fox and j a c k a l ) all b r i n g forth their y o u n g b l i n d , and the eyelid does not separate u n t i l some t i m e after b i r t h ' ; 'the penis is b o n y i n the fox, wolf, marten

and

weasel'.

More

rarely,

statements o f a

f o r w a r d l y zoological k i n d are s i m p l y w r o n g , e.g. flexible

straight-

'the neck is

and has a n u m b e r o f vertebrae i n all animals except the

w o l f and the l i o n , i n w h i c h the neck consists o f one bone o n l y ' .

2 1

In

fact all m a m m a l s have seven bones i n the neck; b u t , interestingly, some wolves suffer f r o m severe a r t h r i t i s o f the spine, and it is possible that A r i s t o t l e ' s i n f o r m a t i o n resulted f r o m observation o f an a n i m a l so afflicted — it is on general grounds not i m p r o b a b l e that i n f i r m wolves offered greater o p p o r t u n i t y for close scrutiny than healthy ones. I n a d d i t i o n to

findings

o f the sort j u s t m e n t i o n e d ,

though,

A r i s t o t l e has other things to say about the wolf; a n d here the m y t h i c a l representation o f the a n i m a l becomes visible once m o r e . A t one p o i n t he describes it as gennaios ( t h o r o u g h - b r e d ) , agrios ( w i l d ) and epiboulos (scheming) ( Hist. An. 4 8 8 b l 7 ) . A t another the d i r e c t i o n o f the e n q u i r y seems to be affected by the t h r e a t e n i n g a n d p r e d a t o r y figure cut by the w o l f i n p o p u l a r belief, w h e n he tackles the m a t t e r o f wolves e a t i n g people. B u t the specific c o n t r i b u t i o n made by A r i s t o t l e to this ( a p p a r e n t l y ) endlessly i n t r i g u i n g issue — he asserts that o n l y lone wolves eat m e n , not wolves i n packs (Hist. An. 594a30) — is zoologically plausible: the lone wolf, w h i c h b y d e f i n i t i o n lacks the support o f the pack, is l i k e l y to have restricted access to p r e y , a n d so m i g h t i n e x t r e m i t y have to resort to h u m a n

meat.

22

I n fact,

even

where

A r i s t o t l e ' s zoological

researches are e x p l i c i t l y influenced by the m y t h i c a l t r a d i t i o n , what is r e m a r k a b l e is the coolness o f his j u d g e m e n t : A n account is given o f the s h e - w o l f s p a r t u r i t i o n w h i c h comes very near the fabulous [pros muthon],

v i z . that there are j u s t

twelve days i n the year d u r i n g w h i c h all wolves b r i n g forth their y o u n g . T h e reason for this, they say, is f o u n d i n a fable, w h i c h alleges that it took twelve days to b r i n g L e t o f r o m the l a n d o f the H y p e r b o r e a n s to Delos, d u r i n g w h i c h t i m e she had the appearance o f a she-wolf because she was afraid o f H e r a . 66

Whether

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought twelve days really was the t i m e o r not has not yet been definitely established by observation; that is merely what is asserted. An.

(Hist.

580al4)

It m a y be added that the s i t u a t i o n is identical today: we k n o w n o t h i n g about the exact b i r t h - p e r i o d s o f E u r o p e a n wolves; but it is zoologically certain that there w i l l be a restricted p e r i o d for b i r t h , and it is unlikely that this will

be more than 2-3

weeks. As w i t h

A n t i p a t e r ' s assertion m e n t i o n e d above, the coincidence

between

m y t h and e m p i r i c a l observation is notable; and so too is the a b i l i t y of A r i s t o t l e to set h i m s e l f apart f r o m the t r a d i t i o n and to reflect critically u p o n i t . A few conclusions m a y be d r a w n f r o m the m a t e r i a l presented i n this section. (1) Sometimes Greek perception o f the w o l f directly reflects the facts o f h u m a n and l u p i n e existence: h u m a n s compete w i t h wolves for food, so wolves appear i n m y t h as cruel foes. (2) I n other respects t r a d i t i o n a l t h o u g h t works on reality by selective emphasis and ' c l a r i f i c a t i o n ' : wolves share a k i l l equally] they are all alike. (3) T h e t r a d i t i o n is not u n i f o r m : i n different contexts different aspects o f the w o l f are stressed, t h o u g h w i t h i n the b r o a d l y similar image shared b y all. (4) A r i s t o t e l i a n zoology represents a m a r k e d contrast

to the m y t h i c a l t r a d i t i o n . B u t the d i s t i n c t i o n

between folklore a n d zoology is not r i g i d : we f i n d excellent zoology in anecdote, a n d m y t h o l o g i c a l patterns and concerns i n zoology.

2. T h e W e r e w o l f of A r c a d i a H a v i n g t r i e d to give a general o v e r v i e w o f the place o f the w o l f i n Greek t h o u g h t , I t u r n n o w to one p a r t i c u l a r aspect o f the subject: the cult and m y t h o f the A r c a d i a n werewolf. T h i s complex o f religious practice and belief constitutes the single most s t r i k i n g instance o f the w o l f as ' g o o d to t h i n k w i t h ' s u r v i v i n g f r o m ancient Greece. W e begin w i t h a p o i n t o f t e r m i n o l o g y . I t seems sensible to distinguish between w e r e w o l f i s m a n d l y c a n t h r o p y . T h e f o r m e r m a y be defined as the belief that people are able to t u r n i n t o wolves; the latter denotes a psychotic disorder according to w h i c h one believes that one has oneself t u r n e d into a w o l f ,

2 3

C o m p a r e d w i t h the enor-

mous n u m b e r o f w e r e w o l f and l y c a n t h r o p y cases recorded for 67

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought medieval E u r o p e ,

2 4

evidence for such phenomena i n a n t i q u i t y is

rare. ( W e are o f course at l i b e r t y to w o n d e r h o w representative o u r sample is, b u t all we can do is to operate w i t h what i n f o r m a t i o n we have.) Instances o f l y c a n t h r o p y are few a n d late, b u t M a r k e l l o s o f Side

significantly

reports

that

sufferers

experienced

s y m p t o m s at n i g h t ( i n F e b r u a r y ) a n d i n cemeteries,

their

i.e. i n a

context r e m o v e d b o t h t e m p o r a l l y a n d spatially f r o m that o f n o r m a l life — we recall that the P e t r o n i a n w e r e w o l f metamorphosed b y m o o n l i g h t a n d o n a r o a d beside some g r a v e - m a r k e r s .

25

Stories o f

ancient w e r e w o l f belief are again scarce, a l t h o u g h there is this t i m e a certain a m o u n t o f m a t e r i a l f r o m Greece. O n c e m o r e we should note

the typical geographical remoteness,

as w i t h the

Neuri,

adjacent to the Scythians i n H e r o d o t o s ' n a r r a t i v e : ' T h e Scythians, a n d the Greeks settled i n Scythia, say that once a year every one o f the N e u r i is t u r n e d i n t o a wolf, a n d after r e m a i n i n g so for a few days returns again to his f o r m e r shape* ( H d t . 4.105). T h a t the N e u r i are located by H e r o d o t o s next to the A n d r o p h a g i is w h o l l y logical: i n accordance w i t h a p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t c o m m o n i n Greece and i n a vast n u m b e r o f other cultures, m a r g i n a l peoples are perceived as b e h a v i n g i n ways inverse to those favoured by the 'central* p e o p l e .

26

W h e t h e r the story about the N e u r i is e n t i r e l y a

p r o d u c t o f this sort o f inverse p r o j e c t i o n , or whether an actual r i t u a l lies b e h i n d i t , is impossible to decide; but the existence o f an i n i t i a t o r y rite de passage is perfectly plausible, either o n the assumpt i o n that the participants literally adopted w o l f - d i s g u i s e ,

27

or o n

the view that one w h o t e m p o r a r i l y w i t h d r a w s 'outside' is metaphorically wolfish. T h e N e u r i were outside, b u t the A r c a d i a n s were before — i n fact, before the m o o n , proselenoi\

2S

and A r c a d i a was the location o f

the w e r e w o l f cult best k n o w n to us f r o m the Greek w o r l d . Even today M o u n t L y k a i o n has a remote and slightly eerie beauty; how m u c h m o r e eerie i n a n t i q u i t y since, so it was said, a rite o f c a n n i balism was practised there. Pausanias refuses to discuss it ( 8 . 3 8 . 7 ) ; but Plato speaks o f a rite i n w h i c h h u m a n innards are m i x e d w i t h parts o f other animals, a n d the person w h o tastes the h u m a n must t u r n into a w o l f (Rep. 565d). O n e does not need to go all the way w i t h A r e n s ' ultra-sceptical approach to a n t h r o p o p h a g y doubtful

29

to be

about at least some reports o f institutionalised canni-

balism: as Servius puts i t , ' i n sacred rites that w h i c h is simulated is accepted as r e a l i t y ' ( o n Aen. 2.116). W h e n K o u r o u n i o t i s d u g the 68

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought site at the b e g i n n i n g o f this c e n t u r y he f o u n d no h u m a n b o n e s ,

30

and, as W a l t e r B u r k e r t has p o i n t e d o u t , o n l y a very few people are going to k n o w exactly what is i n the casserole — the rest is suggestion.

3 1

B u t m o r e profitable t h a n speculation about

the precise

contents o f the c a u l d r o n is some consideration o f the s y m b o l i s m and social context o f the r i t u a l . A n d here we do get a clue from Pausanias, w h o reports: T h e y say that ever since the t i m e o f L y k a o n a m a n was always t u r n e d i n t o a w o l f at the sacrifice to L y k a i a n Zeus — but not for his whole life; because i f he kept o f f h u m a n flesh when he was a wolf, he t u r n e d back i n t o a m a n after n i n e years; i f he tasted h u m a n flesh, he stayed a w i l d beast for ever. ( 8 . 2 . 6 ) T h e w o l f stands for one w h o by his b e h a v i o u r has set h i m s e l f beyond h u m a n i t y : so m u c h is clear. B u t w h y d i d the Greeks enact this ceremony

o f r i t u a l exclusion?

Before we can attempt

an

answer we m u s t consider a r i t u a l w h i c h sounds r e m a r k a b l y similar to the L y k a i o n c e r e m o n y . P l i n y the Elder reports that, according to the A r c a d i a n s , a m e m b e r o f the f a m i l y o f A n t h o s was chosen by lot, left all his clothes o n an oak-tree, swam across a p o o l , went a*vay ' i n t o a deserted area', and t u r n e d into a wolf. After nine years, p r o v i d e d he had eaten no h u m a n meat, he swam

back

across the p o o l , took u p his clothes, a n d resumed h u m a n shape (NH

8.81). A s i m i l a r version is given by A u g u s t i n e ( c i t i n g V a r r o ) ,

though he refers m o r e vaguely to 'the A r c a d i a n s ' instead o f to a specific f a m i l y (Civ. Dei 18.17). T w o questions present themselves: (1) H o w do we interpret the r i t u a l described by Pliny? (2) H o w does it relate to the ceremony m e n t i o n e d by Pausanias and Plato? (1) P l i n y ' s r i t u a l centres on t w o symbolic gestures: s t r i p p i n g , and crossing water. B o t h m a r k the t r a n s i t i o n f r o m inside to outside, h u m a n to a n i m a l . S t r i p p i n g is associated w i t h a n i m a l metamorphosis b o t h i n a n t i q u i t y and later. Pamphile and L u c i u s in The Golden Ass strip before their metamorphoses take place ( 3 . 2 1 , 2 4 ) . T h e w e r e w o l f i n Petronius removes his clothes before changing shape; and the crucial i m p o r t a n c e o f the clothes for the t r a n s i t i o n is indicated by the fact that the w e r e w o l f 'fixes' t h e m by u r i n a t i n g around t h e m , after w h i c h they t u r n to stone (62). medieval

w e r e w o l f legends

confirm 69

the

role

of

Numerous clothes

as

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought b o u n d a r y - m a r k e r , as i n M a r i e de France's lay Bisclavret. A B r e t o n l o r d changes into a w o l f three days a week; before d o i n g so he removes his clothes, w i t h o u t w h i c h he is d e p r i v e d o f the means o f t r a n s i t i o n back to h u m a n i t y . H i s wife a n d her lover steal his clothes, but eventually the l o r d is able to recover t h e m , a n d w i t h t h e m his h u m a n f o r m .

3 2

W a t e r is another b o u n d a r y between the h u m a n and wolfish states. O n c e m o r e there are medieval parallels: i n 1580 J e a n B o d i n recorded a story, set i n L i v o n i a , i n w h i c h crossing water is a prelude to metamorphosis ( o f twelve days' d u r a t i o n ) into wolfish form.

3 3

O n e a l l - t o o - c o m m o n reductionist tactic is to l i n k such

p h e n o m e n a to the fact that rabies — a supposed ' o r i g i n ' o f werew o l f belief — is characterised by h y d r o p h o b i a : water thus q u i t e literally marks a b a r r i e r between m a n a n d w e r e w o l f ( = rabies victim).

3 4

But such a realist approach gets us nowhere i n o u r

attempt to understand the symbolic role o f the supposed ' s y m p t o m ' in its r i t u a l c o n t e x t .

35

M o r e plausibly one m i g h t regard the

A r c a d i a n pool i n a w h o l l y content-free way as simply a b o u n d a r y between inside and outside; but that w o u l d be to ignore the place o f water i n general, and b a t h i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n Greek c u l t .

3 6

W a s h i n g or b a t h i n g i n water f r o m a s p r i n g is an element i n several important

Greek

rites de passage. A f t e r

death

the corpse

was

stripped, washed a n d dressed i n new robes as a prelude to being ' c a r r i e d o u t ' ; before m a k i n g the t r a n s i t i o n back to n o r m a l life the m o u r n e r s w o u l d themselves bathe. A f t e r a b i r t h , m o t h e r a n d c h i l d w o u l d bathe as a part o f the r e t u r n to n o r m a l i t y . B r i d e and g r o o m bathed before the m a r r i a g e ceremony. W a s h i n g , a n d sometimes b a t h i n g and c h a n g i n g o f clothes, was r e q u i r e d before the performance o f prayer or sacrifice, a n d preceded other forms o f access to the sacred such as prophecy, i n c u b a t i o n , and i n i t i a t i o n into the mysteries.

37

T h u s crossing the b o u n d a r y between sacred and n o n -

sacred space, a n d between sacred and non-sacred periods o f t i m e , is r e g u l a r l y accompanied by b a t h i n g . I n one way the relevance o f this to P l i n y ' s A r c a d i a n r i t u a l is clear enough, since e n t e r i n g and leaving a sacred space is clearly part o f the symbolic d r a m a . But i f the r i t u a l as a whole is a rite de passage, then b a t h i n g becomes that m u c h more a p p r o p r i a t e . I n recent

38

years a good deal o f a t t e n t i o n has been directed

towards rituals o f t r a n s i t i o n i n ancient Greece. I n p a r t i c u l a r there have been investigations i n t o the presence o f i n i t i a t i o n rituals — or 70

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought survivals o f t h e m — i n archaic and later Greek c u l t u r e .

3 9

Fruitful

t h o u g h m u c h o f this w o r k has p r o v e d , there has been an occasional tendency to exaggerate the e x p l a n a t o r y value o f i n i t i a t i o n . It may therefore be w o r t h spelling out that some rituals — c o n s u l t i n g an oracle, for instance — were self-evidently not i n i t i a t o r y , while others — such as the ceremonies s u r r o u n d i n g b i r t h , marriage and death

— c e r t a i n l y shared w i t h i n i t i a t i o n rituals the pattern o f

separation/marginalisation/reintegration

but

were

equally

cer-

t a i n l y not i n i t i a t o r y i n the w a y that, say, the ephebeia was. Yet i n spite o f those reservations

it seems to me likely that the r i t u a l

described by P l i n y was indeed i n i t i a t o r y ; at least, the evidence we have is c o m p a t i b l e w i t h such a hypothesis. A m a n — p r o b a b l y , as we shall see, a y o u n g m a n — u n d e r w e n t a rite o f separation, left society

and

became

returned and,

temporarily

a

non-person,

subsequently

after a rite o f r e i n t e g r a t i o n , rejoined the c o m -

m u n i t y , p r e s u m a b l y w i t h a different (? a d u l t ) status. T h e negative i m a g e r y (wolf; i n the w i l d s ) characterising the l i m i n a l p e r i o d is j u s t w h a t we should expect, given the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l p a r a l l e l s .

40

One

aspect o f the s y m b o l i s m is p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting: abstention f r o m h u m a n meat. T h e ' w o l f must retain one l i n k w i t h h u m a n i t y i f his eventual r e t u r n is to be possible. (2) T h e r e are obvious similarities w i t h the L y k a i o n r i t u a l : the avoidance o f h u m a n meat, the metamorphosis

i n t o a wolf, the

p e r i o d o f n i n e years. A t the very least Pausanias a n d P l i n y were r e p o r t i n g rituals w h i c h shared some o f the same symbols. But were they r e l a t i n g different aspects o f the same r i t u a l ?

41

Perhaps the

most persuasive account is that o f B u r k e r t , a c c o r d i n g to w h o m the P l i n i a n version reflects a w a t e r e d - d o w n , ' c i v i l i s e d ' f o r m o f the ritual

w h i c h became confined to a single conservative f a m i l y .

4 2

On

this v i e w we should i m a g i n e an earlier situation i n archaic Greece in w h i c h a whole age-group o f y o u n g m e n were i n i t i a t e d i n t o A r c a d i a n adult society. Before they became fully-fledged citizens they were o b l i g e d to u n d e r g o a p e r i o d o f separation from society as ' w o l v e s ' , i.e. outsiders. W h e n they reached the age o f full social a d u l t h o o d they became true descendants o f A r k a s , ' T h e Bear' — Pausanias c o n v e n i e n t l y tells us that A r c a d i a n w a r r i o r s wore the skins o f t w o a n i m a l s , the w o l f and the bear ( 4 . 1 1 . 3 ) . S u p p o r t i n g the i n i t i a t i o n hypothesis is the story (recorded by Pausanias, P l i n y and A u g u s t i n e )

4 3

o f an A r c a d i a n w h o r e t u r n e d after a nine-year 71

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought l u p i n e absence to w i n the O l y m p i c b o x i n g event: it was surely a young m a n w h o went i n t o the w i l d s . T h e o n l y p r o b l e m w i t h this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n seems to me the nine l

years. W e could o f course take it as merely symbolic o f a p e r i o d o f t i m e ' , and leave the m a t t e r at t h a t .

44

B u t i f we take it at face value,

and i f we see the r i t u a l as a p p l y i n g , at least o r i g i n a l l y , to a whole age-group o f y o u n g m e n , then we have to give a reasonable answer to the question, ' W h a t were they doing for n i n e years?' — nine years o f 'das L e b e n als " W o l f e " i n der W i l d n i s ' .

4 5

I t is not quite

the same as w i t h d r a w i n g to the y o u n g m e n ' s huts for a spell o f a couple o f m o n t h s before r e j o i n i n g the t r i b e ,

4 6

I f we w a n t to regard

the L y k a i o n r i t u a l as being o r i g i n a l l y an i n i t i a t i o n ceremony for an entire age-group then we have to be sceptical about those nine years, at least u n t i l they are explained i n a way w h i c h makes sense in relation to the real life o f a historical A r c a d i a n c o m m u n i t y .

4 7

In

any case it is unwise to be too d o g m a t i c about what happened o n M o u n t L y k a i o n . W e k n o w , for instance, o f a r i t u a l there connected

with making r a i n ;

4 8

we k n o w also that the opposition

sunlight/shadow was i m p o r t a n t ;

4 9

and it is difficult, a n d p r o b a b l y

m i s l e a d i n g , to t r y to incorporate all this m a t e r i a l into a single r i t u a l complex. B u t i f we retain the idea o f an i n i t i a t o r y rite o f passage we have at least a very plausible hypothesis for understanding the logic o f the central w e r e w o l f ceremony. W e have not yet finished w i t h M o u n t L y k a i o n , for associated w i t h it there was a m y t h . T h e most d r a m a t i c a l l y e x c i t i n g account o f L y k a o n is i n O v i d ' s Metamorphoses Book 1, but the most suggestive f r o m the m y t h o l o g i c a l p o i n t o f view is i n Pausanias (8.1 - 2 ) . A c c o r d i n g to his version, L y k a o n ' s father was Pelasgos, the

first

m a n w h o lived in A r c a d i a . Pelasgos i n t r o d u c e d certain aspects o f c i v i l i s a t i o n : shelters against the elements and c l o t h i n g made from sheepskins. M o r e o v e r he stopped his subjects eating leaves, grass and roots, and i n t r o d u c e d t h e m instead to acorns. L y k a o n cont i n u e d the c i v i l i s i n g process by f o u n d i n g a city and i n s t i t u t i n g games in h o n o u r o f Zeus. A t that t i m e , because o f their justice and piety, m e n ate at the same table as the gods. But L y k a o n carried out the sacrifice o f a c h i l d on Zeus' altar on M o u n t L y k a i o n ; as a consequence he was t u r n e d i n t o a wolf. O n e way o f c o m i n g to grips w i t h the Greek myths is to identify recurrent themes, and so to observe what Greeks felt to be i m p o r tant. A m a j o r theme in the L y k a o n m y t h is the importance o f 72

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought m a i n t a i n i n g proper relationships w i t h the gods, and the dangers o f not so d o i n g . Countless other m y t h s make a s i m i l a r p o i n t : punishment follows all kinds o f transgression failure

to h o n o u r

rivalry

(Arachne,

them

against

the gods,

from

( H i p p o l y t o s , Pentheus) to ill-advised

Marsyas)

to

figurative

or

real

violation

( A k t a i o n , Teiresias, I x i o n ) . M o r e specifically, the L y k a o n m y t h narrates the consequences o f a b u s i n g h o s p i t a l i t y , and here it resembles the story o f T a n t a l o s , another w h o was host to the gods at a cannibalistic feast. B u t L y k a o n is a b r i n g e r o f culture as well as a c r i m i n a l , and the whole n a r r a t i v e i n Pausanias is from

another

point o f view the story o f the o r i g i n s o f civilisation i n A r c a d i a : after relating what Pelasgos and L y k a o n d i d he tells us that one o f Lykaon's

descendants,

Arkas, will

invent agriculture,

bread-

m a k i n g and w e a v i n g ( 8 . 4 . 1 ) . H o w e v e r , the m y t h also makes clear that h u m a n i t y ' s c u l t u r a l progress is not u n a l l o y e d : part and parcel of the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n as we k n o w it is that we no longer eat w i t h the gods. T h e r e is a close analogy w i t h H e s i o d ' s account o f what happened at M e k o n e , where P r o m e t h e u s '

attempted deception o f

Zeus resulted i n a definitive end to the c o m m e n s a l i t y o f m e n and gods (Theog.

535ff). B u t the difference is as s t r i k i n g as the s i m i -

larity: i n the L y k a o n story the r u p t u r e between m e n and gods is far m o r e drastic. T h i s becomes evident i f we look at some o f the variants — another f r u i t f u l way o f u n c o v e r i n g the logic o f m y t h . A c c o r d i n g to A p o l l o d o r o s L y k a o n ' s sons are the g u i l t y ones, and they (except the youngest) and t h e i r father are

thunderbolted

(3,8); while H y g i n u s speaks o f L y k a o n t u r n i n g i n t o a w o l f and his sons being t h u n d e r b o l t e d (176). T h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the equivalence between t h u n d e r b o l t i n g and metamorphosis i n t o a w o l f have been d r a w n by B o r g e a u d .

50

I n the case o f t h u n d e r b o l t i n g , Zeus'

power is completely manifested (cf. the fate o f Semele); i n the case of metamorphosis, the g u i l t y party is not s i m p l y banished Zeus'

table, he is banished

from

i n t o a n i m a l i t y . C o u p l i n g the two

versions we a r r i v e at a d o u b l y radical break between men and god: men

recede below h u m a n i t y ,

god's d i v i n i t y

is

unanswerably

affirmed. O n l y i n future generations w i l l h u m a n / d i v i n e relations be on a firmer footing — at a more respectful distance. A n o t h e r significant theme is the metamorphosis

itself.

51

Not

only is L y k a o n like a wolf, he is, p e r m a n e n t l y , a wolf. H e r e again is an e n o r m o u s l y c o m m o n pattern i n Greek m y t h : a departure 73

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought from the n o r m — often a transgression — is fixed for ever by a change into a n o n - h u m a n state, frequently one (as w i t h L y k a o n ) a p p r o p r i a t e to the nature o f the transgression or a b n o r m a l i t y .

5 2

F u r t h e r m o r e the fact that i n the L y k a o n m y t h (as usual in Greek metamorphoses)

it is a god w h o effects the alteration is w o r t h

b e a r i n g i n m i n d i f the analogy between classical and m e d i e v a l werewolves threatens to become too insistent. I n both cultures to be a w o l f signifies that one has forfeited h u m a n i t y and is obliged to 1

lead an ' o u t s i d e existence. But the medieval werewolf, perceived as b e i n g able to change his shape f r o m the G o d - g i v e n h u m a n f o r m w i t h w h i c h he started, is typically represented as h a v i n g that power thanks to d e m o n i c assistance. T h e conceptual b a c k g r o u n d medieval werewolfism is C h r i s t i a n i t y .

to

5 3

A n y G r e e k m y t h should be responsive to an e n q u i r y into its themes. B u t some m y t h s , thanks to the accidents o f s u r v i v a l a n d the character o f the stories themselves, m a y take o n added significance w h e n seen in j u x t a p o s i t i o n w i t h a r i t u a l . T h i s is u n d e n i a b l y the case w i t h the m y t h in question here, w h i c h exists i n a v i r t u a l l y s y m b i o t i c relationship w i t h

the w e r e w o l f c e r e m o n y o f M o u n t

L y k a i o n . O n the one h a n d the m y t h ' c o n f i r m s ' the r i t u a l , g i v i n g it greater

resonance.

Each t i m e a m a n leaves the sanctuary

to

become a wolf, that m a n i n a sense is L y k a o n : i n v i r t u e o f the conclusive

banishment

originally

experienced

by

Lykaon,

the

exclusion d r a m a t i s e d i n the r i t u a l is that m u c h m o r e intense (or so we m a y surmise — the emotions i n v o l v e d i n a r i t u a l are h a r d enough to assess i n a c o n t e m p o r a r y context, let alone in one sketchily k n o w n f r o m a n t i q u i t y ) . O n the other h a n d m y t h a n d r i t u a l are contrasting s y m b o l i c languages, the one t e n d i n g to make explicit a n d absolute that w h i c h the other leaves i m p l i c i t

and

t e m p o r a r y . T h u s the metamorphosis o f L y k a o n is p e r m a n e n t , while the exclusion dramatised i n the r i t u a l is t e m p o r a r y and reversible. O n e m a y note the parallel w i t h the scapegoat: i n m y t h the designated i n d i v i d u a l is k i l l e d ; i n r i t u a l merely e x p e l l e d .

54

A M o d e r n Postscript A t certain points i n this paper I have discussed the far f r o m simple relationship o b t a i n i n g between

t r a d i t i o n s about

observation o f the w o l f i n Greek 74

antiquity.

and e m p i r i c a l

M y invoking of

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought m o d e r n zoology as a c o n t r o l o n some o f the ancient data m a y have created an impression that nowadays we have an accurate and tradition-free p i c t u r e o f the wolf. I t is true that in this century the science o f ethology has made quite e x t r a o r d i n a r y strides;

and

studies o f w o l f b e h a v i o u r are no exception to this g e n e r a l i s a t i o n . But

knowledge o f such matters

55

is very t h i n l y diffused. I n the

industrialised West, at any rate, the w o l f is present largely as a residual folklore image. A n d i n the m i n d as in terms o f actual population it seems to be on the decline: i n u r b a n folklore, as the m o t o r w a y has replaced the forest as the location o f danger, so the p h a n t o m h i t c h h i k e r threatens to oust the w e r e w o l f . tinuing

p o p u l a r i t y o f w e r e w o l f films and

56

But the con-

literature

57

perhaps

suggests that this beast remains good to t h i n k w i t h , since it calls into question the b o u n d a r y between h u m a n and ' b e s t i a l ' . Even o r d i n a r y wolves still cause public and m e d i a t e r r o r i f they get out of place. A b o v e all there remains

a fascination — the l u p i n e

equivalent o f the debate over cannibalism — w i t h the question, l

Do

wolves make u n p r o v o k e d attacks on h u m a n b e i n g s ? '

58

The

evidence seems i n fact to be that, while rabid wolves w i l l indeed r u n amok and bite at r a n d o m , n o r m a l l y wolves are too terrified o f m a n to attack even when h u n g r y . I t is o f course h a r d to substantiate this, since it is often impossible to decide whether any given report, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f it is not c o n t e m p o r a r y , involves a r a b i d or a nonrabid wolf; a n d , to add to the confusion, feral dogs can easily be mistaken for w o l v e s .

59

I n any case, such cool evaluations o f the

evidence seem flimsy w h e n confronted w i t h a powerful folklore image. W h e t h e r that image w i l l d i m i n i s h or g r o w w h e n all the real wolves have been e x t e r m i n a t e d is b e y o n d even g u e s s w o r k .

60

Notes 1. C . L é v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind ( E n g . tr., L o n d o n , 1966). 2. O n the pedigree of this expression see G . E . R . L l o y d , Science, Folklore and Ideology ( C a m b r i d g e , 1983) 8, n 7. 3. For general discussions see L . D . M e c h , The Wolf: The Ecology and Behavior of an Endangered Species (New Y o r k , 1970) and E . Z i m e n , The Wolf: His Place in the Natural World ( E n g . tr., L o n d o n , 1981). 4. C f . A . Dent, Lost Beasts of Britain ( L o n d o n , 1974) 9 9 - 134. 5. Wolves, ed. D . H . Pimlott (Morges, 1975). 6. Rewards offered in late eighteenth-century France are set out in A . Molinier and N . Molinier-Meyer, Environnement et histoire: les loups et l'homme en 4

75

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought France*, Rev. d'hist. mod ei contempt 28 (1981) 2 2 5 - 4 5 . a( 228; this is the only serious attempt known 10 me which offers a historical ecology of the wolf in a particular region. Bounties of £ 5 per head in C r o m w e l l i a n Ireland: C . Fitzgibbon, Red Hand: The Ulster Colony ( L o n d o n , 1971) 37. 7. Here and several times elsewhere I have followed or adapted the Loeb translation. 8. For advice on all matters of wolf biology and behaviour mentioned in this article I am indebted to D r S. H a r r i s of the Department of Zoology at Bristol University. 9. M . Haupt, 'Excerpta ex T i m o t h e i G a z a e i libris de animalibus', Hermes, 3 (1869) 8, lines 2 7 - 9 . 10. See M . D é t i e n n e and J . Svenbro, ' Les loups au festin ou la cité impossible', in M . D é t i e n n e and J . - P . V e r n a n t , La Cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec (Paris, 1979) 2 1 5 - 3 7 , on the parallel with 'isonomic' distribution between hoplites. 11. See D . L . Page, Sappho and Alcaeus (Oxford, 1955) 2 0 5 - 6 . 12. Connection between wolf and outlaw: H a r r y A . Senn, Were-wolf and Vampire in Romania (New Y o r k , 1982) 16, and J . N . B r e m m e r and N . M . Horsfall, Roman Myth and Kiythography ( L o n d o n , 1987) 43, n 73 (bibliog.). 13. O n this passage see C . M a i n o l d i , Limage du loup et du chien dans la Grèce ancienne d'Homere à Platon ( P a r i s , 1984) 2 5 - 6 . (Mainoldi's study is careful and extremely interesting.) Apollo Lyk(e)ios: F . Graf, Nordwmsehe Kulte ( R o m e , 1985) 220-6. 14. W e may recall that the origins of R o m e were perceived as lying with a renegade band of young men, led by the foster-children of the she-wolf— outsiders in co-operation; cf. A . AIföldi, Die Struktur des voretruskischen Römerstaates (Heidelberg, 1974), esp. 1 1 9 - 3 3 . 15. Mainoldi, L'Image, 9 7 - 1 0 3 , 127. 16. Wolves and dogs similar: cf. also D i o d . Sic. 1.88.6. But the perceived relation between the two is complex and ambiguous. Although dog can be seen to stand to wolf as tame to wild, the tameness of dogs is problematic. O n the one hand, they protect human civilisation by warding off wild beasts, and are domesti cated to the extent of being regularly eaten (cf. N . - G . G e j v a l l , Lerna, vol. 1, The Fauna (Princeton, 1969) 1 4 - 18). O n the other hand, dogs are potential killers and may threaten man (n.b. Aktaion). O n dogs see H . H . Scholz, Der Hund in der griechisch-römischen Magie und Religion (Berlin, 1937); R . H . A . Merten, De Canibus Dog and Hound in Antiquity ( L o n d o n , 1971); N . J . Zaganiaris, ' L e chien dans la mythologie et la littérature g r é c o - l a t i n e s ' , Platon, 32 (1980) 5 2 - 8 7 ; Mainoldi, Limage. N . b . also T . Ziolkowski, Varieties of Literary Thematics (Princeton, 1983) C h . 3 ( ' T a l k i n g dogs: the caninization of literature'); and, for a brilliant analysis of a medieval cult and legend, J . - C . Schmitt, The Holy Greyhound ( E n g . tr., C a m b r i d g e , 1983). 17. Dolon the wolf: L . Gernet, The Anthropology of Ancient Greece ( E n g . tr., Baltimore, 1981) 1 2 5 - 3 9 ; F . Lissarrague, 'Iconographie de Dolon le loup', Rev. Arch (1980) 3 - 3 0 . T h e attempt by Mainoldi, L'Image, 20, to explain away the wolf/trickery link in the Doloneia is unconvincing. 18. E . g . Rep. 416a, 5 6 5 e - 6 6 a ; Phaedo 82a. C f . Mainoldi, L'Image, 187-200, and D . L a n z a , / / liranno e il suo puhblico ( T u r i n , 1977) 6 5 - 7 . 19. List of references given by Mainoldi, L'Image, 2 0 9 - 1 0 , n 12. 20. C f . P. Borgeaud, Recherches sur le dieu Pan ( R o m e , 1979) 3 0 - 2 . 21. Aristotelian references: Gen. An. 742a8 (eyelid); Hist. An. 500b23 (penis); Part An. 686a21 (neck); translations adapted from Loeb. 22. But see postscript. 23. Lycanthropy is not unknown to modern psychiatry, although it is very rare:

76

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought see H . A . Rosenstock and K . R . Vincent, ' A case of lycanthropy', Am. Journ Psychiatry. 134A0 ( O c t . 1977) 1 1 4 7 - 9 . 24. G . R o n a y , The Dracula Myth ( L o n d o n , 1972) 15, gives a figure of 30,000 cases of lycanthropy investigated by the R o m a n C h u r c h between 1520 and the mid-seventeenth century. O n werewolf belief in early modern Europe see L . HarfLancncr, L a metamorphose illusoire: des théories c h r é t i e n n e s de la m é t a m o r p h o s e aux images m é d i é v a l e s du loup-garou', Annales ESC, 40 (1985) 2 0 8 - 2 6 . M . S u m m e r s , The Werewolf ( L o n d o n , 1933), may still be consulted, though with great circumspection. l

25. G a l e n , On Melancholy, ed. K ü h n , X I X , 719; text of Markellos in W . H . Roscher, 'Das von der " K y n a n t h r o p i e " handelnde Fragment des Marcellus von Side', Abh. der K'onigl. Sachs. Ges. Wiss., phil.-hist. C I . , 17 (Leipzig, 1897) 7 9 - 8 1 . Ancient lycanthropy. G . Piccaluga, Lykaan: un tema mittco ( R o m e , 1968) 60ff; M . U l i m a n n , ' D e r Werwolf. E i n griechisches Sagenmotiv in arabischer Verkleidung', Wiener Zs f. die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 68 (1976) 1 7 1 - 8 4 ; Burkert, HN, 89 with n 28. Burkert rightly States that lycanthropy is culturally determined, but his view that it 'no longer plays a role in modern psychiatry' needs rephrasing as 'a significant role'; cf. my n 23. Petronius: Satyr. 6 1 - 2 . 26. C f . T . E . J . W i e d e m a n n , 'Between men and beasts: barbarians in A m m i a n u s Marzellinus', in Past Perspectives, ed. I . S. Moxon, J . D . Smart and A. J . Woodman ( C a m b r i d g e , 1986) 1 8 9 - 2 0 1 . O n the 'other' in Herodotos see F . H a r t o ç , Le Miroir d'Hérodote (Paris, 1980); on perceived cultural differences between 'same' and 'other* see T . Todorov, La Conquête de l'Amérique (Paris, 1982). 27. C f . K . M e u l i , Gesammelte Schriften (Basle, 1975), vol. 1, 160. 28. See Borgeaud, Recherches, 1 9 - 2 3 . 29. W . Arens, The Man-Eating Myth (New Y o r k , 1979). 30. Eph. Arch. (1904) 1 5 3 - 2 1 4 , at 169. More on the excavation at Eph. Arch (1905) 1 6 1 - 7 8 ; Praktika (1^9) 185-200. 31. Burkert, HN, 90. 32 Bisclavret: S. Battaglin. 'II mito del licantropo nel Bisclavret di M a r i a di Francia* in his La coscienza letteraria del medioevo (Naples, 1965) 3 6 1 - 8 9 ; M . Bambcck, D a s Werwolfmotiv im Bisclavret , Zeitschr.fi Roman. Phiiol., # 9 ( 1 9 7 3 ) 1 2 3 - 4 7 ; F . S u a r d , 'Risclauret [sic] et les contes du loup-garou: essai d'interpréta tion', in Mélanges . . . offerts à Ch Foulon, vol. II ( L i è g e , 1980) 2 6 7 - 76. l

1

33. De la démonomame des sorciers (Paris, 1580) 99. 34 For the werewolf-rabies equation see C h . 12 of I . Woodward's lurid book The Werewolf Delusion (New Y o r k , 1979). 35. Equally beside the point is the attempt to explain the religious phenomenon of werewolfism by reference to iron-deficiency porphyria (New Scientist, 28 O c t . 1982, 2 4 4 - 5 ) . O n e may compare C . G i n z b u r g , 7he Night Battles ( E n g . tr., London, 1983) 18, on the need to explain the beliefs of the Friulian benandanti 'on I he basis of the history of popular religiosity not on that of pharmacology oi psychiatry'. 36. See M . Ninck, Die Bedeutung des Wassers im Kult und Leben der Alten, Philologus Supplbci. 14.2 (Leipzig, 1921) 148IÏ, for the role of water in mythical metamorphoses. 37. Death: R . G i n o u v è s , Balaneutikè (Paris, 1962) 2 3 9 - 6 4 ; R . Parker, Miasma {Oxford, 1983) 3 5 - 6 . Birth: G i n o u v è s 2 3 5 - 8 ; Parker, 5 0 - 1 . Marriage; G i n o u v è s , 2 6 5 - 8 2 . Prayer, sacrifice: G i n o u v è s , 3 1 1 - 1 8 Prophecy, incubation: G i n o u v è s , 327 - 7 3 . Mysteries: G i n o u v è s , 3 7 5 - 4 0 4 . 38. There is a striking parallel with the rite of adult baptism in the early C h u r c h . M a n y fonts had three steps leading down from one side and three steps leading up out of the other side: the initiate thus crossed the font. (See. A .

77

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought Khatchatrian, Les Baptistères paléochrétiens (Paris, 1962) nos. 83, 136, 194, 270 and 371.) T h e going down into the font was regarded as equivalent to Christ being placed in the tomb, and the going up out of it was interpreted in terms of resurrec tion (e.g. Ambrose de Sacr. 3.1.2; cf. J . G . Davies, The Architectural Setting of Baptism ( L o n d o n , 1962) 2 2 - 3 ) . 39. T h e major anthropological influence is A . van G e n n e p , Les Rites de passage (Paris, 1909), with important amplification by V . T u r n e r , The Forest of Symbols (Ithaca, 1967) 9 3 - 1 1 1 . O n Greece see H . J e a n m a i r e , Couroi et Courbes (Lille, 1939); A . Brehch, Faides e Parihenoi ( R o m e , 1969); J . Bremmer, 'Heroes, rituals and the T r o j a n W a r ' , Sludi Storno-Rel, 2 (1978) 5 - 3 8 ; Burkert, GR, 2 6 0 - 4 . 40. See T u r n e r , Forest, esp. 96. 4 L For the different views see Mainoldi, L'Image, 31, n 11. 42. Burkert, HN. 88. 43. Paus. 6.8.2; Pliny 8.82; A u g . Civ. Dei 18,17. 44. Seven years as wolf: Giraldus C a m b r e n s i s , Topographta Hibermca 2.19; one year: The Mabinogwn, tr. J . G a n t z (Harmondsworth, 1976) 105. Nine years as a transitional period: Felix's Life of Saint Guthlac, ed. B , Colgravc (Cambridge, 1956) C h . 18. C o m p a r e also Homeric 'for nine days . . . but on the tenth . . .': Lex. des frühgr. Epos s.v. ennea, ennemar, N . J . R i c h a r d s o n , The Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Oxford, 1974) 1 6 5 - 6 . 45. Burkert, orig. edn of Homo Necans (Berlin, 1972) 105. 46. See B . Sergent, L'Homosexualité dans ta mythologie grecque (Paris, 1984) 51 - 2 , on two months as a common period for initiatory withdrawal. 47. C f . J . Z . S m i t h , Imagining Religion (Chicago, 1 9 8 2 ) 6 0 - I , on the need not to abandon 'our sense of incredulity, our estimate of plausibility', in such matters. 48. Paus. 8.38.4. Piccaluga, Lykaon, interprets the entire cult activity on Lykaion in terms of drought/water: the first item in her subject index is 'acqua: passim'. But her desire to unify the heterogeneous data is over-zealous. 49. According to Pausanias (8.38.6) no person could enter the precinct of Zeus Lykaios on normal, i.e. non-sacred occasions. If anyone, man or beast, did enter, he cast no shadow — in other words, ceased to be alive. ( A variant also recorded by Pausanias makes this explicit: a person entering dies within a year.) Polybius (16.12.7) and Plutarch (Qu. Gr. 39) confirm the shadow story. Evidently it marks in an emphatic way the inside-sanctuary/outside-sanctuary boundary. But is there more to it than that? In front of the altar of Zeus there were two pillars 'towards the rising sun', with gilded eagles upon them (Paus. 8.38.7). T h e detail is enigmatic and, given the state of our knowledge, the sunlight, like the rain, must remain peripheral to our reading of the werewolf rite. 50. Borgeaud, Recherches, 4 5 - 7 . 51. O n this see in general the B u d é edition of Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses, by M . Papathomopoulos (Paris, 1968), and G . K . Galinsky, Ooid's 'Metamorphoses' (Oxford, 1975). 52. Some examples i n J H S , 700(1980), 3 0 - 5 . 53. Augustine (Ctv. Dei 18.18) ascribes all metamorphoses to demons, who have no power of creation but who change in appearance things created by G o d . O n philo sophical disputes about the status of metamorphosis in medieval times see C h , 2 of Summers The Werewolf', and cf. G . Ortalli, 'Natura, storia e mitografia del lupo nel Medioevo', La Cultura, 11 (1973) 2 5 7 - 3 1 1, at 286f. 54. Cf. J . Bremmer, 'Scapegoat rituals in ancient G r e e c e , HSCP, #7 (1983) 2 9 9 - 3 2 0 , at 3 1 5 - 1 8 . 55. C f . works referred to in notes 3 and 5. 56. See J . H . B r u n v a n d , The Vanishing Hitchhiker (New Y o r k , 1981). 57. See T . Gerhardt, ' D e r Werwolf im Groschenroman', Kieler Blätter zur 1

78

Wolves and Werewolves in Greek Thought Voikskunde, 9 ( 1 9 7 7 ) 4 1 - 5 4 . 58. Respectable scholars take the matter up eagerly. Eduard Fraenkrl, Horace (Oxford, 1957), put in a stop-press footnote: ' I can now add that during the exceptional cold spell of February 1956 a postman was attacked and eaten by wolves . . . in the immediate neighbourhood of Horace's farm' (186, n 3). Peter Levi repeats the topos in the Penguin translation of Pausanias (Harmondsworth, 1971) 324, n 115. 59. Molinier and M o l i n i e r - M e y e r , Environnement et histoire, analyse 45 attacks by wolves on humans between 1797 and 1817 in six French départements. Their guarded conclusion is that non-rabid wolves would attack children, especially those looking after flocks. Less often, adults were attacked; and, according to these authors, the attackers were not always rabid. But all adults fatally wounded or 'partiellement d é v o r é s ' were victims of rabid wolves. T h e authors estimate statis tically that the rabid wolf is twenty times more dangerous than the non-rabid wolf. 60. Versions of this paper have been read at Ioannina, Bristol, Oxford, Swansea and at an annual meeting of the Classical Association at Nottingham. I am indebted to the many colleagues who offered advice and criticism on each of these occasions. I am also most grateful for help received from don Renato De Vido, Professor J . G Davies, and the editor of this volume.

79

5 Orpheus: A Poet Among Men Fritz Graf

T h e m y t h o f O r p h e u s , i n the f o r m i n w h i c h it entered E u r o p e a n consciousness,

is q u i t e y o u n g : it was V i r g i l (Georg.

4,453-525)

and O v i d (Met. 1 0 , 1 - 1 1 . 8 4 ) w h o n a r r a t e d it i n its canonical f o r m . Their

accounts

look organic e n o u g h .

Orpheus

lost his

wife,

E u r y d i c e , at the t i m e o f their w e d d i n g ; grief-stricken, he went d o w n to Hades, overcame all hostile powers t h r o u g h the power o f his song, b u t failed i n the end: t u r n i n g too soon to see his wife, he lost her for g o o d . I n reaction, he fled h u m a n c o m p a n i o n s h i p , especially that o f w o m e n , a n d his m o u r n f u l s i n g i n g attracted w i l d beasts, trees a n d rocks. F i n a l l y maenads attacked h i m , tore his body to pieces a n d t h r e w it into a r i v e r ; m i r a c u l o u s l y preserved, his head kept o n s w i m m i n g and s i n g i n g o n the waves. A look at the earlier testimonies a n d the m y t h o g r a p h e r s , however, shows that this n a r r a t i v e is a composite o f four themes:

1

different

the story o f h o w O r p h e u s lost his wife a n d t r i e d to fetch

her back; h o w his music attracted a n i m a l s , trees, and even rocks; how he died at the hands o f the maenads or o f T h r a c i a n w o m e n , and what happened

to his severed

head.

These

four

themes

account for nearly all the m y t h s we k n o w about O r p h e u s : a fifth major theme, one not integrated into the vulgate b u t , to anticipate, attested at the earliest date, is the story o f h o w O r p h e u s accompanied the A r g o n a u t s on their adventurous t r i p . T h e task o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g the figure o f O r p h e u s — a T h r a c i a n singer a n d lyre-player, son o f a M u s e and a shadowy k i n g or the god A p o l l o h i m s e l f — is not an easy one, in consequence o f the inadequacy o f o u r sources. I t has, nevertheless, been u n d e r t a k e n m a n y times a n d w i t h w i d e l y divergent results. 80

2

T h i s essay w i l l ,

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men once again, attack the same p r o b l e m . A n d t h o u g h sketchv i n some parts, it hopes to present a w e l l - k n o w n m y t h o l o g i c a l fig ire in a partly new l i g h t .

1. T h e m o v i n g story o f O r p h e u s ' frustrated love goes back, as is universally agreed, to a H e l l e n i s t i c source.

3

T h e r e is m u c h less

agreement about earlier forms o f this m y t h . D i d it always end u n h a p p i l y , or was there a version where O r p h e u s succeeded i n his quest? T h e evidence seems, at first, somewhat a m b i g u o u s . The

first

allusion

to an

unsuccessful

e n d i n g is i n

Plato's

Symposium (179 D E ) , i n a rather s u r p r i s i n g f o r m . T h e gods, Plato makes Phaedrus say, deceived O r p h e u s by not g i v i n g h i m his wife but o n l y s h o w i n g h i m an a p p a r i t i o n , phasma, o f her, as a punishment for his cowardice: had he not been a c o w a r d , he w o u l d have died to follow her, as Alcestis h a d done w h o died out o f love for her husband. T h i s v a r i a t i o n c e r t a i n l y is Plato's — but he varies the canonical f o r m w i t h its u n h a p p y e n d i n g . T h e evidence before Plato is less clear. T h e first reference to the m y t h occurs i n E u r i p i d e s ' Alcestis,

p e r f o r m e d i n 438 B C . Alcestis,

who chose to die instead o f her h u s b a n d A d m e t u s , takes her farewell;

i n a l o n g speech,

A d m e t u s expresses his grief a n d

promises to love her for ever — a n d i f he h a d the power o f O r p h e u s , he w o u l d go d o w n to entice Persephone a n d her husband to give h i m back his wife, a n d neither Cerberus nor C h a r o n could keep h i m back 'before I w o u l d b r i n g back t h y life to the l i g h t ' ( 3 5 7 - 6 2 ) . T h e w o r d s are a m b i g u o u s , and it does not necessarily follow that O r p h e u s h a d been successful. O n e m i g h t even argue that A d m e t u s hopes to have more success than his famous predecessor, w h o m Cerberus a n d C h a r o n h a d kept b a c k .

4

N o r does a

successful e n d i n g follow f r o m a passage i n Isocrates' Busiris

(8)

where the r h e t o r compares Busiris ' w h o killed the l i v i n g before their t i m e ' to O r p h e u s ' w h o b r o u g h t back the dead from Hades': what matters is the clever contrast, and Isocrates at all events overstates his case, since he makes O r p h e u s b r i n g back the dead, tous tethneotas. It is not difficult to see that he d i d not m e n t i o n the outcome i n o r d e r to avoid e n d a n g e r i n g his recherche comparison. A s i m i l a r a m b i g u i t y surrounds the t w o references i n Hellenistic 81

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men poetry. H e r m e s i a n a x ( a r o u n d 300 B C ) ends his account o f how O r p h e u s went to Hades for his wife w i t h the words: ' T h u s s i n g i n g , he persuaded the great L o r d s that A r g i o p e [as H e r m e s i a n a x calls the wife] m i g h t take the spirit o f fragile life

1

(fr. 7 Powell). T h e

o u t c o m e is open, and since the poet narrates the m y t h i n praise o f another poet's love, as a m y t h i c a l precedent o f his o w n love and poetry, he needs must leave it open — especially i f the m y t h had ended i n failure. I n the a n o n y m o u s Epitaph for the poet Bion,

its

a u t h o r wishes to be able to go d o w n to Hades, like O r p h e u s , like Odysseus, like Herakles, and to sing before K o r e ( 1 2 1 - 3 2 ) : he is certain that his song w i l l m o v e the Mistress o f the D e a d — especially since she is S i c i l i a n , as is his bucolic song. A g a i n , it is the powerful song that matters; the poet m i g h t hope to be m o r e successful than O r p h e u s — after a l l , his song is nearer a n d dearer to Persephone t h a n O r p h e u s ' had been. T h e r e is,

finally,

the famous relief from the later fifth century

w h i c h comes, p r e s u m a b l y , f r o m the altar o f the T w e l v e Gods o n the A t h e n i a n A g o r a . It represents H e r m e s , O r p h e u s and his wife. As to the exact i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , archaeologists are d i v i d e d into those who see a ' t r a g i c a l n o t e ' , i.e. the final p a r t i n g o f the lovers, and those w h o do not. For o u r discussion it is therefore not very helpful.

5

T h e r e is, t h e n , no u n a m b i g u o u s t e s t i m o n y to a h a p p y e n d i n g o f O r p h e u s ' quest. W h a t is m o r e , it seems clear that at least the w r i t e r s ( I venture no o p i n i o n about the u n k n o w n sculptor) were not so m u c h interested i n the o u t c o m e as i n the story — that O r p h e u s went out o f love, i n his l i v i n g b o d y , d o w n to Hades, a n d overcame all the dangers there, thanks to his p o w e r f u l music. I t is a m y t h about a master-musician a n d , at least i n Hellenistic t i m e , a poet's poet, a m y t h i c a l p r é f i g u r a t i o n o f the poet. E v e n Plato, i n his emphasis o n the katabasis i n life, w h i c h he devalued w h e n c o m pared to suicide, shows this p o i n t o f view. H i s f o r m u l a t i o n — 'the gods only showed h i m a phasma o f her' — is, t h e n , a perfectly understandable a b b r e v i a t i o n o f the finale we k n o w f r o m V i r g i l a n d Ovid.

2. W e m a y , therefore, assume that the m y t h has had a relatively 82

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men u n i f o r m pattern f r o m its first attestation i n 438 B C . As to its age and its possible earlier appearance, we simply lack i n f o r m a t i o n . Nevertheless, scholars a t t r i b u t e d to it a hoary a n t i q u i t y . It was reckoned to be *the most significant . pared

to shamanic

ideology and

. element that can be comtechnique'.

t h o u g h , is somewhat m o r e complex than t h i s .

6

The

problem,

7

It is not i n dispute that a m o n g the most i m p o r t a n t tasks a shaman

has to p e r f o r m is the r i t u a l l y enacted j o u r n e y to the

beyond to get i n f o r m a t i o n or to fetch back a soul; he does this o n behalf o f his c o m m u n i t y . H e is helped by his d r u m , w i t h o u t w h i c h he w o u l d be helpless, a n d by his spirit, b o t h o f w h i c h he had acquired d u r i n g his p e r i o d o f i n i t i a t i o n . T h e m y t h o f O r p h e u s thus could be viewed as reflecting shamanistic r i t u a l — there are even shamans who use a stringed i n s t r u m e n t instead o f a d r u m . changes — that O r p h e u s

8

The

is a master-musician, not a healing

priest, a n d that he acts out o f his private love — are understandable as adaptations to the level o f classical Greek c u l t u r e . C o m p l i c a t i o n s come w i t h a whole body o f stories aptly labelled ' T h e O r p h e u s T r a d i t i o n ' , most o f t h e m from N o r t h A m e r i c a n Indians, some f r o m the Pacific r i m s o f Asia and from Polynesia.

9

I n these stories, a m a n ( r a r e l y a w o m a n ) goes to the w o r l d o f the dead to fetch back a near relative — wife, h u s b a n d , lover, b r o t h e r or sister. He/she overcomes the difficulties o f this alien w o r l d , is helped by its i n h a b i t a n t s a n d rulers a n d is g i v e n back his beloved — u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s , t h o u g h , w h i c h m a y resemble those o f the Greek m y t h ( n o t to look back or not to touch the beloved o n the way u p ) o r m a y concern t h e i r life afterwards (never to strike her, a m o n g other t h i n g s ) . I n most cases, these conditions are b r o k e n (this is, after aU, t h e i r n a r r a t i v e f u n c t i o n ) , a n d the quest fails. T h e attestations o f these stories present some f o r m i d a b l e problems o f o r i g i n a n d diffusion. T h e i r closeness o n both sides o f the Pacific makes it likely that they o r i g i n a t e d from one source, presumably i n A s i a ; i n any event, the story must have existed l o n g before the last I n d i a n crossed the B e r i n g Strait sometime between 10,000 a n d 2,500 B C , w h e n we find the oldest E s q u i m o cultures in these parts: the Esquimoes show no traces o f this s t o r y .

J0

A s for its

o r i g i n , the closeness to shamanistic experience has often been stressed, a n d Ake H u l t k r a n t z suggested that its nucleus was the record o f an actual shamanistic seance — a l t h o u g h i n very few cases, a n d never i n A m e r i c a , is the Orpheus-figure a shaman, and 83

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men he never succeeds t h r o u g h his musical a b i l i t y .

13

O n e m i g h t thus

doubt H u l t k r a n t z ' s hypothesis; still, the s i m i l a r i t y o f the stories, not least their c o m m o n difference from actual shamanistic r i t u a l , is p r o o f that the diffusionist theory is r i g h t . I f this is so, and i f the story goes back some m i l l e n i a , then some doubts may be cast on the relevance o f its shamanistic o r i g i n for the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the Greek m y t h : it m i g h t have become detached from its r i t u a l o r i g i n l o n g ago and have travelled t h r o u g h the populations between Pacific Asia a n d the M e d i t e r r a n e a n i n the m o u t h s o f m a n y generations o f story-tellers. T o the Greeks at least, it d i d not point to s h a m a n i s m , but explored the power o f music w h i c h could bridge the gap between m o r t a l i t y a n d i m m o r t a l i t y , albeit not to the extent o f resuscitating the dead. N o b o d y i n Greek m y t h o l o g y — not Herakles a n d Odysseus w i t h t h e i r heroic arete, not even Asclepios w i t h his sophia as a healer — was p e r m i t t e d this u l t i m a t e power w h i c h w o u l d have touched u p o n the very b o r d e r l i n e between the h u m a n a n d the d i v i n e c o n d i t i o n i n a m u c h more f u n d a m e n t a l and devastating way t h a n simply the descent into Hades by a l i v i n g man.

3. T h e second theme — O r p h e u s e n c h a n t i n g animals, trees and rocks w i t h his song — is attested somewhat earlier. Simonides i n a fragment o f one o f his odes is the first to formulate i t for us; then follow Aeschylus a n d E u r i p i d e s .

12

A g a i n , it is an image o f poetry

a n d music surpassing the boundaries o f h u m a n existence, this time the b o u n d a r y between m a n and the rest o f the creation. A s Greek m a n defines his status as hrotos c o m p a r e d to the ambrotoi, the u n d y i n g gods, so does he towards animals: full h u m a n i t y , accordi n g to Greek a n t h r o p o l o g y , was gained by o v e r c o m i n g the a n i m a l {3

like c o n d i t i o n , theriodes bios.

For this story again, shamanistic roots have been c l a i m e d . I n the Finnish

poem Kalevala,

the singer,

b l a c k s m i t h , and m a g i c i a n

V a i n a m o i n n e n attracts the animals by his marvellous song (canto 41), and parallels are found i n N o r t h European poetry as well as i n epics in N o r t h e r n Eurasia, I n d i a , or C h i n a . A r i t u a l b a c k g r o u n d is possible: the magical attraction o f animals t h r o u g h music before the h u n t , one o f the tasks o f the s h a m a n . 84

14

But again, the p r o b l e m

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men is not that easy. T h e extant testimonies, at least those from poetry, show the p r i d e a n d self-definition o f the singers reflected i n the m y t h i c a l image o f the marvellous singer; there are, f u r t h e r m o r e , possible Near Eastern parallels as w e l l .

1 5

A g a i n , the shamanistic

b a c k g r o u n d recedes to a p o i n t where it is v i r t u a l l y o f no consequence for u n d e r s t a n d i n g the Greek m y t h , and again possible ways o f transmission other t h a n direct contact w i t h a shamanistic culture are at least conceivable.

4. T h e next theme is the death o f O r p h e u s . T w o m a i n t r a d i t i o n s are preserved: i n one, O r p h e u s is killed by o r d i n a r y T h r a c i a n w o m e n , i n the other b y maenads, m y t h o l o g i c a l beings. T h e

Romans,

Virgil

maenads

and

Ovid,

b l e n d the t r a d i t i o n s , m a k i n g the

T h r a c i a n w o m e n — Ciconum matres (Georg. 4.520) or nurus (Met. 11.8), ' m o t h e r s ( v i z , daughters) o f the C i c o n i a n s ' ; T h r a c e , to t h e m , is a c o u n t r y w i t h m y t h i c a l dimensions. A t h i r d t r a d i t i o n is local, and has O r p h e u s killed by l i g h t n i n g : it goes back, as I . M . L i n f o r t h c o n v i n c i n g l y argued, to p r o - T h r a c i a n m y t h - m a k i n g at the b e g i n n i n g o f the Peloponnesian

War.

1 6

T h e maenads are

attested earlier: Aeschylus i n his Bassarai is the first to introduce them.

1 7

T h e m o t i v a t i o n s for their attack v a r y , but it is always, i n

some way or other, the w r a t h o f Dionysos w h i c h sends them (except i n V i r g i l a n d O v i d who motivate from purely h u m a n reasons). T h e Aeschylean account is preserved i n the remnants o f Eratosthenes' n a r r a t i o n o f how the lyre became a constellation. It had been invented by H e r m e s a n d handed over to A p o l l o (this story is k n o w n since the H o m e r i c H y m n to H e r m e s ) , then to O r p h e u s ; after the latter's violent death, Zeus set it a m o n g the stars, Eratosthenes gave as m o t i v a t i o n ( i n M a r t i n West's reconstruction) that O r p h e u s

i n his j o u r n e y to the Beyond had a

revelation w h i c h made h i m convert f r o m Dionysos,

thus

rebuked,

took

his

Dionysos to Helios:

revenge.

H y g i n u s in

his

Astronomica (2.7) offers a different reason: when singing in praise o f the gods before Pluto and Persephone, Orpheus forgot Dionysos — this is a c o m m o n m o t i f , most p r o m i n e n t i n the m y t h o f the C a i y d o n i a n H u n t , w h e n Oeneus forgot to sacrifice to A r t e m i s , who

sent the boar to punish h i m . 85

1 8

T h e other m o t i v a t i o n is

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men singular, but c o n v i n c i n g : after the j o u r n e y i n the d a r k , H e l i o s ' p o w e r m i g h t be better appreciated. I t c o u l d have been Aeschylus' own invention. T h e r e are m o r e reasons g i v e n i n o u r sources for the attack o f the T h r a c i a n w o m e n , b u t there is nevertheless one c o m m o n theme. T h e m o t i v a t i o n s given by Plato (Symp.

179 D : the gods punished

O r p h e u s for his cowardice) and Isocrates (Busir.

38f: the gods

punished h i m because he told shocking stories about t h e m ) may be set

firmly

aside as idiosyncrasies o f their respective authors; a

further e x p l a n a t i o n offered by H y g i n u s (Astron.

2.7: A p h r o d i t e ,

disappointed o f the love o f A d o n i s , made all the w o m e n m a d w i t h love for O r p h e u s and they p u l l e d h i m to pieces w h e n they tried to get h o l d o f h i m ) looks rather like a bad j o k e based o n a w e l l - k n o w n m y t h . T h e other explanations agree i n the fact that the w o m e n resented O r p h e u s because he kept away f r o m t h e m — either he stayed

away

assembled

from

human

o n l y the m e n

homoerotic l o v e .

1 9

beings

completely ( V i r g i l )

a r o u n d h i m or he even

or

he

introduced

A t t i c red-figured vases f r o m the 480s onwards

always depict the attack

by T h r a c i a n w o m e n , and

never

by

maenads; vases o f the same p e r i o d show h i m singing a m o n g the men

only

—

background.

20

but

i n one

case

armed

women

lurk

in

the

T h i s , t h e n , is the vulgate version: O r p h e u s died at

the hands o f T h r a c i a n w o m e n because they were angered about his aloofness. T h e vases show that this vulgate preceded Aeschylus i n t i m e : he already knew a story where O r p h e u s came to grief i n T h r a c e , at the hands o f w o m e n . H e also k n e w about a special relationship between

Orpheus

and

Dionysos. T h e o n l y

such

connection we k n o w o f is attested later: O r p h e u s is the poet o f the Bacchic mysteries; explicitly stated i n a host o f later texts, this is alluded to i n the still somewhat enigmatic bone-tablets f r o m O l b i a , dated to the latter half o f the fifth c e n t u r y .

21

T h e Bassarai brings

this theme u p to the 470s or 460s; a few vases attest it for the m i d d l e o f the century ( n 20). O r p h e u s is not o n l y a powerful poet, t h e n ; his poetry is, at an early stage, connected w i t h Bacchic mystery-cults.

5. O r p h e u s is also always a T h r a c i a n . T h r e e localisations are m e n t i o n e d . A physikos Herakleides, not necessarily Heraclides Ponticus, 86

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men A r i s t o t l e ' s p u p i l , connects h i m w i t h the i n t e r i o r o f T h r a c e , a r o u n d Mt

H a e m u s : here, according to Heraclides, i n a sanctuary o f

Dionysos recipes.

22

there The

were

tablets

geographer

(sanides)

Pomponius

with

Orpheus'

magical

M e l a (2.17) adds that

O r p h e u s had i n i t i a t e d the maenads i n the same region. M o r e texts connect

h i m w i t h the coast o f Southern T h r a c e ,

around

Mt

Pangaeum. Aeschylus i n the Bassarai made the m o u n t a i n the place where the maenads attacked a n d killed the singer (see n 17). Several authors call h i m a C i c o n i a n : it is a purely poetical localisat i o n , d e r i v i n g from H o m e r ' s knowledge o f this t r i b e .

2 3

Another

tribe O r p h e u s is connected w i t h are the Odryseans: they became p r o m i n e n t i n the years between 450 and 330, w h e n Teres and his son Sitalces founded the T h r a c i a n e m p i r e w h i c h was, d u r i n g the Peloponnesian W a r , an ally o f A t h e n s . It was presumably d u r i n g this p e r i o d w h e n this localisation o f O r p h e u s o r i g i n a t e d .

24

But neither the i n t e r i o r n o r coastal T h r a c e could show a grave o f Orpheus,

despite his presumed

death o n M t P a n g a e u m .

25

A

grave, or rather two graves, are attested i n a t h i r d r e g i o n : Pieria, to the northeast o f M t O l y m p u s . T h e region is, i n historical times, M a c e d o n i a n , but T h u c y d i d e s a n d Strabo preserve the t r a d i t i o n o f an earlier, expelled T h r a c i a n p o p u l a t i o n . Archaeology confirms this change i n p o p u l a t i o n a n d dates it to the early archaic a g e .

26

T h e central site for O r p h e u s is L e i b e t h r a , o n the foothills o f M t O l y m p u s . T h e t o w n possessed a statue (xoanon) o f O r p h e u s , carved out o f cypress w o o d : it had sweated w h e n A l e x a n d e r set out on his c a m p a i g n , to foreshadow the sweat A l e x a n d e r ' s exploits w o u l d cause historians and p o e t s .

27

T h e t o w n also had a sanctuary o f

O r p h e u s where he received O l y m p i a n sacrifices and w h i c h w o m e n were forbidden to enter. C o n o n , w h o collected the story at the b e g i n n i n g o f the C h r i s t i a n era, adds the aetiological m y t h

(FGrH

26 F 1,45). O n certain days, O r p h e u s assembled the w a r r i o r s o f Macedonia and T h r a c e

2 8

i n a b u i l d i n g well equipped for i n i t i a -

tions (teletat); w h e n celebrating these r i t u a l s , they had to leave their weapons outside. T h e w o m e n resented being excluded. Perhaps also, C o n o n adds, they resented the fact that O r p h e u s was not interested i n their love. T h e weapons outside the b u i l d i n g gave them their chance: one day, they took t h e m u p , entered the b u i l d i n g , killed whoever opposed t h e m , tore O r p h e u s to pieces a n d t h r e w the l i m b s into the sea. I n e v i t a b l y , a plague ensued. T h e oracle w h i c h the Leibethreans consulted ordered t h e m to b u r y 87

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men O r p h e u s ' head. A

fisherman

caught it at the m o u t h o f the river

Meles, u n t o u c h e d by death and sea-water. It was b u r i e d u n d e r a great m o n u m e n t , and a sanctuary and cult developed. T h e sources o f C o n o n are n o t o r i o u s l y difficult to trace; o u r account is no e x c e p t i o n .

29

N o t e v e r y t h i n g i n it is clear, L e i b e t h r a is

well away f r o m the sea; how then c o u l d the l i m b s be t h r o w n into it? T h e r i v e r Meles, w h i c h washed the head out into the sea, is another puzzle: it cannot be the w e l l - k n o w n r i v e r near S m y r n a but must be a local stream, unattested elsewhere.

30

T h e importance

given to the head is also somewhat i n c o n g r u o u s : there are other stories about O r p h e u s ' head, but there its role is m o r e functional: it either gives oracles or causes exceptional musical a b i l i t y (see b e l o w ) . Still, there is no good reason to suspect that

Conon's

n a r r a t i v e is fraudulent — a n d , as w i l l be shown presently, its u n d e r l y i n g assumptions are c o r r o b o r a t e d f r o m elsewhere, h thus attests a cult o f O r p h e u s a n d an aetiological story i n v o l v i n g secret rituals o f O r p h e u s for the local w a r r i o r s . A more complex account o f O r p h e u s Pausanias

(9.30.4-12),

He

starts

by

i n Pieria is given by sketching

the

vulgate

m y t h o l o g y o f O r p h e u s , w i t h a longer account o f his death: he was killed by T h r a c i a n w o m e n w h o were angry because he had taken their m e n f o l k away a n d r o a m e d w i t h t h e m all over the c o u n t r y . T h e w o m e n o n l y dared attack t h e m w h e n all were d r u n k , and they killed O r p h e u s . T h i s is the reason w h y the T h r a c i a n w a r r i o r s have to intoxicate themselves w h e n they go

fighting.

T h i s , o f course, is

j u s t a slight rationalisation o f a very archaic fighting technique, the ' K a m p f w u t ' — an ecstasy or trance w h i c h the w a r r i o r s reach by various means before the battle and w h i c h enables t h e m to perform

spectacular

feats.

It is attested

for m a n y archaic

E u r o p e a n societies, a m o n g t h e m the G e r m a n s ,

Indo-

the Celts, the

Iranians a n d , later, I r a n i a n Assassins. T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g is that these

ecstatic

warriors

always

form

secret

societies

(most

p r o m i n e n t l y the Assassins): O r p h e u s r o a m i n g the c o u n t r y w i t h a huge b a n d o f presumably w e l l - a r m e d m e n looks like the m y t h i c a l image o f such a society.

31

T h u s far, Pausanias does not give a precise localisation. But w h e n he comes to the grave o f O r p h e u s , he does: the

grave

m o n u m e n t , a c o l u m n w i t h an u r n o n top c o n t a i n i n g the bones o f O r p h e u s , can be seen at the very place where the w o m e n killed h i m , close to the t o w n o f D i u m , at the r i v e r H e l i c o n or Baphyras, 88

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men shortly before it vanishes u n d e r g r o u n d . T h e reason for this disappearance is again the m u r d e r o f O r p h e u s : w h e n the w o m e n wished to clean themselves i n the stream, it simply vanished. I t m i g h t be that this is no m o r e than Pausanias' o w n attempt to connect the m y t h he told o f O r p h e u s ' death w i t h the m o n u m e n t near D i u m — b u t , at any rate, he knows o f a grave at this place. T h i s leaves L e i b e t h r a o u t : i n Pausanias exist.

32

1

t i m e it had ceased to

A friend i n L a r i s a had t o l d h i m w h y . T h e Leibethreans

h a d received an oracle that a sow (hys) w o u l d destroy their city i f the sun c o u l d see the bones o f O r p h e u s ; understandably enough, they d i d n ' t w o r r y m u c h about this. B u t one day, a shepherd s l u m bered at the base o f Orpheus* m o n u m e n t , a n d the b u r i e d hero made h i m play so sweetly that a c r o w d o f shepherds was attracted: i n their eagerness to be as close to the music as possible, they toppled a n d broke the u r n . T h u s , the sun c o u l d see the bones. T h e f o l l o w i n g n i g h t a r i v u l e t , the H y s , swollen because o f heavy rains, overflowed a n d destroyed the t o w n . I t never was r e b u i l t , and the people o f D i u m b r o u g h t the m o n u m e n t i n t o their t o w n . This

story

is

clearly

an

alternative

explanation

for

the

m o n u m e n t at D i u m . T h a t it was fetched from L e i b e t h r a is i n c o m patible w i t h the idea that it still m a r k s the very spot where O r p h e u s d i e d . N e i t h e r does the story square w i t h C o n o n ' s description o f a temenos a n d a m o n u m e n t u n d e r w h i c h O r p h e u s ' head was b u r i e d ; but Pausanias is t a l k i n g about something w h i c h no longer existed i n his t i m e , a n d his friend projected the m o n u m e n t o f D i u m into that o f L e i b e t h r a . T h e whole story is an i n v e n t i o n w i t h a clear bias against L e i b e t h r a , the most p r o m i n e n t place in O r p h e u s ' m y t h ology. M u c h earlier, Strabo h a d heard another story at D i u m . T h e T h r a c i a n ( C i c o n i a n ) O r p h e u s spent his t i m e i n the village o f P i m p l e i a near D i u m , acquired m a n y followers t h r o u g h his music, prophecies a n d r i t u a l s , a n d became a political power, till some o f those w h o m he had scorned (hypidomenous) killed h i m (7 fr. 18). T h i s looks like the transposition o f the usual story into another frame, that o f political power play a n d i n t r i g u e , D i u m , at any rate, had its o w n t r a d i t i o n as w e l l . T h e r e is m o r e to this story. I t is s u r p r i s i n g l y close to the account o f h o w the Pythagoreans ( o r , as other sources u n h i s t o r i c a l l y relate, Pythagoras himself) came to a violent end i n C r o t o n . Pythagoras, as m u c h priestly figure as philosopher, collected m a n y followers, and the g r o u p gained political power, u n t i l their opponents set 89

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men fire to t h e i r m e e t i n g place a n d killed m a n y o f t h e m .

3 3

Strabo's story

about O r p h e u s seems dependent o n the Pythagorean one w h i c h is attested

from

the late fourth century a n d preserves

historical

knowledge about the end o f Pythagorean politics i n C r o t o n . T h e r e are other connections between Pythagoras a n d Pierian O r p h e u s . T h e pseudepigraphical D o r i c Hieros Logos o f Pythagoras, w r i t t e n i n late Hellenistic t i m e somewhere i n southern I t a l y , opens w i t h the story o f h o w Pythagoras had gone to L e i b e t h r a to be be i n i t i a t e d (orgistheis)

a n d had learned f r o m the i n i t i a t o r (telestas)

A g l a o p h a m u s this same Sacred T a l e (Hieros Logos) about the gods. It went back to O r p h e u s w h o h a d learned it from the M u s e , his m o t h e r , on M t P a n g a e u m . the a u t h o r telescopes

34

T h e geography is slightly b l u r r e d :

P i e r i a n L e i b e t h r a a n d the T h r a c i a n M t

Pangaeum; he is not the o n l y one to do so, a n d i n general the D o r i c Pseudopythagorica seem somewhat hazy about the Greek East.

35

T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g is that again L e i b e t h r a is to the fore:

here A g l a o p h a m u s i n i t i a t e d , as O r p h e u s h a d before h i m ; this t r a d i t i o n was then handed over to Pythagoras. G i v e n this, it is not impossible that the story o f the Pythagoreans

influenced the

O r p h e u s legend. I t m i g h t even have been the same m i l i e u o f the southern I t a l i a n Pythagoreans w h o had developed the

Pseudo-

pythagorica w h i c h was also responsible for the story i n Strabo. T h e r e is one slight but revealing difference. I n the Pythagorean story, the enemies are political opponents;

i n the story about

O r p h e u s , they are m e n w h o m O r p h e u s had ' o v e r l o o k e d ' : this detail must come f r o m the vulgate t r a d i t i o n , where O r p h e u s had ' o v e r l o o k e d ' the w o m e n , his murderesses. T h u s , t w o places i n Pieria preserved m o n u m e n t s o f O r p h e u s . I f the place where a hero has his grave is really his place o f o r i g i n ,

3 6

O r p h e u s is no T h r a c i a n , b u t a P i e r i a n . I t is, o f course, j u s t possible that b o t h L e i b e t h r a a n d D i u m took over the Panhellenic m y t h o f O r p h e u s a n d created cults a n d m o n u m e n t s at a t i m e w h e n local p a t r i o t i s m wished to glorify the past, a n d w h e n they also wished to have a hero k n o w n all over Greece. I t is strange, t h o u g h , that i n these legends we meet an O r p h e u s somewhat different from the singer we have encountered u p to n o w : a leader a n d i n i t i a t o r a m o n g w a r r i o r s , celebrating secret rituals i n a telesterion o r r o a m i n g over the countryside — i n short, a priestly leader o f a men's society.

That

should

preserve

tradition. 90

traces o f a local,

indigenous

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men 6, But there is m o r e . T h e story o f how O r p h e u s b u i l t his telesterion and assembled the m e n has a parallel i n the famous story Herodotos ( 4 , 9 4 - 6 ) tells about Z a l m o x i s , the T h r a c i a n slave o f P y t h a g o r a s .

37

Z a l m o x i s , u p o n r e t u r n i n g to his native t r i b e , built a m e n ' s house (andreon),

assembled the eminent m e n o f the tribe, feasted

and

taught t h e m that eternal life was i n store for them after their death. T o prove his p o i n t , he disappeared into an u n d e r g r o u n d chamber he had secretly b u i l t . T h e tribesmen m o u r n e d h i m as dead — but after three years he r e t u r n e d alive. T h e story points i n t w o directions. O n one side is T h r a c i a n r e l i g i o n . U s u a l l y , Z a l m o x i s is considered a d i v i n i t y w h o acted as a d i v i n e i n i t i a t o r i n a secret c u l t .

3 8

B u t it had a political side as well,

alluded to already in the H e r o d o t e a n account — that he invited the most p r o m i n e n t m e n o f the t r i b e ((on astön tous protous).

Other

sources say that he had been councillor to the T h r a c i a n k i n g before b e c o m i n g a god (Strabo 7.3.5 p. 298, after Posidonius) and that he was a l a w g i v e r a m o n g T h r a c i a n s ( D i o d .

1.94.2): his mysteries

were no m a r g i n a l eschatological cult, but had to do w i t h the centre of power, and the priests w h o p e r f o r m e d them were considered his successors and

at

the

same

t i m e royal

councillors —

most

p r o m i n e n t being Decaenus, the high priest i n the reign o f k i n g Burebistas (Strabo, loc. c i t . ) . T h e i n s t i t u t i o n is reminiscent o f the role the w a r r i o r s ' secret society developed into i n the I r a n i a n k i n g d o m , where the initiated w a r r i o r s became the closest followers and vassals o f the k i n g ; the former secret society retained the political

and

military

power

o f the

kingdom.

3 9

An

ancient

etymology for Z a l m o x i s ' name points the same w a y . I t derives the name from zalmos, 'bear's h i d e ' , because as a baby Z a l m o x i s was enveloped i n such a hide — but the berserkir, ' B ä r e n h ä u t e r ' , is a N o r d i c ecstatic w a r r i o r clad i n a bear's s k i n .

4 0

O n the other side is the Pythagorean connection, well k n o w n and

often discussed.

Z a l m o x i s to the

41

Herodotos

fact that

he had

attributes

the stratagem

learnt such

wisdom

Pythagoras. A very similar account o f a trick Pythagoras

of

from per-

formed is told by H e r m i p p u s (fr. 20 W e h r l i ) . W . B u r k e r t concluded from it that Pythagoras had the aspect o f a ' h i e r o p h a n t i n the

cult o f D e m e t e r ' ,

42

that

is, again,

o f an

initiator.

The

Pythagorean society was not only a political club, but also a cult 91

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men association w i t h Pythagoras as its head. O r p h e u s , as we met h i m at L e i b e t h r a and D i u m , is a k i n to b o t h Zalmoxis

and

Pythagoras.

But

the

Herodotean

account

of

Z a l m o x i s cannot be reduced to Greek fancy along the lines o f the legend o f Pythagoras, as H e r o d o t o s already implies for reasons o f chronology ( 4 . 9 6 ) , because there is independent a n d c o n c u r r i n g evidence for a T h r a c i a n d i v i n i t y Z a l m o x i s . S i m i l a r l y , the legend o f O r p h e u s cannot be reduced to simple i n v e n t i o n after the m o d e l o f Pythagoras. I t seems rather that Pieria preserved ( a l t h o u g h transformed) i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d rituals o f a w a r r i o r s ' society, a n d that O r p h e u s was connected w i t h it as the heroic o r d i v i n e i n i t i a t o r . W e cannot

know

whether

the

T h r a c i a n or M a c e d o n i a n .

4 3

o r i g i n s o f these

institutions were

O n e m i g h t even v e n t u r e a further

guess. H o m o s e x u a l i t y can belong to this sort o f b a c k g r o u n d , especially to its i n i t i a t i o n rituals: O r p h e u s '

introducing homo-

sexuality to T h r a c e m i g h t preserve older t r a d i t i o n s than we had thought.

44

T h e r e is another trace o f this same b a c k g r o u n d . Ephorus 70 F 104)

tells that

mysteries from

Orpheus

had

learnt

his

(FGrH

initiations

the Idaean Dactyls o n Samothrace,

and

w h o were

sorcerers and initiators. T h i s g r o u p , centred a r o u n d a Great Goddess, also reflects the structure o f a secret s o c i e t y .

45

T h e art o f

O r p h e u s , it seems, was at least not i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h this.

7. Except i n the account o f C o n o n , the legends about the head o f O r p h e u s are centred a r o u n d one place, the island o f Lesbos. M y r s i l u s , the island's h i s t o r i a n , locates its grave near Antissa: it is the reason w h y the nightingales o f Antissa sing m u c h more sweetly than those elsewhere (FGrH

477 F 2 ) . O t h e r authors make it the

reason for the spectacular musical a b i l i t y o f the Lesbians, w i t h o u t g i v i n g an exact location o f the g r a v e .

46

T h r e e later texts are more c i r c u m s t a n t i a l . A c c o r d i n g to L u c i a n (Adv.

Indoct.

1 0 9 - 1 1 ) , the head was b u r i e d i n Lesbos,

'there,

where now their Baccheion is*. Problems r e m a i n : it is clear neither w h i c h temple o f Dionysos is meant ( t h o u g h H . - G . Buchholz sus47

pects the one at A n t i s s a ) , nor what the exact relationship was between god and hero. I n the Life of Apollonius 92

of Tyana ( 4 . 1 4 ) ,

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men Philostratus tells how his hero visited the oracle o f O r p h e u s ' head on Lesbos, I t had been closed l o n g ago by A p o l l o himself, but i f we are to believe Philostratus, the site was still visible. I n the Heroicus ( 2 8 . 8 - 1 2 ) , the same w r i t e r cites t w o oracles o f O r p h e u s , uttered 1

by his head ' i n a h o l l o w o f the e a r t h (en koitei (es ges), perhaps a cave. B o t h oracles are fictitious: one is uttered at the t i m e o f the T r o j a n W a r , the other is g i v e n to C y r u s o f Persia. I f we c o m b i n e these data, we should locate the oracle i n the Baccheion o f Antissa, or rather, since Antissa was destroyed i n about 167 B C and its inhabitants transferred to M e t h y m n a ( L i v y 43.31.14 and P l i n y Nat. 5.139), i n a

Temple

i n that city: both L u c i a n and Philostratus

are w r i t i n g well after the disappearance o f Antissa. M e t h y m n a had a famous cult o f Dionysos Phallen whose strange statue was carried a r o u n d d u r i n g his festival; it consisted o f not m u c h m o r e than a head a n d perhaps a p h a l l u s .

48

Fishermen had once fished it out o f

the sea. T h e t w o legends are very close, the one perhaps modelled o n the other; yet, the O r p h e u s m y t h is no* d e v o i d o f m e a n i n g . T h e r e exists a whole b o d y o f legends about h o w an object was b r o u g h t from the sea. I t was always rather strange, and it always caused a cult w i t h certain peculiar features to be i n s t i t u t e d — i n one case, a legend from O s t i a , an oracle o f H e r c u l e s .

49

A t the same

t i m e , these strange arrivals inaugurate something new, not yet existing. T h e other story, h o w the head o f O r p h e u s b r o u g h t about the musical a b i l i t y o f the Lesbians, w o u l d thus c o n f o r m as w e l l .

5 0

T h e literary texts range from the early t h i r d century B C to the early t h i r d c e n t u r y A D . Somewhat earlier is a g r o u p o f pictorial representations. A red-figured h y d r i a i n the Basel m u s e u m , from the 440s, shows the head somewhere lower d o w n ; to the left and slightly higher u p is a bearded male w i t h a w r e a t h and two spears, b e n d i n g towards the head. T h e rest o f the picture is filled w i t h M u s e s . T h e i d e n t i t y o f the m a n is u n k n o w n , but he seems to be the finder o f the h e a d .

51

N o t very m u c h later are two other red-figured vases. A h y d r i a i n D u n e d i n shows O r p h e u s ' head confronted by A p o l l o a n d , again, s u r r o u n d e d by two females, the Muses. T h e head on the g r o u n d a n d A p o l l o seem to be c o n v e r s i n g .

52

A cup i n C a m b r i d g e again

has the god c o n f r o n t i n g the head. T h i s t i m e A p o l l o stands to the r i g h t , stretching out his r i g h t a r m over the head, w h i c h again is l y i n g o n the g r o u n d , towards a y o u t h sitting to the left. T h e head addresses the y o u n g m a n w h o busily writes d o w n its utterances. 93

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men O n the back there are again t w o M u s e s .

53

T h e same d i c t a t i o n

scene is found on two Etruscan m i r r o r s from the f o u r t h century, w i t h the exception that instead o f A p o l l o and the Muses a c r o w d o f d i v i n i t i e s stands a r o u n d . O n e m i r r o r , i n the Siena m u s e u m , has the name V P F E , i.e. O r p h e u s , beneath the h e a d .

54

T h e C a m b r i d g e cup has been understood as the scene where A p o l l o stops the o r a c l e .

55

T a k e n together w i t h the three related

representations, this seems rather u n l i k e l y : nowhere else is there resistance either from a god o r from the Muses. I t is equally easy to understand the C a m b r i d g e scene as s h o w i n g how A p o l l o orders the y o u t h to take notes. Notes o f what? Texts o f O r p h e u s w r i t t e n d o w n on tablets are m e n t i o n e d at about the same t i m e the C a m b r i d g e cup was p a i n t e d . I n his Alcestis, E u r i p i d e s speaks o f the tablets (samdes) on w h i c h the voice o f O r p h e u s (Orpheia gerys) has w r i t t e n d o w n medicines as strong as those w h i c h A p o l l o had g i v e n to the sons o f Asclepius (966 - 7 1 ) — but not even they can b r i n g the dead back to life. T h e 'voice o f O r p h e u s w r i t i n g d o w n ' : it is a strange expression, even for a choral l y r i c , and the idea o f d i c t a t i o n is not far off. T h e tablets, then, contain magical recipes for healing. T h i s is not very far from oracles: oracles are,

a m o n g other things, concerned

with

the

healing o f illness, both p r i v a t e and epidemic. A p o l l o is the healer as well as the oracle-giver; Asclepius heals t h r o u g h dream-oracles; another great healing-hero is the seer A m p h i a r a u s . T h e r e is m o r e . I n some passages i n the Greek magical p a p y r i , the performer o f a magical r i t u a l has to keep a w r i t i n g tablet ready and to w r i t e d o w n whatever the god reveals d u r i n g the r i t u a l or i n a d r e a m p r o v o k e d t h r o u g h the r i t u a l : what is thus w r i t t e n d o w n is a pharmakon, a recipe, or an o r a c l e .

56

T h e magician busily w r i t i n g

d o w n what the god or d e m o n dictates comes very close to the vase paintings. F u r t h e r m o r e , there exist numerous gem-stones w i t h the representation o f a d i c t a t i n g head and a scribbling y o u t h , all from I t a l y , all amulets, dated to the t h i r d century B C . F u r t w a n g l e r connected them w i t h the m y t h o f O r p h e u s . T o d a y ,

archaeologists

prefer to see the Etruscan d e m o n Tages revealing the

disciplina

Etrusca. But since the m i r r o r s show that the m y t h o f O r p h e u s ' head was well k n o w n in E t r u r i a in the fourth c e n t u r y , and the iconography of the gems is not far from that o f the vases and m i r r o r s , Orpheus m i g h t still be somewhere i n the b a c k g r o u n d — a magical O r p h e u s , that is, p r o c u r i n g a m u l e t s . 94

57

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men Euripides calls the tablets T h r a c i a n , a n d his scholiast cites the enigmatic Herakleides r e g a r d i n g a sanctuary i n the i n t e r i o r o f T h r a c e where such tablets could be seen (see n 22). T h i s m a y go too far. B u t at any rate magical spells o f O r p h e u s ( w h i c h Euripides knows as well i n Cyclops 6 4 6 - 8 ) have not m u c h to do w i t h the legend o f O r p h e u s ' head on Lesbos. I t w o u l d be advisable to separate the images from the texts. O n A t t i c pottery, it seems somewhat easier to see the representation o f a m y t h e x p l a i n i n g w e l l - k n o w n magical recipes, than o f a local Lesbian legend i n a f o r m unattested before the h i g h E m p i r e : M y r s i l u s and Phanocles, the Hellenistic sources, present it i n quite a different f o r m . T h a t leaves o n l y the Basel h y d r i a unaccounted for. Its iconography does not fit i n t o the rest o f the series a n d could point to the Lesbian version or have another m e a n i n g , yet to be f o u n d .

5 8

A g a i n , these legends have been connected w i t h there are shamanistic stories o f p r o p h e s y i n g h e a d s .

shamanism: 59

B u t such

stories are spread m o r e widely than the n a r r o w area o f shamanism, and there are even G r e e k examples w i t h o u t any further possible shamanistic t r a i t . A g a i n , the evidence for an O r p h e u s myth

with

Orpheus

a shamanistic b a c k g r o u n d is a m b i g u o u s , at best.

the

magician a n d

oracle-giver, the mantis (seer)

Philochorus o f A t h e n s calls h i m (FGrH

as

328 F 76), could as well

originate i n the rites a n d ideologies o f men's secret societies: the Dactyls, the initiators o f O r p h e u s (note 45), are well versed i n magic, the members o f I r a n i a n secret societies were t h o u g h t to be magicians as w e l l , a n d the G e r m a n i c W o t a n / O d i n , w h o presides over initiations a n d ecstatic w a r r i o r s ' societies a n d whose name is connected w i t h ' w u o t ' ,

fighting

ecstasy, is also a sorcerer.

60

8. T h e r e is one theme left, O r p h e u s the A r g o n a u t . T w o comprehensive but rather late accounts exist, one i n D i o d o r u s Siculus, going back to the m y t h o g r a p h e r D i o n y s i u s Scytobrachion i n the t h i r d century B C , the other o f A p o l l o n i u s o f Rhodes at about the same time.

6 1

I n A p o l l o n i u s ' lengthy epic, O r p h e u s is represented as a

m i r a c u l o u s singer whose art charms animals a n d all nature. I t had been the wise centaur C h i r o n w h o advised Jason to take O r p h e u s a m o n g the crew: he was the o n l y one to overcome the perilous 95

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men songs of the Sirens. A b o a r d ship, he was principally the keleustes who beat the rhythm to the oarsmen; he was also the bard who sang during symposia, festivals, even the wedding of J a s o n and Medea. H i s prayer also dealt very effectively with the Hesperids (4,1409ft), his advice makes the Argonauts initiate themselves into the Samothracian mysteries (1.915fl), erect an altar to Apollo after an apparition (2.669ff), and offer the Apolline tripod to T r i t o n in order to overcome the dangers of L a k e T r i t o n i s ( 4 . 1 5 4 - 9 ) . H e is, however, no mantis; the official seers are Mopsos and I d m o n . Orpheus, once again, is mainly a mighty singer. W h e n he sings a theogony and hymns to the gods, this reflects existing poetry under his name; both a theogony and hymns are known to the commen tator in the Derveni papyrus in the later fourth c e n t u r y .

62

Dionysius is more rationalising and excludes most fairy-tales and miracles, as befits a follower of E u h e m e r u s . T h e supernatural powers Orpheus possesses are his as a gift of the Samothracian gods whose only initiate aboard ship he i s ( D i o d . 4.43.1). By virtue of this distinction, he stills the storms through his prayer to them (4.43) and gains the favour of the sea-god G l a u c u s ( 4 . 4 8 . 5 - 7 ) , Earlier evidence is scanty. I n the earlier fourth century, the historian Herodoros knows that it was C h i r o n who sent O r p h e u s , because of the Sirens (FGrH be attested

31 F 43a). T h i s episode might even

much earlier. O n an Attic black-figured vase in

Heidelberg ( 5 8 0 - 5 7 0 ) a singer is depicted, standing between two Sirens: he has been called O r p h e u s .

63

It cannot be totally excluded

that on this Orientalising frieze, the juxtaposition of two Sirens and a singer has no deeper meaning. Still, the image is isolated, and the interpretation tempting. Euripides in his Hypsipyle,

the story of the L e m n i a n princess and

mistress of J a s o n , mentioned Orpheus among the Argonauts; his name occurs twice among the extant fragments.

H e was the

keleustes of the A r g o , as in Apollonius; after the death of J a s o n , he cared for his two sons by Hypsipyle, and educated E u e n u s in music and his brother in a r m s .

6 4

A g a i n , O r p h e u s is only the

musician, though a valiant one. Pindar, in his fourth Pythian ode of 467 B C , gives the list of the Argonauts (v. 170flf).

Besides

Orpheus, sent by Apollo, there are Herakles and the Dioscuri, sons of Zeus, Poseidon*s

sons

E u p h e m u s and Periclymenus,

E c h i o n , sons of H e r m e s , Zetes and K a l a i s , the Boreads, and 65

finally Mopsos, the mantis.

Orpheus is the 'lyre-player, father of 96

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men songs, well-praised O r p h e u s ' — again not m u c h more than a poet's poet. T h e earliest certain representation,

a metope

from

the

Sicyonian treasure-house at D e l p h i , is a surprise; besides Orpheus (his name inscribed), there stands o n the p r o w o f the A r g o another singer, whose name is i l l e g i b l e ,

66

W h a t e v e r his name, the fact that

at this t i m e there were t w o singers aboard the A r g o is confusing. O r p h e u s , as far as the sources go, is a m e m b e r o f the g r o u p because o f his one special skill, music, as T i p h y s is included because o f his skill w i t h the h e l m , a n d Mopsos as the seer. T h e skill o f O r p h e u s , t h o u g h , has one special goal: to overcome the Sirens' song. T h e Siren adventure belongs to the oldest s t r a t u m o f the epos, as K a r l M e u l i showed, a n t e d a t i n g the text o f the Odyssey

6 1

It

w o u l d thus be a fair guess that O r p h e u s h a d been i n t r o d u c e d already very early, together w i t h the Sirens (this was the o p i n i o n o f M e u l i ) , were it not that the second singer on the Sicyonian metope makes such a conclusion appear somewhat hasty. B u t even i f O r p h e u s was a later a d d i t i o n to the story, eclipsing his predecessor, the u n k n o w n singer o n the metope, he was i n c l u d e d specifically as a singer. T h i s is at variance w i t h — again — the shamanistic theory. T o those w h o h o l d i t , the voyage o f the A r g o is a shaman's voyage into the B e y o n d , w i t h

Orpheus

as the leading s h a m a n .

68

T h i s is

untenable. N e i t h e r is O r p h e u s the leader o f the b a n d , not even the s p i r i t u a l leader, not is the t r i p o f Jason and his crew a shaman's voyage. T h e parallels p o i n t i n another d i r e c t i o n . It is well k n o w n that the list o f the A r g o n a u t s varies from author to author. L i k e other stories o f this sort, notably the C a l y d o n i a n H u n t , it offered itself as a focus for different t r a d i t i o n s . T h e r e is, however, a c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r a m o n g the participants. T h e y are y o u n g , adolescents rather t h a n adults — neoi, kouroi, litheoi, as A p o l l o n i u s often says. T h e very few older m e n a m o n g t h e m have an interesting p o s i t i o n . O n e , I p h i c l u s , is the m a t e r n a l uncle o f Jason;

another,

Meleager.

69

an

I p h i c l u s again,

is the

maternal

uncle o f

I n m a n y archaic societies, Greece not excluded, the

m a t e r n a l uncle is quite i m p o r t a n t . H e has to initiate the nephew, as do the sons o f A u t o l y c u s , the brothers o f Odysseus' m o t h e r , the young Odysseus.

70

A p o l l o n i u s also says that m a n y o f the partici-

pants were sent by their fathers, a n d P i n d a r uses similar phraseology: this m i g h t be an o l d feature o f the m y t h a n d points to the interest the fathers felt i n the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f their sons. 97

71

Jason

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men h i m s e l f has characteristics o f an adolescent d u r i n g i n i t i a t i o n , as A n g e l o Brelich showed w i t h regard to the curious detail o f his w e a r i n g o n l y one s a n d a l .

72

B u t Jason and his crew are not just a

b a n d o f initiates. T h e y are the prince and his fellow-initiates. T h e p i c t u r e is reminiscent o f the custom E p h o r u s (FGrH

70 F 149)

records f r o m aristocratic C r e t e : the y o u n g n o b l e m a n , d u r i n g his i n i t i a t i o n i n the wilderness, is accompanied by an older m a n , his lover, a n d a g r o u p o f friends f r o m the same a g e - g r o u p .

73

The

erotic element is not w h o l l y absent f r o m the A r g o n a u t s either: a m o n g t h e m , there are Herakles and H y l a s , lover and beloved (Ap.

Rhod.

Polyphemus

1.131) o r , as another and

version has

i t , the

H y l a s ( E u p h o r i o fr. 76); even

Lapith

though

these

variations cannot belong to a very o l d s t r a t u m o f the story, they fit into the c o m m o n b a c k g r o u n d . T h e b o u n d a r y line between such a g r o u p and a g r o u p o f w a r r i o r s is very n a r r o w , i f they

stand

together l o n g e n o u g h , as the A r g o n a u t s certainly do. A n d b e h i n d A u t o l y c u s at least, the werewolf, a n d the A r c a d i a n Ancaeus w h o is w e a r i n g a bear's hide, appear again the N o r d i c ecstatic w a r r i o r s who formed similar bands. F r o m another, even appears. M e u l i

74

m o r e speculative

connected

side, a s i m i l a r result

the m y t h o f the A r g o n a u t s w i t h

a

f a m i l i a r fairy-tale p a t t e r n , called after the G r i m m brothers ' D i e kunstreichen

Bruder\

A

young

hero

performs

difficult

and

dangerous tasks to gain a princess or a treasure or b o t h , and he is helped by a g r o u p o f specialists, often brothers — one runs swifter than

the w i n d (compare

the Boreads a m o n g

the A r g o n a u t s ) ,

another sees m i r a c u l o u s l y far ( L y n c e u s ) , and so o n ; O r p h e u s and T i p h y s could fit into the p a t t e r n . M e u l i d e r i v e d this tale f r o m an even m o r e archaic one, the ' H e l f e r m a r c h e n ' , where the hero is helped not by h u m a n specialists but by animals. T h e structural connection is c o n v i n c i n g , the e v o l u t i o n a r y p a r a d i g m m i g h t be m o r e open to d o u b t . M o r e i m p o r t a n t , t h o u g h , V l a d i m i r P r o p p derived the ' H e l f e r m a r c h e n ' f r o m the scenario o f i n i t i a t i o n rituals. O n e m i g h t do the same for the structurally equivalent version, and thus for the m y t h o f the A r g o n a u t s .

human

75

N o t a shamanistic b a c k g r o u n d , t h e n , lies b e h i n d this m y t h , but that o f archaic i n i t i a t o r y rituals — m o r e specifically, the i n i t i a t i o n o f aristocratic w a r r i o r s . T h i s b a c k g r o u n d is at least as widespread as the shamanistic one, and it is preserved at the t i m e o f Ephorus a m o n g the b a c k w a r d Cretans. Just where O r p h e u s comes i n , is 98

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men less clear. A s one o f the specialists, his role could be very o l d , as M e u l i t h o u g h t . B u t it is equally well conceivable that he was added later, at the latest i n the seventh century B C . It is t e m p t i n g to connect his inclusion i n an i n i t a t i o n m y t h w i t h the role he had i n L e i b e t h r a , i f o n l y he were m o r e central i n the m y t h s o f the A r g o n a u t s . A s it stands, his o u t s t a n d i n g musical a b i l i t y is explanat i o n enough for the inclusion.

9. W h o , t h e n , is Orpheus? T o the Greeks, he p r i m a r i l y was the most gifted m u s i c i a n and singer, potent enough to overcome the Sirens and the L o r d s o f the N e t h e r w o r l d , to transcend the boundaries o f h u m a n i t y i n c h a r m i n g a n i m a l s , trees and rocks, to inaugurate the musical ability o f the Lesbians, a n d o f their nightingales. H e was considered an author o f theological poetry, and as early as Aeschylus he was connected w i t h the cult o f Dionysos. T h i s connection must stem from the fact that he wrote texts for these mystery cults (later, other cults attracted h i m as well). A d d i t i o n a l l y , he or rather his head was the a u t h o r o f powerful spells — poetry a n d sorcery are not all that far a p a r t .

76

Deeper d o w n in t i m e and structure, there m i g h t be some elements c o m m o n to shamanistic n a r r a t i o n s . B u t none is so m a r k e d that it presupposes direct contact w i t h a shamanistic culture; all could have travelled as stories w i t h o u t rituals over countries a n d centuries. M u c h m o r e p r o m i n e n t are elements w h i c h belong to an i n i t i a t o r y society o f w a r r i o r s , a phenomenon well attested a m o n g the Indo-Europeans a n d still l i n g e r i n g j u s t beneath the surface o f some archaic Greek i n s t i t u t i o n s .

77

T h e Leibethrean cult, i f we are

to believe C o n o n , was a m o n g t h e m . T h i s m i g h t be another reason for his association w i t h the secret societies o f Bacchic m y s t e r i e s . Nothing Thracian?

looks very T h r a c i a n . 7 9

The

answer

can

only

W h y , then,

is O r p h e u s

be tentative and

78

a

sketchy.

O r p h e u s , first o f a l l , is not the o n l y mythological singer w h o is regarded as a foreigner. T h a m y r i s is a T h r a c i a n too, as is Musaeus ( t h o u g h he was perhaps formed after O r p h e u s ) ; even the Muses come from T h r a c i a n Pieria. O l e n , whose h y m n s Delos r e m e m bered, was considered a L y c i a n . O n l y Linos was a Greek from 99

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men Thebes, it seems, t h o u g h a son o f the M u s e U r a n i a ; the o r i g i n o f the shadowy Pamphos is u n k n o w n .

8 0

D i d all the m o r e p r o m i n e n t

m y t h i c a l singers originate i n non-Greek m y t h o l o g y ? T h e question, asked this w a y , starts from a w r o n g assumption. W h e n a figure i n Greek m y t h o l o g y is given a foreign o r i g i n , this does not necessarily mean that he was, at a certain p o i n t o f Greek history o r rather pre-history, i n t r o d u c e d f r o m outside into the system o f Greek m y t h o l o g y . I n the first place, it means that this figure was felt as foreign, strange to this system, at least i n archaic a n d classical times, w h e n most m y t h s gained their definite forms. T h e r e are, o f course, figures w h o really d i d o r i g i n a t e outside Greece — Cybele for example, the P h r y g i a n , or perhaps Hecate, the C a r i a n : b u t their o r i g i n was r e m e m b e r e d because it corresponded always to an essential strangeness o f these d i v i n i t i e s and their cults — the ecstatic frenzy o f the M e t r o i c rites, the dogsacrifice or the connection w i t h sorcery and the dead i n the case o f Hecate.

81

O t h e r figures m i g h t or m i g h t not have o r i g i n a t e d i n a

foreign m y t h o l o g y — take Ares the T h r a c i a n or Dionysos, w h o was said to have come f r o m Asia M i n o r or T h r a c e : b o t h are already present i n the M y c e n a e a n p a n t h e o n , a n d it is impossible to prove or disprove whether they were i n t r o d u c e d from outside or not. But it is highly u n l i k e l y that such an i n t r o d u c t i o n w o u l d have been r e m e m b e r e d t h r o u g h the D a r k Ages: in historical times, they were experienced as strangers, their cults retained strange features — Ares, the d i v i n i t y o f the bloody a n d cruel aspect o f war w h i c h is kept well outside o f the o r d e r o f the polis; Dionysos, the god w h o sends ecstatic madness w h i c h disrupts the ordered life o f the polis.

82

T h e reality O r p h e u s and his fellow-singers belongs to is mousike, music and poetry. Seen i n this perspective, their foreignness must point to an otherness not q u i t e congruent w i t h the daily life o f the polis w h i c h archaic Greeks felt i n relation to poetry and music, a n d to poets as w e l l . T h e r e are some indications o f this, o n different levels. T h e r e is, o f course, Plato w h o puts poetic i n s p i r a t i o n under the general heading o f mania,

madness (Phaedrus

245 A ) . B u t

i n s p i r a t i o n , as Penelope M u r r a y showed, does not necessarily have such an ecstatic character; i n a less violent f o r m it is already present i n the archaic age. T h e poet has a special relationship w i t h his i n s p i r i n g d i v i n i t i e s , the Muses, w h i c h at the same t i m e sets h i m apart f r o m his fellow-men. A l r e a d y Demodocus and Phemius i n 100

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men the Odyssey c l a i m this relationship ( 8 . 4 4 , 2 2 . 3 4 7 - 9 ) ; H e s i o d and A r c h i l o c h u s had been personally i n i t i a t e d by the M u s e s .

83

Homer

himself, the arch-poet, was b l i n d : this is a s y m b o l o f otherness current detail.

i n other

84

contexts

as w e l l ,

no incidental biographical

Poets, i n the archaic age, aspired to a special social stand-

i n g because o f their sophia, w i s d o m , as d i d other e x t r a o r d i n a r y figures.

85

Poetry and music,

finally,

belong to special, sacralised

occasions. T h e poets o f o l d were m a i n l y poets o f religious hymns ( O r p h e u s , O l e n , Musaeus): religious poetry is sung d u r i n g sacrifices, r i t u a l l y m a r k e d o f f f r o m d a i l y life — see, for example, the paean sung by the Achaean youths to p r o p i t i a t e A p o l l o ' s w r a t h early i n the Iliad: after the hecatomb a n d the c o m m u n a l meal, ' a l l day l o n g , the y o u n g m e n o f the Achaeans p r o p i t i a t e d the god w i t h dance and song (molpe), s i n g i n g the beautiful paean' (1,472f). A n d outside the religious occasions proper, the p r o m i n e n t place for poetry was the s y m p o s i o n , another occasion m a r k e d off as sacralised by i n t r o d u c t o r y a n d closing r i t u a l s . No

need, t h e n ,

86

to look for a special

reason for

Orpheus'

Thracianness. N e i t h e r his association w i t h Dionysos or w i t h other mystery-cults caused i t , n o r is there any reason to read his m y t h o n l y i n a h i s t o r i s i n g w a y , as previous generations o f scholars d i d . Rather, his fame as a poet made h i m — or kept h i m , i f he really was a hero or god o f the Pierian T h r a c i a n s — a T h r a c i a n : it is, we recall, j u s t this role as a poet w h i c h we met i n all his m y t h s . As to the b a c k g r o u n d o f secret societies we f o u n d i n his Pierian m y t h , we cannot be absolutely certain whether this is a projection o f his role in Bacchic societies or rather preserves traces o f a r i t u a l o r i g i n o f Orpheus.

But since C o n o n ' s account preserves genuine-looking

r i t u a l i n f o r m a t i o n , since the details i n Pausanias fit i n , at least i n a general w a y , w i t h what C o n o n says, since Bacchic societies are nowhere i n Greece all-male groups but rather female associations,

87

and since,

finally,

according to some scholars the poets o f

archaic Greece show features w h i c h make them come close to initiators,

88

it seems plausible to credit Orpheus w i t h a genuine

r i t u a l b a c k g r o u n d i n such secret societies.

101

89

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men Notes 1. T h e sources are collected in O , K e r n (ed.), Orphicorum Fragmente (Berlin, 1922) Pars prior; Testimoma potiora. T h e main mythographical accounts are Apollod. 1.14; H y g . Astr. 2.7; C o n o n , FGrH 26 F 1,45; a remarkable synopsis of all the material is K . Ziegler, RE 18 (1939) 1268- 80; the early testimonies are discussed at great length in I . M . Linforth, The Arts of Orpheus (Berkeley, 1941). 2. T o give a sample: Orpheus a divinity of the Netherworld: E . Maass, Orftheus ( M u n i c h , 1895), still repeated by M . G u a r d u c c i , Epigraphica, 3 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) 29. A Frazerian priest-king: L . R . Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, vol. 5 (Oxford, 1909) 105f. T h e sacred fox, totem animal of a fox tribe: S. R e i n a c h , Mythes, cuttes et religions, vol. 2 (Paris, 1910) 1 0 7 - 1 0 . A n old 'Jahresgott* whose song symbolises the joys of summer (a very Nordic feeling), whose death, the winter: C . Robert, in his edition of L . Pre Her, Griechische Mythologie, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1920) 400, A historical personality, a Greek missionary among the wild T h r a c i a n s : W . K . C . Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek religion (Cambridge, 1st edn 1935; 2nd cdn 1952) 56 A shaman who had lived in Mycenaean Boeotia: R . B ö h m e , Orpheus. Das Alter des Küharödcn ( B e r n , 1970) 1 9 2 - 2 5 4 . A Bronze Age T h r a c i a n known in Greece before the Archaic Age: M . Durante, Sulla preistorta delta tradtzione poetica greca, vol. 1 ( R o m e , 1971) 157 - 9 . A 'mythical shaman or prototype of shamans': E . R . Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley, 1951) 147 — the most fashionable idea nowadays, see notes 6f. 3. T h e most influential study is still C . M . Bowra, C ( M 6 (1952) 1 1 3 - 2 6 , who thinks that the unhappy ending is the invention of Virgil's Hellenistic source. E . R . Robbins, i n j . Warden (ed.), Orpheus, The Metamorphoses ofa Myth (Toronto, 1982) I5f, duly repeats this. 4. Linforth, Arts of Orpheus, 16f, considers it the only reference to a happy ending. 5. Ample bibliography in W . H . Schuchhardt, Das Orpheusrelief (Stuttgart, 1964); seeesp. H . A . Thompson, Hesperia, 2 / ( 1 9 5 2 ) 4 7 - 8 2 ; E . B. Harrison, ibid. 33 (1964) 7 6 - 8 2 ; M O . Lee, ibid. 4 0 1 - 4 ; E . Langiotz in Festgabe Johannes Straub (Bonn, 1977). 91 - 1 12. 6. T h e first to connect Orpheus and shamanism was K a r l Meuli in an intro duction to the translation of the Katevala (Basle, 1940); see his Gesammelte Schriften (Basle, 1975) 697. M u c h more influential became E . R . Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational; after him, M . Eliade, Shamanism. Archaic Technique of Ecstasy ( L o n d o n , 1964) 391; then R . B ö h m e with his adventurous thesis, Orpheus, and most recently M . L . West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford, 1983) 3 - 7 (henceforth cited as West, OP). 7. T h e problem has become urgent because contemporary anthropologists, after a period of rather loose terminology, are bringing back the concept of shamanism to a narrow functional approach; see, for a short survey, J . N . Bremmer, The Early Greek Concept of the Soul (Princeton, 1983) 25 - 48, es p. 48, n 95. 8. See M . Eliade, Shamanism, 1 6 8 - 8 0 (drum); D . S c h r ö d e r , in C . A . Schmitz (ed.), Religionsethnologie (Frankfort, 1964) 3 1 2 - 4 (spirits): H . F r o m m , Das Kaiewala. Kommentar ( M u n i c h , 1967) 259 (string instruments). 9. T h e standard monograph is Ake Hultkrantz, The North American Indian Orpheus Tradition (Stockholm, 1957); lor more see D . Page, Folktales in Homer's Odyssey (Cambridge, 1973), 1 5 - 18; G . R . Swanson, Ethnology, 75(1976) 1 1 5 - 2 3 . 10. For a summary, see H . - G . Bandi, Urgeschichte da Eskimos (Stuttgart, 1965), esp. 1 3 8 - 4 2 . T h e absence of the Orpheus Tradition is all the more striking since both shamanism and eschatological accounts are well attested in Esquimo cultures; see, e.g., H . Barüske (ed.), Eskimo-Märchen ( D ü s s e l d o r f and Cologne, 1969) nos. 8-14.

102

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men 11. A story about M a n c h u shamans in A . Hultkrantz, North American Indian, 192; the origin in an actual seance, ibid. 2 2 0 - 9 . 12. Simonid. fr. 567 Page; Aesch. Ag. 1 6 2 9 - 3 1 ; E u r . Bacch. 650 and Iph Aul. 1 2 1 1 - 4 . T h e motif became powerful in later antiquity, see R . Eisler, Orphnchdionystsche Mysteriengedanken in der christlichen Antike ( V o r t r ä g e Warburg, 1922- 3) 3 - 3 2 ; E . Irwin, in W a r d e n , Orpheus, 5 1 - 6 2 . 13. For a summary see W . K . C . Guthrie, A History oj Greek Philosophy, v o l . 3 (Cambridge, 1969) 6 0 - 3 . 14. V ä i n ä m ö i n e n and Orpheus: Meuli, Schriften, 697; the ritual background, ibid. 693; the literary parallels in F r o m m , Das Kalewala, 2 5 6 - 9 . 15. B. K ö t t i n g , in Mutlus. Festschrift Theodor Klauser ( M ü n s t e r , 1964) 211 (pictorial representations). 16. Alcidam. Ulix. 24 cites an epigram about Orpheus' death by lightning; the same story with verbal reminiscences in another epigram in Diog. Laert. prooem 1.4 and Ant. Pal. 7.617 which goes back to Lobon of Argus fr. 508 Suppl. Hell.; a prose account in Paus. 9.30.5. T h e interpretation in Linforth, Arts of Orpheus, 15f, with reference to his earlier study, Tr. Am. Phil. Ass., 63 (1931) 5 - 1 1 . 17. Aesch. fr. 82 Mette (cf. p. 138f R a d t ) ; an ample discussion in M . L . West, BICS, 30 (1983) 6 4 - 7 . 18. T h e sources in West, BICS, 30 (1983) 66f. 19. Orpheus assembling the men: C o n o n , FGrH 26 F 1,45; Paus. 9.30.5; introducing homoerotic love, Phanocles fr. I Powell; O v . Met 1 0 . 8 3 - 5 ; Hvg. Astr. 2.7. 20. F . M . S c h ö l l e r , Darstellungen des Orpheus in der Antike (Diss., Freiburg, 1969) 5 5 - 6 9 ; E . R . Panyagua, Helmantica, 23 (1972) 9 0 - 1 1 1 ; see also F . Brommer, Vasenlisten zur griechischen Heldensage, 3rd edn ( M a r b u r g , 1973) 5 0 4 - 7. O n e v a s e , ARV 1042, inf. 2 introduces Dionysos as well, see West, BICS, 30 (1983) 81 note 18; several vases from the mid-fifth cent, add a satyr to Orpheus' audience. Sch öller 53 (influence from the stage?). 21. See West, OP 17 - 19, with the necessary references. 22. Schol. E u r . Ate. 968. Cobet had conjectured Herakleitos; Wehrli keeps the text out of his fragments of Heraclides Ponticus. 23. T h e Cicones in Horn. / / . , 2,846.17.73; connected with Orpheus, Ps.Aristot. fr. 641,48; V e r g . Georg. 4,520; O v . Met l l , 4 ( b u t Edomdae ibid. 69); Suid. O 655. 24. K i n g of Macedonians and Odrysians: C o n o n , FGrH 26 F 1,45; Odrysian: Suid. O 656; West, BICS, 5 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 81, n 16, puts the connection too late. 25. T h e only testimony as to a grave in Ciconian territory is Ps.-Aristot. loc. cit., an epigram whose wording comes close to the one of Lobon and which Diog. Laert, gives to the grave at D i u m (see n 16); the third epigram, the epitaph in Alcidamas, gives no localisation. 26. T h e testimonies for Pieria in Orphicorum Fragmenta T 3 8 - 4 1 , first although vague attestation is E u r . Bacch. 560. T h e expulsion of the T h r a c i a n s in T h u c . 2.99 and Strabo 10.2.71, p. 471; for T h r a c i a n towns more to the North, see Hecataeus FGrH 1 F 146; for the archaeological record, N . G . L . H a m m o n d , A History of Macedonia, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1972) 4 1 6 - 18. 27. Plut. Alex. 14.9.671 F , A r r i a n . Anab. 1.11.2; more in Orphicorum Fragmenta T 144. 28. Obviously a compromise between the mythical tradition and Conon's own historical and geographical knowledge. 29. See FGrH ad l o c ; Henrichs, this volume, C h . 11, section 1. 30. See N . G . L . H a m m o n d , Macedonia, 129, n 4. Guthrie, Orpheus, 35 opts for (he Smyrnaean river and makes unfounded conclusions.

103

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men 31. For a survey see G . Widengren, Der Feudalismus im alien Iran ( K ö l n and O p l a d e n . 1969) 4 5 - 6 3 ; A Alfoldi, Die Struktur des ooretruskisehen Römerstaates (Heideiburg, 1974) 3 3 - 7 . Add the Assassins from M a r c o Polo, II Mittone, ed. D . Ponchiroh ( T u r i n , 1974) C h 31, 3 2 - 4 ; for the Celts also H . G . Wackernagel, Altes Volkstum m der Schweiz (Basle, 1956) 1 2 4 - 6 . 32 T h e archaeological record for Leibethra contains only archaic and hellenistic finds; H a m m o n d , Macedonia, 136 (if the site really is Leibethra). 33. Principal source is Aristoxenus fr. 18 Wehrli; see K . von Fritz, RE 24 (1963) 2 1 1 - 1 8 ; W Burkert, Lore and Science ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1972) 1 1 5 - 1 8 . 34 Iamb. Vit Pyth 146 - H . TheslefT, The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period (Abo, 1965) 164. 35. For the Italian pseudopythagorica see H . Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic Period ( Ä b o , 1961) esp. 9 9 - 1 0 1 and 104f; geographical confusion also in H i m e r . Or. 46,3 Colonna; Pieriê Bistonis in A p . R h o d I 34 is a poetical way of saying T h r a c i a n Pieria. 36. For the grave as the centre of heroic worship see already E . Rohde, Psyche (2nd edn Freiburg, 1898) vol. 1, 1 5 9 - 6 6 ; F . Pfister, Der Retiquienkult im Altertum, vol. 2 (Giessen, 1912) 51 Of. T h e maxim has, of course, no value for pan-Hellenic heroes, especially those of epic poetry: it is all the more regrettable that we cannot know whether Orpheus was already part of the oldest stratum of the Argonautica; see below, note 67. 37. For Zalmoxis, see A . D . Nock, CR, * 0 ( 1 9 2 6 ) 1 8 4 - 6 ; J . C o m a n , Bull. Inst. Arch. Beige, 70(1950) 1 7 7 - 8 4 , F . Pfister, in Studies D. M. Robtnson(St L o u i s , 1953) vol. 2, 1 1 1 2 - 2 3 ; M . Eliade, Zalmoxis. The Vanishing God (Chicago and London, 1972) 21 - 7 5 ; Burkert, Lore and Science, 156f; A . Pandrea, Balkan Studies, 2 2 ( 1 9 8 1 ) 2 2 6 - 4 6 ; for an analysis of Hdt. 4 . 9 4 - 6 see F . Hartog, Le Miroir d'Hérodote (Paris, 1980), 1 0 2 - 2 6 . 38. Hellanicus FGrH 4 73, in a passage otherwise heavily dependent on Herodotus, states expressts verbis that he taught secret rites (teletas kaUdeixeri) to the T h r a c i a n Getae'. See especially M . E l i a d e , Zalmoxis, who is very careful to separate Zalmoxis and shamanism. 39. Sec Widengren, Der Feudalismus^ especially 9 - 4 3 ; Alfoldi, Römerstaates, 3 4 - 7 ; from a different perspective, R . M c k e l b a c h , Mithras ( K ö n i g s t e i n , 1984) 23-30. 40. Alfoldi, Römer Staates, 46f; O . Höfier, in O . Beck et al. (eds), Realtexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, vol. 2 (Berlin and New Y o r k , 1976) 2 9 8 - 3 0 4 . 41. Especially by W . Burkert and F . Hartog, see above, note 37. 42. Burkert, Lore and Scie nee, I 19 (the citation), 159 (Hermippus), 43. T h e role of Artemis T a u m pol us in the Macedonian army rests on these same institutions, see F . Graf, Xoidiortische Kulte (Rome, 1985), 413-17. 44. T h e initiatory aspect of homosexuality is discussed by J . N . Bremmer, Arethusa, 13 (1980) 2 7 9 - 9 8 ; cf. H . Patzer, Die griechische Knabenliebe (Wiesbaden, 1982); J . N. Bremmer (ed.), From Sappho to de Sade ( L o n d o n , 1989) ch. I . l

45. See Burkert, GR 2 8 0 - 3 . 46. Phanocles fr 1 Powell; Aristid. Or. 24.55 K c i l ; a similar story, but for Pierian nightingales, in Paus. 9,30.6. 47. H . - G . Buchholz, Methymna ( M a i n z , 1975) 203, 209f. 48. Paus. 10.19.3; Euseb. Praep. Eu. 5 . 3 6 . 1 - 3 . See M . P. Nilsson, Griechische / ^ ( L e i p z i g , 1906) 282f; Burkert, HN 202f. 49. Discussion in Graf, Nordtonische Kulte, 3 0 0 - 3 . 50. Burkert, HN 201 f.

104

Orpheus; A Poet Among Men 51. M . Schmidt, Ant. Kunst, 75(1972) 128 - 37 (a very thorough discussion of all relevant documents). 52. ARV 1 174. Bibliographies in Schöltcr, Darstellungen, 69; Schmidt, ibid. 130. 53. ARV 1401,1. Bibliographies in Schöller, ibid. 69; Schmidt, ibid. 130. 54. Bibliographies, S c h ö l l e r , ibid. 98, notes 10 (Siena) and 13 (Paris), see Schmidt, ibid. 134. 55. C . Robert, Jdl, 32 (1917) 146f. It became the opinio communis, see e.g. Guthrie, Orpheus, 36, despite some objections, the most important from Schmidt, ibid. 131, who separates the vases from the texts. 56. Pap. Graec. Mag. V I I I 90, X I I I 91.646. 57. A . F u r t w ä n g l e r , Die antiken Gemmen (Leipzig and Berlin, 1900) vol. 3, 2 5 4 - 5 2 ; contra R . Herbig, Jdl, 49/50 ( 1 9 4 4 - 5 ) 113f; reasonable objections, Schmidt, ibid. 133f. 58. M . Schmidt, ibid. 132f, thinks the finder was the poet Terpander; it is a guess. She also thinks that the head was in a cave where one had to descend with the help of ropes, which would recall Philostr. Heroic. 28; but the finder does not have ropes, but two spears, as far as I can see. 59. Dodds, The Greeks, 147; Eliade, Shamanism, 391; the protest in J . N . B r c m m c r , Early Greek Concept, 46f, with ample parallels; some more in C . G . J u n g , Gesammelte Werke, vol. 11 ( Z u r i c h , 1963) 2 6 2 - 8 . 60. Iran: G . Widengren, Der Hochgottglaube im alten Iran (Uppsala and Leipzig, 1939) 324f; O d i n : J . de V r i e s , Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte, vol. 1, 2nd edn (Berlin, 1956) 4 9 9 - 5 0 2 (initiations); vol. 2, 2nd edn (Berlin, 1957) 73f (magician), 9 4 - 100 (men's societies). 61. Diod. 4 . 4 0 - 5 6 = J . R ü s t e n , Dionysius Scytobrachion (Opladen 1982) 1 4 4 - 6 8 ; A p . R h o d . 1 . 2 3 - 3 2 and passim\ see K . Ziegler, RE 18 (1939) 1 2 5 5 - 7 . 62. P. Derv. in the preliminary edn ZPE, 74 (1982); hymns are mentioned col. 18,11; a theogony is cited throughout. 63. H . Groppengiesser, Arch. Anz. (1977) 5 8 2 - 6 1 0 . 64. E u r . HypsipyU fr. 1, col. I l l 8 - 1 4 and fr. 64, col, II 9 8 - 1 0 2 Bond. T h e Euenus story is an aition for the Attic genos of the Euenidai. 65. T h e epithet euainetos reminds one of the epithet used by Ibycus fr. 306 Page, onomaklytos: lack of other distinctions of O r p h e u s , or a common epic tradition? Onomaklytos would fit into a hexameter. See also n 71. 66. Fouilles de Delphes, vol. I V : 1 (Paris, 1909) 2 7 - 3 0 (description); vol. I V (plates) (Paris, 1926) plate 4. 67. M e u l i , Schriften, 5 9 3 - 6 7 6 , a slightly abbreviated version of his doctoral dissertation Odyssee und Argonautika (Basle, 1921); for Orpheus, see ibid. 567. 68. E . Robbins, in W a r d e n , Orpheus, 7 f 69. Jason's uncle, A p . R h o d . 1.45; Meleager's, 1.20!; he is accompanied also by his father's brother, 1.191. 70. For Greece, J . N . Bremmer, ZPE, 50 (1983) 1 7 3 - 8 6 ; for a wider back ground, idem. i n j . N . Bremmer and N . M . Horsfall. Roman Myth and Myelography (London, 1987) 5 3 - 6 ; for the initiatory background of the Odysseus and M c l t a g c r stories, N . Rubin and \ V . Sale. Arethusa. Id• (1983) 1 3 7 - 7 1 . 71. For another possible hint of earlier traditions see above, note 65. 72. A . Brelich, La Nouvetle Clio, 7/9 (1955/57) 496ff, see also his Gli eroi grea ( R o m e , 1958) 220. 73. T h e classical account is H . Jeanmaire, Courot et Coureies (Lille, 1939), C h . 6; cf. J N . B r c m m c r , Arethusa, 13 (1980) 2 7 9 - 9 8 . 74. Autolycus as a werewolf: Burkert, HN 120; Buxton, this volume, C h . 4; Ancaeus and bears, K . M e u l i , Schriften, 60If. (without, however, connecting him with the berserks); s e e j . N . Bremmer, ZPE, 47 (1982) 1461". 75. M e u l i , Schriften, 5 9 3 - 6 1 0 ; V . Propp, Istonceskt korm volsebnoj skazki.

105

Orpheus: A Poet Among Men ( L e n i n g r a d , 1946). (Italian edn, T u r i n 1972; French edn, Paris 1983; Spanish edn, M a d r i d 1984.) 76. Bacchic cults since the O l b i a (ablet, see above note 19; the literary sources, explicit since D i o d . 1 . 9 6 . 4 - 6 , in Orphicorum Fragmenta Τ 9 4 - 101 (Damagetus Ant. Fat 7,9 would be earlier, but its authenticity is dubious). Eleusis since A r . Ran. 1044 ( F . Graf, Eleusts und die orphische Dichtung Athens (Berlin, 1974) 2 2 - 3 9 ; objections: D é t i e n n e , Dionysos I69f; West, OP 23f). For the archaic unity of poet, seer and magician, Ν . K . C h a d w i c k , Poetry and Prophecy ( C a m b r i d g e , 1942); according to J . V e n d r y è s , La Religion des Celtes (Paris, 1948) 302, the Celtic term for seer, ofydd, derives from the name of O v i d ; see also E . Bickel, Rhein. Mus., 94 (1951) 257ff 77. A s M . P. Nilsson tried to show long ago for the Homeric kingship, Sitzungs berichte Berlin (1927) 2 3 - 4 0 - Opuscuia Selecta, vol. 2 ( L u n d , 1952) 871 - 9 7 78. For O r p h e u s and initiation see now also the contributions of J . N . Β re m m er and M . Schmidt to Ph. Borgeaud (ed), Orphisme et Orphée ( G e n e v a , 1990). 79. Although the vases depict O r p h e u s first as a Greek and only after about 450 as a T h r a c i a n , and although Pausanias was surprised at the Greek costume of Orpheus on the painting Polygnotus had executed in the 460s at Delphi (10.30.6), this does not mean that around 450 O r p h e u s changed nationality. Rather, the Greeks became more interested in the peculiarities of barbarians at about that time and wished to differentiate them better from themselves. 80. F o r the evidence see West, 0 P 3 9 - 6 I (singers) and L . R . F a r n e l l , The Cults of the Greek States, vol. 5 ( O x f o r d , 1909) 4 3 4 - 7 ( M u s e s ) . 81. C y b e l e . M . J . V e r m a s e r e n , Cybele and Attts ( L o n d o n , 1977) 1 3 - 3 7 ; Hecate. T . K r a u s , Hekate (Heidelberg, 1960); for both see also Graf, Hordionische Kulte, 1 0 7 - 15, 2 5 7 - 9 82. Ares: a T h r a c i a n divinity, M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 3rd edn, vol. 1 ( M u n i c h , 1967) 517; C . DanofT, in KL Pauiy, 5 (1975) 7 7 9 - 8 1 (import from T h r a c e in M y c e n a e a n times): the Mycenaean material, M . G é r a r d Rousseau , Les Mentions religieuses dans Us tablettes mycéniennes ( R o m e , 1968) 38f, more in Burkert, GR, 57. Dionysos: the Forschungsgeschichte, P. M c G i n t y , Interpretation and Dionysos ( T h e Hague, 1978); A . H e n r i c h s , HSCP, 04(1984) 2 0 5 - 4 0 ; the role of Dionysos in Greece, A . H e n r i c h s , in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition ( L o n d o n , 1982) vol. 3, 1 3 7 - 6 0 . 83. Hesiod Th 2 6 - 4 3 ; Archilochus SEC 15,517, col. I I 2 2 - 4 0 ; inspiration in Archaic Greece, P. M u r r a y , JHS, 101 (1981) 8 7 - 1 0 0 . 84. Blindness and seers, W . R . H a l l i d a y , Greek Divination ( L o n d o n , 1913) 7 7 - 9 ; and outsiders, Paus. 7.5.7; see also R . Buxton, JHS, 100(1980) 22-37. 85. Poets: H . Maehler, Die Auffassung des Dichterberufs im frühen Griechentum ( G ö t t i n g e n 1963); J . Svenbro, La Parole et le marbre. Aux origines de la poétique grecque ( L u n d , 1976); B. G e n t il i, Poesia e pubblico nella Grecia antica ( R o m e , 1984) 2 0 3 - 3 1 , other 'wise men': M . D é t i e n n e , Les Maîtres de vérité dans la Grèce archaïque, 2nd edn (Paris, 1973). 86. T h e r e is no detailed study of the ritual aspect of the symposium; see mean while P. V o n der M ü h l l , Ausgewählte kleine Schriften (Basle, 1976) 489. 87. Α . Henrichs, in Mnemai. Classical Studies . . Karl Κ. Hulley ( C h i c o , C a l i f , 1984) 6 9 - 9 1 corrects earlier misconceptions. 88 See Bremmer, this volume, C h . 1, note 8. 89. I thank J . N . Bremmer, Ν . Horsfall and my Zurich colleague H . - U . M a a g for valuable help and information.

106

6 Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity: On Reading the Narcissus Story Ezio Pellizer Translated by Diana Crampton 1

n Conon, Diegeseis 24 T h e r e is i n the region o f Boeotia a t o w n called Thespiae, not far f r o m M t H e l i c o n , where the c h i l d Narcissus was b o r n . H e was very beautiful, b u t also disdainful o f Eros and o f those w h o loved h i m . Whereas his other lovers eventually stopped l o v i n g h i m , A m e i n i a s persevered, constantly pleading w i t h h i m . A n d , because Narcissus gave h i m no hope, and indeed sent h i m the gift o f a s w o r d , the said A m e i n i a s stabbed h i m s e l f at the y o u t h ' s door, not w i t h o u t first i n v o k i n g the vengeance o f the god. So Narcissus, c o n t e m p l a t i n g his o w n reflection i n a s p r i n g , and c o n t e m p l a t i n g his o w n beauty reflected in the water, absurdly fell i n love w i t h himself. I n the end, Narcissus,

i n despair,

a d m i t t e d he h a d suffered a just punishment for the wounds inflicted on the l o v i n g A m e i n i a s , and killed himself. F r o m then o n , the Thespians decided to h o n o u r and venerate the god Eros even m o r e , not only w i t h public sacrifices, but also w i t h private cults. T h e people of the t o w n t h i n k that the Narcissus flower first grew i n that place where the blood o f Narcissus was spilt.

2

n Pausanias 1.30. J T h e altar w i t h i n the city called the altar o f Anteros they say was dedicated

by resident

aliens,

because the A t h e n i a n Meles,

s p u r n i n g the love o f T i m a g o r a s , a resident alien, bade h i m ascend to the highest p o i n t o f the rock and cast h i m s e l f d o w n . 107

Reflections,

Echoes and Amorous

Reciprocity

N o w T i m a g o r a s took no account o f his life, a n d was ready to gratify the y o u t h i n any o f his requests, so he went and cast himself d o w n . W h e n M e l e s saw that T i m a g o r a s was dead, he suffered such pangs o f remorse that he t h r e w himself from the same rock a n d d i e d . F r o m this t i m e , the resident aliens worshipped as A n t e r o s the a v e n g i n g spirit o f T i m a g o r a s . (tr. by W . H . S . J o n e s ( L o e b ) )

3

n Pausanias

9.31.7-8

(a) I n the t e r r i t o r y o f the Thespians is a place called D o n a c o n (Reed-bed).

H e r e is the s p r i n g o f Narcissus.

T h e y say

that

Narcissus looked i n t o this water, a n d not u n d e r s t a n d i n g that he saw his o w n reflection, unconsciously fell i n love w i t h himself, a n d died o f love at the s p r i n g . B u t it is u t t e r s t u p i d i t y to i m a g i n e that a m a n o l d enough to fall i n love was incapable o f dist i n g u i s h i n g a m a n f r o m a m a n ' s reflection. (b) T h e r e is another story about Narcissus, less p o p u l a r indeed t h a n the other, but not w i t h o u t some support. I t is said that Narcissus h a d a t w i n sister; they were exactly alike i n appearance, their h a i r was the same, they wore s i m i l a r clothes, a n d went h u n t i n g together. T h e story goes o n that Narcissus fell i n love w i t h his sister, a n d w h e n the g i r l d i e d , w o u l d go to the s p r i n g , k n o w i n g that it was his reflection that he saw, but i n spite o f this knowledge finding some relief for his love i n i m a g i n i n g that he saw, not his o w n reflection, b u t the likeness o f his sister. T h e flower narcissus grew, i n m y o p i n i o n , before this, i f we are to j u d g e by the verses o f Pamphos. (tr. by W . H . S. Jones ( L o e b ) )

4

n

Vatican Mylhographer

IL180

T h e n y m p h A l c y o p e created Narcissus f r o m the r i v e r called Cephisus; the soothsayer Teiresias foretold that he w o u l d be fortunate i f he d i d not place too m u c h faith i n his beauty. T h e daughter o f I u n o , Echo, fell i n love w i t h h i m , and, unable to w i n his love, followed h i m although he fled from her, repeating 108

Reflections,

Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity

the last sounds o f his w o r d s , and thus died o f love. W e have only her voice, for she was t u r n e d into stone and h i d d e n i n the m o u n tains. T h i s happened at the instigation o f I u n o , because Echo often delayed her w i t h her verbosity, so that she was not able to surprise J u p i t e r as he chased n y m p h s t h r o u g h the m o u n t a i n s . It is also said that because o f her d e f o r m i t y she was hidden i n the m o u n t a i n s so that she could not be seen, but only

heard.

R e g a r d i n g the said Narcissus, for the extreme disdain and cruelty shown to Echo, he was made to fall i n love w i t h himself by Nemesis, that is, the Fate w h o punishes the disdainful, so that he was consumed by no lesser flame. So he fell exhausted f r o m the h u n t by a f o u n t a i n , a n d as he d r a n k the water, he saw his o w n image, a n d believing it to be that o f another, he fell i n love, a n d was so consumed by his desire that he died. F r o m his remains grew the

flower

that is called the narcissus by the

n y m p h s called the Naiades, w h o cried for the sad fate o f their brother.

1. Conon's

1

story ( n ) , as

is c u s t o m a r y ,

begins

with

a

general

utterance, f u n c t i o n i n g to situate the n a r r a t i v e events i n a part i c u l a r space (Thebes, Boeotia, etc.); there then follows a descript i o n o f the character and qualities o f one o f the persons w h o w i l l be i n v o l v e d i n the events. I n this case, we find Narcissus, extrao r d i n a r i l y beautiful a n d at an ephebic age, yet disdainful intractable i n his amorous adventures.

and

I t is i m p l i c i t that o u r

subject ( S i ) swims against the social, or rather the u n d e r l y i n g psychological c u r r e n t , w h i c h is safeguarded by the god w h o presides over amorous encounters (Eros); i n other words a y o u n g m a n of e x t r a o r d i n a r y beauty generally should not be averse to the attentions o f his lovers, as such an attitude constitutes a violation of the amorous dike sanctioned by the god himself. The

1

f o l l o w i n g segment introduces a second subject ( A m e i n i a s ,

S2) w h o , i n contrast to the other erastai (lovers), soon becomes bored w i t h c o u r t i n g the ungrateful ephebe in v a i n , and persists, w i t h great constancy, i n his desire for Narcissus. W e may describe quite simply a second general utterance, whereby S2 is in disjunction 109

Reflections,

Echoes and Amorous

w i t h his object (Narcissus),

then there

Reciprocity is a m o d a l

utterance,

because A m e i n i a s wants to o b t a i n the c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h his object, but i n this story his desire is not realised. F u r t h e r m o r e , we

find

ourselves confronted w i t h a second complex object, w h i c h i n this case is a m o d a l object:

S2*s desire

turns

b o t h o n a simple

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f state (that is the c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the object f r o m w h i c h he finds h i m s e l f d i v i d e d ) and a m o d a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , as Narcissus i n t u r n is r e q u i r e d to desire ( o r , rather, to want to do). I n Ameinias* intentions and desires we have a c o n j u n c t i o n , that is, the a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f an object, as well as a

persuasive

action: all set i n m o t i o n by Eros, the heavenly figure o f passionate love, w h o seems to constitute the addresser ( i m p l i c i t l y or explicitly) characteristic o f this type o f story, and who i n n appears as the addresser o f the

final

1

i n particular,

sanction, as we shall see

below. A m e i n i a s i n love, then, desires to achieve a persuasive act, a transfer o f the m o d a l i t y o f w a n t i n g o n to Narcissus; such a transfer aims to make the object o f his desire do. I n other w o r d s , it is a p r o g r a m m e o f seduction, w h i c h i n o u r story is not realised. T h e t h i r d segment is a performance,

w h i c h at

extremely simple, consisting i n the transfer

first

appears

o f an object

(the

sword) from Narcissus to A m e i n i a s , S i h a v i n g the function o f addresser, S2 o f addressee. Y e t it is easy to see f r o m the qualities o f this transferred object (a w e a p o n , an i n s t r u m e n t o f separation and death) that after h a v i n g been interpreted by the addressee (accordi n g to some competence that is not made clear here) as an obligat i o n (an i n v i t a t i o n , an i n j u n c t i o n , that is, a persuasive act), it sets i n m o t i o n the f o l l o w i n g utterance, that is, the a u t o - a t t r i b u t i o n o f death by A m e i n i a s . A persuasive action thereby is accomplished by Narcissus, w h o pushes his lover to p e r f o r m a suicide prog r a m m e — the lover, however, not failing to invoke the wildest maledictions against the y o u n g m a n before d y i n g . A p a r t from being defined as a negative sanction against Narcissus* actions, this disillusioned lover's curse is also an i l l o c u t i o n a r y act o f request to the deity, to sanction what has happened

and to execute a

further n a r r a t i v e p r o g r a m m e , one o f p u n i s h m e n t and vendetta. T h e transformations set i n m o t i o n by the deity are shown i n the f o l l o w i n g t w o segments: the first consists i n the realisation — at least partially — o f the n a r r a t i v e p r o g r a m m e , unsuccessful Ameinias, wanting,

to p e r f o r m the o r even

better,

transfer

o f the

a particular and 110

m o d a l object complex f o r m

for (the of

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity w a n t i n g , that is, amorous desire) o n to Narcissus.

But because

such a desire this t i m e focuses o n Narcissus h i m s e l f ( S I ) , we once again find a reflexive act, i n w h i c h S i attributes the m o d a l object to himself. I n the changed j u d g e m e n t o f Narcissus, w h o is sorry not to have r e t u r n e d

A m e i n i a s ' love, there is, then,

a

new

sanction, and hence a second t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , s y m m e t r i c a l to that manifested i n the second n a r r a t i v e p r o g r a m m e and consisting i n the fact that Narcissus

also kills himself. So we have a t h i r d

reflexive act, i n w h i c h someone attributes the object — i n his case, death — to h i m s e l f once m o r e . I n conclusion: one unrealised and three complete n a r r a t i v e prog r a m m e s d r a w i n t o relief the very simple n a r r a t i v e structure o f this story, w h i c h is articulated i n the m o d a l i t y o f impassioned w a n t i n g , and presents i n characteristic fashion a specific recurrence: the addresser and addressee coincide three times, or at least the same w o r k i n g subject is the object o f the action performed by itself. T h i s redundancy, o r better, this manifest recurrence, times three, has i n the economy o f the story the effect o f s h o w i n g the complex seme o f / r e f l e x i v i t y / . I n other w o r d s , a vast constellation o f reflexive actions seems to be d e r i v e d from the negation o f recip r o c i t y i n amorous relations. A l t h o u g h the names o f the characters are changed, and the geographical location is different, story n

2

(Pausanias) appears to be

constructed according to a practically identical n a r r a t i v e structure: it varies o n l y i n some elements o f d e t a i l , as a simple analysis o f those segments constitutive to b o t h stories m a y s h o w .

2

Further-

m o r e , the story o f Timagoras* u n h a p p y love for the y o u n g Meles provides us w i t h an interesting d e f i n i t i o n — b o t h onomastic and m o r p h o l o g i c a l , as well as figurative — o f the second contextual seme p e r t a i n i n g to these stories, as we shall see below: the w i n g e d 3

figure o f the god A n t e r o s (brother o f E r o s , a n d represented as his counter and m i r r o r image), a p u n i s h i n g d e m o n (daimon alastor) o f unreciprocated

love, it must be a d m i t t e d , is a most

effective

i n c a r n a t i o n o f the seme o f / r e c i p r o c i t y / .

2. W e can see h o w these diverse figures, at the level o f discursive structures, are semantically invested i n the stories o f u n h a p p y love 111

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous

Reciprocity

we have e x a m i n e d , a n d how they are articulated according to semantic isotopies amenable

to a consistent r e a d i n g o f all the

possible v a r i a t i o n s . Let us begin w i t h the m i r r o r . Narcissus' falling in love w i t h h i m s e l f is p r o v o k e d by the c o n t e m p l a t i o n o f his o w n beauty reflected in a s p r i n g , w h i c h serves as a m i r r o r . T h u s , the m i r r o r image that reproduces oneself to oneself appears, a visual m e t a p h o r o f reflexivity a n d o f the double, o f the coincidence o f the other w i t h oneself. I n other w o r d s , Narcissus' m i r r o r functions as a sort o f hyper-mask i n w h i c h the / and the he coincide, quasim e t a p h o r o f the t h i r d person b e i n g compressed

into the

first

4

p e r s o n . O t h e r interesting isotopies m a y be found i n other stories r e l a t i n g to the theme o f Narcissus, i f we wish to account for its entire system o f transformations a n d v a r i a t i o n s . T a k e for instance, 3 b

the events i n the f o l l o w i n g logos by Pausanias ( n ) , where the story o f Narcissus is subjected to a r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n procedure ( w h i c h is rather ingenuous b u t diffuse f r o m the sixth c e n t u r y B C u n t i l about the b e g i n n i n g o f the last c e n t u r y ) , that attempts to present m y t h s 5

as more p l a u s i b l e . Pausanias ( o r his source) perceives that the most intolerable and scandalous element o f the story is that a y o u n g m a n should be so s t u p i d as to fall i n love w i t h the reflection o f his o w n image w i t h o u t realising i t . H e therefore proposes a different version, e v i d e n t l y a i m e d at a t t e n u a t i n g such an absurdi t y . I n fact, a passionate love for a t w i n sister occurs i n the new story, hence the love is s i m p l y an incestuous love. H i s sister, t h e n , is described as totally identical (es hapan homoion to eidos)

y

which

accentuates the fact that this is an i n t e n t i o n a l search for i d e n t i t y : 'they dressed i n similar clothes, they w o r e t h e i r h a i r i n the same way*. H e r e , t h e n , appears / g e m e l l a r i t y / , w h i c h e v i d e n t l y functions as genetic i d e n t i t y , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to a physical difference, w h i c h in this case is one o f gender. H e r e too, a f o r m o f ' s p e c u l a r i t y ' is repeated

i n the m o m e n t o f searching for s i m i l a r i t y i n the love

object, w h i c h m a y tend towards total i d e n t i t y w i t h oneself; one attempts to short-circuit t r a n s i t i v i t y o n to the other, a n d thereby to deny the difference i n a sort o f compression o f the reciprocal into the reflexive. T h e m i r r o r (reflection o f the spring) here is relegated to the lower level o f aide-memoire, o f small consolation for the loss o f the loved object, but it must be said that i n this love between twins, 'specularity'

and

reflexivity

are

definitely

present.

6

Both

the

identical clothes and the identical hairstyle attempt to elide the sexual differences between male and female; the denial o f any 112

Reflections, form

o f difference

A n t e r o s are


is notable.

brothers

Furthermore,

( a l t h o u g h not t w i n s ) ;

even

Eros

and

they are comple-

m e n t a r y , to the extent that the g r o w t h o f one is impossible w i t h o u t the presence a n d reciprocal g r o w t h o f the other, as recounted by Themistius.

7

3. Echo, the w o o d n y m p h (I chose, somewhat r a n d o m l y , the story 4

f o u n d i n Vatican Mythographer 11.180). V e r s i o n n is by far the best k n o w n t h r o u g h o u t the E u r o p e a n

c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , thanks to

O v i d , to L a t i n a n d medieval m y t h o g r a p h e r s a n d to Boccaccio. It also spread

d u r i n g the

Renaissance ( N a t a l i s Comes,

etc.) to

influence the p a i n t i n g , the music a n d the l i t e r a t u r e o f subsequent centuries. T h i s story is constructed i n such a way as to d r a w clearly i n t o relief the coherence a n d homogeneity o f the 'Narcissus story' in its entire system o f v a r i a t i o n s , a n d it p e r m i t s us to see h o w n a r r a t i v e mechanisms f u n c t i o n , generating different versions o f the stories, c e n t r i n g o n a definite character — or, i f y o u l i k e , to see h o w the transformations o f a theme are organised d i a c h r o n i c a l l y , 4

over a l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e . I n version n , the figure o f A m e i n i a s , the u n f o r t u n a t e erastes, does not exist any m o r e ; hence the element o f the homosexual relationship disappears. T h e person w h o plays the actantial role c o r r e s p o n d i n g to that o f the u n h a p p y lover 1

2

( A m e i n i a s or T i m a g o r a s i n n or n ) , g o i n g m o r e or less a l o n g the same ' f i g u r a t i v e p a t h ' (parcours figuratif),

is n o w a n y m p h , o f the

female sex ( r e m e m b e r the appearance o f the sister i n n

3 b

) , called,

as everyone k n o w s , Echo. I n this n y m p h ' s name a n d v i r t u e s , it is almost too easy to see her distinctive characteristics, that is to say, /vocality/

and,

moreover,

/reflexivity/.

I n other

words,

the

u n h a p p y n y m p h i n love, described b y O v i d (by verbal games that 8

today m a y appear to be i n b a d taste )

as a voice w i t h o u t a

presence, a n d w h o identically repeats the last syllables presented to her, is none other t h a n 'specular' vocality. T h i s reflected vocality thereby pertains, at this level o f c o m m o n isotopy, to preceding stories, to w h i c h , however (even i n its transformations, a n d indeed thanks to t h e m ) , it adds o n l y the seme o f / v o c a l i t y / . It therefore seems possible to conclude that a story, subjected to variations i n its enunciative m o d a l i t y (or simply narrated i n a 113

Reflections,


different c u l t u r a l context) can generate, i n itself, several o f its o w n variants, s i m p l y by a m p l i f y i n g , along a homogeneous axis, the choice o f relevant semantic traits. T h i s must be exactly what happened i n o u r case, because Echo's story seems indeed to be constructed successively (by the w o r k o f a hellenistic A l e x a n d r i a n poet f r o m w h i c h m a y derive O v i d ' s story, or by O v i d himself), and apparently was inspired by a preceding tale about Narcissus i n which

there

was no trace o f vocal reflexivity,

but

in w h i c h

appeared the optic reflexivity o f the m i r r o r . T h e complex seme o f / r e f l e x i v i t y / , i n a certain sense, m a y have generated this v a r i a n t , simply t r a n s m u t i n g the optic o n to the vocal axis. As we have seen, 3 b

s o m e t h i n g similar o c c u r r e d in the Pausanias version ( n ) , where 'specularity' and i o v e o f the same', a t t e m p t i n g to 'rationalise* the absurdity o f the m y t h , together produced the figure o f the t w i n sister.

4. A powerful name: Plato. I f we n o w look t h r o u g h the vast a m o u n t of m a t e r i a l offered us by the imaginaire o f ancient Greece, searching for a figure that s y m m e t r i c a l l y unifies the traits o f c o m p l e m e n tarities, o f the double pressed into one, o f r e c i p r o c i t y that compresses itself into u n i t y , o f a sort o f ' s p e c u l a r i t y ' where the m i r r o r seems to j o i n itself to the reflected image (rather like the c h i l d who moves towards the m i r r o r to the p o i n t o f t o u c h i n g i t , pressing his or her nose to i t ) , we note that this figure indeed exists, even i f it is an

effort

to i m a g i n e i t ; the result, once visualised, m a y

be

decidedly monstrous. T h e figure we seek is described i n Plato, Symposium 180 et seq., i n the famous story o f Aristophanes about the o r i g i n o f love. O n c e , Aristophanes says, m e n had r o u n d i s h bodies, w i t h four hands and four legs, t w o sexual parts, t w o faces attached to one head, a n d four ears. T h e r e were three genders, female, and androgynos, gender whether these strange

male,

being d e t e r m i n e d according to

beings had two male sexual parts, two

female sexual parts, or one male and one female part. A n d because these i n d i v i d u a l s , who were so complete i n themselves, were too self-confident and somewhat t r u c u l e n t , Zeus had to cut t h e m i n half

H e then pulled the skin over the w o u n d , t y i n g it u p at the

point that is n o w the navel, and begged A p o l l o to twist the head so 114

Reflections,


that it faced i n the same d i r e c t i o n as the cut. F i n a l l y , because these halves had some problems c o p u l a t i n g — as one m i g h t imagine — Zeus also caused the sexual parts to be displaced to the front. F r o m then o n , these halves looked for each other, a t t e m p t i n g to j o i n themselves together again, desperately l o o k i n g for their lost u n i t y and o r i g i n a l i d e n t i t y . T h e platonic m y t h o f the androgynos is too well k n o w n to require r e p é t i t i o n o f all its details. I n any case, one must recognise that this famous figurative representation o f a coincidence o f the reciprocal in the reflexive reveals itself as h i g h l y pertinent to the entire system o f m e a n i n g that we have t r i e d to reconstruct i n the preceding stories. M o r e o v e r , it provides an extremely v i v i d picture o f how it is possible, via the figures o f the imaginaire, to reconcile somehow the u n i t y , the i d e n t i t y , the totality o f the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h complementariness, 'otherness'.

'specularity',

or d u p l i c i t y

—

with,

in a

word,

9

A n apparently clearly articulated u n d e r l y i n g system can be perceived t h r o u g h this series o f v i v i d representations,

whether they

are n a r r a t i v e or not. T h i s system seems to be constructed accordi n g to a f o r m o f logic. W e can see delineated, for example, i n the very linguistic f o r m u l a t i o n o f the n a r r a t i v e discourse, the specific function o f some g r a m m a t i c a l categories — for example the function o f the reflexive p r o n o u n heautos, or the reciprocal adjective allelous, w h i c h is f o r m e d by d o u b l i n g alios, ' t w i c e o t h e r ' , and has no n o m i n a t i v e . These g r a m m a t i c a l forms are, not s u r p r i s i n g l y , repeated several times, not o n l y i n the story o f the androgynos, but also i n the other stories e x a m i n e d . F u r t h e r m o r e , we can see how the figurative — or n a r r a t i v e — e x p l o r a t i o n o f passionate attitudes (love, passion par excellence) renders operative various possibilities of rapprochement and j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f the t w o p r i n c i p a l verbal diatheses, the active — w h i c h the ancient I n d i a n

grammarians

called parasmaipadam,

' w o r d for an other' — and the m e d i u m —

called

'word

atmanepadam,

for i t s e l f

—

whereas the

passive

diathesis is secondary, s i m p l y the active seen from the point o f view o f the object. F i n a l l y , a general o v e r v i e w o f this system o f n a r r a t i v e representations shows, it seems to me, the a r t i c u l a t i o n o f some logical categories, /otherness/,

which

may

and reveals the opposition / i d e n t i t y / v . be

represented

schematically

by

a

G r e i m a s i a n carré, i n w h i c h also are organised the contradictoires ( / n o n - i d e n t i t y / v. /non-otherness/ i n the axis o f the sub-contraires): 115

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous identity ^

w

Reciprocity otherness

—1 non-otherness ^

non-identity

I f general reflection on passionate love seems above all to d r a w i n t o relief the p r o b l e m o f r e c o n c i l i n g oppositions o f the t w o contraries — that is, o f d e f i n i n g the possible relations between the experience o f the self and the recognition o f the other — it is possible also to situate along the inferior axis (called that o f the sub-contraries) some hypothetical and i m a g i n a r y possibilities o f different

types

include the

o f intermediate orientations.

figure

o f the t w i n sister,

Such possibilities

who is not identical to

Narcissus a l t h o u g h she is o f the same b l o o d and s i m i l a r to h i m , and also the figure o f the androgynos from w h o m it is possible to y

construct a monstrous image ( w h i c h is neither the identical nor the o t h e r ) , s i m p l y by e x p l o i t i n g the possibilities i n t r i n s i c to the n o t i o n of s y m m e t r y . W e should note that each o f the t w o parts o f the androgynos is called by Plato symbolon\ certainly not i n the actual sense o f the w o r d , b u t i n the o r i g i n a l (etymological) m e a n i n g o f 'one part o f a w h o l e , d i v i d e d i n t o t w o , w h i c h m a y be made to coincide by p u t t i n g it together (sym-ballo) w i t h the other h a l f , as is possible w i t h the t w o parts o f a c o i n , or w i t h pieces o f a stick broken in two.

5. T h e n a r r a t i v e theme explored here has taken us a l o n g way and could take us even further. I have endeavoured to show some o f the rules o f the game that generate these representations, a r t i c u l a t i n g their n a r r a t i v e manifestations, i n an attempt to conclude whether it is possible to identify some f o r m o f logic at the basis o f such rules. I t is possible to conclude tentatively that, t h r o u g h the figurative

and discoursive e x p l o r a t i o n o f the categories

w i t h passion and lack o f r e c i p r o c i t y , indifference,

dealing

desperation,

reflexive love followed again by m o r e despair and remorse, etc., that is, dealing w i t h a series o f euphoric, aphoric and dysphoric states and actions, these stories attempt to express a vast reflection 116

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity that

focuses

o n the d e f i n i t i o n

o f the self and

the other,

on

reflexivity, complementariness and amorous reciprocity. A n d it is precisely passionate love that seems to function as the privileged operator o f those transformations that reveal the m e a n i n g — or at least one m e a n i n g — shared by all these stories: the definition o f the correct o r i e n t a t i o n o f passionate attitudes i n interpersonal relationships. T h i s , then, is the ' m o r a l o f the s t o r y ' , whereby the w i n g e d figure o f the daimon A n t e r o s , together w i t h that o f the u n h a p p y androgynos seems, o n its o w n , to be the most effective metaphoric image. I n conclusion, I w o u l d like to examine another short passage f r o m Plato, from the Phaedrus, another dialogue m a i n l y dedicated to e x a m i n i n g the passion o f love (255 c - e ) . H e r e Plato unites, i n a rather impressive m a n n e r , a large n u m b e r o f the figurative elements that we have found scattered here a n d there i n the course o f o u r i n q u i r y , p r i n c i p a l l y using a metaphorical system, the s i m i l a r i ties o f w h i c h to that system revealed by the e x a m i n a t i o n o f the Narcissus stories are too strong to be mere coincidence or 'free i n v e n t i o n ' o f the A t h e n i a n philosopher. H a v i n g ascertained that amorous desire is like a rheuma, or c u r r e n t that flows from the loved object, Plato adds that this c u r r e n t o f beauty, like a breath o r an echo (hoion pneuma e lis ekho) reflected from a smooth and solid surface, bounces back to the point o f o r i g i n , r e t u r n i n g to the loved one t h r o u g h the eyes, i n a look. H e then continues ' a n d like someone w h o has contracted an eye disease from someone else, he cannot explain h o w , b u t w i t h o u t realising i t , sees himself in the loved one, as in a mirror [hosper en katoptroiY. A n d w h e n the lover is far away, the loved one, now also i n love i n t u r n , 'desires and is desired, b e a r i n g anteros as the reflected image o f eros\

that is, he

perceives the effects o f passionate love i n terms o f 'specular' reciprocity. Plato is, w i t h o u t d o u b t , p r i n c i p a l l y interested i n d e f i n i n g the other by means o f s t u d y i n g the effects love produces on the self, whereas the preceding accounts attempt rather to demonstrate the disastrous effects o f refusing reciprocity, w h i c h produces a closure in the narcissistic circle o f the self. O n e realises, however, that in this impressive passage o f Plato's, the reappearance o f the figure o f anteros, o f amorous r e c i p r o c i t y , o f the self w h o merges w i t h the other and then returns to the self, o f this

finding-once-more

with

this bounce-back the image o f the echo and the m i r r o r , serves as a 117

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity s u m m a r y , as an i n v e n t o r y o f the elements that constitute the system o f m e a n i n g o n w h i c h is based the theme o f Narcissus i n all its variations a n d n a r r a t i v e manifestations. W e can n o w follow it t h r o u g h a l o n g t r a d i t i o n , leading f r o m C o n o n to Pausanias, from Ovid

t h r o u g h the medieval m y t h o g r a p h e r s

and

Boccaccio to

Natalis C o m e s , f r o m C a l d e r o n to Scarlatti, a n d hence ( w h y not?) to S i g m u n d F r e u d a n d his followers. T h e deep structures o n w h i c h this has been articulated, however, were already present i n the m i n d o f the philosopher who not i n f r e q u e n t l y amused h i m s e l f by t e l l i n g certain ' m y t h s ' that were no longer m y t h s , but rather i n t e n tionally symbolic systems, elaborated i n the space o f very r i c h a n d organised t h o u g h t , j u s t as they had been present i n the imaginaire that generated these stories i n an unspecified a n d unspecifiable epoch, certainly before the t i m e o f Plato himself. A f t e r h a v i n g followed the t o r t u o u s events o f these stories — or rather, h a v i n g a t t e m p t e d to e x p l a i n t h e i r mechanisms — I still have the impression that the history o f m a n y n a r r a t i v e themes that have attained greater fame i n o u r c u l t u r e , a n d therefore a consistent part o f the h i s t o r y o f l i t e r a t u r e itself, are perhaps (to paraphrase J . L . Borges) no m o r e than 'the history o f differing i n t o n a t i o n s o f some m e t a p h o r s ' .

10

Notes 1. T h i s rule has been illustrated well by Bruno Gentili, ' I I "letto insaziato" di Medea e ii tema dtWadikia a livello amoroso nei lirici (SafTo, Teognide) e nella Medea di E u r i p i d e ' , Studi Class. Or , 21 (1972) 6 0 - 7 2 ; p. 63: ' I f respect for dike necessarily demands that the lover should in his turn be loved in an indissoluble chain of faithfulness and reciprocal loyalty, violation of this rule (adikta) in turn necessarily constitutes a sin which must be expiated' (emphasis in text); p. 64: '. . . sooner or later whoever rejects the love of the lover will pay the price for his own adikia*. O n the use of the couplet dikeJadxkia in the language of love, see also M a r i a G . Bonanno, 'Osservazioni sul tema délia "giusta" reciprocita amorosa da Saffo ai c o m i c i \ Quad. Urb. Cult. Class., 76(1973) 1 1 0 - 2 0 , M . Vetta, ' L a "giovinezza giusta" di Trasibulo: Pind, Pyth. V I 48', Quad. Urb. Cult. Class., n.s., 2 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 8 7 - 9 0 , and my ' L a donna del mare. L a dike amorosa "assente" nel giambo di Semonide sopra le donne, vv, 2 7 - 4 2 ' , also in Quad. Urb. Cult. Class., n.s., 5(1979) 2 9 - 3 6 . O n the forms of eros in Greece see also my Favole d'identita — Favole di paura ( R o m e , 1982), and the very useful volume edited by C . C a l a m e , Vamore in Greeia ( R o m e - B a r i , 1983). 2. For an introduction to the analytical method used in this article, see J . Courtes, Scmiotique narrative et dxscoursiue (Paris, 1976): Groupe d'Entrevernes (various authors), Analyse sémiotique des textes ( L y o n s , 1979); A . J . Greimas, Du sens IF Essays sêmwtiques (Paris, 1983).

118

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity 3. T h e rather facile psychoanalytic approach of D . Braunschweig and M . Fain, Eros et Antcros. Reflections psychanalytiques sur la sexualité (Paris, 1971 ) 139 - 158, to the function of these two daimones does not seem very useful. A n enigmatic Antcros may be found in the singular sonnet of G e r a r d de Nerval's Chimères, see the fine analysis by J . Geninasca, Analyse structurale des Chimères de Nerval (Neuchatel, 1971) 38 and 2 2 3 - 3 6 . O n the ephebic eros in mythical stories, cf. B. Sergent, L'Homosexualité dans la mythologie grecque (Paris, 1984) 9 7 - 123, 210, which provides a rich biblio graphy on this theme; also the little-known study by C . Diano, 'L'eros greco", in Saggezza e poetiche degli antichi ( V i c e n z a , 1968) 1 6 7 - 8 3 = Utisse, 18 (1953) 698 et seq. 4. See the interesting reflections of L . M a r i n , 'Masque et portrait: sur l ' o p é r a t e u r *'masque" dans quelques textes du X V I I è m e siècle français*, in Atti del Convegno internationale 'Net senso délia maschera; Au sense du masque', Montecatini, 1 5 - 1 7 October 1981, forthcoming. For mirror effects in painting, cf. Caterina L i mentan i Virdis, / / quadro e il sua doppio Effetti di specularita narrativa nella pittura fiamminga e olandese ( M o d e n a , 1981) (brought to my attention by Oddone Longo) and in general J . B a l t r u î a i t i s , Le miroir: révélations, science-fiction et fallacies (Paris, 1979). O n the mirror and mask in Greek mythology and culture, the reflections by J . - P . Vernant in the Annuaire du Collège de France 1979-80. Résumé des cours et travaux, 4 5 3 - 6 6 , have, as always, been most stimulating for me. 5. For Pausanias' attitude to myth see P. V e y n e , Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? (Paris, 1983) 1 0 5 - 12 and passim. 6. T h e bonds of reciprocity and 'specularity' that are formed in the psychology of two twins (in this case both male) are remarkably perceived and described in the novel by Michel T o u r n i e r , Les Météores (Paris, 1975). 7. C f . T h e m i s t . Orat. 24, 305 a - b : ' O Aphrodite, your true son Eros may perhaps have been born alone, but certainly he could not grow up alone; it is necessary for you also to have Anteros, if you wish that Eros may grow. A n d these two brothers will be of the same nature: they will each cause the growth of the other. And looking at each other they will also blossom, but they will diminish, if one (or the other) is left alone.' 8. For example, O v i d . Met. 3 . 3 8 6 - 7: 'Hue coeamus!' ait, nutlique libentius umquam responsura sono 'coeamus! ' rettulit Echo, . . . ('Here let us m e e t / he cries. E c h o , never to answer another sound more gladly, cries: 'Let us meet* . . . ) . There is a double-entendre in the verbe tone, meaning 'to meet, come together' and also 'to copulate'. O n these playful echo effects in O v i d see G , Rosati, Narciso e Pigmaiione (Florence, 1984) 2 9 - 3 0 ; a shorter version of C h . I, 'Narciso o I'illusione letteraria appeared as 'Narciso o 1'illusione dissolta' in Maia, 28(1976) 8 3 - 108. 1

1

9. I shall limit myself to citing the study by L . Brisson, Bisexualité et m é d i a t i o n en G r è c e ancienne', NOUIK rev. psychoanal., 7(1973) 2 7 - 4 8 . T h e entire volume, on the theme Bisexualité et différence des sexes, is of great interest for the study of these problems. 10. A general bibliography on Narcissus would be inappropriately long; many references may be found in the notes in Rosati, Narcissus, and P. Hadot, ' L e mythe de Narcisse et son interprétation par Plotin', Nouv. rev. psychanal., 13 (1976) 81 - 108. T h e entiie volume is dedicated to the Narcissus theme and its mythical, literary, artistic and psychological aspects. See however the notable study by Louise Vinge, The Narcissus Theme tn Western Literature up to the Early 19th Century ( L u n d , 1967). I wish to offer grateful acknowledgements

119

to Bruno Gentili, C l a u d e C a l a m e and

Reflections, Echoes and Amorous Reciprocity Catherine and Jacques Geninasca, who patiently read an early draft of these reflections and who offered to me, as always, helpful suggestions and wise counsels.

120

7 Greek Myth and Ritual: The Case of Kronos H . S. Versnel

'Myth,

i n m y t e r m i n o l o g y , is the counterpart o f r i t u a l :

myth

implies r i t u a l , r i t u a l implies m y t h , they are one and the same'; thus E . Leach takes his stand i n a discussion that can have no e n d . A t the b e g i n n i n g o f that discussion stands m y t h , identified

1

as

' m i s t a k e n e x p l a n a t i o n ' o f r i t u a l , to use Frazer's famous phrase. A n inverse relationship has been postulated by the m y t h - a n d - r i t u a l school o f H o o k e and his followers: m y t h as the scenario for r i t u a l . A t h i r d possible e x p l a n a t i o n for the l i n k between the t w o was offered by J a n e H a r r i s o n : ' T h e y p r o b a b l y arose together. R i t u a l is the utterance o f an e m o t i o n , a t h i n g felt i n action, m y t h i n words or thoughts. T h e y arise pari passu.' O n e recognises expressions o f this view i n several m o r e recent a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l studies. O n the other h a n d , i n his f u n d a m e n t a l critical w o r k , G . S. K i r k argues that any m o n o l i t h i c theory r e g a r d i n g m y t h a n d r i t u a l should be rejected: all three forms o f i n t e r r e l a t i o n do indeed occur, b u t it must be r e m e m b e r e d as well that there are m a n y more rites w i t h out m y t h s and m y t h s w i t h o u t rites t h a n there are related rites and myths. K i r k does have a p o i n t , o f course, but that does not mean the end o f the m y t h a n d r i t u a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n . I f ' m y t h a n d r i t u a l do not correspond i n details o f content b u t i n structure and a t m o s p h e r e ' , it

is w o r t h w h i l e

i n v e s t i g a t i n g whether

there

are

indeed

2

any

examples at all o f a m y t h a n d rite o p e r a t i n g pari passu as ' s y m b o l i c processes for dealing w i t h the same type o f situation i n the same affective m o d e ' ( C I . K l u c k h o h n ) . W . B u r k e r t has done so i n recent years w i t h regard to Greece, i n his analysis o f m y t h and r i t u a l complexes, specifically the A r r h e p h o r i a festival and the m y t h o f 121

Greek Myth and Ritual the L e m n i a n w o m e n . A l t h o u g h even K i r k has been convinced by B u r k e r t ' s arguments that indeed

are

in these complexes

myths and

rites

more or less parallel representations o f a certain

affective atmosphere s u r r o u n d i n g the t u r n o f the year, it cannot be denied that in both complexes strong aetiological components are present, too; i f the m y t h does not explain details o f the r i t u a l , it does, at any rate, translate them i n t o words and

images.

It is m y belief that there was i n Greece a m y t h and

ritual

complex — also related to the transition from the old year to the new — i n w h i c h m y t h and rite have indeed been formed pari passu, possibly even more clearly than in the cases just m e n t i o n e d , and have developed as parallel expressions — i n t e r r e l a t i n g ones, true enough, but i n t e r r e l a t i n g in such a subtle and at the same t i m e complicated m a n n e r that here at least the rite cannot be taken as example for the m y t h , nor the m y t h as scenario for the rite. I am r e f e r r i n g to the m y t h and

r i t u a l complex o f K r o n o s and

the

Kronia,'^

1. K r o n o s : t h e M y t h T h e oldest version o f the m y t h o f K r o n o s is also the most c o m plete. A p a r t from m i n o r additions and variations — in themselves often q u i t e significant — the m y t h as H e s i o d tells it i n the Theogony has

not

changed

essentially

in the course o f t i m e .

4

A

short

summary: L i k e Iapetus, T h e m i s , Rhea and so o n , K r o n o s belongs to the race o f the T i t a n s , c h i l d r e n o f U r a n o s and Ge, the first generation o f gods. K r o n o s hated his father, w h o had banished his c h i l d r e n to the depths o f the earth.

A t their m o t h e r ' s

lamentations,

only

K r o n o s a m o n g the T i t a n s was prepared to take action against his father, a n d w i t h his sickle he cut ( ' m o w e d ' ) (181) o f f U r a n o s ' genitalia. F r o m the resulting drops o f blood sprang the E r i n y s , the giants a n d the n y m p h s . O u t o f the froth ( = the semen) o f the genitalia, w h i c h had fallen i n t o the sea, A p h r o d i t e was b o r n . N e x t , K r o n o s and his sister/spouse, Rhea produced c h i l d r e n , i n c l u d i n g the first generation o f O l y m p i a n s , the f a m i l y o f gods c u r r e n t l y i n power: H e s t i a , D e m e t e r , H e r a , Poseidon, Hades, and lastly Zeus. K r o n o s , fearing that one o f t h e m w o u l d o v e r t h r o w h i m (462) ' g u l p e d d o w n ' all his c h i l d r e n i m m e d i a t e l y after 122

their

births

Greek Myth and Ritual (katepine: 459, 467, 473, 497). Rhea, however, b r o u g h t her last c h i l d , Zeus, into the w o r l d o n C r e t e , where he grew up h i d d e n i n a cave w i t h o u t his father's knowledge. Instead o f the baby, Rhea had fed K r o n o s a stone w r a p p e d i n s w a d d l i n g clothes. Once he had g r o w n u p , Zeus forced K r o n o s to regurgitate the other c h i l d r e n ; first came the stone, w h i c h has been displayed i n D e l p h i ever since (cf. S o u r v i n o u - I n w o o d , this v o l u m e , C h . 10, A p p e n d i x ) .

After

this l i b e r a t i o n he freed K r o n o s ' brothers, the Cyclopes, w h o had been chained i n the U n d e r w o r l d by their father, U r a n o s (501); in r e t u r n for their rescue, the Cyclopes gave Zeus his t h u n d e r b o l t . T h e h u n d r e d - h a n d e d giants also were freed ( 6 5 2 659) from their 1

subterranean prison at the edge o f the w o r l d (621/2), where they had been held i n heavy irons (618), i n order to assist Zeus and the other O l y m p i a n s i n their battle against the T i t a n s . A n interpolated passage (Th. 6 8 7 - 7 1 2 ) does, indeed, say that Zeus destroyed the T i t a n s w i t h his t h u n d e r b o l t , but the authentic text ascribes the victory to the h u n d r e d - h a n d e d giants, w h o drove the T i t a n s deep under the earth a n d b o u n d t h e m i n strong chains (718). It is true that this part does not say explicitly that K r o n o s suffered the same fate, but a later passage, i n w h i c h the monster T y p h o e u s ( w h o according to the scholiast o n //, 2,783 is a son o f K r o n o s ) waylays Zeus,

includes

an

interpolated

line

(851):

"The

Titans,

in

T a r t a r u s , keeping K r o n o s c o m p a n y . ' In

Works and Days 168, it is m e n t i o n e d that Zeus settled the

heroes after their deaths along the edges o f the earth, where they lead carefree and happy lives o n the Islands o f the Blessed, where the spelt-giving soil yields a rich harvest three times a year. A n l

interpolated verse (169) then continues: f a r from the i m m o r t a l s . A m o n g t h e m K r o n o s is k i n g ' , a n d i n a subsequent interpolated passage it is stated: 'his bonds the father o f m e n and gods had b r o k e n ' . A l t h o u g h not Hesiodic, this version must have k n o w n as early as the archaic e r a .

5

been

P i n d a r is familiar w i t h it (01.

2.70 v . ) . Since the p u b l i c a t i o n o f the H u r r i a n - H i t t i t e K u m a r b i m y t h i n 1945

6

scholars have

agreed

all b u t u n a n i m o u s l y that H e s i o d

indirectly must have d e r i v e d i m p o r t a n t parts o f the K r o n o s m y t h from this m u c h older tale. For here K u m a r b i castrates his father A n u by b i t i n g o f f his genitalia and becomes pregnant by t h e m w i t h three (or five) c h i l d r e n , a m o n g w h o m is the god o f the storms, comparable to Zeus. K u m a r b i regurgitates all the c h i l d r e n except 123

Greek Myth and Ritual the god o f the storms, w h o emerges by a m o r e or less ' n a t u r a l ' route a n d dethrones his father. H i s father makes a final attempt at resistance w i t h the assistance o f a monster b o r n f r o m his semen ( U l l i k u m m i ) , but to no avail. T h e s t r i k i n g resemblance between the t w o tales has led even to 7

the hypothesis, n o t a b l y argued b y W . B u r k e r t , that the d e r i v a t i o n o f the Theogony m y t h f r o m an o r i e n t a l t r a d i t i o n could not have taken place u n t i l the e i g h t h o r seventh c e n t u r y , as this was the p e r i o d i n w h i c h ' o r i e n t a l i s a t i o n ' h a d a m u c h greater i m p a c t o n the Greek

world

than

scholars

previously have

been

inclined

to

believe. Parts o f the m o t i f are f o u n d as early as the Iliad: K r o n o s is the father o f Zeus, Hades a n d Poseidon (15,187) a n d o f H e r a ( 5 . 7 2 1 ; cf. 4.59). H e resides at 'the l i m i t s o f the earth a n d o f the sea', where Iapetus is, too. T h i s place is identified w i t h the depths o f T a r t a r u s , w h i c h 'lies a r o u n d i t ' ( 8 . 4 7 7 - 8 0 ) a

subterranean

abode to w h i c h Zeus has expelled his father and where he remains a m o n g the 'subterranean gods' (14.274; cf. 15.225). L a t e r versions add new elements.

I n Apollodorus l . l f f ,

the

Kouretes have a secure position as Zeus' protectors. I t is by means o f an emetic that K r o n o s is made to v o m i t ; f u r t h e r m o r e , he also has fathered the h y b r i d C h e i r o n ( 1 . 2 . 4 ) . A p o l l o d o r u s does not enlarge on K r o n o s ' whereabouts after his defeat, although it is this aspect i n p a r t i c u l a r that t r a d i t i o n a l l y was enriched elsewhere w i t h stereotyped features, and w h i c h r i g h t d o w n to R o m a n times gave rise to v a r i a t i o n a n d a m p l i f i c a t i o n . T h i s tendency also began w i t h Hesiod. So far the picture has been largely negative, a p i c t u r e that already i n a n t i q u i t y met w i t h resistance: p a r r i c i d e , infanticide — 8

even c a n n i b a l i s m — rebellion i n a ruthless struggle for power, a complete absence o f m o r a l standards,

and lawlessness: all these 9

elements were spotted and — sometimes — c o n d e m n e d . K r o n o s ' stock epithet ankulometes — possibly m e a n i n g ' w i t h the curved sickle' o r i g i n a l l y

1 0

— was generally i n t e r p r e t e d as ' w i t h crooked

tricks' or ' d e v i o u s ' , a negative description; his actions were part o f the u n b r i d l e d excesses o f a distant past, his p u n i s h m e n t seemed just,

his t i m e was

over.

A p p a r e n t l y the

oriental m y t h

was

associated w i t h a god, possibly o f pre-Greek signature, w h o no longer functioned as an active and i n t e r v e n i n g god. Yet all this is only one side o f the matter. T h e r e is another, w h i c h is the d i a m e t r i c a l opposite o f this negative p i c t u r e . K r o n o s 124

Greek Myth and Ritual is k i n g , o r to express it m o r e strongly ' K r o n o s is the k i n g ' .

1 1

The

title basileus ( k i n g ) is stereotypical from Hesiod u n t i l late a n t i q u i t y . S t r i k i n g l y , J u l i a n , Conviv. 317 D , still makes a d i s t i n c t i o n between K r o n o s and Zeus: ' O , K i n g K r o n o s and Father Z e u s ' . K r o n o s is even presented as the one w h o i n t r o d u c e d the p r i n c i p l e o f k i n g ship. H e s i o d (Th.

486) calls h i m 'the first k i n g ' and as late as

B y z a n t i n e times an a u t h o r says: ' K r o n o s i n t r o d u c e d k i n g s h i p . ' T h a t n o t h i n g negative is i m p l i e d b y the t e r m basileus is apparent f r o m another epithet: megas (great), w i t h w h i c h he is qualified i n the Iliad,

as well as b y H e s i o d ,

1 2

O n the c o n t r a r y ,

Kronos'

k i n g d o m , w h i c h usually is visualised as existing o n earth, was a realm

o f peace, justice

and

prosperity.

associated such benefits w i t h h u m a n

Pindar

so

strongly

kingship that he calls the

abode w h i t h e r the pious travel after death, a k i n g ' s 'tower* 2.125vv).

13

Such references b r i n g us to the topic o f the

(Oi

famous

Saturnia regna o r 'life at the t i m e o f Kronos*, as the A t h e n i a n s called the happy

p e r i o d u n d e r Pisistratos ( A r i s t o t l e Athenaion

Politeia

17.5), the G o l d e n A g e at the b e g i n n i n g o f t i m e , n o w irrevocably i n the past. T h i s image, too, is f a m i l i a r even to H e s i o d .

I n his

description o f the races o f m e n , w h i c h perhaps also was derived from o r i e n t a l m y t h a n d seems to have been a t r a d i t i o n u n k n o w n to H o m e r , he says e v e r y t h i n g began w i t h the G o l d e n Race

(Works

and Days 1 0 9 - 2 6 ) : people lived like gods, w i t h o u t w o r r y , exertion or suffering. T h e y were not bothered by o l d age: their l i m b s were eternally y o u n g and they revelled h a p p i l y (115). D e a t h came like sleep. T h e earth yielded fruit o f its o w n accord, a b u n d a n t l y

and

p l e n t i f u l l y , and people l i v e d contentedly i n the midst o f peace and profusion. A f t e r their disappearance f r o m the face o f the earth they became good daimones,

guardians o f mortals and bestowers o f

wealth (126). T h i s marks the b e g i n n i n g o f a rich t r a d i t i o n o f u t o p i a n i s m and

'wishing-time'

1 4

w i t h w h i c h K r o n o s is closely

associated; this, too, since H e s i o d , for according to h i m the people of the G o l d e n Race lived w h e n K r o n o s was k i n g i n H e a v e n ( Works and Days 111), T h e t r a d i t i o n o f m a k i n g this Utopian time K r o n o s ' era can be followed from the Atkmaeonts,

via Empedocles and the

Inachos o f Sophocles (alone among tragedies); the theme widens i n O l d C o m e d y , as is shown especially in Athenaeus 6.267E ff. I n O l d C o m e d y the m o t i f o f abundance, o f a 'land o f Cockaigne' receives particular a t t e n t i o n ; there are descriptions of p r i m e v a l eras, of Pluto's

u n d e r w o r l d , and of the far-away

125

land o f the

Greek Myth and Ritual Persians, luxury.

w h o generally

were

notorious

for their excess

and

1 5

I n connection w i t h this m o t i f and partly as a reaction to it as well, there arose i n the fourth century a remarkable

alternative,

possibly u n d e r the influence o f Antisthenes. A c c o r d i n g to Plato, K r o n o s ' realm is not one o f superabundance. O n the c o n t r a r y , it is a r e a l m o f s i m p l i c i t y , indeed, o f the s i m p l i c i t y o f animals.

Here

bliss is defined ethically and justice is the code-word; this theme blossomed i n L a t i n l i t e r a t u r e , p a r t i c u l a r l y u n d e r the influence o f C y n i c s and the like, as rejection and c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the decadent l u x u r y o f real l i f e ,

1 6

T h i s rejection led to the development o f a

peculiar a m b i g u i t y in the appreciation of, a n d accordingly i n the 'setting* o f the ' n a t u r a l , w i l d existence'. W h e n the n a t u r a l , w i l d existence was p o r t r a y e d as u n b r i d l e d and i n h u m a n , it was placed before the r e a l m o f K r o n o s / S a t u r n u s , w h i c h b r o u g h t m o r a l standards, justice and civilisation. A l t e r n a t i v e l y the era o f K r o n o s / Saturnus itself was the w i l d life, but then ' w i l d ' had the sense o f the simple, n a t u r a l , but not bestial — a life w i t h o u t the complexities o f civilisation. As the

geographic

further to the W e s t ,

17

h o r i z o n expanded,

Kronos

moved

ever

where he was identified w i t h s i m i l a r deities,

such as Saturnus. E v e n t u a l l y we find h i m on a Utopian island west of B r i t a n n i a , where he is represented as either asleep or i n chains. O n the other h a n d he was also placed to the East in P h r y g i a , asleep again.

18

I n structural terms, a god sleeping and a god w e a r i n g

chains are i d e n t i c a l :

19

both gods are ' o u t o f a c t i o n ' .

T h i s highly selective survey offers a r e m a r k a b l y

ambiguous,

even c o n t r a d i c t o r y , picture. K r o n o s is, on one h a n d , the god o f an i n h u m a n l y cruel era w i t h o u t ethical standards; o n the other he is the k i n g of a G o l d e n Age o f abundance, happiness and justice. H e is the loser who has been exiled, chained and enslaved, but also the great k i n g par excellence, who has been liberated and rules supreme. H i s realm

is thought

to have existed

either

before

historical

times, or after t i m e , i.e. in death. It was sometimes situated on the earth, sometimes deep d o w n i n the earth, sometimes at the edge o f the

world,

tt

is possible

to construct

oppositions:

126

the

following

table o f

Greek Myth and Ritual Negative

Positive

K r o n o s as a person:

father-mutilator child-murderer cannibal tyrant

wise, great king

H i s rule:

lawlessness lack of moral standards unstable hierarchy struggle for power, rebellion

ideal situation materially: abundance land of Cockaigne no slavery ideologically: natural order and justice peace simplicity

H i s present situation:

locked up, chained enslaved asleep: powerless

liberated or escaped a great king of blessed people

I n a d d i t i o n the f o l l o w i n g oppositions b e y o n d the categories o f positive a n d negative can be set forth: Place or time of Utopia:

in illo tempore irrevocably past

still existing but not in 'this world':

out of reach

either in the hereafter (for chosen people) or in far away outer regions (e.g. the West) w i t h i n reach, in a special sense

Such

a violent

ambiance

calls

opposition w i t h i n for

an

one

explanation.

and

the

Explanations

same have

divine been

proposed, o f course. T h e y generally boil d o w n to a denial o f the seriousness o f the contradictions. T h e difficulty o f accepting such explanations, however, becomes clear from a review o f the cult and the rites s u r r o u n d i n g the god, i n w h i c h exactly the same a m b i g u i t y exists.

2. K r o n o s : the R i t e ' K r o n o s scheint i m K u l t keinen festen Platz zu haben, er is ein Schatten': thus N i l s s o n , unconsciously v a r y i n g a statement by v o n W i l a m o w i t z : ' E r ist eben ein G o t t ausser D i e n s t e n , abgetan wie die rohe U r z e i t . '

2 0

T h e evidence fully bears out the correctness o f these statements. 127

Greek Myth and Ritual A really o l d cult is attested o n l y i n O l y m p i a , where K r o n o s ' priests are called hoi basilai — a possible, but not c e r t a i n , correlate o f K r o n o s ' k i n g s h i p (basileus). W e k n o w o f o n l y one temple i n Athens b u i l t by Pisistratos for K r o n o s and Rhea. T h e o n l y k n o w n temple statue is the one o f Lebadeia, b e l o n g i n g to the T r o p h o n i o s sanct u a r y . I n A t h e n s , o n the 15th o f E l a p h e b o l i o n ( ± A p r i l ) , K r o n o s was given a cake h a v i n g twelve little globules o n i t . These few facts o u t l i n e the cultic t a b l e a u :

21

a few further pieces o f r i t u a l data w i l l

be given below. R e a l i s i n g , o n the other h a n d , that ' K r o n i o n ' , as a m o n t h name as well as a city n a m e

2 2

— the latter especially i n

Sicily — is q u i t e c o m m o n , one cannot but come to the conclusion that, i n earlier times, K r o n o s must indeed have had a cultic significance that he later lost, perhaps after b e i n g ousted b y a n e w l y i n t r o d u c e d generation o f gods. T h e result is, to quote Nilsson ( i b i d . ) once again: ' E r ist m y t h o l o g i s c h , n i c h t k u l t i s c h / T h i s is, as I hope to show, a correct conclusion, h a v i n g , however, i m p l i c a tions reaching m u c h further t h a n was suspected b y N i l s s o n , w h o was interested p r i m a r i l y i n gods tangible i n c u l t . T h e f o l l o w i n g short description o f a n u m b e r o f rituals associated w i t h K r o n o s does not contradict this conclusion, but rather, as w i l l become clear, confirms i t . Kronia were celebrated o n Rhodes o n the sixth o f M e t a g e i t n i o n (text: Pedageitnion). P o r p h y r y (On Abstinence 2.54) tells o f h u m a n s being

sacrificed

condemned

to

Kronos

during

that

festival.

23

Later,

a

c r i m i n a l was kept alive u n t i l the K r o n i a , a n d then

taken outside the gates to A r i s t o b u l e ' s statue, given w i n e to d r i n k and slaughtered.

F r o m the date it has been concluded that this

typical example o f a scapegoat ritual springs f r o m the A r t e m i s cult and became associated w i t h K r o n o s o n l y later. T h i s m a y q u i t e well be true, a l t h o u g h it is dangerous to b u i l d a case on a chance t e m poral coincidence. I m p o r t a n t , however, is the fact that elsewhere as w e l l , K r o n o s is associated specifically w i t h bloody and cruel h u m a n sacrifices; the ancient attitude is s u m m a r i s e d by Sophocles (Andr.

fr. 126 R a d t ) as follows: ' O f o l d there is a custom a m o n g

barbarians to sacrifice h u m a n s to K r o n o s . ' C l e a r l y this is about barbarians,

as

are

Phoenician-Punic

other

testirnonia.

Best

known

are

the

h u m a n sacrifices, w h i c h are supposed to have

been i n t r o d u c e d by a former k i n g , E l / K r o n o s .

2 4

The Carthaginian

god i n whose huge bronze statue children were b u r n t to death also was identified w i t h K r o n o s / S a t u r n u s . 128

25

It was said that i n Italy and

Greek Myth and Ritual Sardinia,

too,

h u m a n s had

been sacrificed

to S a t u r n u s

p r o b a b l y j u s t as legendary a fact as Istros* (FGrH

26

—

334 F 48) r e m a r k

about C r e t e that the K o u r e t e s i n ancient times sacrificed children to K r o n o s , o r the later reports by C h r i s t i a n authors about h u m a n sacrifices i n Greece itself. S u r v e y i n g all these data, one is n o t surprised that i n places K r o n o s stands as a signum for h u m a n sacrifice, b l o o d y offering and even c a n n i b a l i s m . Side b y side w i t h the above-mentioned text by Sophocles

stands,

for

instance,

Euhemerus

1

view

(Ennius

Euhemerus 9.5) that K r o n o s and R h e a and the other people l i v i n g then used to eat h u m a n flesh. A m o r e negative a n d gruesome p i c t u r e h a r d l y can be i m a g i n e d . Therefore, the appearance o f another, again u t t e r l y contrasting one is all the m o r e s t r i k i n g . A c c o r d i n g to Empedocles, Pythagorean

circles generally,

u n b l o o d y sacrifice. tion o f t h i s ,

2 8

27

and in

K r o n o s is the very symbol o f

T h e A t h e n i a n cake sacrifice is a good illustra-

and Athenaeus 3,110B i n f o r m s us that by way o f

offering the A l e x a n d r i a n s used to put loaves o f bread i n K r o n o s ' temple, f r o m w h i c h everybody was allowed to eat. T h i s peaceful and j o y o u s aspect crops up i n an almost hyperbolic f o r m i n the A t t i c celebration o f the K r o n i a .

2 9

A p a r t f r o m a short m e n t i o n by

Demosthenes 24.26, w i t h m e n t i o n o f the date (12 H e k a t o m b a i o n = ± A u g u s t ) , we have t w o somewhat more detailed reports. Plutarch Moralia

1098B: 'So too, w h e n slaves h o l d the K r o n i a

feast or go about celebrating the c o u n t r y D i o n y s i a , y o u could not endure the j u b i l a t i o n a n d d i n . ' M a c r o b i u s Saturnalia 1.10.22: Philochorus [FGrH

328 F 97] says that Cecrops was the first to

b u i l d , i n A t t i c a , an altar to S a t u r n and O p s , w o r s h i p i n g these deities as J u p i t e r and E a r t h , and to o r d a i n that, w h e n crops and fruits

had

been garnered,

heads o f households

everywhere

should eat thereof i n c o m p a n y w i t h the slaves w i t h w h o m they had borne the t o i l o f c u l t i v a t i n g the l a n d , for it was well pleasing to the god that h o n o u r should be paid to the slaves i n considerat i o n o f their l a b o u r . A n d that is w h y we follow the practice o f a foreign

land

and

offer

sacrifice

to

Saturn

with

the

head

uncovered, ( t r . P. V . Davies). T h e former text merely says that slaves/servants had a festival 129

Greek Myth and Ritual w i t h a banquet, d u r i n g w h i c h they enjoyed themselves m i g h t i l y , and w h i c h — i n Plutarch's t i m e at least — was celebrated in A t t i c a at any r a t e .

30

T h e latter t e s t i m o n i u m is more explicit.

F i n a l l y , the R o m a n poet Accius {Ann. fr. 3 M , Bae.; Fr. poet, lat. M o r e l p . 34) adds that most Greeks, but the A t h e n i a n s i n part i c u l a r , celebrated this festival: ' i n all fields and towns they feast u p o n banquets elatedly a n d everyone waits u p o n his o w n servants. F r o m this had been adopted as well o u r o w n custom o f servants and masters e a t i n g together i n one and the same p l a c e / Some scholars have contended that Accius projected the attested R o m a n custom o f masters w a i t i n g u p o n their slaves at the S a t u r n alia, to the Greek K r o n i a , about w h i c h we k n o w only that masters and

slaves d i n e d together. H o w e v e r , there is no g r o u n d for such

scepticism. First, o u r other sources are m u c h too scanty. Secondly, w h e n masters regale their servants, this implies n a t u r a l l y some sort o f reversal o f n o r m a l functions, whether this is r i t u a l l y d e m o n strated or not. A n u m b e r o f closely related ' S a t u r n a l i a s festivals in Greece show that freedom o f slaves could indeed take various forms.

I n T r o i z e n , for instance, the slaves were for one day

allowed to play knuckle-bones w i t h the citizens, and the masters treated the servants to a meal, possibly d u r i n g a Poseidon festival. D u r i n g the Thessalian festival o f the Peloria, dedicated to Zeus Peloros, strangers were offered a banquet, prisoners freed o f their fetters; slaves lay d o w n at d i n n e r a n d were w a i t e d u p o n by their masters,

w i t h full

freedom o f speech. A t H e r m e s festivals o n

C r e t e , too, the slaves stuffed themselves a n d the masters served. Ephoros (FGrH

70 F 29) even knows o f a festival i n K y d o n i a on

C r e t e where the serfs, the K l a r o t e s , could lord it i n the city while the citizens stayed outside. T h e slaves were also allowed to w h i p the citizens, p r o b a b l y those w h o had recklessly r e m a i n e d i n the city or re-entered i t . I n connection w i t h this, B o m e r

3 1

has d r a w n

a t t e n t i o n to a f o r m e r l y neglected d a t u m , to w i t , that o n a specific day o f the Spartan acquaintances

Hyakinthia

'the citizens treated all their

and their o w n slaves to a m e a l ' . T h e

Hermes

Charidotes festival o n Samos, d u r i n g w h i c h stealing a n d r o b b i n g were p e r m i t t e d , presents a slightly different s i t u a t i o n , because the specific

master-slave

relationship

was

not

involved.

More

examples could be g i v e n , b u t these suffice. Before s u m m a r i s i n g o u r findings about the r i t u a l , there must be one

more

word

about

iconography. 130

32

Except

on

coins,

Greek Myth and Ritual representations o f K r o n o s w i t h uncovered head are very rare for the older p e r i o d . T h e usual type o f statue is o f a seated Zeus-like god,

his head l e a n i n g o n a h a n d . T h e back o f the head is almost

always covered by a fold o f the robe. T h i s type occurs as early as the fifth c e n t u r y B C , and is f o u n d q u i t e frequently u n t i l late i n the R o m a n p e r i o d . Even the ancients could o n l y guess at the m e a n i n g of this headgear, w h i c h was unusual i n Greece: 'Some c l a i m his head is covered because the b e g i n n i n g o f t i m e is u n k n o w n ' — such is the guess o f the V a t i c a n M y t h o g r a p h e r I I I . 1.5, a l l u d i n g to the identification o f K r o n o s / C h r o n o s . M o d e r n scholars have considered grief as a possible reason — sadness at his d o w n f a l l a n d oppression — or the secrecy o f his plans. N o u n a n i m o u s conclusion has been reached, however. W e are told several times that the feet of the R o m a n statue o f Saturnus were shackled (or w r a p p e d i n woollen bandages) and that o n his h o l i d a y the statue was freed o f its chains.

33

A p o l l o d o r u s o f A t h e n s (FGrH

224 F 118) states that this

was also a Greek custom w i t h regard to the K r o n o s statue, although M a c r o b i u s , w h o quotes h i m , i n c o r r e c t l y dates this festival i n December. Some m o d e r n scholars, i n c l u d i n g J a c o b y ,

34

interpret

this statement as r e f e r r i n g to R o m a n customs that this a u t h o r o f the second century B C supposedly knew of. I n m y o p i n i o n it is at least equally probable that he was f a m i l i a r w i t h such a custom from his own Greek s u r r o u n d i n g s , perhaps i n p a r t i c u l a r from A l e x a n d r i a , where he lived a n d from

where o u r knowledge o f other new

elements comes as well. A K r o n o s / S a t u r n u s i n chains is, for that matter, a topos i n the later magical p a p y r i .

3 5

T h i s survey o f cultic a n d r i t u a l aspects has b r o u g h t us to the conclusion that K r o n o s is j u s t as a m b i g u o u s a figure i n r i t u a l as i n m y t h . For r i t u a l , too, we can d r a w up a d i a g r a m o f opposing positive and negative elements. Negative

Positive

T y p e of sacrifice:

pre-eminently bloody

bloodless sacrifices, cakes, loaves of bread

Atmosphere of K r o n o s rite:

frightening ritual of homicide, infanticide: extreme tension

exulted celebrations with unlimited freedom and abundance: extreme relaxation

Iconography

head covered ( = ?) in shackles all year long

freed from shackles on holiday

(the last possibly, but not conclusively, Greek)

131

Greek Myth and Ritual 3 . K r o n o s : the C o n t r a d i c t i o n It has become clear that oppositions w i t h i n the m y t h o f K r o n o s have close correspondences i n r i t u a l . O n one h a n d , there is a c o m plex o f f a i l i n g standards and lawlessness, patricide a n d infanticide, c a n n i b a l i s m , rebellion and enslavement: Kronos ankulometes. O n the other h a n d , there is the complex o f peace and n a t u r a l w e l l - b e i n g , m a t e r i a l abundance and ethical j u s t i c e , the b r e a k i n g o f chains: Kronos megas. Either o f the t w o complexes

is i n itself q u i t e f a m i l i a r : the

negative one shows the characteristics typical o f chaos, w h i c h , as we w i l l see, i n m a n y cultures has been visualised as a p r i m o r d i a l era before the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f h u m a n c u l t u r e , but w h i c h i n certain situations can r e t u r n to the real w o r l d for a short w h i l e .

3 6

The

positive complex presents the usual image o f U t o p i a where — not always, b u t often — a n a t u r a l abundance eliminates social tensions and

suppressions,

sometimes

eliminates

even

the

existing

hierarchy. T h e b e w i l d e r i n g t h i n g about K r o n o s is that, i n his surr o u n d i n g s , these extreme oppositions are u n i t e d i n one greater u n i t — w i t h o u t , however, b e i n g reconciled. T h i s has n a t u r a l l y not escaped scholars' a t t e n t i o n . 'Diese V o r s t e l l u n g e n sind u n v e r e i n b a r , ' v o n W i l a m o w i t z w r o t e i n 1929; *Ce C r o n o s , pere de Zeus .

. est u n personnage d i v i n fort a m b i g u , ' V i d a l - N a q u e t wrote

fifty years l a t e r . That

37

the ancients also observed

the contradictions

— con-

sciously or unconsciously — is apparent f r o m a great n u m b e r o f details. T h e

stock epithet ankulometes is usually interpreted

as

m e a n i n g ' p l o t t i n g crooked, devious t h i n g s ' , b u t side by side w i t h this it is also explained matters'.

38

as

'sensibly

also leads to contradictions: Athenaeus' rians

1

deliberating on

crooked

T h e opposition between bloody and bloodless sacrifices report o f the A l e x a n d -

sacrificing loaves o f bread to K r o n o s v i o l e n t l y clashes w i t h

Macrobius* i n f o r m a t i o n (Sat.

1.7.14 v v ) that it was the A l e x a n -

drians i n particular who made bloody sacrifices to their K r o n o s (and Serapis), i n a typically Greek m a n n e r . C o m p a r a b l e to this is the fact that i n the A t h e n i a n i n s c r i p t i o n m e n t i o n e d above the u n b l o o d y sacrifice o f a r o u n d cake to K r o n o s is i m m e d i a t e l y followed by a sacrifice of a piece o f pastry i n the shape o f an ox ( u n b l o o d y , but referring to bloody m a t t e r s ) . ever since Pherecydes

40

39

C h e i r o n ' s status

as the son o f K r o n o s , is i n m y o p i n i o n , 132

Greek Myth and Ritual based o n this a m b i g u i t y : C h e i r o n , too, is a creature m i d w a y between h u m a n and a n i m a l , h a v i n g elements o f the w i l d , bestial and u n c o n t r o l l e d (especially w h e n connected w i t h the centaurs as a g r o u p ) and also h a v i n g elements o f culture and justice: C h e i r o n teaches the art o f h e a l i n g and other arts, and already i n H o m e r is called 'the most righteous o f the centaurs' (//. 11.832). I n a n t i q u i t y , too, people noticed the paradox and sometimes t r i e d to get r i d o f i t , for instance by c o n d e m n i n g and i g n o r i n g Kronos* negative aspects. M o d e r n scholars dislike contradictions even m o r e , perhaps. O n e o f the commonest m o d e r n mechanisms for

e x p l a i n i n g contradictions

developed

accidentally,

either

is to call t h e m u n d e r the

anomalies

influence

that

o f foreign

cultures o r as a result o f the gradual clustering w i t h i n Greece o f initially

quite

unrelated

traditions.

Furthermore,

an

internal

e v o l u t i o n and d e f o r m a t i o n is also possible. Pohlenz, for instance, searches for a solution to his p r o b l e m : 'das goldene Zeitalter . . . passt schlecht genug zu d e m Frevler K r o n o s ' , i n a m e r g i n g o f different t r a d i t i o n s : the m y t h i c a l one i n v o l v i n g an evil K r o n o s supposedly was c o m b i n e d later w i t h the m e r r y a g r i c u l t u r a l festival that was assumedly specifically A t t i c . M a r o t — 'Kronos ankulometes auch sonst scharf v o n Kronos megas zu t r e n n e n ' — even perceives two completely independent

o r i g i n a l K r o n o s figures, namely, a

cosmogonic and a vegetative d y i n g and r i s i n g g o d .

4 1

T h e dis-

covery o f the K u m a r b i p o e m , o f course, p r o v i d e d the ' o r i e n t a l excuse': this h o r r i d tale allegedly had n o t h i n g to do w i t h

the

o r i g i n a l K r o n o s a n d s i m p l y was ascribed to h i m later o n . M a n y more such 'solutions' have been proposed. Gods, m y t h s and rites are — and o n this issue I w o u l d not leave any d o u b t — products o f age-long t r a d i t i o n s s h o w i n g development, deformations, assimilations

and

example;

42

amalgamations.

The

multi-faceted

Apollo

is

one

an opposition w i t h i n one name, Zeus O l y m p i o s and

Zeus M e i l i c h i o s , another. Nevertheless, the analysis o f such historical processes offers a solution o f very restricted relevance o n l y . For assimilation a n d identification do not occur a r b i t r a r i l y ; there must have been affinities or similarities encouraging the process: why was K r o n o s the one to be identified w i t h K u m a r b i ? U n doubtedly not merely because he was a fading god, who suffered no damage from

this nasty i m p u t a t i o n . I n other words,

the

question should not concern p r i m a r i l y the how, but the why. M o r e relevant is, however,

the f o l l o w i n g : even i f a diversity i n the 133

Greek Myth and Ritual origins o f various elements can be s h o w n , the most i m p o r t a n t p r o b l e m remains: the e x p l a n a t i o n o f the fact that the Greeks since H e s i o d — i n whose w o r k s the o p p o s i t i o n , as we have seen, is already fully present — not o n l y tolerated the clashing components o f the K r o n o s figure for centuries,

but apparently

deliberately

enlarged t h e m : we find specifications about K r o n o s as god o f the h u m a n sacrifice i n the same p e r i o d i n w h i c h K r o n o s was given a d d i t i o n a l significance as the god o f Cockaigne i n comedy and as gentle k i n g o f a realm o f peace i n philosophy. A n y explanation is in this case o n l y entitled to that name i f it accepts the coincidentia oppositorum as a structural d a t u m and makes it the core o f the problem. M a t t e r s are complicated by the fact that there is no u n a n i m i t y about the development o f the isolated complexes either. G o l d e n A g e and A t t i c K r o n i a evidently belong together as far as atmosphere is concerned. B u t h o w d i d they come together? T h e explanations o f the older studies, practically w i t h o u t exception,

presup-

pose a development. T h e m y t h came first, then the r i t u a l , says v o n W i l a m o w i t z : ' D i e Menschen

w o l l e n fur einen T a g das

selige

L e b e n fuhren, wie es i m goldenen Zeitalter u n t e r K r o n o s gewesen w a r . ' N o , the ritualists riposte, ' a n t i k e Feste entstehen nicht a u f diese Weise' ( D e u b n e r , as well as N i l s s o n , Z i e h e n , J a c o b y , B o m e r and others), and E d . M e y e r explains that the image o f the G o l d e n 43

Age arose precisely from this type o f f e s t i v a l . T h e festival itself, it was u n a n i m o u s l y decided, belongs to a widespread genre that entitles oppressed people, servants o r slaves, to one single day o f r e l a x a t i o n , for reasons o f h u m a n i t y for i n s t a n c e .

44

A t any rate it is

certainly not connected o n l y w i t h the harvest, and therefore it could be associated w i t h various gods. T h e very same ' w h i c h was first' question applies to the negative aspects o f the m y t h and r i t u a l . A c c o r d i n g to G r u p p e , the m y t h o f the child-devourer was fabricated after the example o f the r i t u a l child and h u m a n sacrifices;

Pohlenz, on the other h a n d , sees

things exactly the other way r o u n d : because the m y t h was familiar, K r o n o s came to be associated w i t h all kinds o f h u m a n sacrifices.

45

Indeed the o n l y Greek h u m a n sacrifice, v i z . the one o n Rhodes, o r i g i n a l l y belonged to A r t e m i s . A l l these views involve a fundamental assumption o f the interrelatedness o f m y t h and r i t e , b u t none o f t h e m even approaches a m e a n i n g f u l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the K r o n o s complex as a w h o l e . T h e 134

Greek Myth and

Ritual

o n l y theory f r o m this p e r i o d (the early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y ) that does aspire emphatically untenable. F r a z e r

46

after

that

goal has

one

drawback:

it is

has integrated the whole o f the K r o n o s m y t h

and r i t u a l complex i n his comprehensive theory o f the d y i n g and rising g o d / k i n g o f the year: K r o n o s is a vegetative d y i n g and r i s i n g god.

H i s festival therefore must be considered a celebration sur-

r o u n d i n g the t u r n o f the year; the h u m a n sacrifices are explained as a substitute for regicide. U n d e r this theory the dark and the b r i g h t aspects are integrated i n one comprehensive p i c t u r e . Frazer is, however, a fallen colossus and a l t h o u g h elements o f his general theory have certainly r e m a i n e d o f value, A n d r e w L a n g ' s a t t a c k

47

on the K r o n o s theory i n p a r t i c u l a r is irrefutably final. T h e K r o n i a are not evidently harvest festivals i n all cases, K r o n o s ' sickle does not necessarily make h i m a vegetation god, m e r r y slaves' feasts are not connected o n l y w i t h K r o n o s , etc., etc. T h e golden b o u g h is b r o k e n , and yet Frazer was the first to take the c o n t r a d i c t i o n seriously and to t r y to integrate it i n a holistic e x p l a n a t i o n . W i t h out Frazer, the f o l l o w i n g passage b y K a r l M e u J i ,

4 8

w h o actually

uses a different m o d e l o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , w o u l d not have been conceivable: ' B e i den gefesselten G ö t t e r n zeigt sich der Z u s a m m e n hang v o n L e b e n u n d T o d , v o n G l ü c k u n d G r a u e n ; sie sind b ö s e und g e f ä h r l i c h , d a r u m bindet m a n sie m i t K e t t e n fest; u n d sie sind w e n n i h n e n die Fesseln gelöst sind, g n ä d i g u n d g ü t i g u n d schenken den M e n s c h e n das G l ü c k . ' H e r e too is a serious approach to the c o n t r a d i c t i o n , b u t it departs f r o m another p o i n t : the festival o f unchained gods and m e n . For ' I m m e r gilt für die M e n s c h e n , was für ihre G ö t t e r gilt; b e i m Fest sind auch sie gelöst u n d v o m Z w a n g des Alltags befreit.' Whereas the m y t h and r i t u a l complex o f the d y i n g a n d r i s i n g vegetation was Frazer's frame o f reference, M e u l i concentrates o n the l i n k w i t h death. W e w i l l not follow h i m i n this view any m o r e t h a n we followed Frazer. D e a t h s y m b o l i s m does play a p a r t , but is not the centre o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . T h e complex o f c h a i n i n g and b e i n g u n c h a i n e d , rather, w i l l be the s t a r t i n g p o i n t for o u r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the coincidentia oppositorum, a n d , b e h i n d i t , o f the connection between K r o n o s ' m y t h and r i t u a l .

4. T h e F e s t i v a l of R e v e r s a l T h e K r o n i a belong to the ' S a t u r n a l i a - l i k e ' festivals, as has often 135

Greek Myth and Ritual been stated. A s in the case o f carnival o r one o f its medieval equivalents,

' l a fete des fous', social and hierarchical roles

are

reversed: the fool is k i n g and rules at w i l l . U n d e r his rule, humans t u r n into animals, w o m e n play m e n ' s roles; children c o m m a n d their teachers, slaves their masters. W e find freedom for w o m e n at other Greek festivals; at the K r o n i a and related festivals it is the slaves who are free. T h e y sometimes are literally unfettered, then treated to a banquet, often even waited u p o n by their masters. T h e r e is freedom o f speech, i n R o m e even the freedom o f p u t t i n g the masters on t r i a l ; also i n R o m e , slaves take the w h i p to freemen, or, something more peaceful but no less unusual, play knucklebones w i t h t h e m . D r i n k i n g wine is sometimes explicitly p e r m i t t e d ; this is quite c o n t r a r y to conventions, for slaves do not d r i n k w i n e , or at best d r i n k it o n l y i n scanty measure. T w o aspects are c o m b i n e d here: o n one h a n d the reversal o f roles, o n the other the elation caused b y the collective abundance o f food and d r i n k , summarised by M a c r o b i u s Saturnalia 1.7.26: tota servis licentia permittitur. I n m o d e r n l i t e r a t u r e , this k i n d o f festival is known

under

different

names:

'periods

o f licence'

(Frazer),

' r i t u a l s o f r e b e l l i o n ' ( G l u c k m a n ) , ' r i t u a l s o f conflict' ( N o r b e c k ) , ' l e g i t i m a t e r e b e l l i o n ' ( W e i d k u h n ) , side by side w i t h G e r m a n terms such as 'legale A n a r c h i e n ' , ' V e n t i l s i t t e n ' or *Ausnahmezeiten' ,

4 9

T h e emphasis o n the legitimate deviance is l i n k e d to the type o f functionalistic

explanation

attached

to

i t . For

a short

time,

oppressed social groups are given an o p p o r t u n i t y to release pentu p aggression i n a game o f reversed roles; thus the

possible

dangers o f a real r e v o l u t i o n are neutralised. T h i s is i n fact the ' n o nonsense' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Nilsson and B o m e r , a n d this f u n c t i o n o f the festival has sometimes been recognised as such by the participants themselves; for instance an ex-slave typified it i n 1855 as a 'safety-valve to carry o f f the explosive e l e m e n t s ' .

50

Nowadays

m o r e emphasis is l a i d on the demonstrative and symbolic aspects: via r i t u a l , the conflict is made clear i n an enlarged b u t symbolic f o r m , and the real conflict is encapsulated. ' T h e supreme ruse o f power

is to allow itself to be

contested

ritually

consolidate itself more effectively' ( G . B a l a n d i e r ) .

i n order

to

51

T h i s e x p l a n a t i o n , useful t h o u g h it m a y be, does not cover the total range o f the phenomena. A t least equal attention should be paid to the l e g i t i m i s i n g effect. T h e established order is c o n f i r m e d by the absurdity o f the w o r l d t u r n e d t o p s y - t u r v y . A precursor i n 136

Greek Myth and Ritual 5 2

this view was G l u c k m a n ,

according to w h o m these rites 'give

expression, i n a reversed f o r m , to the n o r m a l rightness o f a particular k i n d o f social o r d e r ' .

T h e i r m a i n function is to attain

'cohesion

1

i n the w i d e r society . O f course, both functions can

reinforce each other, b u t they are still distinguishable: neutralising potential aggression is not identical to l e g i t i m a t i n g the social status quo by means o f the absurd. O r as B . Sutton S m i t h

5 3

says about

' p l a y i n g ' : ' W e m a y be disorderly i n games either because we have an overdose o f order or because we have something

to learn

through being disorderly.' I n p o i n t o f fact, b o t h aspects often exist side by side i n different forms: the dissociative one acted out i n the conflict o f role reversal, the i n t e g r a t i n g and l e g i t i m i s i n g one present not o n l y i n the rolep l a y i n g b u t also demonstratively so i n the collective and egalitarian experience o f the festival as image o f abundance. Whereas earlier interpreters o f the c a r n i v a l laid special emphasis o n the

'safety-

valve effect', recent scholars pay a t t e n t i o n to the solidarising and l e g i t i m i s i n g functions t o o . different c o n t e x t s rituals

(Frazer)

55

5 4

Reversal rituals m a y function i n very

and are b y no means restricted to a g r i c u l t u r a l

or

death

symbolism

(Meuli).

The

religious

anchorage is q u i t e variable too, i.e. there is not necessarily a connection w i t h any one specific reversal g o d . Indeed, gods need not be i n v o l v e d at a l l . T h e theories m e n t i o n e d above deal w i t h categories o f social and socio-psychological processes, a level at w h i c h l e g i t i m a t i o n and solidarising take place v i a general consensus about the rightness o f the established

order. T h i s is the field i n w h i c h generations o f

sociologists since D u r k h e i m have operated, and the field i n w h i c h , in their o p i n i o n , r e l i g i o n was a f u n c t i o n too. M a n y o f t h e m , however, i n c l u d i n g convinced functionalists, have w i t h d r a w n from this extreme p o i n t o f v i e w : 'the functional explanation o f r e l i g i o n does not e x p l a i n r e l i g i o n , rather it explains a d i m e n s i o n o f society' — thus M . E . S p i r o , and P. B e r g e r , our

attention

to

'substantive

56

too, has once more b r o u g h t

versus functional definitions o f

r e l i g i o n . ' ' A l l societies are constructions in the face o f chaos. T h e constant

possibility o f anomic

legitimations collapse,

1

obscuring

the

terror

is actualized

precariousness

Berger and L u c k m a n

5 7

are

whenever

threatened

or

w r i t e , and i n such situations, or

more regularly i n ceremonially created periods o f crisis — literally: separation

between

t w o eras, situations, 137

periods

—

a

'deep

Greek Myth and

Ritual

l e g i t i m a c y ' is r e q u i r e d , r e f e r r i n g to a m y t h i c a l reality outside ours, 'the other r e a l i t y ' , l y i n g outside history and space, an eternal t r u t h that existed before t i m e but still exists behind it and b e h i n d o u r reality,

and

exception'.

occasionally

mingles

with

ours

in

'periods

of

58

Seen f r o m this perspective, the reversal r i t u a l offers another, deeper m e a n i n g . A l t h o u g h not l i n k e d to any p a r t i c u l a r type o f festival or sector o f social life, as I have said, reversal rituals are found p r e d o m i n a t e l y i n the ceremonies a c c o m p a n y i n g a critical passage i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l or social year, m o m e n t s o f stagnation and r u p t u r e at w h i c h chaos threatens, e.g. i n i t i a t i o n , festivals o f the dead, and in p a r t i c u l a r the eating or offering o f the first fruits o f the harvest or the first w i n e as a recurrent, o r the accession o f a new r u l e r as an i n c i d e n t a l , incision i n the progress o f t i m e . O n e or m o r e such events m a y develop i n t o one or m o r e regular N e w Y e a r celebrations, pattern.

59

i n w h i c h various elements are u n i t e d i n t o a

Eliade

and

Lanternari

6 0

fixed

i n p a r t i c u l a r have given

a

complete description o f this ' g r a n d e festa'. I t is essential that the caesura between o l d and new is experienced as a d i s r u p t i o n o f social life, a v a c u u m that is filled by a t e m p o r a r y r e t u r n o f the m y t h i c a l p r i m o r d i a l era f r o m before C r e a t i o n or before the b i r t h o f the present c u l t u r e .

61

T h i s i n v a r i a b l y happens i n images o f chaos,

dissociation, dissolution o f order,

a t o p s y - t u r v y w o r l d , e.g.

a

t e m p o r a r y a b o l i t i o n o f k i n g s h i p and laws. T h e r e are orgies i n the sense o f d r i n k i n g bouts as well as i n the sexual sense, r i t u a l

fights

between t w o groups, r e t u r n and welcome o f the dead. Rites de separation m a y precede ( p u r i f i c a t i o n , expulsion o f the

pharmakos

(scapegoat), bloody sacrifices, e x t i n g u i s h i n g o f fire), rites d'aggregalion follow: the w e a r i n g o f new c l o t h i n g , l i g h t i n g o f fire, renewal o f k i n g s h i p , the ' f i x i n g o f the fate' for the c o m i n g year. T h e chaos that is acted out r i t u a l l y is often anchored m y t h i c a l l y i n p r i m e v a l chaos, for instance i n the image o f the struggle between

creator-

god and chaos-monster, or o f deluge and consequent re-creation. T h i s p r i m a l chaos manifests itself as a t e m p o r a r y e l i m i n a t i o n o f all contours, a r e t u r n to a state undefined by bounds and m o r a l standards, expressing itself i n the creation o f monsters and m o n strosities; a p e r i o d o f total freedom ( = total lawlessness as well as total a b u n d a n c e ) .

62

T h i s lends to the festival an atmosphere o f

utter ambivalence: sadness, a n x i e t y , despair because o f the catastrophe o f the disrupted order; e l a t i o n , j o y and hope because o f 138

Greek Myth and Ritual the l i b e r a t i o n f r o m chafing bonds, a n d the pleasant experience o f t e m p o r a r y abundance. T h u s the reversed w o r l d o f society i n crisis is an image o f the cosmic chaos o f m y t h i c a l times. B o t h m o d e r n approaches to the reversal festival, the functionalist one and the cosmic-religious one, w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the contradictions o f the K r o n o s m y t h and r i t u a l complex.

5. T h e licentia of the K r o n i a a n d R e l a t e d F e s t i v a l s 5.1

The Paradox of the Impossible Harmony

L i k e the p e r i o d o f licence i n a n t h r o p o l o g y , the K r o n i a ( a n d similar festivals) have t w o aspects. T h e first one is the 'orgiastic* aspect o f the shared experience

o f m e r r y - m a k i n g a n d abundance i n an

atmosphere o f dissolution o f h i e r a r c h y , w h i c h includes a com63

ponent o f strong cohesion and s o l i d a r i t y . N o t o n l y the slave, but everyone experiences the l i b e r a t i o n as t e m p o r a r y relaxation based on equality. H e r e , therefore,

harmony prevails. T h i s h a r m o n y ,

however, was experienced as unpleasantly ambiguous as we learn from two closely related l i t e r a r y representations o f ' D e r T r a u m v o n der grossen H a r m o n i e ' :

6 4

comedy and U t o p i a .

Just like the S a t u r n a l i a n festival, comedy is p r e - e m i n e n t l y a solidarising m e d i u m .

6 5

Collective laughter is cohesive and m a r k s the

boundaries o f the cognitive and affective t e r r i t o r y o f a g r o u p . Old

Comedy,

the

representation

o f the

land o f

6 6

In

Cockaigne,

generally as image o f the golden p r i m e v a l era, occasionally as a vision o f the future, is a standard theme. I n this i m a g e r y , the earth bears fruit o f its o w n accord and the food offers itself cooked.

67

ready

Q u i t e frequently this automaton implies the superfluity o f

labour and consequently o f slaves, i n Aristophanes' Birds 7 6 0 - 5 i n passing, i n K r a t e s ' Wild animals (PCG I V F 16 Kassel/Austin) as the central theme o f a discussion. T h i s image also is found i n philosophers such as Empedocles (B128 D i e l s / K r a n z ) and Plato, Republic 271 D-272 B .

6 8

I n complete freedom there was complete

equality and complete abundance, i n K i n g K r o n o s ' time 'people even

gambled

w i t h loaves o f bread'

( K r a t i n o s PCG I V F 176

K a s s e l / A u s t i n ) , and Telekleides Amphictyones fr. 1 K o c k , describes a c o u n t r y where there were indeed slaves, w h o , however, d i d not w o r k (!) but 'played at dice w i t h pigs' vulvae and other delicacies'. T h a t is utter freedom, b u t it is actually too good to be true. 139

Greek Myth and Frequently,

therefore,

Ritual

a few u n c o m f o r t a b l e

afterthoughts

are

f o u n d i n the same context. Pherecydes fr. 10 K o c k describes a slaveless society, but also makes it perfectly clear that i n consequence the w o m e n have to w o r k t h e i r fingers to the bone i n o r d e r to get the w o r k done, and the fields are neglected so that people starve ( i d e m fr. 13). I n 69

Herodotos 6 . 1 3 7 , H e k a t a e u s for the same reason makes the slaveless p r i m e v a l situation end negatively via the l a b o u r o f w o m e n and c h i l d r e n . A n d i n his Utopian scheme for w o m e n , Aristophanes grants everybody equal p r o p e r t y , but does not manage this w i t h out the l a b o u r o f slaves. I n other words: abundance, equality and a b o l i t i o n o f slavery are all very w e l l , b u t o n l y for a short t i m e , i n an i m a g i n a r y w o r l d . I n such a chaos, reality w o u l d disintegrate. H e r o d o t o s 3,18 relates an E t h i o p i a n custom o f l a y i n g 'a table o f H e l i o s ' : at n i g h t boiled meat is taken to a meadow and d u r i n g the day everybody is allowed to eat i t . T h e natives, however, say that it is the earth itself that t i m e and again produces this food. H e r e again the automaton/luxury

m o t i f is f o u n d i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h the

n o t i o n o f e q u a l i t y . T h e sacrificial loaves i n the temple o f K r o n o s i n A l e x a n d r i a , w h i c h e v e r y b o d y was allowed to eat, come to m i n d . Such images b r i n g us to the concept o f U t o p i a , w h i c h also is related to the S a t u r n a l i a ,

70

H e r e , too, elements o f the automaton

and easy l i v i n g p r e v a i l : they are f o u n d as early as H o m e r ' s l a n d o f the Phaeacians, i n the tales o f the H y p e r b o r e a n s , o f I a m b o u l o s ' Sun Islands a n d o f E u h e m e r u s '

Panchaia.

I n the latter t w o ,

slavery is absent. B u t these are U t o p i a s o f a fairy-tale nature ( ' u t o p i a d'evasione'), w h i c h b y d e f i n i t i o n lie at the edge o f or over the edge o f the w o r l d , the eschatiai, an all but unreachable l a n d , and at the same t i m e a ' l a n d o f no r e t u r n ' , like E l y s i u m after death. B u t as soon as the political or social U t o p i a takes o n a model function as ' u t o p i a d i r i c o s t r u z i o n e '

71

and consequently is not

absolutely inconceivable ( H i p p o d a m o s , Plato, A r i s t o t l e ) , labour is indispensable and slavery a m a t t e r o f course. I n the Messianic U t o p i a n vistas a c c o m p a n y i n g the accession o f R o m a n e m p e r o r s we also

find

72

i n great detail all the themes o f abundance and

isonomia, the a n n u l m e n t o f debts and disappearance o f poverty — all this sometimes summarised as a l i b e r a t i o n from chains — but there is no question o f a l i b e r a t i o n o f slaves. W h a t is possible i n the fairy-tale is undesirable in real life, it is even threatening. L u c i a n (Saturn.

33) says that equality is most pleasant at table, but that 140

Greek Myth and

Ritual

K r o n o s grants this e q u a l i t y o n l y d u r i n g holidays ( i b i d . 30). Such aspects o f the K r o n i a p o i n t out a m a r k e d ambivalence i n the G r e e k concept o f h a r m o n y : the ideal o f freedom a n d a b u n d ance is unstable, it cannot last, because it carries the seed o f real social a n o m i e a n d anarchy. I t is a dangerous game, j u s t as was the d i c e - p l a y i n g allowed to the slaves: o n this day the relationships are open, the dice are t h r o w n a n d there is the possibility that it is not tne master b u t the slave w h o w i l l w i n . T h i s is e q u a l i t y no longer, it is the w o r l d t u r n e d upside d o w n . 5.2

The Paradox of the Festive

Conflict

T h e second socially functional aspect o f the K r o n i a a n d related festivals is that o f the reversal o f roles. T h e r e is no h a r m o n y here; on the c o n t r a r y there is intensified a n d formalised conflict: the hierarchy is t u r n e d the other w a y r o u n d . Cockaigne a n d the w o r l d reversed v e r y frequently go hand i n h a n d . Adunata often herald the c o m i n g o f the G o l d e n A g e .

7 3

B u t the radical shifting o f boundaries

in role-reversal offers not o n l y greater boisterousness deeper

disturbance:

here,

anarchy

has

a

truly

b u t also subversive

character. O n c e a g a i n , comparisons w i t h comedy a n d U t o p i a are enlightening. T h e freedom o f slaves i n O l d C o m e d y never implies their d o m i nance. Aristophanes experiments to the very l i m i t w i t h reversal between the sexes, b u t he is extremely reticent o n the topic o f reversal between slaves a n d citizens. Slaves do not even assist i n the r e v o l u t i o n o f w o m e n : ' D e p o u v o i r servile, i l n'est pas et i l ne peut pas ê t r e q u e s t i o n . '

7 4

T h e reason is evident: even as a comic

scene, this image w o u l d meet w i t h resistance: slave rebellion was a structurally feared p h e n o m e n o n , a n d b y no means an i m a g i n a r y one. O n e can even less expect, therefore, to f i n d rule by slaves i n U t o p i a . I t is possible to i m a g i n e a reversed w o r l d , often transformed i n images f r o m the a n i m a l w o r l d i n w h i c h the weak gain the v i c t o r y , for instance i n the chiliastic expectance o f salvation, but slaves r u l i n g society is a n o t i o n that can enter the heads o n l y o f slaves. A s a m a t t e r o f fact, E u n o u s , the leader o f a slave revolt i n Sicily, does call h i m s e l f k i n g and has his f o r m e r masters wait u p o n h i m ; the C i r c u m c e l l i o n e s have their carts pulled b y t h e i r f o r m e r lords.

75

T h i s m i g h t have been their idea, but it certainly was not the

idea. I t is precisely the task o f r i t u a l , d r a m a a n d wish-dream to 141

Greek Myth and Ritual canalise a n d neutralise any excessive i n c l i n a t i o n s i n this d i r e c t i o n . T h e reversal o f roles is supposed to legitimise its opposite, not itself. R i t u a l is m o r e direct t h a n l i t e r a r y representation. I t is understandable that r i t u a l reversal, however necessary as a ' h o l i d a y ' o f limited

d u r a t i o n , includes a strongly t h r e a t e n i n g

component.

Images o f reversal m a y , as has been said, precede o r accompany the G o l d e n A g e , but they also, a n d often, precede or accompany apocalyptic catastrophe.

I n strong contrast

to the

Messianic

images o f reversal d u r i n g the early i m p e r i a l era, the text o f T e r t u l lian Apologeiicum 20: ' h u m b l e ones are

raised, h i g h ones

are

b r o u g h t d o w n ' serves as an a n n o u n c e m e n t not o f the r e a l m o f bliss but o f a p e r i o d o f chaos and catastrophe: 'justice becomes a r a r i t y . . . the n a t u r a l shapes are replaced by monsters', exactly as i n E g y p t i a n prophecies a n d elsewhere.

76

Reversal, therefore, m a y

p o i n t i n t w o directions: to total freedom

= abundance,

and to

total freedom = lawlessness, chaos. O n e o f the i m p l i c a t i o n s is that rites o f rebellion carry the

seeds o f real r e v o l u t i o n .

Aeneas

T a c t i c u s 22.17 states that festivals are the most frequent occasions o f r e v o l u t i o n i n the s t a t e ,

77

a n d that goes a fortiori for those festivals

that c a r r y an element o f r i t u a l r e b e l l i o n , as is illustrated by the rich t r a d i t i o n o f c a r n i v a l and r e v o l u t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r .

78

I n b o t h aspects o f the socially l e g i t i m a t e licentia, the h a r m o n i o u s and the connective, we observe a violent c o n t r a d i c t i o n : o n one h a n d they a i m at r e l a x a t i o n by means o f laughter, elation a n d abundance,

o n the other they refer to the impossible and the

undesirable: chaos, r e v o l u t i o n , a n d , i n close alliance w i t h these, murder

and

manslaughter,

lawlessness,

the

disintegration of

society. W h a t is a social a m b i g u i t y here, has been made the structual theme i n the c o s m i c - m y t h i c a l m o d e l .

6. K r o n o s as K i n g of P r i m e v a l C h a o s L i k e other cultures, A t h e n s had several N e w Y e a r festivals. O n e o f these, the A n t h e s t e r i a f e s t i v a l ,

79

shows an all but complete set o f

characteristics o f the 'grande festa': the o p e n i n g o f the wine-jars (primitiae s i t u a t i o n ) , licentia i n the f o r m o f r i d i c u l e a n d abuse, collective w i n e - d r i n k i n g i n w h i c h c h i l d r e n a n d slaves were allowed to share, a sacred w e d d i n g o f the k i n g . I n a d d i t i o n to these j o y o u s aspects there are t h r e a t e n i n g elements: the a r r i v a l o f Kares o r 142

Greek Myth and Ritual Keres, p r i m e v a l inhabitants or ghosts o f the dead who are given a w a r m welcome and subsequently wished away, banquets for the dead, the t e m p o r a r y closing d o w n o f the temples i n an atmosphere of d o o m . I n all respects, clearly, there is a t e m p o r a r y r e t u r n of chaos i n its two aspects, m y t h i c a l l y represented i n the c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f deluge and re-creation. T h e official N e w Year's D a y , however, fell i n m i d s u m m e r ,

i n the m o n t h o f H e k a t o m b a i o n ,

f o r m e r l y called K r o n i o n . T w o veritable N e w Year festivals, the Synoikia and the Panathenaea, are preceded by two festivals that have the typical structure o f the incision festival, m a r k i n g the period ' i n between': the S k i r a and the K r o n i a .

8 0

T h e Skira on 12

S k i r o p h o r i o n shows the f o l l o w i n g characteristics: an apopompe o f the priests and the p r i m e v a l k i n g out o f the city — i n the m y t h the k i n g is k i l l e d ; w o m e n , at l i b e r t y to call meetings, take over m e n ' s roles; boisterous fun and p l a y i n g at dice; a sacrifice o f an ox, w h i c h is called disertis verbis bouphonia, ' m u r d e r ' . A complex, therefore, i n w h i c h j o y and g l o o m unite i n role reversals and the a b o l i t i o n o f the n o r m a l social relationships. These festivals are not connected w i t h K r o n o s , but the K r o n i a festival i n w h i c h , as we have seen, role reversal a n d licentia d o m i nate, and w h i c h falls between S k i r a and the N e w Year festivals, is emphatically dedicated to K r o n o s , i n the m o n t h that o r i g i n a l l y bore his name. I n light o f the cosmic-religious i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the festivals s u r r o u n d i n g the t u r n o f the year, several o f o u r earlier observations suddenly take o n an understandable and structural m e a n i n g . ' K r o n o s ist m y t h o l o g i s c h , nicht k u l t i s c h ' , Nilsson said. H e is more r i g h t t h a n he realised; indeed, this statement touches the

heart

o f the

matter.

During

the

festivals

mentioned

—

although this is not k n o w n o f the K r o n i a — one o f the expressions of stagnation o f the ' n o r m a l ' existence is the closing d o w n o f the temples: the contact w i t h the gods c u r r e n t l y r u l i n g is b r o k e n , the p r e - O l y m p i a n era returns t e m p o r a r i l y . I t is precisely K r o n o s ' m y t h i c a l character as god o f a p r i m o r d i a l t i m e that explains his presence i n the

un-cultic v a c u u m

between

the

times.

He

is

p r i m e v a l chaos i n person, i n its d u a l aspect o f freedom as a j o y and freedom as a threat. L a c k i n g fixed boundaries, there is a h i g h ' e n t r o p y ' . T h e unstable

equilibrium

m a y be upset any t i m e .

R i t u a l l y , this is expressed b y , a m o n g other things, the freedom to play dice and gamble; i n this chaos between times, fate still must be d e t e r m i n e d : the ' f i x i n g o f the fate' i n B a b y l o n is an annual 143

Greek Myth and

Ritual

re-creation, i n I t a l y F o r t u n a P r i m i g e n i a reigns w h e n J u p i t e r is still puer.

8[

E v e r y t h i n g is still unsettled, as is the question o f w h o w i l l be

boss: slave o r master. I n Greece, too, this era before history or this t i m e between the times, is characterised by ' a b n o r m a l ' creatures w h i c h do not fall in n a t u r a l categories: K r o n o s ' era is the p e r i o d o f giants, creatures w i t h a h u n d r e d hands, monsters and Cyclopes. T h e Thessalian Peloria festival — a typical reversal festival — refers to m y t h i c a l giants f r o m the p r i m e v a l e r a .

82

As 'masks' they

m a y r e t u r n t e m p o r a r i l y i n the p e r i o d o f crisis between the times. I n fact this is a v a r i a t i o n o f the r e t u r n o f the dead, w h o also belong to another t i m e a n d another reality: the w o r l d o f the dead, too, is 'upside

down'

8 3

and

shows

the

ambivalence

of

'dämonische

B e d r o h u n g oder die eschatologische V e r h e i s s u n g ' ( B . G l a d i g o w ) .

8 4

I n the m a t t e r o f the Kares or Keres the t w o images, p r i m e v a l creatures a n d the dead, seem to i n t e r m i n g l e . K r o n o s is the god i n chains: already

i n H e s i o d the

terms

' b i n d i n g ' a n d ' f e t t e r i n g ' are typically connected w i t h his m y t h . H i s statue is ' c h a i n e d ' , perhaps already i n the Hellenistic p e r i o d , certainly i n R o m e . K r o n o s does exist, b u t o n l y i n m y t h i c a l times: before the present reality ( d u r i n g the p r i m e v a l era), or after it (death), or at the outermost edges o f this reality (the eschatiai).

He

is either a prisoner or asleep. W i t h o u t b e i n g able to go i n t o details I interpret his representations w i t h covered head as follows: as always i n the G r e e k - R o m a n w o r l d , c o v e r i n g or w r a p p i n g u p the head indicates that the person concerned is ( t e m p o r a r i l y ) w i t h d r a w n f r o m the present reality, is i n (or i n contact w i t h ) 'the other reality'.

8 5

T h i s is the essence o f K r o n o s . H i s era, however, returns

once m o r e i n the chaos o f the year festival: he is u n c h a i n e d , he wakes u p or he is r e v i v e d a n d again assumes k i n g s h i p for a l i m i t e d p e r i o d : the r e t u r n o f the basileus, a t e r m a n d a concept that for Greek and certainly for A t h e n i a n ears carries the p r i m o r d i a l conn o t a t i o n o f the b e g i n n i n g o f t i m e ,

8 6

as elsewhere, too, the r e t u r n o f

the w i s h - t i m e is closely connected w i t h the figure o f a k i n g (the r e t u r n o f the 'sleeping' k i n g , slave risings, E u n o u s , etc., Saturnalium princeps,

rex\ Prins C a m aval). H i s rule refers to the d u a l

freedom o f u n l i m i t e d abundance a n d a b o l i t i o n o f the established hierarchy on one h a n d , a n d o f the absence o f law and standards, and o f rebellion, on the other. A l l this is expressed by the m y t h i c a l a n d r i t u a l images that we have described i n the first part o f this study, the Utopian images o f abundance and euphoria a n d 14-4

the

Greek Myth and

Ritual

dystopical ones o f the absence o f m o r a l standards, i n h u m a n i t y and rebellion.

7.

Conclusions

O u r conclusions can be expressed concisely, because they are in fact obvious f r o m the foregoing. W e have asked h o w we can explain the violent contradictions i n K r o n o s ' m y t h and r i t u a l i f we do not content ourselves w i t h the unsatisfactory emergency-solutions that resort to the fortuities o f d e r i v a t i o n , a c c u l t u r a t i o n and e v o l u t i o n . O u r s o l u t i o n , to w h i c h , indeed, others have given the first i m p u l s e s ,

87

is that the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the j o y o u s and

the f r i g h t e n i n g aspects o f the K r o n o s complex is a structural characteristic o f the god a n d his religious context. T h e explanation of this lies i n his function as god o f the periods o f reversal and chaos. W e have found that there are a m b i g u i t i e s on t w o levels. I n the functionalistic v i e w , the l e g i t i m a t e anarchy nears the l i m i t s o f the permissible. T h e collective c u l i n a r y orgy as well as, a fortiori, the reversed h i e r a r c h y contains the seeds o f the socially impossible and undesirable. T h e o x y m o r o n o f e u p h o r i a a n d panic reaches a p a r o x y s m i n the R h o d i a n K r o n i a : the v i c t i m is given w i n e to d r i n k and then m u r d e r e d . I n the cosmic-religious v i e w , o n the other h a n d , abundance a n d role reversal appear to be images o f the renewed experience o f p r i m e v a l chaos that is U t o p i a and dystopia at once: the r e l a x a t i o n o f the banquets o f the G o l d e n A g e u n d e r K r o n o s i n one a n d the same image as the 'sardonic' tension o f K r o n o s ' T h y e s t i a n repasts.

88

T h i s means that o n b o t h levels the

c o n t r a d i c t i o n is a s t r u c t u r a l characteristic o f K r o n o s ' m y t h and r i t u a l a n d that, therefore, attempts to soften the c o n t r a d i c t i o n or 'render it harmless' v i a an exclusive appeal to historical development are not o n l y superfluous but unjustified. O u r m a i n question concerned the relationship between m y t h and r i t u a l . H o w are we to see this relationship i n the case at hand and to what extent is m u t u a l dependence present here? W . B . Kristensen wrote l o n g ago: 'Saturnus was a slave h i m s e l f . ' was berated for his folly and praised for his c o u r a g e .

90

8 9

He

T h e brachy-

logy o f this phrasing must lead inevitably to misunderstandings. None the less it refers directly to the question we have asked ourselves. Is the m y t h i c a l ' u n c h a i n i n g ' o f K r o n o s a projection o f the 145

Greek Myth and Ritual slave's freedom at festivals such as the K r o n i a ? O r , on the other h a n d , was the m y t h o f the G o l d e n A g e the example for the relaxat i o n o f the K r o n i a festivals? F u r t h e r m o r e , h o w are we, then, to interpret the dependence o f the d a r k and cruel aspects o f m y t h and rite: was h u m a n

sacrifice the example o f or an i m i t a t i o n o f

K r o n o s ' m y t h i c a l atrocities? It w i l l be clear by now that there can be no question o f such a one-sided dependence o f m y t h a n d rite, i n any d i r e c t i o n . By no means do I deny that the m y t h and r i t u a l complex we have described

is a crystallised product

o f processes to w h i c h

many

influences — non-Greek as well as Greek — have c o n t r i b u t e d and whose details escape us. But the tenets o f anthropology a n d c o m parative r e l i g i o n enable us to design a hypothesis about the fundam e n t a l connection between the m y t h i c a l a n d r i t u a l components u n d e r l y i n g this process o f assimilation and e v o l u t i o n . O u r s t a r t i n g p o i n t is the statement that K r o n o s , for whatever reason, disappeared from active cult and became a ' m y t h i c a l ' g o d , and that this god consequently was considered to be a representative of the m y t h i c a l era before history proper, w h i c h began w i t h Zeus and the O l y m p i a n s . G i v e n this essential p o i n t , this kernel was open to connections w i t h t w o chains o f association, i n p r i n c i p l e independent but psychologically closely related, w i t h regard to the m y t h i c a l character o f this p r i m e v a l era and the r i t u a l e x p e r i e n c i n g o f the same atmosphere at some points o f stagnation d u r i n g the year.

B o t h these associations

are characterised

by the phrase

'absence o f o r d e r ' . M y t h i c a l l y , the p r i m e v a l era is represented i n m a n y cultures as chaos o f t w o types: a positive, U t o p i a n one and a negative one — the catastrophic a n n i h i l a t i o n o f h u m a n values. E q u a l l y , the absence o f order is expressed r i t u a l l y o n all sides by feasts o f abundance on one h a n d a n d reversal o f roles on the other. H e r e , ' a b n o r m a l i t y ' m a y lead to associations w i t h m u r d e r i n the f o r m o f h u m a n sacrifice. B o t h m y t h and rite 'say' the same t h i n g : the U t o p i a n cannot, the dystopian must not exist ' i n r e a l i t y ' . I n m y t h , this is expressed by the projection o f these images o n the eschatiai o f t i m e and space, K r o n o s ' m y t h i c a l t e r r i t o r y . I n r i t u a l it is expressed by realising the impossible for j u s t a few hours a n d thus u n d e r l i n i n g its exceptional character:

the relaxation and

reversal are indeed subservient to society's w e l l - f u n c t i o n i n g , but as images o f cither the impossible or the undesirable and therefore as exceptions. Whereas

such festivals are understood widely as a 146

Grttk Myth and Ritual temporary return of chaos — and show by their nature every characteristic of it — in Greece it was natural to associate them with K r o n o s ' mythical era, which was thought to return for one day. All this justifies the conclusion that we do have in this complex, indeed, an example of correspondence between myth and rite in 1

'structure and atmosphere , and in such a way that both 'symbolic processes deal with the same type of experience in the same affec tive mode',

and this *pari passu\

according to the postulates

referred to in our introductory section.

Notes 1. I n treating this subject I have had to restrict myself most severely. W i t h regard to what is said here in the Introduction I must refer to my detailed review of the myth-and-ritual discussion in L . E d m u n d s (ed), Approaches to Greek Myth (Baltimore and L o n d o n , 1989) 25-90, which will also appear in my Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion, vol. 2 (Leiden, 1991). T h e r e , too, the sources of the quotations will be found; at the time I had not seen C . C a l a m e ' s ' L e processus symbolique', Doc. de travail. Centro Intern. Semiot. Lingu., 128/9 (1983). Furthermore I have confined myself in this article to essentials and kept the body of notes, especially, as concise as possible. 2. T h u s the recent formulation by F . G r a f , ZPE 55 (1984) 254. 3. Materials and discussions in: M . M a y e r , * Kronos*, in Roschtr Lexikon I I , 1 (1897) 1 4 5 2 - 5 7 3 ; M . Pohlenz, ' K r o n o s und die Titanen*, NeveJahrb. 79(1916) 5 4 9 - 9 4 ; idem, ' K r o n o s in RE X I (1921) 1982-2018. Recent literature in W . Fauth, ' K r o n o s ' , in Kteine Pauly 3 (1979) 3 5 5 - 6 4 . T h e s e authors are cited hence forth by name and year only. 4. A structuralist analysis of the Hesiodic myth: M . D é t i e n n e and J . - P . Vernant, Us ruses de l'intelligence. La metis des Grecs (Paris, 1974) 6 2 - 103. 5. See M . L . West, Hesiod. Works and Days (Oxford 1978); W . J . V e r d e n i u s , A Commentary on Hesiod Works and Days, vu 1 -382 ( L e i d e n , 1985) ad Ioc. 6. T h e texts in ANET 1 2 0 - 6 . A short and recent treatment with extensive bibliography: Burkert, S&H, 1 8 - 2 2 . 7. W . Burkert, 'Oriental M y t h and Literature in the I l i a d , in R . H à g g ( e d ) , The Greek Renaissance of the Eighth Century B.C. Tradition and Innovation (Stockholm, 1983) 5 1 - 6 ; Burkert, OE. 8. Even allowing for the differentiation in categories of cannibalism as suggested by D é t i e n n e , Dionysos, 136. 9. E . g . Plato, Resp. 2 , 3 7 7 E - 3 7 8 D ; Eutyphro 5 E - 6 A ; Cicero, ND 2,24,63(1. 10 See : Lexikon des fruhgriechischen Epos, s. v. ; C h a n t rai ne, Dictionnaire étymologique de ta langue grecque, s.v. 11. T h u s : J . E . Harrison, Themis, 2nd edn ( C a m b r i d g e , 1927) 495; 'Kronos immer basxleus genannt': M . P. Nilsson, Geschichiedergriechischen Religion I , 3rd edn ( M u n i c h , 1967) 511 n 4. ï n Hesiod: Th. 462,476,486,491, Erga l l l , 1 6 9 i T . More references in Pohlenz (1916) 558 and (1921) 1988; M a y e r (1897) 1458; on the %

t

1

1

147

Greek Myth and Ritual regime of Kronos. 'das ja immer cine Königsherrschaft ist': B. G a t z , WtHalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen (Hitdesheim, J967) 134 and register A3a; A4b. 12. //. 5.271; 14.192 and 243; Hes. Th. 168,459,473,495. 13. C f . L . Gernet and A. Boulanger, Le Geniegrec dans la religion, 2nd edn (Paris, 1970) 89. 14. T h e two most accessible surveys: A . Ü . Lovejoy and G . Boas, Primitivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity (Baltimore, 1935) 2 3 - 1 0 2 ; G a t z , Weltalter. 15. O n these motifs see G a t z , Weltalter, 114ff and the literature cited below, note 67. 16. H . H o m m e l , 'Das hellenische Ideal vom einfachen L e b e n ' , Studium Generale, 11 (1958) 7 42 IT; R . Visscher, Das einfache Leben. Wort und Mohvgeschuhtliche Unter suchungen zu einem aktuellen Thema ( G Ö t l i n g e n , 1965). 17. See Pohlenz (1921) I998ff. 18. Kronos was often assimilated with divinities of Asia Minor: K . Meuli, Gesammelte Schriften I I (Basle and Stuttgart, 1975) 1076; L . Robert, Hetlenica, 7 (1949) 5 0 - 4 . 19. W . B . Kristensen, ' D e antieke opvatting van dienstbaarheid', Med. Kon. Ak. Wet. (1934) = idem, Verzamelde bijdragen tot kennis der antiekegodsdiensten (Amsterdam, 1947) 215; I . Scheftelowitz, 'Das Schlingen und Netzmotiv', Ret. Vers. Vorarb., 12 (1912) 8. O n the other hand 'Wecken und L ö s e n sind verschiedene Bilder für denselben religiösen Gedanken': M e u l i , Gesammelte Schriften I I , 1076. 20. Nilsson, Griechischen Religion, 511; U . v. Wilamowitz, ' K r o n o s und die T i i a n e n \ Sitzber. Berlin (1929) 38 = Wilamowitz, Kleine Schriften, 2nd edn, V , 2 (Berlin, 1971) 1 5 7 - 8 3 . 21. For full references and more details on the cult see: Pohlenz (1921) 1 9 8 2 - 6 . O n the popanon: L . Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin, 1932) 154. 22. Collected by Pohlenz (1921) 1984f; Nilsson, Griechischen Religion, 512, Wilamowitz, * K r o n o s ' , 36; RE, s.v. Kronion. 23. It is irrelevant to my investigation whether this is indeed a historical human sacrifice or, more likely, a legendary sacrifice framed on the theme of the cruel myth, such as the case treated by A . Henrichs, ' H u m a n Sacrifice in Greek Religion , in Le Sacrifice dans I'antiqutte (Entretiens Hardt 27, G e n e v a , 1981) esp. 222 n 6. 24. E . g . Philo of Byblos ap. Porph. De abst. 2.56; Euseb. Praep. ev. 1.38 d, 40 c; Or. pro Const. 13. 25. T h e locus classicus: Diod. 20,14,6. See M . L e G l a y , Saturne Afruam (Paris, 1966). 26. E . g . Dion. H a l . 1.38.2; Diod. 5.66.5; Demon in Schol. Horn. Od 20.302; Suda, s.v XapdcxvMK yi\u)f on which see M . Pohlenz, Berl. Phil. Wochenschr (1916) 949. C f . D . Arnould, ' M o u r i r de rire dans T O d y s s e V : les rapports avec le rire sardonique et le rire dement , BAGB (1985) 1 7 7 - 8 6 . 27. See Pohlenz (1916) 553; (1921) 2009f for references. 28. O n sacrificial cakes and bloodless sacrifices see A . Henrichs, ' T h e Eumenides and Wineless Libations in the Derveni Papyrus', in Attt del XVII Congresso Int di Paptrologia. I I (Naples, 1984), 2 5 5 - 6 8 , esp. 2 5 7 - 6 1 . 29. T h i s festival and related ceremonies of the 'Saturnalian' type both in Greece and Rome h?. e been discussed many times. T h e most important discussions are: M . P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Berlin, 1906) 3 5 - 4 0 , 393, F . Börner, 'Untersu chungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland und R o m ' , I I I , Abh Ak Mainz, Geistes- und Sozialw, Kl. (1961) 4 1 5 - 3 7 ; H . K e n n e r , Das Phänomen der verkehrten Welt tn der griechisch-römischen Antike (Klagenfurt, 197G) 8 7 - 9 5 . I have not seen Ph. Bourboulis, Ancient Festivals of the Saturnalian Type (Thessalonica, 1

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Greek Myth and Ritual 1964). A short summary: Burkert, GR 23If. O n the Attic K r o n i a in particular: Deubner, Attische Feste, 1 5 2 - 5 . I n a recent informative article on 'Poseidon's Festival at the Winter Solstice', CQ 34 (1984) 1 - 1 6 , ' N . Robertson curiously underestimates the fundamental meaning of role reversal both in festivals of Poseidon and in general. 30. Some'scholars argue that the masters have retired from the festival by this late period (Nilsson RE 1 1 (1921) 1975f; Börner, 'Die Religion der Sklaven*. 417), or, even more ingeniously, 'Probably the masters only appeared for the first course or two . . ( H . W . Parke, Festivals of the Athenians ( L o n d o n , 1977) 30), but it is equally possible that only the most conspicuous features have found a place in the reports. 31. Börner, Die Religion der Sklaven', 179: Polykrates ap. Athen. 4,139 C IT (FGrH 588 F 1). All other references may be found in the literature cited above, n 29. 32. See the extensive discussions in M a y e r (1897) 1 5 4 9 - 7 3 ; Pohlenz (1921) 2014ff 33. Macrob. Sat. 1.8.5; M i n . Fei. 22.5; Stat. Silv. 1.6.4 (and commentary by Vollmer); Arnob. 4.24. C f . Börner, 'Religion der Sklaven', 425. O n fettered gods in general see: G . A . Lobeck, Aglaophamus ( K ö n i g s b e r g e n , 1829) 275; Meuli, Gesammelte Schriften I I , 1 0 3 5 - 8 1 ; M . Delcourt, Hephaistos ou la legende du magicien (Paris, 1957) 18ff; 65ff 34. FGrH C o m m . 244 F 118, followed by M e u l i , Gesammelte Schriften I I , 1039 n 9. 35. A . Dieterich, Abraxas (Leipzig, 1891) 76ff. 36. O n the symbolism of chaos see literature cited by H . S. Versnel, 'Destruc tion, Devotio and Despair in a Situation of Anomy: T h e Mourning for Germanicus in Triple Perspective', i n G . Piccaluga (ed.) Perennitas ( R o m e , 1980) 591 n 209 and 594 n 216; M . Eliade, Tratte d'hisioire des religions, 2nd edn (Paris, 1964) C h s X I and X I I , passim. C f . below, note 76. 37. Wilamowitz, ' K r o n o s , 36; P. Vidal-Naquet, Le Chasseur noir, 2nd edn (Paris, 1983) 363. 38. References in note 10 above. 39. Deubner, Attische Feste, 154f; K . Marot, 'Kronos und die T i t a n e n ' , SMSR, 8 (1932) 4 8 - 8 2 ; 1 8 9 - 2 1 3 , esp. 67 n 2. 40. Pherecydes in schol. Apoll. R h o d . 1.554; 2.1235; Pind. Pyth. 3.Iff; 4.115; Nem 3.47; Apollod. 1.9; V e r g . Georg. 3.92. Pan, too, is the son of Kronos in one tradition: P h . Borgeaud, Rechcrches sur le dieu Pan ( R o m e 1979) 66f. 41. Pohlenz (1921) 2006; K . Marot, ' K r o n o s ' , 58 and 213. 42. See H . S. Versnel, 'Apollo and M a r s one hundred years after Roscher', Visible Religion, 4 (1986) 1 3 4 - 7 2 . 43. Wilamowitz, ' K r o n o s ' , 37; Nilsson, Griechischen Religion, 514; other references in Börner, 'Religion der Sklaven', 420 n 2; E . Meyer, Kleine Schriften I I , 39fT. 44. Nilsson, Griechischen Religion, 36; Börner, 'Religion der Sklaven', 422. 45. Pohlenz (1921) 1998, where other references can be found. 46. J . G . Frazer, The Golden Bough 3rd edn, I I I , 9ff; V I , 351 ff; I X (Aftermath) 290ff. 47. A. L a n g , Magic and Religion ( L o n d o n , 1901) 82ff. For (critical) views on Frazer in general see Versnel (above, note 1) 234 n 15 and 239 n 82. 48. Meuli, Gesammelte Schriften I I , l034f. 49. For more literature on rites of reversal see Versnel, 'Destruction', 582ff; idem (above, note 1) 241 n 99; 242 n 115. 50. F . Douglass, My Bondage and my Freedom (New Y o r k , 1855) 253ff and the 1

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Greek Myth and Ritual comments by E . Genovese, Roll, Jordan, /?

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