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wt), well-know from Ugaritic parallels, is a theologically motivated gloss, identifying the Cloudrider as YHWH, not Baal. ZAW 115/3 (2003) 428–432
708 A. Groenewald, The “book of life” (Psalm 69:29) – a question of life or death? The image “book of life” is mentioned expressis verbis in Psalm 69:29a. The supplicant appeals to God to erase his enemies from the “book of life”. The aim of this paper is to elaborate on this image. Quite varied notions can be distinguished in this regard: firstly, the idea of the lists of the citizenry and secondly, the image of the heavenly book. Furthermore, three types of “heavenly books” can be distinguished, namely (1) the book of fate; (2) the book of works; and (3) the book of life. The conclusion is drawn that “life” here implies “life” under the protection of God which is sustained by his righteousness (69:28). The supplicant’s enemies will be excluded from this privilege when God erases them from the “book of life”. This reference to life is primarily a reference to ordinary earthly life. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 93–103
709 Alphonso Groenewald, Who are the “servants” (Psalm 69:36c–37b)? A contribution to the history of the literature of the Old Testament Psalm 69:37a refers to the “servants” in the composite “the offspring of his servants”. This composite takes up a concept which already appeared as a self-indication of the supplicant of this Psalm, namely in its singular form “servant” (69:18a). The article aims to identify these “servants” (69:37a) who articulated themselves in the voice of the other “person” in Psalm 69. It is postulated that the connections which exist between the servants in Isaiah and the servants in the Psalter are far too distinct to simply regard them as a mere matter of coincidence. The article focuses on the book of Isaiah, as conclusions drawn from Isaiah can shed light on the identity of the “servants” in Psalm 69. Secondly, the focus shifts to the term “servants” in the Psalter, and specifically in book I and II. It shows that the term “servants” not only denotes the pious, but indicates a special group of people who played an active role in shaping the literary heritage of ancient Israel in post-exilic times. HTS 59/3 (2003) 735–761
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710 Alphonso Groenewald, Psalm 69:36c–37b: A reinterpretation of a deuteronomic-deuteronomistic formula? In Psalm 69:36c–37b reference is made to the deuteronomic-deuteronomistic formula “yr“ 'rs” (i.e. possession of the land). A reinterpretation of this formula in these verses is proposed. The promise regarding the possession of the land is not made to the whole of Israel, as is the case in Deuteronomistic literature, but, instead, possession of the land is promised only to the “offspring of the servants”, in other words “those who love his name”, the pious, the community of the “servants”. The aim of this article is to deal with the issue of the “possession of the land” in Psalm 69:36c–37b in more detail. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1187–1198
711 Yeol Kim et al., Reading Psalm 78 multidimensionally: The authorial dimension This article is part of an attempt to read Psalm 78 multidimensionally. It deals with the heading of the Psalm, the redaction history of the Psalm, its dating and historical setting and its canonical shape. The Sitz im Leben of the psalm is the recitation of the psalm in the Jerusalem temple by a (Levitical) priest, when there was an attempt to unite the worship of the North and the South during the divided monarchy (922–587 BCE). The traditions of wisdom, covenant-Torah, guidance, wilderness, Exodus, and conquest are united in Psalm 78, forming a new welded tradition which stresses the importance of remembrance with regard to the survival of the ancient traditions. Psalm 78 can be seen as an example of God’s response to the questions and complaints from the adjacent psalms and other psalms in Book III of the Psalter. In this regard, Psalm 78 is not a mere report of Israel’s failure, but of the triumph of Yahweh’s covenantal faithfulness which creates a new beginning for the people of God. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 468–484
712 Beat Weber, Prophetische Predigt im Asaph-Psalm 81 This study takes its point of departure from Psalm 81 which belongs to a group of psalms ascribed to Asaph (Ps 50, 73–83). Like others in this group Psalm 81 contains unequivocally prophetic speech (in the first person singular). These psalms of Asaph, including Ps 81, demonstrate throughout a collective-national perspective and deal in one way or another with the subject of the judgement of God. The opening verses of Ps 81 clearly show that the prophecy occurs in the context of a national feast of pilgrimage, probably the feast of booths, which is associated – among other elements – with the remembrance of Israel’s history (exodus, wanderings through the desert) and was combined with the reading of the law. The prophetic speech beginning with v 7 is of a homiletic-paraenetic character. It initially refers to God’s salvific acts (indicative, v 7f ) and then moves to exhortation regarding a proper hearing (of God’s word) and honouring God alone (imperative, v 9–11), before a concrete conclusion is drawn at the end (v 12–17). On the basis of the insights and challenges of the prophetic speech in Ps 81 the author endeavours to draw conclusions for prophetic speech in today’s church at the end of the study. JETh 17 (2003) 35–44
713 Reinoud Oosting, Appearing in Zion: the Role of Zion in Psalm 84 From a Linguistic Point of View Ps 84 has traditionally been regarded as one of the Songs of Zion. This has led to a significant influence of other Songs of Zion in understanding Zion’s role in Ps 84. In this contribution Ps 84 itself is taken as the point of departure for a linguistic treatment of the text. A detailed discussion of Ps 84 is followed by a comparison with other texts. A relationship is found between Ps 65 and 84, extending up to the level of par-
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ticipants. In both Psalms three groups of participants occur, all connected with Zion as a place of blessing. The specific role of Zion in Ps 84 is related to Yhwh’s appearance (v. 8) and to his altars (v. 4). These elements point to Zion’s double duty: there humans make offerings to Yhwh and Yhwh appears to them. JNWSL 29/1 (2003) 87–106
714 Frank Crüsemann, Rhetorische Fragen!? Eine Aufkündigung des Konsenses über Psalm 88:11–13 und seine Bedeutung für das alttestamentliche Reden von Gott und Tod “Wirst du an den Toten ein Wunder tun?” Es besteht ein breiter Konsens in der Bibelwissenschaft, dass die Fragen in Ps. 88:11ff rein rhetorisch sind und sich in ihnen eine grundsätzliche Distanz Gottes zu den Toten ausdrückt, ein “theologisches Vakuum,” das nur an den Rändern des Kanons, in den apokalyptischen Vorstellungen der Spätzeit überwunden wird. Der Aufsatz will diesen Konsens in Frage stellen. Ausgangspunkt sind hymnische und prophetische Aussagen über Jhwhs Macht über die Scheol (Am 9:2; 1 Sam. 2:6), aber auch Psalm 88 selbst, wo die Distanz zu Gott durch Gott selbst bewirkt ist (v.7 u.a.), also auch durch ihn rückgängig gemacht werden kann. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 345–360
715 Iouri Golovanov, Integrität des vierten Psalmbuches Das vierte Psalmenbuch (Ps 90–106) besitzt trotz seiner auf den ersten Blick sehr unterschiedlichen Texte eine innere Struktur und einen beabsichtigten theologischen Zusammenhang. Das gemeinsame Thema ist das göttliche Königsein Jahwes, welches in der Geschichte Israels durch diverse Ereignisse seinen Ausdruck gefunden hat. Einen doppelten Rahmen für diese Sammlung bilden die sich formal und thematisch entsprechenden Psalmenpaare Ps 90 und 106 (Nichtigkeit des Lebens bzw. Israels) sowie Ps 91 und 105 (Bekenntnis zum Vertrauen auf Gott). BN 119/120 (2003) 63–70 (DL)
716 Frank Moore Cross, Notes on Psalm 93: A Fragment of a Liturgical Poem Affirming Yahweh’s Kingship The mythic character of vv. 1–4 of Psalm 93 points to its early date in the rituals of kingship. A date in the early years of the First Temple is quite likely. Like Psalm 29, it stands very close to its Canaanite forbears. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 73–77
717 Pierre Auffret, Dans la colonne de nuée il leur parlait. Étude structurelle du psaume 99 Detaillierte Analyse der thematischen wie lexematischen Vor- und Rückbezüge und der Personenbeziehungen im Psalm. BN 114/115 (2002) 5–10 (US)
718 Nathan Klaus, The Pivot Pattern – Psalm 104,10 b–18 (Hebr., Engl. summary) The essence of the pivotal pattern is to emphasize the main idea placing it at the climax of the pattern at its center. Word-pairs which are found in parallel components in biblical poetry, or even in biblical prose (head/skull; tent/dwelling; house/court, etc.), are presented in pivotal patterns as parallel elements. The narrator ends with what he began. The psalmist (104) tells the deeds of God as the creator of the world, and in vs. 10–18 describes the dry land after describing the sky (2–9). He parallelizes
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between “all the Beasts of the field” like “wild Asses” and “mountain goat” and “rabbits” (hemistichoi 10–11, 18). In the next parallel hemistichoi (12, 17) he speaks about “the birds of the air will abide” and “the birds will build their nests”. After that he speaks about the satisfaction of the land (13) and the trees (16). Above and beneath the center he speaks about Bread (14, 15 c). In the center of the pattern the poet speaks about (the): “Wine cheereth (y“m˙) the heart of man: that he might exhilarate his countenance with oil” (15). Joy which paralles to: “Let the Lord rejoice (y“m˙) over His works” (31) and “I will rejoice ("“m˙) in the Lord” (34). Beit Mikra 174 (2003) 238–259
719 John W. Hilber, Psalm CX in the Light of Assyrian Prophecies Neo-Assyrian prophetic oracles offer comparable stylistic and form-critical features to Psalm cx which bear on the questions of the nature, form, setting and date of the psalm. On the basis of these similarities, Psalm cx should be classified as cultic enthronement prophecy with compositional unity dating to the monarchic period. VT 53/3 (2003) 353–366
720 Erich Zenger, Dimensionen der Tora-Weisheit in der Psalmenkomposition Ps 111–112 Dieser Beitrag widmet sich in den beiden ersten Abschnitten zunächst ausführlicher dem Profil und Programm von Psalm 111 und 112, wobei auch verschiedene Forschungsmeinungen zur Sprache kommen. In einem kurz gehaltenen dritten Abschnitt bündelt Zenger den Sinn der zahlreichen Entsprechungen zwischen beiden Psalmen in einem weisheitstheologischen Konzept: “Der JHWH-Fürchtige ist als gnädiger und gerechter und barmherziger Mensch sowie als großzügiger Geber von Gaben an die Armen ein “Abbild” genau jenes fürsorglichen Königs JHWH, dessen Profil in Ps 111 entworfen ist” (55). Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 37–58 (SP)
721 Raymond C. Van Leeuwen, Form Criticism, Wisdom, and Psalms 111–112 The author raises questions concerning the identification of wisdom as a discrete genre in biblical literature, insofar as its forms and settings of expression vary so widely. He argues instead that wisdom should be recognized as a worldview or culturally specific way of thinking about and acting within reality that transcends class and professional distinctions. Marvin A. Sweeney et al. (eds.), The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the Twenty-First Century; Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 65–84
722 Beat Weber, Zu Kolometrie und strophischer Struktur von Psalm 111 – mit einem Seitenblick auf Psalm 112 Der als ein alphabetisches Zeilen-Akrostichon aufgebaute Ps 111 wird hier anhand hervorstechender Markierungen als ein aus einer Einleitung und fünf etwa gleich langen Strophen bestehendes Gedicht strukturiert. Um das Zentrum der Strophen in V. 6–7 ist er nach dem Schema ABCB’A’ konzentrisch aufgebaut. Die Leitwurzel '≤h taucht insgesamt sechsmal in verbaler und nominaler Form in allen 5 Strophen auf. Eine ähnliche Struktur ist auch für den “Zwillingspsalm” 112 zu postulieren, wobei dort die Einleitung in den spiegelsymmetrischen Strophenaufbau aufgenommen wurde. BN 118 (2003) 62–67 (DL)
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723 J.P. Fokkelman et al., ngdh n" lkl 'mw (Psalm CXVI 14B, 18B) The phrase ngdh n" lkl 'mw in Ps cxvi 14b, 18b has puzzled scholars, mainly because of the problem of the particle n" following what appears to be a byform of the preposition ngd. In this article, we explain ngdh as the Qal long imperative of the root ngd “guide, lead”, a verb well-known from Aramaic. The presence of n", accordingly, does not violate the rules of Hebrew grammar. The stich is to be translated, depending on how one understands the morpheme l e, either as “lead now, for the benefit of all his people” (with l e serving as a preposition meaning “for, for the benefit of ”), or as “lead now his entire people” (with l e serving as the nota accusativi, as also known from Aramaic and elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible). We understand the phrase as the poet addressing himself once more, as he does earlier in v. 7. A variety of linguistic and literary issues are presented in support of our proposal. VT 53/3 (2003) 328–336
724 Erich Zenger, Das schöne Confitemini. Perspektiven christlicher Psalmenhermeneutik am Beispiel des 118. Psalms Von den verschiedenen Bedeutungshorizonten des Ps 118 scheint gerade der universale und eschatologische Horizont, der durch die starken Bezüge zum Jesajabuch herausgestellt wird, von Bedeutung für eine christliche Vergegenwärtigung des Psalms im Einklang mit dem Judentum. Ps 118 kann als betende Aneignung der großen Heilsverheißungen des Jesajabuchs und zugleich als das als lobpreisender Dank formulierte Bekenntnis verstanden werden, dass JHWH durch sein Rettungshandeln diese Verheißungen bereits partiell verwirklicht bzw. “erfüllt”. Diese Perspektive ist geeignet, Ps 118 so als christliches Gebet zu rezitieren, dass er zum Hoffnungstext christlichjüdischer Weggemeinschaft werden kann, zumal er ja Teil der Juden und Christen gemeinsamen Hl. Schriften ist. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 112–126 (NvM)
725 P.J. Botha, A social-scientific reading of Psalm 129 Psalm 129 is analysed as a poetic composition, as well as an ideological document. It was found that the social codes of honour and shame play an important role in what and how the psalm was supposed to communicate. It is described as an attempt to strengthen the cohesion and loyalty of an in-group of people living near or in Jerusalem. This group considers itself to be part of the people of Israel. Its members expect Yahweh to intervene on their behalf and to restore their (and his own) honour by shaming their enemies. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1401–1414
726 James Luther Mays, There the Blessing: An Exposition of Psalm 133 Psalm 133 elicits and forms into language the original insight of the old saying with which it begins: mh-twb wmh-n'ym “bt "˙ym gm-y˙d. Where that occurs, consciousness is focused on the need and the innate longing for a unity of persons equal to the demands of life. Second, it sets that predicament and possibility of human existence in the perspective of faith in the covenant-making God of Israel and the community-forming event of Jesus Christ. The psalm reveals that God is the power who withholds life from the rejection of interdependence, and is the source who provides life as a blessing when people let the divine purpose bring them together. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 79–90
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727 Hubert Irsigler, Psalm 139 als Gebetsprozess Mit seiner konsequenten Anrede Gottes in 2. Person ist der theologisch sehr anspruchsvolle Ps 139 als zielgerichteter Gebetsprozess zu verstehen. Nach einer kurzen Aufzeichnung der Forschungsgeschichte und einigen Beobachtungen zu Text, Einheitlichkeit und Struktur des Psalms wird eine ausführliche Sprechaktanalyse einzelner Passagen vorgestellt. Dabei werden aus den Sprechhandlungen des Beters seine Wirkintentionen erschlossen. “Die entscheidende Wirkabsicht des Psalms liegt in der Selbstvergewisserung des Beters über seine Bindung an Gott und über die Wahrheit des eigenen Lebensweges mit dem Ziel, den Beter für die rechte Haltung des Menschen vor dem unfassbaren Gott zu öffnen, damit er sich der Prüfung und Lebensleitung Gottes anvertrauen kann” (260). Auf dem Weg durch den analytischen Teil kann der Leser auf die sich im Anhang befindende Skizze einer Klassifikation von Sprechakten zurückgreifen. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hgg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 223–264 (DL)
728 Carolyn Pressler, Certainty, Ambiguity, and Trust: Knowledge of God in Psalm 139 In this essay, the author examines the poet’s use of carefully contrasting language and ambiguous terms or phrases as an expression of ambivalence towards a God whose presence is experienced as potential threat as well as potential salvation. According to this reading, recollection of God’s intimate involvement with the psalmist since conception reframes the psalmist’s ambivalence, resolving ambiguity into trust. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 91–99
729 James Limburg, Quoth the Raven: Psalm 147 and the Environment The author suggests an ecological reading of Psalm 147 that asks not only what the Bible says about God and humans, but about God, humans, and the earth and its creatures. One may observe that the Bible exhibits two basic models of the relationship between humans and the earth and its creatures. According to the “dominion over” model, human beings are charged with responsibility for the earth and its creatures. Alongside this “dominion over” model, the Bible also articulates the notion of the commonality that humans have with the rest of creation – what might be designated the “solidarity with” model. In Psalms 146–150, the solidarity that humans have with the earth and its creatures is stressed. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 101–111
Wisdom literature General 730 Michael V. Fox, Wisdom and the Self-Presentation of Wisdom Literature The teachings of Wisdom are given a performance setting, namely, a teaching event with a complex nexus of speakers, audiences, media and purposes. Future readers are to place themselves imaginatively in this setting, standing, as it were, in place of the son listening to his father. Then they can in turn replicate the father’s role in instructing others. The present study describes the way that Wisdom books present themselves and define their speakers and audiences, the media by which their teachings are said to be communicated, and their purposes. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 153–172
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731 Jürgen van Oorschot, Weisheit in Israel und im frühen Judentum Die Tendenzen der neueren Forschung seit 1991 zeigen sich an drei Themenkreisen, die im Zentrum des Interesses stehen: Der sozialgeschichtliche und theologische Ort der Weisheit (Schulen, Erfahrungsweisheit, Qohelets kritische Weisheit), die Weisheit und ihre vernetzende Funktion in der israelitisch-frühjüdischen Religion und Theologie (Tora, Salomo als Idealbild, Psalmen, Personifikation) sowie die Weisheit in frühjüdischer Zeit (Ben Sira, Sapientia) VF 48/1 (2003) 59–89 (WSch)
732 Enzo Bianchi, Sapienti e sapienza This collection of Italian essays on all aspects of OT and NT sapiential literature follows the well-known format of the series. Six papers deal with OT subjects: sapiential language (F. dalla Vecchia), experience (L. Mazzinghini), Job 28 (A. Niccacci), the stupid person in the book of Proverbs (H. Simian), Hosea 14:10 (R. Vignolo); five papers are on the NT: parables (R. Meynet), the wisdom of Jesus (G. Seglla), the wisdom of the cross in Paul (R. Penna), the letter of James (R. Fabris), and the book of Revelation (C. Doglio). Additional papers deal with 1 Enoch and Midrash. PSV 48; Centra editoriale dehoniano, Bologna (2003) 1–250 (BL)
733 Alexander Rofé, Revealed Wisdom from the Bible to Qumran Old age does not guarantee wisdom, for wisdom may be lacking in those who attain old age; as “old fools” they can no longer serve the community as judges (Damascus Document 10:7–10). This challenge to the traditional equation of wisdom and old age can also be found in Koh 4:13–14; Job 32:6–9; the story of Daniel and Susanna. The revisionists – those who challenge the equation “old age = wisdom” – rely on equating wisdom with divine inspiration ( Job 33:13–18; Dan 2:23; 4:15; 5:11.14; see also 1 Kgs 12:1–16, apparently a late text). That wisdom derives from divine inspiration is already taught in Prov 30:3, a text that can be restored on the basis of the Septuagint as: “El taught me wisdom, and I know the knowledge of the Holy Ones.” Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 51; J.J. Collins et al. (eds.), Sapiential Perspectives; Brill, Leiden (2004) 1–11 (BL)
734 Leo G. Perdue, The Rhetoric of Wisdom and Postcolonial Hermeneutics Critical wisdom literature in ancient Judah offers a paradigm for understanding the rejection of the teachings of the justice of God and retribution. This negation of foundational sapiential teachings provides the basis for a moral paradigm of postcolonial hermeneutics in which there is a movement towards the establishment of social justice for the poor and marginalized in native cultures. Scriptura 81 (2002) 437–452
Job: general ★ individual passages 735 Yohan Pyeon, You Have not Spoken what Is Right about Me: Intertextuality and the Book of Job This careful exegetical study of Job 3–14 argues that both Job and his friends use and allude to other biblical texts. These are texts from Job (first level of intertextuality) and from other biblical books (second level). Job 4:3–4 echoes Isa 35:3–4; Job 4:8 is based on Hos 10:13. The author also explores the idea, first suggested by Michael Fishbane, that Psalm 8, underlying Job 7:17–18, can illuminate much of the book of Job. This analysis speaks in favour of a date between the 5th and the 3rd centuries BCE for the book of Job. Studies in Biblical Literature 45; Peter Lang Publishing, New York (2003) XVI/1–239 (BL)
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736 J.P. Weinberg, Authorship and Author in the Ancient Near East and in the Hebrew Bible The fifth century BCE author of the book of Job may be identified: it is Elihu. He is not mentioned among those who have not spoken right ( Job 42:7), and he is introduced as a noble person, possibly as someone well known in his community ( Job 32:2). HebStud 44 (2003) 157–169 (BL)
737 Timo Veijola, Abraham und Hiob. Das literarische und theologische Verhältnis von Gen 22 und der Hiob-Novelle Der Beitrag möchte erweisen, dass die Hiob-Novelle literarisch von Gen 22 abhängig ist und dass erst die Einbeziehung der Vorlage ihr volles Verständnis ermöglicht. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 127–144 (NvM)
738 Samuel E. Balentine, “Let Love Clasp Grief Lest Both Be Drowned” Diese Lektüre des Hiobbuches, stellt die Erzählung in einen intertextuellen Zusammenhang mit dem Gleichnis vom barmherzigen Samariter in Lk 10,29–37. Beide Texte greifen das Thema Freundschaft aus der Perspektive eines “Geschlagenen” auf. PRSt 30/4 (2003) 381–397 (SP)
739 Françoise Mies, Le genre littéraire du livre de Job First the author presents the various hypotheses about the literary genre of the Book of Job: an epic, a didactic poem, a philosophical tale, a wisdom dialogue, a lawsuit, a tragedy. Then she presents her own hypothesis, a drama. This has the advantage of doing justice to all the dimensions of the Book of Job and of fulfilling all the necessary conditions of a drama: it is a story and has a plot, it is conducted in words, and narrative interventions have a particular status. RB 110/3 (2003) 336–369
740 Antony F. Campbell, The Book of Job: Two Questions, One Answer Zwei Fragen bestimmen die Struktur und die Botschaft des Buches Ijob. In 1,1–2,10 und in 42,10b–17 wird die Frage erörtert, ob Ijobs Gottesfurcht von seinem Wohlergehen abhängig ist (Ijob 1,9). Die Antwort bestätigt die religiöse Integrität Ijobs, dessen Vertrauen auf Gott trotz Schicksalsschläge bestehen bleibt. Die zweite, in Ijob 2,11 bis 42,9 behandelte Frage lautet: ‘Warum schenkt Gott dem Elenden Licht?’ (Ijob 3,20). Das Buch verweigert jedoch offensichtlich die Antwort auf diese Frage, die in der Logik der Sprache nicht geklärt werden kann. Das wortlose Schauen Gottes in Ijob 42,5 und somit die Möglichkeit zu einer Beziehung zwischen Gott und dem Menschen treten an die Stelle logischer Gedankengänge. ABR 51 (2003) 15–25 (DL)
741 J. Randall O’Brien, World, Winds, and Whirlwinds: The Voice of God Meets “the Vice of God” Die demütige Unterwerfung Ijobs zum Abschluss der biblischen Erzählung über seine Treueprobe mag den Leser etwas überraschen, da ja die in der Erzählung gestellte zentrale Frage nach der Gerechtigkeit Gottes unbeantwortet zu bleiben scheint. Doch diese Frage hat eine anthropozentrische Ausrichtung, die Ijob angesichts der zweiten Rede Jahwes abgelegt hat, da er sich die theozentrische Sicht des Universums zu eigen gemacht hat. Diese Transformation von einer auf den Menschen hin gerichteten Weltanschauung zu einer Anerkennung Gottes als des einzigen Schöpfers und Besitzers
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der Welt ist der Schlüssel zum Verständnis diverser Handlungsstränge in dem weisheitlichen Buch Ijob. PRSt 30/2 (2003) 151–160 (DL)
742 Haroldo Reimer, Gerechtigkeit und Schöpfung. Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis des Hiobbuches Das Buch Hiob sucht nach neuen Antworten angesichts einer verdrehten Welt, in der die alltäglichen Erfahrungen im Widerspruch zur überlieferten Tradition stehen. Dem Tun-Ergehen Zusammenhang stellt es eine nicht-anthropozentrische Sicht der Schöpfung entgegen. Als nur einem Teil der sehr komplexen Schöpfung kommt den Menschen die Lösung des Problems der Gerechtigkeit nicht zu. Hiob erkennt zum Schluss des Buches, dass nicht die von ihm erwartete Gerechtigkeit sondern der die widerspruchsvolle Welt gestaltende und erhaltende Jahwe das Kriterium der Weltordnung ist. Christof Hardmeier u.a. (Hgg.), Freiheit und Recht, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2003), 414–428 (DL)
743 Yehoshua Gitay, Rhetoric and Its Limitations: Job the Dissident X The present essay seeks to introduce the dilemma of Job, as a parable, which functions on various levels: there is the dilemma of the book itself which, as a biblical story still requires some clarifications for present readers. But, as this is a parable, we might also draw a lesson regarding contemporary matters of truth and morality which require a story in order to perceive the reality. This paper discusses the issue of morality and truth through the clarification of the methodology which is employed in the book of Job. The main focus of the book is the question: who is the authority that possesses the knowledge and has the power to make a decision regarding the critical issue of truth and morality? JNWSL 29/2 (2003) 41–63
744 Edward L. Greenstein, The Language of Job and Its Poetic Function Der Verf. zeigt an zahlreichen Einzelbeispielen, worauf in der Forschung zu den poetischen Teilen von Ijob immer schon hingewiesen wurde: Ein hoher Grad an Vielfalt der Verbformen, der Benutzung von Fremdworten (aus dem Akkadischen bis hin zum Aramäischen und sogar Arabischen), der Wortspiele, der Metaphern und Parodien – alles im Dienst einer einmaligen nuancenreichen Poesie. JBL 122/4 (2003) 651–666 (RM)
745 Markus Witte, Beobachtungen zum Verhältnis von Zeit und Leid im Buch Ijob Ein am Phänomen der Zeit orientierter Durchgang durch das Buch Ijob zeigt, dass Leiden die Wahrnehmung der Zeit bedingt und bestimmt. So intensiviert Leiden die Reflexion der Zeit hinsichtlich bestimmter Zeitpunkte. Als solche treten die Grenzzeiten Geburt und Tod besonders in den Blick. Weiterhin schematisiert Leiden die Zeit hinsichtlich bestimmter Qualifikationen. Neben den Zeiten des Segens, den Zeiten der Fülle, stehen die Zeiten des Fluches, die Zeiten der Leere. Im Leiden zerfällt die Zeit in unterschiedlich große Zeiträume: bestimmte Zeiten erscheinen gedehnt, andere verdichtet. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 399–414
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✩ 746 Samuel E. Balentine, “For No Reason” This slogan of Iob 2:3 is stretching of Israel’s three “grammars of creation” (Gen 1:31; 3:5; Jes 45:7) and even subjects Israel’s conviction about covenant partnership. Why Israel’s sacred scriptures should include such a story of “no more beginnings” are concluding ruminations on the enigma of evil. Interp. 57/4 (2003) 349–369 (WSch)
747 Shalom M. Paul, A Double Entendre in Job 15:32 in the Light of Akkadian It is suggested here, that the form tml" in Job 15:32 was deliberately written in order to create a clever double entendre. On the one hand, the verb is related to the geminate mll and thus commences the ensuing botanical description. But with the addition of the aleph, which derives the verb from the stem ml", the scribe also intended to allude to the expression ml" ymym, with the meaning attested in both Hebrew and Akkadian, “to reach the end of one’s days to die”, in this case, “prematurely”. This, in turn, is the exact opposite of the blessings found in Exod 23:26 and Isa 65:20. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 755–757
748 Richard W. Neville, A Reassessment of the Radical Nature of Job’s Ethic in Job XXXI 13–15 Commentators have concluded that Job xxxi 13–15 represents an ethical high point in the Old Testament and have praised Job for it. Typically Job is seen as recognising the rights of his slaves on the basis that they are his equals as human beings. Given this understanding of Job’s words, the high praise seems justified. However, there are reasons to doubt that this is what Job is saying. In the context of his protestation of innocence ( Job xxxi) it is doubtful he would defend himself against an accusation so radical that no one would have thought to accuse him of the offence. It would also be out of character for the sages to advocate a revolutionary ethic. Furthermore, it is troubling that there is no consensus on how to derive the proposed meaning from the text, and when the various strategies are investigated they are unconvincing. An alternative interpretation is offered which looks to the language and ideology of personal religion in order to understand the significance of Job’s reference to the fact that he and his servants were made in the womb by the same God. VT 53/2 (2003) 181–200
749 Kathleen M. O’Connor, Wild, Raging Creativity: The Scene in the Whirlwind ( Job 38–41) In this paper, the author proposes that the divine speeches in Job are not primarily about the bullying power of God; instead, they are about the potent beauty of creation, of God, and even of Job himself. To make these claims, the author draws upon form, setting, and the content of the divine speeches, and with the help of Elaine Scarry’s theory of aesthetics, she reflects on the significance of beauty in the speeches. Finally, the feminist meanings are invented. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 171–179
750 Lindsay Wilson, Job 38–39 and Biblical Theology Die beiden Gottesreden zum Abschluss des Ijobbuches scheinen keine Antworten auf die von Ijob geäußerten Fragen und Vorwürfe zu bieten. Die hier angebotene biblischtheologische Untersuchung der ersten Rede Gottes kommt jedoch zu einem anderen Ergebnis: Gott zeigt sich in Ijob 38–39 als souveräner Schöpfer und Gestalter des
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gesamten Universums. Diese Gottesschau soll Ijob von seiner anthropozentrischen Weltanschauung und einer kausalen Gerechtigkeitsauffassung lösen. Nicht die Fragen Ijobs sondern sein Standpunkt ändert sich, da sein Glaube durch eine breitere Sicht der göttlichen Ordnung im Kosmos begründet wird. RTR 62/3 (2003) 121–138 (DL)
Proverbs 751 Andreas Scherer, ‘Frau Weisheit’ und die ‘fremde Frau’. Personifikation und Symbolfigur in den Sprüchen Salomos Die ‘fremde Frau’ verhält sich zu ‘Frau Torheit’ wie die ‘wackere Frau’ zu ‘Madam Weisheit’. Beim jeweils ersten Part der beiden Geschwisterpaare handelt es sich um Symbolfiguren, die die von ihnen repräsentierte Grundeigenschaft an einem bestimmten Beispiel aus der menschlichen Lebenswirklichkeit exemplifizieren. ‘Frau Torheit’ und ‘Madam Weisheit’ stellen demgegenüber Personifikationen dar, deren Funktion darauf abzielt, die Prinzipien Weisheit und Torheit in Form lebendiger Akteurinnen zu veranschaulichen. BN 119/120 (2003) 35–41
752 Christine Roy Yoder, The Woman of Substance ("“t ˙jl): A Socioeconomic Reading of Proverbs 31:10–31 Die Verfasserin behandelt den von ihr in die Perserzeit datierten Text im Lichte sozioökonomischer Erkenntnisse über diese Zeit. Die “Frau mit Erfolg und Ansehen”, wie man die hebräische Ausdruckweise wiedergeben könnte (“Woman of Substance” übersetzt die Verfasserin), ist das Spiegelbild einer wohlhabenden Kauffrau, wie sie die Perserzeit kannte, und zugleich das einer idealen Ehefrau und Mutter. Insofern stellt sie auch eine Verkörperung der Idee von Frau Weisheit dar, von der in Spr 1–9 die Rede ist. Vielleicht entstand die Vorstellung von Frau Weisheit überhaupt aus der realen Begegnung mit einem ökonomisch erfolgreichen Frauentyp, der sich so nur in dieser Geschichtsepoche entwickeln konnte. JBL 122/3 (2003) 427–447 (RM)
753 Ruth Scoralick, Salomos griechische Gewänder – Beobachtungen zur Septuagintafassung des Sprichwörterbuches In der Weisheitsliteratur spiegelt sich die Begegnung mit der hellenistischen Kultur wider. Ausgehend vom Buch Jesus Sirach, in dem die Weisheit durch Personifizierung mit der Tora, dem Gesetz Jahwes, eine Umdeutung zu einem hermeneutischen Konzept erfährt, das die Interpretation der eigenen schriftlichen Tradition stützt, wird nach ähnlichen Vorgängen in der sehr freien LXX-Fassung des Sprichwörterbuches gefragt. Ein Vergleich des hebräischen wie des griechischen Textes von Spr 15,27–16,9 macht eine theologische Verhaftung der Weisheit Salomos deutlich. Die zentralen Kategorien des MT, Gerechtigkeit und Jahwe-Furcht, finden sich in der LXX-Fassung wieder. Neu hinzukommen frühjüdische Besonderheiten wie die Betonung der Barmherzigkeit. Auch eine stilistische Orientierung an griechisch-hellenistischer Literatur tritt deutlich hervor. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002), 43–75 (EB)
754 Seizo Sekine, Research Note: Proverbs as a Catalogue of Virtues: A Comparison with Nicomachean Ethics The aim here lay in reading Proverbs as a catalogue of virtues. Nicomachean Ethics listed a total of twelve virtues, and we have verified that eight of these – the mean, moderation, truth, affection, good temper, justice, wit and wisdom – are regarded as important
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virtues in Proverbs as well. There were numerous examples of these virtues in Proverbs, but very few instances of the virtues of “courage” and “magnanimity” that are also cited in Nicomachean Ethics, while examples of “magnificence” and “pride” are nonexistent in Proverbs. Rather than such Hellenic greatness of soul, Proverbs emphasized humbleheartedness. Compared with the Greeks, “humbleheartedness or humility” is a virtue particular to the Hebrews, and it is linked to their fundamental stance of stressing “faith in God”, who is omniscient and omnipotent. AJBI 28 (2002) 55–86
755 G.T.M. Prinsloo, Reading Proverbs 3:1–12 in its social and ideological context Proverbs 3:1–12 is a masterful example of Hebrew poetry. It is quite permissible to analyse and enjoy the poem for its own sake. However, it should be taken into account that the text was written from a wisdom perspective, implying that it had a didactic function in the social context in which it originated. In this article the text is investigated on three levels. It commences with an analysis of the text as a poem, then moves towards an analysis of the type of society where such a text might have originated in order to determine the ideology that served as motivating principle for that society. In the process the role of Israelite wisdom literature in the context of the Ancient Near Eastern wisdom corpus and the influence of wisdom teachers upon society will also be touched upon. This will lead to some conclusions about the relevance of studying this literature for our own society. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1375–1400
756 J.H. Potgieter, The (poetic) rhetoric of wisdom in Proverbs 3:1–12 Proverbs 3:1–12 is a masterful example of Hebrew poetry. Failure to consider its poetic structure, is likely to result in incomplete and even incorrect interpretation. Many recent commentaries on Proverbs recognize the poetic character of the book, and even include a section on the poetic techniques present in the book, but ignore the relevance of these techniques as far as the interpretation of the individual poems and the book in general are concerned. This article argues that a comprehensive analysis of poetic features enhances the exegete’s ability to appreciate the rhetoric of wisdom. An intratextual approach towards Proverbs 3:1–12 provides a framework for the complete interpretation of the text. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1357–1374
757 Lawrence Zalcman, Prov 5,19c: “gy"wt my ybyn All difficulties concerning the verb t“gh in Prov 5,19 disappear and perfect sense is secured if one reads instead t≤gh “you will thrive”. ZAW 115/3 (2003) 433–434
758 Flavio Dalla Vecchia, Leggi dei codici biblici e sentenze sapienziali: tecniche di formulazione e motivazioni persuasive A comparison between Prov 10–30 and the biblical law codes reveals their different motivation and intention. While the laws claim obedience, the wisdom admonitions solicit a critical consideration aimed at finding guidance toward a successful life. This is exemplified by a study of the duties toward the parents and the impartiality in judgement. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 91–108 (AM)
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759 Alexander Rofé, The Valiant Woman, gynê synetê, and the Redaction of the Book of Proverbs The book of Proverbs is not extant in its original form, but in a revised version that makes the sapiential material appear more religious than it originally was. The “valiant” or “successful” woman, an older women (hence no reference to beauty and to giving birth to children) or a deceased wife, was made pious by the changing of Prov 31:30 to its Masoretic form. In this case, the LXX has preserved the original reference to intelligence or, rather, success-orientation (see Prov 19:14). Christoph Bultmann et al. (eds.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 145–155 (BL)
760 Bernhard Lang, Women’s work, household and property in two Mediterranean societies: a comparative essay on Proverbs xxxi 10–31 Major topics that feature in the capable wife’s portrait in Prov. xxxi 10–31 – domestic manufacture of clothing, female responsibility for food, and the upper-class wife’s supervision of the slaves’ indoor work – can also be illustrated from Xenophon’s Oeconomicus, a fourth-century BCE Greek manual of estate management. This treatise also explains how labour in the household (oikos) is divided according to gender. Unlike her Athenian counterpart, the Hebrew wife seems able to own and manage landed property from which she derives independent income. The rule ‘one conjugal household, two estates’ – the wife’s and the husband’s separate estates – may sum up the economic situation presupposed, but not explained, by the poem. While the Hebrew poem celebrates only the contribution of the wife, we should not forget that it was her husband who provided the household’s economic basis, presumably from an agricultural estate. VT 54/2 (2004) 188–207
Koheleth: general ★ individual passages 761 Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Neuere Veröffentlichungen zum Buch Kohelet (1998–2003) A survey of recent contributions to the study of Koheleth, with special reference to the commentaries by Thomas Krüger (2000), Elsa Tamez (2000), and William P. Brown (2000). See also the author’s earlier survey in Theologische Revue 94 (1998) 363–376. Theologische Literaturzeitung 128/11 (2003) 1123–1138 (BL)
762 J.P. Weinberg, Authorship and Author in the Ancient Near East and in the Hebrew Bible In the second half of the sixth century BCE, the Davidide Zerubbabel was an important figure. Several features of the book of Koheleth can be explained if we accept the possibility that he was the author. HebStud 44 (2003) 157–169 (BL)
763 Joseph Azize, The Genre of Qohelet Qohelet belongs to the genre of “critique”. It aims to provoke readers to question basic assumptions about life, and about what is desirable and worthwhile. Qohelet’s critique operates from a canon of principles, and in this respect, the ideas of “god”, “life under the sun”, “death”, “eternity” and “judgment” emerge as cardinal. The concept of “life under the sun” is related to the complementary notion of “eternity”. This concept, associated with the eternal sun, was known in Phoenicia. In Qohelet, however, the Lord
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of eternity is God, not the sun. The three poems in chapters 1, 3 and 12 are central to a reading of Qohelet. DavarLogos 2/2 (2003) 123–138
764 Marie Maussion, Qohélet et les sept refrains sur le bonheur This paper summarises the results of a chapter of the author’s doctoral dissertation on evil, good and judgement in Qoheleth. Maussion analyses consecutively the seven refrains on the good things of life in the book (– the good things of life are a gift of God [Qoh 2,24–26]; – they should be recognised as such [3,12–14]; – because man does not know his future [3,22]; – and God reveals himself in the good things of life [5,17–19]; – Qoheleth sings the praises of these good things [8,15]; – and exhorts his reader to do the same and to enjoy them [9,7–10]: – because God will judge him according to its use [11,9–12,1]). She concludes that these refrains are intended within the book of Qoheleth as the contrast and balance of the presence of evil in the world. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 259–267
765 Leo G. Perdue, Wisdom and Apocalyptic: The Case of Qoheleth The author focuses on the opponents with whom the sage disputes, as a way to understand the relationship of Wisdom and Apocalyptic. Qoheleth’s opponents included not only scribal wisdom, but also emerging apocalyptic. The most likely opponents of Qoheleth were apocalyptic sages, since the library of Qumran and some of its texts demonstrate that several originally different theological and literary traditions existed side by side and eventually began to influence one another and even at times merge together. This view is built on the assumptions that Qoheleth was a sage who sought to undercut early apocalyptic arguments that a select group of seers understood the mind of God, that they could determine the time and events that God had predestined and that there would be a final judgement in which the righteous could hope for resurrection from the dead. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 231–258
766 Michael Carasik, Qohelet’s Twists and Turns Biblical texts regularly emphasize following the straight path that is marked out by God’s teachings. Just as in English, ‘straightness’ is prized as ‘right’ and ‘crookedness’ scorned as perverse. This quality is praised both in action and in thought. By contrast, Qohelet’s search for wisdom is specifically expressed in language which gives turning, not straightness, the highest value. This study explores how Qohelet uses words and images of turning to express both what he has learned and how he has learned about the world, as well as how circularity is an element not merely of Qohelet’s thought, but of his style. JSOT 28/2 (2003) 192–209
767 Greg W. Parsons, Guidelines for Understanding and Proclaiming the Book of Ecclesiastes, Part 1 and 2 The two articles in this series suggest guidelines to help piece together the meaning and open up the message of the Book of Ecclesiastes. This first article presents one major hermeneutical guideline with three corollaries. The second article will present two additional guidelines for interpreting Ecclesiastes and four homiletical suggestions for proclaiming the book. BS 160/2 (2003) 159–173; BS 160/3 (2003) 283–304
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768 Claude Baty, Qohélet ou l’Ecclésiaste Un petit canevas pour l’étude de l’Ecclésiaste en groupe. Après l’introduction, plusieurs thèmes sont proposés: vanité, mort, sagesse, travail, bonheur, Dieu. Une lecture suivie de tout le livre sans arrêt sur les difficultés est recommandée avant l’étude des thèmes. Hokhma 84 (2003) 47–65
769 Robert Davidson, The Exposition of the Old Testament: Koheleth as a Test Case The book of Koheleth describes a pilgrimage in which there are three important elements: (a) ‘seeing’ – keen observation of life; (b) ‘reflection’ – serious thought prompted by what he sees; and (c) ‘knowledge’ – knowledge which embraces both certainty and uncertainty. ET 115/1 (2003) 1–7
✩ 770 Jean-Jacques Lavoie, Puissance divine et finitude humaine selon Qohélet 3,10–15 Qohelet 3,10–15 is a text without gloss, well delimitated and structured around three discrete units (3,10–11.12–13.14–15). By capturing the essential idea of each of the larger divisions of Qo. 1,4–3,8, these three units of Qo. 3,10–15 form the first theological synthesis of the book. The text as a whole implies that between an uncertain happiness and assured fright, the human being is condemned to live in helplessness, ignorance and resignation in face of a divinity who is omnipotent, cold, distant and incomprehensible. Some allusions to Qo. 3,10–15 by Ben Sira reveal, however, a complete departure from the opinion presented in the book of Qohelet. SR 31/3–4 (2002) 283–296
771 Steven Shnider et al., The Righteous Sage: Pleonasm or Oxymoron? (Kohelet 7,16–18) In contrast to most other biblical authors, Qohelet (7,16–18) draws a clear distinction between the ˙km and the ßdyq and, in a variation on the recurrent theme of the impossibility of understanding God’s ways, offers some unique advice on how to keep a grip on both righteousness and wisdom. ZAW 115/3 (2003) 435–439
772 Mark Sneed, A Note on Qoh 8,12b–13 This note argues that the popular, scholarly opinion that Qoh 8,12b–13 is the citation by the author of a traditional saying that he then counters in v. 14 or relativizes is incorrect. Rather, this unit represents the author’s own sentiment and signifies that he does not absolutely reject the deed/consequence connection. This unit counsels against the common misconception by the wicked that delayed consequence means no consequence. Thus, vv. 12b–13 do not conflict with what precedes or follows and do not conflict with the author’s typical questioning of the validity of the deed/consequence connection. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 412–416
773 Alain Bühlmann, Qoheleth 11.1–6 and Divination Qoheleth’s thinking is of an essentially rational bent, opposed to the divinatory approach to reality. JSOT.S 245; Todd E. Klutz (ed.), Magic in the Biblical World; T. & T. Clark International, London (2003) 55–65 (BL)
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Song of Songs: general ★ individual passages 774 Yair Zakovitch, Das Hohelied A detailed exegetical commentary on the Song of Songs, understood as the typically Hebrew variety of ancient love poetry. Originating as popular poetry, it was not put to writing before the third century BCE. Two of the poems are said to ridicule King Solomon: Song 3:7–11 and 8:11–12. – Translated from the Hebrew of the author’s manuscript and not available in any other language, scholars are encouraged to use this German version of a major contribution to research on the Song of Songs. See also the author’s English paper in: K. Modras (ed.), The Art of Love Lyrics, Paris 2000, 11–23. Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament; Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2004) 1–295 (BL)
775 Andrew Hwang, The New Structure of the Song of Songs and Its Implications for Interpretation There are nine macro-structural units in the composition of the Song of Songs: 1:2–8, 1:9–2:7, 2:8–17, 3:1–5, 3:6–5:1, 5:2–6:3, 6:4–13, 7:1–13, 8:1–14. The fifth structural unit (3:6–5:1) is the pivot. The four structural units before the pivot and the four structural units after it are all chiastically parallel. By chiastically parallel it is meant that there is some kind of motif or paradigmatic and semantic development from one structural unit to another chiastically parallel structural unit. The pivotal section is not a turning point for the whole Song, but the climax of the whole Song. Thus, the four sections before the pivot and the four sections after the pivot depict different facets of courtship of the young couple before marriage, whereas the pivot is the only section depicting the marriage and the consummation of the young couple on the wedding night. WThJ 65/1 (2003) 97–111
776 Tamara Cohn Eskenazi, Song of Songs as an ‘Answer’ to Clines’s Book of Job In der kanonischen Lesart von C. Jung ist die neutestamentliche Inkarnation Gottes sowie die heilige Hochzeit zum Abschluss des Buches Offb die ausgebliebene Antwort auf Ijobs Fragen. Vom Tanach-Kanon ausgehend schlägt die Verf. das darin hinter dem Ijobbuch gestellte Hld als eine solche Antwort innerhalb der hebräischen Bibel vor. Das Hld erinnert demnach den Menschen daran, was es bedeutet, als Abbild Gottes geschaffen zu sein. Die ursprüngliche Schöpfung kann dank Ijobs Treue wiederhergestellt werden. An den von D. Cline erörterten verschiedenen Zugängen zum Ijobbuch wird die Art der kanonischen Antwort beispielhaft demonstriert. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 95–106 (DL)
777 Pirjo Lapinkivi, The Sumerian Sacred Marriage in the Light of Comparative Evidence This important reevaluation of ancient Sumerian sacred marriage poetry comes to the following conclusions: (1) there was only a symbolic, and not a real enactment of a sexual union between the Sumerian king and a woman representing the goddess; (2) the love poems must be understood to have more than one level of meaning, one of them being the longing of the human soul for union with the divine; (3) the biblical Song of Songs is closely related to the Sumerian texts and may have shared its esoteric level of meaning; (4) while the esoteric meaning relates to mystical union with the divine, the more mundane aspect relates to the promotion of fertility and wellbeing. – An important study, inspired by the research of S. Parpola and M. Nissinen. State Archives of Assyria Studies 15; Institute for Asian and African Studies, Helsinki (2002) XIX/1–309 (BL)
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778 Anselm C. Hagedorn, Of Foxes and Vineyards: Greek Perspectives on the Song of Songs The article aims at utilising some further Greek parallels for an interpretation of the Song of Songs. Cant. ii 15 serves as starting point for the enterprise. Next to the fairly well known and often discussed parallels from Sappho and Theocritus, for the first time evidence from Greek vases and from the Anthologia Palatina is discussed. Rather than postulating any literary influences between Greek texts and the Song of Songs we regard the study as an investigation into the (Eastern) Mediterranean cultural milieu to which the biblical and Greek texts belong. However, if Song of Songs can indeed be dated to the Hellenistic period, such influences and possible dependencies seem not impossible. VT 53/3 (2003) 337–352
779 Doron Dan, Reflected Meaning, Sound Meaning and Sound in Song of Songs 1,6 (Hebr., Engl. summary) This study discusses a new interpretative precept regarding Song of Songs, 1:6. This verse use a myriad of literary tools, such as: reflected meaning, sound meaning and sound. In addition to the previously proposed interpretations, new interpretations are suggested that realize the linguistic/literary complexity of this verse in light of these tools. This study indicates the way that these tools serve the content and expose the various meanings that have been hidden from us. For example, the phrase, “my own vineyard I have neglected . . .” has four different levels of meaning, each of which is anchored in the text in both a relevant and a literary context. Beit Mikra 174 (2003) 207–214
780 J. Cheryl Exum, ‘The Voice of My Lover’: Double Voice and Poetic Illusion in Song of Songs 2.8–3.5 Die poetische Rede in Hld 2,8–17 wird hier als ein Schlüssel zur Interpretation des gesamten Werkes erörtert. Wie das gesamte Buch endet diese Rede mit dem Wegschicken und Rufen des Geliebten. Zusammen mit der anschließenden Szene in 3,1–5, wo der Geliebte gesucht und gefunden wird, bildet dieser Abschnitt eine beispielhafte Einheit für das ganze Buch. Das ständige Suchen und Finden der Geliebten ohne einen Anfang und mit einem offenen Ende steht für eine Vision der Liebe, die so stark wie der Tod ist. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 141–152 (DL)
781 Theodor Seidl, “Mein Geliebter gehört mir und ich gehöre ihm”. Zu den sprachlichen Ausdrucksmitteln der Paarbeziehung in Hld 2,8–17 und 3,1–5 Hld 2,8–3,5 ohne Textgrenzen gelesen ergibt eine Handlungsabfolge von Suchen, Finden, Verlieren und Wiederfinden des Paares, die Deutungen als Vegetationsmythos oder Heilige Hochzeit naheliegend erscheinen ließen. Unter Beachtung der Textgrenzen ergeben sich allerdings fünf Einheiten lyrisch fiktional ausgedrückter erotischer Paarbeziehung, die von weiblicher Dominanz geprägt ist. BN 114/115 (2002) 161–172 (US)
782 S. Fischer, The foxes that ruin the vineyards – a literal interpretation of Song of Songs 2:15 This article focuses on a literal interpretation of Song of Songs 2:15. Initially, this verse is identified as an independent unit, as a song intended to scare off. Now it forms part
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of a garden/countryside scenery (2:8–17). In 2:15 the co-workers of the lover are addressed. They are asked to create an intimate mood by setting the lover free from his work, and to catch the foxes instead of him. ATh 23/2 (2003) 72–85
783 J. Cheryl Exum, Seeing Solomon’s Palanquin (Song of Songs 3:6–11) Song 3:6–11 shares distinctive poetic features with the rest of the Song of Songs, such as the impression of immediacy, the conjuring up of the loved one, the blurring of distinctions between past and present, and the address to an audience that includes the reader. This pericope is constructed in such a way as to bring a luxurious conveyance bearing Solomon (the male lover in his royal guise) from the furthest imaginable horizon, the wilderness, closer and closer to the speaker who describes the procession, and through whose eyes we perceive the sight in greater and greater detail. The poetic analysis sheds light on three debated questions in Song of Songs interpretation: (1) who is the speaker in these verses?, (2) who or what is coming up from the wilderness – a person or an object?, (3) do these verses describe a moving means of transport or a fixed structure? BI 11/3–4 (2003) 301–316
784 Hayim Tawil, Paved with Love (Cant 3,10d): A New Interpretation Die idiomatische Wendung (hapax) rßwp "hbh (Cant 3,10) bereitet der modernen Bibelkritik erhebliche Probleme, da festgehalten wird, dass die Wendung für die Beschreibung der Innendekoration des "prywn unpassend sei. Entgegen verschiedenen vorgeschlagenen Emendationen wird behauptet, dass die hebräische Wendung im Lichte keilschriftlichen Architekturvokabulars (Stadtmauern, Tore, Tempel und Paläste) untersucht werden sollte. Namentlich die neuassyrischen und neubabylonischen Könige fassen die Beschreibung ihrer Paläste/Tempel unter Gebrauch der Wendung arßip u“aklil “ich habe errichtet, ich habe vollendet” zusammen. Ihr folgt eine andere zusammenfassende Formel lalâ/lulâ mullû/“umlû, welche nach Meinung des Vf. das funktionale Äquivalent von rßwp "hbh bildet, das mit “getäfelt/versehen mit prächtigen Dekorationen” wiederzugeben ist. ZAW 115/2 (2003) 266–271
785 Athalya Brenner, Gazing Back at the Shulammite, Yet Again In this short note a rereading of SoS 7:1–7 is coupled with a reading of an episode from ‘Hassan of Basra’, of the Thousand and One Nights collection. The comparison between the two so-called ‘poems of physical description’, of the Shulammite and the Bird Woman respectively, raises once again issues of visual as against emotive content, gender provenance and gender performance for the SoS text. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 295–300
Wisdom of Solomon ★ Jesus Sirach (Ben Sira) 786 Martin Neher, Wesen und Wirken der Weisheit in der Sapientia Salomonis According to Neher, “Sophia” in the book of Wisdom is an entity which is closely related to, yet different from, God. By avoiding a precise definition, the author of the book of Wisdom is able to maintain strict monotheism. The present thesis also includes major sections on the figure of wisdom in the book of Proverbs and in Jesus Sirach, and Neher is committed to interpreting all the relevant passages as poetic, so that the figure of Wisdom herself emerges as a poetic figure. No attempt is made to interact with recent criticism that challenges this view by arguing that Hokhmah may actually be a goddess (see the entry on “Wisdom” in the Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the
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Bible, 2d ed. 1999). Also ignored are recent scholarly debates about the history of Israel’s emerging and yet diversified monotheism. Perhaps the book’s strongest chapter is that on possible philosophical influences on the book of Wisdom; here the author concludes that no such influences can be detected. BZAW 333; W. de Gruyter, Berlin (2004) X/1–274 (BL)
787 Franz-Josef Backhaus, “Denn du hast Macht über Leben und Tod” (Weish 16,13) – “Rettendes Wissen” am Beispiel von Weish 16,5–14 Ausgehend von der soziologischen Unterscheidung zwischen Wichtigkeits- und Richtigkeitswissen und der Weisheit verstanden als Wichtigkeitswissen, der es um den sinnstiftenden Zusammenhang von Wissen, Leben und Handeln geht, wird der Begriff “rettendes Wissen” als Ausprägung von Wichtigkeitswissen definiert, dem kognitive Relevanzentscheidungen zugrunde liegen, die sozial konsensfähig sind und so für eine Gruppe einen Verbindlichkeitsanspruch erheben. Eine inhaltliche Differenzierung erfährt dieser Begriff anhand einer Textanalyse von Weish 16,5–14 und der Einbeziehung der übrigen Texte der dritten Teilkombination des Weisheitsbuches Weish 11–19. Anspielungen auf Gesetzestexte und die intertextuell angelegte Erinnerungsarbeit des Autors des Weisheitsbuches zeigen die Bedeutung der Kategorie der Erinnerung für das Gesetz. Die Erinnerung an das Gesetz ist Bedingung für das rettende Eingreifen Gottes. Hiermit verbunden wird eine in Gebetsform durchgeführte Geschichtsbetrachtung, in der das rettende Handeln Gottes im Exodus vergegenwärtigt und als Neuschöpfung Israels verstanden wird. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002) 77–113 (EB)
788 Hermann Spieckermann, Der Gerechten Seelen in Gottes Hand. Die Bedeutung der Sapientia Salomonis für die Biblische Theologie Der Sapientia Salomonis kommt sowohl im Blick auf die in Alexandria entstandene LXX als hl. Schrift des griechisch sprechenden Diasporajudentums als auch im Blick auf die im östlichen römischen Reich verfaßten ntl. Schriften als Grundbestand des NT besondere Bedeutung zu. In dieser Mittelposition gehört sie zugleich ins Zentrum einer jeden Konzeption Biblischer Theologie. Drei Aspekte sprechen für diese Einschätzung: (1) Die Schrift steht zeitlich am Schnittpunkt zwischen AT und NT. (2) Die Sapientia Salomonis markiert auf besondere Weise sprachlich die Verbindung zwischen atl. und ntl. Schriften. (3) Es besteht eine auffällige inhaltliche Nähe zwischen der Sapientia und ntl. Explikationsmodellen des Christusereignisses. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 345–368 (NvM)
789 Émile Puech, La conception de la vie future dans le livre de la Sagesse et les manuscrits de la mer Morte: un aperçu This note, a lecture at a congress, presents first the data on the Israelite and Jewish presence in Egypt until the date of the composition of Wisdom around the end of the 1st century BC in order to situate the inculturation of the group and to better understand an important point of the history of the beliefs: the concept of the everlasting life. It appears that Wisdom and the Dead Sea scrolls do not essentially differ on this matter, each giving its anthropological and cosmological concepts within its specific language. RdQ 21/2 (2003) 209–232
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790 Igor R. Tantlevskij, The Wisdom of Solomon, the Therapeutae and the Dead Sea Scrolls A series of parallels are available between the Wisdom of Solomon and the religious views and practice of the Essenes and their Egyptian branch, the Therapeutae. In this regard, several aspects are specifically Essenic. On the other hand, it seems that in this pseudepigraph, there is nothing unacceptable for the Essenes. One should suppose that the Wisdom of Solomon was composed in the milieu of the Therapeutae or at least in the circles closely connected with them. The Qumran Chronicle 11/1 (2003) 107–115
791 Maurice Gilbert, Sagesse 3,7–9; 5,15–23 et l’apocalyptique This paper concentrates on two texts from Wisdom generally considered as apocalyptic, belonging to the same eschatological section of the book, and dealing with the future destiny of the righteous and the wicked. According to 3,7–9 in the eschaton the transformated righteous will participate in the destruction of the impious: as a destructive fire of an eschatological combat they will judge nations and rule over peoples. But in 5,15–23 it is God alone who will destroy the evildoers and the righteous do not take part in this combat. It shows that the eschatological doctrine of Wisdom is not totally coherent and that its author uses different traditions without trying to harmonise them. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 307–322
792 Martin Ebner, Wo findet die Weisheit ihren Ort? Weisheitskonzepte in Konkurrenz Dieser Beitrag skizziert die unterschiedlichen Weisheitsverständnisse der beiden konkurrierenden “Schulen” um Jesus Sirach (Weisheit wohnt im Tempel, von hier geben Schriftgelehrte praktische Weisungen für das alltägliche Leben; die Weisheit basiert auf der Tora und ist der Allgemeinheit zugänglich) und äthHen (Weisheit ist verborgen und offenbart sich nur einzelnen Weisen in Form von Träumen und Visionen, die in erster Linie vom Ende der Zeit handeln; die Weisen werden beim Gericht gerettet; die Weisheit basiert auf der “Tora des Henoch”). Besondere Berücksichtigung findet der Streit um die Kalenderfrage (Sonne oder Mond), der veranschaulicht, wie sich die verschiedenen Weisheitsverständnisse in der gesellschaftlichen Wirklichkeit niederschlagen. Die Sympathien des Verfassers liegen übrigens bei Sir. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 79–103 (SP)
793 Bogdan Poniûy, Poga…ska wizja ûycia i jej teksty Ωród∑owe (Mdr 1,16–2,24) Dem Verfasser des Weisheitsbuches nach sollen Festhalten und Beharren auf den Glauben der Väter und derer Traditionen die Antwort der Diaspora-Juden auf die heidnischen Einflüsse des Alttags sein. Die entsprechende Argumentation wurde durch den Verfasser sowohl positiv als auch negativ artikuliert (Weish 1,16–2,24). Voll Ironie und Sarkasmus zeigt er u.a. die negativen Konsequenzen der Untreue und Abtrünnigkeit: Hedonismus und Lebensgenuss münden in ein Unglück ein. Die heidnische Auffassung des menschlichen Lebens und dessen Begründung wird ebenfalls im Beitrag untersucht und traditions- und religionsgeschichtlich eingeordnet. PozST 13 (2002) 7–20 [SS]
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794 Manfred Görg, Die indirekten Adressaten der Religionskritik in Weish 13,1f Auseinandersetzungen mit Kritikern der Auslegung des Vfs., dass sich Weish 13,1f gegen Ptah-Theologie in Alexandrien richtet. BN 117 (2003) 15–18 (US)
✩ 795 Johannes Marböck, Text und Übersetzung – Horizonte einer Auslegung im Prolog zum griechischen Sirach Der bekannte und geschätzte Spezialist für Jesus Sirach widmet sich hier ausführlich dem Proömium zu diesem Buch. Dafür legt er eine neue Übersetzung vor, mit Gliederung und Datierung (etwa 117 v. Chr.), weist die starke hellenistische Rhetorik auf und bestimmt als zentrales Thema den Reichtum und den daraus folgenden generativen Impuls der bereits schriftlich vorliegenden (dreigeteilten) Traditionen Israels von Tora, Propheten und den übrigen Büchern – der Weisheit des Volkes. Das Werk Jesus Sirach (von Großvater und Enkel) will diesen Traditionen folgend die Tora aktualisieren und vergegenwärtigen. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 99–116
796 Benjamin G. Wright III, Why a Prologue? Ben Sira’s Grandson and His Greek Translation The prologue of the translation of the Wisdom of Ben Sira contains evidence that suggests that Ben Sira’s grandson translated his grandfather’s book of wisdom on an ad hoc basis, not as part of some carefully preplanned translation project. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 633–644
797 Jeremy Corley, Wisdom versus Apocalyptic and Science in Sirach 1,1–10 In his opening poem Ben Sira wishes to restate the biblical presupposition that all wisdom comes as a gift from the one God. Whereas Jewish apocalypticists claimed Enoch as the revealer of the secrets of the celestial bodies and of meteorology, and while Greek scientists attempted to calculate the number of sand grains on the seashore, or the distance of the sun from earth, Ben Sira sees these topics as mysteries known only to God. Thus he directs the attention of his students to the wisdom granted by God to those who love him, centred on the Torah given to Israel. Such wisdom forms the subject of the rest of the sage’s book. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 269–285
798 Eric D. Reymond, Remarks on Ben Sira’s “Instruction on Shame”, Sirach 41,14–42,8 In past commentaries and translations of the “Instruction on Shame”, critics have failed to address the distinction between the two constructions bw“ + min and bw“ + 'al; they have obscured the explicit meaning of these phrases in the first lines of the poem; and, they have neglected to explain the idiosyncratic, unpredictable syntax of the entire poem implied by their translations. In the present article, it is argued that 1) bw“ + min expresses a more specific relationship than bw“ + 'al; 2) both prepositions (min and 'al ) should be translated as expressing cause; and 3) each prepositional phrase in the two series of preposition-fronted verses (41,17–42,1b and 42,2–8b) modifies the predicate
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that heads its respective sentence. This last argument means that 41,20a.22d and 42,6–7, usually considered independent clauses, should be understood as subordinate phrases like the phrases that surround these cola. Complementing the interpretation of the prepositional phrases is an explanation of the difficult bicolon 42,1e–f, based, not on parallelism as elsewhere, but on attested biblical idioms. These new interpretations are essential for a proper appreciation of Ben Sira’s poem in particular as well as of his poetic style in general. ZAW 115/3 (2003) 388–400
NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS Introduction – General 799 Antonio Piñero et al., The Study of the New Testament. A Comprehensive Introduction Translated from the Spanish (1995) and revised for the English edition, this is a magisterial introduction. Its focus is on philology, textual criticism, methods of interpretation, and relevant Jewish and ancient sources. Key sections deal with: the history of NT interpretation, Koiné and the NT, lexicography, the history of the NT text, the NT and rabbinic literature, sociological methods, literary stylistics. Much literature is listed and critically evaluated. The two Spanish authors, A. Piñero and J. Peláez, are to be congratulated on their achievement. This is a manual one wishes to have near one’s study desk. (Available from Deo Publishing, Scholeksterstraat 16, NL-2352 EE Leiderdorp, The Netherlands.) Tools for Biblical Study; Deo Publishing, Leiden (2003) XXII/1–579 (BL)
800 Steve Mason et al. (eds.), Early Christian Reader This is an annotated and expanded New Testament, expanded by the inclusion of some non-canonical writings such as the Didache, the gospel of Thomas, and the Ignatius letters. The writings are arranged chronologically so that the collection starts with 1 Thessalonians and ends with 1 Clement and the Ignatius letters. The translation used is the New Revised Standard Version, for some of the other writings, the translation of M.W. Holmes is here reprinted. Those who are looking for an up-todate one-volume commentary on the NT are well served by the present work. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) VII/1–780 (BL)
801 Helmut Merklein (ed.), Stuttgarter Neues Testament The book prints the text of the Catholic “Einheitsübersetzung” together with brief commentaries inserted into the text in the form of indented paragraphs. A glossary of biblical terms is also included. Though slightly edited and revised, all the reference material is adapted from an “Erklärungsbibel”, an edition of Luther’s translation in a revised version, available in various editions (1977, 1982, 1992). Useful for lay readers and students. Katholische Bibelanstalt, Stuttgart (2000) 1–589 (BL)
802 Walter Schmithals, Paulus, die Evangelien und das Urchristentum Schmithals, who taught at the Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany, is known for his work on R. Bultmann (whose student he was), his rejection of the form-criticism of the synoptic gospels (for he took the gospel authors to be creative writers, and not
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just collectors of oral tradition), and his assumption that the Pauline letters represent heavily edited texts challenging the researcher to reconstruct their original form. The present book collects 25 of Schmithals’s papers and three critical essays on his work (by A. Lindemann, F.W. Horn, E. Grässer, and J. Schröter) as a tribute to honor him on the occasion of his eightieth birthday. There is also a bibliography of the publications of Schmithals (pp. 805–815) covering the years 1993–2002 and supplementing earlier bibliographies. – For 1952–1982, see W. Schmithals, Bekenntnis und Gewissen, Berlin 12983, 185–208; for 1983–1992, see ThLZ 118, 1993, 1089–1095. AGJU 54; Brill, Leiden (2004) XI/1–841 (BL)
803 Günther Schwarz, Worte des Rabbi Jeschu. Eine Wiederherstellung The author is well-known for his retroversions of NT passages into their (presumed) Aramaic original. Here he offers one hundred brief gospel passages in his own German, Aramaic-based version (unfortunately, but understandably, without scholarly apparatus). The Lord’s prayer is rendered as follows: “Lass geheiligt werden deine Gegenwart! Lass sich ausbreiten deine Herrschaft! Lass geschehen deinen Willen! Lass uns geben unsere Nahrung! Lass uns vergeben unsere Sünden! Lass uns retten aus unserer Versuchung!” The accompanying commentary explains that the forgiveness is after death, when God tells his angelic judge to pronounce a favourable sentence. While there are many controversial renderings, there are also well-argued ones that merit consideration, e.g. the reconstruction of the myth of the “Pregnant Woman and the Dragon” from Rev 12 and 20 (p. 191ff.). Verlag Styria, Graz (2003) 1–200 (BL)
Gospels and Acts of the Apostles Gospels: general ★ synoptic problem 804 Oscar Cullmann, Les récentes études sur la formation de la tradition évangelique Wiederabdruck eines in RHPhR 5 (1925) erstmals erschienenen gleichnamigen Aufsatzes des 1999 verstorbenen Neutestamentlers Oscar Cullmann. Es handelt sich um einen forschungsgeschichtlichen Überblick über die bis Anfang des 20. Jh. erschienenen formgeschichtlichen Untersuchungen zu den Evangelien. RHPhR 83/1 (2003) 5–39 (NvM)
805 Lee Martin McDonald, The Gospels in Early Christianity: Their Origin, Use, and Authority McDonald shows how the Gospels were received in the early Christian church. This process began with their use and acknowledged authority in the individual churches, and subsequently their acceptance as scriptural documents. In order to show this development, the paper focuses primarily on the first- and second-century church literature, but also on the problem of definition of the literary genre of a “Gospel” during the development of the church. McDonald traces the development of the oral traditions into written memoirs about Jesus and then into the Gospels themselves. Particular attention is also given to the apokryphal gospels. The paper concludes with discussion of the process by which the Gospels that are part of the canon became sacred literature. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 150–178
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806 Ansgar Wucherpfennig, Markus 1,1–3, Johannes 1,1–18 und Herakleons Johannes-Kommentar im Licht christlicher Kanon-Entwicklung Markus stellt sein Evangelium mit seinen ersten Versen neben die prophetischen Schriften des jüdischen Kanons. Johannes stellt sein Evangelium der Tora, die die Sinai-Offenbarung als theologisches Zentrum enthält, als ré-écriture an die Seite. So zeigt sich schon innerhalb des Neuen Testaments eine wachsende Tendenz, die Dignität Heiliger Schrift zu beanspruchen. Die Entstehung des christlichen Kanons im 2. Jh. ist also keineswegs nur aus apologetischen Gründen erfolgt, sondern setzt eine Dynamik fort, die bereits in den neutestamentlichen Schriften grundgelegt ist. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium, Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 227–244 (SP)
807 Ulrich Busse, Theologie und Christologie in drei Evangelien Der Überblick über die theologischen Entwürfe von Mk, Lk und Joh hat ihre größere konzeptionelle Nähe zur biblischen Tradition als zu den Entwürfen von manchen der diasporajüdischen Theologen aufgezeigt. Für die drei Evangelisten steht Gott zu seinem Wort. Wie er die für die Jesuszeit bestimmten Worte eingehalten hat, so wird er die Restmenge der für die Endzeit bestimmten wie auch die Jesus aufgetragenen Worte ebenfalls erfüllen. Er ist gleich geblieben in seinem ungebrochenen Engagement für die Marginalisierten. Doch denken die Evangelisten weniger vom Sinai als von der Schöpfung her. Deshalb sind die Konzepte durchwegs eschatologisch und folglich universal bzw. global orientiert. Die ersehnte Herrschaft Gottes in Fülle ist der Horizont der urchristlichen Ethik. In ihr werden nicht nur die Rechte der Armen, sondern vor allem aus lukanischer Perspektive Israel selbst restituiert. Jesus und die Christologie spielen demgegenüber nur eine dienende Rolle. QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg (2003) 80–101
808 Yolanda Dreyer, Vroue in die Sinoptiese Evangelies – méér as dekoratiewe karakters The aim of the paper is to show that the Synoptic Gospels represent different perspectives on Jesus and gender. From these perspectives Jesus’ narrated vision on the role of the male disciples and the women is described in order to explore some implications of the three visions in Mark, Matthew, and Luke. The focus is on developing a comprehensive philosophy which attests to the full humanity and personhood of women, the equal value of men and women as persons, and the public acknowledgement of their value. The paper demonstrates that gender studies in biblical interpretation can contribute not only to the special interests of women, but also in a broader sense to society as a whole. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1679–1706
809 Wilhelm Pratscher, Divergenz und Konvergenz von Himmel und Erde bei den Synoptikern Das Verhältnis von Himmel und Erde ist insgesamt durch Konvergenz und Divergenz geprägt. Das gilt in unterschiedlicher Ausprägung für die spezielle Theologie, Kosmologie, Christologie und Eschatologie. Die Spanne der Möglichkeiten reicht von der Alltagssprache bis zur betont theologischen Reflexion. Implizit ist in der Rede von Himmel und Erde in der Darstellung ihres Verhältnisses von Divergenz und Konvergenz das Heilsgeschehen als Ganzes präsent. SNTU 28 (2003) 175–185
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810 Thomas O’Loughlin, The Scriptures and Preaching at Eastertide O’Loughlin discusses whether the Gospel writers were primarily interested in preaching the risen Jesus and the possibility of encounter with him, or whether they were thinking in terms of the regular Eucharistic encounter when they wrote, and formed the texts with that ritual situation in mind. There is a tendency, he argues, to imagine that the book came first and then came the Church as when Christians adopt the title ‘people of the book’ for themselves, or use phrases like ‘scripture and tradition’ which has the effect of leaving a mental impression that ‘scripture’ is a well-defined entity and appeared first, and that this was followed by tradition which runs down to this day. Such attitudes forget, he argues, that the very basis of all critical scholarship from the late-nineteenth century onwards was that the book was produced by the church for its needs. ScrB 33/2 (2003) 66–78
811 Mark Allan Powell, Authorial Intent and Historical Reporting: Putting Spong’s Literalization Thesis to the Test John Shelby Spong’s thesis that a post-canonical process of literalization caused episodes in the Gospels to be misunderstood as historical narratives when they had been intended by their authors and received by their original readers as purely metaphorical tales does not hold up to the scrutiny of either literary or historical analysis. It is also theologically unnecessary, motivated apparently by a drive to legitimate a reading of the texts that is better obtained through a recognition of the hermeneutical limits of authorial intent, an appreciation for polyvalence, and an adoption of postmodern reading strategies. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 225–249
812 Jörg Frey, Die Scholien nach dem “jüdischen Evangelium” und das sogenannte Nazoräerevangelium “Wenn zu allen drei in der Forschung ‘etablierten’ judenchristlichen Evangelienschriften textliche Parallelen in der verzweigten Diatessaron-Überlieferung vorliegen, dann ist dies zwar kein Argument dafür, diese unterschiedlichen Werke miteinander zu identifizieren, es zeigt aber die gemeinsame Teilhabe an einem Überlieferungsstrom, der offenbar doch wesentlich vielfältiger und differenzierter war, als dies aufgrund der äußerst fragmentarischen Überlieferungslage zu rekonstruieren ist. So ist auch die Herausdifferenzierung eines vierten, durch die auf ein “ioudaicon” zurückweisenden Scholien zum Mt repräsentierten “jüdischen Evangeliums” nur ein weiterer Schritt der Unterscheidung judenchristlicher Evangelientraditionen, die insgesamt wohl so vielfältig waren wie das antike Judenchristentum selbst” (137). ZNW 94/1–2 (2003) 122–137
✩ 813 Jens Schröter, Walter Schmithals und die synoptische Tradition: Darstellung und Kritik einer originellen Lösung des synoptischen Problems R. Bultmann’s work focussed on (1) the transformation, the originally oral Jesus-tradition underwent in the early Christian community (Bultmann, History of the Synoptic Tradition), (2) the NT theology that developed out of the Pre-Pauline kerygmatic tradition (Bultmann, Theology of the NT). According to Schmithals, these two theories cannot be reconciled, and he decided that the assumption of an originally orally transmitted Jesuanic tradition must be wrong, and the same is true of the form-critical approach to the gospel materials. Accordingly, Schmithals thought of the gospel authors not as traditionists but as creative theologians. Schröter explains that while Schmithals
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has indeed seen a central weakness in Bultmann’s approach, his denial of a living tradition about Jesus is unjustified. – Some of Schmithals’s relevant papers are included in the volume (pp. 275–520). AGJU 54; C. Breytenbach (ed.), Paulus, die Evangelien und das Urchristentum; Brill, Leiden (2004) 777–803 (BL)
814 Mark Goodacre, On Choosing and Using Appropriate Analogies: A Response to F. Gerald Downing F. Gerald Downing claims that Mark Goodacre’s ‘The Synoptic Jesus and the Celluloid Christ’ effectively ‘dissolves the Synoptic Problem’ by using the anachronistic analogies of film instead of more appropriate, ancient analogies for Luke’s procedure (IRBS 48:694). But Downing has misread Goodacre’s article, the point of which is to demonstrate that contemporary artists (the film-makers) do not share Q theorists’ aesthetic preference for Matthew’s ordering of the Sermon on the Mount material over Luke’s. It is important to understand the way that a given analogy functions in the context of a given argument. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 237–240
815 John S. Kloppenborg, On Dispensing with Q?: Goodacre on the Relation of Luke to Matthew The case against Q depends logically on the plausibility of Luke’s direct use of Matthew. Goodacre’s carefully argued book (The Case Against Q: Studies in Markan Priority and the Synoptic Problem, Harrisburg PA 2002) contends (a) that none of the objections to the Mark-without-Q hypothesis is valid; (b) that given certain assumptions about Luke’s aesthetic preferences, it is plausible that he systematically reordered the ‘Q’ material from Matthew; (c) that Luke’s rearrangement of Matthew shows as much intelligence and purposefulness as Matthew’s; and (d) that certain features of the ‘Q’ in Luke 3–7 betray the influence of Matthean redaction. Careful scrutiny of these arguments shows that (a) is only partially true; that Goodacre’s assumptions about Lukan aesthetics (b) are open to serious objection; and that while (c) is true, Goodacre’s argument in (d) ultimately cuts against his case against Q. NTS 49/2 (2003) 210–236
816 Paul Foster, Is It Possible to Dispense with Q? Solutions to the Synoptic Problem that argue for Markan priority, but the non-existence of Q as the basis of the double tradition material continue to attract scholars. The best known of these theories, the Farrer-Goulder hypothesis arguing for Luke’s direct use of Matthew, has been championed most recently by Mark Goodacre. He reworks some of the previous arguments in favour of that hypothesis as well as offering a number of new arguments. This paper assesses the validity of such arguments and the claim that it is now possible to finally dispense with Q. NT 45/4 (2003) 313–337
817 Alex Damm, Ornatus: An Application of Rhetoric to the Synoptic Problem In this essay the author considers ancient rhetoric as a means to suggest synoptic relationships. Focusing on the stylistic virtue of ornatus (“adornment”), he examines three triple tradition sentences in which the gospel of Mark employs a word used nowhere by the gospels of Luke or Matthew. Focusing on the relationship between Mark and the other gospels, he asks whether it is more likely that Mark adds the word to Matthew and/or Luke on the Two-Gospel Hypothesis, or whether Matthew and/or Luke delete it from Mark on the Two-Document Hypothesis. His study leads him to two conclusions. On grounds of ornatus, editing on either source hypothesis is plausible. But such editing on the Two-Document Hypothesis is more plausible, since Mark’s addition of
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each word would entail the unlikely discovery of near-perfect or coincidentally co-ordinated literary patterns in Matthew and/or Luke. NT 45/4 (2003) 338–364
818 James D.G. Dunn, Altering the Default Setting: Re-envisaging the Early Transmission of the Jesus Tradition The literary mindset (“default setting”) of modern Western culture prevents those trained in that culture from recognizing that oral cultures operate differently. The classic solution to the Synoptic problem, and the chief alternatives, have envisaged the relationships between the Gospel traditions in almost exclusively literary terms. But the earliest phase of transmission of the Jesus tradition was without doubt predominantly by word of mouth. And recent studies of oral cultures provide several characteristic features of oral tradition. Much of the Synoptic tradition, even in its present form, reflects in particular the combination of stability and flexibility so characteristic of the performances of oral tradition. Re-envisaging the early transmission of the Jesus tradition therefore requires us to recognize that the literary paradigm (including a clearly delineated Q document) is too restrictive in the range of possible explanations it offers for the diverse/divergent character of Synoptic parallels. Variation in detail may simply attest the character of oral performance rather than constituting evidence of literary redaction. NTS 49/2 (2003) 139–175
819 Armin D. Baum, Oral poetry und synoptische Frage. Analogien zu Umfang, Variation und Art der synoptischen Wortlautidentität Die Oral-poetry-Forschung lässt den Schluss zu, dass die Synoptiker eigenständige Niederschläge desselben mündlich tradierten Erzählguts sind. In der mündlichen Literatur Südjugoslawiens und Westafrikas gibt es zwischen einzelnen Fassungen derselben Erzählung ähnliche Übereinstimmungen und Abweichungen wie zwischen Mk und Lk. ThZ 59/1 (2003) 17–34 (MW)
820 Craig A. Evans, Sorting Out the Synoptic Problem: Why an Old Approach Is Still Best Mit dem Einzug des Literary Criticism in die Evangelienexegese geraten diachrone Herangehensweisen zunehmend aus der Mode. Der synoptischer Vergleich, der auf der Basis der Zweiquellentheorie versucht, das Verhältnis der Paralleltexte zueinander zu bestimmen, bietet jedoch eine gute Möglichkeit, die spezifischen Eigenheiten der synoptischen Evangelien herauszuarbeiten. Dies veranschaulicht der Verfasser anhand von einigen Beispielen. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 1–26 (SP)
Sayings Source (“Q”) 821 Peter M. Head et al., Q Review This review article focuses on recent treatments of Q, the sayings source widely believed to stand behind the common material in Matthew and Luke (the double tradition). We begin with some recent works against the Q hypothesis, before examining the work of the International Q Project, including their Critical Edition of Q and Kloppenborg Verbin’s Excavating Q. We then turn to a more detailed treatment of Casey’s Aramaic Approach to Q , which seeks to reconstruct the original Aramaic text of material common to Matthew and Luke. Discussion of these works suggests that contrary to the claims implicit in several studies it is not possible to reconstruct the actual wording of Q in either Greek or Aramaic with any confidence. TynB 54/1 (2003) 119–144
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822 Gerhard Nel, Die soeke na die betekenis van Q: Inleidende opmerkings oor die geskiedenis van Q-navorsing In this paper a few introductory remarks are made on the history of the research done in respect of the Sayings Source. The questions regarding the actual existence and origin of Q are briefly discussed in the first part of the paper. Four aspects of Q research are addressed: Q is a document which shows its own integrity; the distinction between tradition and redaction in Q; stratifications and phases in the development of Q ; the wisdom character of the material in Q. HTS 59/2 (2003) 475–487
823 Antoni Paciorek, Galilejskie pochodzenie synoptycznego Ωród∑a Q Galilean towns, like Capernaum, Bethsaida and Chorazin, mentioned in Q suggest a Galilean origin of the document. Other places mentioned there, both the ones that actually existed then (Tyre, Sidon, Jerusalem), and ones existing only in the imagination of people of those times who knew the Old Testament (Sodom, Nineveh) are mentioned from the perspective of one who is situated centrally with respect to them. This speaks for Galilee as the place where the writers of Q were staying. Numerous images and metaphors from agricultural, rural life, but also from urban life, confirm this opinion. A positive image of tie nature suggests urbanization of Galilee in not a distant time. According to the author of the article the document could be written on the area between Tiberias and Nazareth. RocT 49/1 (2002) 65–75 [SS]
824 Dennis Ingolfsland, Kloppenborg’s Stratification of Q and Its Significance for Historical Jesus Studies Reviews and examines Kloppenborg’s “The formation of Q” (1987) and “Excavating Q” (2000). For Kloppenborg Q was ignorant of the Pauline tradition and knew nothing of Jesus’ atoning death and resurrection. The author’s concluding result reads as follows: “that Kloppenborg, an obviously brillant and meticulous scholar, has not demonstrated the stratification of Q , much less the presence of a competing soteriology in the early church” (232). JETS 46/2 (2003) 217–232 (BF)
825 Jens Schröter, Die Bedeutung der Q-Überlieferungen für die Interpretation der frühen Jesustradition “Die Beobachtungen zum Anfang von Q legen es nahe, mit einer partiellen Überlappung von Mk und Q zu rechnen, die bei Mt und Lk notwendigerweise nur partiell in Erscheinung tritt (65) . . . Der Beitrag von Q besteht in der Aufnahme wichtiger Aspekte der Wirksamkeit des irdischen Jesus, die im Licht der Schriften Israels gedeutet und auf diese Weise zu einem Bestandteil der Geschichte des Urchristentums werden. Hierzu gehört die gegenüber Mk wesentlich intensivere Beschreibung des Verhältnisses von Johannes und Jesus, hierzu gehört die Interpretation der Wirksamkeit Jesu als des vollmächtigen Repräsentanten Gottes, hierzu gehört die schroffe Forderung der Nachfolge, die zwischen dem Jüngerkreis und dem ablehnenden Israel scheidet. Durch diese Aspekte, die sich noch ergänzen ließen, entsteht das Bild Jesu, das in den Q-Texten entworfen wird und auf diese Weise zur Erinnerung an Jesus im Urchristentum beiträgt. Dieses Bild besitzt keine historische Präferenz vor Mk, bei dem vielmehr andere, in historischer Hinsicht ebenso gewichtige Aspekte verarbeitet wurden, es stellt jedoch einen wichtigen Beitrag für eine Rekonstruktion des historischen Jesus aus den vorhandenen Zeugnissen des Urchristentums dar” (66f.). ZNW 94/1–2 (2003) 38–67
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826 L. Ann Jervis, Suffering for the Reign of God. The Persecution of Disciples in Q The standard understanding of Q’s presentation of the suffering entailed in discipleship is Deuteronomistic; just as the Deuteronomistic history describes prophets being persecuted and even killed when they preached repentance, so does Q present Jesus’ followers. The Deuteronomistic explanation, however fails to reckon adequately with the fact that Q does not portray Jesus’ disciples as prophets preaching repentance, and that the cause of their suffering is not Israels refusal to repent. Rather, Q’s understanding of discipleship suffering is that it is the means by which the reign of God is extended. NT 44/4 (2002) 313–332
827 Antoni Paciorek, “Syn Boûy” i “Syn Cz∑owieczy” w chrystologii Ωród∑a Q The title “Son of God” appears in Q only in the pericope about the tempting of Christ (Luke 4,1–13). Jesus’ only and exclusive relation to the Father is a significant point of confrontation between Jesus and his opponent. Contrary to Israel carried across the desert like the Son by his Father (Deut 1:31; 8:5) and again and again succumbing to temptations, Jesus proves to be a true “Son of God” behaving according to God’s orders; the only Obedient one. The title “Son” in Q (Luke 10:21) finds its roots in the wisdom circle. Pronouncements about the Father, typical of Jesus, have affected the understanding of Sonship in the sense of mutual cognition and in consequence in the sense of revelation. After discussing the ideological context of the phrase “Son of Man” the author analyses Jesus’ pronouncements concerning the Son of Man. They point to the Son of Man acting on Earth and to the Son of Man appearing at the judgement. The article is concluded with a review of opinions about the historical authenticity of the discussed statements. Acceptance of the substantial authenticity of the statements concerning the Son of Man seems justified, although the influence of a Christian hand is not ruled out. RocT 48/1 (2001) 81–103 [SS]
828 Daniel A. Smith, Revisiting the Empty Tomb: The Post-Mortem Vindication of Jesus in Mark and Q Q 13:34–35 connects Jesus’ disappearance with his future eschatological role as the “Coming One” in a manner suggestive of other Jewish materials that understand the assumption of a prophet or sage as the basis of a special eschatological function. If Q also betrays a knowledge of Jesus’ death, the assumption of Jesus becomes, for Q, the mode of his post-mortem vindication. Mark’s “Empty Tomb” story (Mark 16:1–8) may be seen as a post-mortem disappearance narrative; this raises the possibility that Q and Mark (or a pre-Markan source) may have expressed a belief in Jesus’ vindication by God in quite similar terms. NT 45/2 (2003) 123–137
829 Simon Gathercole, The Justification of Wisdom (Matt 11.19b/Luke 7.35) This article challenges the conventional translation and interpretation of the perplexing aphorism in Matt 11.19/Luke 7.35. Linguistic evidence in particular indicates that the phrase should not be interpreted as defiant (“but Wisdom is justified by her deeds/ children”). The initial kai should be read as a simple connective rather than an adversative. The edikaiòthè . . . apo refers to the separation or dissociation of Wisdom from the ministries of John and Jesus according to this generation. Jesus’ statement is a bitter complaint, then, of the lack of response by his contemporaries to the message of the kingdom. Matthew’s version should be rendered: “And Wisdom has been absolved of
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her deeds.” Luke 7.35, similarly, can be translated: “And Wisdom has been dissociated from her children.” NTS 49/4 (2003) 476–488
830 Crispin H.T. Fletcher-Louis, “Leave the Dead to Bury their own Dead”: Q 9.60 and the Redefinition of the People of God The “consensus” interpretation of Q 9.60, according to which, following M. Hengel, Jesus demands a break with Torah for those who follow him in light of the imminence of the kingdom, is shown to be historically and conceptually inadequate. Also unsatisfactory is M. Bockmuehl’s suggestion that Jesus here invites the would-be disciple to take up a Nazirite vow. Rather, Jesus’ words should be understood, first, in the context of the widespread (and pre-Christian) Jewish view that those outside the people of God are spiritually “dead”; and second, by comparison with the evidence that Jews used (non-)burial as a means to define the boundary between true membership of the covenant family and apostasy. Jews could, on occasion, actively, and violently, deny burial to their fellow Jews whom they deemed apostate. Jesus advocates detachment from responsibility for the burial of such people, but not violence. JSNT 26/1 (2003) 39–68
831 Markus Bockmuehl, “Leave the Dead to Bury their own Dead”: A Brief Clarification in Reply to Crispin H.T. Fletcher-Louis Es handelt sich um eine Antwort auf die von C.H.T. Fletscher-Louis in seinem Artikel “Leave the Dead to Bury their own Dead”: Q 9.60 and the Redefinition of the People of God geäußerten Kritik an den Behauptungen des Verf. zu der genannten Stelle in dessen Buch Jewish Law in Gentile Churches (pp. 23–48). Insbesondere hat der Verf. das NasiräerGelübde nie als eine Forderung Jesu an seine Jünger interpretiert, sondern es als einen möglichen analogischen Kontext für Q 9,60 vorgeschlagen. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 241–242 (DL)
832 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, And Lead Us Not into Temptation The sixth petition of the “Our Father” has been translated in various ways across the centuries. This article discusses its literal meaning and the permissive paraphrases of it, explaining the sense of “temptation” and God’s activity in “leading” into it, as well as the various subterfuges adopted to avoid the obvious meaning of the Greek formulation, including its supposed Aramaic substratum. It concludes with a pastoral explanation of the petition. Bib. 84/2 (2003) 259–278
Parallel passages 833 N.H. Taylor, The destruction of Jerusalem and the transmission of the Synoptic eschatological discourse This study examines the eschatological discourses in Matthew and Luke. Each is considered in its narrative context, and with detailed attention given to developments in the transmission from their common source, Mark. While both reflect awareness of historical events during the period between the composition of Mark and the time of writing, they relate to the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple very differently. While Matthew is clearly written after 70 CE, the eschatological discourse is not influenced by the events of that period. The eschatological discourse in Luke, on the other hand, has been fundamentally reshaped in the light of those events. HTS 59/2 (2003) 283–311
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834 Michael Goulder, Two Significant Minor Agreements (Mat. 4:13 Par; Mat. 26:67–68 Par.) Three of our oldest witnesses, Origen and P70 from the third century, and Eusebius from the fourth, read Nazara at Mat. 2:23, and this should be accepted as the original, as at 4:13. Matthew is probably inferring the form from his (amended) citation of Jg. 13:5,7, Nazòraios estai, on analogy with Ioudaios, Iouda. So Nazara is Matthaean, and Luke’s use of the Matthaean form at Lk. 4:16 is an indication that he knows Matthew’s Gospel. At 26:67–68 Matthew has divided the mockers into two groups. The first spit in Jesus’ face, and punch it, and the evangelist therefore suppresses Mark’s blindfolding, which would protect Jesus. The second group belabour Jesus with sticks from around and behind; as he cannot see them, the “Prophesy!” taunt is transferred to them, with its explanatory, “Who is it who smote you?” Luke has the same addition of five words in the same order, including a hapax. It is difficult to resist the conclusion here that Luke knew Matthew’s Gospel. NT 45/4 (2003) 365–373
835 Antoni Paciorek, “Zobaczcie lilie na polu . . .” (Mt 6,28 par.). Jezusowy zakaz troszczenia si\ o pokarm i odzienie w tradycji synoptycznej. Eine literarische und redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung der Sprüche Jesu vom Sorgen: “Lernt von den Lilien . . .” (cf. Mt 6,25–33; Lk 12,22–31). Zuerst versucht der Verfasser ipsissima intentio / verba Jesu und deren “Sitz im Leben” zu erfassen und danach traditions-(Q) redaktionsgeschichtliche (Mt – Lk) Bearbeitung dieser Aussage Jesu wahrzunehmen. Jedesmal wird der neue “Sitz im Leben” bestimmt und davon abhängig ein neuer Sinn der Aussage berücksichtigt. RBL 55 (2002) 133–146 [SS]
836 Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, The Prayer of Petition (Matthew 7:7–11 and Par.) One of the acute problems of the early church was the tension between the absolute promise of Jesus and the fact that worthy prayers were not answered. Two types of solution developed. The more popular, drawing on Jewish precedent in the Old Testament, took the easy option, and blamed the petitioner for various forms of inadequacy. The other recognized the incarnational character of grace, and thus saw Christians as the hands and ears of God. When they listened to the needs of others and responded God heard and acted. RB 110/3 (2003) 399–416
837 Gerd Theißen, Die goldene Regel (Matthäus 7:12//Lukas 6:31): Über den Sitz im Leben ihrer positiven und negativen Form Der Unterschied zwischen der Goldenen Regel in ihrer negativen und positiven Form ist sachlich und historisch für ihr Verständnis relevant. Die negative Form verlangt ein Unterlassen von Handlungen und wird schon in der Antike als universale Forderung gegenüber allen Menschen formuliert. Ihre positive Form, die ein Initiativhandeln verlangt, wird dagegen in vorchristlicher Zeit nur auf besondere soziale Beziehungen, auf das Verhältnis von Freunden, Familienangehörigen und auf den Herrscher bezogen. Feldrede und Bergpredigt machen die positive Form zum Ethos für alle Beziehungen. Sie übertragen damit ein Herrschaftsethos auf kleine Leute und machen ein Verhalten, das oft Freunde und Familienangehörige meinte, zum Verhalten gegenüber allen Menschen. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 386–399
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838 Gerd Theißen, Das Zeichen des Jona – Von der Menschenfreundlichkeit Gottes (Lk 11,29–32 parr) Jona ist eine von zwei Prophetengestalten, die in der Jesusüberlieferung zentral sind. Er begegnet in zwei unabhängigen Wortüberlieferungen, im Apophtegma von der Zeichenforderung (Mt 16,1–4) und im Doppelspruch über die Königin des Südens und Jona (Lk 11,31f.). Der Doppelspruch ist ursprünglich wahrscheinlich eine typologisch gemeinte Aussage Jesu über Johannes den Täufer gewesen. Die Übertragung des Spruches auf Jesus beruht vermutlich auf der Kombination aus dem Apophtegma vom Zeichen des Jona mit dem Doppelspruch. Im Apophtegma von der Zeichenforderung wird eine typologische Entsprechung zwischen Jona und dem Menschensohn zum Ausdruck gebracht, der in Richtergestalt erwartet, Retterfunktion hatte. Die Umkehr der Menschen in Israel hatte das durch die Ankündigung Johannes des Täufers erwartete Gericht aufgeschoben, worin sich letztlich die Menschenfreundlichkeit Gottes zeigt. Arndt Meinhold u.a. (Hg.), Der Freund des Menschen, Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 181–193 (EB)
839 Rainer Riesner, Back to the Historical Jesus through Paul and His School (The Ransom Logion – Mark 10.45; Matthew 20.28) Luke knew the Ransom logion (Mk 10.45/Mt. 20.28) from his special tradition. In the ethical context of Jesus’ farewell address, Luke (22.27) replaced it by another word of Jesus. But at three other prominent places Luke made use of parts of the Ransom logion. The introduction is cited in Lk. 19.10. According to Luke, Paul referred to the Ransom logion in his farewell address at Miletus in a sacrificial (Acts 20.28) and in an ethical (Acts 20.35) dimension, thus showing the apostle to be a true follower of Jesus. Reminiscences of the Ransom logion can be found in two other texts of the Pauline school with possible connections to Luke (Col. 1.13–14; 1 Tim. 2.5–6). Already Paul knew the Ransom logion. With some kind of introductory formula he gives its substance in 1 Cor. 9.19–23 and 10.33–11.1 and there are other probable (1 Cor. 7.22–23; Phil. 2.7; Rom. 5.15) or possible (Gal. 1.4; 1.10; 2.17, 20; 3.13; 4.5; Rom. 15.8–9) allusions. The Ransom logion might have played a role in the dispute between Paul and Peter at Antioch (Gal. 2.17–21) around 48 and apparently has shaped the pre-Pauline credal formula in 1 Cor. 15.3–5 in the 30s. All this strengthens the trust in the authenticity of the Ransom logion. The tradition history of this particular logion might offer some general insights in the different streams of the Jesus tradition in the early Church. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 171–199
840 Rainer Nicklas et al., Essig auf der “Klobürste” – Der Schwamm am Stock als Zeichen des Spotts. Kulturgeschichtliche Notiz zu Mk 15,36 par. Mt 27,48 ( Joh 19,29) Die letzte Verspottung Jesu bildete der Essigschwamm am Stock. Dieses Gerät diente in ntl. Zeit als Gerät zur Reinigung des Analbereichs. BN 117 (2003) 27–32 (US)
Parables – miracles – Sermon on the Mount 841 Ronald F. Hock, Romancing the Parables of Jesus The aim of this study is to illustrate the value of Greek novels or romances by using them in the interpretation of three specific parables: The Prodigal Son (Luke 15:11–32), The Unmerciful Servant (Matt 18:23–35), and The Laborers in the Vineyard (Matt 20:1–16). Four romances are especially important for analyzing the parables: Chariton’s Callirhoe; Xenophon’s Ephesian Tale, Achilles Tatius’ Clitophon and Leucippe, and Longus’ Daphnis and Chloe. Romancing the parables of Jesus means taking seriously two formal
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features of parabolai, their use of unnamed characters and especially their use of everyday life. PRSt 29/1 (2002) 11–37 (SP)
842 Andreas Lindemann, Wunder und Wirklichkeit. Anmerkungen zur gegenwärtigen exegetischen Diskussion über die Hermeneutik neutestamentlicher Wundererzählungen Gegenstand dieses Beitrags ist die Frage nach der theologisch sachgemäßen Auslegung der Wundererzählungen der synoptischen Evangelien. Nach einer Übersicht über die unterschiedlichen Interpretationen der Wundererzählungen in der Kirchen- und Theologiegeschichte sowie einer kritischen Skizze der neueren Diskussion zeigt Lindenmann am Beispiel der Erzählung von der Sturmstillung in Mk 4,35–41, dass das Verstehen einer neutestamentlichen Wundererzählung nicht darauf angewiesen ist, dass die Frage nach dem hinter der Erzählung vielleicht zu vermutenden “faktischen” Ereignis beantwortet wird; es geht vielmehr um das Verstehen des uns überlieferten Textes. WuD 27 (2003) 179–200 (SP)
843 Wolfgang Stegemann, Dekonstruktion des rationalistischen Wunderbegriffs. Plädoyer für eine kulturanthropologische Deutung der Wundergeschichten Stegemann kritisiert an der traditionellen Wunderkritik, dass sie anachronistisch und eurozentristisch ist. “Sie beurteilt und deutet die Texte aus dem Erfahrungshorizont und an den Maßstäben und Erkenntnissen unserer modernen mitteleuropäischen bzw. überhaupt westlichen Kultur.” (73) Dies veranschaulicht Stegemann am Beispiel der Krankheit. In den Evangelien werden Krankheiten nicht diagnostiziert, sondern kommen als körperliche, seelische und soziale Leiden zur Sprache, ohne dass die jeweiligen Facetten dabei klar voneinander unterschieden werden könnten. Dementsprechend kann man die Heilungen Jesu auch nicht im eigentlichen Sinne als Therapien bezeichnen. Jesu Heilpraxis gleicht am ehesten der eines Volksheilers. Er teilt die Weltsicht seiner Klienten, bezieht alle Symptome mit ein, die Behandlung geschieht ambulant und in der Öffentlichkeit und der Heiler ist mit dem Milieu des Klienten vertraut. Frank Crüsemann u.a. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 67–90 (SP)
844 Glen H. Stassen, The Fourteen Triads of the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5:21–7:12) Der Verf. untersucht detailliert und mit anschaulichen Tabellen den strukturellen Aufbau der Bergpredigt: Sie ist symmetrisch aufgebaut mit dem Vaterunser als Angelpunkt und besteht aus vierzehn jeweils als Dreierschritt (Triade) ausgeführten Satzelementen. Z.B.: Du sollst nicht töten (Forderung der Tradition an den Menschen) – Zorn oder Beleidigung des Nächsten (Teufelskreis, in den der Mensch dabei gerät) – Aufruf, sich zu versöhnen (den Menschen verwandelnder Impuls zum rechten Handeln). Das Vierzehner-Schema findet sich auch im matthäischen Stammbaum Jesu (dreimal vierzehn Generationen von Abraham bis Jesus). JBL 122/2 (2003) 267–308 (RM)
845 Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Alternative des Allmächtigen – Gottes Herrschaft und menschliches Handeln in der Bergpredigt Die Bergpredigt gewinnt ihre Plausiblität durch die Wahrnehmung dieser Welt “als dem Ort, an dem die schöpferische Allmacht schon immer in Gestalt der Fürsorge und Güte des himmlischen Vaters tätig ist, und die als solche Gleichnis ist für das,
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was verborgen in der Auferstehung Jesu Christi schon begonnen hat: Der Sieg der Macht der Liebe über die Schatten des Todes.” (41) Dies soll sich bereits in der Nachfolge der Gemeinde spiegeln. ZNT 11 (2003) 34–42 (MW)
846 Ulrich Luz, Die Bergpredigt – politisches Programm oder lebensferne Utopie? Replik auf Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Alternative des Allmächtigen – Gottes Herrschaft und menschliches Handeln in der Bergpredigt, ZNT 11 (2003) 34–42. Die Bergpredigt ist von der Christologie her unter dem Vorzeichen der Gnade zu interpretieren. ZNT 11 (2003) 43–47 (MW)
Matthew: general ★ individual passages 847 Howard Clarke, The Gospel of Matthew and Its Readers. A Historical Introduction to the First Gospel This is not a commentary on the text of Matthew, but a survey of how some early and, especially, some modern readers have responded to the text, its message, its interpretation, or all of these. So Voltaire here appears along with Boswell, John Knox with Arthur Koestler, and Strauss with Renan. The author, professor emeritus of classics, seems to combine erudite table talk with some more in-depth studies, but there is a lightness of touch throughout. Scholars will read this book with much profit for their general culture, though Clarke’s “Matthew” won’t have much impact on their scriptural interpretation. Indiana University Press, Bloomington (2003) XXIV/1–297 (BL)
848 Christian Münch, Die Gleichnisse Jesu im Matthäusevangelium While most of the recent research on the parables of Jesus has either been linguistic or focussed on the reconstruction of the original message of Jesus, Münch seeks to elucidate the specific Matthean understanding of the genre. The book includes a survey of past scholarship, a study of the term “parabolê”, the opening words of the parables, conclusions, and literary techniques in the body of the parables. WMANT 104; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) X/1–331
849 Michelle Slee, The Church in Antioch in the First Century CE: Communion and Conflict The author develops the hypothesis that we have three important early Christian sources that originated in Antioch: Acts 15:28–29 (commonly considered an apostolic decree originating in Jerusalem), the Didache, and the gospel of Matthew. All of the three sources deal with the issue of Gentile individuals who join the Christian community. Slee accepts an early, pre-70 CE dating for the Didache and places Matth between 80 and 100 CE. This study argues that Matthew’s church was fully Torah-observant; this means that gentiles entering the Matthean church did not enter as gentiles but as Jews (albeit as Jews by conversion and not by birth). JSNT.S 244; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) XIII/1–214 (BL)
850 Alan J.P. Garrow, The Gospel of Matthew’s Dependence on the Didache Discovered in the nineteenth century and published in 1883, the Didache is still badly integrated into early Christian studies. Garrow seeks to establish the thesis that Matthew
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used some early form of the Didache to write his gospel. Garrow also explains that the several references in the Didache to a gospel most likely refer to Matthew; these references, however, reflect a secondary layer within the Didache, a “gospel layer”, inserted to subordinate the Didache to Matthew’s gospel. Luke, moreover, is also credited with having used the Didache for composing his gospel. – The overall picture Garrow paints of the process of writing and editing the gospels in their various (presumed) forms is reminiscent of the one suggested by M.-E. Boismard. JSNT.S 254; T. & T. Clark International/Continuum, London (2004) XXXIII/1–272 (BL)
851 Paul Foster, Why Did Matthew Get the Shema Wrong? A Study of Matthew 22:37 Die verschiedentlich vertretene Auffasung, Matthäus sei von Haus aus ein Nichtjude oder allenfalls ein konvertierter Jude und darum nicht in der Lage gewesen, das “ ema' aus Dtn 6,5 korrekt zu zitieren, das ihm doch hätte vertraut sein müssen, ist zu korrigieren. Denn einerseits wurde das “ ema' nicht vor dem dritten Jh.n.C. zum vorgeschriebenen liturgischen Tagesgebet, zum andern waren die Textformen der LXX nicht überall die gleichen. Außerdem fällt auf, dass Matthäus (22,37) jeweils die Präposition en statt – wie in der LXX üblich – ex verwendet, ein Wort, das dem hebräischen be entspräche. Daraus und aus dem sonstigen jüdischen Flair des MtEv meint der Verf. schlussfolgern zu dürfen, dass Matthäus kein ignoranter Heide, sondern eher “a highly trained Jewish scribe” war. JBL 122/2 (2003) 309–333 (RM)
852 Ermenegildo Manicardi, La missione per i giudei e il carattere giudeocristiano del vangelo secondo Matteo The Jewish-Christian character of the Gospel of Matthew can be demonstrated by an examination of its position on the Christian mission to the Jews. Starting with the ministry of Jesus, this mission continues in the mission directed to the Gentiles. For Matthew, circumcision is not binding, but there is a law to follow – the law as completed by Jesus (5,17). The redactional adaptation of the Q-passage underlying Matt 23,34–36 (par. Luke 11,49–51 = Q ) reports that the Christian “wise men and scribes” sent to the Jews were rejected by them and that righteous blood was shed (a possible allusion to the martyrdom of James, the brother of the Lord and leader of Jewish Christianity). RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 75–102 (AM)
853 Donald A. Hagner, Matthew: Apostate, Reformer, Revolutionary? Andrew Overman, Anthony Saldarini and David Sim overstate their case when they conclude that the religion of the Matthean community was not Christianity but Judaism. The appeal to 5.17ff. and the exclusivist sayings will not bear the weight of the hypothesis. There is far too much newness in Matthew and the differences with Judaism are too great to conclude that Matthew exhibits mere ‘deviance’ from other Jewish groups. The ‘new things’ involve a radical reorientation of previous perspectives wherein Christ takes central place previously held by Torah. Matthew’s community is thus best described as a Jewish form of Christianity. NTS 49/2 (2003) 193–209
854 Aaron M. Gale, Tradition in Transition, or Antioch versus Sepphoris: Rethinking the Matthean Community’s Location This paper argues that the Matthean community was located in lower Galilee in the city of Sepphoris. Textual and modern archaeological evidence support this position. SBL.SPS 42 (2003) 141–156
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855 Andries van Aarde, Jesus as Joshua, Moses en Dawidiese Messias in Matteus The article argues that Matthew’s story is about God who sent Jesus as a Joshua figure from Egypt as Moses’ successor to save Israel. As Davidic Messiah and second Moses, Jesus ( Joshua) healed all of Israel. Healing in this context is to be released from “political” stress. Matthew’s story is about a choice of leadership. This choice concretized in either the people’s acknowledgement of Ièsous (“Joshua”) as the savior of all of Israel from their sins or rather in killing him and letting their future children share the responsibility for his blood (Mt 27:25). This message is communicated in the context of opposing scribes who defamed Jesus as someone who annulled the Torah. The aim of the paper is to reflect on Mt 1:21c as the vocational opening verse of Matthew’s story, on a “relational contextual” interpretation of the concept “salvation” and the relatedness of “salvation” to “healing”. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 453–467
856 Michael Knowles, Reading Matthew: The Gospel as Oral Performance Das MtEv kann auf dreierlei Weise gelesen werden: (1) Matthäus liest die heiligen Schriften Israels. In seinem Evangelium präsentiert er Jesus als denjenigen, der die Schriften erfüllt. (2) Wir hören das MtEv als vorgelesenen Text: In den Blick gerät dann die theologische Dimension des Textes. (3) Der Text des MtEv liest seine LeserInnen: durch unsere Lektüre des MtEv nimmt uns der Text in seine Welt auf, indem er uns die Rolle der JüngerInnen zuschreibt. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 56–77 (SP)
857 Rainer Metzner, Der Rückzug Jesu im Matthäusevangeluim. Ein literarisches Déjà-vu-Erlebnis “Der 1. Evangelist nutzt die literarische Technik der Repetition als ein rezeptionssteuerndes Textsignal, das die Leser bzw. Leserinnen aufmerksam macht. Das Rückzugsmotiv ist ein solches Textsignal, das für die Entfaltung und das Verständnis der Jesusgeschichte im Matthäusevangelium von Bedeutung ist. Die im Evangelium verteilten und wiederholten Notizen über Rückzüge bestimmter Personen bewirken bei den Lesern und Leserinnen ein Déjà-vu-Erlebnis. Sie werden ständig an schon Bekanntes erinnert und vermögen durch diese Erinnerung die Erzählbewegung des Jesusgeschehens zu deuten” (267). NW 94/3–4 (2003) 258–268
858 P.J.J. Botha, The Gospel of Matthew and women Matthew obviously reveals no concern with gender roles and issues about female leadership. This Gospel simply perceives such issues from the perspective of conventional patriarchal terms within the Roman household ideology, at best believing “collegiality” to be proper for his community. In order to avoid biblicistic and/or fundamentalistic theological reflection these issues should be acknowledged in our “wrestling” with Scripture. At the same time Matthew’s vision of God and the abundant righteousness demanded allow us to go beyond Matthew’s treatment of women and radicalise not only the implicit call to equity in our tradition but even our own context’s emphasis on equality. IDS 37/3 (2003) 505–532
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859 G.J. Volschenk, Die plek en funksie van topologie as teologiese belangeruimte in die struktuur van die Matteus-evangelie This article focuses on the place and function of topology within the structure of Matthew. An overview of the different models on the structure of Matthew shows the dominance of the chiastic model. The author uses the topological-chiastic model to illustrate the significance of the landscape and topology in the Gospel of Matthew. The aim of the article is to emphasize the significance of house, land and topology in Matthew’s Gospel from a theological perspective. The conclusion is that there is a relationship between the chiastic structure of Matthew and the topological movement in the plot of Matthew. HTS 59/3 (2003) 1007–1030
860 Katharina Oppel, Von Christus lernen, um Christus zu lehren Die Verf. analysiert ein typisch jüdisches Thema – das “Lehren und Lernen” – im Mt-Evangelium. In einem ersten Schritt wird das Thema auf der Ebene des gesamten Werkes betrachtet, anschließend werden zwei beispielhafte Texte Mt 23,8–12 und 11,25–30 aufgegriffen. Das Evangelium ruft die Lehrerinnen und Lehrer der Gemeinde Jesu entsprechend dem Beispiel ihres Meisters zu handeln: der Verzicht auf Herrschaftsansprüche und die Solidarität mit Randexistenzen, die z.B. bei der Tischgemeinschaft zum Ausdruck kommt, gehören zu den wichtigsten Tugenden im “Lehrhaus Jesu”. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 78–85 (DL)
861 G.J. Volschenk, Geregtigheid, huisorde en die jubilee in Matteus The aim of this article is to describe the relationship between justification, house-order and jubilee in Matthew. There is both a horizontal and a vertical dimension to justification, as well as it having multiple nuanced meaning possibilities. By means of a triangular model the article describes the interdependent and interrelational nature of the relationship between justification, house-order and jubilee. The triangular model is an interpretation framework to avoid the one dimensional and simplistic understanding of justification and jubilee. The article concludes with a broad understanding of the jubilee which confirms its multi-dimensional nature and God’s new beginning with humanity in Jesus Christ. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1329–1348
862 G.J. Volschenk, Berg en huis as primêre metafore in die Matteusevangelie The aim of this article is to show that mountain and house are significant theological spaces of interest. The temptation of Jesus will be interpreted within the context of the mountain-motif in Matthew. The wilderness, temple and mountain are places of eschatological expectations. For this reason it was suitable as places for the temptation and calling of the Son/Son of God. The author also describes house as a primary metaphor and as a space of interest with theological significance. He concludes that mountain and house as primary metaphors have a significant topological-theological meaning in the Gospel of Matthew. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1307–1328
863 Boris Repschinski, Pòs ouv plèròthòsin hai graphai; Die Erfüllungszitate bei Matthäus als Testfall für die Testimonienhypothese Die hier präsentierte Untersuchung der Erfüllungszitate des Matthäus anhand der von der Testimonienforschung vorgelegten Kriterien kommt zu keinen eindeutigen Ergebnissen.
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Die Zitate weisen eine durchaus gemischte Texttradition auf und bewegen sich zwischen LXX und MT. Dem Verf. erscheint die Annahme einer bereits interpretierten AT-Vorlage als eine Quelle für das Mt-Evangelium sinnvoll. Es war ein v.a. auf die prophetischen Traditionen konzentrierter Text, der theologisch aufgearbeitet und dabei auf die Ereignisse um das Leben, Sterben und Auferstehung Jesu bezogen wurde. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 169–193 (DL)
864 Paul Foster, The Use of Zechariah in Matthew’s Gospel Entgegen einem durch das Appendix der NA27 erweckten Eindruck haben Sach-Texte keine große Bedeutung für das Mt-Evangelium. Von den 11 hier analysierten Allusionen konnte nur in einem Fall eine Abhängigkeit von Sach nachgewiesen werden, wobei Mt eine mit Daniel-Texten vermischte Belegvorlage gebraucht. Eine der vier als SachZitate analysierten Stellen in Mt ist von der markinischen Vorlage übernommen. Die anderen drei “Zitate” wurden vom Evangelisten kreativ verändert, so dass deren ursprüngliche Form nicht mehr rekonstruierbar ist. “Matthew exploits Zechariah in line with his own understanding that his portrayal of Jesus as a rejected figure and humble king is both vindicated and supported by the divine word in scripture” (S. 81). Christopher Tuckett (ed.), The Book of Zechariah and its Influence; Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2003) 65–85 (DL)
865 Derek S. Dodson, Dreams, the Ancient Novels, and the Gospel of Matthew: An Intertextual Study The Greek novels prove to be particularly illuminating for the study of Matthew’s dreams. The novels contain numerous dreams that are representative of the dream narrative found in Greco-Roman literature. Every aspect and variety of the formal features of the dream narrative identified by John Hanson’s form-critical analysis can be illustrated by the dreams in the novels. A comparison of Matthew with the novels puts into bold relief the formal features of the Matthean dreams and their Greco-Roman literary character. This literary character is accentuated by the correspondence between Matthew’s use of dreams and those in the novels. The novels provide considerable examples of how dreams function in ancient narratives and the subject-matters associated with dreams. Read in light of the novels, Matthew demonstrates a continuity with the way in which dreams were used literarily in the Greco-Roman world. PRSt 29/1 (2002) 39–52
866 Bruce W. Longenecker, Evil at Odds with Itself (Matthew 12:22–29): Demonising Rhetoric and Deconstructive Potential in the Matthean Narrative Deconstructive analysis assumes that every text inevitably contains within itself the seeds of its own rhetorical self-destruction. The Matthean Gospel threatens to undermine its own rhetorical legitimisation in its depiction of evil, the cohorts of evil and evil’s strategic incoherence. In Matt. 12:22–29 the story’s central protagonist ( Jesus) and his main antagonists (the Pharisees) are shown to hold different views on the character of evil. Within the course of the Matthean narrative, the view of the antagonists proves itself to be accurate, with the protagonist’s view proving itself to be deficient. The reliability of the protagonist’s discernment of things central to his own career and identity is thereby undermined. Comparison of the Matthean narrative with that of Mark suggests that this deconstructive tendency is to be credited to the Matthean evangelist in his efforts to demonise the synagogue of his contemporaries by means of a rhetoric of evil. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 503–514
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867 Armando Noguez, Mateo y los Carismáticos Itinerantes Some charismatic itinerants, prophets, exorcists and healers, were a serious problem for the authority in the matthean community. The Matthew’s Gospel testifies the change from nomadism to sedentariness. The criteria formulated in Mtt 7,15–23 enlight that situation and submit the charismatic activity to the God’s Will as the “superior justice”, expressed by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount. That criterion maintains today its validity in the life of the Church. Qol 32 (2003) 187–202
✩ 868 Willy Van Soom, Het verhaal van de magiërs en het kindheitsevangelie van Matteüs The story of the Magi in the Infant gospel of Matthew. – This straightforward commentary on Matth 1–2 is accompanied by a short bibliography and a diagram that highlights the parallelism between Matth 2:1–12 (Magi) and 2:13–23 ( Joseph). Coll. 33/4 (2003) 399–425 (BL)
869 Tim Hegedus, The Magi and the Star in the Gospel of Matthew and Early Christian Tradition The Matthean pericope (2.1–12) of the Magi and the star of Bethlehem prompted a variety of responses among early Christian commentators of the second to the fifth centuries. These responses reflect a range of attitudes among the early Christians towards astrology, which was a fundamental and pervasive aspect of ancient Greco-Roman religion and culture. Some early Christian writers repudiated astrology absolutely, while others sought to grant it some degree of accommodation to Christian beliefs and practices. Interpretations of the Matthean pericope offer an index to the range of such views. This paper examines the motifs of the Magi and of the star in Matthew 2.1–12 as well as a number of early Christian interpretations of the pericope as evidence of a pattern of ambivalence in early Christian attitudes toward Greco-Roman astrology. LTP 59/1 (2003) 81–95
870 Jeffrey A. Gibbs, Israel Standing with Israel: The Baptism of Jesus in Matthew’s Gospel (Matt 3:13–17) Mt 3,17 verweist nicht auf Ps 2,7 (und damit auf eine davidisch fundierte Christologie), sondern auf Jer 38,20 LXX. Jesus wird auf diese Weise bei seiner Taufe mit Israel identifiziert. Gleichzeitig verweist Mt 3,17 auf Jes 42,1. Jesus wird auf diese Weise gleichzeitig mit dem Knecht JHWHs für die Völker identifiziert. Diese Linie wird narrativ durch das Mt-Evangelium nachgezeichnet. CBQ 64/3 (2002) 511–526 (MDK)
871 Robert L. Brawley, Evocative allusions in Matthew: Matthew 5:5 as a test case Combining theories of intertextuality and abductive reasoning, this article demonstrates the figurative nature of scriptural allusions in Matthew. It interprets Matthew 5:5 as an allusion to the Abrahamic promise of the inheritance of the land and the blessing of all the families of the earth mediated through Psalm 36 (LXX) and describes the figurative nature of the allusion using Harold Bloom’s revisionary ratios. HTS 59/3 (2003) 597–619
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872 Karlheinz Müller, Das Vater-Unser als jüdisches Gebet Hugo Grotius was presumably the first to argue that the Lord’s Prayer is a “Jewish” rather than Christian text, and more recent scholars have often referred to the Qaddish and the Amida (Berakhot 28b) as comparable texts. Müller reviews not only the ancient Jewish origins of the prayer’s individual petitions but also studies the textual development of the original prayer from the sayings Source via the canonical gospels through post-biblical sources. Discussing the question of historical origins he agrees with B. Lang that the Our Father predates Christianity and may have originated with John the Baptist and his circle. Albert Gerhards et al. (eds.), Identität durch Gebet; Verlag F. Schöningh, Paderborn (2003) 159–204 (BL)
873 Thomas Kaut, Father and Tempter? The Lord’s Prayer to the One and Only God The Lord’s Prayer (LP) as presented in Matthew, Luke, Q, and the Didache serves as a model prayer in the context of catechetical instruction. The Didache knows LP as both communal and private prayer. The “Sitz im Leben” of these texts was the instruction of new believers in preparation for baptism and Eucharistic. Yet one can observe that this was not the original purpose of LP. The catechizing frame in Matthew, Luke, Q , and Didache represents a secondary adaptation. Both the internal form of LP and its use in Cyril of Jerusalem and the Didache indicate that it was intended as a communal prayer for the Eucharistic service. This is also evident from the requests for bread and forgiveness, two items that reflect adaptation of the LP to liturgical use within the Eucharist. This Eucharistic use of LP is paralleled by the use of LP as the first prayer of a newly baptized member of the Christian community. These liturgical uses do not reflect the original purpose of LP. The thought pattern of LP represents the teaching of the historical Jesus. The paradox of God as a tempting Father, i.e. of the one and only God, marks this prayer as a deeply monotheistic prayer, a text without analogy in ancient Judaism or early Christianity. Melita Theologica 54/1 (2003) 3–30
874 Alessandro Falcetta, The Logion of Matthew 11:5–6 Par. From Qumran to Abgar This article develops a proposal made by James Rendel Harris in his testimony studies. I consider the logion of Matthew 11:5–6 as belonging to a tradition which is attested in Jewish literature and continues with the Fathers. The texts taken into account are the Synoptics, 4QMessianic Apocalypse, 11QMelchizedek, Justin’s First Apology and Dialogue with Trypho, Irenaeus’ Adversus Haereses, the Slavonic addition after Flavius Josephus’ Jewish War 1.369, and Abgar’s letter to Jesus in The Teaching of Addai. A quick reference is made to Cicero’s Laelius de Amicitia. This tradition is reconstructed by employing the source detecting criteria of testimony research. The main conclusions are two. Firstly, the logion is one stage of the life of a literary topos, the healings of the messiah, which crosses chronological and geographical barriers. Secondly, the hypothesis of the use of written testimony collections, though not enough to account for all the literary phenomena considered, is a powerful tool of research. RB 110/2 (2003) 222–248
875 S.M.B. Wilmshurst, The Historic Present in Matthew’s Gospel: A Survey and Analysis Focused on Matthew 13.44 A satisfactory explanation of the Gospel writers’ use of the historic present has proved elusive. However, Matthew’s use of the form appears selective and deliberate. This article examines the cluster of historic presents that appear in Mt. 13.44 – the parable of the hidden treasure. The context, structural position and use of important
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Matthaean key words support the hypothesis that this parable has a unique place in Matthew’s Gospel. The use of the historic presents highlights the crucial theme of the response to the discovery of the kingdom: it is received with joy as the finder’s eternal treasure. On the basis of this and other analysis it is proposed that Matthew has good reason for every instance of the historic present. He has used the form in a sophisticated way to highlight key turning points, themes and discourse structures at key stages throughout his Gospel. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 269–287
876 Glenna S. Jackson, Enemies of Israel: Ruth and the Canaanite Woman This article elaborates on the author’s monograph “Have mercy on me”: The story of the Canaanite woman in Matthew 15.21–28 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002). According to the monograph, Matthew uses the Psalms, the story of Ruth and rabbinic tradition to turn Mark’s story of the Syrophoenician woman (7:24–30) into a conversion formula for entrance into the Jewish community. This article employs an intertextuality approach to enhance the theory of proselytism in Matthew’s gospel. The Canaanite woman passes three-time rejection, one-time acceptance test that the first-century rabbis delineated from the story of Ruth for converting to Judaism. HTS 59/3 (2003) 779–792
877 Annie Del Corro, To Put or Not to Put a Footnote: Matthew 16.19 The verbs in the apodosis of Matt 16.19 should not be translated as a perfect tense nor should there be a footnote which suggests using the perfect tense form. The Bible Translator 53/2 (2002) 226–233
878 Edward J. Carter, Toll and Tribute: A Political Reading of Matthew 17.24–27 The pericope of the coin in the fish’s mouth (Mt. 17.24–27) has lent itself to an unusually large number of disparate interpretations. This article argues for a political reading, notwithstanding the identity of the tax in question. By means of careful attention to the text, and through an appeal to the corroborating hermeneutical approach applied by Luther, it is suggested that the passage points to an element within the Jesus tradition that, while not denying a role for political authority in the world, does not affirm as God-given such worldly structures of power. It is argued that the passage maintains a duality in the present, in common with Mt. 13.33, rather than anticipating an eschatological resolution, as has sometimes been suggested. JSNT 25/4 (2003) 413–431
879 Stephanie von Dobbeler, Die Versammlung “auf meinen Namen hin” (Mt 18:20) als Identitäts- und Differenzkriterium Für die matthäische Ekklesiologie bildet Jesus das Zentrum, von dem aus und auf den hin Mt seine Vorstellung vom Gemeindeleben entwickelt. Jesu Gegenwart hat vielschichtige Auswirkungen: 1.) Die Präsenz Jesu trennt vom Bereich der Sünde. Wer sich auf seinen Namen hin versammelt, tritt ein in den Heilsbereich und hat Anteil an der Basileia mit allen in Mt 18 geschilderten Konsequenzen. 2.) Mit der Formulierung in Mt 18,20 trifft man auf eine innerjüdische Differenzierung zur synagogalen Versammlung und der dort hauptsächlich vertretenen pharisäisch-rabbinischen Gruppierung. Jesus ist bereits dort präsent, wo sich zwei oder drei auf seinen Namen hin versammeln, für den Synagogengottesdienst waren mindestens zehn Teilnehmer notwendig. Zudem wird mit der geringen Zahl deutlich gemacht, dass sich Jesu Präsenz nicht allein auf den Gottesdienst beschränkt, sondern im ganzen Alltag der Gemeinde erfahrbar ist. 3.) Die Formulierung “auf meinen Namen hin” hat nicht nur identitätsstiftende Funktion. Sie
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bietet auch die Möglichkeit zur Differenzierung, weil sie Sünder nicht zulässt und sich von anderen jüdischen Formen der Versammlung unterscheidet. NT 44/3 (2002) 209–230 (MH)
880 Carmen Bernabé, Of Eunuchs and Predators: Matthew 19:1–12 in a Cultural Context In this essay I hold the view that the point at issue in Matthew 19:1–12 is less one of divorce and more of a contrast between two forms of wife-husband relationship within a marriage: one, the traditional form, and the other, an alternative form deriving from the values of the forthcoming Kingdom that Jesus proposes to his disciples. In that cultural context, male honor depended, among other things, on the type of relations men might have with theirs wives, something that was defined by the general code for masculinity. Deviations from the male role would lead to doubts about an individual’s “manliness,” and even to his “social or symbolic castration,” and thus dishonor. In my opinion, Jesus’ final paradoxical words (vv 10–12) must be understood in that light. BTB 33/4 (2003) 128–134
881 David Instone-Brewer, The Two Asses of Zechariah 9:9 in Matthew 21 Matthew appears to depart from the Synoptics, Johannine tradition and from common sense when he gives Jesus two asses to ride on for his grand entrance into Jerusalem. Most commentators have assumed that Matthew misunderstood the meaning of the parallelism in Zechariah 9:9, which caused him to create another animal to enable Jesus to fulfil the prophecy. It will be suggested here that Matthew understood the concept of parallelism, but that he did not believe that Scripture should be interpreted in that way. This is in line with rabbinic thought of the first century which rejected the concept of parallelism in Scripture. TynB 54/1 (2003) 87–98
882 Wesley G. Olmstead, Matthew’s Trilogy of Parables: The Nation, the Nations and the Reader in Matthew 21.28–22.14 The three parables, read here from a redaction-critical and a narrative critical perspective, serve to characterise the Jewish leaders, the people, and the nations. The judgement this trilogy of texts announces falls upon Israel (and not only on her leaders, as is often argued). Moreover, the parables point to the future inclusion of the nations in the nation that God promised to raise up from Abraham. – An appendix of this Cambridge thesis comments on matters of textual criticism in Matth 21:29–31; Olmstead here basically agrees with J. Schmid, in: N. Adler, ed., Vom Wort des Lebens, Münster 1951, 68–84. SNTS.MS 127, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) IX/1–281
883 Adolfo Castaño F., Historia de la Exégesis e Interpretación de Mt 21,28–31: “La Parábola de los dos Hijos” Die Vielfältigkeit der Interpretationen, die das Gleichnis von den ungleichen Söhnen schon in der Antike erfahren hat, schlägt sich u.a. in der Textüberlieferung nieder. In der neueren Auslegungsgeschichte wird das Gleichnis häufig auf der Folie einer Opposition zwischen Reden und Handeln ausgelegt. Qol 33 (2003) 327–343 (SP)
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884 Noel S. Rabbinowitz, Matthew 23:2–4: Does Jesus recognize the authority of the Pharisees and does he endorse their halakhah? “The Pharisees legitimately occupied the Seat of Moses, an actual chair in the synagogue and a symbol of their legitimate authority. This is why Jesus commanded his followers to do whatever the Pharisees say . . . that they were to obey their teachings regarding the Torah and halakhah in principle, a fact supported by Jesus’ own basic observance of oral tradition. . . . Jesus’ condemnation of Pharisaic hypocrisy cannot be reduced to a black-and-white rejection of their authority” (p. 446f ). JETS 46/3 (2003) 423–447 (BF)
885 Warren Carter, Are There Imperial Texts in the Class? Intertextual Eagles and Matthean Eschatology as “Lights Out” Time for Imperial Rome (Matthew 24:27–31) Der Verf. greift aus der endzeitlichen Gerichtsrede vor allem den V 28 auf. Dieser wird in den meisten Übersetzungen so wiedergegeben: “Wo das Aas ist, da sammeln sich die Geier.” Nun steht im Text aber aetoí, nicht gÿpes, und man übersetzt dann richtiger mit: “Wo der Leichnam ist, da versammeln sich die Adler.” Der Verf. bezieht diesen Satz auf das Endgericht über die Römer bei der Wiederkunft Jesu: Zum Leichnam Roms werden dann auch die Legionsadler und die Münzen mit den Adlerbildern geworfen, nun machtlos gewordene Symbole der imperialen Herrschaft eines Weltreiches und seiner Ordnung, die blitzschnell an ihr Ende kommt (vgl. V 27). JBL 122/3 (2003) 467–487 (RM)
886 Kenneth L. Waters, Matthew 27:52–53 as Apocalyptic Apostrophe: Temporal-Spatial Collapse in the Gospel of Matthew Der Verf. interpretiert den kurzen Abschnitt als eingefügtes Fragment aus einem vormatthäischen apokalyptischen Text. Durch diesen Zusatz werden künftige Geschehnisse in die Vergangenheit, d.h. hier in die Szenerie der Kreuzigung Jesu zurückprojiziert: Die Toten, die plötzlich auferstehen, sind nicht frühere jüdische Heilige, sondern christliche Märtyrer (vgl. Offb 20,4.6); die “Vielen”, denen sie erscheinen, sind die Erlösten (wie die 144 000 von Offb 7,4 u.ö.); die Heilige Stadt ist das Neue Jerusalem (wie Offb 21,2). Zukünftiges wird also als schon Geschehenes konstatiert – ein Vorgang, der sich ähnlich auch in jüdischen Apokalypsen findet, auf die der Verf. hinweist. JBL 122/3 (2003) 489–515 (RM)
887 Franciszek Sieg, Ewangelista Mateusz o zmartwychwstaniu Jezusa (Mt 28, 1–10. 16–20) A comparative study of the texts Mt 28:1–8 and Mk 16:1–8 confirms the opinions of many authors that Matthew bases his account on Mk 16:2–8 but also makes changes suited to his addressees and introduces a series of new elements from his own sources (Sondergut). The passages of Mt 28:9–10 and 16–20 constitute the Matthean Sondergut. In the texts under consideration, we find many characteristics of Semitic style, such as parallelism, symmetry, chiasm, inclusions, etc. The author has made use of the Old Testament tradition and, at the same time, preserved the main lines of the theology presented in his Gospel. He preaches the risen Jesus Christ as the universal ruler who confers upon his disciples the mission of teaching and baptizing. Moreover, He promises to be with them till the end of time. StBob 2/1 (2002) 5–23 [SS]
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Mark: general ★ individual passages 888 Francis J. Moloney, The Gospel of Mark. A Commentary This full-scale critical commentary on Mark argues that the book must have originated some time between 70 and 75 CE in the eastern Mediterranean, presumably in southern Syria (i.e., not very far from Jerusalem). Unlike R. Bultmann, according to whom Mark was unable to shape his material, Moloney agrees with contemporary Marcan scholarship that the narrative is clearly structured – into prologue (1:1–13), two central sections (who is Jesus? 1:14–8:30; the suffering and voindicated Son of Man 8:31–15:47), and epilogue (16:1–8). The story of Jesus is presented as “a story of human failure: the apparent failure of Jesus, the failure of the disciples, and the failure of Israel. But it closes with a loud, clear message . . . resurrection” (20). – A major work of exegetical scholarship. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2002) XVIII/1–398 (BL)
889 Francis J. Moloney, Mark: Storyteller, Interpreter, Evangelist Moloney, who has also written a major commentary on Mark (The Gospel of Mark: A Commentary; Peabody: Hendrickson, 2002; see also IRBS 49:737), offers a thorough introduction to Markan theology. Mark’s gospel, according to Moloney, was written shortly after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE, between 70 and 75, most likely in southern Syria. The book includes detailed scholarly notes and two bibliographies. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) XIV/1–224 (BL)
890 David Rhoads, Reading Mark, Engaging the Gospel David Rhoads hat sich in den letzten dreißig Jahren aus der Perspektive verschiedener methodischer Zugänge mit dem Markusevangelium auseinandergesetzt. Die acht in diesem Band versammelten Beiträge spiegeln die Stationen seiner Forschung wieder: Narrative Criticism (darunter eine Einzelanalyse der Erzählung von der Syrophönizierin), Sozialkritik, und Kulturanthropologie. Ein Beitrag widmet sich der “experience of performing Mark”. Bis auf den letzten Beitrag “The Ethics of Reading” (202–219) handelt es sich um Wiederveröffentlichungen. Fortress Press, Minneapolis (2004) xviii/1–270 (SP)
891 Robert H. Gundry, Richard A. Horsley’s Hearing the Whole Story. A Critical Review of its Postcolonial Slant In Hearing the Whole Story (IRBS 48:765) Richard Horsley argues for a holistic view of Mark as narrative rather than theology or, more particularly, Christology. This view has Mark presenting Jesus as a prophet who opposes economic exploitation by Roman rulers and Judean elites and to this end appeals largely to oral rather than scriptural traditions. The opposition is nonviolent and oriented to village and family life rather than individual discipleship. At the expense of male disciples, women disciples take a leading role. The present review takes issue with such a reading of Mark by highlighting Markan Christology and calls to individual discipleship, by questioning a contrast between oral and scriptural traditions, and by noting the women’s failures. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 131–149
892 Richard A. Horsley, A Response to Robert Gundry’s Review of Hearing the Whole Story Der Artikel ist eine kritische Antwort auf R. Gundrys Rezension des vom Verf. publizierten Werkes Hearing the Whole Story: The Politics of Plot in Mark’s Gospel (IRBS 48:765). Angesichts eines mangelnden Interesses an neuen Forschungswegen missverstehe Gundry die vom Verf. gemachten Aussagen, die aus ihrem diskursiven Kontext herausgenom-
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men in einem von Horsley nicht beabsichtigten Sinn zusammengestellt seien. Dieser verteidigt seine Methode, die auf eine Kombination moderner biblischer Ansätze und der historischen Analyse zielt, indem er deren möglichen Ertrag bezüglich des MkEvangeliums verdeutlicht. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 151–169 (DL)
893 Elizabeth Struthers Malbon, Narrative Christology and the Son of Man: What the Markan Jesus Says Instead From the point of view of “narrative christology,” not only does the Markan Jesus attempt to deflect attention and honor away from himself and toward God, but he also refracts – or bends – the “christologies” of other characters and the narrator. The image comes from the way a prism refracts “white” light and thus shows its spectral colors. When a thing is bent and looked at from another angle, something different appears. The most obvious way in which the Markan Jesus bends the “christologies” of others is by his statements about the “Son of Man,” especially in juxtaposition with “christological titles” offered by other characters and the narrator. No other character or the narrator speaks of the “Son of Man,” thus “Son of Man” depicts the Markan Jesus’ distinctive point of view. The implied author of Mark challenges the implied audience to deal with the tension between an assertive narrator who proclaims “Jesus Christ, the Son of God” and a reticent Jesus who deflects attention and honor, challenges traditional views, and insistently proclaims not himself but God. To resolve the tension in favor of the narrator (as does Kingsbury) or in favor of the Markan Jesus (as does Naluparyil) would be to flatten the implied author’s multi-dimensional narrative and its multi-layered “christology.” The implied author of Mark sets up this tension to draw in the implied audience – not to resolve the tension but to enable hearing of the story of Jesus in its full complexity and mystery. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 373–385
854 C. Drew Smith, “This Is My Beloved Son; Listen to Him”: Theology and Christology in the Gospel of Mark Diese ausführliche synchrone Interpretation des Markusevangeliums zeigt, dass Christologie hier nur als Bestandteil von Theologie beschrieben werden kann. Jesus wird als der “von Gott Gesandte” dargestellt, der für und im Sinne Gottes handelt und spricht. Die Theologie des Markusevangeliums wird so christologisch vermittelt. HBT 24/2 (2002) 53–86 (SP)
895 Ludger Schenke, Jesus als Weisheitslehrer im Markusevangelium Dieser Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob jüdische Weisheitsvorstellungen – neben der Vorstellung der Präexistenz des Gottessohnes – weitere Spuren im MkEv hinterlassen haben. Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen bildet die Szene in Mk 6,1–6, in der die Nazarener die Lehre Jesu als Weisheit bezeichnen. Anschließend weitet der Verf. seinen Blick auf das Gesamtevangelium aus: Jesus wird im MkEv durchgehend als Lehrer dargestellt. Auch die Machttaten Jesu stehen entweder im Kontext lehrhafter Äußerungen oder sie enthalten selbst eine Lehre, die verstanden werden soll. Die Machttaten Jesu sind insofern eine Funktion seiner Lehre. Der markinische Jesus verwendet nicht nur in seiner Lehre Formen weisheitlicher Rede (der Beitrag enthält eine Auflistung von Sprichwörtern, Wahrsprüchen, Rätselsprüchen und Mahnsprüchen), sondern auch sein Wirken richtet sich nach Mustern, wie sie für das Wirken der personifizierten Weisheit galten. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 125–138 (SP)
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896 Klaus Scholtissek, Von Galiläa nach Jerusalem und zurück Die Orts- bzw. Gebietsangaben im Mk-Evangelium haben eine theologische Relevanz. In Galiläa – in einer gewissen Opposition zum Jerusalemer Establishment – beginnt das machtvolle Wirken Jesu und seine Verkündigung der bereits greifenden Gottesherrschaft. Auf dem als eine große Grundachse des Evangeliums konzipierten Weg nach Jerusalem erreicht die messianische Botschaft auch heidnische Gebiete. Durch den offenen Schluss und die Verheißung am leeren Grab werden die Leser wieder nach Galiläa verwiesen, wo im Lichte der österlichen Botschaft die Unterweisungen Jesu wiederholt und nun besser verstanden werden. Diese Vergegenwärtigung ermöglicht Juden wie Heiden das Begegnen mit Jesus. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 56–77 (DL)
897 Martin Ebner, Evangelium contra Evangelium. Das Markusevangelium und der Aufstieg der Flavier Mk ist als Kontrastevangelium zum Bild Vespasians formuliert, der seinen Aufstieg mit entsprechenden Wundererzählungen und als Eroberung aus dem Osten darstellte. Dies wird besonders an der Christologie und der Ethik deutlich. BN 116 (2003) 28–42 (US)
898 Martin G. Klingbeil, Contextualizaciones de Isaías en San Marcos Reading the first chapters in the Gospel of Mark one notices a number of quotes from the book of Isaiah. However, an intertextual reading reveals that the quoted passages have undergone some important changes that indicate a process of contextualization of the texts according to the message which Mark wants to bring across in his Gospel. For the present short research paper three texts have been selected as case-studies to illustrate this process. A short introduction to the terminology of contextualization and intertextuality will be given. The study will conclude with some comments on the hermeneutics employed by Mark in contextualizing the messages of the Old Testament prophet. DavarLogos 2/2 (2003) 139–146
899 Mark Proctor, “After Three Days” in Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:34: Subordinating Jesus’ Resurrection in the Second Gospel Mark subordinates certain elements of the Gospel tradition to what he regarded as the infinitely more important image of the crucified savior. This is perhaps what led Mark to change the temporally precise expression tè hèmera tè tritè of the traditional passion formula to the temporally nondescript phrase meta treis hèmeras one finds in 8:31, 9:31, and 10:34. What was precise even climactic in the traditional formula has become imprecise and somewhat marginalized in Mark’s Gospel. Thereby Mark forces his readers to focus their attention on the topic of Jesus’ impending death. What is important for Mark’s readers to understand is that the Son of Man will suffer and die; the rest is just an anticlimactic footnote. PRSt 30/4 (2003) 399–424
900 Robert H. Stein, Is Our Reading the Bible the Same as the Original Audience’s Hearing It? A Case Study in the Gospel of Mark The intended readers of Mark were not readers in the traditional sense but “hearers”. “It was a verbal rather than a visual event” (78). Mark and other biblical texts were consciously written for a hearing audience. JETS 46/1 (2003) 63–78 (BF)
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901 Torsten Reiprich, Befand sich die mk Gemeinde in Ägypten? Obgleich sich kein absoluter Beweis dafür finden lässt, nimmt der Verf. an, dass die mk Gemeinde wahrscheinlich “in Alexandreia, zumindest aber im Umfeld eines hellenistisch geprägten städtischen Zentrums Ägyptens zu suchen ist” (163). Dafür sprechen frühchristliche Traditionen, welche auf die Anwesenheit des Evangelisten in Ägypten hinweisen und seinen Vorzug unter allen Synoptikern in dieser Region bezeugen. Das ägyptische Eherecht dürfte der Hintergrund für Mk 10,11f. gewesen sein und die Gestalt der Salome ist gerade in ägyptischen Legenden besonders gut bekannt. Deutliche Parallelen zwischen Mk und Philo von Alexandrien sowie eine literarische Nähe zum Alexanderroman stützen ebenfalls die These einer ägyptischer Herkunft des Mk-Ev. BN 119/120 (2003) 147–163 (DL)
✩ 902 Santiago Guijarro, Why Does the Gospel of Mark Begin as It Does? Mark’s Gospel does not follow the rules of Hellenistic “lives,” which usually began by praising the ancestry and education of the main character. This is due to the fact that the data available to Mark were inappropriate for that purpose. Nonetheless, the beginning of Mark’s Gospel has the same purpose as the beginnings of other contemporary biographies: to show the ascribed honor of his character. According to Mark, Jesus’ honor does not come from his human family; it is due to his being God’s Son. Through a ritual process, centered upon a liminal stage of revelation and testing, the evangelist shows Jesus’ true identity as a holy man, capable of brokering God’s patronage on his people. BTB 33/1 (2003) 28–38
903 Hugolin Langkammer, Pierwsze s∑owa Jezusa w Markowej Ewangelii (1, 15) i ich znaczenie dla nowej ery zbawczej In diesem Artikel versucht der Verf. den Text Mk 1, 15 als einen programmatischen Ruf Jesu zu erklären. Vor allem dem Stichwort Umkehr wird eine neue Deutung gegeben. Methanoia kann nur dort wirksam werden, wo man die von Jesus aufgezeigte neue Richtung, die Botschaft des Evangeliums, befolgt. RocT 48/1(2001) 63–80 [SS]
904 Carlo Bazzi, Mc 1,21–45: unità modello per il secondo vangelo The text studied here must be seen as a finely integrated unit, structured by various movements: the movement of Jesus toward the people and the people toward Jesus. Another significant movement is that of the sending of the healed leper to the priest. Vivens Homo 14/1 (2003) 7–41 (BL)
905 Bart D. Ehrman, A Leper in the Hands of an Angry Jesus Ehrman plädiert für die Lesart orgistheis statt splagchnistheis in Mk 1,41. Neben textkritischen Argumenten spricht auch die Interpretation der Episode von der Heilung des Aussätzigen im Kontext des Markusevangeliums dafür, dass Jesus “sich ärgerte” und nicht “Mitleid hatte”. Der Grund für Jesu Ärger wäre dann der Zweifel des Aussätzigen an Jesu Willen, ihn zu heilen. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek und Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 77–98 (SP)
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906 Hans Thüsing, “Alles in Gleichnissen” (Mk 4.11f ). Ein anderes Verständnis der Parabeltheorie En parabolais in Mk 4,11 bezieht sich nicht auf das Verb ginetai, sondern auf ta panta. Folglich wäre zu übersetzen “das ganze Gleichnisgeschehen”. Weiterhin sind die durch hina eingeleiteten Nebensätze nicht als Absicht, sondern als Provokation zu verstehen. So werden “die draußen” nicht vom Verständnis ausgeschlossen (denen draußen aber geschieht alles in Gleichnissen, damit sie nicht sehen und nicht verstehen), sondern herausgefordert, sich um so mehr um Verständnis zu bemühen. BN 119/120 (2003) 43–45 (SP)
907 Roger David Aus, My Name is “Legion”. Palestinian Judaic Traditions in Mark 5:1–20 and Other Gospel Texts This work is a collection of essays on the Palestinian Judaic background of seven NT passages: (1) Mark 5:1–20 – post Jesuanic and based on haggadic traditions concerning Samson, the episode legitimates a Christian mission to the Decapolis, (2) Luke 4:16–30; (3) the name Judas Iscariot (he seems to be portrayed after the OT figure Ahitophel, 2 Sam 16:15; 17:1–4); (4) Luke 19:41–44; (5) John 8.56–58; (6) Matthew 24:28 (paralleling Luke 17:37) – the Messiah as a vulture; (7) Luke 13:34 (paralleling Matthew 23:37) – the rejection of the mother bird. – In Europe available from: University Press of America, 12 Hid’s Copse Rd., Cumnor Hill, Oxford OX2 9JJ, England. University Press of America, Lanham (2003) 1–344 (BL)
908 Susan Haber, A Woman’s Touch: Feminist Encounters with the Hemorrhaging Woman in Mark 5.24–34 This inquiry suggests that it is the woman’s health that is the primary concern of the miracle story in Mark 5.24–34, and not her ritual impurity. The significance of her impurity cannot, however, be ignored. It remains an integral part of the narrative in so far as it is a consequence of her medical condition. But the point of the story, not least for feminist criticism, does not lie in any supposed critique or abrogation of the purity laws. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 171–192
909 Martin Faßnacht, Konfrontation mit der Weisheit Jesu. Das Verhältnis von Wissen und Rettung dargestellt an der Wundergeschichte Mk 5,21–43 Die Weisheit der an Blutfluss leidenden Frau besteht darin, dass sie ihr Wissen zu einer rettenden Begegnung mit dem Weisheitslehrer Jesus nutzt. Dabei sind ihre Erwartungen und Hoffnungsmuster gerade weisheitlich strukturiert weil sie – anders als die Nazarener in Mk 6,1–6 auf die besondere Weisheitsbefähigung Jesu vertraut ( pistis). Die sozial schlecht gestellte Frau erhält durch ihr wissendes Handeln eine herausragende Anerkennung gegenüber den durch ihre Herkunft eigentlich besonders bevorzugten Nazarenern sowie gegenüber dem Synagogenvorsteher Jaïrus, der nicht nur in seiner sozialen Stellung, sondern auch durch seine Position als traditioneller Wissensträger als überlegen erscheint. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 105–124
910 James G. Crossley, Halakah and Mark 7.4: ‘. . . and beds’ This article argues that the textually problematic kai klinòn in Mk 7.4 reflects a firstcentury Jewish practice of immersing dining couches. This practice was not based on
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the ‘beds’ described in Lev. 15. The immersion of dining couches is attested in rabbinic literature and was based on passages that mention the immersion of impure objects (Lev. 11.32; 15.12). This is shown through a discussion of various words used for ‘bed’ in the relevant literature in Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic and Syriac. Some consideration is given to text-critical issues concluding that kai klinòn is the original reading. As Mark accurately reflects a Jewish practice, it is suggested that the traditional view of the author of Mark as lacking in knowledge of Jewish practices ought to be abandoned and the view that the author of Mark was a Jew absorbed in the intricacies of Jewish Law ought to be taken very seriously. JSNT 25/4 (2003) 433–447
911 Michael Bird, The Crucifixion of Jesus as the Fulfillment of Mark 9:1 The author tackles the perennial question of what Jesus meant at the Transfiguration by saying, “Some who are standing here will not taste death before they see the kingdom of God come with power”. Over a half dozen different answers to this question have been suggested. Bird takes up and furthers the proposal that Jesus was speaking of his crucifixion. TrinJ 24/1 (2003) 23–36
912 Angela Standhartinger, Jesus, Elija und Mose auf dem Berg Die Verklärungsgeschichte Mk 9, 2–8 ist eine Sinaigeschichte, die die biblischen Gottesbegegnungen Elias und Moses am Gottesberg neu erzählt. Jesus wird diesem Kreis hinzugessellt und damit profiliert. Für die Jünger, aus deren Perspektive die Vision erzählt wird, ist die Theophanie am Berg zugleich eine Berufungs- und Beauftragungsgeschichte. In der markinischen Redaktion wird das Berufungsmotiv nur kritisch aufgenommen. BZ 47/1 (2003) 66–85 (MW)
913 Joop F.M. Smit, Propagating a New OIKOS: A Rhetorical Reading of Mark 10:17–31 In the story of the encounter between the rich man and Jesus close analysis shows that by means of a consciously applied rhetorical strategy the readers are persuaded to make a choice. Leaving everything and everyone behind and following Jesus does not just imply loss of old bonds, it also implies gaining a new family (oikos), and this is what Mark wants his readers to participate in. Rhetoric in its function of “creating persuasion” (peithous dèmiourgia) is taken into the service of the Christian message. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 109–123
914 Scott G. Brown, Mark 11:1–12:12: A Triple Intercalation? Die anerkannte Einschaltung Mk 11,12–25 ist Teil einer größeren Einschaltung, die von 11,1–12,12 reicht. Markus reflektiert hierin die Zerstörung Jerusalems. Zu nah an den Ereignissen konnte er nicht vorhersehen, dass das Judentum als torazentrierte Religion weiterbestehen würde. Die Zerstörung des Tempels ist für ihn Zeichen für das Ende eines Bundes, der keine “Frucht” der Gerechtigkeit getragen hatte. CBQ 64/1 (2002) 78–89 (MDK)
915 Yong-Eui Yang, Reading Mark 11:12–25 from a Korean Perspective Dieser Beitrag gibt zunächst einen Überblick über die verschiedenen Fragestellungen, die die Forschung zur Perikope von der Verfluchung des Feigenbaumes prägen. Die Frage nach dem alttestamentlichen Hintergrund der Perikope sowie die Untersuchung
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der markinischen Sandwich-Struktur, in die die Perikope eingebettet ist, erweisen sich für den koreanischen Kontext als hilfreiche Herangehensweisen. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 78–99 (SP)
916 Henk Jan de Jonge, The Cleansing of the Temple in Mark 11,15 and Zechariah 14,21 The story of the cleansing of the temple originated as an expression of the idea that in Jesus Christ God’s reign on earth had begun to break through. Followers of Jesus were convinced that, in a way, in the message and actions of Jesus the Day of the Lord had come. This conviction made it possible for them to narrate Jesus’ arrival in Jerusalem in terms derived from Zechariah 9 and 14. Zechariah’s promise that on the Day of the Lord there would no longer be traders in the temple, was now applied to the days of Jesus’ visit to Jerusalem. As a Christian response to Zech 14:21, a story took shape in which Jesus, on his arrival in Jerusalem, drove out the traders from the temple. This story, which had a Christological purport, originated in post-Easter, preMarkan tradition. Mark used this story to shape his account of the beginning of Jesus’ passion week. In doing this, however, he was probably no longer aware that the story had been called forth by Zech 14:21. In Mark, the cleansing of the temple is no longer the actualization of Zechariah’s vision; it becomes the foreshadowing of the destruction of the temple. It thus serves Mark’s interpretation of the events of his own day. Christopher Tuckett (ed.), The Book of Zechariah and its Influence; Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2003) 87–100
917 Richard Dormandy, Jesus’ Cutting Irony: Further Understanding of Mark 11:17 Das Wort lèstès, das der Evangelist Markus Jesus in Mk 11,17 in den Mund legt, evoziert eine Analogie zwischen den Zeloten und den Sadduzäern, die dem Tempel vorstehen. Durch diesen Vergleich bringt der markinische Jesus die sowieso schon fragile Stellung der Sadduzäer ins Wanken. ET 114/10 (2003) 333–334 (SP)
918 Alexander Weihs, Jesus und das Schicksal der Propheten. Das Winzergleichnis (Mk 12,1–12) im Horizont des Markusevangeliums The Parable of the Tenants (Marc 12:1ff.) must be read as the “Parable of the Killing of the Son”. This immensely Christological text echoes and in a way summarizes the prophetic Christology of Mark, for Jesus shared the fate of the prophets of old. However, Mark is far from declaring Jesus a mere prophet – for Mark, he is the Messiah. Biblisch-theologische Studien 61; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) VI/1–230 (BL)
919 Craig A. Evans, How Septuagintal is Isa. 5:1–7 in Mark 12:1–9? Recently it has been claimed that elements drawn from Isa. 5:1–7 in Mark 12:1–9 are septuagintal and that these elements never agree with the MT against the LXX. Although a degree of septuagintalism cannot be denied, there is in fact agreement with the Hebrew, the presence of non-septuagintal elements, and important points of coherence with Jewish interpretive traditions. In NT 4611 (2004) J.S. Kloppenborg responds to this paper (12–19). NT 45/2 (2003) 105–110
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920 John S. Kloppenborg Verbin, Egyptian Viticultural Practices and the Citations of Isa 5:1–7 in Mark 12:1–9 “A careful comparison of the MT of Isa 5:1–7 with the versions in the LXX shows that the LXX has reconceived the scenario of Isaiah’s vineyard in various ways. (. . .) the LXX has introduced terminology that reflects distinctively Egyptian viticultural practices: the building of a phragmos and the staking of the plot as initial tasks, and the use of such technical terms as neophytes and cheros. (. . .) In comparing Mark with the two versions of Isaiah, what is clear is that Mark agrees with the LXX against the MT, both in the use of phragmos and in locating (implicitly or explicitly) the failure of the vineyard in the activity or inactivity of its caretakers. Moreover, Mark and the LXX lack any indication that the vineyards in questions are newly broken plots; that is, they reflect Ptolemaic and post-Ptolemaic agricultural patterns rather than those of eighth-century B.C.E. Judah assumed by the MT” (159). NT 44/2 (2002) 134–159
921 David T. Ball, What Jesus Really Meant by “Render unto Caesar” (It’s Not About Taxes) In Mk 12,16f (par.) bringt Jesus seine Gegner nicht nur mit seiner klugen Gegenfrage zum Schweigen, sondern erinnert in V 16 mit eikòn und epigraphè an die Verpflichtung des Menschen durch Schöpfung (Gen 1,26) und Befreiung (Ex 13,9). Daraus resultiert der ungefragte Teil der jesuanischen Antwort in V 17: “. . . und Gott, was Gott gehört.” Die Aufforderung, die Steuern zu bezahlen, tritt in den Hintergrund, wenn es darum geht, Schöpfungsauftrag und Erwählung durch Gott nachzukommen. BiRe 19,2 (2003) 14–17.52 (CB)
922 Joseph Vlcek Kozar, Complementary Insight: A Scribe’s Approval of the ‘Most Important’ Commandment in Mark 12:28–34 The one-on-one meeting of the scribe and Jesus occurs after a direct assault on the priestly establishment and a slew of controversies. This paper argues that in 12:28–34 Mark plays of the preceding series of conflict by ending with the amiable encounter of an opposition figure. Indeed, the interplay of this scribe and Jesus serves both a counterfoil to reader’s expectations and as a demonstration of why Jesus is to be feared. Jesus has the ability to blur boundaries and embrace an enemy. The surprise of this amity heightens with an appreciation of how “scribes” operate in Mark’s Gospel both for the character of Jesus and the Markan community. On the level of the story, the scribe’s corrobation of the fact that scripture demands love even over sacrifice authenticates both Jesus’ ministry and his closing of the Temple for worship. For Mark’s community it legitimates the obligation, post Temple destruction, to live according to a new religious ethos. Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 35–45
923 Michael Reichardt, Das Kommen des Menschensohnes Mk 13,24f. – Heil oder Gericht? Das in Mk 13,26 angekündigte Kommen des Menschensohnes wird in der Forschung gern mit dem Hinweis auf V.24f. als eine Gerichtsankündigung gelesen. Doch es ist in dieser Passage weder vom Tag Jahwes noch vom Gericht die Rede. Die Motive des Erlöschens der Himmelskörper V.24a–25a und der Erschütterung von Himmel und Erde V.25b legen auf dem Hintergrund zahlreicher alttestamentlicher Beispiele nahe, diese kosmischen Ereignisse als Begleitphänomene einer Theophanie zu verstehen. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 86–98 (DL)
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924 David S. du Toit, “Ein Türhüter, der nichts ungeprüft passieren läßt . . .”. Überlegungen zur Pointe der Türhütermetaphorik in Mk 13,33–37 im Licht von Lukian, Calumniae 30 und anderen antiken Zeugnissen Du Toit will einen Beitrag zum Verständnis des Gleichnisdiskurses in Mk 13,33–37 liefern, indem er mit Hilfe antiker Parallelen auf Aspekte der vorausgesetzten Enzyklopädie des Begriffs thyròros (Mk 13,34) aufmerksam macht. Die Aufgabe der Jünger in Mk 13 besteht demnach nicht darin, stets bereit zu sein, Jesus bei seiner Wiederkunft zu empfangen, sondern während der Abwesenheit Jesu bis zum Kommen des Menschensohnes die Ansprüche aller Messiasprätendenten und deren Herolde wachsam zu prüfen, also zu handeln wie ein Türhüter, “der nichts ungeprüft passieren lässt”, und darum “die Unwürdigen ausschließt und vertreibt” (Lukian Cal. 30). WuD 27 (2003) 201–215 (SP)
925 Santiago Guijarro Oporto, El relato pre-marcano de la pasión y la historia del cristanismo naciente Literary sources for the study of the apostolic generation (30–70 CE) are scarce. Most of them were produced in Pauline circles and have a peculiar vision of other early Christian groups. This article studies the pre-Markan passion narrative as a source that can provide useful information about the life and theology of a non-Pauline group. It starts by a redactional analysis of the Markan passion narrative that permits to propose a reconstruction of the pre-Markan version of it. Different peculiar traits of this reconstructed passion narrative suggest that it was composed in Jerusalem during the period in which this community was under the guidance of James, the brother of the Lord. This implies that it can be a valuable source for the study of the Jerusalem church during the apostolic generation. Salm. 50/3 (2003) 345–388
926 Bernd Janowski, Die jüdischen Psalmen in der christlichen Passionsgeschichte. Eine rezeptionsgeschichtliche Studie Janowski offers a detailed exegesis of Ps 22 and its use in Mark 14;32–42; 15:20–41. Christoph Dohmen (ed.), In Gottes Volk eingebunden; Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, Stuttgart (2003) 63–74 (BL)
927 Francis J. Moloney, Literary Strategies in the Markan Passion Narrative (Mark 14:1–15:47) It is widely accepted that the basic elements of the Passion Narratives were among the earliest Christian narratives. The elements that form the Markan narrative (Mark 14:1–15:47) are found in Matthew, Luke and John. The following study shows, however, that the Markan Passion Narrative is carefully arranged. Mark 14:1–15:47 is an extended use of Markan intercalation, with the light of the fulfillment of God’s design set between episodes that tell of human misunderstanding and failure. Both dramatic and verbal irony is used to indicate that the abuse and slaying of the innocent Jesus proclaims the central message of the Markan Christology: the crucified Jesus is Messiah, Son of God and Savior. He will return in glory as the Son of Man. SNTU 28 (2003) 5–25
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928 John Muddiman, Zechariah 13:7 and Mark’s Account of the Arrest in Gethsemane Angesichts der weit anerkannten Tatsache eines sacharjanischen Hintergrunds in der markinischen Passionsgeschichte kann die markinische Erzählung über die Schwertattacke auf einen Diener des Hohenpriesters während der Gefangennahme Jesu (Mk 14,43–52) als eine historisierende Interpretation von Sach 13,7 gelesen werden. Damit wäre die Mk-Vorlage für diese Episode von einer grundlegenden Bedeutung für die anderen Evangelien, da sie diese fiktive Geschichte übernommen hätten. Doch auch die Möglichkeit eines geschichtlichen Schwert-Ereignisses kann angesichts einiger Hinweise auf unabhängige Traditionen bei Lk und Joh nicht ausgeschlossen werden. Christopher Tuckett (ed.), The Book of Zechariah and its Influence; Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2003) 101–109 (DL)
929 Darrell L. Bock, Jewish Expressions in Mark 14.61–62 and the Authenticity of the Jewish Examination of Jesus This essay assesses Maurice Casey’s critique of work on Mk 14.61–62 found in my Blasphemy and Exaltation in Judaism. The article examines again brings more detailed argument for the authenticity of these verses as well as questioning elements of his critique. The Jewish background fits the trial setting in a way that is unlikely to reflect an early church creation for a Gentile audience (i.e. Mark did not create this material). The essay also shows how solemn this exchange was once it is seen in light of this background. An array of Jewish texts illumine the expressions of the ‘Blessed One’ and ‘the Power’. A positive assessment of this passage’s authenticity is significant for historical Jesus studies. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 147–159
930 José Loza Vera, Pasión y Resurrección de Jesús según San Marcos Fortsetzung der in IRBS 49:763 angezeigten Lektüre der markinischen Passionsgeschichte. Qol 31 (2003) 35–63, Qol 32 (2003) 221–243, Qol 33 (2003) 361–378
931 Geert van Oyen, Irony as Propaganda in Mark 15:39? The centurion’s statement, “Truly this man was the (or: a) son of God” is ambiguous: the anarthruous yhyios theuou can grammatically mean both “the son of God” or “a son of God”. It is possible that irony is involved here: the centurion would mean the contrary of (or at least something else than) what he says an he would not be aware that what he is saying is the truth. Reading the text in an unambiguous way as a confession may be a serious mistake. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 125–141
932 Franciszek Sieg, Ewangelia (Mk 16, 1–8) o zmartwychwstaniu Jezusa w szerszym kontek≤cie biblijnym. Studium egzegetyczno-teologiczne After a general consideration of several introductory questions the author of the article turns his attention to the witnesses who appear in the passage, on the function which these witnesses fulfil and on the nature of the signs which are spoken of. The author agrees with those scholars who regard Mk 16,1–8 as an integral, coherent unit and see no reason to classify any part of it as a later addition. He proceeds to show the close relationship between this passage and the account of the passion and death of Jesus according to Mark. There is good evidence that the passage under investigation was an integral part of a pre-Marcan tradition which contained an account of the
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passion and death of Jesus of Nazareth. Particular attention is paid to the witness neaniskos and his function, and proposals concerning his identity are presented. After critically considering various solutions to this problem, the author proposes and justifies his own hypothesis that neaniskos is John the Baptist who was a witness of the presence of the Messiah in Israel ( Jn 1:19 ff.). StBob 1/2 (2001) 111–137 [SS]
933 Linda Maloney, Mark and Mystery In der Verwandlungserzählung (Mk 9,2–10) und am Schluss des Markusevangeliums (Mk 16,1–8) werden Jüngerinnen Jesu mit Manifestationen des Göttlichen konfrontiert, die in ihren Augen die heranbrechende Endzeit anzeigten. Angesichts dessen ist es nicht erstaunlich, dass es ihnen die Sprache verschlug. CThMi 30/6 (2003) 433–437 (SP)
934 Geert Van Oyen, Het slot van Marcus in het licht van de narratieve kritiek: De tekst van Mc. 16,1–8 teruggebracht bij de lezer Several narrative lines reach their climax in the final pericope of Mark’s gospel. (A) The empty grave is integrated in what went before, but the presence of the women and the timing of the episodes arouse the expectation that something new will happen. (B) The portrayal of the personages (the women and the man in white) contributes to a situation in which, in the end, no one personage can resolve the secrecy surrounding Jesus. This leaves the spotlight on the proclamation of the good news – that the crucified Jesus has risen and lives. (C) The cohesion of 16:7 and 16:8 may not be ruptured, even though the two verses seem to contradict one another. In the narrative approach it is possible to maintain the tension caused by this conclusion (commission and failure) and thus to prolong the general line of the gospel. (D) Remarkably the reader’s function also reaches a blind alley at the end. The analysis of recent studies shows that the only way to read the end of Mark authentically is to make the leap from implied reader to real reader. In this way, narrative exegesis brings the text back where it belongs: with the readers of the gospel. TTh 43/1 (2003) 40–51
935 Jörg Frey, Zum Text und Sinn des Freer-Logion Das Freer-Logion (Cod. W[032] v.l. post Mk 16,14) ist ein theologisch nicht allzu tiefgründiger, singulärer, vielleicht von einem einzelnen Schreiber in die Textüberlieferung eingetragener Einschub in den langen Markusschluß. Augenscheinlich greift das Stück das Problem des Unglaubens der ersten Jünger auf, doch wird darin zugleich die negative Verkündigungserfahrung der Gemeinde, ihre Konfrontation mit dem Unglauben in der sich dehnenden Zeit thematisiert. Die Antwort des Ergänzers gibt auf viele Fragen keine erschöpfende Antwort. Sie hält gleichwohl fest, dass sich der Unglaube nicht mehr durch den Verweis auf die Macht des Satans erklären läßt und dass auch die von der Gemeinde erfahrenen Bedrängnisse nicht als Zeichen der noch andauernden Herrschaft Satans und damit als Argument gegen den Glauben an den Erhöhten anzusehen sind. Interessanterweise ist die einzige nachweisbare Rezeption des Einschubs bei dem Kirchenvater Hieronymus eben in der Absicht erfolgt zu belegen, dass die Welt vom Satan beherrscht sei. Den zweiten Teil des Stücks hat Hieronymus weggelassen. ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 13–34
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Luke: general ★ individual passages 936 Wilfried Eckey, Das Lukasevangelium, unter Berücksichtigung seiner Parallelen. Teilband 1 The first volume of this major historical commentary on Luke includes an introduction (noteworthy for its emphasis on the position of Luke’s language within the spectrum of ancient Greek literature) and the commentary on 1:1–10:42. Apparently, the bibliography and a general essay on Lukan theology will be included in volume 2. As indicated by the subtitle, Eckey frequently includes passages from ancient texts that help us understand the moral, cultural, and religious world in which Luke’s biography of Jesus originated (one example: the temptation of Christ is illustrated with the temptation of Buddha). Eckey’s book is a remarkable achievement. (At Luke 10:4, the commentator fails to mention the idea that “greeting” may actually refer to the visiting of relatives, as a terminological study reveals, see B. Lang, Biblische Zeitschrift 26, 1982,75–79.) Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) XIV/1–496 (BL)
937 Walter Radl, Das Evangelium nach Lukas. Kommentar. Erster Teil: 1,1–9,50 This new monumental scholarly commentary, written by a Catholic NT specialist, is meant to replace an earlier commentary, written by H. Schürmann and published by the same house in 1969 and 1993. Although Radl holds his predecessor in high esteem, he differs from him radically. Schürmann had a liking for historical authenticity where this is hard to assert (e.g. he attributed the Magnificat to Mary herself ); in this respect, Radl’s judgment is more in tune with contemporary exegetical sensibilities. The result is a thorough commentary that commands the respect of all scholars familiar with Lukan studies. Scholars will also consult this book for its rich bibliographical citations and its discussion of recent literature. It is to be hoped that Radl will produce the second volume within a reasonable delay, and that volume 2 will include indexes. Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2003) XVIII/1–656 (BL)
938 James L. Resseguie, Spiritual Landscape: Images of the Spiritual Life in the Gospel of Luke Spirituality, in Luke, is defined as a journey, an exodus (Luke 9:31) to the new promised land, the Kingdom of God. Two more characteristics are: material, everyday decisions are inseparable from spiritual decisions; the aim is to fulfil God’s will. With these three characteristics in mind, the author explores how Luke sketches landscapes of spiritual growth ( Jordan, desert, mountain, lake), journeys, families and households, table etiquette, possessions, and other subjects. Lukan spirituality is here sketched on the basis of a narrative approach. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) XI/1–195 (BL)
939 Christfried Böttrich, Ideal oder Zeichen? Besitzverzicht bei Lukas am Beispiel der ‘Ausrüstungsregel’ Im Blick auf die Relation von Armut und Reichtum vertritt der Evangelist Lukas eine klare Position: Armut ist durch Besitzausgleich im Bedarfsfall zu überwinden. Wie ist dann aber die Forderung radikalen Besitzverzichtes zu verstehen, die ihrerseits Bettelarmut erst schafft? Am Beispiel der sogenannten ‘Ausrüstungsregel’ versucht dieser Aufsatz eine neue Lösung. Die Boten des Evangeliums werden mit ihrem radikalen Verzicht nicht auf ein Ideal verpflichtet, sondern zu zeichenhaftem Verhalten aufgefordert. Entsprechende Impulse liegen in der Tradition prophetischer Zeichenhandlungen bereit, für die es auch in der hellenistischen Welt Analogien gibt. Die Forderung begründet keinen neuen Verhaltenskodex, sondern zielt auf konkrete, situationsbezogene Aktionen. NTS 49/3 (2003) 372–392
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940 Stephen Curkpatrick, Parable Metonymy and Luke’s Kerygmatic Framing Luke’s parable frames clarify theologically the unruly metonymic world of Luke’s unique parables with their economic sketches of life’s ambiguities and contradictions. The L parables retain the diffuse particulars of their worlds, but these particulars are re-framed theologically within the kerygma of gospel narrative. The parable denouements are interpreted theologically. The ethical, rhetorical and theological directions attributed to the L parables belong to their gospel narrative framing and resolution, not the parable plots, which sustain metonymic density in their fluctuating points of reference. The L parables are frequently used to illustrate extravagant claims for parables as metaphors that dramatically shatter one’s world to disclose the kingdom of God. However, without their frames, these stories can be interpreted in any direction. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 289–307
941 D. Reinstorf, Luke’s parables and the purpose of Luke’s Gospel Do the parables of Luke hold the key to an understanding of the overall purpose of Luke’s Gospel? This question is pursued by Greg W. Forbes (2000) in a book entitled The God of Old: The role of the Lukan parables in the purpose of Luke’s Gospel. Although the Lukan parables address a variety of subjects of a diverse nature, there is one unifying factor that runs like a golden thread through all the parables: a new vision of God. This vision seems new in-so-far as it presents a challenge to conventional Israelite perceptions regarding God at the time when the parables were written, but in fact, it is not new at all. It is a vision of the God of Old as witnessed in the Hebrew Scriptures. This article presents an overview of Forbes’ book. HTS 58/3 (2002) 1281–1295
942 Brendan Byrne, Jesus as Messiah in the Gospel of Luke: Discerning a Pattern of Correction Die Messianität Jesu wird im Lukasevangelium an mehreren Schlüsselstellen herausgestellt. Gleichzeitig wird jedoch ein politisches Konzept von Messianität durch Lukas fortlaufend korrigiert: Jesus war kein politischer Aufrührer, er verabscheute Gewalt, und die in seinem Namen versammelte Bewegung steht der staatlichen Gewalt nicht grundsätzlich feindlich gegenüber. Für die Etablierung einer speziell heidenchristlichen Identität war diese Umdefinition von Messianität nicht nur notwendig, sondern eine der Ursachen für den Erfolg des Evangeliums in der griechisch-römischen Welt. CBQ 65/1 (2003) 80–95 (MDK)
943 Allan Martens, Salvation Today: Reading Luke’s Message for a Gentile Audience Das LkEv schildert das Leben und den Tod Jesu als Heilsgeschichte. Das manifestiert sich in der lukanischen Sprache und in der Darstellung der Ereignisse, insbesondere in der Rolle der Juden und der Heiden in Gottes Heilsplan. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 100–126 (SP)
944 Thomas P. Osborne, Deux grandes structures concentriques centrales et une nouvelle approche du plan global de l’Évangile de Luc The outlines traditionally proposed for the Gospel of Luke are constructed around the “Travel narrative” of Jesus on his way to Jerusalem (9,51–19,27/28). The existence of two major concentric literary structures in the center of the Gospel, each of which is preceded by a section introducing the themes therein developed (8,4–15 + 8,16–11,36;
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11,37–13,9 + 13,10–19,10), shall require the revision of the habitual conception of the general outline of the Gospel. The first part of this article included the introduction and the analysis of Lk 8,4–11,36; the second part presents Lk 11,37–19,10 and the conclusions. RB 110/2 (2003) 197–221, RB 110/4 (2003) 552–581
✩ 945 Karl A. Kuhn, Beginning the Witness: The autoptai kai hypèretai of Luke’s Infancy Narrative The majority of commentators content that autoptai kai hypèretai (‘eyewitnesses and ministers’) in Luke 1:2b refers to the followers of Jesus who later become identified in Acts as his apostles and other key witnesses such as Stephen, Philip, and Paul. This essay challenges the majority opinion in arguing that numerous parallels between the characters in the infancy narrative and the disciples as portrayed in Luke 24 and Acts signal the evangelist’s intent to present the faithful heralds of John’s and Jesus’ birth in Luke 1–2 as among those who are ‘eye-witnesses and ministers of the word’. NTS 49/2 (2003) 237–255
946 Marius Reiser, Wie wahr ist die Weihnachtsgeschichte? Reiser zeigt am Beispiel der Weihnachtsgeschichte, wie die historische und die symbolische Seite der Erzählung miteinander verflochten sind. EuA 79/6 (2003) 451–463 (SP)
947 Gerard Mussies, “In Those Days”. Some Remarks on the Use of “Days” in Matthew 2:1, 3:1, and Luke 2:1 After examining the Semitic usage of “day” and “days” in the Hebrew Bible, M. studies how these terms are used in the Septuagint. While in the LXX, the generic use is attested, it is sometimes replaced by a more idiomatic Greek expression (“in the time”). The same phenomenon occurs in the NT. Since the phrase “in those days” can refer to the remote past, M. explains Luke 2,1 as follows: Luke seems to understand the census under Quirinius to be the result of a much earlier edict of Augustus. Anyway, these expressions need not imply a strict chronological sequence. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 89–101 (DZ)
948 Franco Manzi, L’attestazione del terzo vangelo sull’autocoscienza di Gesù dodicenne Comprehensive exegetical analysis of Luke 2.41–52, stressing the human side of Christ. ScC 131/3 (2003) 431–496
949 Christoph G. Müller, ‘Ungefähr 30’: Anmerkungen zur Altersangabe Jesu im Lukasevangelium (Lk 3.23) Bei einem Streifzug durch biographisch orientierte Texte aus alttestamentlich-jüdischer Tradition sowie aus der griechischen und lateinischen Literatur der Antike zeigt sich wiederholt, dass die Altersangabe ‘30 Jahre’ mehr als eine bloße numerische Angabe darstellt. Die Zahl ‘30’ kann vielmehr dazu dienen, eine besondere Altersschwelle zu markieren. Das scheint auch im Lukasevangelium (3.23) der Fall zu sein. Die Altersangabe Jesu ist im lukanischen Erzähltext vor allem hinsichtlich ihrer Positionierung aufschlussreich. Der Erzähler setzt dabei nicht nur biographische und literarische Akzente.
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Auch in heilsgeschichtlicher und christologischer Perspektive erweist sich Lk 3.23 als besonders interessanter Erzählerkommentar. NTS 49/4 (2003) 489–504
950 Micaël Razzano, Le discours de Jésus à Nazareth et la question du jubilé (Lc 4,16–30) Jesu Deutung der Jesajalesung in der Synagoge von Nazareth stößt bei seinen HörerInnen zunächst auf Zustimmung, die dann in Ablehnung umschlägt. Beide Reaktionen gründen in der Interpretation des “Gnadenjahr des Herrn”. In einigen jüdischen Gemeinden des ersten Jahrhunderts (so z.B. in Qumran) wurde die Prophetie Jesajas eschatologisch gedeutet: Das Gnadenjahr wurde mit der beginnenden Endzeit erwartet und sollte vom Messias eingeführt werden. Auf diesem Hintergrund bedeutete die von Jesus verkündigte Erfüllung des Zitats das Ende der Unterdrückung durch die römische Besatzung. Die Zustimmung der HörerInnen schlägt in dem Moment um, als in den Worten Jesu deutlich wird, dass die Verkündigung nicht nur für die JüdInnen gilt, sondern auch für die BesatzerInnen selbst (Vv.24ff.). Hokhma 82 (2003) 25–55 (SP)
951 Tobias Nicklas, Das Agraphon vom “Sabbatarbeiter” und sein Kontext: Lk. 6:1–11 in der Textform des Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis (D) Die gesamte Einheit Lk. 6:1–11D erweist sich als klug aufgebaute Szenenabfolge mit dem theologischen Ziel, die Souveränität des rettenden “Menschensohnes” Jesus über den Sabbat aufzuzeigen. Die Redaktoren der neutestamentlichen Textfom, die durch D bezeugt ist, haben bei der kurzen Szene Lk. 6:4D nicht an mögliche Parallelen wie Röm. 14:14, 22–23, 1 Kor. 8:1–10 oder Gal 2:17–18 gedacht. Vielmehr nutzten sie die semantische Vieldeutigkeit des Logions, um es ihrer theologischen Aussageabsicht einzuordnen. Dabei interpretieren sie das zweimalige oidas des Agraphons nicht im Sinne einer Gewissheit der Freiheit von der Gesetzesobservanz im paulinischen Sinne, sondern als ein sicheres Wissen um die Vollmacht des Menschensohnes Jesus über den Sabbat. NT 44/2 (2002) 160–175
952 Alan Kirk, “Love Your Enemies,” the Golden Rule and Ancient Reciprocity (Luke 6:27–35) Der paränetisch ausgerichtete Lukastext steht in der Tradition von Entfaltung und Erneuerung der gemein menschlichen Ethik der Reziprozität, deren geläufigster Ausdruck die Goldene Regel ist. Nur im Zusammenhang mit der Reziprozität ist das Gebot der Feindesliebe plausibel und sinnvoll. Reziprozität lässt Raum für Großzügigkeit und Güte nach dem Beispiel des Verhaltens Gottes den Menschen gegenüber. Aus diesem Grund hegt der Verf. gewisse Vorbehalte gegenüber der Behauptung in Albrecht Dihles klassischer Studie zur Goldenen Regel: “Von der Goldenen Regel . . . führt kein direkter Weg zu der neuen, im Feindesliebegebot am schärfsten formulierten Ethik, weil sie alles Handeln vom Grundsatz der Gegenseitigkeit her bewertet.” JBL 122/4 (2003) 667–686 (RM)
953 Gebern S. Oegema, ‘Love Your Neighbor as Yourself ’: Jesuanic or Mosaic? Das Nächstenliebegebot ist kein neuer und authentischer Ausspruch Jesu, sondern Jesus steht hier in der Auslegungstradition von Lev 19,18. In Lk 6,27–36 verstehen seine Jünger die jesuanische Interpretation des Gebots als Imitatio Dei und dann als Imitatio Christi. BN 116 (2003) 77–86 (US)
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954 Wilson C.K. Poon, Superabundant Table Fellowship in the Kingdom: The Feeding of the Five Thousand and the Meal Motif in Luke The author argues that, while there are undoubtedly Eucharistic overtones in the Feeding story, in Luke, the Feeding Miracle looks forward primarily not to the upper room (22:14–23), but to the Emmaus road (24:13–35). The similarity in wording between the thanksgivings for the bread in 9:16 and 24:30 is at least as strong as that between the former and 22:19. Moreover Luke talks about the day ‘wearing away’ in each case in reporting the time of the meal. ET 114/7 (2003) 224–230
955 Simon Gathercole, Jesus’ Eschatological Vision of the Fall of Satan: Luke 10,18 Reconsidered The author stresses that “it is in fact more satisfactory to see Jesus’s vision as of the eschatological fall of Satan to wreak havoc on the earth prior to his final destruction. According to this interpretation, Lk 10,18 coheres perfectly with verses 17 and 19–20”. (. . .) “Jesus’ exhortation to the disciples is focused on their preservance during the woes, a preservance which is dependent not primarily upon their authority over the evil spirits, but on God’s election. It is this final point which is further reinforced by Jesus in Lk 10,21–24” (163). ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 143–163
956 Ulrich Busse, Die Unterweisung des Lesers im so genannten “Reisebericht”. Dargestellt an Lk 10,25–42 In diesem Beitrag wird der lukanische Reisebericht als Leserinnenbelehrung verstanden. In Lk 10,25–42 wird der Leserin exemplarisch veranschaulicht, was es bedeutet, Jesu Worte zu hören und sie zu tun (vgl. Lk 6,47): Die Worte Jesu zu hören bedeutet, sich – wie Maria von nichts ablenken zu lassen, sie zu tun heisst, Gebote Lebenspraxis werden zu lassen, wie der Samaritaner es tut. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 139–153 (SP)
957 John J. Kilgallen, Martha and Mary: Why at Luke 10,38–42? Given that Luke has wide freedom to arrange his stories as he thinks best, one looks to the material surrounding the story of Mary and Martha to better understand why that story is in its present place. It seems best to think of this story as an affirmation of the teaching of the ‘one thing necessary’, the teaching within the story of the Good Samaritan. Indeed, the Mary-Martha story underlines the Lucan emphasis on the primacy of all Jesus’ teaching. Bib. 84/4 (2003) 554–561
958 Davis T. Williams, Why the Finger? Warum spricht Jesus in Lk 11,20 davon, die bösen Geister durch “Gottes Finger” auszutreiben? Dieser Beitrag erforscht die Facetten des Bildes “der Finger Gottes”. Ein Gedanke ist, dass der Finger, anders als die Hand, nicht so sehr die Macht betont, sondern die Geschicklichkeit unterstreicht. ET 115/2 (2003) 45–49 (SP)
959 Larry Perkins, Why the ‘Finger of God’ in Luke 11:20? If there is a connection with the demand for signs and Jesus’ references to the Ninevites and the Queen of Sheba in Luke 11:29ff., then it is probable that Jesus’ use of the
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phrase ‘finger of God’ is intended to remind his listeners of the pagan Egyptian magicians’ acknowledgement of God’s power exercised through Moses. ET 115/8 (2004) 261–262
960 Ronald F. Hock, The Parable of the Foolish Rich Man (Luke 12:16–20) and Graeco-Roman Conventions of Thought and Behavior Discussing Luke 12:13–21 verse by verse, the author detects social features attested in Graeco-Roman literature, esp. in the Greek novel, and literary devices recommended in rhetorical handbooks. The rich man is not a farmer, but rather an aristocrat living in the city who has rural property. His “inner monologue” is classified as an êthopoiia spoken to himself. Luke characterizes him as focusing only on his external goods, not on the proper good of the psyche. Therefore the rich man is condemned as impoverished in the sense of lacking in virtue. This conforms to the Cynic condemnation of the wealthy and their hedonism. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 181–196 (DZ)
961 Frans Jozef van Beeck, ‘Lost and Found’ in Luke 15: Biblical Interpretation and Self-Involvement This paper pays attention to rhetorical and oral-acoustical details and implied reflexives (both of them self-involving features) in Luke 15. It results in the following question: “Does the chapter imply that in the end both getting lost and getting found are occurring within the one universe accounted for by one and the same Father, who has no enemies and thus, will never agree to let either the world or humanity run their course apart from him” (403)? ET 114/12 (2003) 399–404 (SP)
962 Jan Joosten, “Père, j’ai péché envers le ciel et devant toi”. Remarques exégétiques et textuelles sur Luc 15,18.21 The words addressed by the prodigal son to his father upon his return are generally understood to mean: “I have sinned against both God and you”. Attentive study of the Greek text shows, however, that this interpretation poses certain problems. In the present article, a number of arguments are proposed in favour of an alternative interpretation: “I have committed an enormous offence against you”. RHPhR 83/2 (2003) 145–156
963 Hélène Koehl-Krebs, La parabole du gérant injuste (Luc 16,1–9), un plaidoyer pour l’amitié Luke 16:1–9, possibly pronounced at the fest of Tabernacles (see v. 9, the “tents”), is anti-Essene, for it rejects the world-renunciation of the children of light. Jesus recommends a bold reconsideration of one’s life according to the rule of friendship. Reference is made to a similar idea in the ancient Egyptian Teaching of Amenemhotep (13,16,5, in Pritchard, ANET 423), a text brought into the discussion by R. Morschhauser (Revolutionary Economics? Journal of Higher Criticism 8, 2001, 49–67). PosLuth 51/4 (2003) 327–345 (BL)
964 M.P. Knowles, Reciprocity and ‘Favour’ in the Parable of the Undeserving Servant (Luke 17.7–10) Die paganen AdressatInnen des Lukasevangeliums assoziieren mit dem Begriff charis eine Beziehung, die Gegenseitigkeit impliziert. Ihre Erwartungen werden also in der
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Erzählung vom unnützen Knecht enttäuscht. Stattdessen wird hier eine für sie neue, jüdisch-christliche Interpretation von charis geboten: Gott ist nie in der Pflicht. NTS 49/2 (2003) 256–260 (SP)
965 Stanley E. Porter, Luke 17.11–19 and the Criteria for Authenticity Revisited My 2000 monograph on the criteria for authenticity in historical-Jesus research analyzed the major criteria that have been used in such discussion. I also developed three new Greek-language based criteria, and, using these criteria, examined a number of important passages in the Gospels where it is useful to discuss their authenticity in Greek. The critical results have proved significant, with many scholars accepting that I have shown the likelihood of Jesus speaking Greek, even if they do not agree that I have convincingly proven every example where he did so. In that discussion, I did not treat Lk. 17.11–19, the episode of the cleansing the ten lepers, in which one, a Samaritan, speaks to Jesus. In this paper, I apply the criterion of Greek language and its context to the episode and show that the persons involved and their backgrounds indicate that Greek may well have been the – or at least a – language in which they could and/or would have communicated. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 201–224
966 Waldemar Rakocy, Entos hymòn („k 17,21): królestwo Boûe “w was” czy “po≤ród was”? Es wird die Frage nach Bedeutung und angemessener Übersetzung der griechischen Phrase entos hymòn (Lk 17,21) gestellt und beantwortet. Zuerst bietet der Verfasser einen Forschungsbericht. Dann führt er eine eigene Untersuchung des Textes durch, um zum folgenden Ergebnis zu kommen: im Kontext des Gesprächs Jesu mit den Pharisäern soll entos hymòn nicht “in euch” sondern vielmehr als “unter euch – in eurer Mitte” verstanden und übersetzt werden. ColT 71/1 (2001) 31–40 [SS]
967 John Topel, What Kind of a Sign are Vultures? Luke 17,37b The only consensus about the meaning of Jesus’ proverb in Q, Matthew or Luke is that it is enigmatic. But closer attention to the trope itself and its literary context may give clues to its meaning in Luke 17. The two principal preoccupations of exegetes are 1) whether aetoi means eagles or vultures, and 2) how to define the literary context in which the proverb is to be read: does it refer to the coming day of the Son of Man (17,22–34) or of the last judgment (17,34–35)? This paper argues that aetoi here must mean vultures and the appropriate context for the interpretation of the proverb is the whole speech, for which its serves as the conclusion. There is a curious interplay between the Pharisees’ “When” (v. 20) and the “Where?” (v. 37a) of the disciples. Attending to the polysemic possibilities of the proverb provides a meaning which knits the whole speech together. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 403–411
968 Adelbert Denaux, The parable of the king-judge (Lk 19,12–28) and its relation to the Entry Story (Lk 19,29–44) There are striking correspondences between the parable (Lk 19,11–28) and the Entry Story (Lk 19,29–44). The main focus lies in the recognition of Jesus’ Kingdom and in the punishment executed on those who refuse to welcome the coming king. In Luke’s mind, the parable and the Entry Story elucidate each other. They relate to each other as an interpretation to event. They form a kind of diptych comprising thematic correspondences expressed by verbal parallelism. ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 35–57
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969 Heike Omerzu, Das traditionsgeschichtliche Verhältnis der Begegnungen von Jesus mit Herodes Antipas und Paulus mit Agrippa II. Ein Vergleich der Erzählungen Lk 23,6–12 und Apg 25,13–26,32 zeigt, dass das Verhör Jesu durch Herodes Antipas eine vollständig redaktionelle Komposition des Lukas darstellt, wohingegen die Beteiligung des jüdischen Königs um den Prozess des Paulus einen traditionellen Haftpunkt besitzt. Die sachliche Begründung für die Hinzuziehung des jüdischen Königs durch den römischen Statthalter Festus im Fall des Paulus dürfte mit der Oberaufsicht Agrippas II. über den Jerusalemer Tempel im Zusammenhang stehen. SNTU 28 (2003) 121–145
970 Andy Johnson, Ripples of the Resurrection in the Triune Life of God: Reading Luke 24 with Eschatological and Trinitarian Eyes By the end of his Gospel the eschatological and Trinitarian implications of Luke’s portrait of the risen Son begin to overlap and mutually inform each other. On the one hand his portrait has begun to strech the theological imagination of his audience in the direction of an incipiently Triune portrait of Yahweh. On the other hand, Luke’s portrait has also begun to affect the eschatological imagination of the audience by offering a glimpse of God’s final future that is characterized by transformed physical/material, even fleshly, embodiment. HBT 24/2 (2002) 87–110
971 Dennis R. MacDonald, The Ending of Luke and the Ending of the Odyssey The post-resurrection recognition stories Luke 24:13–43 are not based on tradition, but created by Luke. His inspiration came from the end of the Odyssey – see the scene in which Odysseus visits his father’s modest farm “far from the city” after his return from abroad. The two names “Emmaus” and “Cleopas” may also allude to Homeric names; this seems to be most evident in the case of Emmaus, a place name echoing the Homeric personal name Eumaios (the name of one of Odysseus’s most faithful servants). Luke not only imitated Homeric epic; he emulated it by exalting Jesus at the expense of Odysseus. Randall A. Argall et al. (eds.), For a Later Generation; Trinity Press International, Harrisburg, Penn. (2000) 161–168 (BL)
972 Rainer Riesner, Die Emmaus-Erzählung (Lukas 24,13–35). Lukanische Theologie, judenchristliche Tradition und palästinische Theologie Lukas schöpfte aus einer semitischen, teilweise sogar hebraisierenden Tradition, die eine judenchristliche Färbung aufweist. Die Überlieferung wurde in den Kreisen von jenen Verwandten Jesu geformt und weitergegeben, die in Judäa ansässig waren. Der Aufsatz geht allen topographischen und historischen Fragen nach und verweist auf die Schlacht von Emmaus als möglichen Grund der Traditionshaftung an diesem Ort (1 Makk 4). Karl–Heinz Fleckenstein et al., Emmaus in Judäa; Brunnen Verlag, Gießen (2003) 150–208 (BL)
973 Claudia Janssen, Christologie auf dem Weg. Die Erinnerung an Jesus als Potenzial für politischen Widerstand (Lk 24,13–35) Die politische Botschaft der Emmaus-Geschichte zeigt sich, wenn sie auf dem Hintergrund der politischen Ereignisse im 1.Jh. gelesen wird. Die Jünger verkörpern die Reaktion auf erfahrene Gewalt. Nach der Begegnung mit dem Auferstandenen kehren sie zurück
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nach Jerusalem, mit der Botschaft des Lebens an den Ort des Schreckens. In der Gemeinschaft derer, die sich zu Christus bekennen, werden Strategien zur Überwindung der Gewalt entwickelt, die Hoffnung auf die Befreiung Israels gelebt. BiKi 58/3 (2003) 156–160
John: general ★ individual passages 974 Craig S. Keener, The Gospel of John. A Commentary “The Fourth Gospel preserves genuine historical reminiscences of Jesus and an accurate portrait of events and essential teaching” (p. 79). “John son of Zebedee authored the substance of the finished gospel” (p. 139), presumably in the 90s CE, and he stayed firmly within the Jewish context in which he must have grown up. Conservative in orientation, this is a masterful scholarly commentary on the Fourth Gospel. There is a long introduction (pp. 1–330) and an equally long bibliography of ancient sources and secondary literature (pp. 1243–1409). Scholars of all persuasions will use it for its rich documentation and its fresh discussions of debated issues. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XLVIII/1–1636 (BL)
975 Colin G. Kruse, John Among the special features of this commentary is the introductory section on “recent trends in the interpretation of the Fourth Gospel” (R. Fortna, L.L. Martin, R.A. Culpetter) and the author’s belief that the original form of the gospel must have originated in Ephesus as the work of the apostle John, occasionally referred to in this text as “the beloved disciple”. Kruse suggests the following sequence of Johannine literature: the first work to be written was John’s gospel (original, unedited form), then came the Johannine letters; then John died; after his death, the gospel was edited, and it is this edited text that figures in our Bibles. In his commentary, Kruse often relies on D.A. Carson, The Gospel according to John (1991). Tyndale New Testament Commentaries; Inter-Varsity Press, Leicester (2003) 1–395 (BL)
976 Udo Schnelle, Das Evangelium nach Johannes Originally published in 1998 and subsequently reprinted, this third edition of Schnelle’s commentary is thoroughly revised, i.e. expanded. Among the major insertions are an extended note on “sin in John” and a similar note on “trinitarian thinking in John”. As is well-known, Schnelle identifies the Beloved Disciple with the presbyter mentioned in 2 and 3 John, arguing that he is not a late addition to the gospel but belongs to its very structure. Another major interpretative idea is that John’s theology represents a development of Pauline thought – an interesting suggestion by a scholar who contributes to both Johannine and Pauline studies. See also Schnelle’s recent report on Johannine research in BThZ 16, 1999, 21–40. Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament 4; Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, (2004) XXVIII/1–346 (BL)
977 Mark Edwards, John The author anthologizes major commentaries from the patristic period to the present time for comments on both major and minor issues of interpretation. The result is an attractive inventory of exegetical opinion on one of the most important books of the NT. A true mine of information, published in a series that makes the life of researchers easier! Blackwell Bible Commentaries; Blackwell Publishing, Oxford (2004) XIV/1–242 (BL)
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978 Hans Hübner, Vetus Testamentum in Novo. Vol. 1.2: Evangelium secundum Iohannem NT scholars have often lamented the fact that translations and editions of the Greek text of the NT regularly offer chains of references to the OT to indicate where a NT passage echoes or quotes the OT but, unfortunately, fail to spell out the relevant OT material. To improve this situation, Hübner has compiled a synopsis that prints, in several columns, much of the text of John (though not the complete text of the gospel) in one column and, in parallel columns the text of references to the Septuagint, the Hebrew Bible, and other relevant texts. All professional NT scholars will warmly welcome this useful tool. A reference work of lasting value. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) XXIV/1–581 (BL)
979 Erik Peterson, Johannesevangelium und Kanonstudien Publication of Peterson’s lecture notes for a course delivered in 1927 and 1929 at the University of Bonn, Germany. Much of John 1:1–7:30 is covered. The editor’s introduction explains the relevance of an approach that sought to rehabilitate allegorical and “canonical” readings, and K. Scholtissek has contributed an introduction to Peterson’s Johannine exegesis. (The short pieces collected in part 2, pp. 303ff, deal mainly with Papias of Hierapolis.) Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) LIV/1–356 (BL)
980 Klaus Scholtissek, “Geschrieben in diesem Buch” ( Joh 20,30) – Beobachtungen zum kanonischen Anspruch des Johannesevangeliums Der vierte Evangelist erweist sich als Schrifttheologe in einem doppelten Sinn: als Ausleger der Schrift Israels und als Verfasser eines neuen “Buches”, das in Analogie zur Schrift Israels Gottes Offenbarung, hier seine eschatologische Selbstoffenbarung in seinem Sohn Jesus Christus, verbindlich bezeugt und vergegenwärtigt. Johannes beansprucht für sein Evangelium kanonische Autorität. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 207-226
981 Norbert Scholl, Johannes schreibt sein Evangelium. Eine Erzählung How did the gospel of John originate? Unlike other scholars who have composed heavy tomes of scholarly discussion, Scholl offers an imaginative story. He is indebted to “narrative exegesis” as practiced by Gerd Theissen, Bruce Longenecker, and others. The account is interspersed with brief exegetical sections, and the narrative is fully annotated with supportive evidence. Many readers will like this book and benefit from its numerous insights. Paulusverlag, Fribourg (2003) 1–189 (BL)
982 Tobias Hägerland, John’s Gospel: A Two-Level Drama? During the past decades, scholars have attempted to reconstruct the history of a Johannine community through reading John’s Gospel as a two-level drama. According to this understanding, the Gospel relates events that took place in the community after Jesus’ earthly ministry, while these events are presented as a story about Jesus himself. The present essay evaluates this allegorical reading of the Gospel, first through a search for ancient parallels that would constitute a genre of the two-level drama, secondly through a discussion of the alleged intra-textual indications of the Gospel’s allegorical character. The conclusion arrived at is that both the search for an ancient two-level genre and the search for hints of allegory in the text are unsuccessful. The hypothesis of a Johannine two-level drama is therefore highly implausible. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 309–322
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983 Jane S. Webster, Ingesting Jesus: Eating and Drinking in the Gospel of John This examination of a literary motif – that of “ingesting” = eating and drinking – explores all passages relating to food, drink, and consumption. Metaphorical expressions such as “tasting death” are also considered, as are the six stories that are given a meal setting. Ingesting language is used to describe both the role of Jesus as the one who is incarnate as “flesh” but who must die in order that others might eat and live, and the role of the believer who must “eat and drink Jesus”. Eating and drinking were significant in the Johannine community, perhaps reflecting Eucharistic practice. Academia Biblica 6; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XI/1–184
984 Adele Reinhartz, The Grammar of Hate in the Gospel of John: Reading John in the Twenty-First-Century Reinhartz kontrastiert das johanneische Liebesgebot mit einer “Grammatik des Hasses”, die dem Johannesevangelium auf drei Ebenen eingezeichnet ist. Auf der Ebene der Erzählung werden die Juden als vom Hass gegen Jesus motivierte Subjekte dargestellt, während Jesus Objekt bzw. Opfer der Gewalt gegen ihn ist. Diese grammatische Struktur von Subjekt und Objekt setzt sich auf der ekklesiologischen Ebene des Johannesevangeliums fort. Subjekt der gewalttätigen Handlung sind hier wieder die Juden, während die Opfer diesmal die christlichen Gemeinden sind. Auf einer dritten, kosmologischen Ebene des Evangeliums werden die grammatischen Rollen von Subjekt und Objekt vertauscht: Die Juden werden von Jesus/Gott verdammt und vom Bund ausgeschlossen. Die dem Johannesevangelium eingeschriebene Verdammung des Judentums kann als Reaktion des machtlosen Christentums auf den jüdischen Unglauben verstanden werden, als Rache auf kosmologischer Ebene, die mit zunehmender Macht des Christentums nicht verbal blieb, sondern für die Juden tödlich wurde. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 416–427 (SP)
985 Andreas Leinhäupl-Wilke, Rettet ein Buch? – Spurensuche in den Rahmenteilen des Johannesevangeliums Die Zusammenfassung des Prologs in Joh 1,12 wird als identitätsstiftendes Konzept vorgestellt, das sich als roter Faden durch das ganze Evangelium zieht. Dieses Konzept wird als Programm rettenden Wissens dargelegt, das deutlich eine soteriologische Perspektive aufweist, so dass sich die Frage stellt, ob ein Buch retten kann. Der hermeneutische Entwurf des Prologs wird dabei als Rückbezug des Anfangs der Überlegungen gesehen. Die Verortung in der jüdischen Weisheitstradition zeigt die Verwiesenheit in die Offenbarungsgeschichte Gottes mit Israel. Rettendes Wissen ist ohne die eigene Tradition nicht vorstellbar. Der Inhalt des Wissens wird hingegen in der Exposition der eingesetzten Figuren deutlich. Kern des rettenden Wissens ist die erzählte Erinnerung des Christusereignisses. Das Buch dient dabei als Kommunikationsmittel und macht das rettende Wissen evident. In dieser Weise, nicht als Buch an sich hat es rettende Wirkung. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum, Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002) 269–315 (EB)
986 Christiane Koch u.a., Konzentrisches Erzählkonzept im Johannesevangelium. Skizze eines Strukturierungsvorschlags Observations concerning the narrative setting and the contents of John 1:1–20:31 show a concentric concept of narration in three levels including the prologue and the epilogue as a reflective frame lying behind the gospel of John. Structuring the gospel in that way has consequences for the interpretation of its theological message and its pragmatical strategy. PzB 12/2 (2003) 129–142
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987 Thomas Söding, Die Offenbarung des Logos. Biblische Theologie und Religionsgeschichte im johanneischen Spektrum Am Beispiel des Johannesevangeliums wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern die nichtbiblischen Religionen in christologischer Deuteperspektive in ihrem jeweiligen Eigenwert bejaht werden können. In den Blick gerät dabei insbesondere der in der Forschung häufig postulierte Absolutheitsanspruch des Christentums ( Joh 14,6). Im Blick auf Juden und Fremdvölker erweist sich die Inkarnation des Logos als soteriologisch begründet, wobei der entscheidende Unterschied im Offenbarungsanspruch der Schrift besteht: Kommen die Juden als Offenbarungsempfänger in den Blick, so die Völker lediglich als Adressaten der Mission. Seinen argumentativen Ort findet der Beitrag in der Offenbarungstheologie des Johannesprologs ( Joh 1,1–18), in welchem deutlich aus christologischer Sicht argumentiert wird: Der Absolutheitsanspruch des Christentums ( Joh 14,6) wird aufrecht erhalten, jedoch christologisch-soteriologisch nicht in exklusiver, sondern in positiver Weise: Die Juden und die Völker sind in der Heilsgegenwart inbegriffen in der Liebe Gottes, ohne dabei die Bedeutung der Selbstoffenbarung Gottes in Jesus Christus zu relativieren. Michael Labahn u.a. (Hg.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium, Paderborn 2004, 387–415 (EB)
988 János Bolyki, Ethics in the Gospel of John Dieser Beitrag bringt eher verdeckte ethische Dimensionen des Johannesevangeliums zum Vorschein. So lassen sich zum Beispiel viele Konflikte Jesu (mit den jüdischen Autoritäten, mit Pilatus) als ethische Konflikte auffassen. CV 45/3 (2003) 198–208 (SP)
989 Udo Schnelle, Trinitarisches Denken im Johannesevangelium Theologischen Reflexion über das Johannesevangelium, die die Göttlichkeit Jesu hevorhebt (Wesen-, Willens- und Wirkenseinheit). Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 367–386 (SP)
990 John Painter, Sacrifice and Atonement in the Gospel of John Jesu Sterben für die Menschen im Johannesevangelium kann nicht auf dem Hintergrund des israelitischen Opferverständnisses erklärt werden. Jesus wird nicht als Unschuldiger Gott geopfert, damit dieser die Menschen von ihren Sünden freispricht. Vielmehr war sein Sterben Teil seines Gott gehorsamen Lebens und sein Leben das Wirken Gottes, der ihn gesandt hat. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangilium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 287–313 (SP)
991 Camillus Umoh, The Temple in the Fourth Gospel Umoh vertritt die These, dass im Johannesevangelium Jesus den Jerusalemer Tempel ersetzt. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 314–333 (SP)
992 Thomas Söding, Incarnation and pasch: the historical Jesus in John’s Gospel According to Thomas Söding, of the four gospels, only John’s advocates an explicit preexistence christology (1:1–18, 30; 8:58). But it cannot be said that the author of that gospel does not take Jesus’ humanity seriously. While John proceeds in a way very
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different from that of the synoptics, he makes it clear that Jesus became human, that this human being is God’s Son, and that the Son is one with the Father (10:30). ThD 50/3 (2003) 203–210
993 Cordula Langner, Was für ein König ist Jesus? Eine Analyse aller Stellen im JohEv, an denen Jesus als König bezeichnet wird, veranschaulicht den Facettenreichtum dieser Bezeichnung. Es zeichnen sich drei Interpretationslinien ab, die das König-Sein Jesu beschreiben: (1) Jesus ist König wie JHWH, (2) Jesu König-Sein ist Zeugnis für die Wahrheit und (3) Jesus ist König in der Weise, wie er auch Licht und Brot, Hirte und Tür, Weinstock, Weg, Wahrheit und Leben ist. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 247–268 (SP)
994 Michael Theobald, Wer ist Jesus für mich persönlich? Identifikationsangebote des Johannesevangeliums Beeindruckend sind nicht nur die großen Worte des johanneischen Christus. Das vierte Evangelium enthält auch unspektakuläre, verhaltene Worte aus dem Mund von Menschen am Rand des Weges Jesu, die vielleicht noch nachhaltiger die Frage anstoßen: Wer ist Jesus für mich persönlich? Drei dieser Worte – gleichsam “kleine Pforten” (Ignatius von Loyola) in den Raum des Textes – sind Gegenstand der Betrachtung in diesem Beitrag: Joh 1,46; 2,5 und 4,29/39. BiKi 58/3 (2003) 150–155
995 Karl-Heinrich Ostmeyer, Die identitätsstiftende Funktion der Gebetsterminologie im Johannesevangelium Dieser Beitrag bietet eine semantische Untersuchung der im Johannesevangelium zentralen Gebetstermini: Eròtaò wird in der Gottesanrede exklusiv von Jesus verwandt. Es drückt die gegenseitige Wesenserkennung von Vater und Sohn aus. Aiteò steht für die durch Jesus eröffnete Beziehung der Gläubigen zu Gott. Proskyneò wird bis zum Kommen der Stunde Jesu ( Joh 12,23) verwandt. Verf. zufolge dient die im Johannesevangelium spezifisch beschriebene Art zu beten der Abgrenzung vom Tempelkult und erfüllt somit eine identitätsstiftende Funktion. Albert Gerhards et al. (eds.), Identität durch Gebet; Verlag F. Scchöningh, Paderborn (2003) 205–222 (SP)
996 Reimund Bieringer et al., Open to Both Ways . . .? Johannine Perspectives on Judaism in the Light of Jewish-Christian Dialogue Dieser Beitrag greift das Problem des Antijudaismus im Johannesevangelium und seiner Auslegung aus zwei verschiedenen Perspektiven auf. Im ersten Teil steht die johanneische Christologie im Vordergrund, im zweiten Teil werden offizielle Verlautbarungen der römisch-katholischen Kirche zum Thema analysiert. Hinsichtlich der Christologie des Johannesevangeliums stimmen Bieringer und Pollefeyt der Interpretation der päpstlichen Bibelkommission (Das jüdische Volk und seine heilige Schrift in der christlichen Bibel, 2001) zu: “The fourth gospel assumes that the faithful parts of Judaism already accepted Christ before his incarnation (as pre-existent Logos). The Jews who believe in Jesus are the heirs of this part of Judaism whereas those who reject Jesus are the heirs of unfaithful Jews throughout history” (31). Anders als das kirchliche Dokument sehen die Verfasser in dieser Christologie jedoch die Wurzel des Antijudaismus-Problems. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 11–32 (SP)
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997 Jörg Frey, Das Bild “der Juden” im Johannesevangelium und die Geschichte der johanneischen Gemeinde Frey nähert sich den problematischen Aussagen des Johannesevangeliums über “die Juden”, indem er den soziopolitischen Kontext, in dem das Johannesevangelium entstanden ist, in den Blick nimmt. Frey plädiert für eine Entstehung in der jüdischen Diaspora in Kleinasien (Ephesus) im späten ersten Jahrhundert, einige Jahre nach dem Synagogenausschluss der Judenchristen. Der definitive Bruch zwischen der Synagoge und den ( Juden)Christen sei zu dieser Zeit bereits endgültig vollzogen gewesen, so Frey. Dass die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen beiden Gruppen in Joh 5–12 so scharf aktualisiert werden, verdankt sich u.a. dem unsicheren Rechtsstatus der johanneischen Christen. Durch die Einführung des Fiscus Iudaicus war die Frage, wer als Jude galt, eine der fiskalischen Verwaltung und Rechtspraxis geworden, und hatte folglich erheblichen Einfluss auf das Verhältnis zwischen Juden und Christen. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 33–53 (SP)
998 Francis J. Moloney, Israel, the People and the Jews in the Fourth Gospel Eine Untersuchung des Bildes von “den Juden” im Johannesevangelium sollte zunächst bei der positiven Darstellung vieler jüdischer Charaktere, den positiven Ioudaioi-Stellen und der engen Verbindung zwischen den Juden und Gottes Offenbarung an Israel einsetzen. Der negative Gebrauch der überwiegenden Mehrheit der Ioudaioi-Stellen erklärt sich dann aus der historischen Situation der johanneischen Gemeinde, denn es ist “die Welt hinter dem Text”, die für die feindselige Gruppe “der Juden” verantwortlich zeichnet. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 351–364 (SP)
999 Michael Labahn, Jesus und die Autorität der Schrift im Johannesevangelium. Überlegungen zu einem spannungsreichen Verhältnis “Die Autorität der Schriften ist im johanneischen Verständnis völlig hineingeordnet in eine hohe Christologie, die von der ursprünglichen Einheit des gesandten Sohnes mit seinem Vater her denkt” (206). Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 185–206
1000 Johann Maier, Schriftrezeption im jüdischen Umfeld des Johannesevangeliums Dieser Beitrag bietet einen Blick auf auslegungs- und wirkungsgeschichtlich relevante Zitate und Themen im Johannesevangelium und auf die Schriftrezeption im jüdischen Umfeld des Johannesevangeliums ( Jubiläenbuch, Henochtraditionen, Qumran und die Pe“är-Kommentierung, Philo, samaritanische Traditionen, Josephus, Justinus Martyrs Dialogus cum Tryphone Judaeo und die rabbinische Schriftauslegung). Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 54–88 (SP)
1001 Hans-Josef Klauck, Geschrieben, erfüllt, vollendet: die Schriftzitate in der Johannespassion Dieser Beitrag beschränkt sich auf die Untersuchung von Markierungen und Zitaten in der Johannespassion. Untersucht werden die Tempelreinigung (2,13–17), der Einzug in Jerusalem (12,12–19), ein Jesuswort beim Abschiedsmahl (13,18f.), die Verteilung
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der Kleider Jesu (19,23f.), der Tod Jesu (19,28–30) und das Zerbrechen der Gebeine und der Lanzenstich (19,31–37). Das Ergebnis der Untersuchung ist im Titel des Beitrags zusammengefasst: die Steigerung “geschrieben, erfüllt, vollendet” ist im Gebrauch der Schriftzitate angelegt. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 140–157 (SP)
1002 Michael Theobald, Abraham – (Isaak-) Jakob. Israels Väter im Johannesevangelium Diese Untersuchung von Joh 1,51; Joh 4 und Joh 8,31–59 schließt mit drei Thesen. (1) Die Väter Israels spielen für den Aufbau einer ekklesiologischen Identität im JohEv keine Rolle mehr. Vaterschaft ist hier ein christologisches Thema. (2) Der Evangelist sucht sich vom synagogalen Judenchristentum abzugrenzen. (3) Er projiziert die Ablehnung der johanneischen Christen durch die zeitgenössische Synagoge zurück in die Vita Jesu. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 158–183 (SP)
1003 Maarten J.J. Menken, Die jüdischen Feste im Johannesevangelium Der vierte Evangelist hat das öffentliche Wirken Jesu absichtlich in den Rahmen jüdischer Feste eingezeichnet. Doch bleibt dieser Rahmen fragmentarisch. Er ist selektiv verwendet worden, um die johanneischen Jesusgeschichten in eine inhaltliche Beziehung zu den Festen zu stellen. Diese Beziehung formuliert Menken als eine Überbietungstheologie, die mit dem Schema Typus-Antitypus arbeitet: “Was in den Festen gefeiert wird, bildet den Typus, Jesus bildet den Antitypus dazu. Einerseits gleicht der Antitypus dem Typus, andererseits übertrifft er ihn [. . .] In dieser Weise wird das in den Festen vermittelte Heil vom joh. Jeus überboten” (285). Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 269–286 (SP)
1004 Andrew T. Lincoln, Reading John: The Fourth Gospel under Modern and Postmodern Interrogation This paper provides an intriguing and provocative examination of how the issue of truth might be best understood in the context of the Fourth Gospel’s narrative. It then explores critiques of its truth in the three important areas of historicity, anti-Judaism, and power. His discussion of historicity provides a valuable analysis of ancient biography in terms of John’s Gospel. Lincoln rejects much of the recent discussion of antiJudaism in the Fourth Gospel by appealing to the Gospel context of promoting Jesus as the criterion of truth. Lastly, Lincoln explores the notion of suffering and death of Jesus as representative of the way power is exercised in Jesus’ kingdom. Lincoln concludes by suggesting that this Gospel is most appropriately read in light of its own different perspective on truth, which encompasses but cannot simply be reduced to matters of historicity, ethics, or power. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 127–149
1005 Wendy E. Sproston North, John for Readers of Mark? A Response to Richard Bauckham’s Proposal This article is a response to Richard Bauckham’s second contribution to the influential volume The Gospels for All Christians, in which he proposes that the Fourth Gospel was not written specifically for the Johannine community but for Christians in general. Following a general summary of his argument, the response focuses largely on Bauckham’s
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exegesis of Jn 11.2, which, he claims, was unequivocally directed to readers who knew Mark’s Gospel but who had no knowledge of distinctively Johannine traditions. In the main section, Bauckham’s argument is summarized under five points, each of which is answered by detailed comment. This investigation finds that his interpretation of 11.2, which is the single basis upon which his whole case is constructed, is flawed. JSNT 25/4 (2003) 449–468
1006 H. Ito, Narrative temporality and Johannine symbolism How does narrative temporality affect the understanding of Johannine symbolism? To investigate this is the purpose of this article. The notion of narrative temporality is not new in the study of Biblical texts. However, there have not been many studies which make this notion their main thrust. Rather, generally speaking, it has merely been used as a “guide” or framework by which one can investigate some other important aspects such as the interpretation of a certain piece of literature, narrative, or part of a narrative. Against this background, this article wishes to put more focus on the possibility and impact this notion can provide in Biblical studies. In order to do this, this article takes up the subject of Johannine symbolism in the Fourth Gospel, especially the symbol of light, simply because it is not easy to understand. The more difficult the subject is, the clearer this notion can display its impact and usability in the readings of Biblical narratives. ATh 23/2 (2003) 117–135
1007 André Gagné, Caractérisation des figures de Satan et de Judas dans le IVe évangile: stratégie narrative et déploiement des intrigues de conflit The author of the Fourth gospel presents some important parallels between Satan and Judas Iscariot. Few studies have tried to understand what lies behind the characterization of these two johannine figures. We believe that the Fourth gospel characterizes Judas Iscariot as the earthly manifestation of Satan. This characterization enables the author to construct three sub-plots of conflict: the Son of Man vs. the Prince of this world, the Good Shepherd vs. the hireling-thief and Jesus vs. Judas Iscariot. These sub-plots are part of an overall plot which portrays Jesus as freely giving his life for those who believe in him. ScEs 55/3 (2003) 263–284
1008 Lynne Courter Boughton, The Priestly Perspective of the Johannine Trial Narratives Researchers disagree concerning depictions of “Jews” and “high priests” in John. Many trace the gospel’s apparent animosity toward these identities to Christian rivalry with rabbinic Judaism after Javneh or emerging ethnic differences. Others detect Galilean resentment of Judeans, sectarian polemics, or Qumran-influenced hostility toward the Temple’s high priesthood. The study undertaken here, however, proposes that John does not vilify a religious, ethnic, or priestly identity. Instead, the evangelist’s goal was to show readers who remembered issues and alignments of pre-66 Judea and who valued the priesthood as central to God’s covenant, that the high priests of the Temple, despite the urging of some politically motivated colleagues, did not institutionally authorize the betrayal of Jesus. RB 110/4 (2003) 517–551
1009 Hans Hübner, EN ARXHI EGV EIMI Dieser Beitrag vertritt u.a. folgende Thesen: Das egò eimi in Joh 6,20 hat Epiphaniecharakter. In Joh 8,24.28 rekurriert der Evangelist bewusst auf Jes 43,10, die dortige Selbstaussage Gottes wird übernommen. Im Prolog sagt Gott sich selbst als worthaftes
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Wesen aus, wobei Gotteswort wirkendes Wort ist. In einer Person ist Jesus sowohl als theos als auch als Mensch der Mittler zwischen Zeit und Ewigkeit. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 107–122 (SP)
✩ 1010 Christoph G. Müller, Der Zeuge und das Licht. Joh 1,1–4,3 und das Darstellungsprinzip der sygkrisis The ancient principle of presentation, syncrisis, repeatedly used in research for the interpretation of Luke 1–2, is applied here. In this article the author first presents the most important aspects of syncrisis and then moves to the question whether or not one can present a valid study, with the use of syncrisis, for the interpretation of the “John the Baptist texts” in John’s Gospel (1,6–8.15; 1,19–34; 1,35–42; 3,22–36; 4,1–3; 5,33–35; 10,40–42) and for the relationship of John and Jesus. We arrive at a positive result; the repeated signals “towards”, “under”, etc. are recognizably indicators of ordered relationships. The comparison that comes to light serves together with the visible differences in the profiling of each of them – precisely in their opposition to each other. Thus, syncrisis is revealed as a rich literary means to show continuity and discontinuity. Evaluation and relativisation, integration and subordination to the figure of Jesus determine the presentation of the Baptist in John’s Gospel. The appropriate ordering of his person to Jesus is shown also in the area of metaphorical speech, when John is presented as “the friend of the bridegroom” ( John 3,29). Bib. 84/4 (2003) 479–509
1011 Angelika Strotmann, Relative oder absolute Präexistenz? Zur Diskussion über die Präexistenz der frühjüdischen Weisheitsgestalt im Kontext von Joh 1,1–18 In Spr 8,22–31 MT ist das Verhältnis zwischen dem Gott Israels und der Weisheit nicht eindeutig bestimmbar. Ein Vergleich verschiedener Übersetzungen zeigt, dass die Geschöpflichkeit der Weisheit nur eine von verschiedenen Deutungsmöglichkeiten darstellt. Die Übersetzung von qnh mit “schaffen” ist zudem problematisch, weil hier anders als im hebräischen Text die Erschaffung der Weisheit nicht von den übrigen Schöpfungswerken abgehoben wird. Die vermeintliche Geschöpflichkeit der Weisheit führte in der Exegese des Johannesprologs zu einer Abhebung der Präexistenz des Logos gegenüber der Präexistenz der Weisheit, die durch Spr 8 so nicht bestätigt wird. Entscheidend ist, dass die Präexistenz der Weisheit ebenso wie die des Logos im Dienst der Mittlerrolle zwischen Gott und den Menschen steht. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 91–106 (SP)
1012 Ansgar Wucherpfennig, Torah, gospel, and John’s prologue What is the center of holy scripture? The Jewish answer was, and still is, the Torah. In the NT, however, are the prophets, psalms, and other writings more important than the Torah? According to Wucherpfennig, answers to these questions have immediate consequences for NT hermeneutics. His observations on the prologue to John’s Gospel are an attempt to provide a Christian answer to the question concerning the center of holy scripture. ThD 50/3 (2003) 211–220
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1013 David A. Reed, How Semitic Was John? Rethinking the Hellenistic Background to John 1:1 Mit logos ist im Prolog des Johannesevangeliums die Tora gemeint. Das johanneische Denken ist jüdisch, nicht hellenistisch geprägt. AThR 85/4 (2003) 709–726 (SP)
1014 David J. MacLeod, The Creation of the Universe by the Word: John 1:3–5. Part 2 of 6 parts of “The Living Word in John 1:1–18” In the second strophe of his Logos hymn John asserted that the logos or “word” is (a) the Creator of every single, solitary thing in the universe, (b) the ground, giver, and sustainer of all life, (c) the medium of all divine self-disclosure, that is, the agent of revelation, and (d) the nemesis of Satan and all the forces of evil in this world. BS 160/2 (2003) 187–201
1015 David J. MacLeod, The Witness of John the Baptist to the Word: John 1:6–9. Part 3 of 6 Parts of “The Living Word in John 1:1–18” John 1:6–9 presents a portrait of John the Baptist that conveys what a witness should be. With his self-denying attitude, his Christ-centered message, and his goal of winning his hearers to personal faith in the Savior, regardless of their condition or attitude, John is a role model of what a Christian witness should be. BS 160/3 (2003) 305–320
1016 Christopher W. Skinner, Another Look at “the Lamb of God” Inquiries into the interpretation of John the Baptist’s “Lamb of God” pronouncements in John 1:29 and 36 have long been the subject of serious discussion in New Testament studies. Countless commentators have attempted to identify the referent behind the “Lamb”. The purpose of this study is to summarize the major positions with the intention of understanding the history of interpretation on the subject during the last century. BS 161/1 (2004) 89–104
1017 J.C. O’Neill, Son of Man, Stone of Blood ( John 1:51) The plural “you will see” in John 1:51 shows that the saying was not originally part of the Nathanael story. “You will see” also makes it unlikely that the Son of Man was the new Jacob. Joachim Jeremia’s defence of the view that the Son of Man was the stone Jacob set up and anointed at Bethel is likely to be right. The stone became the altar in the Temple. Out of the stone came manna. “Ben Adam” was “Eben Dam”. NT 45/4 (2003) 374–381
1018 Mark R. Bredin, John’s Account of Jesus’ Demonstration in the Temple: Violent or Nonviolent? In this article I attempt to deal only with John’s account of the temple incident in chapter 2. The initial concern of this article is to what extent John’s version of the temple incident harmonizes with the Jesus who teaches love for neighbors and enemies alike. I will argue that John’s telling of the incident is controlled by his reflections on certain First Testament traditions and traditions regarding Isaac and the temple. The distinctive aspects of the account can be accounted for by First Testament allusions and later Judean developments. In conclusion, it is possible to establish Jesus’ demonstration as motivated by his perception that the temple is the center of violence. BTB 33/2 (2003) 44–50
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1019 Joost Smit Sibinga, The Shape of a Miracle Story. A Respectful Analysis of John 4:43–54 As the evangelist’s literary technique requires, this article studies the narrative in John 4:43–54 starting from a count of the number of syllables (= s.) and words (= w.) of its parts. In toto the story uses 450 s. in 222 w. Essentially, a central part vv. 48–52 (of 168 s. in 84 w.) is framed by vv. 46c–47 and vv. 53–54 (each 75 s.). This central section supplements the introductory vv. 43–46b (132 s.). A pattern of 132 + 318 = 450 s. emerges, and the number 318, TIH, may well have to be interpreted in accordance with Barn. 9:8: “Here you have Jesus and his cross symbolized”. NT 45/3 (2003) 222–236
1020 Michael A. Daise, “If Anyone Thirsts, Let That One Come to Me and Drink”: The Literary Texture of John 7:37b–38a Der Verf. versucht über eine Lesart des Codex Bezae und Auslegungen in Bibelkommentaren des Hieronymus zu einem besseren Verständnis der sprachlich und grammatikalisch schwierigen Verse zu gelangen. Beide herangezogenen Zeugen helfen aber nicht viel weiter. Doch lässt sich für den Verf. ein Bezug herstellen zu Jes 55,1 in der Version der LXX (“Ihr, die ihr dürstet, kommt und trinkt”), während die sonstigen Aussagen im behandelten Text eher johanneische Sprachmerkmale aufweisen und auf keine atl. Schriftzitate anspielen (auch nicht auf Jes 53,1, wo “glauben” das Stichwort sein könnte). JBL 122/4 (2003) 687–699 (RM)
1021 Miros „aw Wróbel, Kim jest anthròpoktonos w J 8, 44? The author of this article tries to answer the question – who is the anthròpoktonos in John 8, 44? A carefully analysis of John 8, 44 within the context its Semitic background allows to discern various possibilities for its interpretation. In fact, in the history of exegesis we can distinguish three proposals regarding the identity of the anthròpoktonos, in Jn 8, 44: 1) the Demiurge (the father of the Devil); 2) the Devil; 3) Cain – the murderer of his brother Abel (Gen 4, 2–16). The author makes an overview of the argumentation which support the diverse proposals about the origin of the anthròpoktonos. Analyzing the textual evidence the author can reconstruct the stages of the textual development of Jn 8, 44. Indicating textual connections between Jn 8, 37–44 and 1 Jn 3, 8–12. 15 he makes conclusion that both texts were produced by the same school. RocT 49/1 (2002) 77–92 [SS]
1022 Ernest M. Ezeogu, “Surely We Are Not Blind, Are We”: An African Theological Reading of the Story of the Healing of the Man Born Blind, John 9:1–41 Welche theologischen Topoi in der Erzählung von der Heilung des Blindgeborenen können die afrikanische Theologie inspirieren? (1) Jesus versucht nicht, die Blindheit des Mannes zu erklären, sondern nimmt sie zum Anlass selbst zu handeln und die Situation des Mannes zu verbessern. (2) Der Blindgeborene blendet seinen eigenen Erfahrungshintergrund als Quelle für Gottesoffenbarungen nicht aus. (3) Er bewegt sich in zwei Traditionen: der jüdischen und der christlichen. (4) Durch die Pharisäer und den Blindgeborenen werden akademische Theologie und Volksglauben repräsentiert. Beide stehen einander nicht entgegen, sondern sollten ein Komplementärverhältnis eingehen. (5) Die Meinungsverschiedenheit zwischen den zwei Gruppen der Pharisäer veranschaulicht das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Orthodoxie und Orthopraxie. SBL.SPS 42 (2003) 1–15 (SP)
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1023 Christiane Koch, Geschaffen, um Gott zu sehen – Die Heilung des Blindgeborenen als “Schöpfungsereignis” in Joh 9,1–38 Der Beitrag zeigt, dass Joh 1 und 3 sowie Gen 1f den Hintergrund für spezielle Formulierungen in der Erzählung von der Heilung des Blindgeborenen bilden. Sie lassen eine Tiefendimension in ihr erkennen, als neue Schöpfung und Geburt für den ehemals Blinden, während zuvor Sehende ( jüdische Autoritäten) durch ihre Verhärtung “blind” werden. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 195–222
1024 Francis J. Moloney, Can Everyone be Wrong? A Reading of John 11.1–12.8 Reading John 11.1–12.8, focusing upon the roles of Martha, Mary and “the Jews”, suggests that widely held positions concerning Martha’s expression of faith in 11.27, the function of “the Jews” across the narrative as a whole, and Mary’s relationship to Jesus, especially in the light of 11.2, 31–3, 45; 12.1–8, should be questioned. The death and the raising of Lazarus manifest the glory of God and are the means by which the Son will be glorified (11.4, 10). Consequently, the passage summons Johannine readers to transcend understandable sorrow and pain generated by the menacing realm of human mortality (11.19, 21–2, 31, 33, 39) by means of belief in Jesus, the resurrection and the life (11.25–6). NTS 49/4 (2003) 505–527
1025 Michèlle Morgen, Le roi d’Israël vient vers la fille de Sion Avec l’annonce kérygmatique de la venue du roi d’Israël dans Jérusalem ( Jn 12,13), le rédacteur johannique prépare les destinataires de son évangile à la lecture de la passion, c’est-à-dire à reconnaître Jésus en sa royauté, au moment de l’élévation sur la croix. L’action symbolique de l’entrée à Jérusalem ( Jn 12,12–19) fait ressortir avec évidence l’importance de la thématique royale. Dans cette péricope, différents procédés johanniques font de Jérusalem, fille de Sion, une figure symbolique qui concerne, à des niveaux divers, les personnages de l’histoire racontée, les disciples d’après Pâque c’est-à-dire la situation de la communauté johannique par rapport à Jérusalem, ainsi que le lecteur actuel de l’évangile. Les personnages du récit et l’interprétation que leur en donne le narrateur, les deux citations scripturaires – notamment l’annonce de l’accomplissement de la prophétie de Zacharie adressée à la fille de Sion – la composition de la scène, suivie d’un commentaire interprétatif lançant la relecture, sont autant de moyens mis en œuvre dans ce passage, en mouvement vers le récit de la Passion. Michael Labahn et al. (eds.), Israel und seine Heilstraditionen im Johannesevangelium; Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 334–350
1026 Andreas Leinhäupl-Wilke, “Die Stunde des Menschensohnes” ( Joh 12,23). Anmerkungen zur “heimlichen Mitte” des Johannesevangeliums Im größeren Erzählzusammenhang von Joh 12,23 bildet der Terminus “die Stunde des Menschensohnes” den Brennpunkt der beiden Sinnlinien Zeit und Identität Jesu. Hier werden die Zeitangaben und die identifikatorischen Merkmale, die der Hauptfigur Jesus zugewiesen werden, gebündelt. Semantische Untersuchungen zu den Konzepten Stunde und Menschensohn im Johannesevangelium führen zu dem Fazit, dass der Terminus “die Stunde des Menschensohnes” einen inklusiven Charakter hat und somit eine Transformation des apokalyptisch-weisheitlichen Denkens darstellt: Das exklusive und verborgene Wissen um die Rettung einer Minderheitengruppe wird durch das Kommen Gottes zu den Menschen in der realen Gestalt des Jesus von Nazaret für alle zugänglich, die um “die Stunde des Menschensohnes” wissen. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 185–210 (SP)
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1027 Stanley B. Marrow, Kosmos in John The term kosmos in John 13–17 wholly replaces the role filled by “Jews” and its cognates in the preceding chapters. The negative use of the term Ioudaioi and its analogues arises out of the same factor as does the negative use of the term kosmos. The reason in both instances is, reductively, the rejection of either the revelation, or the Revealer, or both. They are the “world” not because they are Jews ( Jesus and his disciples were Jews) but because of their opposition to the revelation. CBQ 64/1 (2002) 90–102 (MDK)
1028 Olav Fykse Tveit, John 17 and the Unity of the Believers. A Prayer for Identity through Relations John 17 has played a significant role in the history of the ecumenical movement, particularly in the establishment of Faith and Order, as missiological motivation for unity. The context of this prayer for unity is not a description of division or separation, but a farewell speech, culminating in a prayer for the legitimate carriers of the heritage of Jesus. Through an analysis of the structure of vs. 23–26, we can perceive how “to be one” is a matter of relation, caused by and mirroring the relation within the Trinity. The believer’s relation to the Son, consequently, the relation to one another, gives them their identity and their legitimacy. The creative Word of God brings them into this relation, as believers of the promise. John 17 still deserves to belong to the foundational texts of ecumenism, as it gives much more to a theology of ecumenism than a description of effective mission. TTK 74/1 (2003) 3–20
1029 D.G. van der Merwe, The exposition of John 17:6–8: An exegetical exercise This essay is an exegesis of Jn 17:6–8 aimed at gaining an understanding of what the Fourth Evangelist tries to emphasize and to communicate concerning the character and success of Jesus’ earthly ministry. Firstly, a discourse analysis is conducted to point out the linguistic symmetric parallelism through which the Evangelist (1) emphasizes the success of Jesus’ ministry, (2) structures the principal components of Jesus’ ministry and the response of his disciples and (3) tries to explain the meaning of these components. Secondly, a theological exposition of these principal components is conducted, in respect of (1) Revelation: Ephaneròsa . . . dedòka (2) Obedience/Acceptance: tetèrèkan . . . elabon and (3) Faith: egnòkan . . . egnòsan (episteusan). HTS 59/1 (2003) 169–190
1030 Maria Neubrand, Eine Geschichte von Bewegungen. Maria von Magdala und die Begegnung mit dem Auferstandenen ( Joh 20,1–18) Als erste Zeugin und Verkünderin der Auferstehung Jesu hat Maria von Magdala im Joh-Evangelium eine besondere Stellung. Der Bericht von der Begegnung Marias mit dem auferstandenen Jesus wird hier nicht als ein Augenzeugenbericht, sondern als ein literarisches Zeugnis verstanden, welches die Entstehung des Osterglaubens erklärt. Die Leser des Evangeliums sind eingeladen, die Erfahrung Marias im eigenen Leben nachzuvollziehen, um mit ihr dem Verkündigungsauftrag Jesu nachzueifern. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 99–108 (DL)
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1031 Ingrid Rosa Kitzberger, Stabat Mater? Re-Birth at the Foot of the Cross This paper offers a fresh look at the mother of Jesus at the foot of the cross in John’s account of the crucifixion. By reading John 19:25–27 intertextually/interfigurally at the crossroads between John and the Synoptics, in particular Mark 15:34 (= Ps. 22:1), Luke 2:22–38, and Luke 7:11–17, and at the crossroads between text and self, new dimensions are added to the characterization of Jesus’ mother (and the beloved disciple) in John’s story. Reader response criticism and autobiographical biblical criticism have informed this paper. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 468–487
1032 Helge Kjaer Nielsen, Der erste Gottesdienst. Eine Analyse von Joh 20,19–23 Im Bericht in Joh 20,19–23 scheinen liturgische Elemente duchzuschimmern, z.B. die Offenbarung des Auferstandenen unter den versammelten Jüngern, der Friedensgruss, die Verleihung des Geistes und die Aussendung der Jünger. Dies ist damit zu erklären, dass die nachösterliche Gemeinde die Ereignisse des Ostertags als ersten Gottesdienst verstanden hat. Vorösterliche und nachösterliche Zeit sind verschmolzen. Johannes von Damaskus und der Dichter N.F.S. Grundtvig bezeugen ein ähnliches Verständnis. SNTU 28 (2003) 65–81
1033 Hanna Roose, Joh 20,30f.: Ein (un)passender Schluss? Joh 9 und 11 als primäre Verweisstellen der Schlussnotiz des Johannesevangeliums The emphasis given the “signs” in the final verses of the Gospel of John (20,30.31) has often, in the history of research, been deemed unsuitable. But such thinking overlooks the fact that the statement of the Gospel’s purpose in 20,31 is meant to call to mind especially the story of the healing of the blind man in Chapter 9 (a person comes to faith in Jesus Christ) and the story of the raising of Lazarus in Chapter 11 (a person gains [eternal] life). The particular meaning of these two miracle stories is, through their shaping and their positioning within the Gospel, underlined. Keeping this in mind, John 20,30.31 is a thoroughly suitable ending for the entire Gospel. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 326–343
1034 Tobias Nicklas, “153 große Fische” ( Joh 21,11) Erzählerische Ökonomie und “johanneischer Überstieg” The mention of “One Hundred Fifty-Three Large Fish” in John 21,11 is one of the biblical stories with an extremely broad and diverse history of interpretation. The article offers a reader-oriented analysis of John 21,1–14 and shows that the Johannine narrator here breaks the so-called “principle of narrative economy”. By breaking this rule the narrator forces the reader to reinterpret the story told. This narrative technique is to be found not only in chapter 21 of John’s Gospel but also in many other places throughout the text, e.g., 2,1; 3,2, 19,39. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 366–387
Luke-Acts general ★ Acts: general ★ individual passages 1035 Vittorio Fusco, Da Paolo a Luca. Volume secondo This is the second volume of Fusco’s papers on Paul and Luke – a volume of nine papers on Luke and Acts: The outpouring of the Spirit; the message of the sign (semeion); Luke/Acts and the future of Israel; This-worldly aspects of salvation in some Lukan texts, Narrative and dialogue in the story of the prodigal (Luke 15:11–32); The
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saving power of the cross in Lukan thought; The death of the Messiah (Luke 23:26–49); The idea of apostolic succession in Acts 20:18–35; Church and reign of God in Lukan perspective. The learned author died in 1999. Studi biblici 139; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2003) 295–638 (BL)
1036 Christoph G. Müller, Kleidung als Element der Charakterzeichnung im Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt. Ein Streifzug durch das lukanische Erzählwerk Selbstausdruck und Fremdeinschätzung, Selbstbewusstsein und Fremdeinstufung gehen bei der Kleidung von Personen ganz eigene und häufig sehr enge Verbindungen ein. Eine narrative Charakterisierung von Erzählfiguren kann auch durch die Beschreibung von Kleidung und Speise der Portraitierten erfolgen. In der Erzählliteratur der Antike wird die Kleidung daher relativ häufig als Element der Charakterzeichnung eingesetzt. Auch im lk Erzählwerk ist das sowohl bei kleineren Erzählfiguren wie bei der Charakterzeichnung der Protagonisten der Fall. Lukas zeigt sowohl im Blick auf den Täufer wie auch im Blick auf Jesus, den Christus Gottes, ein besonderes Interesse an ihrer Kleidung; sie ist in geschickter Weise in die Charakterzeichnung einbezogen. SNTU 28 (2003) 187–214
1037 Wayne A. Meeks, Assisting the Word by Making (Up) History: Luke’s Project and Ours Luke was the first who used the tools of history of his own days to serve faith (Lk 1:1–4; Acts 1:21f; 2:32; 13:31f; 26:16.26). He drew a clear line between the eyewitnesses and such transitional figures as Paul towards himself as self-conscious historian. For Luke the word (Lk 8:21; Acts 6:7; 8:4; 12:24; 13:48f; 19:20) is his story of Jesus (Acts 1:1; 10:34–38). His claim to be absolutely reliable can not be ours but the task of history as reliability remains to us. Interp. 57/2 (2003) 151-162 (WSch)
1038 David Liberto, To Fear or not to Fear? Christ as Sophos in Luke’s Passion Narrative This paper defends the thesis, that the author of Luke, in chapter 23 and throughout Luke-Acts, presents to his readership the correct attitude with regard to death, especially with regard to the fear, which occurs at the hour of one’s death. Those who follow the example of the God-fearing thief and of Jesus himself will experience a happy death, i.e. go to paradise. ET 114/7 (2003) 219–223
1039 Bruce W. Longenecker, Moral Character and Divine Generosity: Acts 13:13–52 and the Narrative Dynamics of Luke-Acts This essay addresses the issue of the relation of material and universal interests in Luke and Acts. It demonstrates that a common theological interest underlies both the material interests of Luke’s Gospel and the universal interests of the Acts of the Apostles: The theology of possessions articulated in the Gospel on the level of personal identity and responsibility finds its extension and application in Acts on the level of national religious identity and responsibility. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 141–164
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1040 Thomas E. Phillips, Reading Recent Readings of Issues of Wealth and Poverty in Luke and Acts Issues of wealth and poverty in the Third Gospel and Acts have attracted a great deal of scholarly interest since the rise of redaction criticism. This essay provides a survey of the most important readings of these issues from the mid-1960s to the present. Readings from a variety of critical perspectives (e.g. redaction, social-scientific, literary, and reader response) are considered. The authors examined in detail are D. Sweetland, D. Kraybill, L.T. Johnson, J. York, M. Prior, R.J. Cassidy, H.-J. Degenhardt, W. Schmithalls, W. Stegemann, D.P. Seccombe, T.E. Schmidt, J. Koenig, K.-J. Kim, and S. Garrett. CuBR 1/2 (2003) 231–269
1041 Dennis Hamm, The Tamid Service in Luke-Acts: The Cultic Background behind Luke’s Theology of Worship (Luke 1:5–25; 18,9–14; 24:50–53; Acts 3:1; 10:3, 30) Sir 50,20f. wird wohl zu Recht auf das tägliche Tamid-Opfer und nicht auf den Vcrsöhnungstag bezogen. Von dort ausgehend zieht Verf. folgende Linie: Lk 24,50-53 verweise auf Sir 50. Jesus werde wie der Hohepriester beim Tamid-Opfer gezeichnet. Verf. findet daraufhin – nur begrenzt überzeugend – weitere Bezugnahmen auf das Tamid-Opfer in Lk und Apg und sieht eine Linie, die auf Apg 7 ziele: der Gottesdienst Israels finde seine Vollendung in der kultischen Verehrung Christi. CBQ 65/2 (2003) 215–231 (MDK)
1042 David L. Balch, The Cultural Origin of “Receiving All Nations” in Luke-Acts. Alexander the Great or Roman Social Policy? Alexander as conqueror is described in Arrian as seeking to become lord of Europe and Asia, in the “vulgate tradition” he wants to be lord of all men. This probably is not the predecessor of Luke’s universalism. The Roman policy of receiving other peoples, outcasts and fugitives attributed by Dionysius and Plutarch to the founder of Rome Romulus shows verbal similarities to the language of Luke-Acts (dexesthai and derivatives). The practice of the Church of admitting foreigners into membership is paralleled by the generous grant of Roman citizenship promoted by Claudius. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 483–500 (DZ)
1043 Krzysztof Mielcarek, J\zyk Septuaginty i jego wp∑yw na autora Trzeciej Ewangelii The article deals with issues concerning language and style of LXX and its impact on the New Testament writings and especially on Luke-Acts. Even though establishing of septuagintal text is a very problematical matter, one should view the collection of Greek OT books as a common and relatively homogenous tradition having its own language and style. The language of LXX is apparently present in Luke-Acts on four levels: terminology, phraseology, syntax and style. This is valid not only for special stories as the infant narratives but for the general bulk of lucan work as well. Luke seems to deliberately work on the text to make it alike septuagintal traditions in order to show to the reader that both OT and NT writings belong to the same divine history of salvation. RocT 49/1 (2002) 33–47 [SS]
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✩ 1044 I. Howard Marshall, Acts in Current Study In diesem bibliographischen Beitrag werden englischsprachige Veröffentlichungen seit 1991 berücksichtigt. Die Arbeiten werden sehr kurz besprochen, sehr spezialisierte Beiträge werden nicht berücksichtigt. Der Beitrag ist in folgende Abschnitte untergliedert: Kommentare, Text; historischer Hintergrund, literaturwissenschaftliche Ansätze, Theologie, Rolle des AT, Gott, Christus und Rettung sowie Heiliger Geist. ET 115/2 (2003) 49–52 (SP)
1045 Mario Cifrak, Die Beziehung zwischen Jesus und Gott nach den Petrusreden der Apostelgeschichte. Ein Beitrag zur Christologie der Apostelgeschichte Cifrak analyzes all the missionary speeches of Peter in the book of Acts. The following texts are considered in detail: Acts 1:16–22; 2:14–39; 3:12–26, 4:8–12; 5:29–32; 10:34–43; 11:5–17; 15:7–11. These Lucan speeches present a christocentric theology and soteriology. fzb 101; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 1–381
1046 Jens Schröter, Die Apostelgeschichte und die Entstehung des neutestamentlichen Kanons. Beobachtungen zur Kanonisierung der Apostelgeschichte und ihrer Bedeutung als kanonischer Schrift Acts served to maintain and warrant the authority of the apostles next to Paul. The authority of these other apostles was confirmed with recourse to the authority of Paul. Thus Acts became a link between the theological testimony of the gospels and that of Paul. The conclusion that this was the theological function Acts intended to fulfil, is confirmed by the various positions Acts takes in manuscripts and canon lists, where Acts figures in different combinations with gospels, Paul and Catholic Epistles. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 395–429
1047 François Bovon, Canonical and Apokryphal Acts of Apostles The Acts of the apostles, depicting the ministry, travels, teaching, miracles and passion of Jesus’ disciples were written in the first centuries CE. To date, scholarly comparison has either enhanced the value of canonical work by discrediting the apocryphal as literature of entertainment or has simply considered both canonical and apocryphal literature to be Christian novels. This paper emphasizes both differences and similarities between the canonical and apocryphal texts. Among the differences, the apostle’s martyrdom story in the apocryphal acts, similar to Jesus’ passion narrative in the canonical gospels, reveals the function of the apostle as mediator of a message of salvation. JECS 11/2 (2003) 165–194
1048 Heikki Leppä, Apostolien teot – malmio vai luonnonsuojelualue? Is the Book of Acts a mother lode or a plot of unique woodland that should be preserved in its natural state? Many Bible students take the latter view. Surprisingly few are willing to dig deeper and see what the book has to offer. A researcher with sample flasks, drills and hammers will be well rewarded. The question of whether the author of the Acts was familiar with the letters of Paul is an essential one. Fortunately, the scholar who decides to mine the Acts for knowledge will not ruin the natural beauty of the book for those who simply wish to gaze on Luke’s landscape without interfering with it. TAik 108/3 (2003) 248–252
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1049 Loveday Alexander, Mapping Early Christianity: Acts and the Shape of Early Church History Luke’s mental map in Acts is not only narrative geography in place (it begins in Jerusalem and not in Galilee and ends in Rome) but also in time (the opening scene is a “mountain top” experience but the end is much more mundane). The mental map of the observer/reader is much close to the end and from the end. Eusebius as reader of Luke is oriented by the end point but in his perspective this is imperial and hierarchical while Luke’s mental map is more fluid and open (the church as “the way”). Interp. 57/2 (2003) 163–173 (WSch)
1050 Dennis R. MacDonald, Does the New Testament Imitate Homer? Four cases from the Acts of the Apostles In an earlier study published in the Journal of Higher Criticism 1, 1994, 5–24, the author has demonstrated that Acts 20:7–12 echoes Odyssey 10–12, with Luke’s Eutyches being mimetic of Homer’s Elpenor. The present book adds four more cases: the visions of Cornelius and Peter echo the dream of Agamemnon in Iliad 2; Paul’s farewell to the Ephesian elders is reminiscent of Hector’s farewell to Andromache (Iliad 6); the casting of lots to replace Judas can be compared to the casting of lots for someone to fight hector (Iliad 7); Peter’s escape from Agrippa’s prison brings to mind Priam’s escape (Iliad 24). While not all of these studies are of equal weight, it seems that the author has made a valid point. Yale University Press, London (2003) X/1–227 (BL)
1051 William J. Larkin Jr., The Spirit and Jesus “on Mission” in the Postresurrection and Postascension Stages of Salvation History: The Impact of the Pneumatology of Acts on Its Christology The profile of the impact of Act’s pneumatology on its Christology reveals the dynamic interplay between the Holy Spirit and the exalted Lord Jesus that proves to be a fruitful seedbed for trinitarian thought. Indeed Luke portrays the Spirit as the expression of the immanence of the transcendent Lord Jesus, who continues to be actively engaged in ministry to the ends of the earth until the end of human history. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 121–139
1052 Beate Kowalski, Widerstände, Visionen und Geistführung bei Paulus The article deals with some Lukan perspectives of the interpretation of Paul the Apostle. The conversion of Paul in Acts 9 is the prologue containing central themes of the Lukan missionary theology. Four main aspects characterize him from the Lukan point of view: double mission to Jews and Gentiles, resistances, visions, and guidance by the Holy Spirit accompany his journeys from the very beginning, his conversion in Damascus, till the end of his activities in Rome. These aspects are developed within the following chapters narrating the missionary journeys. Sufferings, but as well continuous revelations by Christ accompany Paul’s way in the book of Acts, especially at crucial passages. ZKT 125/4 (2003) 387–410
1053 Heike Omerzu, Die Darstellung der Römer in der Textüberlieferung der Apostelgeschichte A comparison of the portrayal of Roman authorities in the ‘Western’ text of Acts to that in the ‘Alexandrian’ version supports the view that the latter tradition is the more original one. Aside from secondary linguistic and stylistic features, such as the striving
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for completeness and coherence, the ‘Western’ tradition draws a much more favourable picture of the Romans. It establishes the Roman endeavour to carry out their duties correctly and to treat Paul well, and instances of abuse of position found in the foregoing tradition are diminished or excused. At the same time the ‘Western’ tradition is less interested in juridical details. This lack of interest points to a change of the sociohistorical conditions since the time of Acts. As the Roman citizenship is no longer regarded as an extraordinary privilege and because the ‘Western’ revision exhibits a general apologetic stance, it may carefully be dated to the early 3rd century. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 147–181
1054 Jenny Read-Heimerdinger, The Apostles in the Bezan Text of Acts The picture of the apostles derived from the usual reading of Acts is turned upside down by their portrayal by the Bezan text where they are presented as ordinary people rather than infallible heroes. The narrator displays a firsthand understanding of their Jewish context, focusing attention on their struggle to change their beliefs and expectations concerning the restoration of Israel until they finally accept that Israel no longer holds a privileged position in the divine plan. The article argues that this picture is likely to be earlier than that of the other MSS and that it is in line with the way Luke depicts the Twelve in his Gospel. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 263–280
1055 Josep Rius-Camps, The Gradual Awakening of Paul’s Awareness of His Mission to the Gentiles There is a number of difficulties raised by the presentation of Paul in the Book of Acts which commentators generally find difficult to resolve because they look for consistency, and perfect harmony between Paul’s message and that of Jesus. However, the account of Paul’s ministry in the text of Codex Bezae, with its presentation of his conversion as a gradual process, rather than an instantaneous event, shows how the inconsistencies and tensions were part and parcel of his struggle to change his way of thinking, especially with regard to Israel. This article explores some aspects of his inner journey. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 281–296
1056 Michael W. Holmes, Women and the ‘Western’ Text of Acts The decades-old claim that there is in the ‘Western’ text of Acts an ‘anti-feminist’ tendency – one that deliberately sought to eliminate evidence of prominent women and their roles in the early church – has in recent years been widely repeated but never systematically examined. Such an examination finds a single variant that is clearly ‘Western’ in character, intentional in origin, and negative in its portrayal of women (Acts 17,4). What it and six or seven similar variants in Acts reveal is not the tendentiousness of a particular time, place, or person, but a broader cultural phenomenon: a bias against women characteristic of the emerging ‘proto-orthodox’ movement in the second and later centuries – a mindset that did not always require conscious effort to achieve its evident and negative effects. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 183–203
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1057 Ann Graham Brock, Appeasement, Authority, and the Role of Women in the D-Text of Acts Two extant witnesses to the Acts of the Apostles (namely Codices B and D) each tell their own story but with some intriguing differences, especially in the way they portray the contributions of Peter and Paul, the leadership of women, and the role of the Romans in the spread of early Christianity. Although both go to considerable lengths to portray an orderly account of early Christianity, Codex D betrays a heightened proRomans stance and greater emphasis upon the importance of Peter, but reduces the prominence of women and Paul. This confluence of characteristics reveals similar emphases in other pro-Petrine texts. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 205–224
1058 Eldon Jay Epp, Anti-Judaic Tendencies in the D-Text of Acts: Forty Years of Conversation The article offers an assessment of the scholarly conversation and controversy since the publication of the author’s 1966 monograph, The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis in Acts. It includes a sketch of the new emphasis among textual critics during the 1950s on discerning ideological bias through textual variants, as well as a report of new D-text manuscripts disclosed in the 1960s (with emphasis on Coptic G67). The essay clarifies the methods and goal of the monograph. Such a clarification necessitates an assessment of the theological bias embedded in the early “Western” text of Acts (not simply in Codex Bezae) without prejudice as to priority or dependence in relation to the B-text, so that “Western” variants have a chance to speak for themselves. The paper also seeks to survey and to assess the responses to the volume up to the present, encompassing issues of tendency versus mere enhancement, the socioecclesiastical context for anti-Judaic bias, and alternatives to anti-Judaic tendency. Finally, the connection with contemporary “narrative textual criticism” is explored. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 111–146
1059 A.J.M. Wedderburn, The “we”-passages in Acts: on the horns of a dilemma The author advocates the hypothesis that the Book of Acts is to be regarded as the product of a sort of “school” activity. The writer is not writing in the name of the head of the “school” (Paul) but in that of another of his pupils and is, moreover, not writing a letter purporting to be from that head, but writing an account of part of the life of that head, mostly in the third person. The point at which this account draws nearest to the conventions of the pseudonymous, deutero-Pauline letters is in those speeches which are set upon the lips of Paul; these can most readily be compared with the Pastoral Epistles and nowhere more so than in Paul’s farewell speech to the Ephesian elders (20,18b–35). ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 78–98
✩ 1060 Vern Sheridan Poythress, Translating legò in Acts 1,3 The author takes legò to mean “say, tell” instead of “speak about” and translates Acts 1:3 “saying things about the kingdom of God”. WThJ 64/2 (2002) 273–278 (SP)
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1061 Joël Rochette, Regard et guérison, présence nouvelle du Christ à son Église dans la «diaconie de l’apostolat» (Ac 1,25) The apostolic diakonia (Acts 1:25) defines the mission of the apostles and their collaborators (including the Seven) as narrated in the Acts of the Apostles. Its origin and legitimacy are to be found in its proximity to Jesus’ public ministry, including the baptism and the ascension. An analysis of this latter narrative (Acts 1:9–11) brings out the exceptional density of the glances exchanged as Christ who-is-to-come is removed from sight. The first act of the Apostles (Acts 3:1–10) is charged with this same visual density, when Peter and John, healing the cripple, are witnesses and servants of the acting Christ. It is this powerful presence of the Lord that the apostolic diakonia manifests elsewhere in Acts. NRT 125/2 (2003) 205–222
1062 Krzysztof Mielcarek, Ûydowskie ≤wi\to Pi\ÆdziesiAtnicy w perspektywie ≤w. „ukasza (Dz 2, 1–41) There seem to be a little awareness among contemporary Christians of Jewish feasts and their sense in the time of Jesus Christ. This lack is a rather important one, since the New Testament writers wrote their texts having full knowledge about important Jewish customs and convictions. Lucan way of picturing the day of outpouring the Holy Spirit on the Church is a good example of it. Thus the article gives a number of possible connotations for Jewish Pentecost developed in the time of Jesus and subsequently refers various contemporary interpretations of Acts 2. The final stage of the paper is an attempt to juxtapose both groups in order to show possible common ground for Jewish liturgical-theological sense of Pentecost and its Lucan counterpart. Such juxtaposing of material might help to discover Luke’s genuine motives hidden behind his narrative of Pentecost in Acts 2. RocT 50⁄1 (2003) 67–78 [SS]
1063 Heinz Giesen, Gott steht zu seinen Verheißungen. Eine exegetische und theologische Auslegung des Pfingstgeschehens (Apg 2,1–13) Ausgerüstet mit der Gabe des Heiligen Geistes, verkündigen die Apostel am Pfingsttag als Sprachrohre Gottes den aus aller Welt nach Jerusalem zurückgekehrten Juden und Festpilgern, die aufgrund des Tosens vom Himmel her zusammengeströmt sind, in verständlicher Sprache die Großtaten Gottes, d.h. Gottes Handeln an Jesus zugunsten seines Volkes. Während einige für diese Botschaft offen sind (V. 12), spotten andere darüber (V. 13; vgl. Apg 17,31f ) und halten die Apostel für betrunken (V. 13; vgl. 26,24). Entsprechend der im lukanischen Doppelwerk auch sonst zu beobachtenden Theozentrik ist Gott der primär Handelnde. Lukas denkt nicht an ein christliches Pfingstfest; ihm geht es vielmehr darum zu betonen, dass der Heilige Geist mit dem Christusereignis verbindet und dafür sorgt, dass Menschen den Zugang zu Gott finden und nicht mehr verlieren. Das lukanische Pfingstgeschehen will unterstreichen, dass Gott sich selbst und seinem Volk treu bleibt, indem er zu seinen Verheißungen steht. SNTU 28 (2003) 83–85
1064 Detlev Dormeyer, Weisheit und Philosophie in der Apostelgeschichte Dieser Beitrag analysiert zwei Passagen aus der Apg (6,1–8,1a und 17,16–34) und zeigt dabei, dass Paulus und Stephanus zwei unterschiedliche Formen von Weisheit darstellen. Stephanus versinnbildlicht den verurteilenden Weg der radikalisierten prophetischen Weisheit. Dieser Weg wird erzählerisch in eine Sackgasse geführt. Das Scheitern dieses Weges wird jedoch angezeigt, ohne das Recht und die Würde des Stephanus anzutasten. Paulus repräsentiert die poetische Weisheit. In der Aeropagrede legt er dar, dass sich die griechische Weisheit christlich interpretieren lässt. Der Weg des Paulus, der
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die Symbolik des Judentums und der anderen Religionen als sichtbaren Ausdruck der Suche nach Gott und dessen Verehrung achtet, wird in der lukanischen Erzählung als der erfolgreichere Weg dargestellt. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et at. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 155–184 (SP)
1065 James P. Sweeney, Stephen’s Speech (Acts 7:2–53): Is it as “AntiTemple” as is Frequently Alleged? Stephen’s Speech in Acts 7 is not as “anti-temple” as is frequently alleged. The emphasis lies in another direction – a salvation-historical one. TrinJ 23/2 (2002) 185–210
1066 Friedrich Wilhelm Horn, Apg 8,37, der Westliche Text und die frühchristliche Tauftheologie At Acts 8,37 the so-called “western” text has inserted a profession of faith before the Ethiopian’s baptism. This, however, does not represent the usual pistis-formula in the context of early Christian baptism. Therefore it does not add an element of the early Christian baptismal formula to the act of baptism. The interpolation rather serves to insert into the text the obligatory confession to Jesus Christ as God’s son. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 225–239
1067 Andrew E. Arterbury, The Ancient Custom of Hospitality, the Greek Novels, and Acts 10:1–11:18 This paper first attempts to provide a definition of the custom of hospitality in the Mediterranean world, then it highlights some of the manifestations of this custom in Greek romances, and finally turns to Acts 10:1–11:18. Concerning this text, Arterbury agrees with B.R. Gaventa’s assessment, that Luke’s narration of the first conversion of a Gentile household is intimately bound up with the cultural custom of hospitality. In addition, he demonstrates that the custom of hospitality provides the primary backdrop for an informed reading of this radical event in the life of the early church. PRSt 29/1 (2002) 53–72 (SP)
1068 Daniel J. Scholz, “Rise, Peter, kill and eat.” Eating Unclean Food and Dining with Unclean People in Acts 10:1–11:18 This paper argues that the presentation of the character of Peter and his point of view in the narrative of Luke-Acts serves Luke’s larger ideological agenda: to challenge the legitimacy of purity rules that created social boundaries between Jews and Gentiles in his community. Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 47–61 (SP)
1069 Martin Meiser, Texttraditionen des Aposteldekrets – Textkritik und Rezeptionsgeschichte This article challenges the usual interpretation of the tripartite form of the Apostolic Decree as an ethical command. Exegetically the ambiguity of all forms of the text has to be considered, as does hermeneutically the horizon of other normative texts. The relations between Judaism, Christianity, and Paganism, the polemics against heretics, and the interdependence between Christian customs and biblical commands provide additional background to the issue. The validity of single rules and their possible grounding in the Apostolic Decree must be distinguished. The decisive background for the
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prohibition of fornication and meat which has been offered to idols is to be found in the Christian dissociation from paganism. The prohibition of eating blood is determined by several distinct horizons. In later times the prohibition to eat strangled meat was identified with the prohibition of eating blood. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 373–398
1070 John Ellington, Who’s Who in Acts 16–17? Problems of Pronoun Reference Bei der Übersetzung biblischer Texte ist es oftmals notwendig, Personalpronomen durch Nomen bzw. Nominalsätze zu ersetzen. Der Vergleich verschiedener englischer Übersetzungen zeigt jedoch, dass der syntaktische Bezug vieler Pronomina unklar ist. Ellington thematisiert dieses Problem für Apg 16-17. Eine zentrale Frage ist hier, ob und wann Timotheus und Silas als Begleiter des Paulus bei der Übersetzung des Pronomens der 3. Person maskulin singular mit genannt werden sollten. The Bible Translator 54/4 (2003) 407–415 (SP)
1071 Andy M. Reimer, Virtual Prison Breaks: Non-Escape Narratives and the Definition of “Magic” While R. Reitzenstein (1906) correctly correlates the miraculous release narratives in the Acts of Thomas and (canonical) Acts 16 with so-called magical practices, he fails to notice the obvious – the fact that in none of these accounts the virtuoso actually escapes from prison. The narrator seeks to exonerate his miracle-working superstars from accusations of magic (understood as self-advancing). JSOT.S 245; T. & T. Clark International, London (2003) 125–139 (BL)
1072 John J. Kilgallen, Acts 17,22b–31 – What Kind of Speech is this? Paul in Athens has preached to Jew and Gentile much before his Areopagus speech (17,17); thus, his Areopagus speech is a precise answer to a major problem eventuating from those preachings. To explain better his kerygma about Jesus, Paul must explain the plan of God which ends with Jesus being judge of all people. As well, 17,16 prepares one for Paul’s forceful criticism of idol worship in Athens. RB 110/3 (2003) 417–424
1073 Kay Ehling, Zwei Anmerkungen zum argyrion in Apg 19,19 In Apg 19,19 ist an Denare als Münzsorte gedacht. Die Übersetzung von argyrion mit “Drachmen” ist problematisch. Die genannte Geldsumme von 50 000 Silbermünzen erscheint übertrieben. Mit dieser hohen Summe möchte Lukas letztlich den überragenden Erfolg des Paulus im Kampf gegen seine Widersacher herausstreichen. ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 269–275 (MH)
1074 Jerome H. Neyrey, ‘Teaching You in Public and from House to House’ (Acts 20.20): Unpacking a Cultural Stereotype Modern scholarship has difficulty interpreting Paul’s claim to ‘teach in public and from house to house’ because it lacks scientific understanding of ‘space’. The anthropological model of ‘territoriality’ is presented to guide our reading in terms of: (1) the classification of space, (2) communication of this and (3) control based upon it. The primary classifications of space in the New Testament world and specifically the book of Acts are: (1) public/private, (2) male/female and (3) honorable/mean. Each of these classifications helps us to interpret Paul in public-civic space (agora, governor’s residences), in private-non-kinship space (synagogue, Tyrannus’s aule), and in private-household
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space. The payoff comes when we observe that Paul has voice in public-political forums and in private-household contexts, but not in private-non-kinship synagogues. Paul, who hails from a ‘no-low status city’, visits other honorable cities and speaks in their most noble parts. Thus ‘territorality’ serves as an index of Paul’s social status, both in terms of where he goes and before whom he has voice. JSNT 26/1 (2003) 69–102
1075 Matthew L. Skinner, Locating Paul: Places of Custody as Narrative Settings in Acts 21–28 According to Acts, Paul’s life as a prisoner in no way amounts to a humiliating defeat. Paul does not emerge from the narrative as a prisoner who is helpless, abandoned, or at particular risk. Although his captivity is not glorified to the extreme of luxury, nevertheless, whatever difficult circumstances that his detention might impose are consistently diminished or overshadowed, while Paul’s own confidence, importance, and security are emphasized. Custody hardly truncates Paul’s life as a missionary; instead, it offers new locations and new audiences for his proclamation. Academia Biblica 13; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XIII/1–234 (BL)
1076 Dean P. Béchard, The Disputed Case Against Paul: A RedactionCritical Analysis of Acts 21:27–22:29 Apg 21,27–22,29 ist als programmatische Einführung zur daran anschließenden Prozesserzählung zu verstehen. Nicht nur werden die Gegner des Paulus vorgestellt, sondern ironischerweise ist es gerade die Order des römischen Befehlshabers, Paulus “mit zwei Ketten” zu fesseln, die diesem die Freiheit gibt, seine Sendung zu erfüllen. CBQ 65/2 (2003) 232–250 (MDK)
1077 Floyd Parker, The Terms “Angel” and “Spirit” in Acts 23,8 In any discussion of the Sadducees, there will always remain a certain amount of doubt due to the paucity of sources about them. Based on what data has survived, the older theory that the Sadducees rejected the extravagant beliefs about angels and spirits provides the most convincing solution to the problem of Acts 23,8. The Sadducees’ reasons for rejecting these views were twofold: 1) angels were integrated into the apocalyptic world view that they rejected; and 2) angels often served as God’s servants to administer predestination or providence. Thus, when Paul claimed that a heavenly being had appeared to him in a manner and with a message that appeared to be predestinarian in nature, the Sadducees were unwilling to entertain the idea that an angel or spirit had appeared to him. Certainly new theories will arise in an attempt to grapple with this issue, but to re-appropriate the words of Jesus in Luke 5,39, “the old is good enough”. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 344–365
Letters and Book of Revelation Pauline letters in general 1078 Ferdinand Christian Baur, Paul the Apostle of Jesus Christ: His Life and Works, His Epistles and Teachings This is a reprint of the English (1873, 1875) translation of the two volumes of Baur’s then celebrated and controversial study of Paul. Baur made much of the controversy between Peter and Paul, arguing that the two figures stand for two different kinds of Christianity that found their higher union only later. Baur’s work is also notable for
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its thorough discussion of the post-Pauline character of the pastoral epistles as well as the (as Baur believed) Gnosticism-affected letters to the Colossians and Ephesians. While Hendrickson is to be praised for making this work available, one would have wished a brief note on Baur’s impact and a bibliography of recent work on Baur. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) X/1–381; 1–348 (BL)
1079 Peter Eckstein, Gemeinde, Brief und Heilsbotschaft. Ein phänomenologischer Vergleich zwischen Paulus und Epikur Epicurus (who lived around 300 BCE) and Paul claim to teach a message of salvation which they seek to spread and to maintain within and by a community. This message is meant for members of all social classes. Since Epicurus was the only ancient philosopher intent on systematically spreading his teaching in almost missionary fashion, he can be compared with Paul. Although the extant corpus of the Epicurean correspondence is smaller than that of Paul, both corpora can be fruitfully explored as belonging to the same genre. – The book includes a long introductory chapter on ancient letter writing. Herders Biblische Studien 42; Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2004) XIII/1–413 (BL)
1080 Friedrich Wilhelm Horn, Zur Literarkritik der Paulusbriefe Review article on the work of W. Schmithals. Ever since his early publications of the 1950s has Schmithals asserted that the Pauline letters must be seen as the product of editorial activity, and not as the original correspondence of Paul. What he actually wrote must be reconstructed by means of dividing some of the letters into their original components. Once these original letters or fragments of letters are discerned and ordered rearranged, the commentator can begin to understand them correctly. – The volume includes revised versions of several of Schmithals’s relevant contributions (pp. 107–226). AGJU 54; C. Breytenbach (ed.), Paulus, die Evangelien und das Urchristentum; Brill, Leiden (2004) 745–763 (BL)
1081 Janusz Czerski, List staroûytny a listy ≤w. Paw∑a Es geht um den klassischen antiken Brief im Vergleich zu den Paulusbriefen. Zuerst wird ein Forschungsbericht gegeben (A. Deissman. D.E. Aune, H.J. Klauck, S.K. Stowers), und die verschiedenen Formen der antiken Briefe werden besprochen – v.a. die hellenistische und die orientalische Form. Danach wird die literarische Form der paulinischen Briefe erörtert. Diese Briefe weisen eine überlegte Komposition auf, wobei sich Paulus vieler literarischer Kunstformen, zu denen z.B. Antithesen, Typologien, Vergleiche, Ironie, Digression, Sentenzen, Chiasmus usw. gehören, bedient. Obwohl im Neuen Testament die orientalische Briefform vorherrscht, weisen die Briefeingänge der Paulusbriefe einige Besonderheiten auf. Der paulinische Briefeingang setzt mit dem Absender ein, auf den die Adresse folgt. Daraufhin kommt der Eingangsgruß mit der Danksagung. Der paulinische Briefschluss setzt sich aus zwei Elementen zusammen: Schlußparänese und Postscript. ScrSc 5 (2001) 5–12 [SS]
1082 Andreas Lindemann, Die Sammlung der Paulusbriefe im 1. und 2. Jahrhundert Welche Geschichte haben die Briefe des Paulus durchlaufen, von ihrer Entstehung in den 50er und 60er Jahren des 1. Jh. bis zu ihrer mehr oder weniger definitiven Zusammenstellung um die Mitte des 2. Jh.? Diese Frage ist nicht nur von historischer, sondern auch von theologischer Bedeutung, zeigt sich doch bei einem Durchgang durch die frühchristlichen Textzeugen, dass die theologische Relevanz der Briefe gerade in ihrem kontextuellen Bezug auf die einzelnen Gemeinden gesehen wurde. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 321–351 (SP)
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1083 Eduard Verhoef, Pseudepigraphic Paulines in the New Testament This article shows that writers in antiquity could be banished or put to death if it was the intention of their writings to deceive their audience as far as the identity of the author thereof. As epistles are distinguished from short stories or poems, writings which were written with the intention of deceiving their readers should be set apart from those without such an intention. In view of this distinction the article establishes categories of “Pauline” epistles in the New Testament. The aim is to argue that there are indeed epistles which intended to deceive their readers with regard to “Pauline” authorship. The legitimacy of these epistles would have been rejected on account of their pseudepigraphic nature. HTS 59/3 (2003) 991–1005
1084 Paul Ellingworth, Translating Kosmos “World”, in Paul Der Beitrag untersucht die Stellen in den paulinischen Briefen, an denen Paulus das Wort kosmos benutzt. Dabei wird jeweils versucht, einzuordnen, ob das Wort (a) das Universum, (b) die Erde, (c) Menschen oder Engel, (d) die Menschheit insgesamt, (e) die Menschheit als organisierte Opposition gegenüber Gott, oder (f ) bestimmte Gruppen von Menschen meint. The Bible Translator 53/4 (2002) 414–421 (NvM)
1085 Morgan Creaney, A Mystery Thriller: Paul’s Use of the Term ‘Mystery’ in the New Testament Verf. untersucht den Gebrauch des englischen Terminus “mystery” im Röm, Eph und Phil. Ebenso wie in den anderen neutestamentlichen Schriften gibt es auch in diesen Briefen drei verschiedene Gebrauchsweisen des Terminus’: “definitively, to define the concept; directly, to state specific mysteries; and indirectly, to reveal new doctrine unique to this dispenation” (299). ET 114/9 (2003) 296–299 (SP)
1086 Antonio Pitta, Gli avversari giudeo-cristiani di Paolo Only in a general manner can we label the opponents of Paul portrayed in 2 Cor 10–13 and Gal 1,11–2,22 as Jewish Christians. Still, the ironic polemic in Phil 3,2–16 may be interpreted as a merely preventive admonition. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 103–119 (AM)
Romans: general ★ individual passages 1087 Eduard Lohse, Der Brief an die Römer According to Lohse, the letter to the Romans is a summary of the gospel as preached by Paul. This new major commentary on Paul’s letter to the Romans is meant to take the place of Otto Michel’s commentary, published in the same series in 1955 and reprinted in revised editions until 1978. As I worked through individual passages, both the new commentary and the literature cited was very informative indeed – see, e.g., what Lohse writes on the names listed in Rom 16 (including the woman apostle, Junia), or the theologically sensitive exegesis of Rom 9–11. I happen to be a little less enthusiastic about Rom 6:1ff., the “baptism” passage, which does not answer the question whether Paul actually uses, by implication, water symbolism (see E. Stommel, “Begraben mit Christus (Röm 6,4) und der Taufritus”, Römische Quartalschrift 49, 1954, 1–20). No one working on Romans can afford not to consult what ranks as the most up-todate scholarly commentary on Romans in German. Meyers kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament 4; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 1–423 (BL)
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1088 Ben Witherington, Paul’s Letter to the Romans: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary Following the format and emphasis of his already well-known other commentaries (e.g. on Galatians and on 1/2 Corinthians), the author identifies a series of twelve arguments in Romans. A separate section (pp. 102–107) deals with the work of E.P. Sanders whose book on “Paul and Palestinian Judaism” (1977) has had much impact on Pauline studies. Unlike Sanders, Witherington is convinced that Paul must be seen both as a radically sectarian Jew and as a creative thinker, as someone who associates justification with sanctification and redemption in Christ. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XXXVIII/1–421 (BL)
1089 Grant R. Osborne, Romans Written for evangelical pastors and Bible study leaders, this is meant to be a “popular” rather than a strictly scholarly commentary. There is a brief introduction, but not the exegetical and theological summary normally placed at the beginning of more scholarly commentaries, so the reader is quickly send into the biblical text that the commentator seeks to elucidate verse by verse. Brief footnotes serve to supplement the exposition, often pointing out alternative explanations of individual passages (as offered by leading commentators such as E. Käsemann, C. Cranfield and D. Moo). It is also Moo whom Osborne often follows in his interpretation. There is a bibliography, but not an index. The IVP New Testament Commentary Series; Inter-Varsity Press, Leicester (2004) 1–447 (BL)
1090 Alain Gignac, Taubes, Badiou, Agamben: Reception of Paul by NonChristian Philosophers Today In diesem Beitrag werden die Römerbrieflektüren von Jacob Taubes (Die politische Theologie des Paulus, 1993), Alain Badiou (Saint Paul: La foundation de l’universalisme, 1998) und Giorgio Agamben (Il tempo che resta: un commento alla Lettera ai Romani, 2000) vorgestellt. Am Ende stehen einige vergleichende Erwägungen. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 74–110 (SP)
1091 Paul Barnett, Why Paul Wrote Romans Wie die hier präsentierte inhaltliche Analyse des Röm zeigt, verfolgte Paulus mehrere Ziele bei der Verfassung dieses Briefes. Erstens begründete er sein Apostelamt und bereitete sich einen freundlichen Empfang für seinen kurzen Aufenthalt vor der geplanten Mission auf der iberischen Halbinsel. Zweitens versuchte er den jüdischen Lesern gegenüber Christus als die einzige Heilsquelle zu etablieren. Sein wichtigstes Ziel war aber drittens das Streben nach einer sichtbaren Einheit der Kirche zwischen Juden und Heiden, die gleichermaßen vor Gott als erlösungsbedürftige Sünder stehen. RTR 62/3 (2003) 139–151 (DL)
1092 Philip F. Esler, Conflict and Identity in Romans: The Social Setting of Paul’s Letter Esler departs from traditional exegesis of Romans in not asking primarily doctrinal questions, but questions of identity. Doctrine makes sense, Esler argues, only in so far as it contributes to the formation of a group’s identity in a particular place. And this place is Rome, a fact Esler takes very seriously. Accordingly, this “ethnographic reading” of Romans includes substantial sections on the social situation of Rome’s Jewish, early Christian, and more generally non-elite population (complete with a reference to what must have been the first interior space used by Christians for worship, 384 n. 164), the sociology of identity, and the anthropology of time. One of the interesting points argued by the learned author is that Paul does not aim at “destroying the
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differences between Judeans and non-Judeans. Throughout the letter he takes, indeed, the opposite course – as he must to bring these rival ethnic groups together – of acknowledging their different (sub)group identities at critical stages in the argument” (365). A major contribution to understanding one of the most important early Christian documents. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XII/1–458 (BL)
1093 A.B. du Toit, Forensic Metaphors in Romans and their soteriological significance Previous studies on legal references in Paul concentrated almost exclusively on matters of civil law. A study of five important passages in Romans and an overview of the rest of Romans indicate that this letter contains an unusual number of forensic metaphors and that Paul, in Romans, packaged his soteriology within a forensic setting. This suggests that he deliberately created an implicature, inviting his readers to compare the iustitia Dei with the iustitia romana. Contrary to the latter, which was expected to function on the basis of equity and with which Paul’s addressees were all too well acquainted, the iustitia Dei proves to be astonishingly unconventional. This judge operates with grace. Ironical as it may seem, exactly by using forensic imagery, Paul completely delegalized the Christian message. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 53–79
1094 Andrianjatovo Rakotoharintsifa, Peace in the Epistle to the Romans and in the Malagasy Culture Dieser Beitrag untersucht, inwiefern die Bedeutung von Frieden (eirènè ) im Römerbrief zum Verständnis des malegassischen Konzeptes fihavanana beiträgt. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 33–52 (SP)
✩ 1095 Lucien Legrand, Rm 1.11–15 (17): Proemium ou Propositio? Der Verf. bestimmt den ganzen Abschnitt Röm 1,11–17 aufgrund thematischer Entsprechungen im Korpus des gesamten Briefes als eine zweiteilige propositio des Schriftstücks. Dabei wurde dem ersten Teil in V.11–15, der von einer apostolischen Aktion des Paulus handelt, der zweite, eine zu erläuternde Doktrin beinhaltende Teil in V.16–17 untergeordnet. NTS 49/4 (2003) 566–572 (DL)
1096 Herman C. Waetjen, The Trust of Abraham and the Trust of Jesus Christ: Romans 1:17 The movement of Romans 1:17 is ek pisteòs, out of the trust of Abraham, eis pistin, into the trust or Jesus Christ. Abraham and Sarah trusted the same God, and they were declared righteous. However, beyond living ek pisteòs is a life that is committed to living eis pistin, a life therefore that is dedicated to actualizing the justice of God in and by the trust of Jesus Christ. CThMi 30/6 (2003) 446–454
1097 F.P. Viljoen, Die getuienis van Romeine 1:18–32 oor God se openbaring: ’n sintaktiese, stilistiese en gedagte-strukturele ontleding van die teks The question at stake in this article is to what extent people who have not heard the Gospel of Jesus can know God – according to Romans 1:18–32. In the ensuing argu-
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mentation the evidence from syntactical, stylistical and thought-structural analyses is investigated in search of answers to this issue. It becomes clear that it is crucial to take into consideration the function of this pericope within Paul’s wider argumentation in attempting to interpret it. Before Paul can indicate that salvation is equally available to Jews and Gentiles, he must prove that all people are equally in need of it. His purpose is thus to draw up the indictment that everyone, non-Jews (Rom. 1:18/19–32) and Jews (Rom. 2:1–3:8) alike, are in the power of sin and subject to God’s judgement. To interpret Paul as if it would be possible to attain saving faith without the Gospel demonstrates a misunderstanding of Paul’s argumentation. IDS 37/4 (2003) 643–670
1098 Elma Cornelius, Die openbaring van God – ’n retories-kritiese interpretasie van Romeine 1:18–32 The issue addressed in this article is how Romans 1:18–32 can be interpreted from a rhetorical-critical point of view. It turns out that the letter to the Romans was addressed to those in Rome in order to convince them that the reason for their acceptance as God’s people lies in God’s work only and not in their imitation of the Jews. Romans 1:18–32 seems to be part of the opening of the letter body intended to be a warning for all people, including an example of what may happen if this warning is not taken seriously. The logic of the argument indicates that God’s wrath will come upon those who do not accept His revelation in creation. IDS 37/4 (2003) 719–734
1099 G.J.C. Jordaan, Romeine 1:18–25 binne die openbaringshistoriese raamwerk van die Skrifgetuienis aangaande God se openbaring In this article the central issue investigated is whether – since the time of creation – man has been able to know God sufficiently in order to receive His saving faith. For this purpose a revelational-historical study of Romans 1:18–25 is undertaken in an attempt to contribute to this debate. Central themes from Romans 1:18–25 are also analysed and related to passages with a similar content elsewhere in Romans and also throughout the entire Bible. The conclusion arrived at is that God’s revelation in creation as such is sufficient to bring man to a saving faith. However, man’s perception and understanding are so corrupted by sin that it is impossible for any human being to receive saving faith only by perceiving and interpreting God’s revelation in creation. Therefore God has given His revelation in Scripture to bring mankind to saving faith. IDS 37/4 (2003) 617–641
1100 Stanley K. Stowers, Apostrophe, Prosopopoiia and Paul’s Rhetorical Education Defending his finding of “speech in character” in Rom 2:1–4:2 and 7:7–8:2 against the critique of R. Dean Anderson. Stowers first argues that following ancient rhetoricians a formal introduction of the speaker is not always necessary. Since he pretends that the apostrophes in Rom 2:1–16 and 17–29 function as introductions to prosopopoiia, he than discusses evidence for the association of prosopopoiia with dialogue and apostrophe. In the much disputed question of Paul’s rhetorical education Stowers agrees with Anderson that Paul’s letters do not follow the rhetorical parts of speeches or other rules for speeches. But the theorists represent merely one part of the varied and complex rhetorical culture of the early Roman Empire. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 351–369 (DZ)
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1101 Akio Ito, Nomos (tòn) ergòn and nomos pisteòs. The Pauline Rhetoric and Theology of nomos Since Paul intended his epistles to be read aloud to the congregation from the beginning to the end without going back and forth, they must have made some sense to the audience at the first reading. However, this does not deny that deeper meanings are hidden beneath the surface meaning. A superficial reading and the in-depth theological reading must be compatible and complementary. From this perspective this essay attempts to resolve the debate on the meaning of the nomos pisteòs and nomos (tòn) ergòn in Rom 3:27, whether they refer to the law in a general sense or the Torah. NT 45/3 (2003) 237–259
1102 Jean-Noël Aletti, Romains 4 et Genèse 17. Quelle énigme et quelle solution? The article is an attempt to show that, thanks to the two citations of Gn 15,6 and Ps 31[32], 1–2 in Rm 4,2.7–8, Paul gives his opinion indirectly but nevertheless clearly on the injunctions of Gen 17,10–14. Those citations form a gezerah shawah, which goes along with the standards of the technique fixed by the rabbis later on and allows Paul to interpret the role of the circumcision in Gn 17,10–14 originally and paradoxically. Bib. 84/3 (2003) 305–325
1103 Peter J. Tomson, What did Paul mean by ‘Those Who Know the Law’? (Rm 7.1) In the course of his argument about the law in Rom 6–7, Paul, appealing to the ‘knowledge of the law’ of his readers, adduced an apostolic marriage law that had its origins in the teachings of Jesus. As is seen in 1 Cor 7, Paul considered it binding also on gentile Christians, which is why he could assume it to be personally known to his gentile Christians in Rome. NTS 49/4 (2003) 573–581
1104 Stefano Romanello, Rom 7,7–25 and the Impotence of the Law. A Fresh Look at a Much-Debated Topic Using Literary-Rhetorical Analysis By means of a literary-rhetorical analysis, it can be stated that Rom 7,7–25 forms a literary unit, depending upon the propositio of Rom 7,7a. In fact, the question on the possible equalization between Mosaic Law and sin raises a new discussion, carried out precisely in Rom 7,7–25. The climax of the pericope appears to be the powerless character of the Law with respect to sin, depicted through two different examples. In the first one, in vv. 7–13, it is not stated that through the Law sin become known by the “I”, but that through the Law sin gains force and becomes ineluctably effective. In the second one, in vv. 14–25, sin is an active subject quite apart from Law, that remains nevertheless ineffective in counteracting it. In any case, these two different depictions point both to the ineffectiveness of the Law. The affirmations on the positive nature of the Law are incorporated in this pericope in order to be diminished – even if not denied. This rhetorical strategy can be called concessio. In Rom 8,1–17 the believer’s life is depicted in different terms from the life of the “I” of Rom 7,7–25. This comparison leads to the recognition of the new basis on which our relation with God becomes possible. In the meantime, it clarifies that the Law cannot promote this new identity in believers. For this reason, emphasis on the incapacity of the Law must not be considered as an act of contempt for it. Instead, it clarifies the objective reasons why the Law cannot be regarded as a soteriological principle. Bib. 84/4 (2003) 510–530
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1105 Valérie Nicolet Anderson, Can Kierkegaard Help Us Understand the Role of the Law in Romans 7:7–12? Tools for a Kierkegaardian Reading of Paul Dieser Beitrag zeigt auf, inwiefern sich die Lektüren von Kierkegaard’s Sickness Unto Death und Röm 7 gegenseitig bereichern können. Im Vordergrund stehen dabei folgende Fragen: (1) Wer spricht in Röm 7,7–12? Und (2) wie versteht Paulus die Rolle des Gesetzes? In seiner Schlussbemerkung weist Verf. auf die Notwendigkeit hin, bei der Interpretation eines Textes dessen Wirkungsgeschichte im Auge zu behalten. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 111–135 (SP)
1106 Joachim Meissner, Das Kommen der Herrlichkeit. Eine Neuinterpretation von Röm 8,14–30 Taking up ideas suggested by N. Baumert, H. Frankemölle and S. Schneider, the author argues that glory, in Pauline thought, is not something given to believers only at the final judgement; instead, they participate in divine glory even in this life, and even in and through their sufferings. This glory manifests itself not just in a spiritual way, but actually concerns the body (sôma). Meissner seeks to demonstrate that this is Paul’s view in Rom 8, while others have traced the same set of ideas in 1 Cor 7; 15; and 2 Cor 2:14–6:13. Accordingly, there is less of a dichotomy between the here-andnow and the eschatological “then” in Paul’s theology than generally assumed by Pauline scholars. fzb 100; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 1–422 (BL)
1107 Gerhard Dautzenberg, Der Gott Israels in Röm 9–11 Dieser Beitrag referiert vier exegetische bzw. theologische Arbeiten, die sich mit der Gottesfrage in Röm 9–11 befassen. Diese sind: W. Dietrich/Ch. Link, Die dunklen Seiten Gottes Bd I: Willkür und Gewalt, 19951; E. Brandenburger, Paulinische Schriftauslegung in der Kontroverse um das Verheißungswort Gottes (Röm 9), ZThK 82 (1985) 1–47; G. Röhser, Prädestination und Verstockung. Untersuchungen zur frühjüdischen, paulinischen und johanneischen Theologie, 1994 und J.D. Kim, God, Israel, and the Gentiles. Rhetoric and Situation in Romans 9–11, 2000. QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg (2003) 102–129 (SP)
1108 Michel Quesnel, La figure de Moïse en Romains 9–11 Moïse est nommé trois fois en Rm 9–11. Chaque fois son statut dans le discours est différent. Il est d’abord, comme l’est aussi Pharaon, le destinataire d’une parole divine concernant la volonté de Dieu (Rm 9.15–18, citant l’Exode). Il est ensuite lié à la justice provenant de la loi (Rm 10.5, citant le Lévitique). Il est enfin, comme Isaïe, une figure prophétique indiquant un chemin de conversion possible pour Israël (Rm 10.19, citant le Deutéronome). Une trajectoire se met ainsi en place, Moïse assumant dans sa personne différents moments de l’histoire d’lsraël, y compris son salut par Dieu à la fin des temps. NTS 49/3 (2003) 321–335
1109 Hans-Christian Kammler, Die Prädikation Jesu Christi als “Gott” und die paulinische Christologie. Erwägungen zur Exegese von Röm 9,5b “Der Einwand, ein christologisches Verständnis der Eulogie Röm 9,5b sei mit dem Christuszeugnis des Paulus unvereinbar, ist nicht stichhaltig. Bei diesem Verständnis, das sowohl vom Wortlaut wie von der sprachlichen Struktur her gefordert und auch
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durch den unmittelbaren Kontext des Satzes nahegelegt wird, fügt sich die Eulogie im Gegenteil sehr wohl in den Gesamtzusammenhang der paulinischen Christologie ein. Wer Jesus Christus als kyrios tès doxès bezeichnet, ihm reale, personale und absolute Präexistenz beimisst, ihn mit Gott im gleichen Atemzug nennt und ihn im Gebet anruft, der kann ihn durchaus auch einmal direkt als theos prädizieren und eben damit expressis verbis formulieren, was in den genannten Phänomemen der Sache nach zum Ausdruck kommt” (180). ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 164–180
1110 Philip F. Esler, Ancient Oleiculture and Ethnic Differentiation: The Meaning of Olive-Tree Image in Romans 11 The image of the olive tree in Rom. 11.16b–24, like other such images in Paul’s correspondence, deserves to be taken seriously as contributing to the message he is communicating. This necessitates considering it in the light of its ancient context, here meaning Graeco-Roman oleiculture. The best solution is not, however, that Paul was referring to a technique mentioned by Columella of stimulating fruitfulness in a cultivated olive tree by grafting in a twig of wild olive. Rather, he is alluding to the standard practice in the eastern Mediterranean, described by Theophrastus and employed even in our times, of grafting a stock of cultivated olive onto a wild olive tree. But Paul deliberately depicts the inversion of this process, as a way of undermining the pretensions of Greek Christ-followers in Rome. The result is an image of the Christ movement, clearly differentiated in its parts, in which the Judaean members are superior to the others. JSNT 26/1 (2003) 103–124
1111 Berndt Schaller, APOBOLÈ – PROSLÈMPSIS. Zur Übersetzung und Deutung von Röm 11,15 Für eine passivische Auffassung von apobolè finden sich weder in der jüdischen noch in der paganen antiken Literatur Belege. Lediglich in der patristischen Literatur wird der Terminus im Sinn von “Verwerfung” verwendet. Wahrscheinlich sind auch in Röm 11,15 die Termini apobolè und proslèmpsis aktivisch zu verstehen und der pronominale Genitiv autòn entsprechend als subjectivus, auch wenn diese Deutung nicht darum herum kommt, ein im Text nicht unmittelbar genanntes Objekt wie “Evangelium” oder “Christus” einzufügen. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 135–150 (SP)
1112 Franz Mussner, “Leben aus Toten” (Röm 11,15) Hinter dem Syntagma “Leben aus Toten” (zòè ek nekròn) in Röm 11,15 steht primär Ez 37,1–14. Trierer Theologische Zeitschrift 112/1 (2003) 74–79 (NvM)
1113 Jens Adam, Kinder Gottes und Erben der Verheißung. Erwägungen zu Röm 11,16–24 Im sog. ‘Ölbaumgleichnis’ (Röm 11,16–24) erklärt Paulus in einer bildhaften Beschreibung das soteriologisch-heilsgeschichtliche Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes. In dem an der paulinischen Christologie interessierten Beitrag werden hier die entscheidenden Aussagen dieses Abschnitts bestimmt, wobei 11,16 als eine maßgebliche Exposition interpretiert wird. Das Volk Israel war und bleibt demnach der edle Ölbaum Gottes, und Gott ist bereit, einigen scheinbar verworfenen Zweigen des Baums ihren angestammten Platz in der Heilsgemeinde wieder zu gewähren. Wie die neu eingesetzten Zweige – die gläubigen Heiden – haben auch Juden ihren alleinigen Beistand vor Gott durch den
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Glauben an Jesus Christus, dessen Person und Werk eine bleibende Versöhnung der Welt mit sich selbst verwirklichte. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 124–144 (DL)
1114 Philip F. Esler, Social Identity, the Virtues, and the Good Life: A New Approach to Romans 12:1–15:13 Romans 12:1–15:13 comprises a recognizable unit in the letter. But existing attempts to describe its distinctiveness focus upon concepts of “ethics” and “paraenesis” which are problematic in a number of respects. This study proposes a new manner of characterizing this section of Romans that integrates social identity theory with notions of the good life and the virtues derived from Aristotle that have staged a powerful resurgence in recent ethical discourse. This integrated approach is then applied to Romans 12:1–15:13 in a general way. From this discussion it emerges that this part of the letter can be interpreted both as Paul’s attempt to outline descriptors of the new identity his addressees experience as members of the Christ-movement, especially in relation to agapè, and as a vision of the moral life very similar to the Aristotelian interest in the virtues as the means to promote human flourishing. BTB 33/2 (2003) 51–63
1115 John N. Day, “Coals of Fire” in Romans 12:19–20 Several facts support the view, that “coals of fire” represent divine judgement and that Romans 12:20 is in large measure reinforcing the message of verse 19. These facts include the grammatical structure of the verses in their apparent parallelism, the context, and the development of the imagery from the OT. BS 160/4 (2003) 414–420
1116 Lung-kwong Lo, Identity Crisis Reflected in Romans 14:1–15:13 and the Implications for the Chinese Christians’ Controversy on Ancestral Worship Kern dieses Beitrags ist eine Analyse des Gebrauchs der ersten und zweiten grammatischen Person in Röm 14,1–15,13. Die vollständige Analyse kann auf folgender website eingesehen werden: . Die Analyse legt die These nahe, dass in Rom JudenchristInnen und HeidenchristInnen in verschiedenen Hausgemeinden organisiert waren, als JudenchristInnen nach dem Tod des Claudius nach Rom zurückkehrten. Paulus richtet seinen Römerbrief an alle Gemeinden in Rom und geht in Röm 14,1–15,13 auf das Problem gemeinsamer Mahlzeiten und die Einhaltung jüdischer Speisevorschriften ein. Er schlägt vor, dass sich die heidenchristlichen Gemeinden an jüdische Speisevorschriften halten, wenn JudenchristInnen anwesend sind und mahnt zu gegenseitiger Rücksichtnahme. So können beide Gruppen ihre eigene Identität bewahren und sich dennoch ihrer Zusammengehörigkeit mit der jeweils anderen Gruppe gewiss sein. Im zweiten Teil des Beitrags werden kontextuelle Aspekte, die sich für die chinesische Christenheit ergeben, behandelt. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 1–32 (SP)
1117 Jan Lambrecht, “It is for the Lord that we live and die”: A Theological Reflection on Romans 14:7–9 To live and to die for the Lord includes love of neighbor. Christians live and even die for each other; in no other way can they live and die for the Lord. The immediate context of Rom 14:7–9 renders impossible any doubt about this Pauline conviction. LouvSt 28/2 (2003) 143–154
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1118 Samuel Bénétreau, Faut-il garder secrètes les convictions qui risquent de heurter les frères? Une lecture de Romains 14,22a Paul’s exhortation to the “strong” in Rome, “your conviction, keep it to yourself before God” (Rm 14. 22a) is often understood as a call not to give outward expression to any religious belief involving a risk for the “weaker” brethren. Most of the existing translations and some commentaries seem to promote, more or less distinctly, such an interpretation. A somewhat different translation is offered, “keep it, as far as you are concerned, before God”, which puts the emphasis upon a steadfast personal commitment but, at the same time, does not shut the door for a brotherly dialogue with Christians of an other mind. RHPhR 83/3 (2003) 273–287
1119 Steve Strauss, Missions Theology in Romas 15:14–33 Romans 15:14–33 is key for understanding the Book of Romans and Paul’s theology of missions. As such, it offers significant insights for a contemporary biblical theology of missions. The passage is a reminder, first, that all missionary efforts must be dependent on God and all results must be recognized as the work of God’s grace. Second, the task of missions is a priestly privilege of presenting the nations to God. Third, missions must maintain a balance between the ultimate goal of establishing mature, strategic congregations and not losing the urgency of evangelism among the unreached. Fourth, those who carry the gospel to the unreached among the nations are helping fulfill the purposes of God in salvation history. Fifth, reciprocal, mutual partnerships, so central to the task of missions, must emerge among churches around the world. BS 160/4 (2003) 457–474
1120 Bert Jan Lietaert Peerbolte, Romans 15:14–29 and Paul’s Missionary Agenda Paul’s ministry should be characterized as a proselytising mission. He aimed at convincing people and changing their views and behaviour. From the evidence of Romans 15:14–29 and other passages in the letters it appears, that Paul did indeed have a certain missionary method: His strategy was to proclaim the gospel in places where no others had preceded him and to raise communities that could in their turn enable him to proceed to new territory. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 143–159
1/2 Corinthians general – 1 Corinthians: general ★ individual passages 1121 J. Vermeulen, Leiers wat dien en bédien, ’n Pauliniese beskrywing van kerkleiers en hulle funksies in 1 & 2 Korintiërs What constitutes the functions and the essence of Pauline church leadership? How functional, relevant and useful is the huge amount of secular and religious literature published annually regarding leadership, for the church of Jesus Christ? In an effort to answer these and other questions, this essay studies portions of First and Second Corinthians, and comes to two conclusions. Firstly, that Pauline church leaders were characterised by service and servanthood, and secondly, that they also functioned as the mediators of pneumatological realities. Both of these dimensions function wholly within the paradigm of humility and dependance upon God, who is shown by Paul to be the source, as well as the focus of the superlative glory that characterises the ministry of the new covenant. The effects of the Pauline ministry functions simultaneously as the fruits, as well as the criteria of Pauline ministry in the new covenant. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 232–248
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1122 Donald P. Ker, Family Finances: ‘Kinship’ and the Collection – an exploratory paper Throughout the Corinthian Correspondence there are concerns about financial affairs, not least as Paul seeks to persuade the Corinthians to contribute to the Collection which he was organising. Starting from the observation that a sense of “Kinship” and financial obligation belong together, which can be illustrated from the Jerusalem Church, this paper explores the possibility that Paul had a radically new sense of kinship in Christ which had many implications, not least financial. His churches, however, did not necessarily understand or accept these new relationships. IBSt 25/1 (2003) 2–35
1123 Bruce W. Winter, The Toppling of Favorinus and Paul by the Corinthians The essay compares the apology of Favorinus (Dio Chrysostom, Or. 37) caused by the removing of his statue in Corinth to Paul’s reaction – esp. in 2Cor – to the criticisms and charges raised against him in the Christian community of that city. W. esp. examines the term “apologia” and states that in 1Cor 9:3 it is not used in the technical sense and that 2Cor lacks the formal structure of rhetorical defense – as the speech of Favorinus defies a form-critical analysis too. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 291–306 (DZ)
1124 Wolfgang Schrage, Die Bedeutung der “Schriften” im 1. Korintherbrief Die “Schriften” gelten in 1 Kor nicht als antiquiertes Dokument der Vergangenheit, sondern stehen als Zeugnis desselben Gottes in unlöslichem Zusammenhang mit dem christlichen Glauben an das Heilshandeln Gottes in Jesus Christus. Bei aller Neu- und Uminterpretation werden die “Schriften” als selbstverständliche Autorität in Anspruch genommen. Weiter fällt auf, daß die Heranziehung der “Schriften” in unterschiedlicher Dichte geschieht und sich schwerpunktmäßig auf die zentralen Kapitel 1–3 und 15 konzentriert, während daneben nur noch die Paränese hervortritt. Bevorzugt werden Jes, Gen und der Psalter herangezogen. Diese selektive Aneignung ist schon Indiz dafür, daß die “Schriften” nie unumschränkt in der christl. Kirche gelten können. Überhaupt ist eine erstaunliche Freiheit gegenüber dem Buchstaben und ursprünglichem Wortlaut und Sinn zu konstatieren. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 412–432
1125 Dieter Zeller, Vierfache Schriftwerdung im 1. Korintherbrief Am Beispiel des 1 Kor wird der Schriftgebrauch des Paulus untersucht. Dabei wird v.a. der Frage nachgegangen, ob “die Schrift” für Paulus eine große, ungeschiedene Masse darstellt, aus der er sich für seine “Beweise” bedient oder ob die gattungsbedingte Eigenart der Texte Einfluß auf die Art hat, in der Paulus sie einsetzt. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 497–516 (NvM)
1126 Todd E. Klutz, Re-Reading 1 Corinthians after Rethinking “Gnosticism” The recent scholarly tendency to dismiss the “Gnostic Hypothesis” as a construct for contextualizing 1 Corinthians has not been distinguished by a strong engagement with either the ancient primary sources from Nag Hammadi or advances in the study of “Gnosticism”. The implications these two bodies of knowledge could have for our understanding of 1 Corinthians can be deduced from the main argument of Michael A. Williams’s Rethinking “Gnosticism”. Although Williams’s study offers powerful arguments against the use of “Gnosticism” as a construct for classifying Christian groups
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of the first four centuries, his work also discusses alternative and potentially more useful tools for comparing these groups with each other. Ironically, by helping us to think about early Christian groups not in terms of whether they were “Gnostic” or “nonGnostic”, but rather in terms of how much tension they experienced with their general sociocultural environment, Williams enables us to see that some of Paul’s implied addressees in Corinth had very much in common with the authors of Nag Hammadi tractates like the Gospel of Philip. JSNT 26/2 (2003) 193–216
✩ 1127 Matthias Konradt, Die korinthische Weisheit und das Wort vom Kreuz. Erwägungen zur korinthischen Problemkonstellation und paulinischen Intention in 1 Kor 1–4 “Indem Paulus das Oberflächenproblem der Streitigkeiten auf die in ihnen wirksame Existenzorientierung der Korinther hin freilegt, treten zugleich theologische Einstellungen der Adressaten zutage, die der in Paulus’ Sicht verfehlten Existenzorientierung zugrunde liegen, konkret eben das mangelnde Verständnis des Kreuzes als Mitte des christlichen Überzeugungssystems, das durch das Vollendungsbewusstsein der Korinther und ihre Pneumatologie flankiert wird. Entsprechend sucht Paulus die Existenzorientierung der Korinther durch eine eingehende theologische Argumentation zu korrigieren. Aus dem Kreuz als sinnstiftendem Zentrum der christlichen Identitätsmatrix folgt ein Existenzentwurf, der die kulturell etablierten Statuszuteilungen unterläuft und damit das soziale Miteinander neu strukturiert. Nicht erweisen lässt sich aber, dass die Korinther mit der Weisheit ein bestimmtes theologisches Konzept verbanden, das der paulinischen Botschaft entgegenstand und mittels der Pneumatiker-Psychiker-Antithese legitimiert wurde” (213f.). ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 181–214
1128 Joop F.M. Smit, Epideictic Rhetoric in Paul’s First Letter to the Corinthians 1–4 In the discussion as to whether Paul uses Classical rhetoric First Corinthians 1–4 plays a key-role. In this article an overview is given of the main characteristics of the epideictic genre and in the light of this it is argued that in 1 Cor 1–4 Paul presents the four types of this genre: a paradoxical encomium in 1,18–31; an honorable encomium in 2,6–16; an ambivalent encomium in 3,5–23 and a dishonorable encomium in 4,6–13. In this manner he gives a deliberate proof of his rhetorical ability so as to restore his image, damaged by the impressive performance of Apollos who visited the city after him and apparently took the prize. So, after all, there seems to be Classical rhetoric in Paul. Bib. 84/2 (2003) 184–201
1129 Edgar Krentz, Logos or Sophia. The Pauline Use of the Ancient Dispute between Rhetoric and Philosophy K. suggests that Paul in 1Cor 1–4 makes use of language drawn upon the debate between rhetoricians and philosophers as teachers of wisdom in the polis, a debate that continued in Imperial times. Though not claiming to be a philosopher, Paul argues for a wisdom superior to that taught by rhetoric, in a way similar to that argued by the proponents of philosophy over against rhetoric. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 277–290 (DZ)
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1130 Joop F.M. Smit, “What is Apollos? What is Paul?” In Search for the Coherence of First Corinthians 1:10–4:21 The coherence of 1 Cor. 1:10–4:21 is studied in three steps. With regard to the textual syntax it is shown that this passage consists of an introduction (1:10–17), followed by four separate sections elaborating first the thema of wisdom (1:18–2:5; 2:6–3:4) and next the division among the Corinthians (3:5–4:5; 4:6–21). At the semantic level it is argued that the adherents of Apollos are Paul’s main target and that in 1:18–19 he alludes to them. Further it is clarified that in rejecting sophia logou he does not attack rhetoric as such, but human reasoning which they greatly admire. Finally a pragmatic analysis demonstrates that, following classical status theory, Paul defends himself in four steps against the deprecatory opinion adherents of Apollos harbor against him. NT 44/3 (2002) 231–251
1131 Andrianjatovo Rakotoharintsifa, L’unité par la concentration christologique. Une lecture postcoloniale de 1 Cor 2,1–5 Rakotoharintsifa essaie de donner un point de vue critique sur les présupposés de l’exégèse postcoloniale et propose à partir d’une lecture de 1 Cor 2,1–5 des orientations théologiques et socio-éthiques. Pour le théologien du Tiers-Monde, la manière la plus adéquate de revisiter les héritages du passé est de resituer historiquement les missions chrétiennes, de combattre le ressentiment et l’ethnocentrisme et, enfin, de retrouver dans la figure du Crucifié un point de ralliement libérateur. ETR 78/3 (2003) 339–350
1132 Karl-Heinrich Ostmeyer, Passa und Satan in 1. Korinther 5 Im Hintergrund von 1. Kor 5 steht eine Passametaphorik. Seit dem als Passalamm geopferten Christus feiern die Christen eine permanente Sedernacht, in der “draußen” der Satan als Würgeengel umhergeht, während “drinnen” die feiernden Christen durch Christus geschützt sind. Zur Rettung der Gemeinde muss der Unzüchtige exkommuniziert und damit in den Zugriffsbereich des Satans herausgeworfen werden. Nur auf das pneuma des Unzüchtigen hat der Satan durch die Taufe keinen Zugriff mehr. Seine Exkommunikation zielt auf Buße und Wiederaufnahme des Unzüchtigen in die feiernde Gemeinde. ZNT 9 (2002) 38–45 (MW)
1133 Halvor Moxnes, Asceticism and Christian Identity in Antiquity: A Dialogue with Foucault and Paul Presentations of Christian identity in antiquity are often in line with modern Protestantism, in which renunciation and asceticism do not play an important role. In contrast, this article takes asceticism as its starting point, and introduces Foucault and his discussion of askesis as a point of departure. His focus on ethics as a way to constitute oneself as a moral subject challenges traditional presentations of ethics in the New Testament. The article attempts a reading of Paul’s argument in 1 Cor. 6.12–20 (why a Christian man should not have sex with prostitutes) inspired by Foucault. It is suggested that Paul is concerned with the formation of a Christian male identity, without interest for the situation of the women involved, but de-stabilizing the social identity of free Corinthian men. This paper is followed by two responses: (1) J. Økland, Sex Slaves of Christ (31–34) and (2) J. Riches, Asceticism and Christian Identity in Antiquity (35–38). JSNT 26/1 (2003) 3–29
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1134 Will Deming, Paul on Marriage and Celibacy: The Hellenistic Background of 1 Corinthians 7. 2nd edition While Paul – and Hellenistic authors – considered marriage a means of involving oneself in the local community (and therefore something Christians should avoid, following the example of Paul himself ), Paul’s advice later came to be re-interpreted. The post-Pauline view is that marriage becomes symbolic of the ominous bond with the material world. – An important study. See IZBG 42:1347. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XXII/1–271 (BL)
1135 Brad Ronnell Braxton, The Role of Ethnicity in the Social Location of 1 Corinthians 7:17–24 Paul de-emphasizes Greek and Jewish ethnicity with respect to the identity that really matters – being a Christian, member of the church. Semeia Studies 42; Randall C. Bailey (ed.), Yet with a Steady Beat: Contemporary U.S. Afrocentric Biblical Interpretation; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) 19–32 (BL)
1136 Grec Peters, Spiritual Marriage in Early Christianity: 1 Cor 7:25–38 in Modern Exegesis and the Earliest Church The oldest interpretations of 1 Cor 7:36–38, along with many modern commentators, demonstrates that Paul is supporting the practice of spiritual marriage. Perhaps this should cause commentators of today to read Paul’s first epistle to the Corinthians in a new light. TrinJ 23/2 (2002) 211–224
1137 E. Coye Still, The Meaning and Uses of eidòlothyton in First Century Non-Pauline Literature and 1 Cor 8:1–11:1: Towards Resolution of the Debate The traditional view that eidòlothyton means broadly food sacrified to idols and may, of course refer to food consumed in a cultic meal in the temple, must be maintained. This conclusion does not, however, settle the issue of precisely what Paul intends for the Corinthian knowers to do in regard to eidòlothyton. It simply makes meaningful the question, “what does Paul intend for the Corinthian knowers to do?” Still argues that Paul does acknowledge the knowers’ authentic right to consume food offered to idols, even in some temple meals (see 1 Cor 8:19), but calls for complete non-use of the right – abstinence from all temple meals and all food identified as having been offered to idols. TrinJ 23/2 (2002) 225–234
1138 E. Coye Still, Paul’s Aims Regarding eidolothyta: A New Proposal for Interpreting 1 Corinthians 8:1–11:1 “Paul’s aims are to persuade the Corinthian knowers to adopt complete none-use of their authentic right to consume food offered to idols and to prohibit participation in idolatrous temple meals. The practical result of Paul’s argument is that the compliant Corinthian knower will abstain from all temple meals and from all food identified as having been offered to idols. In some cases the knowers’ abstinence will amount to avoidance of idolatry; in others none-use of a genuine right. My proposal is over against the traditional view that Paul permits consumption of food offered to idols and even participation in some temple meals. My proposal is also over against the view that Paul considers inherently idolatrous any consumption of food identified as offered to idols” (334). NT 44/4 (2002) 333–343
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1139 David E. Garland, The Dispute Over Food Sacrified to Idols (1 Cor 8:1–11:1) The thesis of this paper is that, contrary to a popular reading of 1 Cor 8:1–11:1, Paul forbade Christians from any association with any food overtly connected to idolatry. PRSt 30/2 (2003) 173–197
1140 Anto PopoviÆ, Freedom and right of the Apostle: Gratis proclamation of the Gospel as an example of the correct use of freedom and right according to 1 Cor 9:1–18 Freedom and right are, in the first place, ethical categories. In the Corinthian Christian community, however, the question of the correct use of “knowledge” (right) and freedom regarding the consumption of the meat offered to the idols, became the theological problem both of the correct understanding and of the correct implementation of the Gospel. Paul’s exceptionally long argumentation (1 Cor 8:1–11:1) aimed at showing clearly to the Corinthian Christians that the correct perception and practice of the freedom and right must be in compliance with the Gospel, i.e., with God’s love as revealed in Jesus Christ. In 1 Cor 9:1–18 Paul is describing his own way of the “gratis” Gospel proclamation as an example of the correct use of freedom and right, for the sake of the salvific well-being of others. Paul’s renunciation of the use of his apostolic right to material support (9:12b.15.18) became thus the model for the Corinthian Christians as to how they should make use of their own right and freedom in treating each other. It means that genuine Christian freedom must include the willingness to renounce one’s own right, when it is necessary for the sake of the salvific well-being of the other. The renunciation of the use of one’s own right, if aimed at edifying the community (10:23) or if motivated by seeking the well-being of others (8:13; 10:24) or if in function of spreading the saving power of the Good News (9:12b), does not mean the loss of freedom, but paradoxically that renunciation is the supreme expression of freedom in the sphere of one’s own right. Anton. 78/3 (2003) 415–445
1141 James W. Thompson, Creation, Shame and Nature in 1Cor 11:2–16. The Background and Coherence of Paul’s Argument The combination of the appeal to Scripture, shame, and nature becomes understandable in the context of Hellenistic Judaism, esp. Philo. Both Paul and Philo regard the created order as the basis for the specific conduct of men and women in a public place. Through the comparison with Philo several disputed questions are clarified: kephalê signifies both source and sovereignty in a hierarchical relationship that is grounded in creation. Paul like Philo follows midrashic traditions based on Num 5:1–8 (LXX). He is not addressing men who wear veils, nor is he addressing the problem of women who let their hair down, but he insists on the headcoverings that were the symbol of the woman’s modesty. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 237–257 (DZ)
1142 Matthew W. Mitchell, Reexamining the “Aborted Apostle”: An Exploration of Paul’s Self-Description in 1 Corinthians 15.8 In Paul’s description of his vision of the risen Christ (1 Cor. 15.8) he refers to himself as “one untimely born”. The Greek word underlying this phrase literally means a “miscarriage” or “abortion”, and presents a problem for commentators seeking to understand the precise manner in which Paul considers himself to be an abortion or miscarriage, since Paul’s vision of the risen Christ is unusual in its lateness, while an ektròma arrives before its time. Studies of the word’s extra-biblical use, though extensive,
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have failed to provide an explanation for Paul’s use, often attributing it to a function of Paul’s humility or his regret over his past persecution of the church, and suggesting its difficulty can be explained away as a “unique” use of the word by Paul. It seems more plausible, however, in light of the well-established semantic range of the word and its context, to understand it as a reference to the rejection of his apostolic authority as equal to that of the other apostles. JSNT 25/4 (2003) 469–485
1143 Marlis Gielen, Universale Totenauferweckung und universales Heil? 1 Kor 15, 20–28 ist im Sinne einer universalen Totenauferstehung zu lesen: “Nach V. 23c erfolgt die Auferweckung der Christen bei der Parusie Christi, die Auferweckung der Nichtchristen nach V. 24a.b dann bei der unmittlelbar darauf folgenden Herrschaftsübergabe an Gott.” (100) Paulus verteidigt mit seiner Argumentation die universale eschatologische Schöpfermacht Gottes. BZ 47/1 (2003) 86–104 (MW)
1144 Stephen Hultgren, The Origin of Paul’s Doctrine of the Two Adams in 1 Corinthians 15.45–49 The origin of Paul’s doctrine of the two Adams in 1 Cor. 15.45–49 has been the subject of much discussion. The most commonly argued background is Philo or Alexandrian traditions. Study of Philo, however, makes it unlikely that Paul is reacting either to Philo, to Alexandrian traditions, or even to a misrepresentation of Philo. Gnosticism also does not provide a plausible background. In 1 Cor. 15.46 Paul is not reacting against an over-realized eschatology, nor is he reversing an alleged priority of “spiritual man” to “natural man”. Paul’s main object is to answer the question of 1 Cor. 15.35: In what kind of a body are the dead raised? The closest parallels to Paul from the history of religion are found in rabbinic literature. Paul knew Palestinian exegetical traditions about a first and last Adam. His encounter with the risen Christ gave concrete form to that abstract idea. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 343–370
1145 Claudia Janssen, “Wir alle werden nicht sterben.” Ein Lied gegen die Todesmächte (1 Kor 15,51–57) Die Verneinung in 1 Kor 15,51 bezieht sich nicht auf pantes (alle), sondern auf koimèthèsometha (sterben). Diese Auffassung basiert auf der in der Forschung weitgehend als ursprüngliche Lesart anerkannten Textvariante pantes ou koimèthèsometha und entspricht der griechischen Syntax. Übersetzt werden muss dann: “wir alle werden nicht sterben” statt “wir werden nicht alle sterben”. Dass diese Übersetzung auch theologisch plausibel ist, zeigt Janssen, indem sie die Verschränkungen von Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft in der paulinischen Theologie, insbesondere in 1 Kor 15, erläutert. Mit dem Sieg über den Tod wird hier nicht die Naherwartung angesprochen, sondern der “Triumph der Machtlosen über die (noch) Mächtigen” (43) besungen. Frank Crüsemann et al. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 28–48 (SP)
2 Corinthians 1146 Waldemar Rakocy, 2 Kor 1, 15–16: Paw∑owy plan wizyt w Koryncie i jego realizacja The subject of the article is the information in II Cor 1,15–16, according to which Paul did not put into effect the visit to the Corinthians that he had foretold. In the contemporary biblical studies there are two fundamental opinions on the degree to
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which the visit was not executed: 1) the Apostle did not make the foretold visit at all; 2) he made only half of it, that is from Corinth he went to Macedonia, but he did not return to Corinth as he had announced earlier. A verification of the two opinions leads to the conclusion that the latter one meets with objections that raise serious doubts; the former one does not create such difficulties and seems more plausible. RocT 48/1 (2001) 133–143 (SS)
1147 Harold W. Attridge, Making Scents of Paul. The Background and Sense of 2 Cor 2:14–17 The author develops the suggestion of P.B. Duff that the language of triumph is not restricted to military parades, but could be applied to religious processions as well. Procession participants are reported to have sprinkled perfumes along the processional way. Likewise, Paul portrays himself as a devotee of the deity; he even identifies himself with the revelatory scent. The double effect of the fragrance is explained in a note on the ancient physiology of scent. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 71–88 (DZ)
1148 Hendrikus Boers, 2 Corinthians 5:14–6:2: A Fragment of Pauline Christology The problem of the relationship of 2 Cor 5:14–6:2 to its current context in 5:11–13 and 6:3–10 is unsolvable. The meaning of the passage must be interpreted without recourse to cotextual relationships to other parts of 2 Corinthians. It is a rare fragment of Pauline Christology. Significant in this fragment is that Paul finds it necessary to ground Christ’s activity in God in vv. 18–20 as the center of his reasoning, but he maintains the reality of Christ at the center of God’s activity. Paul does not leave the meaning of Christ’s death at an abstract theoretical level, but interprets it at the specific level of what it means to his readers. CBQ 64/3 (2002) 527–547 (MDK)
1149 Richard Moore, 2 Corinthians 5.20b in the English Bible in the Light of Paul’s Doctrine of Reconciliation The present paper examines 42 English renderings of Paul’s statement in 2 Cor 5.20, ranging from the 14th century to 1999, surveying all the major English versions as well as a number of influential sectional and private ones. Three investigations relating directly to the text of 2 Cor are then undertaken: (1) The broad literary context in which 2 Cor 5.20 appears; (2) the meaning of Paul’s doctrine of reconciliation; (3) Paul and his addressees. The evidence emerging from these lines of investigation suggests that there is no good reason to continue the firmly entrenched practice of mistranslation that has persisted in English renderings of this verse for over six centuries. The Bible Translator 54/1 (2003) 146–155
1150 Waldemar Rakocy, 2 Kor 10–13: List we ∑zach? The literary unity of II Cor has been the subject of discussion for over two centuries. Most attention has been paid to the last four chapters of the Letter, suggesting – at the end of the previous century – that at least in some part it is the so called “Letter in Tears” which Paul sent to Corinth before II Cor. The hypothesis that enjoyed a large popularity in the first half of the 20th century was rejected by many scholars in the recent decades. The arguments that were put forward against it seem sufficient at the present stage of research to accept that it is not in keeping with the reality. Instead of the abandoned hypothesis the belief is enjoyed, especially in the Anglo-Saxon countries, that Chapters 10–13 were written some time after 1–9. Although equally important
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arguments against this hypothesis cannot be presented as against the previous one, this does not necessarily mean that it is true. If the literary unit of II Cor is not accepted, the solution to the problem should be looked for in the history of the letter’s redaction. Results of this research may lead to the conclusion that a solution of the intricate problem of Chapters 10–13 is beyond our possibilities. RocT 48/1 (2001) 121–132 (SS)
Galatians: general – individual passages 1151 Andreas Lindemann, Der Galaterbrief als historische Quelle Review article on the work of W. Schmithals. Against Schmithals, it must be asserted that (1) the opponents of Paul are Judaizers, not Gnostics; (2) Paul did not send money to Jerusalem to support mission among the Jews; (3) the apostolic conference of Jerusalem did not agree on the parallel founding of Judeo-Christian and Gentile-Christian congregations. – The volume includes revised versions of several of Schmithal’s relevant papers (pp. 5–106). AGJU 54; C. Breytenbach (ed.), Paulus, die Evangelien und das Urchristentum; Brill, Leiden (2004) 731–744 (BL)
1152 Ruth Schäfer, Paulus bis zum Apostelkonzil. Ein Beitrag zur Einleitung in den Galaterbrief, zur Geschichte der Jesusbewegung und zur Pauluschronologie Schäfer opts for a “late” dating of Paul’s letter to the Galatians: it must have been written after the Corinthian correspondence and shortly before Romans. The body of this dissertation is a historical and exegetical reading of Gal 1:13–2:21. The author also analyzes the relevant passages from the book of Acts. Historically, the Damascus event (Christ’s revelation to Paul) can be dated to the summer of 31, after which Paul spent between one and three years in Damascus and Arabia. Paul’s first contact with the Jerusalem community was in 33, and between 33 and 46 he was active as a missionary in Syria and Cilicia. The famous Jerusalem synod of the Apostles was (presumably) in the year 47. Schäfer points out her indebtedness to M. Hengel whose general acceptance of the historical reliability of the early sources she shares. The final chapter is an attractive presentation of early Christian plurality as it can be discerned in the Pauline correspondence. WUNT II/179; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2004) XVI/1–639 (BL)
1153 Michael Bachmann, Gal 1,9: “Wie wir schon früher gesagt haben, so sage ich jetzt erneut” Replik auf Gerd Häfner, Zur Auslegung von proeirekamen in Gal 1,9, BZ 45/1 (2001) 101–104. Gal 1, 9 bezieht sich auf eine dem Galaterbrief vorausgegangene Äußerung des Paulus. BZ 47/1 (2003) 112–115 (MW)
1154 William O. Walker, Galatians 2:7b–8 as a Non-Pauline Interpolation Gal 2,7b–8 sollen auf Basis einer detaillierten Analyse als Interpolation erwiesen werden. CBQ 65/4 (2003) 568–587 (MDK)
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1155 William O. Walker, Does the “We” in Gal 2.15–17 Include Paul’s Opponents? Die Analyse der Verwendung des “wir” im Galaterbrief, die in 2,15 verwendeten ersten zwei Worte sowie die Charakteristika paulinischer Bemerkungen über seine Gegner in Galatien legen es nahe, dass dieses “wir” exklusiv gemeint ist. In erster Linie sind damit Paulus selbst und Kephas, möglicherweise auch Barnabas und “die anderen Juden” in den Kirchen Galatiens gemeint, keineswegs aber die Gegner von Paulus, die auf der anderen Seite des Konfliktes stehend von den genannten sprachlich getrennt werden. NTS 49/4 (2003) 560–565 (DL)
1156 Piotr Kasi„owski, Ûycie chrze≤cijanina (Ga 2, 16. 19–20) In the article, Gal. 2:16. 19–20, in which St. Paul defines the existence of a Christian, is analyzed. It is a life on the basis of faith in Christ, which gives every person justification. Paul expressed the essence of the “occurrence of Christ” in the terms of “justification” introducing a primary principle into the context of law, “acts of law”, justice, which was new and a progress in the theological field. He opposed the “acts of law” to faith in Christ (Gal. 2,16). In Gal. 2:19–20 Christian life is defined as breaking with the law to live for God. The sentence from Gal. 2:19: “For I through the law died to the law” is first explained in reference to Christ because then the phrases acquire a literal meaning, and later in relation to Paul, who impersonates the faithful. Christ died in the name of the law (as result of a legal verdict), to the law (because it does not bind the dead), to live for God (in the Resurrection). The decline of law, which cannot grant life, is clear here. What occurred in the life of Christ happens in the life of a believer through baptism: he dies with Christ to accept His adored life in himself. In this new religious situation law becomes only a sociological reality, losing its redeeming function as the basis of justification. StBob 1/1 (2001) 93–116 (SS)
1157 Andrew H. Wakefield, Where to Live: The Hermeneutical Significance of Paul’s Citations from Scripture in Galatians 3:1–14 Paul rejects the Law not because of any inherent defect but because its sphere of operation is the old age, not the new age initiated by Christ. Accordingly, Gal 3:1 must be rendered as follows: “because no one is justified in the law before God, it is clear that the righteous will live by faith”. Academia Biblica 14; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) IX/1–227 (BL)
1158 D.F. Tolmie, Paulus se retoriese strategie in Galasiërs 3:15–25 The aim of this article is to demonstrate an approach to the rhetorical analysis of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians that differs from the typical approach followed by researchers, namely the forcing of ancient rhetorical categories on the letter. Instead it is proposed that Paul’s rhetorical strategy should be analysed in terms of a grounded theoretical approach. This is demonstrated by a systematic analysis of Paul’s basic rhetorical strategy, as well as of all the supportive persuasive techniques in Galatians 3:15–25 (subdivided as Galatians 3:15–18 and 3:19–25). Verbum et Ecclesia 24/2 (2003) 515–532
1159 C. John Collins, Galatians 3:16: What Kind of Exegete Was Paul? This article aims to understand Paul’s argument about “seeds” and “seed” in Galatians 3:16 – first, by discerning which text of Genesis lies behind it; and secondly, by using recent grammatical work on “seed” in Hebrew to discern whether the Hebrew is collective or singular. The article concludes that Paul was using Genesis 22:18, which
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speaks of an individual offspring, and that he properly applied it to Jesus as a Messianic text. TynB 54/1 (2003) 75–86
1160 Roland Bergmeier, “Welche Bedeutung kommt dann dem Gesetz zu?” (Gal 3,19a) Nach Paulus ist die Sinaitora erlassen worden, um in Israel die Sünde bis zum Kommen Christi zu begrenzen. ThZ 59/1 (2003) 35–48 (MW)
1161 R. Barry Matlock, Pistis in Galatians 3.26: Neglected Evidence for “Faith in Christ” Verf. versteht die paulinische Formel pistis Christou als genitivus obiectivus. Seine Argumentation basiert auf der Annahme, dass die Textvariante von P46 für Gal 3,26 dia pisteòs Christou Ièsou von dem Mehrheitstext, der dia tès pisteòs en Xristò liest, interpretiert wird. NTS 49/3 (2003) 433–439 (SP)
1162 Angela Standhartinger, Geschlechterkonstruktionen bei Paulus Dieser Beitrag bietet neben einem guten Einblick in die feministische Forschung zu Gal 3,27 eine von Röm 7,1–7 inspirierte Interpretation des Taufbekenntnisses: “Röm 7,1–7 durchdenkt die Wirklichkeit der verheirateten und unverheirateten Frauen theologisch und macht beide zum Paradigma der Menschen vor und in Christus. Die Verheiratete steht für die Menschen im alten Zeitalter Adams, die unter dem durch das Gesetz verstärktem Fluch des Todes litten. Die gestorbenen Männer und nicht mehr verheirateten Frauen stehen für die Menschen im neuen, in Christus begonnenen Äon. Die durch das “Gesetz des Mannes” bestimmten Herrschaftbeziehungen von Männern über Frauen sind in der Wirklichkeit des Geistes überwunden” (347f ). Die hier beschriebene neue Wirklichkeit stellt eine Interpretation der galatischen Taufformel dar. “Nicht männlich und weiblich” bedeutete dann, dass die Getauften von bisher geltenden Gesetzmäßigkeiten, die die Geschlechterkonstruktionen betreffen, befreit sind. US 58/4 (2003) 339–349 (SP)
1163 Troy W. Martin, The Covenant of Circumcision (Genesis 17:9–14) and the Situational Antitheses in Galatians 3:28 Nach Gen 17 unterscheidet das Bundesgebot der Beschneidung den Juden vom Heiden, den beschnittenen Freien vom unbeschnittenen, den beschnittenen Sklaven vom unbeschnittenen, den beschnittenen Mann von der nicht beschnittenen Frau. Dieser Gegenüberstellung stellt Paulus in Gal 3,28 seine eigene Antithetik entgegen: Die Taufe als Einfügung in den Leib Christi vollzieht eine solche Scheidung zwischen Jude und Heide, Sklave und Freier, Mann und Frau eben nicht! Gen 17 steht also unausgesprochen hinter der Formulierung des Paulus in Gal 3,28 und nicht etwa ein utopisches, die menschlichen Unterschiede aufhebendes Gleichheitsprinzip. JBL 122/1 (2003) 111–125 (RM)
1164 Hubert Ordon, “Kiedy za≤ nadesz∑a pe∑nia czasu” (Ga 4, 4) Die literarische Analyse der Perikope Gal 4, 1–7 zeigt auf, daß sie eine konzentrische Struktur hat. In ihrem Zentrum befindet sich die Aussage von Gal 4, 4, die als theologisches Zentrum der ganzen Einheit auf den soteriologischen Wendepunkt der Weltund Menschengeschichte hinweist. Seine einzigartige heilsgeschichtliche Bedeutung wird durch den antithetischen Parallelismus zwischen Gal 4, 1–3 und Gal 4, 5–7 strukturell hervorgehoben. Darin wird die Situation des Menschen vor und nach der Inkarnation
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Jesu klar dargestellt. Auf diesem literarisch-theologischen Hintergrund bekommt der einführende Satz: “Als die Fülle der Zeit gekommen ist” seinen eigentlichen Sinn. Es geht darin nicht nur um das “erfüllt werden” der alttestamentlichen Zeit der Verheißung und Prophetie, sondern auch um das volle Maß, die inhaltliche Erfüllung der Zeit mit der Menschwerdung des Gottessohnes, und zugleich um den Anfang der eschatologischen Periode mit ihrem ganzen heilsgeschichtlichen Inhalt. Auf diese Weise wird die paulinische “Fülle der Zeit” zur “Mitte der Zeit”. RocT 48/1 (2001) 105–119 (SS)
1165 Roland Bergmeier, Der Stoicheiadienst nach Gal 4,3.9 Bergmeier wendet sich gegen eine verbreitete Auslegung von Gal 4,3, die von der Versklavung unter die stoicheia tou kosmou vorschnell auf einen analogen Sklavendienst unter dem Gesetz schließt: Die stoicheia sind “die geschöpflichen Bauelemente der irdischen Welt”, die “unseren sterblichen Leib bestimmen”, und deren Sklaverei “fand die Tora schon vor, als sie im Blick auf die Übertretungen der Verheißung beigefügt wurde”. Ulrike Mittmann-Richert et al. (eds.), Der Mensch vor Gott; Neukirchener, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 89–98
1166 Raik Heckl, Ein Bezugstext für Gal 3:21B In Gal 3,21b gibt Paulus den Inhalt von Dtn 6,24f. wieder. Mit graphè in Gal 3,22 ist somit nicht die Schrift im Allgemeinen, sondern der Deuteronomiumstext gemeint. NT 45/3 (2003) 260–264 (SP)
1167 L. Michael White, Rhetoric and Reality in Galatians. Framing the Social Demands of Friendship White agrees with H.D. Betz in identifying Gal 4:12–20 as coming from the friendship topos, but he wants to integrate it more into the overall rhetorical strategy of the letter. For this purpose he studies two speeches (Dio Chrysostom, Or. 38 and Favorinus’ Corinthian Oration) which adapt friendship motifs as a strategy of rebuke within the speech. Similarly, the passage in Gal constitutes one of the principal charges that Paul brings against his Galatian converts for failing to live up to the social demands of friendship and patronage. This conforms to the types of ironic and reproaching letters illustrated in the epistolary handbook of Ps-Libanius. This style is observed in the framing sections Gal 1:6–9; 3:1–5, 4,8–20. There, White differs from the consensus in relating the participles in Gal 1:6 (= 5:8) and 3:5 to Paul declaring himself as benefactor, not to God. He proposes to read 4:12c not as a statement of fact, but as an ironic question forming the protasis of v. 16. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 307–349 (DZ)
1168 Troy W. Martin, The Brother Body: Adressing and Describing the Galatians and the Agitators as Adelphoi This article investigates the occurrences of adelphoi in Gal 4:28 and 5:13a and concludes that this word is nominative rather than vocative. This article then provides a translation of these verses and relates them to the situation in Galatia, where Paul labors to keep the “brother body” intact by addressing and describing both the nonJewish Galatians and the Jewish Agitators as brothers. BR 47 (2002) 5–18
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1169 Otfried Hofius, Widerstreit zwischen Fleisch und Geist? Erwägungen zu Gal 5,17 Hofius befasst sich mit Gal 5,17, wo er, im Gegensatz zu anderen Exegeten, keinen im Innern der Glaubenden sich abspielenden Kampf zwischen Geist und Fleisch beschrieben sieht. Ulrike Mittmann-Richert et al. (eds.), Der Mensch vor Gott; Neukirchener, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 147–159
1170 James P. Sweeney, The “Spiritual” Task of Restoration: A Brief Note on Galatians 6,1 Humeis hoi pneumatikoi in Gal 6,1 nimmt die paulinischen Erläuterungen zum Leben im Geist aus Gal 5,16–26 auf und bezieht sich von daher nicht auf eine bestimmte Gruppe innerhalb der Gemeinde, sondern auf die gesamte Gemeinde. Als Teil einer “geistgeleiteten” Gemeinde soll das Handeln jedes einzelnen vom “Geist” geprägt sein. ET 114/8 (2003) 259–261 (SP)
Ephesians ★ Colossians ★ Philippians 1171 L. Nortjé-Meyer, Die hiërargiese funksionering van God, mans en vroue in die brief aan die Efesiërs Since the fourth century before the Christian era has the household been considered as the most basic unit of society. Furthermore, this micro cosmos is reflecting the pyramidal structure of the whole society (meso cosmos) and even the universe (macro cosmos). In this article the author points out how the writer of the letter to the Ephesians uses this idea to portray the hierarchical functioning of God the Father of fathers in the universe. The Christian community is portrayed as a reflection of this hierarchy and therefore the household should also reflect this order. The best way of maintaining the power in society, namely the Christian community, is to make sure that the head of the household, namely the man/father/boss holds to his rightful place as head of his wife and household. The author advices women to submit to their husbands and therefore they should meet the cultural requirements of the public order rather than to live up to the Christian principles of faith. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 180–193
1172 Jason Whitlark, Enabling Charis: Transformation of the Convention of Reciprocity by Philo and in Ephesians Paul like Philo divests the human’s relationship with God of reciprocity in the realm of salvation since God inwardly works all things necessary. Also, the scheme of salvation in Ephesians is not one of covenantal nomism or even patterned after the reciprocal dynamic of Greco-Roman benefaction, but it is one of new covenant piety where God saves the Christian from start to finish by inwardly working in him or her with His own mighty strength. This discussion should also make exegetes mindful of any uncritical application of Greco-Roman benefaction as a model for the scheme of salvation in the New Testament and especially in Paul. PRSt 30/3 (2003) 325–357
1173 Carmelo Martines, Una Re-evaluación de la Frase “En los Lugares Celestiales” de la Carta a los Efesios The expression “in the heavenly places” appears five times in the Pauline epistle to the Ephesians. The expression is unique to this epistle and its interpretation has been difficult. Some have connected it to Gnosticism, while others give it a spiritual sense
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or suggest replacing “places” with “things.” This study suggests that the linguistic analysis of the phrase clearly points to a spatial meaning and serves as an implicit reference to the heavenly temple-sanctuary. The Pauline viewpoint is rooted in the Old Testament concept that connects the divine dwelling place to the upper regions of creation. In this sense, the tabernacle (and later on the temple) served as model to represent the heavenly temple-sanctuary. The phrase “in the heavenly places” indicates the locus of the risen Christ, from which flow blessings, authority, intercession, and knowledge. DavarLogos 2/1 (2003) 29–45
1174 Sigurd Grindheim, What the OT Prophets Did Not Know: The Mystery of the Church in Eph 3,2–13 The purpose of this essay is two-fold. First, it argues that the inclusion of the Gentiles is referred to as a previously unrevealed mystery because it is based upon the abrogation of the Mosaic law and entails a degree of nearness to the Lord that exceeds the expectations of the old covenant. Second, it addresses the question of authorship. Assuming Pauline authorship as a working hypothesis, it shows that the use of the concept of mystery in Eph 3 is intimately linked with Paul’s terminology and thought world attested in the undisputed letters. It is unwarranted, therefore, to find proof of a post-Pauline development in the use of the term “mystery” in Ephesians. Bib. 84/4 (2003) 531–553
1175 L. Floor, Paulus se gebruik van Psalm 68 in Efesiërs 4 The use of the Old Testament in the New Testament is one of the key issues in the field of intertextuality. Intertextual studies can be fascinating, but sometimes pose difficulties. Solutions are often less obvious. One difficult crux interpretum is found in Ephesians 4:8. Here the New Testament author makes a significant Christological application of Psalm 68:19. In its own context this Old Testament passage relates to the acceptance of (congratulatory) gifts by a victorious Israelite king. Ephesians 4:8, however, relates this passage to the provision of gifts by the victorious and ascended Christ. A comparison between these two verses immediately reveals certain differences. The question underlying this article therefore is: why does the New Testament citation differ on important issues from Psalms 68:19 in its Old Testament context, and what is the significance of these differences? IDS 37/2 (2003) 183–201
1176 Joachim Becker, Zur Variante tès pisteòs in Eph 4,29 Diese Notiz wirft die Frage auf, ob die textkritischen Varianten des westlichen Textes in Eph 4,29 und 1 Tim 1,4, in denen jeweils oikodomè und pistis zueinander finden einen gemeinsamen Ursprung haben. BN 119/120 (2003) 8–9 (SP)
✩ 1177 Jaco Boonzaaier, Vilifikasie: ’n Nuwe kyk op die bedreiging in Kolossense An overview of research reveals that the quest to identify the opponents in Colossians appears to be a dominant research theme. However, despite this fact, there is still no general consensus about the identity of the opponents, nor about the intensity of the threat they posed. The nett result is a situation where speculation about possible and probable opponents abounds. The article proposes an approach in terms of which the rather vague references to the opponents are to be understood as part of the rhetorical strategy of vilification, a well known strategy whereby an author trivialized the opponents of a viewpoint in order to emphasize his message. The article describes
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essential characteristics of vilifications and traces occurrences thereof in the letter. It concludes that a study of the letter can be conducted without the prerequisite study of the opponents and their ways. This provides the freedom to re-identify with the message of the text in a new and fresh way. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1259–1286
1178 Kent L. Yinger, Translating katabrabeuetò (“disqualify” NRSV) in Colossians 2.18 Future translations, lexical aids, and commentaries on katabrabeuetò in Col 2.18 should give preference to “condemn”, “injure”, “take advantage of ”, or similar, rather than continuing the lexically questionable route of preferring “rob of a prize” or “disqualify (from the athletic games)”. The Bible Translator 54/1 (2003) 138–145
✩ 1179 John Reumann, Resurrection in Philippi and Paul’s Letter(s) to the Philippians Verf. schreibt den Hymnus in Phil 2,6–11 den Philippern zu. Diese hätten den Hymnus speziell für ihre Mission in der Region um Philippi verfasst. In dem Hymnus ist deswegen von der Erhöhung statt der Auferstehung Jesu die Rede, um den kyrios Jesus als Alternative zum römischen Kaiser darzustellen. In seinem Brief B (Phil 1,1–3,1) nimmt Paulus den von den Philippern komponierten Hymnus auf und zeigt so sein grundsätzliches Einverständnis. Zugleich nutzt er den Hymnus aber, um seine Kritik am Gemeinschaftsverhalten der Philipper zu formulieren. Vor dem Hintergrund der Auseinandersetzung mit theologischen Gegnern, die die Situation prägen, in die hinein Paulus Brief C (Phil 3,2–21) schreibt, bekommt der Hymnus neue Brisanz, weil die in ihm manifeste philippinische Theologie, den theologischen Gegnern die Tür öffnet. Daher macht Paulus in Phil 3,10–11 diejenigen Aspekte seiner Theologie stark, die in dem Hymnus der Philipper fehlen: Kreuz, Leiden, Auferstehung und Gericht. BEThL 165; Reimund Bieringer et al. (eds.), Resurrection in the New Testament; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2002) 407–422 (SP)
1180 Frank S. Thielman, Ephesus and the Literary Setting of Philippians Thielman stellt die Diskussion um die Situierung des Phil dar und schließt sich Paul Feine und Martin Albertz an, die bereits 1894 bzw. 1910 die Entstehung des Phil in Ephesus plausibel begründet hatten. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 205–223 (SP)
1181 Duane F. Watson, A Reexamination of the Epistolary Analysis Underpinning the Arguments for the Composite Nature of Philippians The purpose of this article is to examine how the epistolary conventions used to support the composite nature of Philippians are often misidentified or identified in restricted ways. When identified correctly, they are better interpreted as transitions within one letter and support the unity of Philippians. Thus neither the visit talk of 2:19–30 nor the confidence formula of 2:24 necessarily indicate an ending. Moreover, 3:1 is also to be identified as a transitional device. It is easier to see 4:10–20 as part of the bodyclosing of a single letter than a stray note of thanks. The distribution of the topics of friendship throughout Philippians also supports the notion of this letter’s original unity. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 157–177 (DZ)
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1182 G. Walter Hansen, Transformation of Relationships: Partnership, Citizenship, and Friendship in Philippi Hansen untersucht die sozialen Beziehungen zwischen Paulus und den Christen in Philippi, indem er den paulinischen Gebrauch der Termini koinònia, politeia und philia im Philipperbrief in den Blick nimmt. Dabei fällt auf, dass Paulus die zeitgenössische Bedeutung der Begriffe transformiert. Mit koinònia greift Paulus neben dem Konzept der communio auch das der societas auf. Koinònia ist societas, insofern als Paulus seine Beziehung zu den Philippern als freiwilligen Zusammenschluss gleichberechtigter Partner zu einem bestimmten Zweck beschreibt. Er transformiert das Konzept, weil in die Beziehung eine dritte Instanz, Gott, einbezogen ist, der die Beziehung begründet und ihren Bestand garantiert. In der Konsequenz entsteht auch ein neues Verständnis der in der societas geltenden Reziprozität. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 181–204 (SP)
1183 Kuo-Wei Peng, Do We Need an Alternative Rendering for Philippians 1.3? Concerning the translation of Philippians 1.3 the author is inclined to put “because of your remembrance of me” in the main text and put “every time I remember you” as alternative rendering in the footnote. The Bible Translator 54/4 (2003) 415–419
1184 Stefan Schreiber, Paulus im “Zwischenzustand”: Phil 1.23 und die Ambivalenz des Sterbens als Provokation Das von Paulus in Phil 1.23 angesprochene “mit Christus Sein” beschreibt eine unmittelbar postmortale, jenseitige Christusgemeinschaft, die im Vergleich mit sonstigen Aussagen des Paulus zur Totenerweckung erst bei der endzeitlichen Parusie Christi auffällig wird. Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, auf welchem religionsgeschichtlichen Hintergrund Paulus bzw. seine Leserinnen und Leser diese Vorstellung erfassen konnten. Die hellenistische Literatur bietet dabei lediglich Sprachparallelen (abwägender Vergleich von Leben und Tod) sowie gewisse formale (Synkrisis) und inhaltliche (Suizid-Diskussion der Antike) Analogien; es bleiben weite Differenzen bestehen. Ertragreicher erweist sich die Suche in Texten des Frühjudentums, deren Aussagen sich in drei Theorien bündeln lassen: Das Vorbild der Märtyrer bzw. der “Gerechten” als sogleich mit dem Tod zu Gott erhobenen Gruppen wird verschiedentlich in der Forschung vertreten, eine Orientierung an den Vätern Israels wird als Alternative dazu im vorliegenden Aufsatz neu entwickelt, so dass die Denkmöglichkeit der paulinischen Aussage plausibel gemacht werden kann. Dies mündet in eine pragmatische Analyse der spezifischen Aussagegestalt von Phil 1.18b–26, die den Text hinsichtlich einer potentiellen und intendierten Wirkung auf die Adressatinnen und Adressaten deutet. NTS 49/3 (2003) 336–359
1185 Stephen E. Fowl, Philippians 1:28b, One More Time The best way to account for the obscurities of Phil 1:28b is to adopt a version of Gerald F. Hawthorne. This view reads this clause as asserting that the Philippians’ steadfast faith in the face of opposition is a sign that can be read two ways. The opponents will take it as a sign of the Philippian’s imminent destruction. To the Philippians, however, it is a sign from God of their salvation. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 167–179
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1186 N. Clayton Croy, “To Die Is Gain” (Philippians 1:19–26): Does Paul Contemplate Suicide? Paulus denkt nicht ernsthaft an Suizid, wenn er “sich danach sehnt, aus der Welt zu scheiden und bei Christus zu sein” (v 23). Er benutzt vielmehr ein rhetorisches Stilmittel, um den Pilippern sein Engagement für sie zu demonstrieren: Um ihretwillen zieht der Apostel es vor, am Leben zu bleiben und für ihr Heil zu wirken, wie er es bisher schon unter Beweis gestellt hat. Der Verweis auf seine eigene Selbstlosigkeit bereitet die Leser vor auf den Hymnus in Kp 2, der Christi Selbstlosigkeit preist. JBL 122/3 (2003) 517–531 (RM)
1187 Troels Engberg-Pedersen, Radical Altruism in Philippians 2:4 Although “kai” in Phil 2:4 is to be retained as lectio difficilior, Paul is not saying that the Philippians should care about both their own things and each other’s. This exclusive understanding is supported by parallel passages (Phil 2:21; 1Cor 10:24, 33; 13,5; Gal 5:14; Rom 15:1–3). The author claims that Paul here has imbibed the Stoic idea of “oikeiôsis” to the full which is interpreted as a movement from the I-perspective to the we-perspective. This radical altruism is confronted with differing views of modern moral philosophers (S. Scheffler, Th. Nagel). NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 197–214 (DZ)
1188 Joseph H. Hellerman, The Humiliation of Christ in the Social World of Roman Philippi, Part 1 The purpose of this two-part series is to demonstrate how knowledge about the social world of Roman Philippi contributes to understanding Paul’s rhetorical strategy in his portrayal of Christ’s humiliation in Philippians 2:6–11. A newly published collection of inscriptions from Philippi offers promising avenues of approach to a text that has been at the center of Christological controversy for generations. This article examines the social world of the colony of Philippi, where the social stratification so central to Roman sensibilities manifested itself to a degree apparently unparalleled in the Roman world. A second article will offer reflections on the importance of the social setting of the colony for interpreting Philippians 2:6–11. BS 160/3 (2003) 321–336, 160/4 (2003) 421–433
1189 Adela Yarbro Collins, Psalms, Philippians 2:6–11, and the Origins of Christology Most students of the New Testament today understand Philippians 2:6–11 as a prePauline hymn that was composed for early Christian worship. More recent studies suggest that it is exalted prose rather than poetry. The hypothesis of this article is that Paul composed it, either for worship or for the purposes of the argument of his letter to the Philippians. In doing so, he adapted a common social practice of the local culture. The “theologos” was an official in the organized worship of an ancient deity whose duty it was to compose brief speeches, sometimes in prose, sometimes in poetry, in honor of the deity. The organized worship of the emperor included such officials. Paul acted as a “theologos” in writing a brief speech in exalted prose honoring Jesus Christ, whom he had taught the Philippians to honor instead of the emperor. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 361–372
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1/2 Thessalonians: general – 1 Thessalonians 1190 G.K. Beale, 1–2 Thessalonians The author of this commentary follows earlier commentators such as H. Marshall and R. Jewett in maintaining that both epistles were written by Paul. The commentary is meant for pastors, but there are notes that refer to scholarly literature, debate and opinion. The text used is that of the New International Version (NIV). The IVP New Testament Commentary Series; InterVarsity Press, Leicester (2003) 1–279
1191 Pieter G.R. de Villiers, Faith, hope and love – a missionary perspective on three seminal motifs in 1 Thessalonians 1:3 Paul’s first letter to the Thessalonians is often regarded as providing pastoral support to them in a time of anxiety and stress. Focussing on the introductory part of the thanksgiving in 1 Thessalonians 1:2–5, this article investigates facets of the text that are neglected because of this reading. It analyses certain qualities ascribed to the Thessalonian believers in the first part of the thanksgiving. The qualities are first of all investigated in their general religious sense and, secondly, in terms of their results. In a concluding section the function of this portrait is spelled out. ATh 23/1 (2003) 36–53
1192 P.G.R. de Villiers, Proclaiming the gospel in Macedonia, Achaia and in every place. Missions and 1 Thessalonians 1:6–8 In this article the author analyses 1 Thessalonians 1:6–8 in order to illuminate missiological activities of Pauline Christianity. Paul is often regarded as the zealous missionary who took the rural, Palestinian gospel of Jesus to key cities in the Roman Empire and thus contributed decisively to the founding of Christianity. Information in this passage gives a more balanced picture of Pauline mission, illuminating its corporate nature, its outward and its expectations that converts should become actively involved in spreading the word in a life-embracing manner. ATh 23/2 (2003) 43–57
1193 Jeffrey S. Lamp, Is Paul Anti-Jewish? Testament of Levi 6 in the Interpretation of 1 Thessalonians 2:13–16 Die bekannte Parallele zwischen 1 Thess 2,16 und Test. Levi 6,11 wird näher analysiert. Beide Passagen ähneln einander in Aufbau und Inhalt. Von daher lasse Test. Levi Rückschlüsse für die Interpretation von 1 Thess zu: 2,13–16 sei eine leidenschaftliche Momentaufnahme. Die Verurteilung “der Juden” sei im Sinne einer für antikes Denken typischen Kollektiverantwortung zu verstehen, die nicht sämtliche Individuen innerhalb dieser Gruppe verurteile. Die Gerichtsaussage von 2,16 sei sowohl temporal als auch modal zu verstehen. CBQ 65/3 (2003) 408–427 (MDK)
Pastoral Epistles: general ★ 1/2 Timothy – Titus 1194 Annette Merz, Die fiktive Selbstauslegung des Paulus. Intertextuelle Studien zur Intention und Rezeption der Pastoralbriefe Early post-Pauline literature must be seen as the second and third Christian generation’s attempt to assimilate Pauline thought. Two phases can be discerned. The first, represented by the pseudo-Pauline pastoral epistles, is the attempt to produce an exegesis (presented as self-exegesis) of Pauline thought on a number of points, especially on the position of slaves and on the teaching-office of women. The second phase,
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represented by the letters of Ignatius of Antioch, builds on the first one but no longer resorts to pseudepigraphy; instead, Ignatius is anxious to present himself as Paul’s true successor who shares Paul’s attitude toward martyrdom and who imitates Paul’s use of the letter as a main medium of teaching and communication. Relying on the literary theory of intertextuality, Merz has reopened the debate on pseudepigraphy in a fresh way. NTOA/StUNT 52; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2004) XII/1–465 (BL)
1195 Rüdiger Fuchs, Unerwartete Unterschiede. Müssen wir unsere Ansichten über die Pastoralbriefe revidieren? “Unexpected Differences: Do We Have to Revise Our Interpretation of the Pastoral Epistles?” calls for a more detailed assessment of each of the so-called pastoral letters 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus. The author argues, essentially, that the “unexpected differences” reflect different audiences and addressees, and that Pauline authorship is still a viable critical option. R. Brockhaus Verlag, Wuppertal (2003) IV/1–234 (BL)
1196 Raymond F. Collins, What Happened to Jesus’ Resurrection from the Dead? A Reflection on Paul and the Pastoral Epistles In den Paulusbriefen ist Jesu Auferstehung von großer theologischer Relevanz. Der Glaube an die Auferstehung Jesu ist ein verbindendes Glied zwischen Paulus und seinen Gemeinden. In ihr gründet die eschatologische Hoffnung der frühen Christen. Das paulinische Auferstehungskerygma fehlt in den Pastoralbriefen. Die Auferstehung ist hier nur eine Erinnerung (vgl. 2 Tim 2,8). In den Pastoralbriefen steht stattdessen die Wiederkunft des Herrn als Richter im Vordergrund. BEThL 165; Reitmund Bieringer et al. (eds.), Resurrection in the New Testament; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2002) 423–440 (SP)
1197 Iris Maria Blecker, Die parathèkè rettenden Wissens nach den Pastoralbriefen Im Zentrum der Untersuchung steht die Frage nach dem Wissenskonzept der Pastoralbriefe hinsichtlich seiner ekklesiologischen und theologischen Implikationen. Am Beispiel von Tit 2,1–14 wird den beiden Bereichen des kulturellen Wissens der Pastoralbriefe, der Ethik und der Theologie der Ekklesia nachgegangen. Das kulturelle Wissen der Pastoralbriefe stiftet soziale Identität und schafft Strukturen in der Ekklesia, hat darüber hinaus aber vor allem soteriologische Qualität. Denn Inhalt des zu bewahrenden Wissens ist das rettende Erscheinen Gottes selbst. Die rettende Wirkung der Botschaft entfaltet sich im Erkennen der Wahrheit und im rechten Lebenswandel. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002) 229–267 (EB)
1198 Ulrike Wagener, Verschwenderische Fülle oder haushälterische Vernunft? Oikonomia Gottes, christliche Existenz und Geschlechterdifferenz im frühen Christentum War die theologische Rede von der göttlichen Ökonomie der Fülle in den früheren ntl. Schriften Bestandteil und Begründung eines gegenkulturellen Ethos, so ist deutlich, dass eine solche Theologie von den an Konsolidierung der gesellschaftlichen Ordnung interessierten Past nicht unverändert rezipiert werden konnte. Hinzu kommt, dass offensichtlich in den Anfangszeiten der paulinischen Gemeinden (wie auch in der synoptischen Tradition) gerade Frauen als Protagonistinnen eines Lebens aus der Fülle des göttlichen Geistes auftreten. Der Autor der Past bekämpft ein solches Verständnis
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christlicher Existenz in seinen Gemeinden – insbesondere bei Frauen. Theologisch führt der Weg der Past zu einer Neu-Akzentuierung göttlicher Ökonomie, die nun nicht mehr primär durch überreiche Fülle und Durchbrechung der vorgegebenen Strukturen, sondern durch hierarchische Ordnung und rechtes Maß gekennzeichnet ist. Elmar Klinger et al. (eds.), Haushalt, Hauskult, Hauskirche; Echter, Würzburg (2004) 79–105
1199 Hanna Roose, Dienen und Herrschen: Zur Charakterisierung des Lehrens in den Pastoralbriefen Gegen Roloff ist festzuhalten, dass der Verfasser der Past das Lehren als eine Hauptaufgabe der Gemeindeleiter nicht allein unter dem Aspekt des Dienstes fasst, sondern auch unter dem Aspekt der Herrschaft. Die “Herrschaft über . . .” wird bei der eschatologischen Herrschaft nur sehr verhalten formuliert – vielleicht aus Rücksicht auf die übrigen Gemeindeglieder. Im Blick auf die Frauen wird der Verfasser der Past deutlicher. Man muss daher wohl zugestehen, dass das Bild, welches die Past vom Lehren der Gemeindeleiter zeichnen, dem Ideal aus Mk 10 einerseits ent-, andererseits widerspricht. Die Charakterisierung des Lehrens in den Past kann zeigen, dass Herrschaft und Dienst in der Gemeindeleitung nicht immer – wie in Mk 10 – einander exkludierende Alternativen darstellen müssen, sondern durchaus miteinander verquickt werden können. NTS 49/3 (2003) 440–446
1200 Margaret M. Mitchell, PTebt 703 and the Genre of 1 Thimothy: The Curious Career of a Ptolemaic Papyrus in Pauline Scholarship The author thoroughly reconstructs the career of the Tebtunis Papyrus no. 703 in the 70 years since its publication in 1933. She concludes: “PTebt 703, in the final analysis, does not in and of itself contribute a great deal to the question of the genre and authenticity of 1 Timothy. What it does show is an affinity in the language and, as Wolter has nicely put it, “communicative structure” between the Pastoral Epistles and a wide range (as richly illustrated by Spicq) of ancient Hellenistic and Roman administrative and diplomatic correspondence. This helps us to discern, not so much a narrow literary designation for 1 Timothy among the myriad types of such correspondence, but rather the broad cultural conventions in place for administration by proxy in the ancient Mediterranean world, conventions which were so ubiquitous and effective that they were quickly adopted by the missionary movements of Christians, in both the first and subsequent generations” (368f.). NT 44/4 (2002) 344–370 (MH)
1201 Alfons Weiser, Der zweite Brief an Timotheus To see the publication of a major historical and critical commentary on one of the smaller and (allegedly) less central NT books is always a feast, and Weiser’s book on 2 Timothy is no exception. While there are no surprising and revolutionary interpretations in Weiser’s work (he dates the document to ca. 100 CE and highlights its formal features of “testament”), this is a solid book, to be commended for its thoroughness and its dialogue with both German (L. Oberlinner, 1995) and international scholarship ( J.D. Quinn, IZBG 46:935). Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 16,1; Neukirchener Verlag, NeukirchenVIuyn (2003) XI/1–347 (BL)
1202 David J. Clark, Discourse Structure in Titus In this article the author has analysed the discourse of Titus in detail, and discovered structural reasons for making breaks at certain points. Major breaks occur at 1.13 and 3.8b, the first of which has hardly ever been recognised by translators. The author
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noted that at least in this letter, deeper syntactic subordination is a mark of deeper theological content. In a letter with primarily pastoral and ethical aim, it appears that the more profound theological insights are presented syntactically almost as throw away lines. The Bible Translator 53/1 (2002) 101–117
1203 Ray Van Neste, Structure and Cohesion in Titus. Problems and Method The continuity in cohesion fields around behaviour and doctrine, the use of transitional devices, and the use of repetitions give ample evidence of a high degree of cohesion in the letter to Titus. The persistent concern with ethics and doctrine (particularly their interrelation) suggests there is a coherent message in the letter. The Bible Translator 53/1 (2002) 118–133
Hebrews: general ★ individual passages 1204 Patrick Gray, Godly Fear: The Epistle to the Hebrews and GrecoRoman Critiques of Superstition Two themes that are prominent in Hebrews are studied here in detailed: freedom from fear as a Christian ideal, and fear (awe) as an appropriate response to God. These two themes can be understood better when seen as belonging to ancient debates about fear and superstition, and so the author offers a thorough analysis of “superstition” in the work of Plutarch, arguing that piety is a kind of fear controlled by reason. Academia Biblica 16; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) X/1–272
1205 Wolfgang Kraus, Neuere Ansätze in der Exegese des Hebräerbriefes Die neueren Kommentare (E. Gräßer, H.-F. Weiß, W. Lane, D.A. deSilva, M. Karrer) werden unter den Aspekten Autor und Adressaten, Ort und Zeit, Briefstruktur, traditions- und religionsgeschichtliche Fragen eròrtert. Der zentrale Topos der Hebr-Exegese ist das Thema (neuer) Bund zur Legitimation der eigenen Identität. VF 48/2 (2003) 65–80 (WSch)
1206 Erich Grässer, Der Ort des Hebräerbriefes According to W. Schmithals, the epistle to the Hebrews was written for former Gentiles who had joined the synagogue, but had also come to embrace Christianity. After the destruction of the Jerusalem temple in 70 CE, they were expelled from the synagogue, and now the epistle to the Hebrews seeks to strengthen their faith and to prevent them from leaving the Christian community. Against this view Grässer asserts the validity of traditional readings that do not justify the reconstruction of such a specific audience and intention. – Schmithals’s two papers on Hebrews are included in the volume (pp. 227–271). AGJU 54; C. Breytenbach (ed.), Paulus, die Evangelien und das Urchristentum; Brill, Leiden (2004) 765–775 (BL)
1207 Michael Goulder, Hebrews and the Ebionites Hebrews was written to dissuade certain Jewish-Christian members of the community from lapsing; it proclaims a Pauline-type faith, the incarnation and the atonement. Our earliest account of Jewish Christians is of Irenaeus’s Ebionites: they thought Christ to be an angelic power who possessed the human Jesus from his baptism to before his passion. Such a creed would explain Hebrews’ deprecation of angels and insistence on Christ’s humanity through his passion. This then gives sense to the widely mistranslated 6.1, and gives context and force to the paraenesis in chapter 13: Jesus Christ is
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the same yesterday, before his incarnation, and today – not as the Jewish Christians claim, in a temporary possession by an angel. NTS 49/3 (2003) 393–406
1208 George H. Guthrie, Hebrews’ Use of the Old Testament: Recent Trends in Research One of the most important areas of Hebrews research concerns the various ways in which the author handles the Old Testament. The past two decades have witnessed an acceleration of research on the book generally, and within the context of the heightened attention, certain trends in exploration of Hebrews’ uses of the Old Testament have emerged. A consideration of these trends is carried forward in two movements. First, a brief introduction to the topic is set forth, which focuses on the phenomena surrounding Hebrews’ uses of the Old Testament. Here current discussions on direct quotations, allusions, uses of biblical phrases, echoes, and general references are considered, as are the author’s uses of introductory formulae. Second, the article details four trends that have surfaced in the literature of recent years. The first trend concerns a movement away from focus on the question of a specific textual form behind Hebrews and a movement to consideration of the author’s own minor adjustments in presentation of the text for stylistic and theological purposes. The second trend in research concerns approaches that read the structure of Hebrews as framed by expositions of key Old Testament texts. The third trend involves explorations into specific exegetical methods used by the author of Hebrews, and the fourth, attempts at discerning the author’s hermeneutical program. These trends demonstrate the central place in research that Hebrews’ use of the Old Testament should hold and provide help in thinking more lucidly about the book. CuBR 1/2 (2003) 271–294
1209 Luke Timothy Johnson, The Scriptural World of Hebrews Through its multiple citations (41 explicit) from the Greek text of scripture, its mode of introduction that treat scripture as a living and spoken word, and its intricate interpretations of scripture in light of a contemporary experience, Hebrews constructs a world for its hearers that is entirely and profoundly scriptural. The interweaving of ancient writings into startling new patterns, as well as the many allusions and echos, serves to make even the diction of this letter scriptural. Hebrew therefore successfully imagines the world that scripture itself imagines. Interp. 57/3 (2003) 237–250 (WSch)
1210 Martin Karrer, Der Weltkreis und Christus, der Hohepriester. Blicke auf die Schriftrezeption des Hebräerbriefs Der Hebr bestimmt an Gottes Wort in Israels Schriften, wie von Christus über die Welt zu reden sei. Er benützt die Schriften Israels in griechischer Fassung und entnimmt ihnen aufgrund seines worttheologischen Ansatzes Schlüsselmotive seiner Christologie. Außerdem errichtet er mit einer theologischen Entwicklung Israels, die sich in der Septuaginta spiegelt, eine Schwelle gegen die Religionen der Völker und vertieft sie durch die Christologie. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 151–179
1211 Gert J. Steyn, Addressing an angelomorphic christological myth in Hebrews? In this article, the hypothesis of a possible angelomorphic christology, as addressed by the author of Hebrews, is investigated. It is argued that when Jesus was proclaimed
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as “Son of God”, he was probably identified by some of the early believers as an angel. Evidence of similar angelomorphic views held by certain groups in Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic circles at the time of the composition of Hebrews, is listed. The arguments in Hebrews 1 in particular are investigated against this background. It is concluded that, although no explicit polemic against a viewpoint of Jesus as an angel is found in the text, certain angelomorphic elements were applied to him. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1107–1128
1212 Grant R. Osborne, The Christ of Hebrews and Other Religions In the letter of Hebrews, the conflict of religions is especially pervasive. “This study will attempt to probe this clash and contextualize it for the current situation. First, we will study the situation behind the book, then map the rhetorical strategy of the author in correcting it, especially in terms of the christological solution, and finally note implications for the witness of the church in the postmodern conflict of religions” (249). JETS 46/2 (2003) 249–267 (BF)
1213 Kevin McCruden, Christ’s Perfection in Hebrews: Divine Beneficence as an Exegetical Key to Hebrews 2:10 This article explores the Christology of the Epistle to the Hebrews in terms of the beneficent dimension of Hebrews’ portrait of Christ as the perfected Son. Expressive ultimately of a beneficent Christology, the terminology of Christ’s perfection in Hebrews functions to afford consolation to an independent house church in Rome experiencing social distress. BR 47 (2002) 40–62
1214 Patrick Gray, Brotherly Love and the High Priest Christology of Hebrews Der Verf. untersucht die in Hebr vorkommende einzigartige Verbindung zweier christologischer Metaphern: Christus als Hoherpriester und als liebender Bruder (z.B. 2,17). Die Untersuchung geht schwerpunktmäßig den facettenreichen Vorstellungen von Bruderschaft, Bruderliebe, Erbe sein in der hellenistisch-römischen Antike nach (beispielsweise in den Schriften von Plutarch). Gemeindliche Traditionen wie Mk 3,31–35 (die wahren Brüder Jesu) und Joh 17 (der fürbittende Hohepriester) mögen bei der christologischen Konzeption von Hebr mit gewirkt haben, ohne dass sich dies jedoch direkt nachweisen lässt. JBL 122/2 (2003) 335–351 (RM)
1215 Dan O. Via, Revelation, Atonement and the Scope of Faith in the Epistle to the Hebrews: A Deconstructive and Reader-Response Interpretation Each of three important themes in the Epistle to the Hebrew – the nature of revelation, the rationale of atonement and the scope of saving faith – manifests within itself two divergent or conflicting positions. The author has used insights derived from both deconstructive and reader-response criticism to develop an approach for dealing with these tensions. While he has sought not to transgress limits imposed by the historical context of the Epistle, his main concern has been to articulate an interpretation in front of the text. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 515–530
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1216 Craig R. Koester, Hebrews, Rhetoric and the Future of Humanity The author of Hebrews follows the classic rhetorical categories that provide a sense of clarity about the flow of the argument: I. Exordium (1:1–2:4); II. Proposition (2:5–9); III. Arguments in three Series (2:10–6:20; 7:1–10:39; 11:1–12:27); IV. Peroration (12:28–13:21); V. Epistolary Postscript (13:22–25). CBQ 64/1 (2002) 103–123 (MDK)
1217 Clark M. Williamson, Anti-Judaism in Hebrews? The “Yes” Type of answers (Freudmann, Sandmel, Gager, Beck) may rest on 10:1 (quoting Col 2:17) the “No” Type (Perry, Anderson, Isaacs) on one household of God (3:2–6). The second has a better argument: no indication of the supersession of any aspect of the Torah. Interp. 57/3 (2003) 266–279 (WSch)
1218 Richard D. Nelson, “He Offered Himself ”: Sacrifice in Hebrews Hebrews bases its perception on the Septuagint’s portrayal of the wilderness tabernacle rather than on actual practices in the Jerusalem temple. Two rituals provide templates for the sacrifice of Jesus: the Day of Atonement (Lev 16 – eliminating the scapegoat) and the ceremony of covenant (Exod 24:3–8). He enriches this with elements of sin offerings (Lev 4–6), the red heifer ritual (Num 19), the daily tamid sacrifices (Num 28) as well as the sacrifices of Abel, Abraham, and the first Passover. To “offer” means to present a sacrifice to God by bringing it near to the divine presence and employing some actions of gesture to express this act of transfer: lifting it up to heaven, setting it down near the altar, pouring it out. The sacrifical act of Jesus as a ritual script entailed three episodes: the death of the victim, passage by the priest into the realm of the holy, and the use of blood to effect purification and to create a covenantal relationship. Interp. 57/3 (2003) 251–265 (WSch)
1219 Jeanne Stevenson-Moessner, The Road to Perfection: An Interpretation of Suffering in Hebrews Hebrews prepares the reader to expect suffering (10:35–40) as he presents the suffering of Christ as justified (5:7–9; 13:12–14). How then can a Christian rewalk the road between Jericho and Jerusalem without capitulating to “energies of violation” through sensitivity to suffering and compassion? Interp. 57/3 (2003) 280–290 (WSch)
1220 Norman H. Young, Suffering: A Key to the Epistle to the Hebrews Reference to the suffering of Jesus in Hebrews is quite frequent. For Hebrews the suffering (including the death) of Jesus dealt with the problem of sin at a new level of cleansing potency. But behind theological assertions is the practical one of encouraging the recipients to step out boldly for Christ and to accept the resultant abuse. The writer encourages the readers to do this by reminding them of the suffering that Jesus endured. Indeed, the writer’s pastoral concern for the readers controls the whole of the epistle in that the author directs his arguments against the taunts that are discouraging his readers. ABR 51 (2003) 47–59
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✩ 1221 G.J. Steyn, Some observations about the Vorlage of Ps 8:5–7 in Heb 2:6–8 Regarding the origin of the quotation from Ps 8:5–7 in Heb 2:6–8, it is clear from the investigation that the author of Hebrews probably knew the quotation already via the tradition, but that he quoted a longer section and that some conscious changes were made during the process of his application and re-interpretation of the quotation in its new context. The link with Ps 110(109):1 was already made prior to Hebrews. The author did not share a testimony book with Paul for this combination, but knew the combination either via Paul or independently from Paul via the tradition. Regarding the text form of the quotation, it becomes clear that it closely resembles the reading of our reconstructed LXX. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/2 (2003) 493–514
1222 Samuel Bénétreau, Le repos du pèlerin (Hébreux 3,7–4,11) The Epistle to the Hebrews deals extensively with the theme of the disobedience of Israel in the section 3,7–11, applying the words of Psalm 95,7–11 to the situation of the intended readers, calling them to strive without delay to “enter that rest”. What kind of rest is in view, a rest to be compared with the Creator’s rest, a rest from one’s works? Several well known commentators are convinced that this is necessarily an exclusively eschatological rest, a matter of hope to be enjoyed by the faithful christian at the Parousia or after his death. This interpretation is largely grounded on the conviction of a fixed eschatological meaning for the idea of a rest in God at the disposal of the author of the Epistle. The following study endeavours to prove that a more extended meaning, including also a partial enjoyment in this world, is to be taken into account. The religious texts of the period give evidence of a large diversity in the ways the expression is used. The logic of the demonstration undertaken by the author leads to the conclusion that a decisive step to enter the rest immediately is called for. And the idea of a “rest from one’s works” does not necessarily call to mind the ultimate bliss. One must not forget that, besides a “futuristic” eschatology, there is in the Epistle to the Hebrews a heaven/earth dualism which gives a room for a precious relationship with the invisible realities. ETR 78/2 (2003) 203–223
1223 Brent Nongbri, A Touch of Condemnation in a Word of Exhortation: Apocalyptic Language and Graeco-Roman Rhetoric in Hebrews 6:4–12 We propose that the author of Hebrews employs threats of eternal condemnation using words and imagery familiar from apocalyptic literature, particularly 4 Ezra, to evoke a specific kind of fear in his audience. The audience members should, rather than fearing the reproach of society, have angst for falling away from the community, which in our author’s eyes, is an offense for which no repentance is available. To effectively bring about such fear, these threats, contrary to the assertions of many recent commentators, must be real and must concern genuine believers. The author of Hebrews uses this severe language, however, in good rhetorical fashion, following his threats with words of consolation to encourage his audience members to stand fast in their marginalized community. NT 45/3 (2003) 265–279
1224 Martin Emmrich, Hebrews 6:4–6 – Again (A Pneumatological Inquiry) Im Gegensatz zu Paulus geht der Verfasser des Hebräerbriefes davon aus, dass die Gabe des Heiligen Geistes nicht endgültig ist, sondern vom Gehorsam der Gläubigen abhängt. Verlassen die Gläubigen den “rechten Pfad” gehen sie des Heiligen Geistes verlustig. WThJ 65/1 (2003) 83–95 (SP)
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1225 Piotr Kasi„owski, Nie tak jak Ezaw (Hbr 12, 14–17) The object of the analysis is a text from The Letter to the Hebrews (12:14–17), which is a warning against treating the benefits of God’s salvation with disregard, benefits given in the New Covenant. In the positive part (12:14) the author calls to strive for peace, that is for life in harmony among Christians who participate in the benefits of salvation, and also for peaceful relations with all people. The warnings (12:15–17) are opposed to the positive encouragement. The first warning refers to losing God’s grace which signifies breaking of a personal relationship with God, the relationship of love and gratitude. The second warning refers to the social dimension of faith. The sin of a believer has an influence on the community, makes it impure. “The root of bitterness” is a metaphor describing a person who propagates false doctrines or infects others with his bitterness. The bitterness which is caused by not fulfilling the expectations related to his own visions of God’s promises. The negative example of Esau is a biblical argument for the negative consequences of attitude which depreciates salvation. StBob 1/2 (2001) 83–110 (SS)
1226 Carlos Zesati Estrada, Mensaje Moral en Hebreos 13,1–18 Hebrews chapter 13 is a serial of moral exhortations in order to apply the exposed doctrine to the real life: charity, castity, poverty, community cohesion; but, mainly all the moral-religious life is presented as a worship to God in Christ in its double dimension: vertical and horizontal, praise to God and service to the brothers. Qol 32 (2003) 203–219
1227 Martin Hasitschka, Opfermetaphorik in Hebr 13,8–16 – Eine bibeltheologische Skizze In komprimierter Form präsentiert Hebr 13,8–16 christologische Hauptgedanken des gesamten Briefes. Der Abschnitt erinnert v.a. an das Selbstopfer Jesu, des Hohenpriesters, durch das er seinem Volk Heiligung und Heil in einer Weise erwirkt, so dass fortan keine kultischen Opfer mehr nötig sind. Nichtsdestotrotz dient die Kultmetaphorik weiterhin zur Beschreibung des christlichen Verhaltens. Das ‘Opfer’, welches das wandernde Gottesvolk auf seinem Exodus zur künftigen Stadt darbringt besteht im Lobpreis Gottes, Wohltätigkeit sowie Gemeinschaft, und es hat den Charakter der Antwort auf das geschenkte Heil. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 237–245
James ★ 1 Peter – 2 Peter ★ 1 John ★ Jude 1228 Gilberto Marconi, Giacomo e il giudeo-cristianesimo nel I secolo The Lucan image of James in Acts 15,5 and 21,24 is different from that implied in the Epistle of James, apart from the question of pseudonymity. However, the writer borrows not only from the OT wisdom tradition, but also, echoeing the Alexandrian milieu, from the Greek and Hellenistic world, as it can be seen from the images employed in Jas 1,23; 3,2–6; 5,7–8. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 45–73 (AM)
1229 Matt Jackson-McCabe, The Messiah Jesus in the Mythic World of James Die mythologischen Vorstellungen des Jakobusbriefes unterscheiden sich wesentlich von denen der anderen ntl. Schriften. Jak vermittelt ein jüdisch-messianisches Hoffnungsbild, das die kurz bevorstehende nationale Wiederherstellung des Zwölf-Stämme-Volkes Israel durch das Eingreifen des vom Himmel kommenden Messias zum Inhalt hat. Die
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Gläubigen werden zur Gesetzestreue aufgerufen im Blick auf das bald kommende Gericht, dem sie entgegen gehen. In den Leiden und Versuchungen durch die ungerechte Welt sollen sie die Standfestigkeit der Profeten nachahmen. Jesu Sühnetod und Auferstehung so wie individuelle Neugeburt und Erlösung der Gläubigen, also zentrale Themen bei Paulus und Johannes, sind Jak wohl vertraut, spielen jedoch allenfalls am Rande eine Rolle. JBL 122/4 (2003) 701–730 (RM)
1230 Peter H. Davids, The Meaning of Apeirastos Revisited Eine Übersicht über den Gebrauch des Terminus apeirastos in den ersten vier Jahrhunderten verdeutlicht, wie sich seine Bedeutung im Laufe der Zeit verschoben hat. Für Jak 1,13 ist auf diesem Hintergrund die Übersetzung „God should not be put to the test by evil people” plausibel. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 225–240 (SP)
1231 O.E. Alana, A word with the rich ( James 5:1–6) – Part I and II The rich are apostrophised by the author of the Letter of James for their disregard for and exploitation of the poor who, ironically, are the “elect” of God. A social scientific study of the apostrophe is undertaken with a view to approximating the challenge, which the author offers the rich in the face of his perceived imminent Parousia and its accompanying judgement. The study provides insights for the examination of the implications of the challenge of the author of James to the rich, for Christians in Nigeria, in particular, and perhaps also for Christians in Africa, in general. The first part examines the gulf between the rich and the poor in the Nigerian society as well as some existing works on the problem of wealth and poverty with regard to the Letter of James. The second part focuses on the social and historical milieu of the Letter of James with a view to appreciating the cultural context giving rise to the apostrophe handed down on the rich by the author of the letter. The texts containing the apostrophe are examined and the challenges they pose to the rich are explored for recommendation to today’s rich. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 1–14 and 24/2 (2003) 292–308
✩ 1232 Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Außenseiter als Avantgarde: Gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung als missionarische Chance nach dem I. Petrusbrief The author of I Petr tries to exhort his readers to carry out individual propaganda “indem er die widrigen Umstände der gesellschaftlichen Ausgrenzung als Identifikationsmerkmal der Christen deutet und die damit verbundene Auffälligkeit als Chance zur Profilierung begreift, die der Mission dienstbar gemacht wird” (162). So is his aim to persuade his readers that what they tend to see as a negative situation (“we are outsiders”) can be turned into an opportunity for the propagation of their faith. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 161–178
1233 Heinz Giesen, Der Gott Israels als der Vater unseres Herrn Jesus Christus im ersten Petrusbrief Dieser Beitrag fragt, wie sich Gottes Handeln in der Theologie des ersten Petrusbriefes widerspiegelt. Am Präskript (1,1f.) und der Briefeingangseulogie (1,3–12) soll aufgewiesen
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werden, wie Gott sich in seinen Beziehungen zu seinem Volk offenbart. Das Ergebnis: “Gott ist in 1 Petr eindeutig der primär Handelnde im Heilsgeschehen. Er ist es, der die Christen nach seinem vorherbestimmten Vorauswissen erwählt, indem er sie durch die Heiligung des Geistes zum Gehorsam und zur Besprengung mit dem Blut Jesu Christi bewegt hat. Das Christsein verdankt sich somit göttlicher Prädestination, die im Neuen Testament stets als ein Voraus der Gnade verstanden wird und nicht zu Spekulationen führen soll. Die Initiative Gottes im Heilsgeschehen, das zum neuen Volk Gottes führt, wird so schon im Präskript deutlich zum Ausdruck gebracht. Die Eulogie vertieft diesen Gedanken mit Hilfe der Metapher von der göttlichen Neuzeugung aufgrund seines großen Erbarmens (V.3), die durch die Auferstehung Jesu Christi zu einer lebendigen Hoffnung führt und schon gegenwärtig Heil schenkt” (156). QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg i.B. (2003) 130–161 (SP)
1234 Andrew L. Bandstra, “Making Proclamation to the Spirits in Prison”: Another Look at 1 Peter 3:19 1 Peter 3,19 is referring to a “victory proclamation” to the disobedient supernatural spirits. Peter is not interested in the reaction of the “spirits” to the message but to the fact, that this is an important part of the message to the persecuted Christians to whom he is writing. CTJ 38/1 (2003) 120–124
1235 Terrance Callan, The Style of the Second Letter of Peter Readers of the Second Letter of Peter have often commented on its style, usually in negative terms. This essay examines the style of 2 Pet more thoroughly than has been done heretofore, using Cicero’s discussion of style, and that of other ancient writers, as a framework. This examination shows that 2 Pet largely conforms to ancient canons of style and should be seen as an example of the grand Asian style. Recognition of this may help readers avoid unthinking assessment of 2 Pet’s style by standards not accepted by its author, and develop greater appreciation of its style in terms of its author’s own aims and standards. Bib. 84/2 (2003) 202–224
✩ 1236 Colin G. Kruse, Sin and Perfection in 1 John Der Autor eines Kommentars zu den Johannesbriefen beschäftigt sich in dieser Abhandlung mit einem schwierigen Aspekt des 1 Joh – der Fähigkeit zur Sünde. Einerseits könne niemand behaupten ohne Sünde zu sein (1,8), andererseits könnten die von Gott Stammenden nicht sündigen, denn Gottes Same wohne in ihnen (3,9). Eine Untersuchung der entsprechenden Aussagen in ihrem Kontext führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass in 3,9 nicht eine einfache Verfehlung sondern die in 3,4 als anomia im Sinne von Aufruhr gegen Gott beschriebene Sünde gemeint ist. Die mit dem Samen Gottes ausgestatteten Gläubigen sind keineswegs sündenlos, doch sie sind unfähig zu einer Rebellion gegen Gott, die dem Bösen zueigen ist. ABR 51 (2003) 60–70 (DL)
1237 Urban C. Von Wahlde, The Stereotyped Structure and the Puzzling Pronouns of 1 John 2:28–3:10 In 1 Joh 2,28–3,10 sind die Aussagen über Jesus nur locker in den Kontext eingebunden. Der Grund hierfür ist nicht klar zu erkennen. Ihre Einfügung dürfte jedoch auf den Autor des Briefes zurückzuführen sein. Die eingeschobenen Aussagen über
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Jesus sind der Grund dafür, dass die Bezugsworte der Personalpronomen in 2,29 und 3,7 nicht eindeutig auf den Vater zu beziehen sind. Der Autor sah darin kein Problem, da für ihn die Gesamtstruktur eindeutig war. Der heutige Leser hingegen muss diese Struktur erst erkennen. CBQ 64/2 (2002) 319–338 (MDK)
1238 Panayotis Coutsoumpos, The Idolatry Dilemma In I John 5:21 The worship of idols was a common dilemma faced by church members in the entire region of Asia Minor. It is known that for John’s readers idolatry was a real issue. Christians in the first-century also faced the problem of eating meat sacrificed to idols and participating in social and religious activities in pagan temples. In addition, the worship of the emperors was another pressing dilemma to the church members in the Graeco-Roman world. Thus, John’s message and exhortation to his readers was to have nothing to do with idolatry. DavarLogos 2/2 (2003) 147–152
✩ 1239 Jörg Frey, Der Judasbrief zwischen Judentum und Hellenismus Dieser Beitrag fragt im Rekurs auf “jüdische” und “hellenistische” Elemente des Judasbriefes, welche Implikationen die Bezugnahme auf den Herrenbruder Jakobus im Präskript hat und wie sich das Schreiben in die frühchristliche Traditions- und Theologiegeschichte einfügt. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 180–210
1240 Edward Mazich, „The Lord Will Come with His Holy Myriads”. An Investigation of the Linguistic Source of the Citation of 1 Enoch 1,9 in Jude 14b–15 “Whether Jude was paraphrasing a source from memory or citing directly from a text, it seems that his original source was marked by a pair of Semitic features. In addition, Jude’s base text likely contained a sequence of words which are present in the Aramaic version of Enoch but absent from the known Greek version of that work. None of these features of Jude’s source alone indicates with certainty that Jude was using an Aramaic source; however, their combined appearance in such a short passage does point in that direction. It will never be proven beyond a doubt, but a preponderance of the literary evidence suggests that Jude made use of an Aramaic version of 1 Enoch when he referred to that work in the letter which he wrote to his fellow Christian believers” (281). ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 276–281
1241 Harm W. Hollander, The Attitude towards Christians who are Doubting: Jude 22–23 and the Text of Zechariah 3 Die hier vorgelegte Analyse von Jud 22–23 zeigt, dass eine drei-Sätze-Form dieses Abschnitts wie in NA27 gegenüber anderen zwei-Sätze-Form Überlieferungen als ursprünglich vorzuziehen ist. Der Briefautor fordert an dieser Stelle Hilfe für zweifelnde Christen, die in Gefahr sind, falschen Lehren zu folgen. Dabei gebraucht er in seinem zweiten und dritten Satz Bilder aus der Vision des Hohenpriesters Jeschua in Sach 3, die er aus dem Gedächtnis sinngemäß wiedergibt. Seine Vorgehensweise bezeugt gute Kenntnisse sowie einen freien Umgang mit dem LXX-Text des Alten Testaments im frühen Christentum. Christopher Tuckett (ed.), The Book of Zechariah and its Influence; Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2003) 123–134 (DL)
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Revelation: general ★ individual passages 1242 John R. Yeatts, Revelation Although the series of which this commentary forms part addresses the needs of lay readers and pastors, the author has immersed himself in the scholarly literature. He prefers the “late” daring of the book of Revelation (late first century CE) and, following Steven Friesen (Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John, 2001), points out the challenge that the imperial cult must have had on the early believers. In accordance with Mennonite theological options, Christ’s role in the apocalyptic drama is seen not so much in military as in forensic terms. Believers Church Bible Commentary, Herald Press, Scottdale, Penn. (2003) 1–523 (BL)
1243 Ben Witherington, Revelation After having published major commentaries on Acts, Mark, Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians and Hebrews, it does not come as a surprise that Witherington also offers a detailed and readable commentary on the book of Revelation. For him, John of Patmos was a “chiliast” who expected a future millennial reign upon the earth, with Christ and some of his saints sharing the rulership. While Witherington acknowledges his debt to much of recent scholarship on Revelation, he is critical of B. Malina’s “astral prophecy” approach. The New Cambridge Bible Commentary; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XVIII/1–307 (BL)
1244 Judith Kovacs et al., Revelation Unlike other biblical commentaries, this one is meant neither to provide information about the original meaning of the biblical text as understood by modern research, nor to address the practical needs of the teacher and preacher. Instead, the new series is designed to summarize the ancient meaning only briefly in order to give much space to how the biblical text was understood through the centuries, inspiring theologians, philosophers, preachers, writers, and artists. The present commentary on Revelation (by J. Kovacs, Christopher Rowland, and Rebekah Callow), the first to be published in the series, is a full success. If you have little space on your shelves for biblical commentaries, I would advise you to throw the other commentaries out and keep this one. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford (2004) XVIII/1–315 (BL)
1245 David L. Barr (ed.), Reading the Book of Revelation: A Resource for Students Ten papers introduce the reader to a variety of contemporary readings of the book of Revelation, from historical-critical to postcolonial. The editor’s own contribution surveys the plot of the book by sketching its three sections: the theophany of chap. 1–3, the throne vision of chap. 4–11, and the holy war of chap. 12–22. Resources for Biblical Study 44; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) IX/1–199
1246 John Ben-Daniel et al., The Apocalypse in the Light of the Temple. A New Approach to the Book of Revelation The real background to the book of Revelation is not the Roman persecution of the early church but the destruction of the Jerusalem temple in 70 CE. In the heavenly sanctuary a liturgy for the reconciliation of humans with God (a celebration reminiscent of the Day of Atonement) is being celebrated. Those who are reconciled while the liturgy is in progress come to represent the new Temple that is being built on earth – a community whose sanctuary is the heavenly sanctuary. The new Temple is built with the participation of John of Patmos. John’s prophecy describes events that
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will take place during the final seven years of history, and will be announced at the beginning of this period by the two witnesses of the Lord. (To be obtained from the authors, John and Gloria Ben-Daniel, Beit Yochanan, P.O. Box 1106, Jerusalem 91000, Israel.) Beit Yochanan, Jerusalem (2003) X/1–266 (BL)
1247 Michael Gilbertson, God and History in the Book of Revelation: New Testament Studies in Dialogue with Pannenberg and Moltmann The book of Revelation sets the present earthly experience of the reader in the context of God’s ultimate purposes by disclosing hidden dimensions of reality, both spatial – embracing heaven and earth, and temporal – extending into the ultimate future. The book includes a major chapter on the interpretation of the book of Revelation by John Gager, Adela Y. Collins (who is indebted to Lévi-Straussian structuralism), and L.L. Thompson, all of whom comment on Revelation’s understanding of time and human history. SNTS.MS 124; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XIII/1–235
1248 Konrad Huber et al., Die Offenbarung des Johannes im Kanon der Bibel. Textinterner Geltungsanspruch und Probleme der kanonischen Rezeption Der hohe textinterne Geltungsanspruch der Offenbarung des Johannes einerseits und die seltsamen Schwierigkeiten ihrer gesamtkirchlichen kanonischen Rezeption andererseits stellen vor grundlegende hermeneutische Fragen. Sie betreffen vor allem die “intentio auctoris” und in Verbindung damit die Interpretation des Buches in dem Geist, in dem es geschrieben wurde (cf. Zweites Vatikanum, Dei Verbum 12), aber auch den “sensus operis”, insofern dieses Werk nicht irgendwo am Rande steht, sondern zur singulären Gruppe der kanonischen und inspirierten Schriften zählt. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 607–618
1249 Thomas B. Slater, Dating the Apocalypse to John The present study re-examines the major arguments for dating the Apocalypse to John. It argues that internal evidence should be preferred over external witnesses and that the internal evidence suggests, based upon the ex eventu prophecy in Rev 17,9–11, that the book was written in 69, either late in Otho’s reign or early in Vitellius’ reign. Bib. 84/2 (2003) 252–258
1250 Young Jang, Narrative plot of the Apocalypse Since Aristotle, the plot of a narrative has been defined by two characteristics – causality and effects. The fivefold narrative-scheme (namely, constituents of a plot) proposed by T.A. Van Dijk, Macrostructures: An interdisciplinary study of global structures in discourse, interaction, and cognition, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hillsdale (1980) may be very well applicable to the Apocalypse, reflecting the two essential factors of its plot. The narrative plot consists of five phases – “introduction”, “setting”, “complication’ ”, “resolution” and “moral/coda”. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 381–390
1251 Heinz Giesen, Das Gottesbild in der Johannesoffenbarung In Offb ist Gott der souveräne Herr und Herrscher, der als der Proexistente ganz für sein königliches Volk da ist, das Jesus Christus geschaffen hat und in dem er den Christen als Priester unmittelbaren Zugang zu Gott ermöglicht hat. Gottes Transzendenz
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kommt vor allem durch das Bild des “auf dem Thron Sitzenden” und in seinem schöpferischen Handeln (vgl. Offb 4,11; 10,6; 14,7) zum Ausdruck. Als solcher richtet er die gottferne Welt und schenkt den treuen Christen gegenwärtiges und zukünftiges Heil. Der himmlische Hofstaat dient allein dazu, ihm, dem Schöpfer und Erhalter des Universums, Ehre und Lobpreis zu erweisen und dadurch sein Gott-Sein zu unterstreichen. Dieses Gottesbild stimmt durchaus mit dem des AT und des Frühjudentums überein. QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg i.B. (2003) 162–192
1252 J.A. du Rand, et al., The ethos of the Book of Revelation Recently, scholars consensus concerning the biblical hermeneutics seems to have become a holistic and integrated perception. Therefore, for the sake of probing the well-balanced and controlled ethos of Revelation, the argument here is that several pertinent methods should be used in an interactive fashion and with a view to achieving the desired result. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to investigate the ethos of the Book of Revelation based on integrated interpretation of the literary, the historical, and the theological. The ethos of Revelation distinguished through this study is that of the eschatological coming of the Kingdom of God which can be accomplished by identifying Christians identity (as kings, prophets and priests) with Christ. The Christ event is the ground of the eschatological hope for John’s audiences who live in the New Covenant. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/2 (2003) 374–395
1253 Beate Kowalski, Martyrdom and Resurrection in the Revelation to John K. Wengst’s thesis that there is an absence of resurrection language in Revelation has been found to be untrue. Rather, John spoke frequently about the resurrection of Jesus Christ, although he generally did not use traditional NT terminology. John used other terms for this topic because in his communication with the seven churches he wanted to relate the concept of resurrection to the local (and often persecutory) situations of his addressees. Further, the concept of resurrection in Revelation means participation in Gods kingdom and priesthood. The OT background for priesthood is the book of Isaiah, which develops its general meaning – joy in God, which is a direct result of a close and bidirectional relationship not limited to a special group of persons. Finally, resurrection is a sign of God’s justice for those who believe in him. God will also render justice upon those who have persecuted his chosen ones by giving them the second death and banishing them from his presence. AUSS 41/1 (2003) 55–64
1254 R.J. McKelvey, Jews in the Book of Revelation The use made of Old Testament imagery in the Book of Revelation has received much attention, but little study has been devoted to the direct reference to Jews in 2.9 and 3.9. This article finds clues to John’s invective in literary sources and archaeological inscriptions. We see Judaism not as monolithic but as heterogeneous and influenced by extraneous cultural influences. John believed the Jews with whom he had contact to be in danger of loosing their distinctive character. This accords with the widelyheld view that John’s message in the churches arises from his fear of their accommodation to the prevailing culture. IBSt 25/4 (2003) 175–194
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1255 Gordon Campbell, True and False Proclamation in the Book of Revelation Beginning from the twin convictions that the Book of Revelation exhibits considerable thematic cohesion and that all its major themes are shaped by carefully sustained use of literary contrasts, this article illustrates the usefulness of an overlooked reading-strategy by taking one such theme – true and false proclamation – and tracing its path from start to finish. IBSt 25/2 (2003) 60–73, 25/3 (2003) 106–120
1256 Darrell D. Hannah, The Throne of His Glory: the Divine Throne and Heavenly Mediators in Revelation and the Similitudes of Enoch “One of the more significant christological motifs of the Book of Revelation concerns the divine throne and the repeated assertion that the Risen Christ sits on the very throne of God. While within early Christianity, this motif is not unique to the Book of Revelation and while Christ’s enthronement at God’s right hand is one of the earliest Christian confessions, no Christian text from the first two centuries makes the point as unambiguously as does Revelation. Among Jewish texts of the Second Temple period, the Similitudes of Enoch parallels Revelation in having a heavenly mediator enthroned on God’s own throne. In the Similitudes the Son of Man/Elect One is enthroned on the divine throne by God Himself. Although there are periodic claims to the contrary, I will argue in this essay, that in this the Similitudes are in all likelihood unique within Second Temple Judaism. This fact demands that some comparison between these apocalypses be made and, in addition, raises the inevitable question of whether the author of Revelation might have known the Similitudes and appropriated this theme from them” (68). ZNW 94/1–2 (2003) 68–96
1257 Marko Jauhiainen, Recapitulation and Chronological Progression in John’s Apocalypse: Towards a New Perspective Most critical scholars have adopted some form of recapitulation theory to explain the chronological relationship between the seven seals, trumpets and bowls, but John was more interested in the chronological progression within the last days than is usually acknowledged. The seventh (or sixth) seal does not describe the “end”, but ushers in the Day of the Lord, which culminates in the seven bowls. While John does use the technique of recapitulation, he does not do so in the key texts usually adduced in support of the theory. NTS 49/4 (2003) 543–559
1258 Ruben Zimmermann, Nuptial Imagery in the Revelation of John In this article is argued that the nuptial imagery of the Book of Revelation is not limited to chapters 19 and 21 but rather runs throughout the book. While the imagery is certainly most pronounced in the final part of the book, it also appears in the letters to the churches (bridal wreath in Rev 2,10; 3,11), in the scene depicting the 144,000 as virgins (Rev 14,4–5), and is encountered again in Rev 18,23 (silencing of the voice of bridegroom and bride) and Rev 22,17 (summons of the bride) at the end of the book. Thus the wedding metaphors can be seen as one of the structural patterns of Revelation as a whole directly in contrast to the metaphors of fornication. Bib. 84/2 (2003) 153–183
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1259 Steve Moyise, Intertextuality and the use of Scripture in the Book of Revelation? In his former articles (s. IRBS 39:1532 and 41:1543) the author used the literary concept of intertextuality to describe the complex use of the Old Testament in the book of Revelation. In this essay, he reviews seven recent monographs (R. Farmer, R. Royalty, G. Beale, A. Jack, S. Bøe, Pilchin Lee, David Mathewson) and an important article by Paul Decock to determine whether intertextuality has proven to be a useful concept for understanding John’s use of Scripture. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 391–401
1260 Konrad Huber, Psalm 2 in der Offenbarung des Johannes Nach einer Untersuchung des Urspungstextes (Ps 2) und seines frühjüdischen Verständnisses widmet sich der Verf. v.a. der auffälligen dreifachen Aufnahme von Ps 2,8f in Offb 2,26f 12,5 und 19,15, wobei auch deren unmittelbare Kontexte weitere Entsprechungen zur Vorlage enthalten. Dabei trägt die Offb im Unterschied zum Ps 2 die Adressaten mehr oder weniger direkt als (Identifikations-)Figuren in die Personenkonstellation des Textes ein. Dies erlaubt eine weit stärkere Aktualisierung der messianischen Verheißungen des Psalms und der damit verbundenen Aussageintention auf die eigene Situation als es etwa bei der Rezeption des Psalmtextes im Frühjudentum aber auch im übrigen NT der Fall ist. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 247–273
1261 Mark Seaborn Hall, The Book Interlocking Structure of Revelation: The Most Important Verses in the Book and How They May Unify Its Structure Rev 1,9–3,22 is a supernatural, in the Spirit, encounter with the risen Christ on the island of Patmos. Rev 4,1–22,7 is the only true vision, a single, extended vision in the throne room. The first cycle of prophecy from 4,1–11,18 is a complete picture. Then Rev 10,1–11,18 is the hook interlocking center. The second cycle of prophecy in Rev 11,1–22,7 is a successive series of blow-ups of the sixth trumpet, or second woe (9,13–11,14). NT 44/3 (2002) 278–296 (MH)
1262 Stephen Pattemore, Repetition in Revelation: Implications for Translation Like an artist who creates a richly-coloured painting using a palette of only a few basic colours, John has crafted a word-painting of amazing complexity and inter-connectedness using a rather limited vocabulary. It is important that in translation we aim to ensure a transfer of this feature of the text to the target language. The Bible Translator 53/4 (2002) 425–441
1263 G. Biguzzi, A Figurative and Narrative Language Grammar of Revelation John’s Apocalypse puzzles and troubles at every page. The reason is that the author frequently goes against common logic in shaping his images and narratives. Yet this lack of logic is not capricousness. In fact, since Rev.’s surprising literary phenomena occur repeatedly, one can catalogue and systematise them in a sui generis Johannine figurative and narrative grammar. This contribution analyses two features of Johannine images (1), six features of Johannine ways of narrating (2), and the surreal and oneiric world created by John (3). First, this review helps one understand better John’s bewildering language and makes the book of Rev. a more readable book. Second, it suggests that the numerous difficulties of Rev. are to be resolved first of all by collating
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the parallel traits found within this very same book, and not by hurriedly resorting to possible literary sources. NT 45/4 (2003) 382–402
1264 Paul Trebilco, What Shall We Call Each Other? Part Two: The Issue of Self-Designation in the Johannine Letters and Revelation This paper discusses the ‘self-designations’ for their readers which were used by the Johannine Letters and Revelation. The key terms used in the Johannine Letters are ‘brother and sister’ and ‘children of God’ and in Revelation ‘saints’ and ‘servants’. It is argued that in the case of the Pastorals (drawing on our earlier discussion in Part One) and the Johannine Letters these designations are also being used by the readers, whereas the ‘world-shaping’ nature of John’s work means that we cannot say that the key terms that he adopts in order to refer to his readers were currently being used by them. Following these discussions, conclusions are reached with regard to early Christian communities and how they perceived their identity. TynB 54/1 (2003) 51–73
✩ 1265 Jens-W. Taeger, Offenbarung 1.1–3: Johanneische Autorisierung einer Aufklärungsschrift This paper addresses certain aspects of the opening passage of Revelation which have received little attention in recent years: the central role ascribed to John and the multiple characterisations of his work. These aspects are analysed in the context of the metatextual character of the passage. Moreover, these verses probably were not composed by the author himself, but rather by an editor/redactor who belonged to the Johannine circle, as can be shown through linguistic data and thematic analogies. The editor authorises John’s work and thereby the critical view towards the Empire contained in the book itself – an attitude which stands in opposition to the one commonly adopted by Christians at the time. NTS 49/2 (2003) 176–192
1266 Marko Jauhiainen, Apokalypsis Ièsou Christou (Rev. 1:1): The Climax of John’s Prophecy? This article argues that interpreters of the book of Revelation have not paid sufficient attention to the way the introductory phrase Apokalypsis Ièsou Christou is qualified in 1:1: the apokalypsis concerns ‘what must take place soon’, as ‘shown’ to John by an angel. A critique of the traditional position is followed by an evaluation of Richard Bauckham’s proposal that apokalypsis refers to the contents of the little scroll in ch. 10. The article ends with an alternative reading of the data: the clues provided by John in 1:1 regarding the apokalypsis suggest that it is primarily found in the climax of the book, i.e., the visions of the destruction of Babylon and her replacement by the New Jerusalem (17:1–19:10; 21:9–22:9). TynB 54/1 (2003) 99–117
1267 Pamela Thimmes, Women Reading Women in the Apocalypse: Reading Scenario 1, the Letter to Thyatira (Rev. 2.18–29) Women reading (interpreting) women characters in the Apocalypse demonstrate that the category of gender is an important component in any reading strategy, particularly where women are drawn to type, theologically and ideologically, as they are in the Apocalypse. Using the letter to Thyatira (Rev. 2.18–29), and the attention given
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the woman prophet in the Thyatiran community, this study surveys interpretations from other woman scholars and introduces anthropological studies that link women, sex and food, a triad John also utilizes in the Thyatiran letter. In sum, Thyatirans are literally ‘eating culture’, and the conflict represented in the letter is a conflict for authority, a conflict about who will set and maintain group boundaries – a woman prophet who is an insider in the community or John, an outsider, who has the only voice the reader hears? CBR 2/1 (2003) 128–144
1268 Craig R. Koester, The Message to Laodicea and the Problem of Its Local Context: A Study of the Imagery in Rev. 3.14–22 Leading images in the message to Laodicea (Rev 3.14–22) are often thought to allude to the Laodicean water supply, banks, textiles, and medical school. Re-examination of available evidence, however, shows that this is unlikely. Instead, the references to hot, cold, and lukewarm draw on common dining practices. The admonitions concerning poverty and gold, blindness and eye salve, and nakedness and white garments invoke expressions and commodities that were familiar throughout the region. Using such common images enables the message to address local issues while being read and appropriated by a wider audience. NTS 49/3 (2003) 407–424
1269 F.P. Viljoen, Die betekenis en funksie van die himnes in Openbaring 4–11 The plotted actions in Revelation 4–11 could be actualised in the strict sense without the hymns, but the total communicative and esthetic effect could not be achieved without them. The plot develops in a strong liturgical context. The hymns summon the implied readers not to play a passive role, but rather an active one. The hymns are reassuring, constantly representing a scenario of final victory, one in which the implied reader plays an active role. The hymns are thus therapeutic throughout. They revolve around the theme of the sovereignity of God and the Lamb, his coming in judgement and the establishment of the kingdom of the saints. The hymns comment on the plot of the Apocalypse and provide important information which helps the reader to decipher the ensuing events. The hymns in Revelation provide useful guidelines for the use of songs in the liturgy. ATh 23/1 (2003) 213–237
1270 S.J.P.K. Riekert, Grammatical Case in the text of Revelation 4 and 5 It is generally assumed that the Greek case system does not function in the usual way in the book of Revelation. Using the distinction between abstract Case and morphophonological case one can reconsider the use of case in Revelation in the light of the development in case markings, including new morpho-phonological realisations of certain participles. ATh 23/2 (2003) 183–200
1271 Darrell D. Hannah, Of Cherubim and the Divine Throne: Rev 5,6 in Context This article seeks to establish that Rev 5.6, despite its imprecise language, situates Christ on the divine throne and not merely next to it or alongside it. John envisioned the living creatures which surround the throne to be living, constituent parts of the divine throne itself. In their midst is Christ thus in the midst of the throne. Archaeological evidence, as well as passages from 1 Enoch, the Song of the Three Young Men, the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, Josephus, 2 Enoch, the Apocalypse of Abraham and On the Origin of
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World are examined and shown to support such a conception of the divine throne and of the cherubim. NTS 49/4 (2003) 528–542
1272 Margareta Gruber, Wer ist die apokalyptische Frau? Eine Interpretation von Offb 12,1–17 Die Vision von der Sonnenfrau in Offb 12 interpretiert die Verf. als eine prophetischeschatologische Relecture der Urgeschichte in Gen 3. Die genannte Frau ist “eine übergeschichtliche Symbolgestalt, Repräsentantin der Menschheit” (416), die den Messias und mit ihm alle messianischen Nachkommen hervorbringt. Durch dieses Ereignis wird die Macht des Satans im Bild des in den Feuersee gestürzten Drachens endgültig gebrochen. Damit erreicht die apokalyptische Frau ihre Vollendungsgestalt als die erlöste Menschheit – das himmlische Jerusalem. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 407–418 (DL)
1273 Daniel K.K. Wong, The Beast from the Sea in Revelation 13 In light of scriptural evidence it is clear that the beast from the sea in Revelation 13 is both a latter-day development of the Roman Empire and the Antichrist who will head it up. This consummate world power and its leader will emerge from an antiGod system of the centuries and are the embodiment of it. The object of the beast’s overcoming is the Tribulation saints who will take their stand for the Lord and will refuse to worship his image. The time of his overcoming is the last half of the Tribulation, and the nature of it is temporal, limited, and physical, and thus does not contradict the overall Christian overcomer concept. BS 160/3 (2003) 337–348
1274 Susan E. Hylen, The Power and Problem of Revelation 18: The Rhetorical Function of Gender While there is no evidence that behind the equation Babylon = Rome lures another equation, i.e. Babylon = Jerusalem, it stands to reason that the text seeks to imply its readers in the sinfulness of Rome. Semeia Studies 44; Cheryl A. Kirk-Duggan (ed.), Pregnant Passion; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) 205–219 (BL)
1275 Dave Mathewson, New Exodus as a Background for “The Sea Was No More” in Revelation 21:1C Der Aufsatz schafft einen neuen interpretatorischen Hintergrund für die johannäische Vision in Offb 21,1–22,5 durch die Einordnung des Satzes “und das Meer ist nicht mehr” (21,1c) als einen Beleg für ein Motiv des neuen Exodus. Das verdrängte Meer ist dabei ein Sinnbild für Gottes Gericht an seinen Feinden und der alten Schöpfung. Durch seine endgültige Verdrängung erweist sich Gott als souverän über die Wasser des Chaos und schafft in einem kreativen Akt einen neuen Siedlungsraum für seine Getreuen – die neue Erde. TrinJ 24/2 (2003) 243–258 (DL)
1276 David Mathewson, A Note on the Foundation Stones in Revelation 21.14, 19–20 In John’s vision of the New Jerusalem the foundation stones in Rev. 21.14, 19–20 form part of the material makeup of the heavenly city. Yet some critical assessment of these verses has called into question their suitability in John’s vision, and so has
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suggested an interpolation of these verses by a later ‘Christian hand’. However, this article endeavors to show that structurally and especially intertextually, the foundation stones in 21.14, 19–20 are an integral and original part of John’s climactic vision of the New Jerusalem. Verses 14, 19–20 find coherence in John’s allusion to Isa. 54.11–12, which provides the scriptural model for the lithic features of John’s depiction of the New Jerusalem. More specifically, the author depends on an interpretive tradition of Isa. 54.11–12 similar to that found in 4QpIsaiahd, where the precious stones of restored Jerusalem are allegorically linked with founding members of the sectarian community and are linked with the stones on the breastplate of the high priest. However, in contrast to Jewish tradition, such as 4QpIsaiahd, the founding stones of the New Jerusalem in Rev. 21.14, 19–20 are identified with the apostles. Thus, for John the consummated community is founded on the apostolic witness of the church to the Lamb, rather than on leading Jewish figures. JSNT 25/4 (2003) 487–498
1277 Thomas Hieke et al., “Die Worte der Prophetie dieses Buches”. Offenbarung 22,6–21 als Schlussstein der christlichen Bibel Alten und Neuen Testaments gelesen Mention of the “tree of life” motif (that refers back to one of the first pages of the Bible – to Gen 3) and the “text-protection formula” suggest the possibility of reading Rev 22:6–21 as the final page of a Greek bible that states with the book of Genesis. The entire Bible is seen here as a prophetic book. – An interesting essay, by Th. Hieke and Tobias Nicklas, in canonical criticism. Biblisch-theologische Studien 62; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) VIII/1–148 (BL)
1278 Rick Strelan, “Outside Are the Dogs and the Sorcerers . . .” (Revelation 22:15) Scholars usually understand the “dogs” listed among those outsiders to the holy city in Revelation 22:14–15, as a metaphor for false teachers or immoral practitioners. I suggest that they might also be understood in relation to the next category on the list, the “sorcerers” who, in fact, can be understood as scapegoats. The article examines the role of dogs in rituals of purification, especially those used in the cult of Hecate, an underworld goddess often associated with dogs. I suggest that Revelation 22 rejects her cult and claims that purification is only through those who have washed their clothes in the blood of the Lamb. BTB 33/4 (2003) 148–157
1279 Christfried Böttrich, “O Christe Morgensterne . . .”. Apk 22,16 vor dem Hintergrund alttestamentlicher Königstheologie Die These dieses Beitrags ist, dass die alttestamentliche Königstheologie den Wurzelboden für den in Apk 2,28 und 22,16 verwendeten christologischen Titel “Morgenstern” bildet. Der Traditionshintergrund des Titels liegt in der alten Vorstellung einer Astralisierung des zu neuem Leben erstandenen Königs. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 211–250
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EXTRABIBLICAL SOURCES Inscriptions General 1280 Martti Nissinen (ed.), Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East Standard collections of textual materials that may elucidate the Bible (such as W.W. Hallo, ed., The Context of Scripture, 3 vols.) generally and rather surprisingly lack the prophetic texts from Mari, and therefore the present publication will be welcomed by all students and scholars. Nissinen offers 65 documents from Mari (including recently published and relatively inaccessible pieces such as his nos. 2 and 16) and 70 items from Neo-Assyrian archives. The collection is completed by West Semitic texts (including Lachish ostraca nos. 3, 6, and 16) and the famous Report of Wenamon (contributed by C.-L. Seouw and R.K. Ritner, respectively). All texts are printed in transliteration of the original language and new English translation, and each document is accompanied by a bibliography and explanatory notes. No one working on ancient prophecy can do without this valuable scholarly resource. Writings from the Ancient World 12; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XXI/1–273 (BL)
1281 Johannes Renz, Dokumentation neuer Texte Einige zwischen 1998 und 2003 publizierten Inschriften aus Palästina werden hier im aus dem Handbuch der althebräischen Epigraphik des Verf. (vgl. IRBS 41:1557 und 49:1072) bekannten Stil und mit entsprechender Kennzeichnung nach Sprachen und Zeitepochen aufgeteilt präsentiert. ZAH 15/16 (2002/2003) 176–194 (DL)
1282 Bruce Zuckerman et al., Pots and Alphabets: Refractions of Reflections on Typological Method In diesem Aufsatz erörtert der Verf. das von F.M. Cross entwickelte typologische System zur Datierung menschlicher Artefakte im Bezug auf die Paläographie und ergänzt es mit einigen methodologischen Prinzipien. Gefordert wird v.a. eine Ausgewogenheit zwischen der Annahme einer Komplexität des zu behandelnden Materials angesichts der unvollständigen Datenbasis und der Notwendigkeit zur Vereinfachung bei typologischen Einordnungen. Ziel ist die Erstellung eines geordneten Systems aus einer chaotisch anmutenden Sammlung von Befunden. Maarav 10 (2003) 89–133 (DL)
1283 Christopher A. Rollston, Non-Provenanced Epigraphs I: Pillaged Antiquities, Northwest Semitic Forgeries, and Protocols for Laboratory Tests Diese Studie ist dem Phänomen der Fälschung antiker Inschriften gewidmet. Der Verf. stellt fest, dass den Fälschern heute alle notwendigen ‘Werkzeuge’ zur Verfügung stehen, um eine gute Imitation anzufertigen. Daher ist es nicht ratsam einen Text ungesicherter Herkunft zur Bestimmung wichtiger epigraphischer und sprachlicher Merkmale einer Kulturperiode heranzuziehen. Von den vorhandenen ‘sicheren’ Quellen ausgehend lassen sich Faktoren wie Inhalt, Orthographie, Schrift und epigraphische Anomalien festhalten, was hier beispielhaft an den Moussaieff Ostraka und der JoaschInschrift gezeigt wird. Laboruntersuchungen der Patina, der organischen Reste, der
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Thermoluminiszenz und eine radiographische Analyse vervollständigen die Kriteriensammlung zur Feststellung der Echtheit einer Inschrift. Maarav 10 (2003) 135–193 (DL)
1284 Craig A. Evans, Jesus and the Ossuaries Ossuaries and tomb inscriptions are arguably the most important surviving artifacts from Jewish antiquity. Evans reviews not just the hotly debated ossuary of “James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus” (which he is inclined to accept as genuine), but other ossuaries as well, plus many names known from burial inscriptions (names such as James, Elizabeth, Thomas, Mary, Nathanael). Non-burial inscriptions such as the Greek Theodotos (synagogue) inscription are also discussed with full bibliographical references. A most helpful survey. (Available from Baylor University Press, P.O. Box 97363, Waco, Tex. 76798, USA) Baylor University Press, Waco, Tex. (2003) X/1–168 (BL)
Hebrew 1285 Frank Moore Cross, Leaves from an Epigrapher’s Notebook: Collected Papers in Hebrew and West Semitic Palaeography and Epigraphy The author (b. 1921, professor of Hebrew at Harvard University), one of the pioneers in Hebrew epigraphy and Dead Sea Scrolls paleaography, has massively contributed to this important field of study for more than half a century. The 55 papers included in this volume document the author’s work between 1951 (date of the earliest paper included) and the present year. The table of contents lists 4 papers on paleaography, 5 on Transjordanian epigraphy, 13 on Hebrew inscriptions, 6 on Aramaic texts, 27 on old Canaanite and Phoenician inscriptions. Some of the papers have been updated and revised, so that the present volume is the definitive place to look for the learned author’s interpretations. – A magnum opus. Indispensable for all biblical research libraries. Eisenbrauns; Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) XX/1–371 (BL)
1286 James M. Lindenberger, Ancient Aramaic and Hebrew Letters. Second Edition The first edition of this bilingual (Aramaic/Hebrew and English) manual dates from 1994, and the editor has added nine more texts, apart from revising both the translations and the commentary. The result is a reliable work of reference on the Elephantine letters and ostraca, the Hermopolis papyri and, especially, a selection of ancient Hebrew ostraca. Among the added items is Moussaïeff no. 1 (Lindenberger no. 50b), of which, according to Lindenberger, the beginning seems to be missing (but see for a different reading B. Lang, JSOT 77, 1998, 21–25: “Thus (as follows) King Ashyahu commands you: . . .”) – Important for all biblical research libraries. Writings from the Ancient World 14; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XIX/1–188 (BL)
1287 Moshé Anbar, Les inscriptions hébraïques et la science biblique Der Beitrag bietet eine Zusammenstellung von Formulierungen aus bekannten hebräischen Inschriften und den aus syntaktischen Gründen vom Verf. als ihre Parallelen bestimmten biblischen Ausdrücken. Die postulierte Ähnlichkeit in Sprache zwischen diesen Inschriften und den Texten v.a. aus Gen, 1–2 Sam, 1–2 Kön und Jer lasse sich durch die zeitgleiche Entstehung dieser Texte erklären. ZABR 9 (2003) 124–128 (DL)
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1288 Reinhard G. Lehmann, Brief oder Botschafter? Eine kotextuelle Annäherung an Lachish Ostrakon 2 und 5 Lachish 2 is understood as a kind of letter of accreditation or passport; carried by an informant, it was meant to introduce the bearer to Ya"ush in Lachish. The actual message is not in the letter, but was delivered orally. Lachish 5 can be understood in a similar way – as a note accompanying the delivery of goods (in this case, of letters). Andreas Wagner (ed.), Bote und Brief; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2003) 75–101 (BL)
1289 Reinhard Achenbach, Einige Beobachtungen zu der sogenannten “Jeho"asch-Inschrift”. Eine Schrifttafel aus dem 9. Jh. v. Chr. oder eine Fälschung? oder: Über einen erstaunlichen Internetauftritt Beschreibung von Material, Herkunft und Textbeschaffenheit, so wie sie bisher öffentlich zugänglich sind. Dies und ein kommentierender Durchgang durch den Inschriftstext legen eher eine Fälschung als die Echtheit des Stückes nahe. BN 117 (2003) 5–14 (US)
1290 Ernst Axel Knauf, Jehoash’s Improbable Inscription Nachweis der Fälschung der Jehoasch-Inschrift mit epigraphischen und geologischen Argumenten. Die starke Anlehnung der Fälscher an 2Kön 12 war eine Anlehnung an einen Text über den Zweiten Tempel und somit unklug. BN 117 (2003) 22–26 (US)
1291 Frank Moore Cross, Notes on the Forged Plaque Recording Repairs to the Temple Geht auf die Komposition und die Schrift des Jehoash-Textes, die nicht den im 9. Jh. gebräuchlichen Schriften entspricht, näher ein. Der Text ist als Fälschung auf Grund des Vergleiches mit den Textpassagen in der Bibel (Könige und Chronik) zu kennzeichnen. IEJ 53 (2003) 119–122 (VF)
1292 Israel Eph"al, The ‘Jehoash Inscription’: A Forgery Weist die neugefundene Inschrift auf Grund des Vergleiches mit dem biblischen Text als Fälschung nach. IEJ 53 (2003) 123–128 (VF)
1293 Hershel Shanks, Is It or Isn’t It? Kurze Zusammenfassung des Diskussionsstandes hinsichtlich der Authentizität der sog. “Joasch-Inschrift”, die über den Antikenmarkt in den Handel gelangte und welche die Historizität des Berichts von 2 Kön 12 bezeugen soll. BArR 29/2 (2003) 22–23.69 (MDK)
1294 Hershel Shanks et al., Assessing the Jehoash Inscription Die paläographischen und linguistischen Bedenken, die gegen eine Authentizität der sog. “Joasch-Inschrift” sprechen, werden zusammengefasst. BArR 29/3 (2003) 26–30 (MDK)
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1295 Esther Eshel, A Late Iron Age Ostracon Featuring the Term l'rkk An ostracon with a nine lines of a Hebrew inscription from the western slopes of the Hebron Hills documents the transmission of money equivalents for human beings or their vows to a temple. This explanation is based on the usage of the term 'rkk and the phrase ‘the money that has been brought’ which has parallels as money donations to a temple. The importance of this ostracon lies in the fact that it includes the only usage of 'rkk – mentioned in Leviticus 5 and 27 – in Hebrew epigraphy to date. It also sheds light on Jer. 32:9, to be understood as ‘7 shekel and ten gerah’. Furthermore the ostracon shows that at the end of the Iron Age, a gerah was one-twenty-fourth of a shekel. IEJ 53/2 (2003) 151–163
1296 André Lemaire, Inscriptions du Khirbeh, des grottes et de Aïn Feshkha The brief inscriptions found in and around the settlement of Qumrân have never been catalogued and dealt with as a group. The present article has the merit of bringing all the relevant inscriptional material together in one publication (Hebrew/Aramaic ostraca plus a few Greek and Latin inscriptions). Interestingly, the most ancient inscription is a “lmlk” jar handle dating from the late eighth century BCE. Most of the items are in Jewish Aramaic and were presumably written where they were found – in Qumran. Two alphabets seem to imply the existence of scribal training. Among the names found in the inscriptions there is not a singly name of a woman; several names suggest links with priestly families. NTOA Series Archaeologica 3; Jean-Baptiste Humbert et al. (eds.), Khirbet Qumrân et Aïn Feshkha II; Academic Press Fribourg, Fribourg (2003) 341–388
1297 Robert Deutsch, Biblical Period Hebrew Bullae: The Josef Chaim Kaufman Collection The largest and hence most important collection of inscribed ancient Hebrew Bullae is in the hands of a private collector in Antwerp, Belgium, and the learned epigrapher Dr. Deutsch was granted the privilege not only of studying but also of photographing and publishing all 516 items. The presence of well-known royal names in some of the inscribed items – Hoshea of Israel, Ahaz of Judah, Hezekiah of Judah – date the entire collection to the second half of the 8th century BCE. The collection includes five royal seal impressions of Hezekiah of Judah (listed as nos. 1, 2, 3a, 3b, and 4), the first known example of a bulla sealed by a priest (no. 38), and two original seals (nos. 44f – glass, 109a – red carnelian). In the case of bulla no. 227, it can be shown that it was made from a known seal, now kept in the Hecht museum collection. Deutsch’s publication with its excellent photos, drawings and descriptions is of exemplary quality. It may be assumed that the bullae once secured the documents kept in a single store room (in Jerusalem?) and forming a royal archive. Unfortunately, the entire collection is unprovenanced, but specialists accept the authenticity of this surprisingly rich collection. – The book can be obtained from Archaeological Center Publications, 7 Mazal Dagim Street, Jaffa, Israel. Archaeological Center Publications, Jaffa (2003) 1–453 (BL)
1298 Robert Deutsch, A Hoard of Fifty Hebrew Clay Bullae from the Time of Hezekiah In the year 2001, the remains of an archive of King Hezekiah of Judah – mainly inscribed bullae, but also some original seals – appeared on the Jerusalem antiquities market and was purchased (largely) by Sh. Moussaieff (London) and Chaim Kaufman (Antwerp). The present article publishes the bullae now owned by Moussaieff, complete with photos, drawings, and scholarly discussion. Among the items published are two royal bullae of Hezekiah and one that may be identified as a sealing of prince
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Hezekiah, i.e. a sealing made before his accession to the throne. Only in one case – that of bulla no. 8 – does the reviewer wonder whether the object is the work of a modern forger. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 45–98 (BL)
1299 Peter G. van der Ven, Two/Too Little Known Bullae. Some Preliminary Notes Discussion of two seal impressions and their paleo-Hebrew inscriptions: (1) “Belonging to Araryahu, son of Yehoah” (ca. 700 BCE); possibly to be connected with the Yehoah mentioned 2 Kgs 18:18.37; Isa 36:3.22. (2) “Belonging to Hananyahu, son of Gedalyahu”. This seal may be the one used by the person whose name is given as Hananyahu son of Gedalyahu in Jer 35:4 LXX. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 243–254 (BL)
1300 Martin Heide, “One Sack for a Beqa of Jerusalem”: A Puzzling Ostracon from the Shlomo Moussaieff Collection First publication and tentative interpretation of a paleo-Hebrew economic inscription dating from ca. 600 BCE. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 105–131 (BL)
1301 Martin Heide, Wheat and Wine. A New Ostracon from the Shlomo Moussaieff Collection Beschreibung und Abbildung der gut lesbaren Fragmente des Ostrakons; sie enthalten eine Auflistung von Weizen- und Weinlieferungen. BN 114/115 (2002) 40–46 (US)
1302 Meir Lubetski, A Tale of a Seal A Hebrew stamp seal stored in the British Museum (WA 102972) reads “belonging to Sheharhor son of Zephanyahu” (late period of the monarchy). The name Sheharhor seems to reflect an Egyptian name translated into Hebrew, but retaining the (originally unpronounced) determinative “hor” for the deity Horus. The name means “black”, a quality understood not in pejorative terms (as is often thought), but denoting high status, see Song of Songs 1:6. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 191–196 (BL)
1303 Tom Powers, Treasures in the Storeroom: Family Tomb of Simon of Cyrene 1941 entdeckten E. Sukenik und N. Avigad in einer Grabanlage des Kidrontals elf Ossuarien aus dem 1. Jh. n.Chr., von denen neun mit einer oder mehreren Inschriften versehen waren. Ein Ossuar nennt einen “Alexander, Sohn des Simon” sowie auf Hebräisch die Worte “Alexander QRNYT”. Letzteres wird als Fehlschreibung von QRNYH “aus Cyrene” interpretiert. Der Autor vermutet einen direkten Zusammenhang mit dem in Mk 15,21 genannten Alexander, dem Sohn des Simon von Cyrene. BArR 29/4 (2003) 46–51 (MDK)
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1304 Peter van der Veen, Beschriftete Siegel als Beweis für das biblische Israel? Gedalja und seine Mörder par exemple (Eine Antwort an Bob Becking) Die in 2 Kön 25,22–26 und in Jer 39,14; 40,7–41,18 überlieferte Erzählung von Gedalja als babylonischem Statthalter von Juda ist mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit durch bekannte Siegelabdrücke auf ihre geschichtliche Richtigkeit bestätigt. Der Verf. analysiert vier entsprechende Bullen und argumentiert gegen einzelne Einwände in Bob Beckings Inscribed Seals as Evidence for Biblical Israel? JSOT.S 243 (1997) 65–85 (Vgl. IRBS 43:636), wo eine solche Evidenz angezweifelt wurde. Insbesondere erscheint van der Veen die Gleichsetzung des judäischen Satthalters mit dem inschriftlich belegten a“er 'al habbajit plausibel. Weitere Siegelbelege zu Charakteren aus der Gedalja-Erzählung und ihrem Kontext werden als Bestätigung für die vorgebrachte These beigefügt und erläutert. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main (2003) 238–259
Aramaic 1305 Klaus Beyer, Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer. Band 2 This is actually volume 3 of Beyer’s masterful bilingual corpus of all the Aramaic texts found at the Dead Sea; vol. 1 (Band 1) was published in 1984, vol. 2 (Ergänzungsband zu Bd. 1) in 1994. The present volume includes additions and a postscript to vol. 1 (here pp. 13–66) as well as the text of OT apocrypha, private documents, Hasmonean inscriptions, and numerous other Palestinian texts. A substantial appendix offers contributions to Aramaic grammar and (on pp. 339–528) a complete Aramaic-German dictionary. No Aramaic scholar can ignore this magnum opus of one of the few international specialists on the subject. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2004) 1–532 (BL)
1306 Bezalel Porten et al., In Preparation of a Corpus of Aramaic Ostraca from the Land of Israel: The House of Yehokal Since 1991, inscribed Aramaic ostraca have turned up on the Antiquities market; most of the 1450 Idumean ostraca have found their way into private collections. Porten and A. Yardeni publish and translate seventeen of the economic letters that seem to belong to a private archive and date from 341 to 314 BCE. As the article went to press, an 18th ostracon belonging to the same group turned up. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 207–223 (BL)
1307 André Lemaire, Variantes orthographiques dans les ostraca araméens d’Idumée Étude analytique des variantes orthographiques apparaissant dans les quelque 800 ostraca araméens d’Idumée publiés (IVe s. av. J.-C.). Pour les consonnes: marque du redoublement en écrivant parfois deux fois la lettre, assimilation/dissimilation du nun et syncope possible du alef et du dalet. Pour les voyelles, waw et yod matres lectionis, avec le problème de l’alternance w/y. Dutch Studies published by Nell 5/1–2 (2003) 75–87 (AL)
1308 Bob Becking, Does the Stela from Tel Dan refer to a Deity Bethel? Der Artikel bietet eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit der von G. Athas in seinem Buch The Tel Dan Inscription: A Reappraisal and a New Interpretation, JSOT.S 360 (2003) vorgeschlagenen Interpretation der Zeilen 3/4 auf dem Fragment A. Becking akzeptiert
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zwar die von Athas vorgenommene Ergänzung des sichtbaren Konsonantenbestandes, wendet sich jedoch gegen dessen Ergänzung der am Ende von Zeile 4 noch sichtbaren Buchstaben "lbj zu einem Eigennamen des Gottes El-Baythel. Diese Lesart basiert auf einer Reihe von fehlerhaften Interpretationen einzelner Worte in dieser Zeile der Inschrift. Der fragliche Ausdruck ist vielmehr der Beginn eines noch unbekannten Königsnamens. BN 118 (2003) 19–23 (DL)
1309 Hans M. Barstad, The Prophet Oded and the Zakkur Inscription: A Case of Obscuriore Obscurum? Die Publikation der Zakkur-Stele 1907 führte sobald zu Vergleichen zwischen dem darin vorkommenden Ausdruck 'ddn und dem in 2 Chr 15 und 28 belegten Namen Oded. Doch der Zakkur-Beleg ist ebenso problematisch wie eine ugaritisches 'ddn, das meistens mit ‘Boten’ übersetzt wurde. Möglicherweise liegt hier sogar ein Schreibfehler vor. Es ist daher nicht ratsam, einen biblischen Namen durch einen solchen schlecht verständlichen Beleg aus einer anderen Sprache und ferner Zeit zu erklären. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 25–37 (DL)
1310 Craig A. Evans, On the Recently Discovered James Ossuary The recently publicized “James” ossuary is yet another remarkable archaeological find that may have significance for research into the life of Jesus and early Christian history. Further scientific study of this ossuary is needed before its authenticity and the controversial “brother of Jesus” portion of the inscription can be accepted. Comparison with other ossuary finds and study of the Aramaic inscription will make important contributions to this ongoing inquiry. DavarLogos 2/1 (2003) 65–72
1311 James A. Harrell, Fonal Blow to IAA Report: Flawed Geochemistry Used to Condemn James Inscription Kritik an der Interpretation der geochemischen Analysedaten der sog. Jakobus-Inschrift durch A. Ayalon. Anhand der Abweichungen in den Verhältnissen der SauerstoffIsotopen lasse sich nicht nachweisen, dass die Patina der Inschrift gefälscht sei. Lediglich weitere Analysen könnten Aufschluss darüber geben, ob es sich um eine Fälschung handele, oder ob die Abweichungen auf eine Reinigung der Inschrift zurückzuführen seien. BArR 30/1 (2003) 38–41 (MDK)
1312 André Lemaire, Critical Evaluation of the IAA Committee Reports Regarding the Ossuary Inscription Analyse critique détaillée des rapports du Comité de l’Israel Authority Antiquity s’étant prononcé contre l’authenticité de l’inscription “Jacques fils de Joseph, frère de Jésus”. Cette analyse révèle des erreurs factuelles, des préjugés et des contradictions, ainsi que le non-respect des règles indiquées par l’IAA. Il ne s’agit pas de rapports scientifiques et leur conclusion n’est donc pas convaincante. The Polish Journal of Biblical Research 2/2 (2003) 29–60 (AL)
1313 André Lemaire, Ossuary Update. Israel Antiquities Authority’s Report Deeply Flawed In scharfer Auseinandersetzung mit dem Abschlussbericht der IAA wird die Authentizität der Inschrift des sog. Jakobus-Ossuars erneut verteidigt. BArR 29/6 (2003) 50–59.67.70 (MDK)
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1314 Edward J. Keall, Brother of Jesus Ossuary: New Tests Bolster Case for Authenticity Die Authentizität des Jakobus-Ossuars wird auf der Basis einer Untersuchung des Objekts im Rahmen seiner Ausstellung in Toronto erneut verteidigt. Die Theorie, der zufolge der zweite Teil der Inschrift sekundär hinzugefügt sei, habe sich nicht bestätigt. BArR 29/4 (2003) 52–55.70 (MDK)
1315 Zdzis„aw J. Kapera (ed.), Ossuarium Jakuba, brata Jezusa. Odkrycie, które podzieli∑o uczonych Mit diesem Sammelband wird ein breites Spektrum der bisherigen Veröffentlichungen zum sog. ‘Jakobus Ossuar’ und dem Streit um seine Authentizität systematisch erfasst und diskutiert. Neben den Beiträgen zur Inschrift selbst (P. Fleischer, R.I.S. Altman, P. Dec) wird auch der Bezug dieses Fundes zum Neuen Testament erörtert (E. Szewc, P. Fleischer, M. Wróbel) und die historische Gestalt des Jakobus besprochen ( J. CiecielAg). Außerdem lassen sich hier allgemeine Beiträge zu jüdischen Gräbern und Ossuaren (R. Bogacz, P. Nowogórski) und spezielle Essays zur Entwicklung des Streites um das ‘Jakobus Ossuar’ (Z. Kapera, P. Fleischer) finden. Der Sammelband endet mit einem Epilog über die rätselhafte Person des Besitzers des umstrittenen Ossuars (Z. Kapera) und einer bis August 2003 gesammelten Bibliographie zum Thema des gesamten Werkes. Biblioteka Zwojów 12; The Enigma Press, Kraków (2003) 1–162 (DL)
1316 Zdzis„aw J. Kapera (ed.), The Ossuary of Jacob: Not yet a Final Report Papers by the editor, A. Lemaire, and P. Flesher discuss the question whether the Aramaic James ossuary inscription is authentic (Lemaire’s position) or not. The editor has included a detailed bibliography on the subject. See IRBS 49:1089. The Polish Journal of Biblical Research 2/2 (2003) 1–96 (BL)
1317 André Lemaire, L’ossuaire de ‘Jacques fils de Joseph, le frère de Jésus’: une brève réponse Brève réaction à deux articles, l’un de Z.J. Kapera et l’autre d’É. Puech parus dans le nº précédent de PJBR. Malgré É. Puech, il faut distinguer le sens propre de "a˙, frère ou demi-frère, réel ou putatif, de son sens figuré et estimer la probabilité de l’identification possible avec le personnage homonyme du Nouveau Testament et de Flavius Josèphe. The Polish Journal of Biblical Research 2/2 (2003) 81–87 (AL)
1318 Hershel Shanks, Lying Scholars? In der Diskussion um die Authentizität des sog. “Jakobus-Ossuars” kursiert das Gerücht, zwei Wissenschaftler hätten das Ossuar in den neunziger Jahren bei einem Jerusalemer Antikenhändler ohne den zweiten Teil der Inschrift gesehen. Der ausgebildete Anwalt H. Shanks geht mit den Aussagen der beiden ihm bekannten Wissenschaftler ins Gericht. Die Identität des Antikenhändlers wird enthüllt. BArR 30/3 (2004) 48–52.61–62 (MDK)
1319 Günter Vittmann, Die aramäischen Dokumente This is an excellent introduction to the Aramaic documents found in Elephantine in Egypt, reflecting the life of Aramaic-speaking Jews during the Persian period. The major documents are discussed in some detail. For the historian, the major merit of Vittmann’s chapter is that he adduces a whole number of non-Jewish Aramaic docu-
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ments found in Egypt and so contextualizes the Elephantine material in new and suggestive ways. There are several illustrations, including one that shows part of the recently found Temple of Yahou. G. Vittmann, Ägypten und die Fremden im ersten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend; Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 84–119 (BL)
1320 Dan Levene, A Corpus of Magic Bowls: Incantation Texts in Jewish Aramaic from Late Antiquity Magic bowls are a type of amulet consisting of an incantation written on the inside of an earthenware bowl. Twenty bowls, now in the collection of Sh. Moussaieff (London), are here brought to public attention for the first time. The author transcribes and translates all the texts. No attempt is made to date the objects. The Kegan Paul Library of Jewish Studies; Kegan Paul, London (2003) XIV/1–223 (BL)
1321 J.N. Ford, Another Look at the Mandaic Incantation Bowl BM 91715 Dieser Artikel bietet eine Transliteration und eine Übersetzung des mandäischen Textes auf der sog. Zauberschale BM 91715 samt einem Kommentar. Der Text erzählt von der Vertreibung der Göttin Lillith aus Ägypten und von einem Traum der Ba“niray, der Tochter von ”ahafrid. Es werden zahlreiche Korrekturen und Präzisierungen der Publikation dieses Textes im J.B. Segals Catalogue of the Aramaic and Mandaic Incantation Bowls in the British Museum, London 2000, vorgenommen, Bezüge zu anderen antiken Sprachen des Nahen Ostens hergestellt und bekannte literarische Motive aufgezeigt. Im Anhang wird die Transliteration und Übersetzung zwei weiterer inhaltlich verwandter Texte BM 91780 und DC 37(R) vorgelegt. JANES 29 (2002) 31–47 (DL)
1322 Robert Deutsch et al., The Adoniram Collection of West Semitic Inscriptions Publication d’inscriptions ouest-sémitiques sur 2 pointes de flèche, 2 sceaux hébreux israélites, 3 sceaux hébreux judéens, 2 sceaux phénico-puniques, 12 sceaux araméens, 1 sceau hébreu ou araméen, 1 sceau ammonite, 1 sceau grec, 2 pendentifs phénicopuniques, 3 poids araméens, datant généralement de l’époque du Fer. Archaeological Center Publication, Geneva (2003) 1–48 (AL)
Akkadian – Ugaritic – Phoenician – Philistine – Egyptian – Moabite – Ammonite – Greek 1323 Abraham Malamat, The King’s Table and Provisioning of Messengers: The Recent Old Babylonian Texts from Tuttul and the Bible Bei den meisten der 382 auf dem als antiken Tuttul identifizierten Tall Bi"ah gefundenen Dokumenten handelt es sich um wirtschaftliche texte. Der Verf. macht auf zwei Parallelen zwischen diesen Texten und biblischen Sachverhalten aufmerksam: (1) ‘Der Tisch des Königs’: Dieser Tisch wurde in Tuttul für den König von Mari bei seinen Visitationen eingerichtet. Die Belege stehen im Einklang mit den sieben Erwähnungen einer solchen Institution “from Saul to Nehemia” (174) in alttestamentlichen Texten (vgl. 1 Sam 20,5f.; 1 Kön 2,7; Neh 5,17f. u.a.). (2) ‘Die Versorgung der Boten’: Wie in der Bibel beschrieben hat auch Tuttul für die Versorgung fremder Boten auf dem Weg zum bzw. vom königlichen Hof gesorgt (vgl. Esra 7,21f ). IEJ 53/2 (2003) 172–177 (DL)
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1324 Yuval Goren et al., Petrographic Investigation of the Amarna Tablets Mineralogical and chemical studies of clay tablets may resolve historical problems that have haunted research for decades. Since 1997 the authors have carried out extensive petrographic analysis of the Amarna tablets kept in museums in Berlin, London, Oxford and Paris. Their research aims at pinpointing the geographic origin of the tablets and clarifying problems related to the geographical history of the ancient Near East. In particular, the authors look at the following case studies: the location of the kingdom of Alashiya, the expansion of the kingdom of Amurru which was located in western Syria, the system of Egyptian administration in Canaan and the territorial and political division of Canaan. NEAr 65/3 (2002) 196–205
1325 Richard S. Hess, Rhetorical Forms in the Amarna Correspondence from Jerusalem Die Amarna Briefe aus Jerusalem werden in dieser Studie auf rhetorische Formulierungen untersucht, die die Botschaft des Herrschers ÌR-›eba an den Pharao unterstützen sollten. Es lässt sich festhalten, dass der Verlust des Landes und die sich verschlechternde Lage des Königs zum Verzicht auf Rhetorik zugunsten eines vermehrten Vorkommens von konkreten Personen- und Ortsnamen führte, um so die Dringlichkeit einer ägyptischen Intervention anzumahnen. Einige der rhetorischen Formulierungen aus diesen Prosa-Texten der Spätbronzezeit finden sich in den Psalmen der Eisenzeit wieder, wo sie ähnlichen rhetorischen Aufgaben wie in der Amarna-Korrespondenz dienen. Maarav 10 (2003) 221–244 (DL)
1326 Eva von Dassow, What the Canaanite Suneiformists Wrote: Review Article A.F. Raineys Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect Used by the Scribes from Canaan (Handbuch der Altorientalistik, 1. Abteilung, Bd. 25), E.J. Brill, Leiden (1996) wird hier zusammengefasst und scharf kritisiert. Bemängelt wird u.a. das Fehlen einer Definition und Abgrenzung der von Rainey untersuchten Inschriftensammlung, unpräzise oder nicht definierte Verwendung von linguistischen Begriffen, schlechte Organisation des Werkes und ungenügende Korrektur seiner Fehler. Fraglich erscheint auch der phonologische Abschnitt zu einer Sprache, die R. selbst lediglich als ein Schriftsystem betrachtet. Im Gegensatz dazu macht die Rezensentin eigene Argumente für die Annahme einer kanaanäischsprachigen Korrespondenz zwischen einzelnen Städten der Levante und dem königlichen Hof in Amarna stark. IEJ 53/2 (2003) 196–217 (DL)
1327 Dennis Pardee, Le traité d’alliance RS 11.772+ Les données fournies par le texte ougaritique RS 11.772+, depuis longtemps considéré comme l’élément essentiel permettant de dater l’invention de l’écriture cunéiforme alphabétique d’Ougarit au XIVe siècle, ne sont pourtant pas sans équivoque pour fixer l’arrière-plan historique du texte. Cette étude a pour but d’éclaircir trois aspects de ce texte: la lecture de la tablette, le genre littéraire du texte qu’elle porte et les rapports possibles avec des textes accadiens de Ras Shamra-Ougarit qui relèvent du même genre. Nous concluons qu’il s’agit d’un traité d’alliance suivi d’une liste de tribut et que les différences avec les textes accadiens datant de l’époque de ”oupilouliouma Ier sont trop importantes pour dater avec certitude le texte ougaritique du XIVe siècle. Les arguments contre une datation à la fin du XIIIe siècle, époque de ”oupilouliouma II, relevant du genre e silentio, l’hypothèse d’une datation à cette époque doit être admise comme possible jusqu’à ce qu’elle soit confirmée ou démentie par de nouvelles données. Sem. 51 (2003) 5–31
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1328 Arcadio del Castillo, Tarsis en la Estela de Nora: ¿un topónimo de Occidente? The aim of this paper is to analyze the different interpretations given to the inscription on the Nora Stone, the oldest of the Phoenician inscriptions in the West. An exhaustive critical study of the interpretations that have assumed a reference to Tarshish and its location in the West has led me to conclude that the text of the Nora Stone does not definitively solve the problem of the site of the biblical Tarshish. Moreover, all the evidence speaks against identifying Tarshish with Tartessos. Therefore, since it is well established that the Phoenicians, when they arrived at a new place, built an altar intended for worship and for the offering of sacrifices to the gods of the metropolis, the sea and travel, the most likely interpretation is that the inscription referred to the building of a temple. Sef. 63/1 (2003) 3–32
1329 William H. Shea, Samson and Delilah in a Philistine Text from Ashkelon A Philistine ostracon was found during the excavation of a commercial-type building at Ashkelon. The building was destroyed by the army of Nebuchadnezzar of Babylonian in 604 BCE. The ostracon belongs to this destruction level. As interpreted in this study, the text on the sherd is a diplomatic dispatch or letter from the king of Ashkelon to the king of Gaza. It deals with the movement of the head of Samson the Hebrew. When Samson died in the destruction of the temple of Gaza, therefore, his head was cut off before his body was taken back to Israel. It was preserved as a trophy or magic talisman representing the Philistine defeat of their enemies. Decapitation also occurred in the case of Goliath and in the cases of Saul and Jonathan when they were defeated on the battlefield by the Philistines. The text also includes the names of three Philistine kings of the late seventh century BCE. DavarLogos 2/1 (2003) 73–86
1330 Manfred Görg, Der Hyksoskönig Jannas als “Sohn des Re” Die ägyptische Inschrift s3 R' J-(n)- s3 dj 'n¢ auf einem hier präsentierten aus dem Antikenhandel stammenden Skarabäus wird mit “Sohn des Re: Jannas, beschenkt mit Leben” übersetzt und auf den von Flavius Josephus überlieferten Hyksoskönig Jannas bezogen. Die Inschrift belegt sowohl den königlichen Anspruch Jannas als auch die bleibende Anerkenntnis des Sonnengottes Re in der Hyksoszeit. BN 118 (2003) 34–35 (DL)
1331 William H. Shea, The Earliest Alphabetic Inscription and Its Implications for the Writing of the Pentateuch An alphabetic inscription using an early form of the Proto-Sinaitic script that previously was known only from Sinai has now been found in Egypt in the context of Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions from the Middle Kingdom. That makes this the oldest Semitic alphabetic inscription known. The inscription is interpreted here as giving a man’s Egyptian name first transcribed into Semitic characters and then his own personal Semitic name. His title as chief or captain of an expedition is given after his Egyptian name and the two personal names are joined with a copula, showing that they both belong to the same person. According to the Egyptian personal name, the inscription could have come from as early as the 11th Dynasty. Serie Monográfica de Estudios Bíblicos y Teológicos de la Universidad Adventista del Plata 1; Gerald A. Klingbeil, Inicios, Paradigmas y Fundamentos; Editorial Universidad Adventista del Plata, Libertador San Martín, Entre Ríos (2004) 45–60
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1332 Stefan Jakob Wimmer, Sichimitica Varia III: Determinierungsfragen Der Beitrag befasst sich mit zwei ägyptischen Quellen, in denen Sichem zu unterschiedlichen Zeiten erwähnt wurde: (1) Auf der Stele des Khu-Sobek liest der Verf. aufgrund seiner Korrektur eines Determinativs ‘Region’ anstatt ‘Fremdland’ im Bezug auf die Gegend um das mb-zeitliche Sichem. Es ist dabei an eine aus der ägyptischen Sicht Rand- bzw. Extremregion gedacht. (2) Hinter dem nicht determinierten “Berg von Wsr” im Papyrus Anastasi I vermutet Wimmer keinen konkreten Gipfel sondern das gesamte Bergland von Galiläa. Mit Wsr könnte hier wegen eines lautlichen Anklangs im Ägyptischen die alte Stammesbezeichnung ‘Ascher’ für Galiläa nachklingen. BN 118 (2003) 68–73 (DL)
1333 Manfred Weippert, Mesa und der Status von “ganz Dibon” Der Verf. schlägt eine geänderte Übersetzung und somit eine neue Interpretation der Zeile 27f. der Me“a-Inschrift vor. Entscheidend ist dabei seine Lesart von ˙m“n als ‘Krieger’ bzw. ‘unter Waffen Stehende’ und von m“m"t als ‘Leibwache’, wobei er beide Lesarten sowohl mit biblischen als auch außerbiblischen Parallelen zu belegen weiß. So verändert, bezeugt der zuvor stilistisch wie inhaltlich schwierige Satz den besonderen Rückhalt des Königs Me“a, auf den er bei der Bevölkerung seiner Heimatstadt – möglicherweise bei seinen Verwandten – zählen konnte. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 323–328 (DL)
1334 Dirk Kinet, Die Bronze-Flasche aus Tell Siran Auf einem bei der Ausgrabung auf dem Tell Siran 1972 entdeckten bronzenen Fläschchen, welches verkohlte Weizen- und Gerstenkörner enthielt, wurde bei der Reinigung eine achtzeilige ammonitische Votivinschrift festgestellt. Aufgrund ihrer inhaltlichen Angaben ist diese Inschrift gegen die paläographischen Vorschläge um 600 v. anzusetzen. Der Vergleich mit biblischen sowie außerbiblischen Votivformeln legt die Annahme einer Votivgabe des ammonitischen Königs Aminadab an eine nicht genannte Gottheit als Dank für z.B. eine reiche Ernte nahe, was den Inhalt des Fläschchens erklären würde. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 133–144 (DL)
1335 Walter Ameling (ed.), Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II: Kleinasien Just as Egypt is the place where ancient Greek papyri came to light, so Asia Minor is the region in which (mainly in the nineteenth century) Greek inscriptions were found. The present book offers a comprehensive corpus of 258 often rather fragmentary inscriptions dating from late Hellenistic to late ancient times. Most of the texts are in Greek, though there are also a few Latin inscriptions and a small number of Hebrew ones. The format used gives not only text, translation, and commentary, but also the full publication and research bibliography. Among the longer and noteworthy texts are the funerary inscription of a female head of a synagogue (no. 43), the foundation erected by a Jewish benefactor (no. 196, and the funerary inscription that explains that the dead are translated to celestial spheres (no. 236). An appendix lists five magical inscriptions. – A most important scholarly resource. TSAJ 99; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2004) XVIII/1–650 (BL)
1336 Émile Puech et al., Le tombeau de Zacharie et Siméon au monument funéraire dit d’Absalom dans la vallée de Josaphat This note publishes a Greek inscription engraved above the entrance door of the Absalom’s tomb-memorial in the Valley of Jehoshaphat. The Byzantines changed this funerary monument into the tomb of the High Priest Zachariah, father of John the
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Baptist and martyr, assimilating him to the priest Zachariah, son of Yehoyada/Barachiah, who was murdered in the temple. They also placed beside him the tomb of the righteous Simeon, a tradition which lasted over a millennium until after the Crusaders’ stay in Jerusalem. RB 110/3 (2003) 321–335
1337 Eckhard J. Schnabel, Divine Tyranny and Public Humiliation: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the Lydian and Phrygian Confession Inscriptions The Lydian and Phrygian confession inscriptions dating mostly to the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE have provoked less discussion than one would expect. This paper focuses on what was probably the main reason for the pressure to confess sins publicly. A major cause for public confession seems to have been the perceived necessity to reinforce the control of the local god over his or her devotees. The impetus may have been the spreading of the Christian faith in Lydia and Phrygia. It is suggested that the local religious functionaries may have responded by heightening the people’s awe concerning the power of the gods, requiring public confessions of specific sins that highlight the frightful power of the gods over all aspects of life, and by requiring the erection of steles in the hope of establishing the permanent loyalty of the people for the god who ruled over the village. NT 45/2 (2003) 160–188
1338 Michel Gawlikowski, Un nouveau temple d’Allat dans une inscription revisitée Der Verf. schlägt eine korrigierte Leseweise der von B. Aggoula 1977 publizierten palmyrenischen Votivinschrift vor. Unterstützt durch einen weiteren Text aus Palmyra sowie durch biblische Belege und Beobachtungen zu Namen im Text der Inschrift rekonstruiert der Verf. in der Zeile 5 und 7 jeweils den Namen der Göttin Allat. Die Inschrift wird damit zu einem Zeugnis für den 182 n. vorgenommenen Umbau eines primitiven Allat-Heiligtums aus dem 1 Jh.v. zu einem Temenos samt einem Kultbild der Göttin. Sem. 51 (2003) 57–64 (DL)
Apocrypha and pseudepigrapha Old Testament: general ★ ApocBar – ApocMoses – 3 Bar – 1 Enoch – 2 Enoch – 4 Ezra – JosAs – Jub – Live of Adam and Eve – OdSol – PsSol – Test Abr – Test XII 1339 Marinus de Jonge, The Authority of the “Old Testament” in the Early Church: The Witness of the “Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament” Several so-called Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament can be construed as reflecting the struggle between main stream Christianity and Marcionism with regard to the authority of the Old Testament. These writings mirror a specific stage in the history of the formation of the Christian canon of the Old Testament. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 459–486
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1340 Luca Arcari, Intorno al concetto di “genere letterario apocalittico”. Osservazioni di metodo This article deals with the Sitz im Leben of a specific apocalyptic tradition (enochism and/or essenism) and the author claims that the authority of the enochic Pentateuch, within some groups, was equivalent to that of other texts that subsequently entered the canon. In addition the author provides an analysis of Daniel’s Nachleben, in order to define a different apocalyptic tradition, that includes John’s Apocalypse, IV Ezra and the Apocalypse of Baruch in Syriac. In the analysis of Daniel’s presence in the Jewish world of the Hellenistic-Roman period the author analyzes the interpretative procedures of the text within the Qumran community and Enochism. The author also analyzes some positions different from John’s Apocalypse, IV Ezra and Apocalypse of Baruch, drawing on a particular apocalyptic tradition, namely the one that originated from Daniel. The author concludes that apocalyptic literature is first of all a phenomenon which can be highlighted through the analysis of dialectics between texts and, consequently, of textual “traditions”. Hen. 24/3 (2002) 343–353
1341 Andreas Bedenbender, Unter Engeln und Riesen. Anmerkungen zur Stellung von Daniel, Henoch und Noah in einigen frühjüdischen Schriften. In Jub; äthHen 6–36 wird über die genealogische Einbettung der Figuren Daniel, Henoch und Noah ein theologischer und politischer Kampf ausgefochten. TuK 26/4 (2003) 35–48 (US)
✩ 1342 Rivka Nir, The Destruction of Jerusalem and the Idea of Redemption in the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch On the basis of the eucharistic and baptismal symbolism used in this 2nd-century work, the author concludes that what we have here is not a Jewish but an early-Christian book. Recent research on the pseudepigraphic corpus seems to imply that in the past, many scholars were too quick in identifying this literature as Jewish. In an appendix, the author comments on another Christian work, the Paralipomena Jeremiae, a work that reflects asceticism in the early Syriac-speaking church. – An innovative contribution to research on the pseudepigrapha. Early Judaism and Its Literature 20; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) VIII/1–318 (BL)
1343 Bernhard Heininger, Die “mystische” Eva In der Apokalypsis Mosis (griechisches Leben Adams und Evas) hat Eva mystische Qualitäten: “Als Empfängerin eines zukunftsträchtigen Traums offenbart sie ihre mantische Begabung; beim Besuch des Paradiesorakels nimmt sie zumindest an den vorbereitenden Riten teil. Wie Adam wird auch ihr eine Angelophanie zuteil, wie Seth vermag sie direkt in den Himmel zu sehen” (220). Offenbar interpretiert diese Schrift die mit dem Sündenfall verbundene “Öffnung der Augen” als visionäre Begabung, der delphischen Pythia ähnlich. BZ 46/2 (2002) 205–221 (MW)
1344 Andrei A. Orlov, The Flooded Arboretums: The Garden Traditions in the Slavonic Version of 3 Baruch and the Book of Giants Die Paradiestraditionen in 3 Bar 4 stehen in einem breiten Traditionsfluss, der sich auch in zahlreichen anderen apokryphen Schriften nachweisen lässt. Speziell eine Nähe zur Henoch-Tradition ist erkennbar, gegen die in 3 Bar 4 polemisiert wird. CBQ 65/2 (2003) 184–201 (MDK)
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1345 Marie-Theres Wacker, “Rettendes Wissen” im äthiopischen Henochbuch Das äthiopische Henochbuch zählt zu den apokalyptischen Schriften des Frühjudentums, das stark von den Überlieferungen der Weisheit beeinflusst ist. Einige griechischchristliche und vorchristlich-aramäische Textteile verweisen die jüdische Henochtradition mindestens ins 3. Jh. v. Chr. In einer Situation, die aufgrund eines apokalyptisch geprägten Weltbildes als Krise erlebt wird, vermittel das äthiopische Henochbuch “rettendes Wissen”, indem es eine Weltdeutung vorgibt, die die Angesprochenen als “erwählte Gerechte” versteht, die durch das Gericht hindurch gerettet werden. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002) 115–154 (EB)
1346 P.M. Venter, Die makrososiale ruimte van die Boek van die Wagte (1 Henog 1–36) An analysis of the material of the Book of the Watchers (1 Enoch 1–36) indicates a preference for the spatial aspect in these revelation narratives. In an attempt to understand this preference, an investigation is launched into the macro social world of the narratives. Themes in Enoch from literature in the Bible, the Syro-Phoenician world, Pseudo Epolemus, Zenon Papyri, Persia and Greece, are identified. Ptolemean Palestine is also investigated as the context within which an Enochic tradition was formed. Amongst other traditions an opposing Mosaic Judaism and Enochic Judaism are identified. Both take up the challenges of the third century with its Hellenistic onslaught and explosion of knowledge. The Book of the Watchers represents an Enoch tradition, which forms an early trajectory of apocalyptic thinking, and which is being influenced by various traditions such as wisdom literature in its mantic form, cosmological schemes of the world, and mythic traditions. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1513–1536
1347 James C. Vanderkam, Enoch’s Vision of the Next World Bezugnehmend auf das Erscheinen des ersten Kommentarbandes zu 1 Henoch von George Nickelsburg gewährt Vanderkam einen Überblick über den Inhalt, die Redaktionsgeschichte und die historische Einordnung dieses apokryphen Buchs. BiRe 19/2 (2003) 32–36.46–48 (CB)
1348 Pieter M. Venter, Spatiality in Enoch’s Journeys (1 Enoch 12–36) An analysis of the three journey narratives of 1 Enoch in which God’s decisions are revealed to him indicates that preference is given to the spatial aspect, rather than the aspect of time. Trying to understand this preference the paper investigates the macrosocial world of the author(s), analysing firstly the literary context, and then the sociohistorical context. It offers a description of Sapiential Judaism and of Enochic Judaism and compares them as two opposing groups taking up the challenge of the third century with its Hellenistic onslaught and explosion of knowledge, in total different ways. The Enoch tradition is shown to be an early form of apocalyptic thinking influenced by wisdom literature and cosmological schemes of the world. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 211–230
1349 Michael A. Knibb, The Book of Enoch in the Light of the Qumran Wisdom Literature Das 1. Henochbuch und andere Werke aus dem Kreis der henochischen Literatur beschreiben Henoch als einen weisen Mann und seine Schriften als eine Quelle der Weisheit, die nicht nur auf Themen wie Gericht und Heil beschränkt ist sondern auch kosmologische Akzente beinhaltet. Der Verf. vergleicht das Henochbuch mit weisheitlicher Literatur aus Qumran: Das Wissen um geheime Sachverhalte ist ein Leitmotiv aller
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dieser Werke. Während aber in anderen Weisheitsbüchern Kosmologie und Eschatologie lediglich zur Unterstützung der Instruktionen herangezogen werden, bilden sie im Henochbuch die Struktur des Buches, welches von Visionen und Reisen durch himmlische Sphären zu erzählen weiß. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 193–210 (DL)
1350 Andrei A. Orlov, On the Polemical Nature of 2 (Slavonic) Enoch: A Reply to C. Böttrich Adam’s story occupies a prominent place in 2 Slavonic (Apocalypse of) Enoch. The traditions pertaining to the first human can be found in all the sections of the book. In these materials Adam is depicted as a glorious angelic being, predestined by God to be the ruler of the earth, but falling short of God’s expectations. The article argues that the extensive presence of Adamic materials in 2 Enoch has a polemical nature since it is related to the long-lasting competition between Adamic and Enochic traditions. The investigation of Adamic polemics in 2 Enoch demonstrates that a number of important passages associated with early Jewish mysticism, such as the motif of the Divine Face in chapters 22 and 39, the future prominent role of Enoch-Metatron as the governing power on the earth, and his title “Youth,” belong to the primary text, since they play a decisive role in Adamic polemics of the Slavonic apocalypse. JSJ 34/3 (2003) 274–303
1351 Michael E. Stone, A Reconsideration of Apocalyptic Visions Vision 4 is the key for the understanding of 4 Ezra. It is different from all the others: In vision 1–3 Ezra fasts, weeps, and mourns as the woman. Ezra is now moved to deliver an address, which is centered on Torah. But after he completes the address, the usual angelophany does not take place. Instead, he sees the mourning woman. HThR 96/2 (2003) 167–180 (WSch)
1352 Daniel J. Harrington, Wisdom and Apocalyptic in 4QInstruction and 4 Ezra This paper consists of a comparison of 4QInstruction and 4 Ezra, intended to reveal their differences and to allow the distinctive character of each work to emerge. As a whole 4QInstruction presents wisdom teaching in an apocalyptic framework and with motivations that include some basic concepts of apocalyptic thinking. 4 Ezra, on the contrary is a classic apocalypse which explores the issues raised by the event of 70 CE and Israel’s hopes for the future. The answers to the questions of Ezra are hidden in the future and accessible to the wise only through revelation. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 343–355
1353 P. Richard Choi, The Intra-Jewish Dialogue in 4 Ezra 3:1–9:25 Die drei Visionen in 4 Esra 3,1–9,25 sind ein Zeugnis der seit der Rückkehr aus dem Exil andauernden innerjüdischen Auseinandersetzung zwischen universalistischen und partikularistischen Deutungen von Begriffen wie Erwählung, Schöpfung, Bund und Abraham. Der Autor von 4 Esra erhofft sich kein göttliches Eingreifen in seine Gegenwart. Die Abraham von Gott gegebenen Verheißungen werden sich erst in der Zukunft erfüllen, und die Erwählung ist kein konkretes Geschehen der Ahnenzeit sondern vielmehr ein andauernder Schöpfungsprozess. Mit seinen Äußerungen reagiert 4 Esra kritisch auf einige paulinische Interpretationen der Geschichte Israels und bietet gleichzeitig eine theologische Basis für das sich nach der Zerstörung des Tempels formierende rabbinische Judentum. AUSS 41/2 (2003) 237–254 (DL)
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1354 Sabrina Inowlocki, Des idoles mortes et muettes au Dieu vivant: Joseph, Aséneth et le fils de paraon dans un roman du judaïsme hellénisé In addition to a general introduction to (pp. 13–26) and a new French translation of the “Joseph and Aseneth” novel (pp. 159–186), the author offers a series of detailed studies. The author concludes that the novel originated in a multicultural world; yet, the traditional title is misleading in its suggestion that we have here a novel that is comparable to Greek novels (“Chaireas and Kallirhoe”, for instance); instead, we must think of it as a novel about a woman, should call it “The Tale of Aseneth”, and understand it as a story of initiation. While Joseph stays in the background, he is seen as a kind of king of Egypt, a thought dear to Jews living in the Egyptian Diaspora. – A valuable study. Brepols Publishers, Turnhout (2002) 1–210 (BL)
1355 Karlheinz Müller, Die Halacha der Väter und das Gesetz des Mose. Beobachtungen zur Autorisierung der Halacha im Buch der Jubiläen In Jub sind die Halacha der Väter und die Tora des Mose nicht miteinander verbunden, erstere ist letzterer vorgeordnet. An vielen Stellen lässt sich sehen, wie Mose in die halachischen Regeln als Autoriät buchstäblich hineingeschrieben wird. So ist die verbreitete Annahme nicht mehr zu halten, dass die Halacha schlicht vom Text des Pentateuch abhängig sei. BN 116 (2003) 56–68 (US)
1356 Liora Ravid, The Book of Jubilees and its Calendar – a Reexamination Der Beitrag ist eine Auseinandersetzung mit der von A. Jaubert etablierten Interpretation des Kalenders des Jubiläenbuches. Diese Interpretation beruht auf Fehlern in wesentlichen Punkten und beinhaltet einige interne Widersprüche, die im Einzelnen erörtert werden. Der Kalender des Jubiläenbuches ist kein solares System sondern eine um den heiligen Sabbat als Hauptachse entworfene Zeitrechnung gewesen. DSD 10/3 (2003) 371–394 (DL)
1357 P.M. Venter, Intertekstuele aanduidings van die wêreld van die boek Jubileë An intertextual analysis of sections containing trends of retributive justice in Jubilees 14:1–28, 24:14–17, 30:1–25 and texts including apocalyptic trends in 1:7–29, 23:11–32, gives some indication of the time and world in which the author lived. The article argues that the author reconceptualized ideas of retribution in a unique apocalyptic system. The revealed truth was given in an historical revelation to Moses and is aimed at the collective entity of the people of God who are to stay pure for God. They are to abstain from marriages with members of other nations and keep the law and the religious festivals according to the heptadictical calendar. The author belonged to a tradition running parallel to the Danielic and Enochic stream. He was neither an apocalyptic nor an official priest, but was very much influenced by both groups. HTS 59/3 (2003) 957–989
1358 Liliana Rosso Ubigli, La trasformazione del rapporto Dio-Legge-Popolo nelle interpretazioni di alcuni scritti giudaici In the Book of Jubilees, the law is considered as existing from before creation, and some of its statutes were revealed to the ancestors many centuries before the time of Moses, and they are even observed by the angels. In Second Baruch, the deuteronomic idea of retribution is enlarged according to an apocalyptic perspective, while in
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Fourth Ezra the universalistic conception of the law is connected with pessimistic speculations about man’s wicked heart that influenced Adam and is still today misleading many to perdition. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 133–152 (AM)
1359 Esther Eshel, Mastema’s Attempt on Moses’ Life in the “PseudoJubilees” Text from Masada Ein kleines Fragment einer hebräischen Schriftrolle von Masada mit der Erwähnung des ‘Prinzes von Mastema’ stammt aus dem Pseudo-Jubiläenbuch. Es bezieht sich auf ein misslungenes Attentat dieses Prinzes auf Moses, der sich auf dem Weg von Midian nach Ägypten befindet, wobei der Prinz die Ägypter vor Moses schützen will. Das Ereignis ersetzt im Jubiläenbuch die Szene von Ex 4,24–26, wo Gott selbst Moses bzw. seinen Sohn nach dem Leben trachtet. DSD 10/3 (2003) 359–364 (DL)
1360 John R. Levison, The primacy of pain and disease in the Greek Life of Adam and Eve The essay explores “the extent to which the author has modified the Genesis narrative, the consistency of his or her preoccupation with pain and disease, and the integral way in which the narrative is propelled by the presence of pain and disease. Each of this features of the Greek Life of Adam and Eve is a salutary indication that a fundamental, by no means subsidiary, concern of this narrative is to understand the harsh and unavoidable reality of pain and illness. The narrative is driven not only by theological concerns but equally, perhaps even more so, by the basic realities that drive human beings to the brink of their experience” (15). ZNW 94/1–2 (2003) 1–16
1361 Leslie Baynes, Christ as Text: Odes of Salomon 23 and the Letter Shot from Heaven The primary image in Odes of Solomon 23 is a letter shot from heaven and this article contends that the letter represents Christ. After analyzing allusions to the Hebrew and Christian scriptures in the Ode that support that contention, it concludes that the Odist may have portrayed Christ as a letter because letters were the “format de rigueur of written Christian teaching” at the end of the first century. BR 47 (2002) 63–72
1362 Kenneth Atkinson, I Cried to the Lord: A Study of the Psalms of Solomon’s Historical Background and Social Setting The PsSol were written in Jerusalem between ca. 67 and 63 BCE, echoing the Roman involvement with and eventual capture of Jerusalem in 63 BCE. They belong to an otherwise unknown sectarian community. Apparently, the group behind the PsSol met in small synagogues, likely within their homes, where they held services that focused on prayer as one means to substitute for Temple worship. Supplements to JSJ 84; Brill, Leiden (2004) IX/1–272 (BL)
1363 Dale C. Allison, Testament of Abraham Described as a novella and a parody dating (in its original, shorter version) from the 2nd century CE, the Testament of Abraham is a Jewish text that survives only in a Christian and more or less Christianized version. Allison’s careful commentary includes a new translation of the shorter and the longer (medieval) versions and highlights the doctrine of individual eschatology that is set out in the Testament. TestAbr 14:6: “And
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it came to pass, when Abraham turned, that Death brought forth his soul as in a dream. Chariots of the Lord came and took his soul to heaven.” Essential for all libraries collecting para-biblical texts. Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature; W. de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) XVI/1–527 (BL)
1364 M. de Jonge, The Two Commandments in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs De Jonge emphasizes the intricacy of the relationships between the Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament and early Christianity and points out the complex history of their transmission in diverse Christian circles. He illustrates this with an analysis of the statements in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs concerning the commandments to love God and to love one’s neighbour, and on forgiveness as supreme example of love. Regarding the view of R.H. Charles he argues “that Charles’s assessment of the paraenesis of the Testaments as an essential link between the ethical teaching of the Old Testament and that of the New Testament rests on a dubious literary-critical analysis inspired by a too great confidence in our ability to discard later Christian interpolations, and to distinguish between different stages in the Jewish transmission of the book” (390). NT 44/4 (2002) 371–392 (MH)
1365 Katell Berthelot, Les parénèses de la charité dans les Testaments des douze patriarches The text known as the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is one of the “pseudepigrapha” writings. It is composed of twelve interventions, one from each of the patriarchs of the twelve tribes of Israel to his sons, shortly before his death. These interventions are made up of accounts of events in the life of the patriarch, heavenly visions, exhortations of a moral nature, “prophesies” relating to the future of Israel as well as other eschatological remarks. MSR 60/2 (2003) 23–39
1366 Jordi Latorre i Castillo, La doble teología sacerdotal del testamento de Leví The TLev, which was prepared by two successive editors, consequently reveals two different theologies on priesthood. In the first one, the Levitical priesthood shows its regal features and is based on the rejection of impiety and zealous opposition to strangers. In the case of an actual infringement of the patriarchal halakah, the Law demands that, after punishment, the sanctuary and priesthood be both renewed. The second has a priesthood which is extraneous to the rituals of sacrifice and purification. The mission of Levi is firstly prophetical, as it announces the progressive degeneration of Levitical priesthood and its replacement by the new priestly class, according to the custom of the nations, a new eternal priesthood which will at last overcome the forces of Beliar and a new priest who will originate from Judah. This latter period is not characteristical of the typical elements of priestly theology and is separated from the Levitical priesthood, which it delineates in a negative fashion, in order to justify the definitive offer of salvation to the nations to the disadvantage of Israel. Sal. 65/4 (2003) 675–716
1367 Émile Puech, Le Testament de Lévi en araméen de la Geniza du Caire These pages give a critical edition of the Aramaic text of Levy recovered from the Cairo Geniza, more than a century ago: the folio of the Cambridge University and the folio of the Bodleian Library Geniza, followed by a French Translation. RdQ 20/4 (2002) 511–556
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New Testament: general ★ Secret Mark – GHebr – GPetr ★ GThom ★ Gospel of the Savior – Unknown Berlin Gospel – Didache ★ Acts Andrew – Book of the Cock 1368 Fred Lapham, An Introduction to the New Testament Apocrypha Meant for students, this introduction is organized in chapters that bring together apocryphal literature from various geographical areas. Thus the Epistle of Peter to James, the Protoevangelium of James (and other works) are dealt with under the heading “the Judean Church”, while books such as the Acts of Peter and the Gospel of the Ebionites are ascribed to “the church in Samaria”. Other sections focus on literature originating in Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia, and Egypt. Continuum/T. & T. Clark, London (2003) IX/1–193 (BL)
✩ 1369 Eckhard Rau, Das geheime Markusevangelium. Ein Schriftfund voller Rätsel Generally, German scholarship has decided to ignore M. Smith’s Secret Gospel of Mark, tending to dismiss it as a modern forgery. Rau is convinced of Smith’s veracity (and there is now much evidence to establish it). He offers a detailed study, arguing that the fragments reflect the beginning of an esoteric form of Christianity in second-century CE Alexandria. The fragments are understood as attempts to solve the riddles implied in Mark 14:51–52 and Mark 10:46. (See also the entry “Markusevangelium, Geheimes” in Neues Bibel-Lexikon, vol. 2.) Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 1–96 (BL)
1370 Charles W. Hedrick, The Secret Gospel of Mark: Stalemate in the Academy For other than scholarly reasons, the fragments of Secret Mark (discovered in 1958, published by Morton Smith in 1973) have not received the hearing that they deserve. In a reply, G.G. Stroumsa offers evidence of Smith’s honesty, and so the notion of forgery by Smith is to be laid at rest. B.D. Ehrmann, by contrast, in a second note, maintains that there is indeed a chance that Smith himself wrote the allegedly ancient document. JECS 11/2 (2003) 133–163 (BL)
1371 Scott G. Brown, On the Composition History of the Longer (“Secret”) Gospel of Mark Clemens von Alexandria berichtet einem gewissen Theodorus von einem längeren “geheimen”, d.h. wohl “spirituellen” bzw. “symbolischen” Markusevangelium (vom Verf. mit LGM bezeichnet), das nach Meinung des Clemens eine häretische Erweiterung des – im Umfang kürzeren – kanonischen MkEv darstellt. Der Verf. diskutiert die verschiedenen Hypothesen darüber, die in der neueren Forschung vorgetragen wurden, und zeigt, dass das kanonische MkEv durch erkennbar die logische Textstruktur unterbrechende (und damit störende) Zusätze zum LGM erweitert wurde. Ziel dieser Redaktionsarbeit war, den spirituell-symbolischen Charakter des MkEv deutlicher hervortreten zu lassen. JBL 122/1 (2003) 89–110 (RM)
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1372 Jörg Frey, “Et numquam laeti sitis . . .”. Ein apokryphes Jesuswort und die Probleme des Hebräerevangeliums Von einem durch Hieronymus überlieferten Jesuswort aus dem sog. Hebräerevangelium ausgehend, welches jegliche Fröhlichkeit außerhalb des Kontextes der geschwisterlichen Liebe auszuschließen scheint, untersucht der Verf. den aus weiteren Überlieferungen der Kirchenväter rekonstruierbaren Textbestand sowie Charakter dieses apokryphen Werkes. Das wahrscheinlich im judenchristlichen Milieu Alexandriens entstandene Evangelium verweist inhaltlich auf die Situation der Ortsgemeinde, deren Verbindungen zu ihrer nichtjüdischen Umwelt spärlich geworden sind. Diese gesellschaftliche Abgrenzung ist auch der Grund für die im o.g. Logion ausgedrückte Einengung des jesuanischen Aufrufes zur uneingeschränkten Freude. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 187–212 (DL)
1373 Joseph Verheyden, Silent Witnesses: Mary Magdalene and the Women at the Tomb in the Gospel of Peter Anders als in den kanonischen Evangelien haben im Petrusevangelium die Frauen am Grab keine Bedeutung für die Verkündigung der Auferstehung. Diese Tatsache, so Verheyden, verdankt sich nicht der Theologie des Verfassers des Evangeliums, sondern gibt ein realistisches Bild der Rolle von Frauen in “these circles”. BEThL 165; Reimund Bieringer et al. (eds.), Resurrection in the New Testament; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2002) 457–482 (SP)
✩ 1374 Reinhard Nordsieck, Das Thomas-Evangelium This commentary of all of the 114 sayings of the Gospel of Thomas argues that: (1) there is no reason to suppose that the Gospel of Thomas is Gnostic or derivative from the synoptic gospels or John; (2) it originated within Jewish Christianity; (3) it includes a number of sayings that can be confidently attributed to the historical Jesus. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) 1–401 (BL)
1375 W.G. Morris, Thomas and Tatian Review of Nicholas Perrin, Thomas and Tatian: The Relationship between the Gospel of Thomas and the Diatessaron, Atlanta 2002: By means of his thorough linguistic analysis in Coptic, Greek and Syriac, Perrin has demonstrated that the Gospel of Thomas is a finely crafted Syriac text, knit together by catchwords. What he maintains to be his final concern, namely, establishing the dependence of Thomas on Tatian, is still open to debate. Parallel texts in the two documents exhibiting precisely the same harmonization of synoptic readings could as easily prove the priority of Thomas and give further proof of the theory that Tatian used the original Syriac text of the Gospel of Thomas as his fifth source. ET 114/9 (2003) 296–299 (SP)
1376 J. Liebenberg, To know how to find. To find without knowing: Wisdom in the Gospel of Thomas At the SBL meeting in Orlando in 1998, the contemporary metaphor theory practised by cognitive linguists such as Lakoff, Johnson and Turner, was used to identify some of the basic metaphors appearing in Thomas 1–5, which the author believes to be important for coming to terms with the metaphoricity of many of the sayings in the Gospel. The ensuing discussion of Thomas 8 and Thomas 109 is yet another attempt
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to show how the insights of cognitive linguistics, which have for the most part been ignored by contemporary commentators on the parables and aphorisms of Jesus, can perhaps provide us with fresh insights into this part of the sayings of the Jesus tradition. HTS 59/1 (2003) 99–120
1377 Eckhard Rau, Jenseits von Raum, Zeit und Gemeinschaft. “ChristSein” nach dem Thomasevangelium Die “kleinen Einheiten” des EvThom sind im Kontakt zur Jesusüberlieferung der werdenden Großkirche geformt. In polemischer Abgrenzung von deren christologischen, heilsgeschichtlichen und eschatologischen Überzeugungen begegnet uns hier ein Raum und Zeit enthobener Jesus, der sich denen anverwandelt, die in radikaler Vereinzelung den von ihm gewiesenen Weg ins Königreich einschlagen. Wer dies tut, kehrt zurück in den nondualen, allen Zweiheiten vorausliegenden Ursprung allen Seins und gewinnt dadurch einen Status, dessen Konformität mit Jesus eine überraschende Perspektive für die Frage nach der Ausbildung des spezifischen Profils der Jesusüberlieferung des EvThom eröffnet. NT 45/2 (2003) 138–159
1378 J. Liebenberg, Going places with bodies that can seek and find, eyes that can see, and ears that can hear: Some remarks on the body and understanding in the Gospel of Thomas This article discusses the role which “the body” plays in the Gospel of Thomas. Despite the fact that Thomas has often been regarded as “Gnostic,” it is interesting to note that significant sayings within the Gospel (referring to “revelation”) involve the body, while there are also a number of sayings which are distinctly anti-material – most notably GTh 17. The article uses the insights of second generation Cognitive Linguistics and the role of primary metaphors to explain this anomaly. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1747–1759
1379 Steven R. Johnson, The Hidden/Revealed Saying in the Greek and Coptic Versions of Gos. Thom. 5 & 6 The author proposes “that the Coptic recension of the Gospel of Thomas contains the more original versions of Thomas 5 and 6 with regard to the number of strophes in the logia. When it is observed that Gos. Thom. 6:4 functions not so much as an introduction to Gos. Thom. 6:5–6 ( . . .), but more immediately as the rationale for Gos. Thom. 6:2–3, then it becomes apparent that Coptic Thomas 5 and 6 both contain versions of the hidden/revealed saying in the common two-strophe form. In the only extant Greek recension, however, Thomas 5 has three hidden/revealed strophes, while Thomas 6 has only one” (182). He further proposes “that the Greek text behind Coptic Gos. Thom. 6:5–6 largely paralleled the content of the Q saying found in Greek Luke 12:2/Matt. 10:26, whether the saying was derived from one of the gospel texts or their secondary oral rehearsal, or reflected an oral tradition similar to that which lies behind Q. If one reverses the order of the two strophes in Coptic Gos. Thom. 6:5–6, one finds a saying very similar to Luke 12:2/Matt. 10:26, especially to Greek Luke and Sahidic Matthew” (184). NT 44/2 (2002) 176–185 (MH)
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✩ 1380 Charles W. Hedrick, Caveats to a “Righted Order” of the Gospel of the Savior One of the editors of Pap. Berolinensis (1999) responses on the critical proposals of S. Emmel (IRBS 48: 1153) concerning the hair and flesh side identification, the corrected sequence of pages, and the narrative sequence of the Savior dialogues. HThR 96/2 (2003) 229–238 (WSch)
1381 Arthur J. Dewey, The Gospel of the Savior: A Gem of a Jigsaw Puzzle Dieser Beitrag versucht den komplexen frühchristlichen Überlieferungsprozessen im 2. Jahrhundert auf die Spur zu kommen. Sein Augenmerk gilt dabei in besonderem Maße dem Dialog des Erlösers und seiner Rolle in diesem Überlieferungsprozess. Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 1–15 (SP)
1382 Peter Nagel, “Gespräche Jesu mit seinen Jüngern vor der Auferstehung” – Zur Herkunft und Datierung des “Unbekannten Berliner Evangeliums” Auf dem Gebiet der christlichen Apokryphen gehört das “Unbekannte Berliner Evangelium” (UBE) in koptischer Sprache zu den bedeutendsten Neuveröffentlichungen. Die Spanne für die Entstehungszeit ist nach dem gegenwärtigen Forschungsstand relativ groß: sie liegt zwischen 300 bis 600 n.Chr. Im Vergleich mit den kanonischen Evangelien ergibt sich die Besonderheit des Textes aus seiner Perspektive: das UBE bietet Logien und Gespräche des Erlösers mit seinen Jüngern vor der Passion und Auferstehung. Dementsprechend ist das Futur das strukturierende Tempus. Das UBE stammt aus einer Zeit und einem Umfeld, in der die kirchliche Christologie ebenso wie die Eucharistie ernsthafter Gefährdung von innen und von außen ausgesetzt war. Das weist auf die oberägyptische Provinz im zweiten Drittel des 5. Jahrhunderts, vielleicht auch ein oder einige Jahrzehnte später hin. ZNW 94/3–4 (2003) 215–257 (MH)
1383 Aaron Milavec, Synoptic Tradition in the Didache Revisited This study reexamines the evidence for and against the claim that the creators of the Didache made use of Matthew’s gospel. In the past, scholars were content to list parallel texts by way of establishing the case for dependence. More recently, however, more insightful criteria have been defined. Even in cases of exact verbal agreement, for example, one has to explore to what degree contexts and meanings overlap. Furthermore, one has to explore whether shared issues (fasting, praying, almsgiving, correcting, offering “sacrifice”) are resolved along parallel lines. Likewise, textual dependence can no longer disregard orality and oral transmission. In the end, this study concludes that Matthew’s gospel and the Didache reveal two religious systems that grew up independently of each other. Should Didache scholars come to accept this, the way would be open for an early dating of the Didache and for its interpretation as a selfcontained religious system that must be allowed to speak for itself without appealing to any known gospel. A new era of Didache studies would thus lie open before us. JECS 11/4 (2003) 443–480
1384 Aaron Milavec, The Purifying Confession of Failings Required by the Didache’s Eucharistic Sacrifice This study begins by exploring the meaning of the Didache against the backdrop of the “spiritualization” of sacrifice that was widespread as a Jewish response to the traditional piety of offering animal sacrifices. In order to insure a “pure sacrifice,” the
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Didache community was set up two distinct safeguards: no unbaptized or unreconciled person was admitted (Didache 9: 5) and the confession of failings was to be held prior to the eucharist on the Lord’s Day (Didache 14: 1). These practices had the effect of enforcing the standards of holiness cherished by the community members. No one could keep coming week after week and repeatedly confess the same failing. Thus, for a community out of step with the rest of society, the confession of failings served to recall both backsliders and forgetters to the perfection (the Way of Life) to which they were called at the time of their preparation for baptism. BTB 33/2 (2003) 64–76
✩ 1385 Beate Wehn, “Geschunden die einen, und die anderen leben . . .” Über Herrschaft, Gewalt und Tod in einem christlichen Schreckenstext (Andreas-Akten 17–22) ActAndr 17–22 ist ein Schreckenstext. Er erzählt, wie eine Hausherrin eine Sklavin benutzt, um asketisch zu leben, und wie ein Hausherr alle zur Verfügung stehende Gewalt aufbietet, um seine Ehre zu retten. Doch richtet sich die Gewalt nicht gegen seine Frau, deren Wunsch, asketisch zu leben, die Ehre des Herrn und des Hauses angreift, sondern gegen die Sklavin Euklia, die sowohl in der Verkettung der Ereignisse als auch in ihrem gesellschaftlichen Status ganz unten anzusiedeln ist. Beate Wehn liest den Text aus der Perspektive der Euklia. Dabei wird deutlich, dass die Gewalt gegen Euklia in Act Andr zwar erzählt, nicht aber zum Thema gemacht wird. Das Thema des Textes ist die Befreiung Maximillas, der Hausherrin. Dass diese auf dem Körper Euklias erfolgt, blendet der Text aus und bestätigt so das Unrechtssystem der Sklaverei als einen Pfeiler der patriarchalen gesellschaftlichen Ordnung. Frank Crüsemann et al. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 465–487 (SP)
1386 Pierluigi Piovanelli, Exploring the Ethiopic Book of the Cock, An Apocryphal Passion Gospel from Late Antiquity The Mashafta dorho (Book of the Cock) recounts the events of the last three days of Jesus life according to the canonical gospels translated from an Arabic Vorlage (5th–6th century). Six manuscripts (since the end of 17th century) with the independent Book of the Cock and 24 manuscripts of the Holy Weeks lectionary (Gebra hemamat) include this book. There are special references to a cooked rooster, whom Christ resurrected to spy Judas and rewarded him for his good answers by sending him to Paradise for thousand years, for which isolated apocryphal paralleles exist and rabbinic legends as links (recalling Iob 38:36; Ps 50:11). HThR 96/4 (2003) 427–454 (WSch)
Qumran/Dead Sea Scrolls: general ★ individual subjects ★ texts from cave 1 ★ cave 4 ★ cave 6 – cave 7 – CD ★ Qumran and the New Testament 1387 Emanuel Tov, Qumran – tutkimuksen kiistakysymyksiä The article provides a survey of the current state of the study of the Dead Sea scrolls (or the Qumran scrolls, or the scrolls from the Judean Desert), especially from the point of view of the various controversies around them. Some of them have been debated in public, e.g. the initial mistakes in the treatment of the scrolls, the delay in their publication, the “conspiracy theory” and the copyright issues. Scholarly problems, many of which are still under discussion, include the dating and provenance of the scrolls, as well as the nature of the Qumran community. Further scholarly issues
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surveyed in this article are the nature of the encrypted texts, the differences between the Biblical scrolls, the Qumran calendar, Messianic expectations and the relevance of Qumran to Christianity. TAik 108/5 (2003) 387–400
1388 C.D. Elledge, Exegetical Styles at Qumran: A Commulative Index and Commentary Within the last two decades of Qumran research, the number of manuscripts that employ exegetical terminologies has increased substantially. The current index and commentary are offered as a tool for assessing and comparing the characteristic tendencies of individual writings. In the running commentary, special emphasis is placed upon two issues: (1) the diversity of exegetical styles at Qumran; and (2) the use of analogous interpretation styles in other ancient literature. RdQ 21/2 (2003) 165–208
1389 Brad Embry u.a., Bibliographische Dokumentation: Qumran Die Einzelbeiträge aus zwei neueren Sammelbänden zu Qumran werden hier in der Form kurzer Zusammenfassungen präsentiert: (1) DJD 36; Sephen J. Pfann et al. (eds.), Qumran Cave 4 XXVI: Criptic Texts; Miscellanea, Part 1; Clarendon Press, Oxford 2000; (2) BEThL 159; Charlotte Hempel et al. (eds.), The Wisdom Texts from Qumran and the Development of Sapiential Thought; Leuven University Press, Leuven 2002. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 195–211 (DL)
1390 Bilhah Nitzan, Approaches to Biblical Exegesis in Qumran Literature The distinct forms of biblical exegesis in Qumran literature may be described as following: 1) A running biblical text reworked by integration of the exegetical elements within it and rearrangement of its order. This method imparts to the biblical text two variegated forms: a) A specific version of the biblical text (e.g. parabiblical texts). b) An apocryphal edition of the biblical text. 2) Free exegetical compositions concerning a biblical book or biblical subject. 3) Biblical exegesis in distinct homiletic forms. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 347–365
1391 Johann Maier, Liturgische Funktionen der Gebete in den Qumrantexten Die Qumrantexte enthielten insgesamt weit mehr liturgisches Material, als für die ältere Forschung auf Grund der Funde aus Höhle 1 erahnbar war. Eine Fülle von Fragmenten weist zwar liturgischen Charakter auf, kann aber funktional nicht näher definiert werden. Alle diese Texte lassen sich ausnahmslos recht gut im Rahmen des Jerusalemer Kults und im Leben des Kultpersonals verorten und verstehen. Hingegen ist in kaum einem Fall möglich, einen Sitz im Leben innerhalb der – ja doch nur postulierten – Qumrangemeinde nachzuweisen. Albert Gerhards et al. (eds.), Identität durch Gebet; Verlag F. Schöningh, Paderborn (2003) 59–112
1392 Heinz-Josef Fabry, Die Messiaserwartung in den Handschriften von Qumran Eine mögliche diachrone Grundentwicklungslinie der qumranischen Messiasvorstellungen könnte aussehen wie folgt: (1) In Texten aus der vorqumranisch-voressenischen Zeit finden sich erste Messiaserwartungen, die eindeutig priesterlich geprägt sind. (4Q374, 4Q376, 4Q541, 4QApocLevib) (2) In Texten aus der vorqumranisch-essenischen Zeit setzt man auf das “Volk Gottes” als die endzeitliche Größe. (1QM, 4Q491, 4Q471b, 4Q427) (3) In frühqumranischer Zeit entwickelte die sich konstituierende Gemeinde die Erwartung eines doppelten Messias, in der jedoch die priesterliche Komponente
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dominierte. (1QS V 1–IX 29, 1QSa II 11–22) (4) Gegen Ende des 2. Jh. v. Chr. wurde aus der Tradition die Erwartung eines endzeitlichen Propheten rezipiert und mit der bereits vorhandenen doppelten Messiaserwartung zum munus triplex verbunden. (1QS IX 11) (5) Im 1. Jh. v. Chr. wurde die alleinige königliche Messiaserwartung dominierend. (CD VII 18–21, 4Q174, 4Q252, 4Q161, 1QM V1, 4Q285) (6) Die große Psalmenrolle schließlich bezeugt für die frühchristliche Zeit das Ineinander der davidischen Messiaserwartung und des messianischen Selbstverständnisses der Gemeinde von Qumran. Die einzelnen Entwicklungsstufen werden als Antworten auf den historischen Kontext, in dem sie entstanden, aufgefasst. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 357–384 (SP)
1393 Hermann Lichtenberger, Qumran-Messianism The whole inventory of eschatological figures makes evident that even for such a limited group as the Qumran community to speak of the messianic expectation does not do justice to the sources. The cause of this abundance may be that the community covers a history of about 200 years, and a development or change in the messianic expectations and figures connected with them may be assumed. Even more important is the fact that only a part of the (messianic) texts found in the caves of Qumran derive from the community itself, but are of pre- or extra-(Qumran)- Essene origin. This enables us to see what was thought and taught beyond the walls of Qumran and it teaches us that we should not isolate Essenism from other contemporary movements. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 323–333
1394 Michael O. Wise, Dating the Teacher of Righteousness and the Floruit of His Movement Der Verf. diskutiert die bis jetzt angewandten Methoden und die Ergebnisse hinsichtlich der Datierung der Schriften von Qumran und der Gestalt des Lehrers der Gerechtigkeit. Eine Überprüfung der Daten, gewonnen aus Archäologie, Numismatik, Paläographie, aus Anspielungen auf Ereignisse und Zeitangaben in den Texten selbst führt den Verf. zu der Schlussfolgerung, dass mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit und die Blütezeit seines Wirkens ins späte zweite Jh. oder frühe erste Jh.v.C. anzusetzen sind. JBL 122/1 (2003) 53–87 (RM)
1395 Ulrich Dahmen, Neu identifizierte Fragmente in den DeuteronomiumHandschriften vom Toten Meer In eight of in total 34 Deut manuscripts and scrolls from the Dead Sea many fragments remained unidentified: that applies also to the newly published manuscripts from Qumran Cave 4 in DJD XIV and DJD IX. With the help of computerized data-bases it is possible to identify further fragments of Deut manuscripts. Many of these new identifications are clear, some remain tentative. RdQ 20/4 (2002) 571–581
1396 Cana Werman, What Is the Book of Hagu? The closest equivalent of the mysterious “Book of Hagu” may be the book of Jubilees, a book of meditations on creation and history. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 51; J.J. Collins et al. (eds.), Sapiential Perspectives; Brill, Leiden (2004) 125–140 (BL)
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1397 Paolo Augusto de Souza Nogueira, Ecstatic Worship in the SelfGlorification Hymn (4Q471B, 4Q427, 4Q491C). Implications for the Understanding of an Ancient Jewish and Early Christian Phenomenon The thesis of this paper is that the Self-glorification Hymn reflects the context of an ecstatic worship which involves the whole community once the speaker summons all his hearers to take part in heavenly worship. That can be deduced from the imperatives to praise and to join the celestial assembly. This hymn also presents the religious identity of the group with all its ambiguities: at the same time, they are exalted among the heavenly beings possess a distinctive discourse that differentiates them from the context, and possibly suffer some degree of persecution and poverty. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 385–393
✩ 1398 Géza G. Xeravits, Wisdom Traits in the Qumranic Presentation of the Eschatological Prophet After some introductory statements on the eschatological prophetic figures of the Qumran Library, this paper concentrates on two issues. It deals first with 4Q521, in which the eschatological coming of Elijah redivivus is described within a sapiential poem; then it turns to the eschatological prophet of 11Q13, who is described – among others – as a wisdom instructor. Besides the apocalyptic language used, the authors of 4Q521 and 11Q13 show similarity in presenting the eschatological prophet as one instructing his addressees. 11Q13 seems to specify this eschatological prophet as one connected somehow with the m≤kljm and, on the other hand, his message as including some metaphysical ideas that are characteristic of the thought of 4QInstruction. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 183–192
1399 Émile Puech, Apports des textes apocalyptiques et sapientiels de Qumrân à l’eschatologie du judaïsme ancien The author gives a detailed survey of the eschatological ideas of 1–4QInstruction, 4QPseudoEzekiel, 4QMessianic Apocalypse, the Tractate of the Two Spirits of 1QCommunity Rule and the Hodayot, in order to show that all of them bear witness to the same expectation of a postmortem retribution for a life of fidelity to God’s precepts. “Les données archéologiques et manuscrites confirment la croyance des Esséniens dans la vie future (. . .): immortalité de l’âme séparée du corps dans l’état intermédiaire, résurrection du corps (/de la chair) du juste essénien dans la gloire à l’image de celui d’Adam avant la chute qui revêt donc l’incorruptibilité, le Jugement dernier, la conflagration universelle et le renouvellement de la terre, et le châtiment éternel des impies” (167). BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 133–170
1400 Géza G. Xeravits, Moses Redivivus in Qumran? The Qumranites appreciated highly the historical figure of Moses, as a pre-eminent prophet and mediator between God and his people. They adopted views that Moses, when meeting God in Sinai, got a transformed or even angelified character. Compositions that the Community copied consider the historical figure of Moses as typos for several personages of later generations. Based on Deut. 18:15 the Community expected the arrival of an eschatological prophet like Moses. The person of Moses occurs however only once as an eschatological, redivivus figure: he is the anointed prophet of 11QMelch.
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He will emerge as herald of the heavenly Melkißedeq, as one who will comfort God’s afflicted people in the time of the eschatological battle. The Qumran Chronicle 11/1 (2003) 91–105
1401 Kenneth Atkinson, Women in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Evidence for a Qumran Renaissance During the Reign of Queen Salome Alexandra Instead of viewing the references to women in the Dead Sea Scrolls as an anomaly, one should interpret these tests in light of their historical background. There is no evidence that any Essene work was composed after the middle of the first century BCE. This means that the formative period in the history of the Qumran sect roughly coincided with Salome Alexandra’s reign. For many women, this period was nothing less than a cultural and political renaissance. When the Dead Sea Scrolls are read in light of Salome Alexandra’s achievements, the early history of Qumran appears to have been a time when women and children, at least to a limited extent, participated in worship at Qumran. The Qumran Chronicle 11/1 (2003) 37–56
1402 Ulrich Dahmen, Das Deuteronomium in Qumran als umgeschriebene Bibel Der Beitrag bietet eine detaillierte Einzelanalyse bekannter Dtn-Fragmente und auf dieses Buch bezogener Texte aus Qumran. Offensichtlich lag diese Schrift bereits in vorqumranischer Zeit als ein Ganzes vor, und sie genoss ein hohes Ansehen, so dass die Freiheit der Überlieferungsvariationen trotz z.T. eigenwilliger Textformen deutlich eingeschränkt war. Im inner-pentateuchischen Ausgleich verwendete man gern DtnTexte, um andere biblische Bücher (Ex, Num) zu ergänzen. Zitiert wurde das Dtn v.a. im paränetischen Bereich. Spezifisch qumranischer Hintergrund lässt sich in den erhaltenen Fragmenten kaum erkennen. Österreichische Biblische Studien 23; Georg Braulik (Hg.), Das Deuteronomium; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 269–309 (DL)
1403 Walter C. Bouzard, The Date of the Psalms Scroll from the Cave of Letters (5/6ÓevPs) Reconsidered Eine sorgfältige Untersuchung des in der sog. Briefhöhle im Na˙al Óever gefundenen Fragments einer Psalmenrolle (5/6ÓevPs) bestätigt die Hypothese von R. Freund, dass einige in der Höhle gefundene Objekte – u.a. auch diese Rolle – bereits in das 1. Jh. n. zu datieren sind. Paläographische Beobachtungen sowie technische Parallelen des genannten Fragments zu den in Masada gefundenen Psalmenrollen MasPsa und MasPsb legen eine spätherodianische Entstehungszeit des Fundes aus Na˙al Óever nahe. Wahrscheinlich diente die Briefhöhle als Versteck für Zeloten zur Zeit des ersten jüdischen Aufstandes, bevor sie während der Bar Kochba-Revolte wieder den Aufständischen Unterschlupf gewährte. DSD 10/3 (2003) 319–337 (DL)
1404 John P. Meier, Is There Halaka (the Noun) at Qumran? H>làkâ als Nomen erscheint zweimal in den Qumrantexten, aber noch nicht als geprägter
Begriff wie bei den späteren Rabbinen, sondern im alltäglichen Bedeutungssinn “Weg”, “Gang”, “Verhalten”. JBL 122/1 (2003) 150–155 (RM)
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1405 Claude Coulot, L’image de Dieu dans les écrits de sagesse 1Q26, 4Q415–418, 4Q423 The author analyses the main characteristics of the image of God reflected in the sapiential writings from Qumran. In a series of passages, in which the sage instructs the student on the characteristics of the God who has created the world and conducts all its affairs, two characteristics are underlined: the creator God ist the God of knowledge, and the God who will judge the world is the God of truth. In another series of passages, in which the sage instructs the student on the particular relationship of God with the ones seeking understanding, the following characteristics of God are underlined: God is the one who has separated them from all perversity; God is the one who has given them their heritage and therefore should be sanctified; God is a father for them; God is the one who opens their minds; and God is the one who has given them authority. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 171–181
✩ 1406 Antoni Tronina, Formalne cytaty biblijne w “Regule Zrzeszenia” z Qumran (1QS) Nach der kurzen Einführung in die Problematik von 1QS analysiert der Verfasser die in der 1QS Schrift eingefügten drei alttestamentlichen Zitate (Ex 23, 7; Jes 2, 22; 40, 3) und ihre formalen Rahmen, die der neutestamentlichen formulae citationis entsprechen. RocT 48/1 (2001) 53–61 [SS]
1407 Jean Duhaime, Cohérence structurelle et tensions internes dans l’Instruction sur les Deux Esprits (1 QS III 13–IV 26) This paper offers an analysis of the structure of the Instruction on the Two Spirits in three parts, each composed of two sections, and proves that in its present form it is completely coherent. The author observes tensions, irregularities and differences in meaning and in terminology of the present text, however, which proves that the present coherence is the result of a conscious work. The contents of the Instruction of 1QS pertain to different registers of cosmology, anthropology, ethics and eschatology. Some of them appear to have been taken from different sources, while others are clearly internal developments of the thought of the group. The redactional history of the text is far from being completely understood. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 103–131
1408 Albert L. Lukaszewski, “This” or “That”: The Far Demonstrative Pronoun in 1QapGen II, 6 Verf. schlägt eine von Avigad und Yedin abweichende Rekonstruktion von 1QapGen II, 6 vor. Das letzte Wort in Zeile 6 lautet nicht hd", sondern hdk. RdQ 20/4 (2002) 589–592 (NvM)
✩ 1409 André Caquot, Les prodromes du déluge: légendes araméennes de Qoumrân Translation and commentary on the Aramaic fragments from Qumran (4Q 529–534), which include the remainders of legends about the period before the Flood, mainly
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about the wrongdoings of the Giants who were born from fallen angels and the daughters of men, and their condemnation. Since the “Book of the Giants” was included among the holy scriptures of Manichaeism, it has been translated into several languages. Traces of it have been found, for instance, in Turfan. This paper establishes their connection with the Aramaic original. RHPhR 83/1 (2003) 41–59
1410 John C. Poirier, 4Q464: Not Eschatological The evidence that Stone and Eshel claim in support of 4Q464’s eschatological perspective is more directly supportive of a different interpretation altogether. The eschatological perspective that Zeph 3:9 usually conveys is not at all operative in this instance, as the verse is being quoted as a prooftext, to justify the appearance of an episode in Jubilees’s version of the Abraham story that is not found in Genesis. viz. the divine redispensation of the holy language to Abraham. This understanding of the role of the Zephanian prooftext in 4Q464 not only fits more comfortably with the patriarchal narrative in that text, but it is also less “unusual” in the context of Qumran’s “introverted sectarianism.” RdQ 20/4 (2002) 583–587
1411 Gregory L. Doudna, 4Q Pesher HoseaB: Reconstruction of Fragments 4, 5, 18, and 24 Diese Analyse von 4QpHosb bietet eine korrigierte Rekonstruktion der Fragmente 4, 5, 18 und 24. Diese gehören unterhalb des Fragmentes 2 in dieselbe Kolumne und künden von einem Gerechten sowie der kommenden Friedenszeit. Gegen J. Strugnells Interpretation, die auf einer falschen Einordnung von Fragment 10a oberhalb des Fragmentes 2 beruht, ist Fragment 4 wie in DJD 5 erörtert mit Hos 6,2–3 zu identifizieren. DSD 10/3 (2003) 338–358 (DL)
1412 Florentino García Martínez, Wisdom at Qumran: Worldly or Heavenly? This paper focuses on a single point of the possible relationship between Wisdom and Apocalypticism: the origin of the wisdom contained in 4QInstruction. It intends to prove that although the contents of 4QInstruction are a mix of worldly matters and heavenly mysteries, all of them are presented as revealed, and thus heavenly. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 1–15
1413 John J. Collins, The Mysteries of God. Creation and Eschatology in 4QInstruction and the Wisdom of Solomon The author describes 4QInstruction as a missing link between the older Hebrew wisdom and the Hellenistic Wisdom of Solomon. The most important element shared by these two texts is the concept of mystery, which concerns the comprehensive plan of God for humanity, and which involves an immortal destiny, grounded in creation in the divine image. The most significant discrepancy between the two is perhaps to be found in the fact that Wisdom does not envision the punishment of the damned after death. For Wisdom the wicked simply cease to exist: for 4QInstruction the wicked survive to await punishment in the hereafter. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 287–305
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1414 Lutz Doering, Jeremia in Babylonien und Ägypten. Mündliche und schriftliche Toraparänese für Exil und Diaspora nach 4QApocryphon of Jeremiah C Neben dem Moment des Klagens stellt der Text vor allem die Toraparänese in den Mittelpunkt des Wirkens Jeremias. Diese wird sowohl mündlich, durch die persönliche Präsenz des Propheten bei den nach Babel Geführten und der ägyptischen Diaspora, als auch schriftlich, von Ägypten nach Babel, vermittelt. In traditionsgeschichtlicher Hinsicht sind die genannten Details v.a. deshalb wertvoll, weil sie die bisherigen Belege (zum Gang Jeremias nach Babel, zu seiner Klage über Jerusalem) teilweise erheblich an Alter übertreffen. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 50–79
1415 Eibert J.C. Tigchelaar, Your Wisdom and Your Folly: The Case of 1–4QMysteries The author gives an introduction to the Mysteries text of Qumran, questions what Mysteries in fact is dealing with and makes a comparison with other Qumran texts, especially with 4 QInstruction. While elements of wisdom, apocalypticism and eschatology would appear to be present in Mysteries, it seems to be difficult nevertheless to categorise Mysteries as either apocalyptic, eschatological or wisdom literature, especially since the said categories are far from being well-defined. Tigchelaar provides a detailed analysis of the addressees of Mysteries and focuses on the function of the fragments dealing with priestly issues and concludes that “Mysteries represents an attempt to uphold the special position of Israelite culture and religion against Hellenistic and other pagan beliefs, in particular astrology” (88). BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 69–88
1416 Torleif Elgvin, The Eschatological Hope of 4QTime of Righteousness In the discussion of 4QTime of Righteousness this article gives a new reading and structured translation of 4Q215a 1 ii. Although written in poetic style, this text is probably not a hymnic composition as such; it is rather a didactic review of God’s holy plan from creation to judgement, where the final section is clothed in poetic language similar to restoration passages in Isaiah. It was copied and read within the yahad and the authorship within the community cannot be totally excluded. In any case, 4QTimes of Righteousness would easily lend itself to a sectarian reading. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 89–102
1417 Hanne von Weissenberg, 4QMMT – Towards an Understanding of the Epilogue The essays on 4QMMT have dealt mainly with the legal material of the halakhic section. Less attention has been paid to the so-called epilogue. This article begins with an examination of the textual problems of the composite text of the epilogue, then studies the diversity of the halakhic section and the epilogue, and finally wishes to demonstrate that a parallel for the structure of 4QMMT can be found in the covenantal pattern of the biblical laws, more specifically in Deuteronomy. RdQ 21/1 (2003) 29–45
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✩ 1418 Hanan Eshel, 6Q30, a Cursive ”în, and Proverbs 11 Ein kleines Papyrusfragment, in hebräischer Kursivschrift beschrieben, aus Qumran (Höhle 6), bietet die Schwierigkeit eines unklaren Buchstabens: †et oder “în? Mit der Entscheidung für die zweite Möglichkeit gelingt es dem Verf., den Text als Bruchstück von Spr 11,5–7 zu identifizieren und so als 6QpapProv zu klassifizieren. JBL 122/3 (2003) 544–546 (RM)
1419 Peter W. Flint, That’s No Gospel, It’s Enoch! Identification of Dead Sea Scrolls Challenged Flint beschreibt die schrittweise Widerlegung der These O’Callaghans von 1972, dass in Qumran, Höhle 7, Fragmente des Neuen Testaments gefunden worden wären. Die Forschungen von Ernest A. Muro, Wilhelm Nebe und Emile Puech haben vielmehr sechs Fragmente als Text aus 1 Henoch identifiziert, nun pap7QEn gr genannt. Auch die übrigen Fragmente werden eher weitere Teile aus 1 Henoch oder der Septuaginta beinhalten. BiRe 19/2 (2003) 37–40.52–54 (CB)
1420 P.M. Venter, Historical review in the Damascus Document This study investigates five historical reviews in the Damascus Document. It analyses the way in which traditional schemas and historical patterns are integrated in the Document. As history reflects the ideology of its narrator, these historical reviews are investigated with regard to the ideology of the Damascus movement indicated in them. The ideology is described in terms of the self reflection of the group, its idea of a chosen remnant and the role of obedience to the laws of God in their life. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/2 (2003) 598–622
✩ 1421 J. Frey, The relevance of the Dead Sea scrolls for New Testament interpretation; with a bibliographical appendix The article demonstrates why the Dead Sea Scrolls are important for NT scholarship. After a sketch of the main periods of Qumran research, the author discusses four patterns of relating Qumran with the NT which he considers problematic. Neither was the Qumran community a prototype of Early Christianity, nor do Qumran texts reflect Early Christian history. The opinion that NT texts can be found in the fragments from Cave 7 is erroneous, and the view that an Essene Quarter in Jerusalem formed the nucleus of the Primitive Christian Community there cannot be established. Based on the fact that the Qumran library is not the literary production of a single “sect” but a broader collection of texts from different groups in Ancient Judaism, the relevance of the Qumran library is rather that it shows the pluriformity of Judaism at the turn of the era, and that numerous terms and ideas in the NT which were thought to be non-Jewish can now be explained from the variety of Jewish texts from the library. The interpretative value of Qumran is then demonstrated by two examples: John the Baptist can be interpreted more precisely in contrast with the purification rites and Scripture interpretation of Qumran, and some of the Pauline anthropological terms, especially the notion of sinful flesh, can be seen as influenced by Palestinian Jewish Wisdom traditions. As an appendix, the author presents a select and commented bibliography for the study of Qumran texts and their relation with the NT. ATh 23/2 (2003) 86 –116
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1422 John C. Poirier. The Endtime Return of Elijah and Moses at Qumran In der qumranischen Endzeitvorstellung spielen verschiedene messianische Gestalten mit verschiedenen Funktionen eine Rolle. Diese Vorstellung könnte für die Interpretation des NT – insbesondere der Verwandlungserzählungen und Offb 11 – fruchtbar gemacht werden. DSD 10/2 (2003) 221–242 (SP)
1423 Hermann Lichtenberger, Makarismen in den Qumrantexten und im Neuen Testament Die Segen und Fluchformulare in Qumran leiten sich aus der geschichtlichen Herkunft der Qumran-Essener aus einer priesterlichen, vom Tempel kommenden Gruppe her, und bekunden die fortdauernde Dominanz priesterlichen Denkens und Handelns in Qumran. Jesus und die Jesusbewegung verwenden die weisheitlicher Tradition entstammenden Makarismen und Weherufe und greifen auch dort, wo sie Segensbegrifflichkeit verwenden, auf diese zurück (z.B. im Abschiedssegen). Der Unterschied ist also nicht in einem Mehr oder Weniger an Heilszusage begründet, sondern in unterschiedlichen historischen, traditionsgeschichtlichen und soziologischen Faktoren. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 395–411
1424 Joseph Verheyden, The Fate of the Righteous and the Cursed at Qumran and in the Gospel of Matthew Dieser Beitrag diskutiert zunächst verschiedene Rekonstruktionen von 4Q548. Ein Vergleich mit Mt 25,46 zeigt, dass das Fragment hinsichtlich zweier charakteristischer Merkmale des Verses Parallelen aufweist: (1) die dualistische Tendenz und (2) der Gebrauch des Vollverbs “gehen”. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 428–452 (SP)
1425 Jean-Marie van Cangh, Béatitudes de Qumrân et béatitudes évangéliques. Antériorité de Matthieu sur Luc? The analysis of 4Q525, 1QH VI 13–16 and 1QH XXIII 13–16, as well as the use of Isaiah 61,1–3 in Lk 4,18–21 and 7,22, Matthew 11,5–6, leads van Cangh to conclude that Matthew preserves the more original reading with his expression “poor of spirit”. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 413–425
1426 Rick Van De Water, The Punishment of the Wicked Priest and the Death of Judas Der Artikel bietet eine Kritik der Voraussetzungen, die zu der Identifizierung des ‘Frevelpriesters’ aus 1QpHab und 4Q171 mit dem hasmonäischen Herrscher Jonatan geführt haben. Der Verf. stellt fest, dass der Tod aus der Hand der Heiden als Strafe für den Frevelpriester ein zu erwartendes und nicht ein bereits geschehenes Ereignis ist. Dabei vergleicht er die qumranischen Traditionen und Erwartungen bezüglich der Bestrafung des Frevelpriesters mit den christlichen Traditionen um die Bestrafung von Judas. Beide Linien weisen auf einen gemeinsamen Entstehungshintergrund in Hab 1–2 hin. DSD 10/3 (2003) 395–419 (DL)
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1427 Menahem Kister, A Qumranic Parallel to 1Thess 4:4? Reading and Interpretation of 4Q416 2 II 21 Die Hypothese einer Parallele zwischen 4Q416 2 II 21 und 1 Thess 4,4 beruht auf einer falschen Lesung des Schlüsselwortes klj (Schüssel), welches, wie andere Parallelen zeigen, als blj (ohne) zu lesen ist. Der Satz aus Qumran ist ein weisheitlicher Ratschlag, welcher zwar gut in seinen Kontext passt, jedoch keine Hilfe für die Deutung der schwierigen biblischen Formulierung in 1 Thess bietet. DSD 10/3 (2003) 365–370 (DL)
Jewish Authors Philo – Ps Philo – Aristeas 1428 Eckart Reinmuth, Wunderbare Geburten. Zur Allegorese biblischer Erzählinhalte bei Philo von Alexandrien Im Mittelpunkt dieses Beitrags steht die Frage, wie sich biblische und allegorische Referenz bei Philo verhalten, welcher ‘Wirklichkeitsstatus’ beiden eignet und mit welchen hermeneutischen Voraussetzungen in dieser Hinsicht bei Philo zu rechnen ist. Als Textbasis dient De mutatione nominum 130ff. In dem Abschnitt geht es um die Interpretation von Gen 17,16 (Gottesrede an Abraham: ‘ich werde dir von ihr ein Kind geben’). Als Ergebnis der Textanalyse hält Reinmuth fest, dass die dihairetische Allegorese Philos von der substitutiven zu unterscheiden sei, da hier die Wirklichkeit nicht zu einem an sich bedeutungslosen Bedeutungsträger degradiert werde. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 80–95 (SP)
1429 Louis H. Feldman, Philo’s View of Moses’ Birth and Upbringing Philo zeichnet in De Vita Mosis ein differenziertes Bild der Mose-Figur. Dabei folgt er Schemata, wie sie aus hellenistischen, römischen und christlichen Biographien bekannt sind. Mose wird als königliche Gestalt gezeichnet. Seine makellose Herkunft, seine außergewöhnliche Bildung, seine Schönheit, Selbstbeherrschung und frühzeitige geistige Reife werden betont. Anders als Josephus lässt Philo die Erzählung über die Erschlagung des Ägypters nicht aus, verschweigt aber als Apologet den Kampf der beiden Israeliten miteinander. CBQ 64/2 (2002) 258–281 (MDK)
1430 Louis H. Feldman, Philo’s Interpretation of Jethro In den Schriften des Philo von Alexandrien erscheint der biblische Jethro als eine sehr zweideutige Gestalt. Einerseits wird ihm vorgeworfen, dass er das Menschliche über das Göttliche und den Schein über das Sein stellt, andererseits wird er als Priester des Gerichtes und der Gerechtigkeit bezeichnet. Insgesamt ist sein Bild eher negativ. Er erteilt zwar Moses einige gute Ratschläge zur Organisation der Verwaltung, doch die biblische Lektion in der Verwaltung der Gerechtigkeit (Ex 18,18ff ) ist für Philo undenkbar. Sie würde nämlich die Bedeutung und die Einzigartigkeit von Moses, dem höchsten Philosophen und Gesetzgeber, in Frage stellen. ABR 51 (2003) 37–46 (DL)
1431 Louis H. Feldman, Philo’s Version of the Biblical Episode of the Spies Philo’s version of the episode of the spies contains many modifications. In particular, he stresses Moses’ role as general. It is Moses’ idea, rather than God’s or the Israelites’,
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to send spies. Independently questioning God’s promise, Moses tells the spies that it would be foolish to risk conquering the land if it is poor. He appoints an even number of spies because he stresses the importance of unanimity. Philo does not give the names of the spies because he wishes to keep the focus on Moses. He omits Moses’ instruction to take from the fruit of the land because he is aware that his non-Jewish audience might regard this as theft. He avoids mentioning the exaggerations that the spies reported since such exaggerations would be viewed with skepticism by his nonJewish readers. Philo’s Moses is silent in the face of the spies’ report because Philo felt ambivalent about stifling a majority, though he has indignation for the masses. Philo omits the dialogue between Moses and God in which God threatens to annihilate the Israelites because this would make Moses appear to be more merciful than God. HUCA 73 (2002) 29–48
1432 Louis H. Feldman, Questions about the Great Flood, as Viewed by Philo, Pseudo-Philo, Josephus, and the Rabbis In their treatment of the Flood, Philo and Josephus attempt to answer the questions and objections of their non-Jewish audience, whereas Pseudo-Philo and the rabbis have no such concern. Philo’s approach is conditioned also by the need to answer fellowJews who had raised doubts concerning the biblical account and by his predilection for philosophical answers to such questions as to why animals, who have no free will, were destroyed by God. Pseudo-Philo is beset by the fewest theological questions. Josephus, as a critical historian, is particularly eager to establish the historicity of the biblical account and takes the greatest liberty in omitting or modifying details. Thus, the fact that he has not mentioned that Noah was perfect enables him to explain Noah’s drunkenness. ZAW 115/3 (2003) 401–422
1433 Louis H. Feldman, The Command, According to Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus, to Annihilate the Seven Nations of Canaan The problem on which this article focuses, is the reaction of Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus to the biblical command to exterminate the seven nations of Canaan (Deut 7,1–2). It is similar to the command to eliminate the Amalekites and the nations of Sihon and Og. Philo is particularly concerned that innocent people should not pay for the sins of others. He omits mention of God’s statement that he would erase the memory of Amalek. Rather, he equates the Amalekites with passion and evil. As to Sihon, Philo restricts the annihilation to his army alone, and he totally, omits mention of Og. Most significantly, despite the fact that he refers to so many passages of the Bible, he nowhere cites any of those concerning the eradication of the seven nations of Canaan. AUSS 41/1 (2003) 13–29
1434 Sylvie Honigman, the Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria. A Study in the Narrative of the letter of Aristeas This fascinating study links two events that marked cultural and literary life in Alexandria (Egypt) ca. 150 BCE: The publication of a critical edition of the Homeric writings by Aristarch, the Greek scholar who worked at the royal library, and the publication of a revised, authoritative version of the Pentateuch in Greek (the Septuagint). The Septuagint seems to be the work of Jewish scholars who, feeling the need of a good Greek text for legal and other uses in the Jewish community of Alexandria, adopted the paradigm of Homeric scholarship to produce an authoritative text. The letter of Aristeas is associated with this event and provides a legendry charter for the new authoritative edition. Routledge, London (2003) XII/1–210 (BL)
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Josephus 1435 Regula Grünenfelder (ed.), Flavius Josephus This thematic issue of a popular periodical dedicated to the Bible includes nine brief but lavishly illustrated essays, one in the form of an interview with Manuel Vogel. Etienne Nodet has contributed a paper on Josephus and the sacred scriptures, arguing that the Hebrew Bible as we know it may represent a short version of the canon, compiled after the destruction of the temple, and meant to highlight the land of Israel and the Hebrew language as the pillars of Judaism. WUB 9/2 (2004) 8–60 (BL)
1436 Paul Spilsbury, Josephus on the Burning of the Temple, the Flavian Triumph, and the Providence of God Tessa Rajak suggested that Josephus concluded Book Seven of the War with an account of intense Jewish patriotism in an effort to rectify the imbalance created by his overly pro-Roman description of the Flavians. What our survey of Josephus’ attitude to the hand of God in the rise and fall of nations has shown is that Josephus continued to redress that balance for the rest of his writing career. Undoubtedly there was a range of complex reasons why Josephus exonerated Titus of the deliberate burning of the Temple, and certainly he seems to go out of his way to glorify his patrons in their triumph at the conclusion of the war. But what his later work shows is that Josephus did not abandon the prospect of integrating these harsh realities with his faith in the ongoing providence of God. Nor did he give up hope of the resurgence of the Judean state. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 306–327
1437 Silvia Castelli, Josephan Halakhah and the Temple Scroll: Questions of Sources and Exegetic Traditions in the Laws on Purity In this paper the author is going to reconsider the halakhic aspect of the question of sources, focusing on two points of the purity laws which cause problems in Josephus’ text, and attempting to explain the evidence in the light of legal exegetic traditions. The contribution to the Temple Scroll is in this case significant to sketching a background to Josephus’ interpretation. Hen. 24/3 (2002) 331–341
1438 Frederico M. Colatti, The Celebration of Passover in Josephus: A Means of Strengthening Jewish Identity? Passover was a literary topos, capable of serving as a background for one of the most important concepts that FJ desires to convey, namely, that those who attempted to gain political independence, in reality brought destruction to the people. A consequence of this presentation is that the correct or incorrect interpretation of the meaning of Passover outlines the boundary between the true and the false members of Jewish people. FJ considered Passover as one of the fundamental practices which were necessary to preserve and strengthen the Jewish identity. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 285–305
1439 Steve Mason, Josephus and the New Testament First published in 1992 and now available in a thoroughly revised version, this is a guide to Josephus for NT students and scholars. One chapter deals with early-Christian figures mentioned by Josephus ( John the Baptist, Jesus, James), another one compares the work of Josephus and Luke-Acts. A German version of this helpful book appeared in the year 2000. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XVIII/1–318 (BL)
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Rabbinical literature 1440 Frowald G. Hüttenmeister, Shabbat – Schabbat This is a new, thoroughly annotated German translation of the Talmud Yerushalmi’s tractate on the Sabbath day, one of the most venerable and authoritative sources on what to do and what to avoid on Judaism’s sacred day. Hüttenmeister, a Tübingen based scholar, has made substantial contributions to the reinvention of Jewish scholarship in contemporary Germany. As the present volume shows, Germans can be congratulated on having such a fine translation made by such a fine, judicious expert. Übersetzung des Talmud Yerushalmi II/1; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2004) XXXIII/1–500 (BL)
1441 Jürgen Ebach, Aggadische Dogmatik? – Aggadische Dogmatik. Diskurs über Diskurse über Genesis 1,26 im Midrasch Bereschit rabba (Par. VIII, 1–10) Dieser Beitrag versucht, etwas von der aggadischen, d.h. der narrativ-diskursiv-exegetischen Methode der rabbinischen Traditionsliteratur darzustellen. Ein kleiner Ausschnitt aus dem Midrasch rabba zur Genesis ist Gegenstand dieses Versuches einer narrativdiskursiven Kommentierung der narrativ-diskursiven Lektüre der <Schrift>, in diesem Fall der Verse Gen 1,26f. Magdalene L. Frettlöh et al. (eds.), Gott wahr nehmen; Neukirchener, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 225–255
1442 Elvira Martín Contreras, Noticias masoréticas en los midra“îm halákicos más antiguos y su comparación con los midra“îm exegéticos In this article the author examines all the examples of the oldest halakhic midra“îm (Sifre Numbers, Sifra Leviticus and M^§îlta" de R. Ysmael) in which a textual detail is commented in the language of the Masorah. The results of these analyses are then compared with the results obtained from the analysis of the exegetical midra“im Genesis Rabbâ and Lamentations Rabbâ. This comparison shows that this type of commentaries are more numerous and varied in the exegetical midra“îm. The comparison of the textual notes shared by both midra“îm permits to appreciate the differences in the treatment and the formula. The conclusions of this study stress the significance of exegetical midra“îm, and the haggadic in general, in the studies about the history and development of Masorah. Sef. 63/1 (2003) 119–139
1443 Vita Daphna Arbel, Beholders of Divine Secrets. Mysticism and Myth in the Hekhalot and Merkavah Literature The enigmatic Hekhalot and Merkavah mystical texts are a product of those Jewish intellectuals who, in keeping with earlier tradition, drew upon priestly temple traditions and seek to narrow the difference between exegetical interpretation and mystical experience. This book is a welcome addition to the debate about mystical experience in early Judaism, though the author does not seem to consider New Testament passages as relevant to the discussion. It is good to know that the debate, currently dominated by C.R.A. Morray-Jones and James Davila, is here continued and enriched by fresh ideas. State University of New York Press, Albany, New York (2003) XII/1–250 (BL)
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PHILOLOGY General ★ Hebrew: general ★ lexicography ★ names 1444 Shlomo Izreel (ed.), Semitic Linguistics: The State of the Art at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century Twenty-four papers survey the complex field of Semitic linguistics, and several papers discuss or refer to the use of computers in linguistic studies. For the biblical scholar, the following papers are the most relevant: G. Goldenberg, Semitic linguistics and the general study of language; J. Huehnergard, Comparative Semitic linguistics; G. Khan, The study of Semitic syntax; M. O’Connor, Semitic lexicography; H. Satzinger, The Egyptian connection; R. Voigt, The Hamitic connection; S.A. Kaufman, Languages in contact: the ancient Near East. Some of the book reviews are also most informative, as is the whole volume. All those interested in, or contributing to, the study of Semitic languages will use this volume with much profit (though regrettably, there is no index). Israel Oriental Studies 20; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2002) 1–535 (BL)
1445 Jacobus A. Naude, The Consonantal Root in Semitic Languages The evidence supporting directly or indirectly the notion of the Semitic consonantal root as an independent morphological/lexical item has been questioned in recent literature. The assumption that words should be exclusively dismantled to morphemes leads to the conclusion that the knowledge of grammar makes direct reference to an entity such as a consonantal root. It is shown that this is not a necessary assumption and that the Semitic languages resemble non-Semitic languages in this regard. This paper provides an overview and evaluation of a selection of the evidence for and against the existence of a consonantal root in Semitic languages. JNWSL 29/2 (2003) 15–32
1446 Rainer Voigt, Die beiden Suffixkonjugationen des Semitischen (und Ägyptischen) Dieser Beitrag ist ein Versuch der Herstellung einer genaueren historischen Verbindung zwischen dem ostsemitischen Stativ und dem westsemitischen Perfekt. Beide Formen unterscheiden sich durch ihre Bedeutung, die verschiedenen Charaktervokale sowie Personalendungen und einen möglichen Vokal vor den konsonantisch anlautenden Affixen. Beide Konjugationsarten sind im Hebräischen erkennbar, welches den ursemitischen Zustand besser als das Akkadische bewahrt hat, wo sich die stativische Konjugation durchgesetzt hatte. Mit dem Rückbezug auf das Ägyptische, das dieselbe morphologische Unterscheidung kennt, wird der ursemitische Charakter der beiden Konjugationen bestätigt. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 138–165 (DL)
1447 Shlomo Izreel, Canaanite Varieties in the Second Millennium BC: Can We Dispense with Anachronism? Durch seine Arbeiten an Keilschrifttexten aus der “kanaanäischen Region” entwickelte der Verf. eine Methodologie, um genuine kanaanäische Sprachphänomene zu bestimmen. Diese Methodologie wird zunächst kurz vorgestellt und ihre Leistungsfähigkeit kritisch erörtert. Danach widmet sich der Verf. der Suche nach linguistischen Variationen in kanaanäisch beeinflussten Texten des 14. Jh.v., um anschließend festzustellen, dass solche Variationen recht selten und unsicher erscheinen. Von einer Erklärung der Sprachunterschiede als Anachronismen kann daher, zumindest auf dem heutigen Stand der Forschung, keine Rede sein. Eine Synopse aller untersuchten Begriffe zwischen der Analyse und dem Resümee gibt einen sehr guten zusammenfassenden Überblick über
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den analytischen Teil und unterstreicht die zu ziehenden Schlussfolgerungen. Die Zusammenstellung einiger typisch kanaanäischen Sprachphänomene befindet sich im abschließenden Teil der Untersuchung. Orient 38 (2003) 66–104 (DL)
✩ 1448 Sebastian Grätz u.a., Bibliographische Dokumentation: Lexikalisches Material In dieser Dokumentation werden neuere Publikationen aus dem Bereich der althebräischen Sprachwissenschaft präsentiert und kurz inhaltlich erläutert. Einer Sammlung von Beiträgen zu philologischen Einzelaspekten und übergreifenden Themen folgen Essays zu einzelnen hebräischen Begriffen. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 212–228 (DL)
1449 Rüdiger Bartelmus, Bibliographische Dokumentation: Grammatikalisches Material In dieser Dokumentation werden neuere Publikationen aus den Bereichen der althebräischen (I) und semitischen (II) Grammatik präsentiert und kurz inhaltlich erläutert. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 229–250 (DL)
1450 Mark D. Futato, Beginning Biblical Hebrew This large-size workbook, complete with paradigms and exercises, is for those who have to learn Hebrew without being able to rely on any prior knowledge of the language. The focus is on writing, elementary forms and grammar, and correct reading. The author does not offer any transliterations (often used by students to help with the pronunciation), but there is a key to all practice drills. Recommended for the classroom or for personally study of those who have access to someone who may guide him or her. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 1–351 (BL)
1451 Arthur Walker-Jones, Hebrew for Biblical Interpretation This is an elementary textbook for those who wish to learn the basics of biblical Hebrew. Resources for Biblical Study 48; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XVIII/1–276
1452 André Lemaire, Formation et évolution de l’hébreu ancien Présentation et principales caractéristiques des différentes étapes de l’hébreu ancien: préhistoire, proto-hébreu, hébreu archaïque, hébreu classique, hébreu de transition, hébreu post-exilique/hébreu biblique récent, hébreu de la fin du Second Temple. Tsafon 45 (2003) 29–44 (AL)
1453 Michal Ephratt, Hebrew Morphology by Itself Regarding the choice of which model most adequately represents Hebrew morphology, it is argued that such a model must arise from Hebrew facts, that is Hebrew morphology by itself. Specifically, this necessitates theoretical and empirical understanding of the essence of the Hebrew root. Three models are considered: Word-based (WB), Root-based (RB) and Root-pattern based (RPB). We show that the nature of Semitic/ Hebrew morphology is such that new lexemes (as well as nonsense or potential words) were and still are generated directly from roots and patterns without any need and
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any factual support for an intermediate word stage. The WB model (Aronoff 1976) we conclude is inadequate for mainstream Hebrew morphology. JNWSL 29/1 (2003) 55 –65
1454 Klaus Beyer, Die originale Aussprache des Hebräischen Classical (OT) Hebrew ceased to exist some time during the fourth century BCE. In the present note, Beyer summarizes his reconstruction of the original pronunciation of classical Hebrew which he defines as “Jerusalem Hebrew of ca. 600 BCE”. As an example he transcribes Isa 5:1–7 phonetically, i.e. as it must have been read in 600 BCE. K. Beyer, Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer. Band 2, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2004) 67–69 (BL)
✩ 1455 C.H.J. van der Merwe, Some Recent Trends in Biblical Hebrew Linguistics: A Few Pointers Towards a More Comprehensive Model of Language Use Despite a slow start, one of the major trends in current Biblical Hebrew research is the use of structuralist-oriented approaches to identify and describe linguistic phenomena in terms of their distributional patterns. Designing more effective tools to carry out this type of research electronically leads to a situation where both the benefits and boundaries of structuralist approaches are starting to show. There is a growing need for more adequate theoretical frames of reference to interpret and complement the taxonomies of distributional patterns. In light of developments in the fields of pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, and socio-linguistics, some pointers are formulated that may assist scholars in their quest for a more comprehensive model of language and language use. It is believed that such a model, on the one hand, will help Biblical Hebrew scholars in defining more adequate heuristic tools for the investigation of specific problems, and, on the other hand, may serve itself as an integrating frame of reference for the interpretation of research results of various problems. HebStud 44 (2003) 7–24
1456 G. Johannes Botterweck et al. (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Vol. 13 The first six fascicles of the Theologisches Wörterbuch, vol. VII (1990–92) are here offered in English translation and a format more attractive than the original German edition. The present instalment comprises ca. 80 entries, arranged according to the Hebrew alphabet from qots (thorn) to raqiah (firmament). Major entries are qara" (to call), ra"ah (to see; see also the entry “sehen und schauen” in Neues Bibel-Lexikon, 2001, vol. 3, cols. 555–561), ruah (wind, spirit), ro"sh (head), re"shit (beginning), and rea (friend, neighbor). Expertly translated by David Green and of abiding value, this basic reference work sums up much of twentieth-century exegetical research. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XIII/1–653 (BL)
1457 G. Johannes Botterweck et al. (eds.), Grande Lessico dell’Antico Testamento. Vol. 3 In 1988, the first volume of the celebrated, and now complete, “Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament”, was published in Italian translation. In subsequent years, nothing happened, but in 2002 the second volume came out, and now the third volume is available. The Italian translator is Franco Ronchi, and the general editor Pier Giorgio Borbone. Italian scholars will wait for the rest of the set with impatience. Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2003) XV/1–563 (BL)
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1458 Wolfgang Richter, Materialien einer althebräischen Datenbank – Verbalformen Es handelt sich um den ersten Teil einer sich in Erarbeitung befindenden althebr. Datenbank, wobei das hier vorgestellte Material Verbalformen der gesamten BHt (4. Aufl.) umfasst. Die Verbalformen bekommen ihre Einordnung nach Stämmen, Wortarten und unter Berücksichtigung der Anzahl ihrer Radikale. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hgg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 305–332 (DL)
1459 Gary A. Rendsburg, The Geographical and Historical Background of the Mishnaic Hebrew Lexicon Der Aufsatz bietet einen Entwurf für die lexikalische Erfassung des sprachlichen Hintergrunds des Mischna-Hebräischen. Aufgezeichnet werden dabei ugaritische, phönizische und nordisraelitische (Israelian Hebrew) Parallelen. Die Verbindung zwischen der Mischnasprache und diesen Norddialekten überrascht nicht, da der erste Teil des Talmuds in nördlich gelegenen galiläischen Metropolen Sepphoris und Tiberias verfasst wurde. Vorhandene Verbindungen zur aram. Dialekten werden nicht verfolgt, da diese angesichts der Parallelen zu anderen Norddialekten als nicht ausschlaggebend eingestuft wurden. Für die Erfassung des Mischna-Hebräischen wurden v.a. tannaitische Quellen (MH1) verwendet. Der lexikographische Teil ist in Substantive, Verben und Partikel unterteilt und in diesen drei Bereichen alphabetisch geordnet. Orient 38 (2003) 105–115 (DL)
1460 Gary A. Rendsburg, A Comprehensive Guide to Israelian Hebrew: Grammar and Lexicon Auf der Basis zahlreicher Studien zum Dialekt des historischen israelitischen Nordreiches, hier Israelian Hebrew (IH) genannt, bietet der Verf. ein lexikografisches Kompendium dieses sprachlichen Phänomens. Nach einer Vorstellung der in Frage kommenden atl. Stellen, deren Auswahl hier nicht weiter begründet wird, sowie der maßgeblichen Publikationen wird das zweiteilige Kompendium dargelegt: Im grammatischen Teil arbeitet sich der Verf. von der Phonologie über die Morphologie bis zur Syntax des althebr. Dialektes vor. Das anschließende Lexikon unterscheidet drei Gruppen: Substantive/ Adjektive, Verben und Partikel. Dabei wird konsequent auf verwandte Sprachen und die aufgelisteten Publikationen verwiesen. Einige ergänzende Gedanken zur regionalen Ausprägung der Dialekte aus dem englisch- und deutschsprachigen Raum runden den Beitrag ab. Orient 38 (2003) 5–35 (DL)
1461 David Toshio Tsumura, Some Examples of Linguistic Variants in 1–2 Samuel Linguistische Phänomene innerhalb eines biblischen Textes oder Buches können unterschiedlichen Ursprung haben: Neben der Möglichkeit eines verwendeten Dialektes, wie z.B. Israelian Hebrew (IH), bietet sich auch die Alternative von Archaismen, die gerade in poetischen Texten gern vorkommen. Es ist daher auf keinen Fall ratsam aus der Existenz einiger sprachlichen Anomalien sofort auf einen Dialekt, geschweige denn auf eine Herkunft des gesamten betroffenen Textes aus einer bestimmten Region zu schließen. Unter diesen Voraussetzungen werden einige vermeintliche IH-Beispiele des Kompendiums von G.A. Rendsburg, A Comprehensive Guide to Israelian Hebrew: Grammar and Lexicon, Orient 38 (2003) 5–35, im Bereich der Samuelbücher kritisch überprüft. Die Untersuchung folgt dem Aufbau des genannten Kompendiums und bietet bei jedem Phänomen entsprechende Verweise. Eine Auflistung aller untersuchten Ausdrücke in biblischer Ordnung von 1–2 Sam schließt im Appendix den Beitrag ab. Orient 38 (2003) 36–50 (DL)
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1462 Uzzi Ornan, The Mysteries of Waw Connective In dieser Studie wird gezeigt, daß waw copulativum im tiberiensischen Bibel-Hebräisch immer als Konsonant betrachtet werden sollte einschließlich der Fälle, wo die Vokalisation den Vokal û zu repräsentieren scheint. Es wird angenommen, daß diese besondere Vokalisation eine besondere graphemische Variante von wu ist. Zur Überprüfung der Annahme werden zwei zentrale phonologische Regeln beschrieben, die sich auf bibelhebräische Wörter auswirken, ob es nun isolierte Wörter oder Wörter mit Suffixen, Präfixen oder angefügten Partikeln seien, von denen eines waw copulativum ist. ZAW 115/2 (2003) 241–255
1463 Josef Tropper, Die Vokativpartikel yà h im Hebräischen Wie alle anderen zentralsemitischen Sprachen kannte auch das (Alt-)Hebräische eine Vokativpartikel, die als jh geschrieben im AT und in außerbiblischen Texten als ein Relikt der Gebetssprache in Kombination mit Gottesnamen vorkommt. Die Kombination jh jhwh ist somit nicht im Sinne einer eindringlichen Anrede mit der Wiederholung des Gottesnamens (so W. Herrmann, Die Kombination jh jhwh, ZAH 14 (2001) 79–83, vgl. IRBS 48:428) sondern als eine Anrufung Jahwes mit Hilfe der Vokativpartikel zu verstehen. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 168–171 (DL)
1464 Wolfgang Schütte, Zwei Belege für einen qal-Stamm von jrh “benetzen, regnen lassen” Parallel gebildete Verbformen begründen für jrh II in Hos 6,3 (MT) und Hos 10,12 (4QXIIg) einen qal-Stamm “benetzen”. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 166–167
1465 Arnold Gamper, Vergleichen und Trennen – Überlegungen zu einer Sprachfigur des Ägyptischen und Hebräischen Die hier auf ihre verschiedenen Funktionen untersuchten ägyptische Präposition r und ihr hebräisches Entsprechen mn dienen in beiden Sprachen sowohl zum Trennen als auch zum Verbinden und weisen eine vielfache Verwendung auf. Für das richtige Verständnis eines Textes muss angesichts der Sparsamkeit der beiden Sprachen weiterer Kontext einbezogen werden. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 1–7
1466 Ina Willi-Plein, Anmerkungen zur Frage der Herkunft des Terafim Für die Semantik und Etymologie von trpjm (15x im AT) hat sich keine innersemitische Ableitung als tragfähig erwiesen. Der älteste atl. Text, in dem trpjm (sing.) vorkommt, 1 Sam 19,11–17, setzt Verwendung zu Heilungszwecken voraus. Daher legt sich die Ableitung von heth. tarpe““a bzw. *tarpan als Substitutionsfigur nahe, das seinerseits vielleicht mit homer. therapòn, “Waffengefährte”, verbunden werden kann. Substitutionen wären auch bei der Orakelfindung denkbar, die später das atl. Wortfeld prägte. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 172–175
✩ 1467 Ogden Goelet, Moses’ Egyptian Name Eine rein hebräische Etymologie des Namens Mose ist tatsächlich nicht nachvollziehbar. Viel wahrscheinlicher ist die Hebraisierung eines ägyptischen Namens, ähnlich Tutmose
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oder Ramose. Jedoch fehlt das theophore Element, dass ab einer bestimmten Zeit in Ägypten Zeichen der persönlicher werdenden Frömmigkeit ist. In dieser Zeit entsteht die Hoffnung, dass Gott ein persönliches Interesse an den Menschen hat, was sich auch in einem Namen wie Mose ausdrückt, was mit “Kind (Gottes)” übersetzt werden kann. BiRe 19/3 (2003) 12–17.50 (CB)
Hebrew: noun – syntax ★ verb – tenses 1468 David Talshir, "à˙ôt and 'edôt in Ancient Hebrew Einige hebräische feminine Substantive weisen im Singular die sonst für den Plural charakteristische Endung – ôt auf, was ihre Formbestimmung erschwert. Der Beitrag zeichnet die Entstehung und Entwicklung solcher Formen im Fall von zwei Substantiven auf: "à˙ôt und 'edôt. Während sich im Fall von "à˙ôt der Plural im Verlauf der Sprachentwicklung der Singularform angeglichen hat, haben sich aus dem ursprünglich singulären 'edôt durch das Bedürfnis nach Differenzierung der Zahl zwei unterschiedliche Formen für den Singular und Plural entwickelt. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 108–123 (DL)
1469 Bill T. Arnold et al., A Guide to Biblical Hebrew Syntax While Hebrew syntax has long been a stepchild of research and teaching, scholars and students are now well served by the magisterial “Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax” (B. Waltke et al., 1990) and the smaller “Guide” (B.T. Arnold and J.H. Choi). Though most students will use it as a reference grammer and consult it via the scriptural index, it may be used as an excellent study guide as well. The (traditionally socalled) tenses are dealt with only briefly (p. 83–94), but sufficiently. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XII/1–228 (BL)
1470 Christo H.J. van der Merwe et al., Biblical Hebrew word order: The interface of Information structure and formal features This investigation tries to make a contribution towards the identification of reliable and useful instruments to analyse and describe BH texts. Two instruments are utilized in this experiment: Firstly, a cognitive-oriented weak functional model for explaining fronting in BH. Secondly, a computer-assisted hierarchically structured text linguistic analysis of a BH text. As far as the “top-down” model is concerned, word order is treated as one of the major devices authors of BH texts could use to structure the information they are conveying in utterances. Explicit “pragmatic” criteria are formulated in terms of the information structure of communication situations for the identification of three types of focus, viz. predicate focus, argument focus and sentence focus. Applying these criteria to Deut 3 it was found that predicate focus is indeed involved in all cases of so-called unmarked word order and either argument focus and sentence focus in cases where a constituent has been fronted. Although the theoretical model for explaining BH word order cannot give theoretical credibility to the computer-aided text linguistic analysis, the notion “information structure” certainly paves the way towards a more comprehensive model for comprehension of literary texts. In this process the computer-aided formal analysis will without doubt have a pivotal role to play as heuristic device. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 68–107
1471 Jan H. Kroeze, The Semantic Functions of Embedded Constructions in Biblical Hebrew In traditional grammars on the syntax of biblical Hebrew one often finds sections which describe the various types of clauses, for example, circumstantial, causal, conditional,
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concessive, comparative, temporal, final and consecutive clauses. These types indicate the functions of embedded phrases and clauses. However, these functions are semantic and not syntactic functions and should actually not be dealt with in sections on syntax together with topics such as relative and direct object clauses. A distinction should be made between the morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects of embedded constructions. Using S.C. Dik’s Functional Grammar theory as a starting point, this article focuses on the semantic functions of embedded constructions and attempts to identify the theoretical possibilities concerning the semantic functions of embedded constructions. JNWSL 29/1 (2003) 107–120
1472 Jun Ikeda, Three Notes on Israelian Hebrew Syntax Drei dem Dialekt des israelitischen Nordreiches (Israelian Hebrew) zugeordnete Phänomene werden in diesem Aufsatz vorgestellt: 1. Der Gebrauch des absoluten Infinitivs als Erzähltempus, 2. Die Auslassung der sog. nota accusativi "et in 2 Kön, und 3. Die Imperative mit der Endung -àh in den Kön-Büchern. Dabei werden auch Argumente für eine alternative Erklärung dieser sprachlichen Phänomene, z.B. als Archaismen oder syntaktisch bedingte Formen, kritisch berücksichtigt sowie außerbiblische Parallelen zur Begründung einer Nord-Abstammung herangezogen. Orient 38 (2003) 51–65 (DL)
1473 H. Rechenmacher, lo" and "ayin in Nominal Clauses In biblical Hebrew nominal clauses, lo" and "ayin both operate as negators. The distribution has not been thoroughly investigated yet. In this article the author shows that the question of when lo" and when "ayin are used can be answered by differentiating the nominal clause types according to the morphological quality of the predicate and the determination degree of the subject. JNWSL 29/1 (2003) 67–85
✩ 1474 Ernst Jenni, Untersuchungen zum hebräischen Kohortativ Eine Untersuchung der sprachlichen Kennzeichen und der Bedingungen des Vorkommens des Kohortativs in Gegenüberstellung zu den endungslosen Imperfekten führt zu der kommunikativ-pragmatischen Hypothese, dass der Kohortativ nicht inhaltlich (“ich will/ wir wollen . . .”) das bereits modale Imperfekt modifiziert, sondern adressatenorientiert beim Hörer bzw. reflexiv beim Sprechenden selber Zustimmung zur angezeigten Absicht erwartet (Bitte, Vorschlag, Selbstermunterung). Ist die Zustimmung schon vorausgesetzt oder gar nicht erforderlich, so wird der Kohortativ nicht verwendet (in Antworten auf Aufforderungen/Vorschläge, in nicht-assertierten Sätzen, in echten und rhetorischen Fragen, in kommissiven Versprechen/Verheißungen). Beim Plural ist zwischen exklusiv-pluralischem (Bitte, Vorschlag) inklusiv-pluralischem (semi-reflexivem) und identischpluralischem (reflexivem) Kohortativ zu unterscheiden. Die Kohortativbedeutung ist auch bei zahlreichen Vorkommen der Verba tertiae infirmae ohne die Endung -â aus dem Kontext zu erschließen. Der auslautende Langvokal -â/-æ trug wahrscheinlich in beiden Fällen ein für die Kohortativbedeutung charakteristisches Intonationsmuster. ZAH 15–16 (2002/2003) 19–67
1475 Jan Joosten, Do the Finite Verbal Forms in Biblical Hebrew Express Aspect? Contrary to the majority opinion, the category of aspect should not be applied to the BH verb. The weakest point of the aspectual approach is the identification of yiqtol as the imperfective member of the aspectual supposition. The enumeration of the func-
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tions that are expressed by yiqtol, particularly if one keeps an eye on the functions that are not expressed by it, clearly indicates that yiqtol is not an imperfective but a future/modal. Accordingly, the aspectual approach as currently practiced breaks down. JANES 29 (2002) 49–70
1476 Vincent DeCaen, Moveable Nun and Intrusive Nun: the Nature and Distribution of Verbal Nunation in Joel and Job This article lays the groundwork for an extended, corpus-linguistic study of verbal nunation in Biblical Hebrew. It revises and extends the proposal in Kaufman (1995) regarding phonological conditioning of nunation, to which are added semantic and syntactic factors. Passages in Joel and Job motivate a complex, multi-level analysis as a first approximation of the moveable-intrusive nun hypothesis. JNWSL 29/1 (2003) 121–132
Ugaritic – Aramaic ★ Greek 1477 G. del Olmo Lete et al., A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition First published in 2002, and now reprinted in a slightly corrected edition, this will be the standard Ugaritic dictionary for decades to come. It supplants earlier works by J. Aistleitner and C.H. Gordon. The following specialists have participated in compiling DUL: G. del Olmo Lete (Barcelona), J. Sanmartín (Barcelona), and W. Watson (translator). Hebrew lexicographers – users of the Botterweck/Ringgren “Theological Dictionary, and, more generally: all those interested in ancient Semitic languages – will use the present volume with much benefit! – A standard scholarly resource of high quality. Handbook of Oriental Studies 67; Brill, Leiden (2004) XLIV/1–1006 (BL)
1478 Frederick E. Greenspahn, An Introduction to Aramaic. Second Edition In 1999, Greenspahn published his introduction of biblical Aramaic, a textbook which both teacher and student will use with much profit. The latter will, at the end of the course, be able to understand texts such as Daniel 7, the Elephantine letters, and Midrash Genesis rabbah. The 1999 first edition is corrected for the present one. Resources for Biblical Study 46; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XIV/1–281 (BL)
1479 Warren C. Trenchard, A Concise Dictionary of New Testament Greek Available in paperback and hardback, this handy dictionary will be very useful for all those who want (or have) to work with the NT in the original language. Especially students will appreciate the fact that (1) the compiler adds a frequency figure to each entry, (2) he adds information on etymology, and, especially (3) he explains difficult forms that are inserted in the alphabet. Highly recommended! Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XVII/1–177 (BL)
1480 Mark Wilson, Greek Vocabulary Acquisition Using Semantic Domains “Current Greek vocabulary tools are based on word frequency lists and cognate word groups, both shown to be ineffective ways to gain and retain L2 vocabulary. This article introduces a new tool for learning biblical Greek vocabulary organized by semantic domains” (204). JETS 46/2 (2003) 193–204 (BF)
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1481 Bernard A. Taylor et al. (eds.), Biblical Greek Language and Lexicography This is a remarkable collection of papers on the lexicography and grammar of NT (and, to a lesser extent, Septuagint) Greek. Three papers (R. Buth, T. Evans, S.E. Porter) discuss verbal “aspect”, and several papers discuss the virtues (and limitations) of the English version of the Bauer-Aland dictionary of NT Greek, ed. by F.W. Danker, University of Chicago Press, 2000. Reviews indicate that the English edition is far better and more reliable than its German counterpart. A brilliant contribution is Rykle Borger, Remarks of an outsider about Bauer’s Wörterbuch, BAGD, BDGA, and their textual basis (pp. 32–47), a paper that criticizes K. Aland’s approach to the production of a critical Greek text of the NT. This paper should be read by all who all too readily rely on Aland’s editions of the NT and its critical apparatus. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XXI/1–266 (BL)
1482 Jonathan T. Pennington, Deponency in Koine Greek: The Grammatical Question and the Lexicographical Dilemma The author shows that the jury is still out on what is meant by a “deponent” verb. He argues that this category is one we have created and with which we have unduly burdened Greek grammar. The result is that we have misinterpreted many words and have blurred the genius of the Greek middle. TrinJ 24/1 (2003) 55–76
1483 Vern S. Poythress, How have inclusiveness and tolerance affected the Bauer-Danker Greek Lexicon of the New Testament (BDAG)? Changes in the third English edition (2000) of Bauer’s Greek lexicon raise questions about political influence on lexical description (“Father” or “Parent”; “Brother”; “Jew” or “Judean”, etc.). “The differences introduce inexactness or potential confusion rather than greater precision” (p. 587). JETS 46/4 (2003) 577–588 (BF)
1484 Martin M. Culy, The Clue is in the Case: Distinguishing Adjectival and Adverbial Participles In their rush to explain the various adverbial functions, Greek scholars have overlooked an important, simple rule for distinguishing adverbial participles from adjectival participles: Adverbial participles will always be nominative, except in genitive absolute constructions or when they modify an infinitive. PRSt 30/4 (2003) 441–453
CIVILIZATIONS OF THE BIBLICAL WORLD General ★ Mesopotamia: general ★ history – religion ★ texts 1485 Marius Nel, Wêreld- en tydsbeskouing in antieke kulture The aim of the article is to describe the view of the world and time in ancient cultures. The Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Vedic Indian cultures and theologies largely have the same view of the world, namely that it is an ordered unity that would keep on existing as it is known for all ages and time to come. Among these cultures there is no expectation of a world that would be made perfect, or become immutable in its perfection. They did not fantasize about a world without chaos. Chaos is the one fac-
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tor that exists through all ages alongside order. Chaos is known to human beings in their daily existence in the form of warfare, drought and floods, with resultant famine. These conditions were typical of those times in areas where, with the exception of the fertile valleys alongside rivers, desert conditions otherwise prevailed and are interpreted theologically in terms of a combat between order and chaos, or between gods and demons. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1349–1366
1486 Harald Haarmann, Geschichte der Sintflut. Auf den Spuren der frühen Zivilisationen Cataclysmic and deluge mythologies, according to the learned author, reflect a historic event: the opening between the Mediterranean (with a higher water level) and the Black Sea (with a much lower water level and sweet water), datable to ca. 6800 BCE. The deluge event impaired, but did not destroy the major matriarchal high culture that dominated the area north of the Black Sea and the eastern plain of the Danube. Reference is made to early agriculture, the early development of writing, and to the relationship between some of the languages spoken in these areas. A final chapter offers a comparison between the early civilizations of Europe and those of early Mesopotamia. Provocative and suggestive, this book will no doubt involve linguists, cultural historians, and feminists in interesting debates. Becksche Reihe 1536; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2003) 1–208 (BL)
1487 Alberto R.W. Green, The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East From this comprehensive historical study the storm-god emerges as a divine person with dual characteristics. Violent and destructive, he is associated with the thunderstorm, with dark threatening cloudes, thunder and lightning; but he is also the gentle bringer of rain and thus of fertility and life. The archetype of this deity is the Sumerian god Enlil, but several other Near Eastern deities (all male) came to share his characteristics and functions: Ninurta, Ishkur, Adad, Dagan, Baal, and even Yahweh. As for the Israelite god, Green argues that Yahweh’s original sphere of activity was leadership in the socio-historical realm, and that it was only subsequently that he took on characteristics of the storm-god, echoed in Psalms 18, 29, 89, as well as in Deut 33 and Exod 15. This is an excellent repertoire of the ancient evidence, and it will no doubt inspire further thought on the subject, possibly along the lines of G. Dumézil as suggested by B. Lang (The Hebrew God: Portrait of an Ancient Deity, Yale 2002). Biblical and Judaic Studies 8; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) XVIII/1–363 (BL)
1488 Matthias Köckert et al. (eds.), Propheten in Mari, Assyrien und Israel Papers by M. Nissinen, E. Cancik-Kirschbaum, H.B. Huffmon, and B. Pongratz-Leisten comment on various aspects of prophets as they appear in cuneiform documents. Nissinen points out that the Mari archival material (18th century BCE) clearly indicates that ancient Near Eastern prophets – and not only those of Israel – did insist on social justice. Huffmon draws attention to the fact that some of the extra-biblical prophets claim to derive their message from more than just one deity. FRLANT 201; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) X/1–175 (BL)
1489 Trevor Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near East: The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age The Amarna letters, found in 1887, are among the most valuable ancient documents used for understanding the period immediately preceding the formation of Israel in Palestine, and most academic libraries have a copy of W.L. Moran’s new translation
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(1992). Bryce, a specialist on the Hittites, offers a cultural history of these letters. His focus is not so much on the superpowers and their diplomatic relationship, but on the stories told by or implied by the letters. Bryce creates a lively picture of international diplomacy and the role of scribes in the second half on the second millennium BCE. Routledge, London (2003) XI/1–253 (BL)
✩ 1490 Agnès Benoit, Art et archéologie: les civilizations du Proche-Orient Ancien This manual of Mesopotamian art and archaeology is in four parts. The first offers a geographical and chronological overview (pp. 19–168), the second presents individual objects and some important archaeological sites (pp. 169–504), the third section sketches the history of the modern exploration of the Near East (pp. 505–631); finally, there is an appendix of bibliographies, additional illustrations, and indexes (pp. 633–678). As can be seen, the second section is the most important one, and no doubt most researchers will turn most often to it, for it serves as a catalogue of the most important ancient Near Eastern works of art. As is to be expected, Louvre objects figure most prominently, but objects housed in other museums are well represented. Each object is carefully described, a photo reproduced, and a bibliography given. I cannot think of a more useful work on the subject. (The book can be obtained from: Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 45 rue Etienne-Marces, F-75001 Paris, France.) Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, Paris (2003) 1–678 (BL)
1491 Joachim Marzahn et al. (eds.), Wiedererstehendes Assur. 100 Jahre deutsche Ausgrabungen in Assyrien In September 1903, German excavators began their work in the ancient Assyrian city of Ashur, but it ended in 1914, and for some time to come, no archaeological work in Ashur was carried out. This changed in the late 1970s, when Iraqi scholars began their work, and from 1988, we again hear of German excavations on this important site. The present book commemorates the beginnings of German archaeology in Mesopotamia, and twenty-one articles summarize what is known about Ashur, its culture, and its museum-housed remains. Both museum curators and university Assyriologists have contributed to this lavishly illustrated volume. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 1–205 (BL)
1492 Barbara Nevling Porter, Trees, Kings, and Politics: Studies in Assyrian Iconography Eight essays on Neo-Assyrian iconography are here collected, complete with plates of excellent quality. Porter demonstrates that the palace reliefs were designed for the purpose of political propaganda, and that the famous icon showing a “sacred tree” (and its winged attendants acting as pollinators) show the Assyrian Empire as “a world of abundance and order for all mankind”. OBO 197; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) XVI/1–113, plates 1–33 (BL)
1493 Barthel Hrouda, Die Assyrer und ihre Kunst in neuer Sicht Under Tiglat-Pileser III (744–727) and Sargon II (722–705) certain perspectival features appear in Assyrian art, and they may be due to Greek influence. 25 plates. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philos.-hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 2003, Heft 3; Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, München (2003) 1–30 (BL)
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✩ 1494 Dietz Otto Edzard, Geschichte Mesopotamiens. Von den Sumerern bis zu Alexander dem Großen Von den ethnischen und sprachlichen Voraussetzungen (Sumerer, Semiten, Elamiter, Hurriter) angefangen bis in die Zeit des Hellenismus skizziert der emeritierte Münchener Assyriologie die Geschichte des Zweistromlandes. Politik und Kulturgeschichte kommen beide zu ihrem Recht in einer ausgewogenen, gemeinverständlichen Darstellung. Die beigegebenen bibliographischen Notizen ermöglichen es dem Leser, sich über den aktuellen Forschungsstand vieler Fragen zu informieren. Beck’s Historische Bibliothek; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2004) 1–288
1495 Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, Die Assyrer. Geschichte – Gesellschaft – Kultur This is a well-written scholarly survey of the history of ancient Assyria, especially of its flourishing periods between ca. 2000 and 600 BCE. Particularly instructive is the final chapter where the learned author summarizes what is known about the Assyrian society’s political and cultural life. Notably absent is the notion of Assyrian cruelty. C.H. Beck Wissen; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2003) 1–128 (BL)
1496 David Vanderhooft, Babylonian Strategies of Imperial Control in the West: Royal Practice and Rhetoric The author argues that the rhetoric of Babylonian royal inscriptions differs significantly from that of their Assyrian predecessors and that the difference corresponds to an equally significant difference in strategies of imperial control; hence the absence of evidence for organizational structures in the western provinces ruled from Babylon. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 235–262
1497 Israel Eph"al, Nebuchadnezzar the Warrior: Remarks on his Military Achievements Wie die hier vorgestellte Untersuchung der militärischen Aktivitäten des Königs Nebukadnezar von Babylon zeigt, haftet an dieser Gestalt zu Unrecht das Image eines großen Feldherrn. Nach 42 Regierungsjahren und zahlreichen Kriegen beherrschte er ein Reich, das seit seiner Inthronisation nicht wesentlich vergrößert werden konnte. Die (ungewöhnlich lange) Belagerung Jerusalems und Eroberung Judas vermag nicht darüber hinweg zu täuschen, dass es ihm nie gelang, seinen widerspenstigen Rivalen – Ägypten – zu unterwerfen. Den größten militärischen Erfolg verbuchte er bei Karkemisch kurz vor der Machtübernahme. IEJ 53/2 (2003) 178–191 (DL)
1498 Ronald H. Sack, Nebuchadnezzar II and the Old Testament: History versus Ideology The author presents his thesis that the Babylonian Empire simply reproduced Assyrian imperial ideology and organization with a thin Neo-Babylonian veneer. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 221–233
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1499 Shigeo Yamada, Tukulti-Ninurta I’s Rule over Babylonia and Its Aftermath: A Historical Reconstruction Die Eroberung Babylons durch Tukulti-Ninurta I. war ein herausragendes Ereignis in der assyro-babylonischen Geschichte des 13. Jh.v. Die Rekonstruktion der politischen Umstände dieser Zeit ist angesichts divergierender Quellenzeugnisse kein leichtes Unterfangen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung bemüht sich um die Erstellung einer relativen Herrscherchronologie im damaligen Assur und Babylon und um die Erhellung interner politischer Verknüpfungen zwischen den genannten Regionen. Als Grundlage hierfür dienen die uns erhaltenen Chroniken (v.a. Chronik 25, Chronik P und Liste A babylonischer Könige) und Aufzeichnungen aus dieser Zeit. In einem Appendix wird anschließend ein kritischer Überblick über die königlichen Inschriften Tukulti-Ninurtas I. bezüglich seiner Babylon-Expeditionen geboten. Orient 38 (2003) 153–177 (DL)
1500 Claus Wilke, Early Ancient Near Eastern Law. A History of Its Beginnings. The Early Dynastic and Sargonic Periods Law presumably came into existence with human society, and so it does not come as a surprise that we can see its impact in documents dating from the late fourth and early third millennium BCE. At this early period, Mesopotamians distinguished movables from immovables, ownership from possession; imprisonment as a punishment also existed. Wilke comments critically on recent work by G. Selz and Hans Neumann. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philos.-hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 2003, Heft 2; Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, München (2003) 1–160 (BL)
1501 Amar Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia Despite the extensive discussion of individual Mesopotamian deities in the relevant entries of the Reallexikon der Assyriologie, we know very little about them. To remedy this deficiency, Simo Parpola of Helsinki has begun to reinterpret the Assyrian deities and their role in mythological and royal contexts. The present thesis of one of his students is part of this project. Ninurta emerges as a warrior god who is at the same time a god of fertility; these two seemingly contradictory aspects characterize Mesopotamian kingship as well. In an epilogue, Annus compares the role of the archangel Michael, but also the role of the Son of Man and the messianic king with that of Ninurta, pointing out a certain continuity. – Available from: State Archives of Assyria, Institute for Asian and African Studies, Box 59, FIN-00014 University of Helsinki, Finland. State Archives of Assyria Studies 14; Institute for Asian and African Studies, Helsinki (2002) XVI/1–242 (BL)
✩ 1502 Gerhard Begrich, Gilgamesch – König und Vagant. Nacherzählt und kommentiert Begrich offers a well-written prose paraphrase of the Epic of Gilgamesh. Each chapter is followed by an equally well-written, illuminating commentary, so that the message of this Akkadian masterpiece gets a hearing among those who do not have the privilege of studying this text either in the original language or in a scholarly translation. But even those who enjoy these benefits will profit from the author’s valuable book. Radius-Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) 1–93 (BL)
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1503 Giovanni Pettinato (Hg.), I miti degli inferi assiro-babilonesi The myth of Nergal and Ereshkigal, the Descent of Ishtar to the netherworld, and some other, less well-known Mesopotamian texts are here presented in new, annotated Italian translations. Silvia Maria Chiodi has contributed a long introduction (pp. 11–66). Testi del Vicino Oriente antico II,6; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2003) 1–183 (BL)
1504 Herman Vanstiphout, Epics of Sumerian Kings: The matter of Aratta Four epic poems featuring King Enmerkar originated toward the end of the third millennium BCE, though only versions dating from ca. 2000 BCE and a little later have been preserved. The present book is a bilingual, Sumerian and English edition, complete with introductions notes, and a helpful glossary. (A paperback edition is available from the Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga.) Writings from the Ancient World 20; Brill, Leiden (2004) XI/1–176 (BL)
1505 Manfried Dietrich, The Babylonian Correspondence of Sargon and Sennacherib All of the 207 Akkadian letters are undated, but Dietrich, a specialist of the period of Sargon (721–705 BCE) and Sennacherib (705–681), assigned these items out of the large collections found in Nineveh. He comments on the multiethnic character of most of Mesopotamia which, during this period, included an important Aramaic component; nevertheless, the Assyrian king ordered that all correspondence addressed to Assyrian authorities must be in Akkadian, and not in Aramaic (letter no. 2). – An important scholarly resource! State Archives of Assyria 17; Helsinki University Press, Helsinki (2003) XLV/1–214
1506 Frances Reynolds, The Babylonian Correspondence of Esarhaddon and letters to Assurbanipal and Sin-sharru-ishkun from Northern and Central Babylonia Dating from between ca. 681 and 669 BCE, these letters are from a period in which Babylonia was under Assyrian control. As can be seen from these letters, Assyrian control was fragile, and we also hear of occasional raids of Arabs and invasions of the Elamites. Letter no. 61 is about the interesting case of someone who complains to the king that his house, field, and wife” were given to someone else (see the last commandment of the Decalogue). Unfortunately, not much of a commentary on individual letters is offered in the volume. State Archives of Assyria 18; Helsinki University Press, Helsinki (2003) XLII/1–230 (BL)
1507 Martti Nissinen, A Prophetic Riot in Seleucid Babylonia Ein Text aus der Sammlung babylonischer astronomischer Aufzeichnungen berichtet vom Auftreten eines Propheten namens Bootsmann, dessen Botschaft zu einenn erheblichen Aufruhr in Babylon und Borsippa, den Hauptstädten Babylons, führte. Als ein Prophet der Nanaya aufgetreten, berief sich Bootsmann auf einen “starken, schlagenden Gott”, der sich in allen anderen Göttern Babylons manifestiere – eine Art monotheistischer Deklaration. Von den einfachen Menschen mit Begeisterung aufgenommen führte dieses prophetische Auftreten zu einem entschiedenen Widerstand der religiösen Autoritäten, der in blutigem Aufruhr und möglicherweise sogar Bootsmanns Tod gipfelte. Der Artikel bietet den in zwei Versionen erhaltenen Originaltext samt Übersetzungen sowie einen anschließenden Kommentar und darf als ein willkommener Beitrag zur Erhellung prophetischer Aktivitäten im Nahen Osten des 2. Jhs. v.Chr. gelten. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 63–74 (DL)
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1508 Moshe Anbar, “Let the Gods Come For the Treaty (Ceremony)” (Hebr., Engl. summary) The Assyrian king, probably Esarhaddon, wrote to Mutakkil-A““ur the Priest as follows: “Let the gods come for the treaty (ceremony).” The custom of sending the images of the gods to take part in a treaty ceremony that involved two geographically distant parties is well attested in letters from Mari, which shed additional light on the ceremony. ErIs 27 (2003) 185–188
1509 Eckart Otto, Max Weber und Josef Kohler zur Frage der “Inhaberklausel” im altbabylonischen Vertragsrecht Als einen Teil der Vorarbeit für eine größere Untersuchung über die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen erörtert hier der Verf. M. Webers Ablehnung der aufgrund der Inhaberklausel des altbabylonischen Vertragsformulars von J. Kohler vertretenen These über den modernen Charakters eines antiken Kapitalismus. ZABR 9 (2003) 185–191 (DL)
Egypt: general – history – religion ★ texts 1510 Jan Assmann, Ägyptische Geheimnisse Like earlier collections of Assmann’s papers, this one is again full of insights and fresh interpretations, some of which are relevant to biblical studies. This is particularly true of the notion that “myth” may be a phenomenon not of early Egypt but rather of the second and first millennia BCE; the paper on the birth of the royal son; the power of images where Assmann suggests that one should construct a theory of the “image act” (paralleling that of a “speech act”); and the essay on the “unio liturgica”, the participation of humans in the heavenly praises of divine figures. (P. 207 n. 8: one item listed here has not found its way into the bibliography: B. Lang, The Writings: A Hellenistic Literary Canon in the Hebrew Bible, in: A. van der Kooij et al., eds., Canonization and Decanonization, Leiden 1998, 41–65.) Wilhelm Fink Verlag, München (2004) 1–253
1511 Christian Herrmann, Die ägyptischen Amulette der Sammlungen Bibel + Orient der Universität Freiburg Schweiz. Anthropomorphe Gestalten und Tiere Publication of 948 anthropomorphic, theriomorphic, and theomorphic amulets, all from ancient Egypt, and all bought from antiquity dealers. Most of the objects date from Persian or Ptolemaic times, but there are some earlier, Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom pieces. A lion-shaped amulet has so close equivalents among objects found in Palestine that the latter are understood to have been imported from Egypt (rather than made in Palestine; p. 123). The carefully compiled catalogue demonstrates, once again, the quality and importance of the Fribourg collection. OBO, series archaeological 22; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) IX/1–294 (BL)
1512 Bezalel Porten, Settlement of the Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene This paper deals with the Jewish settlement on the island of Elephantine and the settlement of the Arameans at Syene. The former was founded prior to the Persian conquest of Egypt in 525 BCE, but it is not known how long before this date. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 451–470
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1513 Cornelius von Pilgrim, Tempel des Jahu und „Straße des Königs” – Ein Konflikt in der späten Perserzeit auf Elephantine Die Überlegungen zum Verlauf einer in drei Dokumenten aus Elephantine erwähnten “Schutzmauer” führen den Verf. zu einer Rekonstruktion der Geschichte um den jüdischen Jahu-Tempel in dieser Ortschaft. Durch seine Errichtung wurde die Nord-Süd Hauptachse des Ortes und gleichzeitig Prozessionsstraße blockiert, was zu einem dauerhaften Rechtsstreit mit den Chnum-Priestern führte. Zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt setzten diese den Abriss des jüdischen Tempels und die Errichtung einer “Schutzmauer” entlang der wieder durchgehenden Straße durch. Zwar wurde der Jahu-Tempel unter dem Schutz der Perser bald wieder aufgebaut, doch seinen Bezirk hatte man verengt, so dass er über die nun abgetragene Schutzmauer gebaut wurde, die Straße jedoch offen ließ. Studies in the history of religions 97; Sibylle Meyer (ed.), Egypt – Temple of the Whole World. Ägypten Tempel der gesamten Welt; Brill, Leiden (2003) 303–317 (DL)
1514 Frank Teichmann, Der Mensch und sein Tempel: Ägypten Originally published in 1978 and now presented in a completely revised third edition, Teichmann’s extraordinary book forms part of a four-volume set on ancient and medieval temple culture. Teichmann makes much of (and I think rightly so) of the royal coronation as taking place inside the pyramid (i.e., before the pyramid was closed when used as a tomb; see p. 85). Indebted to the thought of R. Steiner, Teichmann argues that certain mystery rituals formed the heart of ancient Egyptian religion. Even those who prefer different interpretations, will love the beautiful illustrations and, in a more general way, learn much from Teichmann’s erudition. Urachhaus, Stuttgart (2003) 1–397 (BL)
1515 Dagmar Budde et al. (eds.), Kindgötter im Ägypten der griechischrömischen Zeit The divine child, a favorite theme of Jungian psychology, is here approached in a more down-to-earth and factual way on the basis of ancient sources. The ten papers of this volume deal mainly with the Egyptian god Harpocrates, who in the late period also incorporates features of Dionysos, Heracles, and even Eros. This is a friendly deity, often praised for help granted to mothers who have given birth to a child. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 128; Peeters Publishing, Leuven (2003) XIV/1–335 (BL)
✩ 1516 Günter Burkard et al., Einführung in die altägyptische Literaturgeschichte. Vol. 1 This is an attractive survey of ancient Egyptian literature, complete with bibliographies, notes on the state of research, and relatively long quotations. Most of the highlights of Egyptian literature are here discussed: the tale of Sinuhe, the story of the shipwrecked sailor, the Eloquent Peasant, and all of the major books of instruction. One of the interesting things to be found here is the notion that the instruction texts (such as the teachings of Imhotep, Ptahhotep etc., were not composed during the Old Kingdom but later, presumably during the Middle Kingdom. One also sees Egyptologists now beginning to discuss the literary types of their rich textual material. A very useful book indeed. Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie 1; Lit Verlag, Münster (2003) XII/1–247 (BL)
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1517 Karlheinz Schüssler, Pharao Cheops und der Magier. Altägyptische Märchen und Erzählungen This is a small, very useful anthology of ancient Egyptian literature in German translation, compiled and edited by an Austrian scholar who is known for his contributions to Coptic studies. Luckily for the reader, literature is taken here very broadly, and so Akhnaton’s hymn to the Sun God could find a place next to the Tale of Sinuhe, the Shipwrecked Sailor, and excerpts from Herodotus. Explanatory notes, illustrations, and an afterword accompany the translations, so that this little book delights both the general and the professional reader. Manesse Bibliothek der Weltliteratur; Manesse Verlag, Zürich und München (2003) 1–254 (BL)
1518 Wolfgang Wettengel, Die Erzählung von den beiden Brüdern. Der Papyrus d’Orbiney und die Königsideologie der Ramessiden The Tale of the Two Brothers is a “constructed myth” dating from the end of the 19th dynasty of Egypt (ca. 1200 BCE) and meant, in a time of crisis, to remind the readers of the mythic descent of the Ramesside kings. These kings considered Baal/Seth their family deity, most likely because they descended from Canaanite immigrants. Accordingly, the tale includes numerous references to Western Asia and features characteristic of canaanite mythology related to Baal. Of special interest is the section that comments specifically on the biblical Joseph story which includes, apart from the wellknown seduction scene, ideas reminiscent of the Egyptian tale. Bata/Joseph is somehow related to Baal. A fascinating book of much relevance to biblical studies. OBO 195; Universitätsverlag, Fribourg (2003) VI/1–301 (BL)
1519 Friedrich Junge, Die Lehre Ptahhoteps und die Tugenden der ägyptischen Welt Junge, who teaches Egyptology in Göttingen, offers a fresh translation of the instruction of Ptahhotep and a commentary (pp. 172–266). The rest of the book is a long study of ancient Egyptian ethics, and the learned author argues that the text reaches a high level of sophistication, indeed a comprehensive theory of moral action. Human action aims at “peace (and happiness) of the many” (line 416). In an aside the author discusses the idea that the “god” occasionally mentioned in the Egyptian instruction actually is the Egyptian king, but he dismisses it as inadequate. – An important contribution to “sapiential” studies. OBO 193; Universitätsverlag, Fribourg (2003) 1–286 (BL)
1520 Dieter Kurth, Der Oasenmann This is a new German annotated translation of the “Eloquent Peasant”, as this fine story is generally known to English readers. Kurth provides a general introduction, highlighting the well-placed stylistic devices as well as the cultural context within sapiential literature. All the ills of a society ruled by state officials are here exposed and critically examined. The accompanying illustrations (more than 50) make the book’s original milieu visually present, and the result is an eminently attractive book. Both Egyptologists and lay readers will turn to it with much profit. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 1–153 (BL)
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Persians ★ Amorites – Urartu – Hittites ★ Ugarit – Syria – Canaanites – Philistines 1521 Richard C. Foltz, Spirituality in the Land of the Noble: How Iran Shaped the World’s Religions A semi-popular survey of the religious history of Iran. Zoroastrianism, Iranian Judaism, Christianity in Iran, Gnosticism (Mandaeism) in Iran, Islam in Iran etc. are dealt with in brief, lucidly written chapters. – The book can be obtained from Oneworld Publications, 185 Banbury Rd., Oxford OX2 7AR. Oneworld Publications, Oxford (2004) XIX/1–204
1522 Carsten Colpe, Iranier – Aramäer – Hebräer – Hellenen. Iranische Religionen und ihre Westbeziehungen Sub-titled “Individual studies and an essay of synthesis”, this is a reprint of 62 shorter pieces on Iranian matters (papers, encyclopedia entries, short notes), introduced by general reflections and a historical survey on Iranian-Western relationships. Colpe’s interest is Iranian religion and its impact on the West. He has contributed to the study of demonology, heavenly ascents, Zoroastrianism, apocalypticism, and Gnosticism. One paper deals specifically with the (Old Testament) Priestly Code and Iranian sources (p. 649ff.). He calls for renewed interest in the study of the impact ancient Iran made on the Bible and is amazed at the general lack of interest in Iran when it comes to studying the biblical milieu (p. 28). It is to be hoped that Colpe’s collected essays will attract students to this vast and indeed promising field of study. WUNT 154; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XVII/1–709 (BL)
1523 Andreas Angerstorfer, Die alt- und reichsaramäischen Formen für 'A““ur/Assyrien – ein verzögertes Lautgesetz oder amtliche Graphik im persischen Weltreich? Neben den genormten altpersischen Formen gibt es auch eine aramäische Standardgraphik für die Wiedergabe altpersischer Namen im Reichsaramäischen. Diese wird mit reichsaramäisch 'twr in Elephantine erstmals bezeugt und ersetzt alle anderen graphischen Varianten für Assyrien, die das Aramäische früher kannte. BN 117 (2003) 47–58
1524 Marius Nel, Zoroastranisme en die ontstaan van apokaliptiese denke Where and how did apocalyptic thought originate? Ancient cultures looked at the world as a changeless essence. A battle between good and evil, order and chaos is distinctive of the world. But the victory of good and order is guaranteed. At the turn of the second millennium BCE the proto-Indo-Iranians trekked from what today are the Steppes of Russia, through Caucasia to different destinations. The Vedic Indians established themselves in the rich Indus valley, while the other group settled in the east of what is the Iran of today. The Vedic Indians preserved the ancient doctrine of a changeless universe, while an Iranian prophet by the name of Zarathustra, often better known by the Greek version thereof, Zoroaster, started teaching that this world would come to an end. Zoroaster subscribed to the doctrine of a battle between good and evil but, for the first time in history formulated the belief that a final victory of good over evil would lead to a new earth and a new heaven. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1425–1442
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✩ 1525 Yuval Goren et al., The Expansion of the Kingdom of Amurru According to the Petrographic Investigation of the Amarna Tablets A petrographic investigation of the Amarna tablets has been carried out by the authors since 1997. Over 300 tablets have so far been examined, including 14 letters sent by the rulers of Amurru. The petrographic data makes it possible to trace the territorial expansion of the kingdom of Amurru in the days of Abdi-Ashirta and Aziru. The Amurru letters fall into four distinct petrographic groups. The first includes two letters, which were sent from the mountainous area east of Tripoli, the core area of the kingdom. The second includes four letters, which were probably dispatched from the city of Ardata in the foothills. Five letters were sent from Tell 'Arqa. This seems to indicate that after consolidating his reign, Aziru transferred his capital to Irqata in the 'Akkar Plain. Finally, three of Aziru’s letters were sent from the Egyptian center of Sumur. No Amurru letter was sent from the city of Tunip, which was also captured by Aziru. The analysis of the letter of the citizens of Tunip supports the identification of this important city at Tell 'Asharneh northwest of Hama. This city was too remote from the main arena of Aziru’s operations, which was focused on the Lebanese coast. BASOR 329 (2003) 1–11
1526 Béatrice Salvini et al., Ararat and Urartu: Holy Bible and History The “kingdom of Ararat” ( Jer 51:27) is the kingdom of Urartu, and the same passage refers to two more enemies of the Mesopotamians – the kingdom of Manna (or Mannea) and the Scythians. Ararat, then, is a state, and not just a mountain. The authors (B. Salvini and Mirjo Salvini) also comment on the historical background of 2 Kings 19:37, another passage that mentions Urartu. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 225–242 (BL)
1527 Richard Haase, Zur Abfassung der Rechtssätze in der hethitischen Rechtssatzung Der Verf. erläutert einige Eigentümlichkeiten der hethitischen Rechtssätze, v.a. der hurkil-Vergehen aus dem Bereich der Sexualität sowie das Ausbleiben einer ausdrücklichen Festsetzung der Strafe nach einem beschriebenen Tatbestand. ZABR 9 (2003) 196–200 (DL)
1528 Richard Haase, Ein Sohn wird verstoßen. Zur Deutung des § 171 der hethitischen Rechtsordnung Dieser Beitrag präsentiert einige Überlegungen zur rechtlichen Stellung der Mutter im hethitischen Großreich angesichts eines Streites mit ihrem Sohn. Leider ist die betreffende Rechtsordnung zweideutig durch die Verwendung des enklitischen Personalpronomens -si, welches sowohl maskulin als auch feminin übersetzt werden kann, so dass der konkrete Vorgang und die genaue Bedeutung der darin festgelegten “formalisierten symbolischen Rechtsakte” bei der Verstoßung eines Sohnes durch seine Mutter nicht erschlossen werden kan. ZABR 9 (2003) 192–195 (DL)
1529 Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati, Ein hurritischer Gang in die Unterwelt Darstellung und Deutung eines seit 1999 freigelegten Gebäudes, das bisher keine hinreichende Erklärung gefunden hat. Im Licht hurritisch-hethitischer Ritualtexte wird die Funktion des Gebäudes, insbesondere der Gruben, als Anrufung der Götter der Unterwelt gedeutet. Das Heraufkommen der Götter der Unterwelt geschieht zum Zweck der
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Reinigung und der Darbietung von Opfern seitens der Menschen. So werden Text und Befunde in Beziehung gesetzt. MDOG 134 (2002) 131–148 (VF)
✩ 1530 Yitzhak Avishur, Motifs and Phrases Common to the Literature of Ugarit and the Bible The following motifs and expressions are studied: the shining of the face of a god or a king (Num 6:25 etc.); a son’s support for a drunk parent (Isa 51:17–18); the hand of a god is a strong as death (1 Sam 5:7); the expression “strong as death” (Song of Songs 8:6); placing a cup into someone’s hand (Ezek 23:31). Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 11–21 (BL)
1531 Annie Caubet, The Case of Ugarit and Carchemish: A Contrast Um ein besseres Verständnis der Chronologie am Ende der Bronzezeit bemüht präsentiert die Verf. neuere Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte von Ugarit und Karkemisch in dieser Zeit. Die Briefe aus dem “Haus des Urtenu” zusammen mit den Archiven des königlichen Palastes in Ugarit erlauben die Verbindung bekannter Ereignisse aus Hattu“a und Ägypten mit den Schicksalen von Ugarit und Karkemisch. Während in Ugarit die Besiedlung nach der Regierungszeit des Ammurapi am Anfang des 12. Jhs.v. aufgegeben wurde, blieb Karkemisch vom Zerfall des Hethiterreiches verschont. Seine Herrscher übernahmen sogar den Titel des hethitischen “Großkönigs” innerhalb des nun entstandenen Systems luwischer Stadt-Staaten. William G. Dever et al. (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism and the Power of the Past; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 17–21 (DL)
1532 Ryan Byrne, Early Assyrian Contacts with Arabs and the Impact on Levantine Vassal Tribute A survey of Assyrian documentary evidence suggests that the fall of Damascus represented a watershed event for the spread of Arabian commerce and culture to eastern Syria, the Assyrian heartland, and eventually Babylonia. Assyria made and maintained geographic contact with Arabs as a result of Arabian traffic through the intermediate Levant and not by direct routes from Mesopotamia to Dumah or Ha"il. Arabs were evidently well established north of the Gilead prior to 732 B.C.E., but were largely restrained from trading farther east until Tiglath-pileser III removed the Aramaean stranglehold. Growing Assyrian familiarity with the characteristic largess of Arabian trade, moreover, coincided with more specific, and probably more austere, tribute impositions on vassal states in Palestine. BASOR 331 (2003) 11–25
1533 Chiara Peri, Il regno del nemico. La morte nella religione di Canaan In “The Kingdom of the Enemy: Death in Canaanite Religion”, the learned author, a specialist of Ugaritic literature, looks at traces of pre-deuteronomic and pre-monotheistic religion in the OT, the NT, and Rabbinic sources to reconstruct elements of Canaanite religion. An English translation of this fascinating study would be most welcome. Studi biblici 140; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2003) 1–245 (BL)
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1534 Tristan Barako, How Did the Philistines Get to Canaan? One: by Sea Darstellung der traditionellen Sicht, derzufolge die Philister (Seevölker) etwa im Jahre 1175 nach dem Untergang der mykenischen Palastkultur aus dem ägäischen Raum durch eine größere Migrationsbewegung primär per Schiff nach Kanaan gelangten. BArR 29/2 (2003) 24–33. 64–65 (MDK)
1535 Assaf Yasur-Landau, How Did the Philistines Get to Canaan? Two: by Land Die Philister (Seevölker) können nicht mit der mykenischen Palastkultur (Helladisch IIIB) in Verbindung gebracht werden, sondern stehen in Kontinuität der darauffolgenden Kultur Helladisch IIIC. Diese verfügte nicht über die Mittel und die Logistik, eine Wanderung größerer Völkerschaften über die See zu organisieren. Die Philister nutzten vielmehr das Machtvakuum im Mittelmeerraum am Ende der Bronzezeit, um primär über den Landweg entlang der Handelsrouten nach Kanaan vorzustoßen. BArR 29/2 (2003) 34–39. 66–67 (MDK)
Greco-Roman civilization: general – individual aspects ★ religion ★ texts 1536 Hubert Cancik et al. (eds.), Brill’s New Pauly. Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World, Vol. 2: Arc-Cas Brill’s New Pauly will soon be accepted as the standard scholarly resource for information on Graeco-Roman antiquity, and both specialists and lay readers will use it with profit and delight (see IZBG 42:1866; IRBS 49:1270). It is with impatience that readers will wait for the next volumes to appear, and if there is only one volume per year, it will be long before the set is complete. Translating a highly technical text is not easy, and while in general the translators have done a good job, there are still certain problems (see cols. 650, 653 with cross-references to “Hieronymus” rather than to Jerome whose name figures in the immediate context, and col. 1056 with a crossreference to the entry on “Septuaginta” rather than the Septuagint). In the present volume, articles of relevance to biblical scholarship include: Asia Minor, Augustus, authors, (but unfortunately not: bathing customs), Bible, Bible translations, biography, birth, book, building trade, burial, canon (with very up-to-date bibliography). The articles “Baptism” and “Baptism, symbol of ” are promised to appear in the addenda section of volume 3. Brill, Leiden (2003) XVIII/cols. 1–1190 (BL)
1537 Hubert Cancik et al. (eds.), Brill’s New Pauly. Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World. Vol. 3: Cat-Cyp The present volume offers rich material in entries on Christianity ( J. Rist), Christian Palestinian language and literature (a very brief article), Christos paschon (a Christian drama attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus), Constantinople, Constantinus, cosmology (G. Grasshoff ), cult, cult image, curse. There is no article on cross/crucifixion, for the subject will be dealt with under “Damnatio ad crucem”. K. Fitschen’s articles on baptism, accidentally omitted from volume 2, are printed as an appendix. The user should be aware of the fact that the New Pauly’s bibliographies are updated in many cases, and so even those who have access to the German encyclopaedia may find relevant citations in the English edition. – With three volumes available, the English version of the New Pauly has made an impressive début, and both the publisher and the team of translators are to be congratulated on their fine work. Brill, Leiden (2003) LVIII/1–1090 (BL)
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1538 Markus Sehlmeyer (ed.), Origo Gentis Romanae – Die Ursprünge des römischen Volkes This fourth-century CE compilation on the early history of Italy and the city of Rome is of pagan origin. Though at times despised as a modern forgery, scholars now agree that it includes numerous valuable quotations from otherwise lost ancient sources. The present edition is bilingual (Latin and German) and annotated, and includes essays, bibliography and index. The main interest lies in the fact that the “Origo” presupposes an indigenous Roman mythology for which there are only very few sources. As the editor explains and documents, recent scholarship seems to renew a reading of this and other relevant sources in the light of G. Dumézil’s trifunctional theory. Texte zur Forschung 82; Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) 1–176 (BL)
1539 John Pairman Brown, Ancient Israel and Ancient Greece: Religion, Politics, and Culture This is an accessible anthology (and, in part, summary) of the author’s magisterial Israel and Hellas (3 vols., BZAW 231, 276, 299; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1995–2001). The following chapters are included: The complementarity of ancient Israel and ancient Greece (with an important note on the biblical canon, p. 32); Divine kingship, civic institutions, and imperial rule; The Mediterranean seer and the shaman; The shifting roles of women; Paradise and the forest of Lebanon; From particularity to universalism. Especially the final chapter (“From particularity . . .”) is recommended as an overview of a monumental publication which, quite convincingly, offers a comparative analysis of two Mediterranean societies both of whom the author considers important cultural innovators. Brown’s work can be warmly recommended to those who are dissatisfied with a biblical theology that tends to lose sight of its cultural context. – Bibliography, index. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XIV/1–229 (BL)
1540 Sarah P. Morris, Islands in the Sea: Aegean Polities as Levantine Neighbors Die ägäische Inselwelt entwickelte sich im 2. Jtsd.v. als eine Gruppe von politisch autonomen “Palast-Staaten”, welche über eine hoch entwickelte Industrie der Luxusgüter verfügten. Dies machte für ihre östlichen Nachbarn sowohl die Produkte als auch den Transfer der Technik attraktiv. Neue Gruppen bestehend aus Kaufleuten, Handwerkern, Söldnern und Sklaven begannen die sozioökonomischen Grundlagen der bestehenden Systeme zu modifizieren. Gegen Ende der Spätbronzezeit verwandelten sie in einem Prozess des demographischen Wandels regional das “Palast-System” in kleinere autonome Stadt-Staaten Einheiten mit charismatischen Führungsgestalten an ihrer Spitze. William G. Dever et al. (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism and the Power of the Past; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 3–15 (DL)
1541 James D. Muhly, Greece and Anatolia in the Early Iron Age: The Archaeological Evidence and the Literary Tradition Am Ende der Spätbronzezeit kam es in Griechenland, Anatolien und auf Zypern zu einem Zusammenbruch der vorherrschenden Palast-Zentren. Die archäologischen Funde, wie Gräber auf griechischen Inseln oder Siedlungen in Anatolien, zeigen, dass damit kein “dunkles Zeitalter” sondern höchstens eine Verschiebung der Siedlungsaktivitäten von den Zentren an die Peripherie stattgefunden hat. Einzelne charismatische Gestalten (warrior princes) übten Kontrolle über kleine territoriale Einheiten. Diese Welt spiegeln homerische Heldensagen wieder, die in verschiedenen mündlichen Versionen vor ihrer schriftlichen Erfassung tradiert wurden. William G. Dever et al. (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism and the Power of the Past; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 23–35 (DL)
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1542 Kurt Erlemann et al. (eds.), Neues Testament und Antike Kultur. Band 1 Do we need another New Schürer, i.e. a handbook that informs about the historical and cultural background of the NT? Although the Schürer is not mentioned, the editors of this volume insist on the appropriateness of the project, and rightly so. This first volume of a series of basic textbooks on the setting of the NT in its ancient GrecoRoman and Jewish settings surveys the sources that are relevant for historical research. So one finds here chapters on the Septuagint, Jewish law, on classical literature and law, inscriptions and coins, but also contributions on the cultural history of the Roman Empire in general and Asia Minor, Egypt, Palestine etc. in particular. Each section is annotated and includes a bibliography. Three authors have contributed papers that deal with NT matters in some detail: R. Riesner writing on the chronology of the NT, H. Omerzu on the trial of St. Paul, and R. Zimmermann on pseudonymous and pseudepigraphical writing. – A remarkable scholarly resource that, emulating the New Schürer in comprehensiveness and bibliographical detail, will not fail to shape German scholarship. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) VIII/1–268 (BL)
1543 Everett Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity First published in 1987 and expanded in 1993 (IZBG 40:1916), this book on the GrecoRoman and Jewish milieu of early Christianity has again been revised and updated. Much bibliography has been added throughout, and many corrections have been made. A new section now deals with social relationships within Roman society (p. 66ff.), and even the controversial ossuary of “James, brother of Jesus” is mentioned (p. 591). There is still some scope for improvement: p. 69 – the difference between shame culture and guilt culture is not explained; p. 184 – the quotation is not from Plato’s “Laws”, but from the “Politikos”; p. 593 and 595 – the quotations from J. Stevenson’s “New Eusebius” should be excerpted from a more recent edition of this work (revised by W.H.C. Frend, 1987). – Most helpful as a textbook and a work of reference. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XXII/1–650 (BL)
1544 Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp et al. (eds.), Sinn (in) der Antike. Orientierungssysteme, Leitbilder und Wertkonzepte im Altertum This large-size volume prints the proceedings of two workshops held at the Institute for Cultural Studies (Essen, Germany) and focussed on “concepts of meaning as systems of guidance and orientation” in ancient societies. Typical contributions are about the construction of meaning in ancient Egypt ( J. Assmann), meaning in historiography (F.-H. Mutschler), liberty as a central notion for orientation (K. Raaflaub), canonical literature in Greece (W. Rösler, L. Guiliani), the city as a frame of reference (H.-J. Gehrke), and the “political man” in Cicero (E. Stein-Hölkeskamp). The volume reflects the high level of sophistication characteristic of German academic conference life, but it is a pity that the Aristotelian voice of Martha Nussbaum (or someone else speaking in a similar vein) is missing here. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) VII/1–422 (BL)
1545 Danielle Loris et al. (eds.), De la phantasia à l’imagination This collective volume features articles on Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, Plotinus, Augustine, and Descartes. As is evident from this list, Descartes is an afterthought, and the focus is on ancient Greek notions of imagination. At the most general level, it appears that all later philosophical thought on the subject derives from Aristotle who sought to create a terminology for the fact that, when something is absent, we can imagine its presence. Collection d’Etudes Classiques 7; Peeters, Leuven (2003) VIII/1–161 (BL)
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1546 L. Michael White et al., Quod est comparandum. The Problem of Parallels The authors (L.M. White and J.T. Fitzgerald) trace the history of comparative research on the NT and classical texts, review critically the different possibilities of evaluating “parallels”, and eventually point out the necessity to pay attention to the historical and social contexts of parallel passages. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 13–39 (DZ)
1547 Christian Marek, Pontus et Bithynia: Die römischen Provinzen im Norden Kleinasiens Unter Auswertung aller bisher vorliegenden Einzelforschung sowie neu erschlossener Quellen legt der Verfasser eine Synthese dessen vor, was wir über die römische Doppelprovinz vom 1. Jh. v. Chr. Bis zum 4. Jh. n. Chr. wissen. Die Doppelprovinz betand aus 33 Verwaltungseinheiten (Poleis). Ein eigenes Kapitel ist der Religion gewidmet, wobei insbesondere auf den Pliniusbrief und den Sieg des Christentums eingegangen wird. Das großformatige Werk ist mit vorzüglichen Abbildungen ausgestattet, die auch einen Einblick in heutige Lebensverhältnisse der Türkei gewähren. Ein Standardwerk. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 1–199 (BL)
1548 Lukas Thommen, Sparta. Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte einer griechischen Polis Research on Sparta flourishes in many departments of ancient history, and Thommen has made an important earlier contribution to the city’s constitutional history (1996). What he offers here is a convenient survey of Sparta’s social, cultural, and political history, and those who are looking for what we know about Spartan women will find an excellent summary (p. 133ff.). The text is straightforward and unencumbered by notes, but there is a good bibliography at the end of the volume, and the introduction evokes the fascination that Sparta had for earlier generations of scholars – and perhaps still has today. Verlag J.B. Metzler, Stuttgart (2003) IX/1–244 (BL)
1549 Karl Popper, Die offene Gesellschaft und ihre Feinde. Achte Auflage Popper (1902–1994), of Austrian Jewish background, ranks as one of the most important 20th-century philosophers in two fields: the philosophy of science (Popper’s original field) and the philosophy of society. It is to the latter area that “The Open Society and Its Enemies” belongs. The present edition is a revision of Popper’s German edition of 1992, accompanied by an afterword of the editor, Hubert Kiesewetter (curiously printed at the end of both vol. 1 and vol. 2). Vol. 1, the famous volume on Plato’s social theory, which Popper sought to demask as the intellectual source of all totalitarianism, also includes Popper’s reply to his critic R.B. Levinson – the only text that remains untranslated in this splendid German edition. All students of Plato – and political theory in general – will use the two volumes with profit and pleasure. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XXIX/1–524; VI/1–575 (BL)
1550 Paul Zanker et al., Mit Mythen leben: Die Bilderwelt der römischen Sarkophage It was mainly during the second century CE that wealthy Romans sought to bury their loved ones in stone sarcophagi that, ornamented with scenes from Greek mythology, belong to the most accomplished artistic creations that have come down to us from
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ancient times (as is impressively documented in the present book). Zanker’s substantial study of the use, form, and existential meaning of the sarcophagi (pp. 9–276) is followed by a thematic documentation on alphabetically arranged mythological figures from Achilles to Theseus (p. 277ff., by B.Chr. Ewald). According to Zanker, the production of these sarcophagi came to an end as Christianity began to take over, supplying new values as well as new (i.e. biblical) stories. Yet, Christian stories still served the previous function – to help people cope with both life and death. A major scholarly work that is as instructive as it is beautiful. Hirmer Verlag, München (2004) 1–389 (BL)
1551 Carsten Burfeind, Wen hörte Philippus? Leises und lautes Vorlesen in der Antike In der griechisch-römischen Antike lasen der einsame Leser und die einsame Leserin für gewöhnlich leise und nicht gewohnheitsmäßig laut. Direkt belegt ist das z.B. bei Augustin, Euripides, Aristophanes und Ptolemäus. Aber auch die Gegenprobe bestätigt, dass Texte aus Ovids Heroiden, der Apostelgeschichte und der Carmina Priapea, die regelmäßig als eindeutige Belege für die These eines gewohnheitsmäßig lauten einsamen Lesens genommen werden, einzig ein lautes Vorlesen bezeugen. ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 138–145
1552 Heinz Spielmann (Hg.), Die Etrusker: Luxus für das Jenseits – Bilder vom Diesseits Der Katalog einer Hamburger Ausstellung enthält ausführliche Objektbeschreibungen und allgemeine Abhandlungen über die Kultur der Etrusker. Seit dem 7. Jh. v.Chr. entwickelte sich die etruskische Zivilisation in engem Zusammenhang mit der in Italien Fuß fassenden griech. Kultur, doch blieb die Vogel- und Eingeweideschau traditionelles etruskisches Gut. Die Sprache der Etrusker darf heute als gut erforscht gelten, wenngleich nur wenige Sprachzeugnisse überliefert sind. Hirmer Verlag, München (2004) 1–224 (BL)
✩ 1553 John Scheid, An Introduction to Roman Religion Originally published in French (1998) and now available in English translation, this is an excellent introduction to ancient Roman religion and this religion’s focus on ritual acts. The absence of notes is compensated by the insertion of excerpts from ancient sources (in translation) and a good bibliography. The well-organized book avoids speculative interpretations and has all the advantages of French clarity. Highly recommended. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Ind. (2003) VIII/1–232 (BL)
1554 Mary Lefkowitz, Greek Gods, Human Lives: What We Can learn from Myths What we can learn from the ancient myths is, for the author, essentially the same as that what the ancient could learn. The myths serves as paradigms for understanding what happens in the world and how severely limited is our life by death and destiny. The ancient gods did not inspire hope, but they did provide means for understanding. The introduction provides a helpful sketch of how authors such as Edith Hamilton, Robert Graves, and Joseph Campbell understood the gods; and Lefkowitz argues that these authors’ approach is far too anthropocentric, suggesting that human achievement is more important than what the gods do. In fact, just the opposite is true – at least from the perspective of the ancient authors. Yale University Press, London (2003) 1–288 (BL)
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1555 Frank Teichmann, Der Mensch und sein Tempel. Griechenland This is the second part of a four-volume set of which the first dealt with the temple of ancient Egypt and the others with Megalithic cultures and medieval Europe. First published in 1980, the present edition remains unchanged, but the illustrations are now in color. Teichmann offers a “spiritual” interpretation of Greek temples, in part inspired by Rudolf Steiner. Teichmann is particularly impressed by the isolated setting of the temples of Apollo – they are far away from cities. Urachhaus, Stuttgart (2003) 1–295 (BL)
1556 Michael B. Cosmopoulos, Greek Mysteries: The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults From this collective volume two major characteristics of ancient Greek mystery cults emerge: (1) membership was always linked to a special, secret initiation; (2) the objective of initiation is soteriological in nature – it aims at securing a blessed afterlife (and not this-worldly success). Routledge, London (2003) XV/1–272 (BL)
1557 Manfred Görg, Titus und Tithoes Die Weihung des römerzeitlichen Götterschreins aus Qau el-Kebir an den Gott Tithoes/ Tutu kann den vergöttlichten Titus Flavius meinen, an den Domitian erinnern lassen will. BN 117 (2003) 19–21 (US)
✩ 1558 George A. Kennedy, Progymnasmata: Greek Textbooks of Prose Composition and Rhetoric Three ancient Greek textbooks and substantial sections of one commentary are here translated from the Greek and annotated. The works date from the first century CE and later, and were used for several centuries to teach students how to compose texts. All those interested in what writing meant to the ancients will consult this valuable scholarly resource with much profit. Writings from the Greco-Roman World; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XVIII/1–231 (BL)
1559 Reinhold Merkelbach, Platons Eutyphron. Griechisch und deutsch This bilingual edition of one of Plato’s early dialogues is remarkable not only for the freshness of its (German) translation, but also for its notes and the general theory explained in the preface. According to Merkelbach, this text was used for students at the “college” level at Plato’s academy. The text itself remains inconclusive (“aporetic”), for the students, in dialogue with their master, had to find the proper solution. So the text is just one element of instruction, and should not taken to reflect the whole argument as discussed in the classroom. K.G. Saur, München (2003) VI/1–74 (BL)
1560 Filip Karfik, Die Beseelung des Kosmos. Untersuchungen zur Kosmologie, Seelenlehre und Theologie in Platons Phaidon und Timaios This study, accepted by the university of Prague as a habilitation thesis, looks at Plato’s notion of the human soul and its reincarnations, as presented in the dialogues Phaedo and Timaeus. Karfik argues, quite persuasively, that the destiny of the human soul
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must be seen in the broader context of Plato’s cosmology. Just as the world soul is in constant motion, which is an essentially circular motion, so also the human soul is in circular motion, through all eternity. Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 199; K.G. Saur, München (2004) 1–293 (BL)
1561 Stefan Radt, Strabons Geographika. Band 2: Buch V–VIII This is a bilingual, Greek and German, edition of part of the work of antiquity’s foremost geographer, Strabo (d. ca. 25 CE). Books 5 to 7 deal with Italy, Sicily, Germania, and Eastern Europe; book 8 begins the description of Greece. The Greek text is offered in a newly compiled critical edition, complete with variants and critical apparatus. While the commentary will be in a separate volume, the reader now has the benefit of an excellent German translation that indicates some of the ancient sources quoted by Strabo (especially Homer and Plato). Book 5 includes a brief description of the city of Rome, and book 6 ends in an eulogy on the Roman people. This is an excellent edition, and librarians are encouraged to order the complete set for their shelves. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 1–560 (BL)
1562 Dieter Georgi, Aeneas und Abraham Es gibt zahlreiche Parallelen zwischen Abraham und Aeneas: Als Gründerväter ihres Volkes und der jeweiligen Religion ( Juden bzw. Römer) gelten sie als außerordentlich fromm und repräsentieren für ihre Kultur die wesentlichen Normen. Ihre Geschichte wird in der Aenaeis bzw. LXX kanonisch tradiert. Dieser Befund sollte für die Paulusexegese fruchtbar gemacht werden. ZNT 10 (2002) 37–43 (MW)
1563 Augustus, Res gestae divi Augusti – Meine Taten Von Ekkehard Weber besorgte zweisprachige, lateinisch/griechisch-deutsche Ausgabe des nur fragmentarisch erhaltenen Tatenberichts, der auf Kaiser Augustus selbst zurückgeht. Antike Parallelstellen sind ebenfalls zweisprachig zusammengestellt, so dass durch Kommentar, Einführung und Bibliographie ein wertvolles Arbeitsinstrument entsteht. – Dem Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1974 wurden neuere bibliographische Angaben beigefügt. Tusculum Studienausgaben; Artemis & Winkler, Düsseldorf (2004) 1–144 (BL)
1564 Hans-Josef Klauck, Compilation of Letters in Cicero’s Correspondence In view of the hypothesis of composite letters in the NT Cicero’s correspondence, edited after the death of his master by Tiro, is searched for traces of redaction and compilation. As ad fam. 8.6.1–5 shows, sometimes repetitions and contradictions are due to postscripts or to a longer period of letter writing. In ad Brut. 1.3.1–4 and 1,4 as in ad Att. 8.9, however, it is better to think of two individual letters and their later conflation. In this process, prescripts and sometimes endings were lost. Thus partition theories of NT letters are not a priori implausible, but they should be kept rather simple, serial addition being more probable than the interpolation of fragments. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 131–155 (DZ)
1565 Ronald F. Hock et al. (eds.), The Chreia and Ancient Rhetoric: Classroom Exercises At more than one level, the ancient Greek “chreia” is of interest to biblical scholars. These short texts, mostly sayings by or attributed to philosophers, are comparable to words of Jesus and their transmission; at another level, the “chreia” genre was used at the more elementary levels of education, including the training in oratory. This is vol. 2 of a three-volume set; for vol. 1, 1986, see IZBG 33:275. Accompanied by a
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carefully annotated translation, this is an excellent tool for all who want to familiarize themselves with the details of ancient school life. Writings from the Greco-Roman World; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2002) XIV/1–411 (BL)
1566 Flavius Philostratus, On Heroes The “Heroikos” dates from the early third century CE and seeks to promote a renewed religious outlook on the basis of the cult of the heroes of the Trojan War. The English translation (by J.K. Berenson Maclean and E. Bradshaw Aitken) is annotated and accompanied by extensive introductory material as well as a glossary. Writings from the Greco-Roman World 3; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2002) LXXXV/1–187
1567 Hans-Dieter Betz, The “Mithras Liturgy”. Text, Translation, and Commentary Betz builds on the original edition of what he calls “Ritual to obtain an ascension and consultation with the God Mithras” (28) by A. Dieterich (1903) and R. Merkelbach (1992) to produce a major comparative and philological commentary on a segment of the Bibliothèque Nationale’s Great Magical Papyrus. The author must have been a learned magician serving at a temple in Thebes, Egypt, a man active in the third century CE who relied, it seems on earlier traditions and (possibly) texts. The text describes an initiand’s journey to heaven, experienced in a state of trance. In heaven, the initiand meets the deity and is given immortality. Interestingly, the ritual may be carried out several times – up to three times each year. Unlike Merkelbach, Betz thinks that Dieterich was not mistaken when he associated the ritual with ancient Mithraism. See IRBS 48:1330. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 18; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XVIII/1–274 (BL)
1568 Iamblichus, De mysteriis “On the Mysteries of Egypt”, a pagan treatise in Greek (ca. 300 CE), is here offered in an annotated bilingual edition. The Greek text is taken from a French critical edition, but the notes and the translation are new, reflecting recent scholarship and the combined effort of Emma Clarke, John Dillon, and Jackson Hershbell. The present book will be hailed by all who are dissatisfied with Stephen Roman’s 1989 reprint of two earlier but inadequate English renderings of Iamblichus’ important work. It is to be hoped that the translators continue their collaboration to produce what is still missing (even after the present book’s substantial introduction and the Greek index to names and terms) – a full commentary on “De mysteriis”. – An excellent scholarly resource. (A paperback edition is available from the Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga.) Writings from the Greco-Roman World 4; Brill, Leiden (2003) LII/1–377 (BL)
1569 Ursula Hackl et al., Quellen zur Geschichte der Nabatäer. Textsammlung mit Übersetzung und Kommentar This is a most attractive annotated collection of ancient sources relating to the Nabateans. All sources, ranging from Diodorus, Josephus, Pliny and Strabo to many little known inscriptions, are given in the original language and in new German translation. A long introduction surveys our present knowledge of the Nabateans, including their economic activities and religion, and there are plates, maps, and indexes. The compilers, based in Basel, Switzerland, promise to continue the series, as they are planning to produce similar volumes on the Parthians and the Phoenicians. All ancient historians will use this volume with profit and delight, praising its usefulness and scholarly merit. NTOA 51; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) XV/1–730 (BL)
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ARCHAEOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY Biblical Archaeology: general ★ historical periods 1570 Dieter Vieweger, Archäologie der biblischen Welt This is not a popular book but a “serious” introduction to archaeology in general and to the archaeology of Palestine in particular. There are almost 300 illustrations – not to mention lists, charts, and diagrams. Archaeological methodology and chronological systems receive much attention which makes the book perhaps even a little too technical for use in the average academic classroom, but the reader is certainly richly rewarded. The cities Arad, Hazor, Lachish, and Dor serve as major examples for the contribution archaeology can make to the study of history, but there is also much on religion (on p. 256ff.). There is an elaborate chronological chart, a bibliography, and a series of indexes. A “must” for German academic libraries. – The hardcover edition has a different title: Wenn Steine reden. Archäologie in Palästina (2004). UTB 2394; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 1–480 (BL)
1571 Dieter Vieweger, Wie findet man Spuren der Vergangenheit? Auf der Suche nach möglicher Überprüfung der Zuverlässigkeit biblischer Erzählungen sind im Verlauf v.a. der letzten beiden Jahrhunderte unterschiedliche Methoden entwickelt worden. In drei Schritten werden hier die Möglichkeiten erörtert, um archäologisch interessante Orte in Palästina zu untersuchen: (1) Pilgerberichte diverser Religionen; (2) “klassisch archäologische” Methoden – topographische Erfassung des Landes; (3) moderne naturwissenschaftliche Methoden wie Survey und Ausgrabung in verschiedenen Formen aber auch Luftbildprospektion und Aero-Fotogrammetrie sowie naturwissenschaftliche Prospektionen – z.B. Geoelektrik, Geomagnetik, elektromagnetische Induktion. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 261–291 (DL)
1572 Jacques Briend (éd.), La Terre sainte Beginning from 1957, the French had a popular journal of biblical archaeology. First entitled “Bible et Terre sainte” and later renamed “Le Monde de la Bible”, it included numerous up-to-date surveys of excavations and reports on places of interest to visitors and biblical scholars. Briend, himself an archaeologist, has selected materials from these journals to form a two-volume archaeological guide book. Arranged geographically, they can be consulted with profit both at the scholar’s desk and on site when traveling. Scholars will be delighted to hear that Briend has added bibliographical updates to some of the older articles. (One may hope that the American “Biblical Archaeology Society” follows the French model.) Bayard Editions, Paris (2003) 1–2104 (BL)
1573 Seymour Gitin et al., The House That Albright Built Diese Ausgabe von Near Eastern Archeology würdigt das Werk des biblischen Archäologen William Foxwell Albright. Sie enthält folgende Beiträge: P.-A. Beaulieu, W.F. Albright and Assyriology (11–16); M.S. Smith, Ugaritic Studies and Israelite Religion (17–29); C. Higginbotham, Traveling the Ways of Horus: Studying the Links between Egypt and the Levant (30–34); G.J. Hamilton, W.F. Albright and Early Alphabetic Epigraphy (35–42); J.P. Dessel, Reading between the Lines: W.F. Albright “in” the Field and “on” the Field (43–50); L.G. Herr, W.F. Albright and the History of Pottery in Palestine (51–55); J.D. Schloen, W.F. Albright and the Origins of Israel (56–62); J.E. Wright, W.F. Albright’s Vision of Israelite Religion (63–68) und A. Brody, From the Hills of Adonis through the Pillars of Hercules: Recent Advances in the Archeology of Canaan and Phoenicia (69–80). NEAr 65/1 (2002) 4–80 (SP)
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1574 Gerald A. Klingbeil, Getting the Big Picture: History, Method, Potential and Possible Pitfalls of Archaeological Survey Work Neben der Ausgrabung gehört das “Survey” (Oberflächenuntersuchung) zu den grundlegenden archäologischen Methoden, v.a. bei der Erforschung größerer Regionen. Der Beitrag erörtert die Geschichte dieser Methode, ihre Prinzipien, Möglichkeiten und Grenzen. Anschließend wird in zehn Punkten eine methodologische Basis für eine moderne Survey-Arbeit präsentiert. Für die Rekonstruktion antiker Realität ist v.a. der Vergleich der Oberflächenuntersuchungen mit aktuellen Grabungen sowie relevanten biblischen und außerbiblischen Texten dringend erforderlich. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 145–178 (DL)
1575 C.H.J. de Geus, Towns in Ancient Israel and in the Southern Levant Though lacking scholarly apparatus, this is a fine and reliable survey of what we know about towns, houses, local temples, fortifications (etc.) in ancient Israel. With F. Frick, de Geus suggests that we must think of urban society as based on spatial coresidence rather than kinship affiliation. As a cautious scholar, de Geus warns us not to exaggerate the number of inhabitants of the towns of ancient Palestine – a few hundred may be a good guess. Palaestina Antiqua 10; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 1–189 (BL)
1576 Wolfram Martini, Sachwörterbuch der Klassischen Archäologie Was ist ein Antepagmentum? Ein Diphros? Eine Kykladenpfanne? Diese und hunderte von weiteren Fachwörtern der klassischen Archäologie und ihrer Grenzgebiete (vgl. z.B. die Einträge “Entwicklungsgedanke” oder “Kleidung”) werden kurz und kompetent erklärt, oft auch durch Abbildungen. In manchen Fällen leiten Literaturhinweise und Verweise auf andere Stichworte in die Fachliteratur oder in weitere Zusammenhänge. Ein nützliches Buch, das jeder Leser archäologischer Bücher zu besitzen wünscht. Kröners Taschenausgabe 390; Alfred Kröner Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) IX/1–371 (BL)
1577 Milton Moreland (ed.), Between Text and Artifact: Integrating Archaeology in Biblical Studies Teaching Can scholars help those who have to spend much time in the academic classroom? The answer here given is: yes, they can! Thirteen papers discuss subjects such as using archaeology to teach the Hebrew Bible (and Qumran, and the NT), Israelite religion in the light of archaeology, and teaching Second Temple Judaism in the light of archaeology. There are helpful discussions of bibliography ( J.P. Dessel, In search of the good book: a critical survey of handbooks on biblical archaeology; M. Aubin, Annotated bibliography for integrating archaeology into biblical studies), and one author ( J.C. Laughlin) suggests a reading syllabus on Israel in the Iron Age 1. It would be good to have more books of this kind! (A paperback edition is available from the Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga.) Archaeology and Biblical Studies 8; Brill, Leiden (2004) X/1–243 (BL)
1578 Neil Asher Silberman, Archaeology, Ideology, and the Search for David and Solomon The author reviews the various ways that archaeological material has been interpreted and used throughout the last century and concludes that there is no such thing as an objective conclusion. He shows how all the interpreters, even the archaeologists, have been influenced by philosophical or political presuppositions and concerns. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 395–405
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1579 Ernst-Joachim Waschke, Das Problem des Exegeten mit der Archäologie am Beispiel Jerusalems Bei der Rekonstruktion der Geschichte Israels haben Exegeten und Archäologen jeweils unterschiedliche Ausgangsbasen und Fragestellungen. Am Beispiel Jerusalems wird hier demonstriert, dass diese Tatsache im Hinblick auf z.B. theologische Bedeutung der Stadt (Exegese) oder ihrer voreisenzeitlichen Geschichte (Archäologie) zu einer für die jeweils andere Disziplin kaum relevanten Fragestellung geführt hat. In anderen Bereichen, wie z.B. bei der Postulierung eines davidisch-salomonischen Großreiches wird auf beiden Seiten heftig diskutiert, wobei eine unvoreingenommene Betrachtung kaum möglich erscheint. Der Verf. plädiert für eine getrennte Vorgehensweise beider Disziplinen, um ihre je eigenen Bilder anschließend im gegenseitigen Gespräch zu verknüpfen. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 311–322 (DL)
1580 Anson F. Rainey, Stones for Bread: Archaeology versus History Regardless of where one falls in the current debate about historiography and the tenth century of Iron Age Israel, all would acknowledge that it has had the positive impact of making scholars rethink cherished positions as well as the methodology and data by which they are substantiated. In this spirited essay, the relationship between text and material culture, between archaeology and history, is put to the test. The author takes up the challenge presented by Israel Finkelstein’s 1999 NEAr article, “State Formation in Israel and Judah” with his own challenge, namely, that teachers and scholars pursue the serious study of ancient documents in their original languages as the best means for reconstructing the history of ancient Israel. NEAr 64/3 (2001) 140–149
1581 Pierre-Maurice Bogaert, Exegesis and archaeology In einer sehr kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit I. Finkelsteins und N.A. Silbermans The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology’s New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of Its Sacred Texts, New York 2001 (vgl. IRBS 48:1347.1348, 49:1586) postuliert der Verf. eine notwendige Korrektur im Umgang mit der Archäologie als einzigem und eindeutigem Maßstab für die Glaubwürdigkeit biblischer Historiographie der vorjoschijanischen Zeit. Der Vorwurf lautet, die genannten Autoren hätten nichthistorischen Büchern des ATs und assyrischen Quellen keinen Platz eingeräumt, und sie würden nicht mit der Möglichkeit archäologisch nicht nachweisbarer Ereignisse rechnen. Trotzdem gehen sie von der Historizität der joschijanischen Reform aus, obwohl diese archäologisch nicht eindeutig nachweisbar sei. Bogaert bestreitet nicht, dass die Archäologie einen wichtigen Beitrag bei der Ergänzung der Historiographie zu leisten habe, gerade wenn Quellentexte fehlen, doch beschränkt sich dieser in seiner Erörterung auf einen recht allgemeinen Entwurf (114). Kritikwürdig ist seine Forderung, dem breiten Publikum keine kritischen Einzelbeobachtungen oder Widersprüche aus Sorge um die Autorität der Bibel vorzulegen. Der Vorwurf eines “wissenschaftlichen Fundamentalismus” an einen gezielt aus der archäologischen Perspektive unternommenen Geschichtsentwurf für eine angesichts zweifelhafter Quellenlage schwer fassbare Zeit darf wohl als reichlich übertrieben eingestuft werden. ThD 50/2 (2003) 111–114 (DL)
1582 Thomas Pola, Was bleibt von der älteren Geschichte Israels? Methodische und sachliche Bemerkungen zu neueren minimalistischen Positionen Als einen methodisch und sachlich misslungenen Versuch, ältere Geschichte Israels allein aufgrund der Archäologie zu erschließen, beurteilt der Verf. das von I. Finkelstein und N.A. Silbermann geschriebene Buch The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology’s New Vision of
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Ancient Israel and the Origin of Its Sacred Texts, New York 2001 (vgl. IRBS 48:1347.1348, 49:1586). Die genannten Autoren hätten sehr oft ex nihilo argumentiert und eine Reihe von sachlich unhaltbaren Beweisführungen durchgeführt. Ihr Buch sei eine Mahnung, angesichts der Zweideutigkeit archäologischer Befunde den traditionell überlieferten biblischen Quellen bei der Rekonstruktion der Vergangenheit Vorrang einzuräumen. Dabei sei allerdings sowohl die antike Wirklichkeitsauffassung als auch eine gegenwärtig nicht mehr gebräuchliche Ästhetik dieser Texte zu berücksichtigen. TBe 34/5 (2003) 238–255 (DL)
1583 William G. Dever, Whatchamacallit Informativer Überblick zur vergangenen und aktuellen Diskussion um die Benennung der Disziplin einer sog. “Biblischen Archäologie”. Dever plädiert dafür, sich an den aktuellen politischen Entitäten der Region zu orientieren und entsprechend von einer “Archäologie Israels”, einer “Archäologie der West Bank”, einer “Archäologie Jordaniens” usw. zu reden. BArR 29/4 (2003) 56–61 (MDK)
1584 Andrew G. Vaughn, Is Biblical Archaeology Theologically Useful Today? Yes, A Programmatic Proposal Philosophical and political presuppositions pose a major obstacle in the effort to draw firm conclusions. However, the situation is not hopeless. The archeologist and biblical theologian can and must move forward, and the best method for moving forward is somehow to strive to find a middle ground between the tendency to let one’s dogma control one’s conclusions and the desire to seek an essentialist solution. The essay concludes by using the material from Jerusalem as an example of what such proposal for biblical interpretation might look like. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 407–430
1585 H.L. Bosman, The Exodus and the spade: The impact of archeology on the interpretation of the Book of Exodus The interpretation of the book of Exodus is used as an example of the different ways in which archaeological discoveries influenced the course of biblical exegesis. Special emphasis will be placed on matters such as the Amarna letters and the Habiru, Merneptah Stele and the date of the Exodus and the Egyptian background of the Exodus. In conclusion it will be argued that critical dialogue and mutual respect must exist between archaeology and biblical studies. The theological interpretation of biblical texts is inevitably an interdisciplinary endeavor and archaeology is an academic discipline that must be part of the critical dialogue with biblical exegesis. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1487–1497
1586 Berel Dov Lerner, The Gardens of Eden and Sodom Während die Bewässerung Ägyptens durch den Nil gewährleistet wird, ist Israel von Regenfällen abhängig. Die unterschiedliche theologische Deutung dieses Sachverhalts in der hebräischen Bibel ist Gegenstand dieses Beitrags. JBQ 31/3 (2003) 174–180 (SP)
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✩ 1587 Stephen H. Savage et al., Spatial and Statistical Inference of Late Bronze Age Polities in the Southern Levant The Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500–1200 BC) marks the earliest opportunity to apply substantial historical archives to the inference of spatially defined polities in the southern Levant. A series of analyses of the Amarna Letters suggests numerous, small, bellicose “city-states” differing considerably in political prominence and demographic composition. We propose quantitative methods for analyzing archaeological settlement data to explore the spatial configuration of Late Bronze Age polities and their varying hierarchical structures. This approach provides an independent test of the historical method, which identifies capital cities and assumes the adherence of surrounding communities, by discerning polities from constellations of settlements, large and small, amid the abundantly available regional survey data for the southern Levant. We infer a political landscape that corresponds well with many aspects of historical reconstruction and propose new ideas on the configuration and structure of Late Bronze Age polities. In particular, the readily apparent balkanization of the southern Levant is founded on significant structural variation between settlement and polities on the Coastal Plain, the Central Hills, and the Jordan Rift. These results carry connotations for the study of earlier and subsequent political dynamics. Our methods and inferences are readily applicable to other cases of emergent political complexity in the southern Levant and elsewhere, particularly those lacking historical documentation. BASOR 330 (2003) 31–45
1588 Israel Finkelstein, “New Canaan” (Hebr., Engl. summary) Recent archaeological studies have demonstrated, that the Megiddo VIA horizon in the north of the country is characterized by continuity in material culture from the later phase of the Late Bronze Age. It seems that the urban centers were destroyed in the mid-to-late twelfth century BCE, while in the rural areas life continued uninterrupted. After a while, in the course of the eleventh century, the main mounds were reoccupied by the local, “Canaanite” population. Urban life expanded gradually, until the return to full-blown urban life in the late eleventh and early tenth century BCE. It is reasonable to suggest that the main centers of this renewed phase – Megiddo, Tel Rehov, Tel Keisan, Kinnereth and Dor – functioned as centers of city states. This system, which Finkelstein labels “New Canaan” came to an end in total destruction in the second half of the tenth century BCE (low chronology). There is a response to this essay by Ammon Ben-Tor on pages 50–54 in this volume. ErIs 27 (2003) 189–195
1589 Elizabeth Bloch-Smith, Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I: Archaelogy Preserves What Is Remembered and What Is Forgotten in Israel’s History Waren die zahlreichen Weiler und Gehöfte aus dem 12. und 11. Jh. v. C., die im zentralen Hügelland Palästinas entdeckt worden sind, Wohnstätten jenes frühen Israel, das die Merenptah-Stele erwähnt und welches die Oberflächenuntersuchungen von I. Finkelstein meinen evident gemacht zu haben? Die Verfasserin sucht einen anderen Weg einzuschlagen, um zu einer ethnischen Größe “Israel” in der Eisenzeit I zu gelangen. Gestützt auf die Arbeiten Fredrik Barths über soziale Organisationen und kulturelle Unterschiede bei ethnischen Gruppierungen setzt sie bei der Bestimmung der philistäischen Kultur und ihrer Relikte an und fragt, welche Besonderheiten und Unterschiede die biblischen Erzählungen hinsichtlich Israel und den Philistern im Sinne eines kulturellen Gedächtnisses aufbewahrt haben (z.B. Metallgebrauch, militärische Überlegenheit, religiöse Praxis). Viele Erinnerungen freilich gingen verloren, so dass eine nähere Beschreibung und Abgrenzung der ethnischen Identität der Israeliten in dieser Epoche nicht gelingt. JBL 122/3 (2003) 401–425 (RM)
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1590 Nicolas Coldstream, Some Aegean Reactions to the Chronological Debate in the Southern Levant This paper presents an Aegean angle on the current discussion about Early Iron Age chronology in the eastern half of the Mediterranean. Although lacking any evidence for absolute dates, the Aegean possesses a sound relative sequence, firmly based on several hundred closed groups, in single graves, of whole pots; these show a clear development evident in gradual changes of shape and of painted decoration. These small “chronological calls” help to illustrate the pace of stylistic development in the various regional schools of Protogeometric and Geometric pottery. Early Greek exports to five sites in the Southern Levant – Samaria, Megiddo, Tel Re˙ov, Tel Hadar and Tel Dor – offer some hope of pegging the Greek sequence to reliable absolute dates obtained from Near Eastern historical records. Even if the quality of these correlations may sometimes be far from ideal, their cumulative evidence nevertheless produces an internally coherent picture for the Greek relative sequence. And, when one is face to face with a choice between the “high” and “low” chronologies currently being advanced in the southern Levant, the latter alternative offers by far the more credible pace of stylistic change in the Aegean. Tel Aviv 30/2 (2003) 247–258
1591 Ayelet Gilboa et al., An Archaeological Contribution to the Early Iron Age Chronological Debate: Alternative Chronologies for Phoenicia and Their Effects on the Levant, Cyprus, and Greece This article follows a special chronological approach by constructing detailed artifactual, mainly ceramic sequences, anchoring these to an absolute time scale by 14C dating, and only then correlating them with historical data. Southern Phoenicia is proposed as a starting point for such an endeavor. Not only does it offer the most detailed stratigraphic/ceramic sequence to date for the early Iron Age in the Southern Levant, its commercial ties provide a wealth of ceramic indices for correlating the Phoenician sequence with other series of the Levant and farther Mediterranean regions. To a large extent these overcome problems of regionalism, which otherwise hamper attempts at chronological cross-correlations in this relatively fragmented period. Two alternative chronologies are presented: the traditional, high chronology, which has been established mainly on the basis of biblical/historical considerations, and the newly proposed low one, which is supported by radiometric dates from Tel Dor. The adoption of either one will entail a revision of parts of the Cypro-Geometric and Greek (Euboean) ProtoGeometric chronologies. BASOR 332 (2003) 7–80
1592 Amihai Mazar, Does Amihai Mazar Agree with Finkelstein’s “Low Chronology”? Die Diskussion um Finkelsteins “low chronology” entscheidet sich an der Einordnung der Keramik aus der EZ IIA. Strittig ist die Frage, ob diese bereits im 10. Jh. oder allein im 9. Jh. belegt ist, wie Finkelstein postuliert. Die Keramik ist in Arad Stratum XII belegt, das sicher mit der Zerstörung durch Scheschonk (925 v. Chr.) in Verbindung zu bringen sei. Entsprechend sei mit einer Verwendung bereits im 10. Jh. zu rechnen. In Jezreel wurde die Keramik in Sekundärverwendung in den Füllungen der aus dem 9. Jh. stammenden Zitadelle gefunden. Sie müsse dort somit bereits früher verwendet worden sein. Es sei damit zu rechnen, dass die Keramik länger als hundert Jahre in Gebrauch war. Entsprechend könne der Beginn der EZ IIA nicht auf das 9. Jh. beschränkt werden. Mazar plädiert daher für eine “modified traditional” anstelle einer “low chronology”. Im 10. Jh. vollziehe sich die Bildung eines Staates mit einer zentralen Verwaltung, einer Monumentalarchitektur und internationalem Handel. BArR 29/2 (2003) 60–61 (MDK)
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1593 Ephraim Stern, The Assyrian Impact on the Material Culture of Palestine (Hebr., Engl. summary) The archaeological record points to extensive Assyrian influence on the country’s material culture, an impact which brought about a radical change in almost all aspects of material culture within quite a short time. ErIs 27 (2003) 218–229
1594 Charles E. Carter, Ideology and Archaeology in the Neo-Babylonian Period: Excavating Text and Tell The author draws attention to the uncertainties of archaeological interpretation. The absence of paucity of data may be due to several factors, including the bias of the earlier generations of archaeologists who were interested primarily in the “golden age” of the monarchy and who, in their haste to get down to lower levels, inflicted considerable damage. In this region, and in the Near East in general, there has also been a marked preference for monumental architecture and a corresponding neglect of cultural data and the skills necessary to interpret them. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 301–322
1595 Avraham Faust, Judah in the Sixth Century BCE: A Rural Perspective Not much is known about the material culture of the “Babylonian Period”. The lack of data has been explained in two contrasting ways: (1) the region was only sparsely inhabited, and the meagre settlement left only scant remains; (2) this is a very short period, whose material culture should be viewed as a continuation of that of the late Iron Age and as a predecessor of that of the Persian Period, and therefore difficult to identify. These schools differ in their views on the demographic reality in sixth century BCE Judah. The former sees a great demographic decline, while the latter stresses continuity. The present paper suggests that the answer lies in an examination of continuity of settlement patterns in the rural sector. The importance of the rural sector results from the different considerations that influence the siting of urban and rural sites. Unlike their urban counterparts, whose location is a result of various considerations that can be met only by a relatively limited number of sites in any region, small rural sites are scattered throughout the landscape. Urban sites are therefore expected to be relocated on top of former urban sites, even if there is no continuity. However, if most or many Persian Period rural sites are located on top of Iron Age rural sites, then this indicates that they existed also during the sixth century, since rural sites are not usually expected to be located on top of earlier rural sites, unless they were inhabited continuously. Resettlement following a gap would result in the foundation of new sites, but only a minority of them would be located above previous ones. An examination of excavated Iron Age rural sites reveals continuity in the transition to the Persian Period in some regions, but total changes and extreme discontinuity in Judah. PEQ 135/1 (2003) 37–53
1596 Yossi Nagar et al., Biological Characteristics of Jewish Burial in the Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods This report describes the study of human skeletal remains from eight Jewish burial caves in the northern Shephelah and the Samaria regions. The caves were used as family-owned burial places. Kinship of the individuals buried in each cave is suggested, based upon exceptional frequencies of epigenetic traits. No pre-selection was made. Women and infants were treated equally after death, as were other sub-groups of the population. Men adult age at death was 38 years. Life expectancy by the age of ten
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was 26 years. Mortality rate was high: about 41 per 1,000. Average stature of the dead was 166 cm for males and 147 cm for females, typical of that period. IEJ 53/2 (2003) 164–171
1597 Marc Chancey et al., The Archaeology of Roman Palestine The authors review Herod’s initial projects including Cypros, Masada, Jerusalem, and Jericho. The second phase of Herod’s building endeavors includes the cities of Sabaste in Samaria and Caesarea Maritima as well as rebuilding the Jerusalem Temple and palace complex. At the same time Herod began constructing the fortress palaces of Herodium and Machaerus. This article also surveys Nabatean sites, including Petra with its enormous necropolis and impressive civic quarter, and the large cultic sites of Khirbet et-Tannur, southeast of the Dead Sea, where the Nabateans constructed a large temple complex, and Seeia, in the southern part of modern Syria. Herod’s three sons continued in their father’s footsteps when it came to constructing major urban centers. The construction of Sepphoris and Tiberias by Antipas receive particular attention. The authors also examine Nazareth and Capernaum. Other early Roman remains come to light from excavations at Caesarea Panias, Gamala, Bethsaida and Tell Anafa. NEAr 64/4 (2001) 164–203
Sites in Palestine (alphabetically) 1598 Karl-Heinz Fleckenstein et al., Emmaus in Judäa. Geschichte – Exegese – Archäologie The present book surveys recent exegetical research on Luke 24:13ff. (R. Riesner) and archaeological research done in Emmaus = Amwas between 1993 and 2002, where mosaics and evidence of a basilica dating to the 5th/6th century have been found. Two chapters deal with Emmnaus in 1 Maccabees (F. Sedlmeier) and in Jewish tradition (R. Deines). Biblische Archäologie und Zeitgeschichte 11, Brunnen Verlag, Gießen (2003) 1–333 (BL)
1599 Moshe Fisher et al., A Fourth-Centrury BCE Marble Totenmahlrelief at Apollonia-Arsuf Publikation eines Reliefs aus Ar†uf-Apollonia aus unklarem Kontext und in schlechtem Erhaltungszustand. Die dargestellte Szene wird als Totenmahl gedeutet: Die zitierten Parallelen dazu finden sich in Attika im Verlauf des 4. Jh. v. Chr. Das Relief wurde vermutlich aus Griechenland importiert und ist ein Beleg für den regen Handel der levantinischen Küstenstädte mit der ägäischen Welt in der Perserzeit (Eisenzeit III) und lässt auf die Anwesenheit von Griechen schließen. IEJ 53/1 (2003) 49–60 (VF)
1600 David Ben-Shlomo, The Iron Age Sequence of Tel Ashdod: A Rejoinder to “Ashdod Revisited” by I. Finkelstein and L. Singer-Avitz In a recent issue of Tel Aviv, Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz (Ashdod Revisited; Tel Aviv 28/2 (2001) 231–259; IRBS 48:1367) presented a revised interpretation of the Tel Ashdod excavation results. Several of their conclusions could have far-reaching implications, particularly with regard to chronology. However, these conclusions derive in many cases from either limited or negative data, and at times the archaeological facts are disregarded. The soon-to-be-published new data from Ashdod were also not taken into account. On the basis of both the archaeological and textual evidence, the Iron Age sequence at Tel Ashdod is far more reasonably interpreted as a continuous occu-
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pation without any gaps and, therefore, the original stratigraphy and dating suggested by the excavators should be retained. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 83–107
1601 Daniel M. Master, Trade and Politics: Ashkelon’s Balancing Act in the Seventh Century BCE Recent excavations by the Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon have uncovered a wealth of new information regarding ancient life in the southern Levant. Perhaps no era has been as successfully illuminated as the seventh century BCE where, as a major Mediterranean port and fortified city on the route between Assyria and Egypt, Ashkelon had a role in both the military and economic changes that swept through the southern Levant. This study examines the nature of Ashkelon’s political connections to the military power of the Neo-Assyrian empire and presents new evidence that outlines Ashkelon’s trading connections with Phoenicia as a major factor behind the economic growth of Ashkelon in the seventh century BCE. Specifically, the petrographic examination of Ashkelon’s pottery reveals little connection with the Assyrian provincial system and considerable interaction with the Phoenician maritime economy. BASOR 330 (2003) 47–64
1602 Russell B. Adams, External Influences at Faynan During the Early Bronze Age: A Re-Analysis of Building I at Barqa el-Hetiye, Jordan This paper reviews the evidence from the Deutsches Bergbau Museum excavations at Barqa el-Hetiye “House 1”, located in the Faynan district of southern Jordan. It presents a re-interpretation of the site and its data and links technological changes in the production of copper that take place at Faynan during the later Early Bronze Age (EBA II–III) to changes in the material culture at Barqa el-Hetiye which suggest influences from the western Levant as a key factor in these developments. PEQ 135/1 (2003) 6–21
1603 Scott G. Brown, Bethany beyond the Jordan: John 1:28 and the Longer Gospel of Mark The Gospel of John is not the only gospel to refer to a place called Bethany east of the Jordan river. The longer Gospel of Mark (better known as “Secret Mark”) depicts Jesus raising a young man in “Bethany” while Jesus is travelling through Peraea. A study of the relevant topographical references in this expanded version of Mark supports the recent claim by Jordanian archaeologists to have rediscovered Bethany beyond the Jordan at Wadi Kharrar in Jordan. RB 110/4 (2003) 497–516
1604 Klaus Koenen, Bethel: Geschichte, Kult und Theologie Relatively little is known about the Northern Israelite city of Bethel. Koenen surveys what can be known both from archaeological reports and from the biblical record. The main message is that Bethel was a cultic center, celebrated for its representation of Yahweh as a young bull (a symbol for Yahweh’s power to assist his people). Exod 32 is understood as an original etiology of the bull statue, but the account is now transmitted in a metamorphosed form, for it is made into an etiology of the destruction of the bull. There seems to have been a tension between the aniconic ritual of Jerusalem and the iconic worship at Bethel. OBO 192; Universitätsverlag, Fribourg (2003) X/1–251 (BL)
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1605 Shlomo Bunimovitz et al., The Final Destruction of Beth Shemesh and the Pax Assyriaca in the Judean Shephelah Judah and Philistia suffered different fates following Sennacherib’s campaign in 701 BCE. While the Philistine coast and hinterland flourished under Assyrian rule, the Shephela of Judah was devastated and depopulated. New data unearthed at the renewed excavations at Tel Beth Shemesh illuminate the fate of the Shephelah of Judah during the 7th century BCE – the era of the pax Assyriaca in the Levant. – For a Hebrew version of the paper, see ErIs 27 (2003) 41–49. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 3–26
1606 Dalia Pakman, “Mask-Like” Face Reliefs On a Painted Stand From the Sacred Precint at Tel Dan (Hebr., Engl. summary) In 1978, cult objects from the ninth century BCE were unearthed on a stone surface southwest of the central structure of the Bamah A sacred precint at Tel Dan. Among the finds were a fragment of a relief depicting the face of a bearded man; a cylinder stand covered with beige slip, decorated in a painted pattern of red and black bichrome bands alternating with rows of concentric circles in black; and the fragments of a second, similar stand, decorated in the same painted pattern, but covered with a particularly thick white slip. Both reliefs were fashioned as “mask-like” faces, inspired by Phoenician masks. The inclusion of masks as a meaningful element on a stand is a new phenomenon among the pictures, figures and symbols appearing on cult stands in the Land of Israel and neighboring countries. ErIs 27 (2003) 196–203
1607 Konstantinos Politis, Where Lot’s Daughters Seduced Their Father In Deir 'Ain 'Abata am Südostufer des Toten Meers wurde ein Gebäudekomplex aus byzantinischer Zeit freigelegt, der bis ins 8. Jh. in Betrieb war. Der Komplex umfasst eine dreiapsidiale, mit Mosaiken ausgestattete Basilika, deren nördliche Apside in eine natürliche Höhle mündet, einen Klosterbereich sowie eine Pilgerherberge. Aufgrund von Inschriften sowie der Madabakarte lässt sich sicher erschließen, dass an dieser Stelle die Zufluchtsstätte Lots und seiner Töchter nach der Zerstörung von Sodom und Gomorra kommemoriert wurde (vgl. Gen 19). BArR 30/1 (2004) 20–31.64 (MDK)
1608 Chang-Ho C. Ji et al., Iron Age I in the Dhiban Plateau Im Rahmen einer integrativen Studie stellen die Verf. diverse archäologische Evidenzen zur Eisenzeit I auf dem Dibon-Plateau zu einem umfassenden siedlungsgeschichtlichen Bild zusammen, vergleichen es mit Entwicklungen in benachbarten Regionen und erörtern die archäologische Implikation für die israelitische Geschichte der Eisenzeit I. Das Dibon-Plateau war in dieser Zeit nur spärlich besiedelt. Die wenigen urbanen und saisonalen Siedlungen weisen keine Zerstörungsspuren während der EZ I und keine Besiedlungslücke am Übergang zu EZ II aus. Stammeszuordnung und die damit verbundene Kultur scheinen typisch für diese Zeit. Neue Architekturmerkmale wie die Kasemattenmauer oder das Vierraumhaus lassen keine eindeutigen ethnischen Zuordnungen zu. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 105–132 (DL)
1609 Trude Dothan, Philistine Fashion Drei runde Scheiben aus Elfenbein bzw. Fayence, die im philistäischen Tempel von Ekron gefunden wurden, werden als Ohrschmuck identifiziert, wie er in Ägypten ab dem 14. Jh. v. Chr. belegt ist. BArR 29/6 (2003) 46–49 (MDK)
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1610 Nadav Na"aman, Ekron under the Assyrian and Egyptian Empires This article discusses four problems that are central to the history and archaeology of Ekron in the late eighth-seventh century BCE: (1) The accession of the dynasty of Padi to the throne of Ekron; (2) Ekron in Assyrian letters and administrative documents; (3) the foundation of Stratum IC; and (4) the economic growth of Ekron under the Assyrian and Egyptian empires. It is suggested that Stratum IC at Ekron was found in the second half of the eighth century BCE and that the city was an important center in the time of Sargon II, and probably earlier. The available sources do not suggest that Ekron enjoyed preferred status among the western vassals of Assyria. Most of the artifacts unearthed at Stratum IB at Ekron should be assigned to the period in which it was a vassal of Egypt. The Tel Miqne publication team has not yet published data that enables scholars to establish the scope of the city’s flourishing in the first half of the seventh century, or estimate the extent of the city’s assumed decline in the late seventh century BCE. Ekron’s prosperity arose from the results of Sennacherib’s campaign against Judah in 701 BCE, from the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca, and from the new economic opportunities created by the empire – rather than the result of a deliberate imperial policy of economic development of its vassal. BASOR 332 (2003) 81–91
1611 Seymour Gitin, Neo-Assyrian and Egyptian Hegemony over Ekron in the Seventh Century BCE: A Response to Lawrence E. Stager The analysis of the stratigraphic and ceramic data from Ekron demonstrates that there were two occupation phases in the seventh century BCE. Based on the linkage with Assyrian texts, the Ekron inscriptions and the Babylonian Chronicle, the first phase, Stratum IC, 700 – ca. 630/623, corresponds to the Neo-Assyrian period. It was at this time that the olive oil industry was first developed and reached its zenith. In the second phase, Stratum IB, destroyed in 604 BCE during Neo-Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar’s campaign to Philista, a diminution occurred in olive oil production. This was the period of Egyptian hegemony. ErIs 27 (2003) 55*–61*
1612 Volkmar Fritz, Cross Cultural Connections at the Lake of Galilee during the Iron Age Die Siedlungen am See Genezareth nahmen in verschiedenen Zeiten einen besonderen Anteil am überregionalen Kulturaustausch. Anhand drei ausgewählter eisenzeitlicher Ortslagen – Tel Hadar, et-Tell, und Tell el-Oreme wird hier das Wiederaufleben kultureller Querverbindungen zwischen Nordpalästina und den Nachbarregionen nach dem Niedergang der spätbronzezeitlichen Stadtstaaten-Kultur demonstriert. JbDEI 8 (2003) 17–21 (DL)
1613 Mark Chancey, Galilee and Greco-Roman Culture in the Time of Jesus: The Neglected Significance of Chronology Das Ausmaß der Hellenisierung Galiläas, das in der gegenwärtigen historischen Jesusforschung für das erste Jahrhundert angenommen wird, beschreibt eher das Galiläa des zweiten oder dritten Jahrhunderts als das zur Zeit Jesu. Das ist das Ergebnis der Auswertung von Inschriften, Architektur und Stadtplanung, sowie Ikonographie und Bildersprache. SBL.SPS 42 (2003) 173–187 (SP)
1614 Ronny Reich et al., Notes on the Gezer Water System Following the recent excavations of the Jerusalem “Warren’s Shaft System” and its attribution to the Middle Bronze II period, the authors re-evaluate the dating of the
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Gezer water system. R.A.S. Macalister attributed it to the “Second Semitic” period, which roughly corresponds to the MB II period. Several scholars challenged this dating, suggesting a lower date in the Late Bronze or the Iron Age. The article draws attention to a detail which escaped the eyes of scholars, namely that the cave at the bottom of the system has in fact a lower outlet, to the tell’s southern perimeter. This detail appears on a plan and section drawn by L. Vincent, when visiting the excavation. This explains how the miners knew where to locate the entrance to the system within the city’s boundary, and to what direction and angle to aim their tunnel to hit that cave. This increases the similarity between the Jerusalem and the Gezer water systems, and corroborates the MB II dating for the Gezer system, originally suggested by Macalister. – Hebrew version of the paper: ErIs 27 (2003) 212–217. PEQ 135/1 (2003) 22–29
1615 William G. Dever, Visiting the Real Gezer: A Reply to Israel Finkelstein This article is a reply to Israel Finkelstein’s “Gezer Revisited and Revised” (Tel Aviv 29:262–296; IRBS 49:1347). It is an attempt to address the methodological issues posed there, as well as to refute Finkelstein’s reconstruction of the site’s stratigraphy and history. In particular, it defends the over-all Gezer project by placing it in both the context of the archaeology of the 1960s–1970s and contemporary archaeological scholarship. Tel Aviv 30/2 (2003) 259–282
1616 Kenneth A. Kitchen, An Egyptian Inscribed Fragment from Late Bronze Hazor Transliteration und Übersetzung eines ägyptischen Textfragmentes aus Hazor. Es handelt sich dabei um Teile einer mittleren Kolumne eines umfangreichen Textes auf einer Statue. Der Text wird in die Zeit nach der 19. Dynastie (13. Jh. v. Chr.) datiert, was gut zum archäologischen Kontext passt. Die erhaltenen Titel werden detailliert diskutiert mit dem Ergebnis, dass der Wesir Pra˙otep gemeint ist, der im 13. Jh. v. Chr. gelebt hat. Sein Auftauchen in Hazor unter Ramses II steht vermutlich mit der Heiratspolitik des Pharao in Zusammenhang, da Ramses II nach seinem 42. Jahr eine (zweite) hethitische Prinzessin geheiratet hat, die dieser an der Grenze des ägyptischen Reiches in Empfang nehmen und nach Ägypten begleiten sollte. Die Inschrift ist für die Datierung des Endes Hazors an das Ende der Spätbronzezeit besonders wichtig. In einem Anhang wird eine weitere Inschrift besprochen, die sich auf einem Monument erhalten hat, das sich jetzt im Louvre befindet und damit öffentlich zugänglich ist. In ihm wird “das Haus Hazor” mit seinem ägyptischen Namen erwähnt. IEJ 53/1 (2003) 20–28 (VF)
1617 Wolfgang Zwickel, Wer eroberte Hazor? Hazor weist während der Spätbronzezeit II zwei Zerstörungsschichten auf. Das Ende von Stratum IB wurde von Yadin ins 14. Jh. datiert. Das kurz nach der Zerstörung wiederaufgebaute Stratum IA ging um 1200 v. Chr. zugrunde. Die erste Zerstörung dürfte auf Ayyab, den König von Aschtarot, zurückzuführen sein. Die zweite Zerstörung, von der sich Hazor nie mehr erholen konnte, war wohl das Ergebnis innerkanaanäischer Streitigkeiten. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 47–61 (NvM)
1618 Zvi Gal, The Iron Age “Low Chronology” in Light of the Excavations at Óorvat Rosh Zayit Angesichts der schlechten Stratigraphiequalität und der meistens nicht in situ vorgefundenen Keramik in Jesreel ist die auf die Erkenntnisse der Grabungen an diesem Ort zurückgehende “low chronology” anhand anderer “one period sites” zu überprüfen. Der Verf. richtet sein Augenmerk auf das am östlichen Rand der Akko-Ebene gele-
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gene Óorvat Rosh Zayit, das er mit dem biblischen Kabul aus den Landnahmeerzählungen ( Jos 19,27) und der salomonischen Schenkung an Hiram von Tyrus (1 Kön 9,13) identifiziert. Da die in situ gefundene und typologisch klar bestimmbare Keramik an dieser Stätte den Straten Va–IVb in Megiddo und den Straten X–IX in Hazor entspricht, stärkt der Befund den synchronisierenden geschichtlichen Rahmen der “high chronology” für die EZ II. IEJ 53/2 (2003) 147–150 (DL)
1619 Thomas E. Levy et al., Archaeology and the Shasu Nomads: Recent Excavations in the Jabal Hamrat Fidan, Jordan Als ein Beitrag zur Debatte um die Siedlungsgeschichte Palästinas in der frühen Eisenzeit werden hier neue Informationen aus der Ausgrabung eines ehemaligen Friedhofs der frühen EZ II in Südjordanien präsentiert. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt den sozialen Verhältnissen der ehemaligen Bewohner dieser Gegend, die von den Ausgräbern aufgrund literarischer und archäologischer Evidenzen trotz bekannter Probleme bei ethnischen Zuweisungen als Schasu-Nomaden identifiziert wurden. Wie die Auswertung der Grabbeigaben nahe legt, hat die durch die Friedhoffunde repräsentierte Gesellschaft keine rigide soziale Hierarchie entwickelt, wenn auch einige Frauenbestattungen mit besonderem Aufwand ausgeführt wurden. Biblical and Judaic Studies 9; Richard Elliott Friedman et al. (eds.), Le-David Maskil; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2004) 63–89 (DL)
1620 Deborah Sweeney, A Lion-Hunt Scarab and Other Egyptian Objects from the Late Bronze Fortress at Jaffa This article presents four Egyptian finds from recent excavations at Jaffa: an Amenhotep III lion-hunt scarab and medium-sized scarab, a faience amulet of the god Bes and a fragment of a faience vessel. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 54–65
1621 Sharon C. Herbert et al., A New Administrative Center for Persian and Hellenistic Galilee: Preliminary Report of the University of Michigan/ University of Minnesota Excavations at Kedesh We present the main findings of three excavation seasons at Kedesh. At the southern end of the lower mound we have uncovered an enormous Hellenistic building (56 m east-west by 40 m north-south), abandoned shortly after the middle of the second century BCE and built over a Persian-period predecessor. The size, internal fittings, and especially the finds of the Hellenistic building – including an archive represented by 2043 stamped clay sealings – indicate that this was a public administrative center, probably housing either the governor of the eparchy of Galilee or the strategos of Coele-Syria. The finds show compelling affinities with the material culture of Hellenistic Phoenicia with a considerable admixture of Greek culture. Some parts of the building were reoccupied shortly after its abandonment by people living in a much less grandiose manner, but whose material culture also reflects Hellenistic Phoenician remains. These discoveries are relevant to larger historical issues, including the Persian administration of the region from the fifth century BCE, and relations between the Tyrians, the Seleucids, and the Jews in the first half of the second century BCE. The nature and timing of the abrupt dissolution of this administrative base just after the middle of the second century BCE reflect significant changes in the balance of power in the region, which we believe are relevant to contemporary developments in Judaea. BASOR 329 (2003) 13–59
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1622 Yuval Gadot et al., A Late Byzantine Pottery Workshop at Khirbet Baraqa This article presents the results of the authors’ excavations at Khirbet Baraqa, where they uncovered a Late Byzantine pottery workshop. The article discusses this industrial installation and how it reflects on the geo-economic system of the southern Coastal Plain in the Late Byzantine period. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 130–162
1623 Israel Finkelstein et al., The Cache of Egyptianized Vessels from Megiddo: A Stratigraphical Update The article presents an updated description of the Early Bronze I finds in Area J at Megiddo, in view of the results of the 1998 and 2000 seasons. Specifically, it discusses the layout of the Level J-4 (EB IB) monumental temple, the circumstances of its abandonment and a phase of renewal of activity at the ruined temple in Level J-4a (also dating to the EB IB). The cache of Egyptianized pottery found in Area J in 1996 was dated by Finkelstein and Ussishkin, on stratigraphical grounds, most likely to the EB III (Level J-5), and by Joffe, on typological grounds, most likely to the EB IB (Level J-4). The 1998–2000 seasons provided additional stratigraphic evidence for its attribution to Level J-4a, the last phase of the EB IB temple. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 27–41
1624 Ornit Ilan et al., The Egyptianized Pottery Vessels of Early Bronze Age Megiddo The renewed excavations of the Early Bronze cultic compound (Area J) at Tel Megiddo revealed a cache of 16 Egyptian-looking vessels, dated either to the EB I or the EB III. This discovery calls to mind the Egyptian-looking jar unearthed on the eastern slope of the tel by the Oriental Institute team some 70 years ago. The typological and technological study of this vessel, in the context of the new find, supplies additional support for dating the cache to the EB IB. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 42–53
1625 Timothy P. Harrison, The Battleground. Who Destroyed Megiddo? Was it David or Shishak? Auf Basis bisher unveröffentlichter Ergebnisse der Grabungen des Oriental Institute (Chicago) in den dreißiger Jahren, wird die Zuschreibung der Zerstörung von Stratum VI an David gegen die Vertreter der “low chronology” verteidigt. BArR 29/6 (2003) 28–35.60–64 (MDK)
1626 Ronny Reich, The Stratigraphic Relationship between Palaces 1369 and 1052 (Stratum III) at Megiddo In the recent excavations carried out by the Tel Aviv University expedition to Megiddo, the stratigraphic relations between Buildings 1052 and 1369 were examined. These large edifices were first excavated in the 1930s by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The Tel Aviv expedition examined the last location where these buildings seem to overlap, and, in Megiddo III, concluded that Building 1052 was constructed first and Building 1369 was added at a later stage, contrary to the prevailing view. After examining the stratigraphic details published in Megiddo III, this paper points out that not a single stratigraphic detail or argument was presented that supports this new conclusion. Indeed, the view that Building 1039 was constructed first and Building 1052 was added later must still be the prevailing interpretation. BASOR 331 (2003) 39–44
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1627 J. Andrew Overman u.a., Discovering Herod’s Shrine to Augustus. Mystery Temple Found at Omrit Erster vorläufiger Bericht über die seit 1999 staffindenden Grabungen in Omrit. Gefunden wurde ein monumentaler römischer Tempel aus dem letzten Viertel des 1. Jhs. v. Chr., der Ende des 1./Anfang des 2. Jhs. n. Chr. umgebaut und erweitert wurde. Die Ausgräber identifizieren die erste Tempelanlage mit dem dritten, bei Josephus, Ant 13,318, erwähnten und vermutlich auf einer Münze des Herodes Phillipus dargestellten Tempel, den Herodes zu Ehren des Augustus (neben den Tempeln in Caeserea Maritima und Samaria-Sebaste) errichten ließ. BArR 29/2 (2003) 40–49.67–68 (MDK)
1628 J.-B. Humbert et al. (eds.), The Excavations of Khirbet Qumran and Ain Feshkha. Synthesis of Roland de Vaux’s Filed Notes The NTOA “Series Archaeologica” will publish the complete set of photos taken during R. de Vaux’s excavations of the Dead Sea settlement in the 1950s. The present volume provides a commentary and is to accompany the actual album of illustrations (to be published shortly). Part of the project was funded by Dr. Hershel Shanks. NTOA, series archaeological 1 B; University Press, Fribourg (2003) XXI/1–111 (BL)
1629 Jean-Baptiste Humbert et al. (eds.), Khirbet Qumrân et Aïn Feshkha II This invaluable collection of new studies, often relying on scientific methods, of objects found in Qumrân, serves to clarify many issues. Radiocarbon dating fixes the main activities to the first century CE. The plastered pools can be shown to have specifically Jewish connections, serving, as they do, to restore ritual purity. The site was occupied between ca. 40/30 BCE and 68 CE, without being abandoned during several years, as R. de Vaux hypothesized. Before the arrival of the Essenes, the site was occupied by others, as can be seen from the remains of a fine residential building (not an Iron Age fortress, as de Vaux had suggested) dating from the early first century BCE. NTOA Series Archaeologica 3; Academic Press Fribourg, Fribourg (2003) XXV/1–483 (BL)
1630 Joe Zias, Qumran Archaeology: Skeletons with Multiple Personality Disorders and Other Grave Errors Following the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls in 1947, and the excavations of R. De Vaux (1949–56) Qumran continues to attract wide public attention. As a result of the site’s prominence, it has also fostered widespread scientific abuse, lawsuits and unverified claims by scholars and non-scholars alike since the 1960’s. The recent excavations (2000–2002), which continue to make headlines with claims of discovering James the Brother of Jesus, John the Baptist, Teacher of Righteousness, The Overseer and a zinc coffin, are examples of the lack of scientific integrity which continues to plague the archaeology of Qumran. RdQ 21/1 (2003) 83–98
1631 Mordechai E. Kislev et al., Cereals and Fruits from a Collapsed Cave South of Khirbet Qumran Präsentation in Listenform der in der bei 9Q neuentdeckten Höhle gemachten Funde an Samen und Kernen. Ausführlich wird das Auftreten des Store Pest Beetle diskutiert. IEJ 53/1 (2003) 74–77 (VF)
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1632 Ronny Reich, On the Assyrian Presence at Ramat Ra˙el This article highlights architectural remains exposed at Ramat Ra˙el that could support suggestions concerning an Assyrian presence at the site. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 124–129
1633 Steven A. Rosen et al., The Shrine of the Setting Sun: Survey of the Sacred Precinct at Ramat Saharonim Interpretation des Oberflächenbefundes der im Ma§tè“ Ràmòn gelegenen Ortslage von 'En Saharonim. Die Heiligtümer dieser Ortslage, die der Frühbronzezeit zugeschrieben wird, werden im Licht der Sonnenkonstellation gedeutet. Entsprechend gehören die Tumuli als Totenstätten in den Kontext des Totenkultes. Da die Gegend keine dauerhafte Besiedlung aufweist, ist mit einem Totenkult der Nomaden zu rechnen. IEJ 53/1 (2003) 1–19 (VF)
1634 Norma Franklin, The Tombs of the Kings of Israel. Two recently Identified 9th-Century Tombs from Omride Samaria In Analogie zur assyrischen Bestattungspraxis werden die unter dem Palast Omris gelegenen Höhlen neu untersucht. Dabei wird auf die Ergebnisse der Havard Expedition 1908–1910 unter der Leitung von Reisner zurückgegriffen. Die beiden als Begräbnisstätten der israelitischen Könige angesprochenen Felshöhlen sind sich in Größe und Plan ähnlich und liegen unter dem Palast des Omri mit einem Zugang von außen (Tomb A und Tomb B). Beide müssen der Bauphase I zugerechnet werden. Erst später wurden Räume vor ihre tunnelartigen Eingänge gesetzt. Beide unterirdischen Kammern enthielten keine Hinweise auf ehemalige Begräbnisse, das kann aber auf Grabräuber oder Umbettung zurückzuführen sein. Eine weitere Grabhöhle könnte noch unter dem Aufgang zu dem von Herodes gebauten Tempel liegen. ZDPV 119 (2003) 1–11 (VF)
1635 Adam Zertal, The Province of Samaria (Assyrian Samerina) in the Late Iron Age (Iron Age III) The author describes the situation in the hill country of Samaria which, in some respects, presents a contrast with Judah, on the basis of excavations and surveys performed during the last two decades. Following building activities and population replacement, the province of Samaria became the base for Assyrian and Babylonian rule in Palestine, with the city of Samaria being the capital of the whole country. The population continued to be mainly Israelite, worshiping Yahweh. The short Babylonian rule, approximately fifty years, left few traces in the province, if any. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 377–412
1636 Yoel Elitzur et al., A Rock-Hewn Altar Near Shiloh The Bible refers frequently to sacrifices offered on high places (bamot) and altars “on every high hill and under every leafy tree”. Archeological finds in the Land of Israel, however, include only a few altars for animal sacrifices. The altar described here is unique, an unprecedented find in the Land of Israel. It is hewn in the rock about 1.5 km west of Shiloh, in an area quite rich in ancient ruins and near a spring. There are no building remains, nor pottery relevant to the period, in its immediate vicinity. At the side is a flat, blackened stone, apparently broken off the altar top because of the heat of its fire. The altar has four “horns” and a levelled top, and its dimensions resemble those of the altar in the book of Exodus (27.1–2). It stands not on a summit but in mid-slope. It may thus be conjectured that the altar was Israelite and used for monotheistic worship. The orientation of the altar is interesting: its corners, rather
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than its sides, are aligned with the four cardinal directions (north and south, east and west). In this respect the altar is similar to that discovered on Mount Ebal. The altar shares some features with “Manoah’s altar” below ancient Zor'ah; however, there are some basic differences, and the Shiloh altar is much more impressive. PEQ 135/1 (2003) 30–36
1637 Lawrence E. Stager, The Shechem Temple: Where Abimelech Massacred a Thousand Die von den Ausgräbern vorgenommene Datierung des Migdal-Tempels (Tempel 1) von Tell Balata (Sichem) in die ausgehende Mittelbronzezeit ist zu korrigieren. Der postulierte Tempel 2 existierte nicht. Vielmehr bestand Tempel 1 bis in die Eisenzeit I (1200–1000 v. Chr.) und dürfte entsprechend mit dem Tempel des “Baal Berit” aus Ri 9 zu identifizieren sein (s. zu dieser These bereits H. Weippert, Handbuch der Archäologie, Vorderasien II/1 1988, 277). BArR 29/4 (2003) 26–35.66–69 (MDK)
1638 Paul J. Ray, The Moabites at Tall Hisban Dieser sehr von den biblischen Angaben geprägte Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit der eisenzeitlichen Besiedlung auf dem Tall Hisban, insbesondere mit dem Aufkommen und Verlauf der vermuteten moabitischen Besiedlung (Strata 17–16). Gestiegene Population auf dem von Nomaden bewohnten Tall Hisban in der EZ IIB weise auf die dominierende Position der Moabiter auf dem zentralen jordanischen Plateau in dieser Zeit, was mit biblischen Berichten und der Evidenz der Mescha-Stele im Einklang stehe. Die als Zeugnisse für einen Wechsel in der materiellen Kultur eingestuften Keramikfunde aus dem Stratum 17 sind in einer Zusammenfassung am Ende des Beitrags präsentiert. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 202–218 (DL)
1639 Amihai Mazar, The Excavations at Tel Re˙ov and Their Significance for the Study of the Iron Age in Israel (Hebr., Engl. summary) This paper sums up the results of four seasons of excavations (1997–2000) at Tel Re˙ov in the Beth Shean Valley. ErIs 27 (2003) 143–160
1640 Nicolas Coldstream et al., Greek Pottery from Tel Re˙ov and Iron Age Chronology Nachdem die Bedeutung der Scherbenfunde aus Protogeometrischer (PG), SubProtogeometrischer (SPG), Früher Geometrischer (EG) und Mittlerer Geometrischer (MG) Zeit in Palästina für die griechische Chronologie grundsätzlich dargestellt wurde, werden insgesamt acht Scherben dieser Ware aus Tel Re˙ov besprochen. In Konsequenz wird für den Tel Re˙ov unter Zuhilfenahme der 14C-Daten folgende Chronologie entworfen: Stratum III: Late ninth to mid-eight century till 732 BCE (the destruction by Tiglatpileser III.), Stratum IV: Ninth century until c. 840/830 BCE, Stratum V: Tenth / ninth (?) century BCE und Stratum VI: Tenth century BCE. Die griechischen Scherben zeigen den regen Handel zwischen der Küstenebene und dem Jordantal an, auch wenn dessen genaue Art noch nicht bestimmt werden kann. IEJ 53/1 (2003) 29–48 (VF)
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1641 Israel Finkelstein et al., Wrong and Wright; High and Low Dates form Tel Re˙ov and Iron Age Chronology
14
C
Bruins, van der Plicht and Mazar (Science 302:568c) recently presented a new set of 14C measurements from Tel Re˙ov and interpreted them as supporting at least part of the conventional chronology system for the Iron Age strata in the Levant. The present article takes issue with the provenance of the samples and with Bruins, van der Plicht and Mazar’s methodology, historical arguments and interpretation of the measurements using the calibration curve. The article shows that the new readings from Tel Re˙ov far from support the conventional chronology. First, there is an alternative interpretation for the readings from Tel Re˙ov V, which falls in the very late 10th century BCE. Second, Tel Re˙ov IV is the contemporary of Megiddo VA (VA–IVB) and hence the latter, with its ashlar palaces, must be dated to the first half of the 9th century BCE. This means that the new Tel Re˙ov measurements support the most important component of the Low Chronology system. Tel Aviv 30/2 (2003) 283–295
1642 Jeffrey R. Zorn, Tell en-Naßbeh and the Problem of the Material Culture of the Sixth Century The author presents a detailed analysis of the results of the excavation carried out at Tell en-Naßbeh by W.F. Badè between 1926 and 1935. Zorn indicates that this is one of the few sites providing clear architectural evidence for the Neo-Babylonian period and showing, as might be expected, a continuation of local Iron Age traditions. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 413–447
1643 Benjamin Adam Saidel, Abandoned Tent Camps in Southern Jordan Saidel details the results of a recent survey in southern Jordan by the Bedouin Ethnoarchaeological Survey Project (BESP). The BESP, building on the work of Roger Cribb in Anatolia, surveyed 88 abandoned tent encampments. While the data presented here are preliminary, Saidel’s study gives new insights into how pastoralists adapted to living in arid zones with varying terrains. NEAr 64/3 (2001) 150–157
1644 D. Cropper et al., Umm Meshrat I and II: Two New Late Neolithic Sites Along the Wadi ath-Thamad, Jordan In diesem Beitrag werden Ergebnisse und Interpretation archäologischer Untersuchungen in Umm Meshret I und II – zwei 300 m voneinander entfernten spätneolithischen Stätten östlich des Toten Meeres – vorgestellt. Erörtert werden die Architekturreste, gefundene Werkzeuge sowie die spärlichen Keramikfunde. Beide Siedlungen scheinen einen temporären Charakter gehabt zu haben. Einflusse der sog. jarmukischen wie auch der Jericho IX Kultur konnten festgestellt werden. Künftige Grabungen in Umm Meshret I versprechen Erkenntnisse zum Übergang vom akeramischen zum keramischen Neolithikum im jordanischen Hochland. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 15–32 (DL)
Jerusalem – temple 1645 Ann E. Killebrew, Biblical Jerusalem: An Archaeological Assessment The paper reviews archaeological material concerning Jerusalem from the Middle Bronze until Iron Age II B and stresses the need to evaluate biblical Jerusalem based on the evidence excavated and discourages speculation on what might have been. The
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essay ends with a summary of what we can conclude with some degree of certainty, what interpretations are likely but cannot be proven, and where a consensus now exists. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 329–345
1646 Margreet Steiner, The Evidence from Kenyon’s Excavations in Jerusalem: A Response Essay The author, an archaeologist who is publishing Kathleen Kenyon’s excavations in Jerusalem, offers her critique of A.E. Killebrew’s synthesis of the archaeology of Jerusalem. Steiner presents arguments for the absence of any significant occupation during the Late Bronze Age. According to her evidence, the “stepped stone” structure and its mantle were constructed separately and at different times. During the tenth and ninth century BCE Jerusalem began as a new settlement that served as a significant administrative center of Judah. It did not, however, develop into a real city until the eighth century. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 347–363
1647 Hershel Shanks, The Mistress of Stratigraphy Had Clay Feet Die posthume Publikation der Ergebnisse der Grabungen von Kathleen Kenyon in Jerusalem (M.L. Steiner, Excavations by Kathleen M. Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961–1967, Volume III – The Settlement in the Bronze and Iron Ages) wird kritisch rezensiert. Die Grabung wurde einerseits nur unzureichend dokumentiert, andererseits werden auch die Zuordnungen und Wertungen der Herausgeberin skeptisch beurteilt. BArR 29/3 (2003) 52–58.70 (MDK)
1648 Jane M. Cahill, Jerusalem at the Time of the United Monarchy: The Archaeological Evidence In the first part of this essay the vast history of archaeological research conducted in Jerusalem over the past century is reviewed. The second part presents the most upto-date data from Yigal Shiloh’s excavations in the City of David. The essay presents for the first time pottery plates and photos suggesting that the City of David was indeed an important town during the tenth century BCE and supporting the claim that Jerusalem was the capital of a united monarchy during the reigns of David and Solomon. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 13–80
1649 David Ussishkin, Solomon’s Jerusalem: The Text and the Facts on the Ground This paper is an attempt to present the “objective facts” about the history of Jerusalem known from archaeology. It concludes that there is no evidence for significant fortifications or for the reuse of the Middle Bronze II fortification wall during the Late Bronze to the Iron IIB periods. Accordingly, during the reigns of David and Solomon Jerusalem was a small town or village that probably included a modest temple and palace on Mount Moriah. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 103–115
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1650 Gunnar Lehmann, The United Monarchy in the Countryside: Jerusalem, Judah, and the Shephelah during the Tenth Century BCE In addition to archaeological data from Jerusalem this investigation of the likely role of Jerusalem in the tenth century focuses on survey data from the Judean hill country and Shephelah regions during this period. Building on anthropological and sociological models, the author concludes that the evidence from the larger countryside during the tenth century suggests that Jerusalem was a settlement of limited size. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 117–162
1651 Avraham Faust, Yes, It Really Was Used to Draw Water Die fraglich gewordene Hypothese wird verteidigt, derzufolge Warren’s Shaft als Verbindungsschacht zur Gihon-Quelle diente, über den man Wasser schöpfte. BArR 29/5 (2003) 70–76 (MDK)
1652 Israel Finkelstein, The Rise of Jerusalem and Judah: The Missing Link Following the low chronology that systematically dates twelfth- to ninth-century remains a century later, the author concludes that Jerusalem did not undergo expansion beyond a village until well into the ninth century BCE. He proposes an Iron I date for the stone terraces in the City of David and a ninth- or even eighth-century date for its renovation – the “stepped stone structure”. Finkelstein concludes that the Omrides, not David and Solomon, were responsible for the development of Jerusalem and Judah toward full statehood. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 81–101
1653 Mariusz Rosik, Israelite (Iron Age II) Burial Customs in the Jerusalem Area in the Light of Biblical and Archeological Evidence (4300 BCE– 70 CE) In this paper we describe briefly the Iron Age necropolises in the Jerusalem area (Village of Silwan, area of St. Etienne’s Monastery, the Hinnom Valley and the Kidron Valley, the Tyropoeon Valley, and other tombs) confronting archeological evidence with biblical data. On the basis of archeological and biblical data we can deduce the most important and common beliefs concerning the death and afterlife of Israelites in this period. ScrSc 5 (2001) 113–128 (SS)
1654 Ronny Reich et al., The Urban Development of Jerusalem in the Late Eighth Century BCE The authors incorporate in their paper the latest data from outside the Jewish Quarter in a discussion of the development of Jerusalem during the reigns of Hezekiah and his predecessors. Their recent excavations around the Gihon Spring and along the lower slopes of the City of David have revealed important evidence and new perspectives on the fortification system of the later Iron II period. Noteworthy is the lack of any evidence that would point to the existence of significant fortifications from the Late Bronze Age through the ninth century BCE. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 209–218
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1655 Erich Läufer, Jerusalemer Siloa-Tunnel eindeutig datiert. C-14 Methode bestätigt das biblische Alter Der Artikel berichtet von den durchgeführten radiometrischen Messungen im SiloaTunnel unterhalb Jerusalems der Königszeit. Im den Tunnel abdichtenden Kalk sowie im Tropfstein konnten organische Elemente nachgewiesen werden können, deren mit der C-14 Methode ermittelte Alter die traditionelle Datierung der Tunnelanlage in die Zeit Hiskijas bestätigt. Das Heilige Land 135/3 (2003) 5–7 (DL)
1656 William M. Schniedewind, Jerusalem, the Late Judahite Monarchy, and the Composition of Biblical Texts Dramatic social and political changes that accompanied rapid growth and urbanization in Jerusalem during the late eighth and early seventh centuries BCE attracted the composition of literature. This essay focuses on the role of Jerusalem in the biblical prophetic material. It begins with a review of the relevant archaeological and historical facts that illuminate the prophets. The author explores how these archaeological and historical data can illuminate the composition of biblical narratives, especially the prophetic material. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 375–393
1657 Gabriel Barkay, Mounds of Mystery Aufgrund von Grabungen des Autors im Bereich von Tumulus 4 und der Parallele des Tumulus 77 auf der griechischen Insel Salamis wird vermutet, dass es sich bei den 19 (bzw. 20) sog. Tumuli, die ca. 5 km südwestlich der Jerusalemer Altstadt liegen, nicht um Höhenheiligtümer handelt (so die klassische Interpretation durch R. Amiran), sondern um Orte, an denen der Tod der Könige Judas öffentlich betrauert wurde. BArR 29/3 (2003) 32–39.66.68 (MDK)
1658 George Wesley Buchanan, The Tower of Siloam Dieser Artikel ist der Lokalisierung zweier Gebäude in Jerusalem gewidmet: dem Tempel und dem in Lk 13,4 erwähnten Turm von Siloach. Beide Bauten seien im Bereich der sog. “Davidstadt” in der Nähe der Gihonquelle errichtet worden. Möglicherweise ist die Notiz von der Tötung einiger Galiläer beim Opfern durch Pilatus in Lk 13,1 aufgrund der geographischen Nähe der genannten Gebäude auch literarisch mit dem Wort Jesu über den Turm von Siloach verknüpft worden. ET 115/2 (2003) 37–45 (DL)
1659 Hillel Geva, Western Jerusalem at the End of the First Temple Period in Light of the Excavations in the Jewish Quarter This article presents first a review of the history of archaeological research that has a bearing on Jerusalem during the eighth and ninth centuries BCE. It then proceeds to summarize the newest finds and results from Nahman Avigad’s excavations in the Jewish Quarter, concluding that earlier “maximalist” views of the extent of late eighthand seventh-century BCE Jerusalem have been justified. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 183–208
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1660 Dan Barag, The 2000–2001 Exploration of the Tombs of Benei Óezir and Zechariah Geht der Geschichte der beiden Grabbauten im nördlichen Kidrontal nach. Das Grab “Benei Hezir” wurde von einer wohlhabenden Priesterfamilie von hasmonäischer Zeit bis zur Zerstörung Jerusalems durch die Römer im Jahre 70 n. Chr. benutzt. Eine neue Hypothese für die Entstehung der Gräber wird vorgeschlagen. Als erstes wurde ein Schacht mit einer Treppe aus dem Fels geschlagen. Das Grab gehört mit dem Nefesh zusammen. Beide wurden vermutlich in den letzten Jahrzehnten des 2. Jt. angelegt. Nach 324 wurde im Bereich der Gräber eine Kirche errichtet, die verschiedentlich in den Pilgerberichten erwähnt wird und noch nach 1187 zur Zeit der Eroberung Jerusalems durch Saladin bestanden hat. IEJ 53 (2003) 78–110 (VF)
1661 Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, Where was James Buried? Making Sense of Contradictory Accounts Die Tradition des Jakobusgrabs, der Ruhestätte des Herrenbruders, beginnt mit der frühen Lokalisation an der Südostecke des Tempelbergs, wandert unterstützt durch eine Legende des 4. Jh. auf die Ostseite des Kidrontals, wo es heute als das Grab des Bene Hesir bekannt ist. Der Artikel nennt Ursachen und Quellen für beide Traditionen. BiRe 19/3 (2003) 34–42 (CB)
1662 Ronny Reich et al., The Jerusalem City-Dump in the Late Second Temple Period Erklärt die Schicht der bis zu neun Meter hohen künstlichen Aufschüttung gegen Shilohs Annahme nicht als Glacis aus hellenistischer Zeit, sondern als Schutt, der aus der Stadt herausgebracht und auf der Ostseite des Südosthügels abgelagert wurde. Diese Praxis setzte bereits in der Eisenzeit III (persische Periode) ein und wurde bis zum ersten jüdischen Aufstand weitergeführt. Diese künstliche Aufschüttung enthält Reste des städtischen Mülls: Asche, Keramikscherben und sonstige Abfälle. ZDPV 119 (2003) 12–18 (VF)
1663 Christian Augustin, Die Dritte Mauer Jerusalems. Überlegungen zu ihrer Baugeschichte und ihrem Verlauf Dieser Beitrag fasst die bisher vertretenen Vorschläge zum Verlauf der Dritten Mauer Jerusalems kritisch zusammen und erörtert ihre mögliche Baugeschichte im Lichte relevanter Hinweise aus den Werken des Flavius Josephus. JbDEI 8 (2003) 23–43 (DL)
1664 Orit Peleg, Roman Intaglio Gemstones from Aelia Capitolina A dozen Roman engraved gemstones (intaglios) dating from the first century BCE to the third century CE were found during the excavations below the southern and western enclosure walls of the Temple Mount (1968–78). Diverse figures are depicted on the gemstones, such as gods, goddesses, heroes, animals and religious symbols. Some of the images are unique and represent the substantial contribution of glyptics to research of antiquity. The intaglio that depicts Tyche of Aelia Capitolina is the sole representation of the city-goddess in any medium other than city coins. The snake coiled around an altar, a representation of the Genius of the wearer of the gem, has parallels only on wall paintings. The depiction of Telemachos, son of Ulysses, riding a quadriga is the first known depiction of that scene. A finely carved gemstone is the Dionysiac combination of four masks arranged in a form of a grape cluster. Several gems have a strong association with the Roman army, such as the one depicting Mars
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or the gemstone carved with an imperial eagle. The study of these intaglios provides a glimpse into the personal world of a dozen inhabitants of ancient Jerusalem and illuminates the character of the region revealed at the excavations. PEQ 135/1 (2003) 54–69
1665 Shimon Gibson, Jerusalem in Original Photographs, 1850–1920 The Palestine Exploration Fund’s London archive has many old photographs, and the foremost of those showing (mostly) buildings of Jerusalem are here presented and expertly explained. A particularly welcome feature is the appended list of some 30 photographers, some of them known from their contributions to illustrated books on Palestine. – Important for any research on 19th and 20th-century visual presentation of Palestine. (To be obtained from: Stacey International, 128 Kensington Church Street, London W8 4BH, England.) Stacey International, London (2003) 1–204 (BL)
1666 Erwin Reidinger, Die Tempelanlage in Jerusalem von Salomo bis Herodes aus der Sicht der Bautechnischen Archäologie Mit diesem Beitrag soll der Forschungszweig Bauchtechnische Archäologie begründet werden, der bautechnische, geodätische und astronomische Methoden zur Rekonstruktion antiker Architektur verbindet: Der Verlauf der heutigen Einfassung des Tempelplatzes ist eindeutig der Anlage des Herodes zuzuordnen. Die Rekonstruktion des Salomonischen Tempels nimmt ihren Ausgang an einem deutlichen Knickpunkt an der Ostmauer, der – folgt man Ez 42 – der nordöstlichen Ecke des Salomonischen Tempels entspricht. Bautechnisch und astronomisch handelt es sich sicher um einen Neubau. Der Orientierungstag für den Baubeginn des Salomonischen Tempels war der 18. April (= 1. Tag Pessach) 957 v. Chr., einer von wenigen Tagen während der mutmaßlichen Regierungszeit Salomos, an denen die Sonne durch die errechnete Tempelachse aufging, die Fertigstellung erfolgte 951/50 v. Chr. Die Wiedereinweihung durch Serubbabel geschah aus denselben Gründen wohl am 10. Tischri (= Jom Kippur) des Jahres 515 v. Chr. Möglicherweise wurde an diesem Tag der Festtag erst eingeführt oder auf dieses Datum verlegt. BN 114–115 (2002) 89–150 (US)
1667 Jérôme Murphy-O’Connor, Badania archeologiczne na wzgórzu ≤wiAtynnym Haram al-Sharif Recent studies have permitted greater certainty regarding the architectural evolution of the Temple in Jerusalem. The Salomonic Temple had been rebuilt twice before it was greatly extended by Herod the Great. Archaeological evidence shows that he extended the previous Temple on the northern, western and southern sides. After being destroyed by the Romans, this temple remained in ruins until the site was appropriated by the caliph Omar in 628. Islam glorified the great esplanade by the erection of the Dome of the Rock in 691, and by the construction of beautiful buildings around the periphery of Mamluk sultans (1260–1517). Both Herod and his Muslim successors used religious structures to make political statements. RocT 50/1 (2003) 5–14 (SS)
1668 David Jacobson, Charles Warren vs. James Fergusson. Where was the Israelite Temple Located? Interessante Darstellung der Erforschung des Tempelbergs durch James Fergusson und Charles Warren und deren Kontroverse bezüglich der Lokalisierung des Tempels. BArR 29/5 (2003) 58–69.84f. (MDK)
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Sites outside of Palestine – holy places 1669 Manfred Bietak, Israelites Found in Egypt. Four-Room House Identified in Medinet Habu Der Grundriss einer Hütte innerhalb des Temenos des Tempels des Ay und des Horemheb in Medinet Habu, die während der Ausgrabungen in den 1930er Jahren entdeckt wurde, wird mit dem israelitischen Vierraumhaus in Verbindung gebracht: Vermutlich wären Israeliten unter den Arbeitern gewesen, die den Tempel im Auftrag Ramses III. zerstört hätten. Auf dieser Basis wird der Exodus in die Zeit der 20. Dynastie (Mitte des 12. Jhs. v. Chr.) datiert. BArR 29/5 (2003) 40–49.82f. (MDK)
1670 Clyde E. Fant et al., A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey A well-informed guide book, full of biblical and (not to forget) tourist information on sites of biblical interest in Greece and Turkey, including Crete and Cyprus (but not Malta, which is too close to Italy). The learned editors also take us on a quick tour to Hittite sites in central Turkey (because the Hittites figure in the Old Testament). To be recommended for its detailed and accurate instructions for visiting the sites. Oxford University Press, New York (2003) XXXI/1–395 (BL)
1671 Gerald MacLean, The Rise of Oriental Travel: English Visitors to the Ottoman Empire, 1580–1720 MacLean presents and analyses the published reports of four English travelers. The reviewer’s expectation, that these visitors to Aleppo, Istanbul, Jerusalem, and Bethlehem (and many other places) had much interest in the Bible, was unwarranted. Only one of the visitors dealt with here – an Anglican clergyman – showed some interest in matters biblical; however, he does not seem to have learned anything new in the Middle East, for he used the Bible (as he understood it) to support his (numerous) prejudices. More open than the clergyman were the other travelers, though they lacked interest in the Bible. So the reader can learn much about English travel in the Middle East – and assess how different the situation was in the later eighteenth century and especially in Victorian times. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, Hamps. (2004) XXI/1–267 (BL)
1672 Anna Pontani, Note sull’esegesi e l’iconografia del titulus cruces In the context of recent claims that the “titulus crucis” relic, inscribed with a version of John 19:19, may reflect an authentic tradition, the author compiles and discusses all information available on the titulus cruces of the titulus in the Santa Croce in Gerusalemme church in Rome, Italy. Aevum 77/1 (2003) 137–186 (BL)
1673 John Beldon Scott, Architecture for the Shroud: Relic and Ritual in Turin In the late 17th century, Guarino Guarini built the impressive baroque chapel which housed, until very recently (1997, the year of a catastrophic fire in the chapel), the famous Shroud of Turin. Scott not only tells the history of this chapel which forms part of the Cathedral of San Giovanni, but also carefully documents the story of the modern ostensions of the relic, complete with several historic ceremonial diaries. The result is a major and indeed monumental work of both documentation and art historical interpretation, a scholarly work that belongs in all major libraries as well as in collections of materials relating to relics. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (2003) XXXII/1–443 (BL)
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1674 Maria Leppäkari, The End Is a Beginning: Contemporary Apocalyptic Representations of Jerusalem Noteworthy for its integration of the theory of symbols, the history of Jerusalem for Christian and Jewish end-time beliefs, and case studies of two apocalyptic groups, this is an important book on a city that exists both in reality and in people’s (apocalyptic) imagination. The two groups studied are “The International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem” (a Christian Zionist group, founded in 1980) and “The Temple Mount and Land of Israel Faithful Movement” (founded in 1967, this group wants to have the Temple Mount back from the Muslims). Åbo Akademi University Press, Åbo (2002) 1–272 (BL)
REALIA Iconography 1675 William Doan et al., Masking God: The Application of Drama Theory to Biblical Text Recent literature has been of tremendous value in reshaping and refining our understanding of the role of icons in the religion practiced throughout Iron Age I and II Judah and Israel. This article investigates one small and concise expression of iconism or aniconism in Ancient Israel. It considers the role of ceremonial masks in the religious expressions of Iron Ages I and II Israel and Judah and demonstrates that the iconic artifact is only part of the evidence of iconography in Ancient Israel and Judah. In addition, the iconic function must be considered when analyzing the iconism of ancient Israel and Judah. The use of drama theory helps the bible interpreter understand the social functions of icons and so helps form the theoretical context in which to examine the material and literary evidence. Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 127–145
1676 Wilfred G. Lambert, Leviathan in Ancient Art If the texts of Ugarit are considered from an iconographic point of view, it is clear that Yam, the opponent of Baal, is not depicted as a snake. The snake depicted as being speared by Baal is Mot, god of death. This snake is also known as Leviathan in texts such as Isaiah 27:1. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 147–154 (BL)
1677 Michal Artzy, Mariners and Their Boats at the End of the Late Bronze and the Beginning of the Iron Age in the Eastern Mediterranean This paper discusses recently excavated ship representations that shed new light on the boats and mariners of the central and southern part of the eastern Mediterranean in the period that bridges the end of the Late Bronze Age with the Iron Age. Tel Aviv 30/2 (2003) 232–246
1678 Friedbert Ninow, A Glyptic Impression from Tall er-Rameh Auf einer 1989 auf dem Tall er-Rameh, dem antiken Livias, gefundenen Scherbe eines großen Kraters ist ein Siegelabdruck festgestellt worden: Ein seitlich dargestellter Mann zwischen zwei Pflanzen. Im Vergleich zu den verfügbaren Parallelen ist dieser Abdruck mit seinem assyro-aramäischem Charakter als ein Zeugnis der späten neohetitischen Kultur einzuordnen. Wahrscheinlich repräsentiert er eine frühe Phase des assyrischen
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Einflusses auf die regionale Kultur seit der Reorganisation Palästinas unter Tiglat-Pileser III. nach dem syrisch-efraimitischen Krieg. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 187–201 (DL)
Architecture 1679 Lothar Triebel, Jenseitshoffnung in Wort und Stein. Nefesch und pyramidales Grabmal als Phänomen antiken jüdischen Bestattungswesens im Kontext der Nachbarkulturen Pyramids as parts of Jewish funerary monuments date from between the second century BCE and the third century CE, and there has been a scholarly debate relating to the term “nephesh”, a word possibly referring to the “funerary monument”. This wide-ranging archaeological study argues that some earlier scholars have been misled to thinking that nephesh actually designates the pyramid or, more generally, the funerary monument; instead, it means “spirit of a deceased person” and sometimes “tomb” (but never to the funerary monument, though Triebel quotes one epigraphical exception to this rule from Petra). AGJU 56; Brill, Leiden (2004) XXI/1–343, plates (BL)
1680 Moshe Fischer et al., Architectural Decoration in Ancient Israel in Hellenistic Times. Some Aspects of Hellenization Zusammenstellung und Besprechung aller im griechischen Stil dekorierten architektonischen Stücke aus hellenistischer Zeit insbesondere aus den neuen Grabungen in Maresa, auf dem Garizim und in Jericho. ZDPV 119 (2003) 19–37 (VF)
Seals – amulets ★ figurines ★ coins 1681 Hildi Keel-Leu et al., Die Vorderasiatischen Rollsiegel der Sammlungen “Bibel+Orient” der Universität Freiburg Schweiz One of the world’s largest collections of ancient Near Eastern cylinder seals belongs to the museum Bibel+Orient, established by Othmar Keel at the University of Fribourg in Switzerland. All of the 455 seals, some dating from the third millennium BCE, are here described and catalogued, and there are plates showing all of the items. Special care has been taken to comment on the iconographic aspect of each of the seals. Apart from Keel-Leu, Beatrice Teissier has substantially contributed to this important work. OBO 200; Academic Press Fribourg, Fribourg (2004) XXI/1–472 (BL)
1682 Jürg Eggler, Die eisen-II-zeitlichen Siegel und – abdrücke aus Grabungen in Moab Neben dem Siegelkorpus samt Abbildungen und einer ausführlichen Bibliographie bietet dieser Beitrag eine sehr interessante Untersuchung zur moabitischen Ikonographie der Eisenzeit. Als typisch moabitisch wird dabei v.a. das Symbol des Himmels herausgearbeitet. Die Analyse einzelner Bildmotive und ein anschließender Vergleich mit den als moabitisch klassifizierten Namenssiegeln führen den Verf. zur Feststellung einer Verzerrung des ikonographischen Repertoires Moabs in der Forschung. Die für den Antikenhandel interessanten schön verarbeiteten Namenssiegel repräsentieren wohl nur die höheren Gesellschaftsschichten, die sich solche Produkte leisten konnten. Beiträge zur Erforschung des antiken Moabits (Ar∂ el-Kerak) 4; Friedbert Ninow (Hg.), Wort und Stein; Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. (2003) 33–87 (DL)
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1683 Donald T. Ariel et al., Selected Inscribed Sealings from Kedesh in the Upper Galilee This article presents and discusses 7 sealings, representing 16 of the 22 inscribed sealings found in the Hellenistic Administrative Building excavated at Kedesh. These sealings comprise most of the nonprivate, official sealings discovered. The sealings derive from floor levels damaged and abandoned shortly after the middle of the second century BCE. The archive of documents to which these sealings were attached appears to have been in existence for roughly half a century. Some of the inscribed sealings refer to the Phoenician coastal cities of Tyre and Sidon, and one carries the name of the site itself. BASOR 329 (2003) 61–80
1684 Stefan Münger, Egyptian Stamp-Seal Amulets and Their Implications for the Chronology of the Early Iron Age The paper introduces a clearly definable group of Egyptian stamp-seal amulets that provides a new, non-biblical anchor for the absolute chronology of Palestine in the Iron Age. The items in this group – found in large numbers in the Egyptian Delta, Palestine, and Cyprus – were probably produced in the Delta in the time of Pharaohs Siamun and Sheshonq I, in the mid-10th century BCE. In Palestine they appear for the first time in the temporal horizon represented by strata such as Arad XII and Megiddo VI. Accordingly, it is suggested that the date of material remains traditionally attributed to the United Monarchy in Israel should be lowered by ca. 50 years. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 66–82
1685 Manfred Görg, Ein kanaanäischer Skarabäus mit einer originellen Ptah-Konstellation Vorstellung und vorläufige Kommentierung eines aus Syrien stammenden Skarabäus. Die Besonderheit dieses Stückes besteht in der Abbildung eines Akazienzweiges links neben der im kanaanäischen Raum üblichen Ptah-Darstellung. Dieser symbolisiert vermutlich die Göttin Sachmet in einer frühen Ausprägung. BN 119–120 (2003) 19–23 (SP)
1686 André Lemaire, Amulette phénicienne giblite en argent Publication d’une amulette phénicienne en argent comportant une inscription de 22 lignes avec une dédicace à “'Ashtart, dame de Byblos”, précisant qu’il s’agit de l’accomplissement d’un vœu engageant la maison du dédicant lors d’une cérémonie avec sacrifices et paiement de 24 (sicles) d’argent à “Shipitbaal, roi de Byblos”, probablement Shipitbaal III vers la fin du VIe s. av. J.-C. Ce type d’amulette dédiant une maison à la divinité pourrait être à l’origine des mezuzot. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo: Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology in Honor of Shlomo Moussaieff, Archaeological Venter Publication Tel Aviv/Jaffa (2003) 155–174 (AL)
✩ 1687 P.R.S. Moorey, Idols of the People: Miniature Images of Clay in the Ancient Near East This study includes a substantial chapter entitled: “Terracotta imagery in Israel and Judah under the divided monarchy (c. 925–568 BC)”. Most of the female figurines in clay found in Palestine date from the eighth and seventh centuries BCE. Representing not a goddess but presumably servants or acolytes of a goddess, they seem to belong to a popular, unofficial cult in which they served as talismans. After their use (for
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which any textual evidence is lacking) they seem to have been intentionally broken (to eliminate magical powers with which they were endowed to be effective?). There are no examples dating from after the Babylonian exile. – A thoughtful and cautious assessment of the evidence by a major specialist. Schweich Lectures 2001; Oxford University Press, Oxford (2003) XI/1–82 (BL)
1688 Philip Johnston, Figuring out Figurines Die für das judäische Bergland des 8. und 7. Jhs.v. typischen Pfeilerfigurinen weisen auf eine besondere Bedeutung der durch diese Terrakotten dargestellten weiblichen Figur innerhalb der Volksreligion in dieser Zeit. Möglicherweise stellten sie Aschera, die regionale Hauptgöttin, dar, wobei sie allerdings nicht als sakrale Objekte galten, da sie angesichts von Beschädigungen sorglos aufgegeben werden konnten. Die biblischen Texte kennen keinen besonderen Begriff zur Bezeichnung dieser Objekte, die wohl als ein von mehreren Beweisstücken judäischer Apostasie von Propheten verdammt wurden. Angesichts der bitteren Erfahrung des Exils wurde diese Kritik offenbar ernst genommen, denn im nachexilischen Juda kommen die Pfeilerfigurinen nicht mehr vor. TynB 54/2 (2003) 81–104 (DL)
1689 Aren M. Maeir, A Late Bronze Age, Syrian-Style Figurine from Tell es-Sâfi/Gath The plaque figurine depicts a woman who holds her breasts. The author speculates about the links of this and similar figurines, connecting them with northern Syria and Indo-European presence in various parts of Palestine. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 197–206 (BL)
1690 Raz Kletter et al., An Iron Age Hermaphrodite Centaur from Tel Beer Sheba, Israel A unique clay figurine, now broken, was found in the excavations at Tel Beer Sheba in the Negev, one of a large corpus of about 350 Iron Age figurines from this site. It was found in a courtyard of a Level II building, dated to the late eighth century BC. Though the locus is not completely secure, the Iron Age date is clear according to typology (the ware, whitewash, and general from are all typical of Iron Age II Judah). The figurine combines a horse’s body with an anthropomorphic head, which is similar to heads of Judaean pillar figurines (but smaller). Two unique features, not found in Judaean figurines, were added: triangular ears and male genitals. Following discussion of various ancient “monsters,” the authors identify this figurines as a centaur, which finds the closest parallels in Cypriote hermaphrodite centaur figurines. There is other evidence for connections between Judah and Cyprus during this period. The authors assume that the figurine is a result of such a connection, perhaps indirectly through a Philistine city. Centaurs are unknown so far from Iron Age Judah, and this figurine remains a rare exception; hence it cannot inform us much about Judaean religious beliefs. BASOR 331 (2003) 27–38
✩ 1691 Josette Élayi et al., Bulletin d’information I. Syrie-Phénicie-Palestine (Deuxième partie) Numismatique Présentations des publications des monnaies et des recherches sur la numismatique de l’époque perse de 1998 à 2002 avec, en particulier, des remarques sur les monnayages de la Samarie et de la Judée. Transeuphratène 25 (2003) 63–105 (AL)
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1692 Sandy Brenner, Spending Your Way Through Jewish History Ein illustrativer Gang durch die jüdische Geschichte von der Perserzeit bis zum BarKochba-Aufstand anhand ausgewählter Münzfunde. BArR 29/3 (2003) 46–51 (MDK)
1693 Stephen N. Gerson, Fractional Coins of Judea and Samaria in the Fourth Century BCE The author argues that, despite having the extrabiblical Elephantine papyri and the Wadi ed-Daliyeh texts, our knowledge of Judea and Samaria in the fourth century BCE is sparse. He inserts into this vacuum of epigraphic source material the so-called “fractional” coins. Coins from these two locals are often viewed as being very similar due to their close geographic location. By analyzing weight standards, iconography, circulation patterns, and paleography, Gerson teases out cultural information. He argues that he can detect distinctly different sensibilities between Judea (more “inward” looking) and Samaria (more “outward” looking). NEAr 64/3 (2001) 106–121
Objects: ceramic – clay ★ wood – bones 1694 Itzhack Shai et al., Pre-lmlk Jars: A New Class of Iron Age IIA Storage Jars The lmlk jars are among the best-known ceramic types of the Iron Age II in Judah and have been widely discussed in archaeological, historical and biblical studies. During the last decade or so, excavations at several sites (primarily in the Judean Shephelah) have brought to light the existence of a precursor to these jars – the ‘pre-lmlk jars’. This paper defines and reviews this new class of jars, beginning with its appearance in the recently uncovered Temporary Stratum 4 (late 9th/early 8th centuries BCE) at Tell eß-Íafì/Gath. Like the lmlk jars, it seems that the pre-lmlk jars were produced somewhere in the Judean Shephelah. In fact, they may have been produced at the same workshop(s) as the lmlk and ‘Rosette’ Jars, which were manufactured under royal Judean supervision. As such, this multi-generational pottery production tradition sheds light on the long-term economic and production patterns of the Judean kingdom. Tel Aviv 30/1 (2003) 108–123
1695 Michelle Bonogofsky, Neolithic Plastered Skulls and Railroading Epistemologies Assumptions about Neolithic plastered skulls in the Levant are “railroaded” upon us in two different ways: concerning age and sex, and the use of intentional postmortem dental evulsion. These two paths are eventually united to solidify the argument in favor of an ancestor cult of male elders. New scientific evidence is presented to disprove the old epistemologies regarding age, sex, and the use of postmortem dental evulsion. BASOR 331 (2003) 1–10
✩ 1696 Lawrence E. Stager, Key Passages This essay suggests that in ancient Israel the doors of palaces, temples, granaries, warehouses, formal gardens and some domestic dwellings were locked with a wooden (rarely metal) bolt, known as a tumbler lock, mounted on the inside or the outside of the door. It could be locked by hand but required a key, also made of wood, to be unlocked. ErIs 27 (2003) 240*–245*
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1697 Mamoun Fansa et al. (eds.), Rad und Wagen: Der Ursprung einer Innovation – Wagen im Vorderen Orient und Europa “The wheel does not have to be re-invented.” But who invented it? Thirty-seven experts explore a variety of aspects of the cultural history of the wheel and early vehicles in the ancient near East and in Europe. The wheel, it was believed until recently, was invented in ancient Mesopotamia and spread from there. However, many scholars now feel that the wheel may have originated in various places in Europe and Western Asia during the fourth millennium BCE. Thomas Richter’s contribution deals with the war chariot in second millennium BCE cuneiform texts, and Peter Raulwing, in a survey on research about the Indo-Germanic people, shows that there is no concensus about the role of these people had in the early history and diffusion of the horse-drawn chariot. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2004) 1–531 (BL)
1698 Joseph Naveh et al., A “Knot” and a “Break”: Terms for a Receipt in Antiquity Geht auf den Gebrauch des Kerbholzes in der Antike ein, um das Wort “wbr zu erklären. IEJ 53 (2003) 111–118 (VF)
1699 Guy Bar-Oz, An Inscribed Astragalus with a Dedication to Hermes Games of chance? Cultic objects? Just what are astragali (knucklebones) and how were they used? Whatever their function, astragali were well-known, being attested in the ancient Near East from the Chalcolithic to the Roman periods. The author presents a unique example from Israel of a knucklebone inscribed with the name of the Greek god Hermes. NEAr 64/4 (2001) 215–217
Animals – plants – food 1700 Bernhard Kargerer, Die Biene in der Bibel. Ein Beitrag zur Exegese der d ebôràh-Stellen Überblick über die biblischen Belegstellen, Stellen aus ägyptischer, mesopotamischer und hethitischer Literatur sowie griechisch-römische und rabbinische Stellen/Belege zu “Milch und Honig”. So ist Bienenzucht in Israel wahrscheinlich betrieben worden. BN 114–115 (2002) 71–88 (US)
1701 Ari Greenspan, The Search for Biblical Blue In Num 15,37–39 wird mit tklt der (purpur-)blaue Farbstoff benannt, in dem ein Teil der Schaufäden eingefärbt ist. Bis dahin vielfach im religiösen Bereich gebraucht galt dieser Farbstoff jedoch seit Ende des ersten Jahrhunderts u.Z. als mehr oder minder verschollen. Erst jetzt wurde wiederentdeckt, dass aus der Schnecke Murex trunculus neben dem purpurroten Farbstoff der Antike auch das biblische tklt gewonnen werden kann. BiRe 19/1 (2003) 32–39.52 (CB)
1702 Harold N. Moldenke et al., Plants of the Bible Two American botanists – Harold Moldenke and Alma Moldenke – were working for many years to compile, and eventually to publish in 1952, what remains a substantial book on all the plants mentioned in the Bible. The present edition is a reprint. Although
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some of the illustrations are now of lesser quality, the reprint is an excellent resource for the lay reader as well as for the professional student of the Bible. Kegan Paul, London (2002) XX/1–328, plates (BL)
1703 Michael M. Homan, Beer, Barley, and “ekàr in the Hebrew Bible Die bereits von Rabbi Yose dem Galiäer im 2. Jh.n. aufgeworfene Frage nach dem Unterschied zwischen jajin (Wein) und “ekàr wird hier anhand linguistischer und archäologischer Daten untersucht. Der Verf. identifiziert “ekàr als Bier, welches hauptsächlich aus Gerste gebraut wurde. Biblical and Judaic Studies 9; Richard Elliott Friedman et al. (eds.), Le-David Maskil; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2004) 25–38 (DL)
INSTITUTIONS AND RITUALS Social institutions General ★ family – marriage – women – men – children 1704 Oded Borowski, Daily Life in Biblical Times This is a detailed survey on rural life (the village, its social structure, economy, and occupations), warfare, urban life (city, trade), household, life cycles, the arts (music, dance, visual arts), and writing, complete with scholarly notes and an imaginary sketch on “a day in the life of the Ahuzam family”. Borowski here supplements his wellknown earlier work on “Agriculture in Iron Age Israel” (1987) and “Every Living Thing: Daily Use of Animals in Ancient Israel” (1998). It is to be hoped that Borowski will unite these studies in one volume and enlarge its skope so as to complete with the by now somewhat dated “Ancient Israel: Its Life and Culture” by R. de Vaux. Meanwhile, the reader is well served by an internationally acknowledged expert. Archaeology and Biblical Studies 5; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XI/1–148 (BL)
✩ 1705 Mary R. D’Angelo, Eusebeia: Roman Imperial Family Values and the Sexual Politics of 4 Maccabees and the Pastorals Early Christian and Jewish texts responded to the “family values” campaigns mounted by successive emperors from Augustus and Hadrian with varying combinations of accommodation and resistance. This dialectic of resistance and accommodation appears in central aspects of 4 Maccabees and the Pastorals, texts that have frequently been assigned to the earlier part of the second century, that is, to the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, and that foreground martyrs as the exemplars of their teaching. Both the Jewish and the Christian text give the virtue eusebeia a central role, constructing that virtue along the lines of the Roman virtue pietas, that is, as duty and devotion not only to the divine, but also to those of one’s household and family. The specifically postAugustan character of this virtue is manifest in their displays of an a ideal of chastity for women that responds to the Julian laws – not only the avoidance of adultery and stuprum, but also a commitment to marriage and remarriage as long as the women can bear children. Both likewise espouse the long term Roman idealization of the univira and both are insistent that the husband must be the teacher of the wife. Among the most significant aspects of this comparison are the close correspondences between the exegeses of Genesis 2–3 in 4 Macc. 18:7–10 and 1 Tim. 2:13–15. BI 11/2 (2003) 139–165
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1706 Beryl Rawson, “The Roman Family” in Recent Research: State of the Question In the past two decades of rapid expansion, the study of “the Roman family” has developed from its early focus on the city of Rome and on legal, literary and epigraphical sources to a wider geographical canvas and to more extensive use of an archeological material. The whole range of sources is now being applied to particular problems, providing different perspectives and a better chance of contextualising specific details. Of the new methodologies available, demography and the archaeology of domestic space are proving most productive. Questions most frequently debated are the Romans’ concept of “the family” and the nature of family relationships. There is a growing recognition that regional and cultural differentiation must be taken into account: generalisations about “the Mediterranean world” or even “Greco-Roman culture” are seldom useful. Similarly, regional differentiations in early Christianity are being recognised: Christian communities were likely to share many of the characteristics of the city or area in which they were developing. This makes the growing dialogue between Romanists and Early Christian scholars profitable and simulating, and topics of particular fertilisation are those of family relationships and domestic space. BI 11/2 (2003) 119–138
1707 Carolyn Osiek, Pietas in and out of the Frying Pan The importance of research in the Roman family for understanding the early Christian family in context is underlined, and some difficulties and challenges for interrelating the two areas are summarized. BI 11/2 (2003) 166–172
1708 S. Scott Bartchy, Who Should Be Called Father? Paul of Tarsus between the Jesus Tradition and Patria Potestas According to the family values that characterized the cultures in which Jesus of Nazareth and Paul of Tarsus were socialized, the authority of fathers over their children was unquestioned and almost without limits. All children were taught that filial piety was essential to life; obedience was expected of even grown sons and daughters as long as their fathers were alive, including acquiescing to the marriages that fathers were expected to arrange to increase their family’s honor. The historical Jesus undermined the authority of fathers in general and rejected the obligations of blood-family ties. Paul of Tarsus then sought to put into effect Jesus’ strategy, including ignoring completely the authority of fathers when advising his readers regarding marriage, divorce, and celibacy. For both Jesus and Paul, rejecting patriarchal authority was the first step toward their creating a new kind of family: faith-related brothers and sisters – without a traditional father. BTB 33/4 (2003) 135–147
1709 Carsten Claussen, Frühes Christentum zwischen Familie und Hausgemeinde Einerseits fordert das Frühchristentum in Gestalt der Verkündigung Jesu deutliche Relativierungen der Beziehungen des Einzelnen gegenüber dessen familiären Einbindungen. Der Lebensstil der Wanderradikalen ist weder mit den häuslichen und familiären Verpflichtungen einer griechisch-römischen noch mit denen einer hellenistisch-jüdischen Familie vereinbar. Andererseits bilden die Häuser und Familien einer Reihe Neubekehrter einen Ausgangspunkt für die frühchristliche Mission. Darin zeigt sich eine ambivalente Haltung des Frühchristentums gegenüber familiären Verpflichtungen, die bis zur Ersetzung der angestammten Familie durch die familia dei führen kann. Elmar Klinger et al. (eds.), Haushalt, Hauskult, Hauskirche; Echter, Würzburg (2004) 61–77 (SP)
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1710 J. Edward Ellis, Controlled Burn: The Romantic Note in I Corinthians 7 1 Corinthians 7:1–9 seems at first glance to take a rather dim view of sex and marriage, seeing them, at best, necessary evils for those unable to control themselves. In this paper it is argued that Paul’s words in this passage are best understood in light of a group of ancient texts that celebrate sex and marriage, the ancient Greek romantic novels. It is shown that Paul’s view shows a marked affinity with that of the novels, especially Longus’ Daphnis and Chloe, and that Paul’s Corinthian readers need not to have seen in his words a disdain for marriage or sex. PRSt 29/1 (2002) 89–98
1711 Gale A. Yee, Poor Children of Eve: Woman as Evil in the Hebrew Bible In this exercise of “ideological criticism” (an approach associated with the name of N. Gottwald as well as with feminist criticism), the author considers the following biblical texts and subjects: Eve in Genesis, faithless Israel in Hosea (a subject of Yee’s earlier work), the two sisters in Ezekiel 23, the “other woman” in Proverbs 1–9 (with this section of Proverbs dated to the Persian period). In each case, she explains the original cultural and ideological setting of each stereotypical construction of woman as evil. Sensitive to exegetical, literary, and socio-cultural insight, this is bound to become a classic. It shows that feminist criticism has reached a respectable and convincing level of sophistication. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XII/1–298 (BL)
1712 Irene Nowell, Evas starke Töchter. Frauen im Alten Testament Eine kluge, popular geschriebene Übersicht über alttestamentliche Frauengestalten, angefangen von Sara und Hagar bis zu Königin Ester, wobei die deuterokanonischen Schriften mit Judit und Susanna berücksichigt sind. Sachlich habe ich nur eine einzelne mir fragwürdige Deutung gefunden: Spr 31,10ff. handelt meines Erachtens nicht allegorisch von Frau Weisheit, sondern von einer wirklichen Frau. (Einige Kleinigkeiten sollten für eine 2. Auflage berichtigt werden: S. 127 ist eine Straßenpredigerin gemeint, S. 131 muß es Jesus Sirach oder Ben Sira heißen.) Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–184 (BL)
1713 Michael Heltzer, About the Property Rights of Women in Ancient Israel Epigraphic evidence, though fragmentary, supports the conclusion that women: (1) had the right to earn income from their work; (2) had the right to have the usufructus from the estate of her deceased husband; (3) held full rights over the produce of her own hands. We must remember, however, that these rights can be documented for only a small minority of women. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 133–138 (BL)
1714 Gary A. Rendsburg, Unlikely Heroes. Women as Israel Anhand der biblischen Frauengestalten Jael (Ri 4–5) und Rahab ( Jos 2) wird zunächst aufgezeigt, wie sozial niedrige und nicht zum Volk Israel gehörende Frauen das Volk Israel retten und so das kleine und in seiner Umwelt stets fremde Volk Israel repräsentieren können. In Gen 12–21 gibt es diesbezüglich einen Rollentausch. Zunächst ist es Sara (in Gen 12 und Gen 20), die von Abraham benutzt wird, um Israel zu retten. In Gen 16 und 21 aber nimmt Hagar die Rolle der Niedrigen und Benutzten an, so dass nun sie als Vertriebene das Volk Israel in der Wüste symbolisiert. Schließlich wird
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die Geschichte Tamars (Gen 38) angeführt, in der Tamar Symbol für Israel ist, indem sie sich zwar als niedrig und schwach, aber auch besonders schlau und gerecht zeigt. BiRe 19/1 (2003) 16–23.52–53 (CB)
1715 Robin G. Branch, Women who win with words: Deliverance via persuasive communication The Wise Woman of Abel Beth Maacah quells a rebellion (2 Sam. 20). Abigail, a beautiful and intelligent woman, rescues her household (1 Sam. 25). And the older sister of Moses, by tradition Miriam, saves her baby brother’s life (Ex. 2). These two women and a girl represent political saviours who facilitate the deliverance of a city, community, and an individual via persuasive words. As winners with words, these orators contribute dynamically to the biblical text by providing an alternative way of deliverance, one enabling it to come through a means other than the sword. Via perceptive persuasion, they guide those with whom they interact toward choosing life and the common good. This article takes a cross-disciplinary approach to the biblical text by looking at the persuasive communication techniques these two women and a girl employ so successfully. IDS 37/2 (2003) 289–318
1716 Bruce W. Winter, Roman Wives, Roman Widows: The Appearance of New Women and the Pauline Communities The following texts are here analyzed within the context of the public position of women in the Roman empire: 1 Cor 11.2–16; 1 Tim 2:9–15; 5:11–15 (5:14 – the remarriage of young widows was legally stipulated the Emperor Augustus); Titus 2:3–5 (sounds similar to Tacitus, A Dialogue on Oratory 28–29). One should not see the NT texts on women as merely inculcating traditional female roles; NT women such as Phoebe and Junia are evidence that “the filtering down of the new roles for women enabled Christian women to contribute to a wider sphere of service” (204). Winter invokes numerous ancient sources and prints some in both translation and the original Greek. A most valuable contribution to the study of women in early Christianity. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XVII/1–236 (BL)
1717 Stephen D. Moore et al. (eds.), New Testament Macsulinities Masculinity, a developing area of specialized study, has recently begun to make an impact on NT studies. The collective volume includes a classified bibliography with sections on the maleness of Jesus, kinship, and eunuchs. J. Neyrey argues that the gospel of Matthew is marked by gender stereotypes, and David Clines comments on male bonding, violence, and celibacy in the letters of Paul (and promises a book on masculinity in the Bible). Semeia Studies 45; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XIV/1–369 (BL)
1718 Martin Leutzsch, Konstruktionen von Männlichkeit im Urchristentum Der erste Teil des Beitrags fragt nach Männlichkeitskonstruktionen in den echten Paulusbriefen (besonders 1 Kor). Hier treten drei Komponenten solcher Konstruktionen hervor: (1) Die Beschränkung von legitimer Sexualität auf die Ehe bei gleichzeitiger Höherwertung sexueller Enthaltsamkeit. (2) Die Bestreitung der Relevanz der Beschneidung für die Zugehörigkeit zur Gemeinde. (3) Die Thematisierung der Geschlechterdifferenz, die in Hinblick auf körperliche Normvorstellungen mit hierarchischen Begründungsmustern einhergeht, in anderen Zusammenhängen aber relativiert werden kann. Der zweite Teil des Beitrags befasst sich mit der Haustafeltradition, den Pastoralbriefen, dem lukanischen Doppelwerk und dem Matthäusevangelium. In einem abschließenden Ausblick weist Leutzsch auf die Verantwortung hin, die aus der Bandbreite von Männlichkeitskonstruktionen resultiert; “Christliche Männlichkeit ist also stets eine Konstruktion, die
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vor Gott und den Frauen und Männern und den Mitgeschöpfen zu verantworten ist” (616). Frank Crüsemann u.a. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 600–618 (SP)
1719 Andreas Michel, Gott und Gewalt gegen Kinder im Alten Testament After having surveyed a large amount of Hebrew linguistic material involved with violence against children, the author proceeds to analyze four central texts: Ps 137; the cannibalism motif in 2 Kings 6 (and parallel passages), the sacrifice of Isaac in Gen 22, the judgment of Solomon (1 Kings 3). The author thinks that Ps 137:8–9 is a secondary addition to the psalm, dating from the early third century BCE. All OT cannibalistic texts echo seventh-century BCE Neo-Assyrian war propaganda and possibly the Neo-Babylonian siege of Jerusalem 586 BCE. As for Gen 22, the author studies the question of child sacrifice in Israel as well as literary connections with other texts in order to conclude that the text alludes to Molech sacrifices and must date from the Babylonian exile; the passage makes a strong statement against child sacrifice. FAT 37; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) X/1–395 (BL)
1720 Peter Balla, The Child-Parent Relationship in the New Testament and Its Environment Balla surveys the parent-child relationship in ancient Greek and Latin sources, early Judaism (but not the OT), and all of the NT writings. Unlike some interpreters who emphasize the charismatic disregard of Jesus (and some of his early followers) for filial duties (see B. Lang, in: K.-H. Kohl et al., eds., Die Vielfalt der Kultur, Berlin 1990, 278–287), Balla argues that Christians, like everyone else, were committed to the common ancient ideal of filial piety. So while future scholarship will use Balla’s valuable book as a collection of sources, they are likely to reconsider his main conclusion. WUNT 155; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XII/1–279 (BL)
Sexuality – rape ★ illness – funeral – mourning 1721 Gershon Hepner, Abraham’s Incestuous Marriage with Sarah: A Violation of the Holiness Code Verbal resonances suggest that Abraham’s claim that Sarah is his half-sister in Gen. xx 13 indicates that he violates the prohibition of sibling incest in Lev. xx 17. This observation links Abraham not only to Amnon who has an incestuous relationship with his half-sister Tamar but to David who has an incestuous relationship with his halfsister Abigail after the death of her husband Nabal. The narrative of the conception of Moab, the son born to Lot after his unwitting incestuous relationship with his younger daughter, precedes the narrative in which Abraham admits that Sarah is his half-sister and is followed by the birth of Isaac, suggesting that the Torah implies that Isaac is no less the product of an incestuous relationship that violates the Holiness Code than Moab, an ancestor of David and Perez who is born as a result of an unwitting incestuous relationship between Judah and Tamar. VT 53/2 (2003) 143–155
1722 Willard M. Swartley, Homosexuality: Biblical Interpretation and Moral Discernment This is a contribution to the current debate about the moral (or immoral) status of homosexuality in the Christian community, and the author advocates a reconciliation between those who are against and those who are for accepting homosexuality within the community of believers. Exegetical sections deal with homoeroticism in the OT
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(with an appendix on interpretations of Gen 19), early Judaism, the gospels, and Paul. The book also includes a long bibliography. Herald Press, Scottdale, Penn. (2003) 1–248 (BL)
1723 Dan O. Via et al., Homosexuality and the Bible. Two Views Is homosexual behavior admissible on biblical standards? Two NT scholars – D.O. Via and R.A.J. Gagnon – present their answers. Reviewing all the relevant biblical passages (OT, NT), Via argues that “responsible homosexual practice” is admissible, whereas Gagnon says it is not. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) X/1–117 (BL)
1724 P.A. Geyser, Bybelse getuienis oor homoseksualiteit – met ander oë gesien The aim of this article is to (re)open the discussion of biblical testimony on homosexuality. The discussion focuses on the results of existing exegetical research. The article places the exegesis of the relevant Bible passages within the framework of the types of literature within which the references to same sex behaviour are found. Four categories of texts are usually cited by those who argue against homosexuality, namely: legal texts; narrative passages; lists or catalogues; creation reports. The case for a more careful translation and reading of the relevant texts, is advocated. A hermeneutics of suspicion and an engaged hermeneutics are needed to approach biblical testimony on homosexuality from a perspective of Jesus’ caring for those who have been wounded. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1655–1677
1725 Ahuva Ashman, Women in the Bible as Victims of War (Hebr. Engl. summary) Several biblical episodes, which deal with military events, include stories about the rape of women. These stories are usually considered as episodes which cut through the flow of the main narrative. But it seems that sexual aspects in general, and the rape of women in particular, are employed as cultural codes/indices in the discourse of war and peace found in the Bible. Beit Mikra 173 (2003) 169–183
1726 Sandie Gravett, Reading “Rape” in the Hebrew Bible: A Consideration of Language This article surveys the range of Hebrew words and phrases employed in a selection of narrative, legal and poetic texts to describe forcible, non-consensual sexual intercourse—what we would today label “rape”. While no legal or technical term for rape exists in Biblical Hebrew, the article maintains that such a translation is appropriate in certain cases. Each rendering of “rape”, however, depends on a thorough analysis of the vocabulary utilized, word order and other textual clues, as well as on a careful balancing of the social and cultural world of the text with the need to communicate content effectively in English. JSOT 28/3 (2004) 279–299
✩ 1727 Risto Uro, Sairaus ja parantaminen Uuden testamentin maailmassa The discrepancy between Greek medical traditions and Christian healing strategies was noticed by writers in antiquity. Using terminology from medical anthropology, the etiology of illness in Greek rational medicine and in Christian (and Jewish) health care
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can be respectively characterized as “naturalistic” and “personalistic”. This contrast does not, however, mean that in the Greco-Roman world no personalistic explanations were given to sickness or that rational medicine had a normative position in Greek and Roman society. Most people did not see religion and medicine as mutually exclusive alternatives. Early Christian health care had two faces. Christian communities provided therapeutic aid to their members in a manner that cannot be fully compared with other healing cults (cf. James 5:14). Christians also nursed and helped (or at least they claimed to help) groups in society which were considered outcasts due to particularly dreadful sicknesses, such as “leprosy”. On the other hand, Christians strongly appealed to the human inclination to detect personal agents who punish and discipline people behind illnesses and misfortunes. Christians were active in providing relief from bodily suffering and, at the same time, they sought to utilize and even maximize the symbolic and propagandistic value of physical pain. TAik 108/4 (2003) 336–349
1728 Theodore J. Lewis et al. (eds.), The Archaeology of Death Diese Ausgabe der Near Eastern Archaeology präsentiert Forschungsbeiträge auf dem Hintergrund der archäologisch erforschten Bestattungspraxis in der Levante. D. Ilan geht der Variabilität der Formen und dem in seiner Intensität sehr unterschiedlichen Befund der FBZ nach, R. Hallote interpretiert die Bestattungen der MBZ als einen Ausdruck idealisierter kollektiver sozialer Identität und G. Gilmour beschreibt einige Besonderheiten der Fremdbestattungen in der SBZ. Die EZ ist repräsentiert durch die Untersuchung von E. Bloch-Smith zur Entwicklung judäischer Bestattungsbräuche insbesondere in Hinblick auf Fremdeinflüsse. S.R. Wolff beschreibt die aus der kulturellen Vermischung der pers. Zeit hervorgegangene Vielfalt an Bestattungsformen und A. Berlin erörtert die Hintergründe monumentaler Grabarchitektur der hell. Epoche. Den Abschluss bildet ein Beitrag von J.R. Ebeling über den Zweck von Steinwerkzeugen als Grabbeigaben in der Bronzezeit. NEAr 65/2 (2002) 92–152 (DL)
1729 Penina Galpaz-Feller, Jacob’s Death (Hebr., Engl. summary) The Biblical author describes the death of Jacob as following Egyptian customs: embalmment, the mourning period. The Biblical approach adhered to the monistic belief that the material and the spiritual are one; whereas the Egyptian approach was dualistic and maintained that the soul is an eternal entity and has a separate existence from the body. The Biblical author argues against adopting these Egyptian customs. He uses the term hanita, but removes it from the realm of the hontim (embalmers) and attaches it to the physicians. In so doing, he is distancing embalmment, to the extent possible, from the foreign beliefs associated with it and transforming into a surgical procedure. The embalmment of Jacob will be corrected when he will be buried in the Land of Israel. Beit Mikra 175 (2003) 335–344
1730 Saul M. Olyan, Biblical Mourning: Ritual and Social Dimensions More critical than appreciative of earlier writing by E. Kutsch and Th. Podella on mourning in the OT, Olyan re-studies the evidence in the light of anthropological research. He concludes that the prototype of mourning is mourning the dead; however, there are also three derivative types: mourning as a gesture associated with petitionary prayer, non-petitionary mourning in the event of personal or corporate calamity, and mouring of the individual stricken with skin disease. The opposite to mourning is rejoycing, and the two are never combined in proper ritual behavior, as indicated in Jer 41:4–5 and Amos 8:3. – A valuable study. Oxford University Press, Oxford (2004) X/1–174 (BL)
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1731 Silvia Schroer, Häusliche und außerhäusliche religiöse Kompetenzen israelitischer Frauen. Am Beispiel von Totenklage und Totenbefragung Dieser Überblick über die Bereiche “Totenklage” und “Totenbefragung” zeigt unter anderem, dass Frauen im Bereich der öffentlichen Totenklage unter höchster Anteilnahme der Gemeinschaft gewisse Freiräume für ihre Religionsausübung hatten. Die Eindämmung der exzessiven Trauerriten und jeder Art von Totenkult sowie der Transfer der verschriftlichten Klagetraditionen auf männliche Autoritäten legt nahe, dass die Israelitinnen in späterer Zeit, einschneidend wahrscheinlich ab der Exilszeit, ihrer Aktionsräume zunehmend beraubt wurden. Diese Beschneidung der religiösen Selbständigkeit der Israelitinnen verdankt sich vermutlich der Dämonisierung von anderen Kulten als dem JHWH-Kult. Elmar Klinger et al. (eds.), Haushalt, Hauskult, Hauskirche; Echter, Würzburg (2004) 9–34 (SP)
Kingship – administration – warfare 1732 József Zsengellér, Das Königsideal in der antiroyalistischen Tradition der Samaritaner Nach der für die samaritanische Theologie und Geschichtsschreibung maßgebenden Tradition geschah das jüdisch-samaritanische Schisma bereits in der Richterzeit. Als Vertreter falscher religiöser Auffassung werden israelitische wie judäische Könige demnach nicht als legitime Herrscher angesehen. Das durch die Tora begründete Königtum kann dennoch Wirklichkeit werden: In Gnadenzeiten führen gesalbte Menschen die königlichen Aufgaben aus, auch wenn sie das Amt nicht realisieren. In den Zeiten der Ungnade kommt die besondere Rolle der Hohepriester zum Vorschein, die über dem Königtum stehen. Somit ist das samaritanische Königsideal ein Teil seiner antiroyalistischen Tradition. WuD 27 (2003) 131–145 (DL)
1733 Wolfgang Zwickel, Kommunikation und Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten im alten Israel aufgrund biblischer und außerbiblischer Texte As a rule, communication was an oral matter; only in civil and military administration can the use of writing be documented. Andreas Wagner (ed.), Bote und Brief; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2003) 113–123 (BL)
1734 Nadav Na"aman, The Distribution of Messages in the Kingdom of Judah in Light of the Lachish Ostraca The article deals with the problem of communication between the capital city of Jerusalem and the kingdom’s districts and the distribution of messages from the centre to the periphery in the late First Temple period. It calls attention to the Lachish ostraca that illustrate the ways in which news was spread among officials of the Kingdom of Judah. Letters played an important role in the communication and local officials were accustomed to share letters that they received with neighbouring colleagues. Based on the information they received the officials and local elite were aware of the internal and external policies of the king and his court and were able to form their own opinion on the main problems debated at the time in the court of Jerusalem. VT 53/2 (2003) 169–180
1735 Rose Mary Sheldon, Spy Tales In biblischen Erzählungen mit zahlreichen Kriegsberichten stellen Spionageaktivitäten ein festes, oft wiederkehrendes Element dar. Der Beitrag stellt einige Beispiele von Erzählungen mit geheimdienstlichen Unternehmen vor, in die bekannte biblische Personen wie Mose, Josua, David, Samson und Judith verwickelt sind. In solchen Geschichten
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spiegele sich die historische Wirklichkeit eines kleinen, oft von Feinden umgebenen Landes wie die biblischen Königreiche Israel und Juda wieder. BiRe 19/5 (2003) 12–19.41–42 (DL)
1736 Jorge Piedad Sánchez, El Sentido de la Guerra en el Antiquo Testamento Die Kriegserzählungen im AT sind im Kontext des biblischen rîb zu verstehen. Ein Krieg gilt hier als letzte Maßnahme, um Gerechtigkeit zwischen zwwei Parteien in einem Gesetzeskonflikt herzustellen. Qol 33 (2003) 309–325 (SP)
1737 Simon B. Parker, Graves, Caves, and Refugees: An Essay in Microhistory Building on previous interpretation of the graffiti kom Khirbet Beit Lei, this article argues that a larger number of Iron Age graffiti found in graves and caves in Judah, or ostensibly from such, may be interpreted as expressions of refugees hiding from enemies. It explores the concerns, status, and situations of the refugees, correlating them with literary (biblical) texts reflecting similar language and concerns, or referring to people of similar status and in similar situations. The lapidary utterances, this article argues, give immediacy, while the literary expressions supply imaginative and aesthetic richness to the common concerns. Material, epigraphic, and literary sources from later centuries, and archaeological sources from much earlier, suggest that the historical experience of such refugees was perennial, indeed permillennial, in ancient Palestine. JSOT 27/3 (2003) 259–288
1738 Joel Weinberg, Is the Hebrew Bible a Book About Exile? (Hebr., Engl. summary) An analysis of the descriptions of migration in the historical narratives of the Bible reveals that their authors strictly differentiated between different kinds of migration. Those migrations which were caused by natural (famine, etc.) or human factors (fear, etc.) and which were undertaken by the free will and decision of a given individual or group, migrations which were neither enforced by an outside power nor perceived as divine punishment, were never named golah/galut, whereas the compulsory deportations – that of 722 by the Assyrians and those of 598–587 by the Babylonians – were the only ones perceived as divine punishments, and only they were called golah/galut. ErIs 27 (2003) 122–125
Household – slavery ★ economy – consumption 1739 Carol Meyers, Material Remains and Social Relations: Women’s Culture in Agrarian Households of the Iron Age Food preparation, especially making bread, and textile production are identified as important areas of independent female activity in the household. William G. Dever et al. (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 425–444 (BL)
1740 Amy-Jill Levine, Gender, Judaism, and Literature: Unwelcome Guests in Household Configurations Investigations of the early Christian household, frequently based on social-science models, can benefit by attending more formally to gender constructs, Jewish sources, and literary-critical observations. The category of “householder” should be expanded to
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include independent women; the role of women and slaves in Jewish environs should be examined in light not only of Greek and Roman political and philosophical ideals but also of early Rabbinic thought; social models applied to and/or gleaned from the Gospels should be checked against the evangelists’ narrative art. BI 11/2 (2003) 239–246
1741 Benjamin Fiore, Household Rules at Ephesus. Good News, Bad News, No News The participial construction of Eph 5:21 provides a framework for the particular recommendations to husbands and wives in 5:22–23 (read 33?). Follows a comparison with Col 3:18f. and a report of Th. Moritz’s work on the use of Gen 2:24 in Eph 5:31. In 5:32 the mystery of the gospel (cf. Eph 3:8f. and 6:19) is applied to marriage. Ephesians use the Pentateuch (cf. 6:2 too) to demonstrate the continuity between the new community and its Jewish antecedents. On the contrary, in the Pastoral Epistles a more restrictive view of women’s roles in the household and the house church runs parallel to the increased hostility toward Jewish tradition and its interpreters. Against contemporary critics of the household rules, however, the author maintains that they do not depart from Gal 3:28, because the third pair there addresses sexual differences but not the gender roles attached to them by society. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 589–607 (DZ)
1742 Adriana Destro et al., Fathers and Householders in the Jesus Movement: The Perspective of the Gospel of Luke The Jesus’ movement has in Luke a structural relation with the households. The relation between household and discipleship is dialectical, because it assigns external and internal roles to those that belong to both social forms. The itinerant followers of Jesus seem to belong to an emerging middle generation in their households, and have some experience in choosing to adhere to voluntary associations. Most (both married and unmarried, both men and women) belong to the households of their fathers. Some are themselves householders, who can freely dispose of their property, and who have an important function in their own household. This creates strong conflicts between the followers and the other members of the household because of the function they fulfilled before their becoming part of the movement. On the other hand, Jesus and his movement depend on the household structure. The householders offer Jesus’ movement the required support through hospitality. Furthermore, Luke’s Jesus denounces the mechanism of exchange between householders that excludes all social classes that have no chance whatsoever of entering into it and cannot benefit from the mechanisms of patronage. Jesus asks the householders to open their homes and offer a different kind of hospitality without reciprocity and social compensation. The double challenge to the itinerant followers and to the householders differentiates the kind of participation of individuals to Jesus movement, and put all of them into a close interrelation within which the model of discipleship tends to transform the model of the household. BI 11/2 (2003) 211–238
1743 Christian Delacampagne, Die Geschichte der Sklaverei First published in French in 2002, this is a historical survey of the history of slavery. The focus is on ancient Greece and Rome (with an aside on ancient Israel: pp. 40–42 and on the Essene opposition to slavery) and on the international trade with slaves of African origin in the 16th and 17th centuries. Separate chapters deal with the end of slavery, modern abolitionism, and modern forms of slavery, including prostitution. The present German translation includes substantial additions to the original bibliography. – A most useful, well-informed book. Artemis & Winkler, Düsseldorf (2004) 1–350 (BL)
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1744 Catherine Hezser, The Impact of Household Slaves on the Jewish Family in Roman Palestine In late antiquity most of the slaves owned by Jewish slave owners in Roman Palestine seem to have been domestic slaves. These slaves formed an integral part of the Jewish household and played an important role within the family economy. In a number of respects the master-slave relationship resembled the wife-husband, child-father, and student-teacher relationships, and affectionate bonds between the slave and his master (or nursling) would have an impact on relationships between other members of the family. Master and slave were linked to each other through mutual ties of dependency which counteracted the basic powerlessness of slaves. On the other hand, slaves had to suffer sexual exploitation and were considered honorless. Rabbinic sources reveal both similarities and differences between Jewish and Graeco-Roman attitudes toward slaves. The Jewish view of the master-slave relationship also served as the basis for its metaphorical use. JSJ 34/4 (2003) 375–424
1745 S. Scott Bartchy, First-Century Slavery and 1 Corinthians 7:21 Bartchy combines linguistic analysis of 1 Cor 7 with a thorough investigation of the institution of slavery in NT times. Paul, according to Bartchy, exhorts any Christian slave who might be manumitted to live (as a freedman) according to God’s calling. Originally published in the SBL Dissertation series in 1973, Bartchy’s Harvard thesis renewed interest in slavery in NT times and Paul’s advice to slaves. All major commentaries on 1 Cor show the impact Bartchy’s thesis made and continues to do so. The present edition, though slightly retitled, reprints this first edition. (Availale from: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 199 West 8th Avenue, Eugene, OR 97401, USA) Wipf and Stock, Eugene, Or. (2003) IX/1–199 (BL)
✩ 1746 G.J. Volschenk, Die ontwikkeling vanaf ’n horti-kulturele na ’n simplistiese agrariese ekonomie in die leefwêreld vam die Bybel The aim of this article is to study the evolution of the ancient economy from a horticultural one to a simplistic agrarian economy. The evolution is imbedded in the sociohistorical, political and economic context of the ancient era. The historical overview came to the conclusion that the antecedents of the Biblical jubilee were present in the ancient society. These are namely the conflict between land tenancy and landlessness, the kinship institution being under pressure, greater social stratification through exploitation by the elite and the escalation of conflict between city and country. HTS 58/3 (2002) 1089–1112
1747 G.J. Volschenk, Die ontwikkeling vanaf ’n simplistiese na ’n gevordere agrariese ekonomie in die leefwêreld van die Bybel The aim of this article, is to study the development of the ancient economy from a simplistic agrarian society to an advanced agrarian society. The Hasmonian Empire formed the bridge from a simplistic to an advanced agrarian society. The Roman Empire was the end product of the evolution process and an example of the advanced agrarian society. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1829–1854
1748 G.J. Volschenk, Die ekonomie van die antieke platteland This article is an introduction to a three part series on the ancient economy. The conflict theory is the reference framework for the interpretation of the first century
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Palestinian society. The broad characteristics of the agrarian society are being discussed. Two aspects of the ancient economy, namely production and distribution of resources and goods are discussed. Lastly, the ancient economy can be interpreted within a holistic and systemic-interrelated model. The model shows the place and function of the economy in the ancient society. HTS 59/1 (2003) 225–246
1749 Ram Gophna et al., Feinan and the Mediterranean During the Early Bronze Age This paper proposes that data on metallurgical activity at Feinan in the Early Bronze Age, combined with data on the distribution of copper tools in Canaan during the same period, and information from new archaeological discoveries in the area of Ashkelon and Gaza, raises the possibility that trade in copper and copper products from Feinan during certain stages of the Early Bronze Age was carried out not only by overland route to Canaan, but may also have been effected by sea from Canaan to Egypt and the northern Levant. Tel Aviv 30/2 (2003) 222–231
1750 G.J. Volschenk, Ekonomie in die tyd van die Bybel as ’n huishoudinggebaseerde ekonomie The aim of this article is to describe the economy in the time of the Bible as a household economy. Firstly, the results of social scientific research indicated that the family institution was the primary socio-economic and political building block of the first century Mediterranean world. Secondly, the social scientific model of the pre-industrial city is used as interpretation framework for the first century Mediterranean economy. The article concludes with a reflection on the exploitation of peasants by urban elite and aristocrats. They were absent landowners who controlled the land and production on the land. HTS 59/2 (2003) 403–431
1751 Wolfgang Zwickel, Warum ist der See Gennesaret erst in neutestamentlicher Zeit von Bedeutung? Von den erstaunlich wenigen Erwähnungen des See Gennesaret im AT und in außerbiblischen, vorexilischen Dokumenten ausgehend zeichnet der Verf. die archäologisch nachgewiesene Siedlungsgeschichte um den See. Erst in der hellenistisch-römischen Zeit sind eine bedeutende Fischfangindustrie und die Rahmenbedingungen für den Fischhandel gegeben, was zu einer steigenden Bedeutung des Sees in dieser Zeit führte. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 39–43 (DL)
1752 Thomas Staubli, Vom König, der lieber ein Bauer blieb. Archäobotanisches, Kulturgeschichtliches und Politisches zum wichtigsten Fruchtbaum Palästinas/Israels Als der älteste Kulturbaum der Levante prägte der Ölbaum sowohl die sichtbare als auch die symbolische Welt des antiken Palästinas bis in die moderne Zeit hinein. Der Beitrag zeichnet die groben Linien seiner Domestizierung seit der Jungsteinzeit bis zur Entwicklung industrieller Zentren zur Ölproduktion in der Eisenzeit. Die symbolische Bedeutung der Ölbäume bezeugen archäologische Funde und deren ikonographische Interpretation sowie biblische Belege. Auf diesem Hintergrund ist die israelitische Ölbaum-Symbolik als die Fortsetzung einer landestypischen Tradition zu sehen. Die Vernichtung der Ölbäume in den palästinensischen Gebieten hingegen bedeutet nicht
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nur einen wirtschaftlichen Verlust für die einheimische Bevölkerung sondern auch einen Angriff auf deren Identität. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 26–38 (DL)
1753 G.J. Volschenk, Die relasie tussen grondbesit en die sosiale struktuur van Palestina in die Herodiaanse tyd The article describes the relationship between land tenancy and social structure of Palestine. Secondly it describes the conflicting perceptions of land tenancy within the social structure of Palestine. The conflicting perceptions of land tenancy led to conflict between the elite and the peasants. This conflict was intensified by the hierarchical social structure of Palestine. The article concludes that the use of the social scientific model of the social structure of Palestine prevents anachronism and reductionism in the interpretation of biblical evidence regarding land tenancy. HTS 59/2 (2003) 489–521
1754 Judith Lapkin Craig, Text and Textile in Exodus: Toward a Clearer Understanding of m'≤h ˙“eb Im Kontext anderer Sprachen des antiken Nahen Ostens untersucht der Verf. die Bedeutung des Begriffes ma'a≤eh ˙o“eb, mit dem in Ex 26,1 u.a. die Methode zur Darstellung der Cheruben auf den Zeltwänden des Heiligtums bezeichnet wird. Er geht davon aus, dass damit ein technischer Ausdruck aus der Weberei gemeint ist, wobei es sich nicht um die Technik zur Herstellung der Tapisserie handeln dürfte, sondern vielmehr um die Machart, die beim Besticken von Schärpen und Bänden verwendet wurde. In einem Appendix bietet der Artikel eine Zusammenstellung von verschiedenen Übersetzungen des fraglichen Ausdrucks sowie Bilder zur Erläuterung der Unterschiede diverser Webarbeiten. JANES 29 (2002) 17–30 (DL)
1755 Steven J. Friesen, Poverty in Pauline Studies: Beyond the So-called New Consensus There was no new consensus or old consensus during the twentieth century regarding social status in Paul’s assemblies. A comparison of the work of Adolf Deissmann with publications from the late twentieth century suggests instead a shift from an industrial capitalist interpretation of society focused on ‘class’ to a consumer capitalist interpretation of society focused on ‘social status’. Social status defined in this way is inappropriate for the description of the Roman empire, so this argument focuses instead on measuring economic resources. Rather than using the vague binary categories of rich/poor, a poverty scale is proposed with seven categories ranging from “below subsistence level” to “imperial elites”. Using this scale, an examination of explicit references to economic resources in the undisputed Pauline letters leads to the conclusion that there is no evidence for any wealthy saints in the Pauline assemblies. On the contrary, most of the saints can be described as poor; that is, living near or below the level of subsistence. John Barclay and Peter Oakes respond to this paper on pp. 363–366 and 367–371. JSNT 26/3 (2004) 323–361
1756 Edwin M. Yamauchi, Banquets in the Biblical World Communal meals with an abundance of food and alcoholic drink were celebrated from time immemorial, and were a universal practice among the cultures of the biblical world. A striking innovation which spread from Assyria was the custom of reclining at such banquets, a custom which became normative in the Levant, Greece and Rome. This was the background of the biblical texts from the time of Amos to the New Testament. As excessive eating, drunkenness, an lewd behavior often characterized such
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banquets, they presented a challenge to both Jews and Christians, who counseled moderation if not abstinence. They also entertained hope that in the afterlife they would celebrate a celestial banquet with the Messiah (or Christ). Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 147–157
Legal institutions ★ education 1757 Hermann Schulz, Althebräische Kodifikationen. Anmerkungen zum Rechtskulturvergleich The author offers a critique of current exegetical thought on ancient Hebrew law. Two basic mistakes are generally made by biblical exegetes: they argue that all law is religiously based (rather than logically and on common sense); they neglect intercultural comparison and thus miss insight deriving from living religions such as Islam and India, cultures in which families of experts comparable to the biblical Levites are still active. See H. Schulz, Leviten im vorstaatlichen Israel und im Mittleren Osten, Munich 1987. Frank Crüsemann et al. (eds.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 174–193 (BL)
1758 Eckart Otto, Tendenzen der Geschichte des Rechts in der Hebräischen Bibel Der Essay skizziert die Entwicklung der Rechtskorpora sowie der Rechtsinstitutionen im Verlauf der Geschichte Israels. Seit der ersten Niederschrift des sog. Bundesbuches in vorjoschijanischer Zeit sammelten einzelne Schulen und Redaktionen bis in die Zeit Esras das Rechtsmaterial, welches Mose zugeordnet und im Pentateuch zusammengefasst die Hauptquelle der Rechtsgeschichte des antiken Israels bildet. Das Besondere an diesem Werk ist eine konsequente Ableitung des Rechts aus dem göttlichen Willen und nicht etwa vom König oder Volk wie in den Nachbarkulturen. Angesichts notwendiger Revisionen der geltenden Gesetze wurde dadurch Rechtsgelehrsamkeit mit Schriftauslegung fest verbunden. ZABR 9 (2003) 1–55 (DL)
1759 Eckart Otto, Semiotik des biblischen Rechts Dieser Beitrag bietet eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Bernard S. Jacksons Studies in the Semiotics of Biblical Law (Sheffield 2000, vgl. IRBS 47:1511). Als eine Sammlung von Aufsätzen aus unterschiedlichen Schaffensperioden lässt Jacksons Werk einen roten Faden vermissen. Der als “semiotisch” bezeichnete Zugang zum biblischen Recht wurde zu Ungunsten einer historischen Entwicklungstheorie der Entwicklungspsychologie entnommen. Auf diese Weise kommt Jackson zu seiner These vom mündlich tradierten Recht, welches im Bundesbuch sekundär verschriftlicht wurde. Dabei bedient er sich eines bildlichen Verständnisses der Rechtsätze, ohne ihrem Wortlaut eine Bedeutung entnehmen zu wollen. ZABR 9 (2003) 220–237 (DL)
1760 Theo Mayer-Maly, Rechtsgeschichtliche Bibelkunde Although books on the legal background of NT passages and institutions referred to in the Bible have a long tradition, there is room for another relevant study. The author, emeritus professor of Austrian and European law, delves into exegetical literature as well as into the sources of ancient Roman law to consider the census mentioned in Luke 2:1 (arguing that the census may have taken years to be completed), the murder of the infants of Bethlehem, and many others (including the legal process against Jesus) to produce a fine and thoughtful book, replete with learning and pertinent suggestions. Böhlau Verlag, Wien (2003) 1–78 (BL)
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1761 Austin Kennett, Bedouin Justice: Laws and Customs among the Egyptian Bedouin Written by a British colonial administrator, first published in 1925, and now reprinted, this is an original piece of ethnography on Bedouin customs. The main subjects discussed include blood money, debts, land disputes, inheritance, ordeal, wounds and damages, and laws relating to women. A book worth consulting, see the following remark: “Most of his (i.e., the Bedouin’s) customs are of great antiquity, and it is interesting to note the points of resemblance between the Mosaic Law of the Pentateuch and Arab Law of today” (p. 5). Kegan Paul International, London (2000) XI/1–158 (BL)
1762 Frank Crüsemann, Soziales Engagement und soziales Recht im Alten Testament Als Gesetze werden die alttestamentlichen Rechtskorpora ebenso wie dann die Tora im Ganzen in bestimmten historischen Konstellationen verfasst und installiert, in Situationen, in denen eine Chance zu ihrer Praktizierung und Durchsetzung besteht. Indem sie aber Teil des einen göttlichen Rechtsbuches werden, bleiben sie – wenn auch auf veränderte Weise – auch dann als Anspruch Gottes und seiner Gerechtigkeit in Geltung, wenn diese Konstellationen nicht mehr gegeben sind. Das gilt sogar dann, wenn keine Rechtsautonomie besteht. Das heißt aber: indem die Gesetze Teil des von der Tora gebotenen Normensystem werden, enthält jede an der Tora orientierte Ethik in sich Elemente von Recht, und das selbst dann, wenn dieses Recht rechtlich nicht durchsetzbar oder anwendbar ist. GlLern 18/1 (2003) 24–34
1763 Matthias Millard, Mündlichkeit nach der Schriftlichkeit. Zur Rechtsfindung innerhalb und außerhalb der Tora Die in den Moseerzählungen überlieferten fünf konkreten Rechtsfälle samt ihren Entscheiden führten F. Crüsemann zu der Annahme eines Obergerichtes in Israel, dessen Autorität hinter der literarischen Gestalt von Mose verborgen bleibt. Der Verf. untersucht den Inhalt dieser fünf Rechtsfindungsgeschichten und fragt angesichts der postulierten Institution nach ihrer Weiterführung im biblischen Kontext. Besonderes Augenmerk richtet er dabei auf die das Jos und das Richterbuch verbindenden Personen Achsa und Othniel, die eine Fortsetzung der richterlichen Wirksamkeit von Moses in den Generationen nach Josua illustrieren. Christof Hardmeier u.a. (Hgg.), Freiheit und Recht, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2003) 276–291 (DL)
1764 Eckart Otto, Völkerrecht in der Antike In seiner Rezension von D.J. Bedermans International Law in Antiquity, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2002) lobt der Verf. Bedermans überzeugende Darstellung der bereits in der Antike vorherrschenden Idee einer Notwendigkeit der rechtlichen Grundlage für internationale Beziehungen. Zwar kann damit kein modernes Völkerrecht für diese Epoche postuliert werden, doch das internationale Recht wurde schon damals keineswegs ausschließlich mit der Religion sondern auch mit politischer Vernunft und sozialen Sanktionen begründet, wodurch ein politischer, kultureller und wirtschaftlicher Austausch zwischen den Staaten ermöglicht wurde. Leider legt Bederman einen Schwerpunkt im Bereich des griechischen und römischen Rechts, so dass dessen anerkannte Grundlage im Alten Orient zu kurz kommt. ZABR 9 (2003) 201–209 (DL)
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1765 Amnon Altman, Who Took the Oath on the Vassal Treaty: Only the Vassal King or also the Suzerain? – The Hittite Evidence Gegen eine verbreitete Meinung, bei Vasallenverträgen im antiken Nahen Osten habe nur der Untertan einen Eid leisten müssen, präsentiert der Verf. acht Beispiele solcher Verträge aus dem hetitischen Bereich, die den Eid des Oberherrn nahe legen. Allerdings sehen die Texte – so weit sie vollständig erhalten sind – keine Sanktionen für den Suzerän für den Fall des Vertragsbruches vor. Möglicherweise wurden die Pflichten des Großkönigs auf separaten Zusatzdokumenten festgehalten, die bisher nicht gefunden werden konnten. ZABR 9 (2003) 178–184 (DL)
1766 Gerhard Pfandl, The Soteriological Implications of the Cities of Refuge This study investigates the practice of asylum in the ancient Near East and in the Old Testament. The cities of refuge in Israel were places of safety for those who accidentally killed someone. In ancient and even in some present societies the nearest relative of a murdered person becomes the redeemer (avenger) of the family’s rights. To prevent costly blood feuds as a result of fatal accidents God instituted the cities of refuge. Beyond the literal historical meaning of these cities we discern spiritual lessons which illustrate the plan of redemption. God is our refuge and our kinsman-redeemer. Like the manslayer, all sinners stand in need of a place of safety which is only found in Christ. The fact that the manslayer had to stay within the walls of the city illustrates a person’s need to remain in Christ ( John 15:5). Serie Monográfica de Estudios Bíblicos y Teológicos de la Universidad Adventista del Plata 1; Gerald A. Klingbeil, Inicios, Paradigmas y Fundamentos; Editorial Universidad Adventista del Plata, Libertador San Martín, Entre Ríos (2004) 229–242
✩ 1767 Elisabeth Sevenich-Bax, Schule in Israel als Sitz der Weisheit Nach einem kurzen Abriss zu Form und Inhalt alttestamentlicher Weisheitslehren befasst sich die Autorin mit der Frage, ob es im alten Israel eine schulische Bildung gegeben hat und wie diese ausgesehen haben könnte. Dass für die jüngere Form der Lehrrede in Spr 1–9 schulische Institutionen vorauszusetzen sind, ist in der Forschung weitgehend unumstritten. Doch auch der wohl älteste Teil der Spruchsammlung (Spr 10,1–22,6) verweist auf die Existenz von institutionalisierter Bildung und zwar in Form von Beamtenbzw. Weisheitsschulen in höfischer Umgebung. Die ebenfalls jungen Belege in Spr 1,20.21; 8,2.3 und 9,3 sprechen darüber hinaus für “allgemeinbildenden” weisheitlichen Unterricht durch einen Weisheitslehrer auf öffentlichen Plätzen wie z.B. dem Stadttor. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 59–77 (SP)
1768 Nili Shupak, Learning Methods in Ancient Israel In the absence of actual evidence on the existence of schools and relevant literature in ancient Israel, the present study attempts to reconstruct the learning methods and stages in light of the terminology applied to study and its accompanying images in the Bible (focused on wisdom literature). The analysis of these terminology and images indicates different teaching methods: listening, obedience, understanding, practice, learning lessons, and searching. These methods are complementary and reflect various stages in the process of acquiring knowledge, from the first passive stage to the last more active and creative stage. In addition, it shows that the ancient Hebrew educators perceived knowledge first and foremost as traditional material, to be passed down from generation to generation. VT 53/3 (2003) 416–426
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1769 Alan Millard, Literacy in the Time of Jesus Im Palästina des 1. Jhs. war die Fähigkeit zu lesen und/oder zu schreiben nicht auf die politische und religiöse Elite beschränkt, sondern relativ weit verbreitet. Es kann daher damit gerechnet werden, dass die Worte Jesu bereits relativ früh schriftlich aufgezeichnet wurden. BArR 29/4 (2003) 36–45 (MDK)
Science: zoology – astronomy – calendar – chronology 1770 Richard Whitekettle, Of Mice and Wren: Terminal Level Taxa in Israelite Zoological Thought Zoological classification systems divide an animal inventory into taxa ranging from general, primary level taxa (e.g., Land Animals, Aquatic Animals) to very specific, terminal level taxa (e.g., Gazelles, Hoopoes). This paper examines the terminal classification level in Israelite zoological thought, the level of specificity beyond which categoric distinctions are no longer made. SJOT 17/2 (2003) 163–182
1771 Baruch Halpern, The Assyrian Astronomy of Genesis 1 and the Birth of Milesian Philosophy The reduction of celestial phenomena to two dimensions by P, Ezekiel and Anaximander – with another reality behind them – was one of the most productive theories of the seventh–sixth centuries in terms of revolutionizing secularizing cosmology. The denial of significance to the stars, from Deuteronomy and Jeremiah and P on down, begot a cosmos that was Newtonian, regular, susceptible to scientific understanding. The advances that led to this counter-intuitive perspective were not Israelite in origin, still less Greek. What we have is a similar reception of Mesopotamian advances in astronomy in the Israelite and Ionian cultural zones. ErIs 27 (2003) 74*–83*
1772 Philippe Guillaume, Genesis 1 as a Charter of a Revolutionary Calendar In the early Persian period (possibly during the reign of King Cambyses), the calendar changed from a Babylonian pattern to a Persian one, i.e. from a lunar to a solar one. Meant to be a charter for the new calendar, Genesis 1 shows Persian (Zoroastrian) influence and celebrates the victory of the universal deity of Zoroastrianism. As a sign of gratitude to the Persians who restored the Jewish cult, the Priestly author endorsed the idea that the god of the Israelites is the local manifestation of Ahura Mazda. (To be continued in another paper.) ThRev 24/2 (2003) 141–148 (BL)
1773 August Strobel, Ursprung und Geschichte des christlichen Kalenders. Eine Grundlagenbesinnung Die kalendarische Bestimmung des historischen Todeszeitpunktes Jesu und die chronologische Festsetzung seiner Geburt bildeten die Grundlage zur Entstehung eines christlichen Kalenders. Dabei galten die Bemühungen um einen Kalender nicht nur einer einfachen Zeitberechnung sondern implizierten immer auch theologische und politische Dimensionen sowie Zukanftsperspektiven, welche die vorliegende Untersuchung zu ergründen versucht. Einige historische Grunddaten aus dem Leben Jesu sowie weitere für die Entstehung des christlichen Kalenders wesentliche Ereignisse sind im Anhang zusammengefasst. JbDEI 8 (2003) 109–122 (DL)
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1774 Klaus Koch, Das Geheimnis der Zeit in Weisheit und Apokalyptik um die Zeitenwende Koch tries to unveil the understanding of the mystery of time in the Israel of the Hellenistic and Roman period by analysing how this understanding of time is expressed in four characteristic writings: Qoheleth, Sirach, 4QInstruction and Daniel. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 35–68
Religious Institutions Temple – priesthood – purity 1775 Roger Liebe, Der Messias im Tempel. Symbolik und Bedeutung des Zweiten Tempels im Licht des Neuen Testaments The author combines the writing of a popular manual of general information (what the Germans call “Sachbuch”) with an academic book (this is a version of the author’s thesis, submitted to Whitefield Theological Seminary), and so the result may not fully satisfy all readers. Yet, this is an interesting book, reminiscent of A. Edersheim’s occasionally reprinted books on the Jerusalem Temple. The book is available from Christliche Literatur-Verbreitung, P.O. Box 110135, D-33661 Bielefeld, Germany. Christliche Literatur-Verbreitung, Bielefeld (2003) 1–704 (BL)
1776 Bernd Janowski, Der Tempel als Kosmos – Zur kosmologischen Bedeutung des Tempels in der Umwelt Israels Angesichts deutlicher kosmologischer Bezüge im Tempelbericht (1 Kön 6–7) untersucht der Verf. die Bedeutung der Sphäre des Kosmos im Bereich des altorientalischen Tempels anhand ikonographischer und inschriftlicher Hinweise aus Mesopotamien und Ägypten. Als symbolische Darstellung des Weltberges seit der Schöpfung oder Wohnstätte des wirkenden Gottesbildes vergegenwärtigte der altorientalische Tempel die schöpferische Ordnung, die die Welt aus dem Chaos entstehen ließ. Durch rituelle Handlungen wurde dieser Uranfang im Sinne einer ständigen Erneuerung täglich neu gesetzt, was eine “Inganghaltung” der Welt bedeutete. Studies in the history of religions 97; Sibylle Meyer (ed.), Egypt – Temple of the Whole World. Ägypten – Tempel der gesamten Welt; Brill, Leiden (2003) 163–186 (DL)
1777 David Goodblatt, The Temple Mount: The Afterlife of a Biblical Phrase Die im modernen Hebräisch geläufige Bezeichnung des ehemaligen Tempelberges bzw. des herodianischen Tempelplateaus als “Berg des Hauses” (hr hbjt) geht auf den Gebrauch dieses Begriffes im Mittelhebräischen zurück, als der Name “Zion” auf den Südwesthügel Jerusalems übertragen wurde. Innerhalb der hebr. Bibel wird dieser Ausdruck lediglich in Mi 3,12 (= Jer 26,18) verwendet, und auch die außerbiblischen Quellen aus der Zeit des zweiten Tempels bevorzugen die Bezeichnung “Berg Zion” für den Tempelberg. Biblical and Judaic Studies 9; Richard Elliott Friedman et al. (eds.), Le-David Maskil; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2004) 91–101 (DL)
1778 James Sweeney, Jesus, Paul, and the Temple: An exploration of some patterns of continuity The study suggests that “the course of continuity is a fruitful pathway to pursue in seeking to understand the relationship between Jesus and Paul” (p. 630), following the
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coherency of Scripture. Relationship between Jesus and Paul remains an important area of historical and theological investigation. JETS 46/4 (2003) 605–631 (BF)
1779 Rainer Kessler, Armenfürsorge als Aufgabe der Gemeinde. Die Anfänge in Tempel und Synagoge 2 Makk 3,10 und Sheq 5,6 zeigen für den Tempel und CD XIV 12–17 sowie Mt 6,2 für die Synagogen, dass im Judentum seit dem 2.Jh. v.Chr. eine Praxis nachweisbar ist, wonach Almosen nicht nur privat vergeben, sondern am Tempel oder in der Gemeinde gesammelt und an die Bedürftigen verteilt werden. In talmudischer Zeit wird dieses System nur ausgebaut und verallgemeinert, nicht aber erst eingeführt. Frank Crüsemann u.a. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 91–102
1780 Ulrike Dahm, Opferkult und Priestertum in Alt-Israel. Ein kultur- und religionswissenschaftlicher Beitrag Written in Bremen under the supervision of Hermann Schulz, the author offers a wellargued hypothesis about the history and social setting of much of the ritual traditions transmitted in the OT. Two lineage-based schools are distinguished: (1) The Zadokides from Ephraim, a lineage that cultivated ritual and sacrifice, named Aaron as their ancestor; what is commonly called the “Priestly Code” belongs to them. Much of their work dates from post-Nehemian times. (2) The Levites, by contrast, invoked the name of Moses; legal traditions and Deuteronomy is their work. Priestly genealogies, the figure of Ezra (understood as a priest, and not just a scriptural scholar), the rituals of Passover and the shelamim-sacrifice figure prominently in this valuable book. BZAW 327; W. de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) XII/1–318 (BL)
1781 René Péter-Contesse et al., Priesthood in Leviticus Three papers discuss “Le sacerdoce” (R. Péter-C. lists the different functions of the priests and comments on the laying on of hands, see VT 27, 1977, 48–55), “The Priests in Leviticus – Is the Medium the Message?” (L.L. Grabbe argues that the Persianperiod book of Leviticus has a primarily theological message), and “Death and Sexuality among Priests (Leviticus 12)” (C. Carmichael, with reference to Lev 10; Judg 19; 1 Sam 2–4). VT.S 93; Rolf Rendtorff et al. (eds.), The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception; Brill, Leiden (2003) 189–244 (BL)
1782 Gary N. Knoppers, The Relationship of the Priestly Genealogies to the History of the High Priesthood in Jerusalem The author addresses the history of priestly families in the early sixth century BCE, starting out with an analysis of the priestly genealogies in Chronicles. Conflicts and eventual trade-offs and compromises between priestly families, detectable in the genealogies, constitute one important aspect of inner-Judean polemics during the period in question. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 109–133
1783 Wolfgang Schütte, Der Priestertitel kmr Mangels einer sicheren Funktionsbeschreibung sollte der atl. Priestertitel kmr( ym) sachlich mit “kmr-Priester(klasse)” übersetzt werden. BN 119/120 (2003) 42
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1784 Jean L’Hour, L’Impur et le Saint dans le Premier Testament à partir du livre du Lévitique. Partie I: L’Impur et le Pur The book of Leviticus is the turntable where the semantic fields of uncleanness and holiness intersect. Before examining the phenomenon of their encounter and its cultic, religious and ethical consequence, each of these fields is studied within its own dynamic. The first part of the study aims to examine the vocabulary of uncleanness and cleanness which is present in massive concentration in the first 16 chapters of Leviticus. While sharing an almost universal cultural heritage, Israel, through its writers of the Priestly School, liberates uncleanness from all demonic influence and also from its use as a means or defining identity, and makes ritual cleanness the touchstone and the means of its cohesion as a community in the worship offered to the one God Yahweh. ZAW 115/4 (2003) 524–537
1785 Jean L’Hour, L’Impur et le Saint dans le Premier Testament à partir du livre du Lévitique. Partie II: Le Saint et sa rencontre avec l’Impur et le Pur The semantic field of holiness unravels in the Bible around five great nodes: Isaiah and the school of Isaiah, Deuteronomy, the Priestly school, the Holiness Code and Ezekiel. Each of these nodes develops its own concept of holiness according to very specific concerns and dynamics which are not reducible to one another. One can recognise streams of influence here, without it being possible, however, to trace any purely linear evolution. Leviticus is the place above all where the encounter is most clearly brought about between the holy or sacred on the one hand and the unclean and the clean on the other. These two great word-groups of Israel’s religious language mutually enrich one another, so as to produce a Yahwistic vision of purity beyond ritual and even beyond the cult, as well as a vision of the holiness of Yahweh which is shared by all Israelites and becomes their norm of life. ZAW 116/1 (2004) 33–54
1786 John C. Poirier, Purity beyond the Temple in the Second Temple Era Der Verf. sucht zu zeigen, dass religiös-kultische Reinheit in der Zeit des zweiten Tempels nicht unbedingt mit dem Tempel selbst verbunden war. Händewaschen vor dem Gebet und den Mahlzeiten, Reinigung nach Kontakt mit einem Toten u.ä. waren im Alltag gang und gäbe, wie die vielen archäologisch nachgewiesenen steinernen Reinigungskrüge zeigen – unabhängig von Stand, sozialer Klasse und religiöser Gruppierung. Der Tempel selbst spielte dabei keine besondere Rolle. Erst die Rabbinen haben dann, als der Tempel schon zerstört war, die Reinheitsgebote wieder stark am Tempel ausgerichtet. JBL 122/2 (2003) 247–265 (RM)
1787 Christophe Lemardelé, Une solution pour le "à“àm du lépreux Le sacrifice de réparation du lépreux fait difficulté pour sa place dans l’ordre des sacrifices offerts et pour l’usage du sang qui en est fait. Or, si l’on voit le lépreux non comme un simple impur mais comme la victime d’une malédiction divine, la prééminence de ce sacrifice s’explique par l’“urgence” de dédommager Yhwh. Quant au sang, il aurait un rôle prophylactique, différent de la fonction apotropaïque encore présente avec le sacrifice de purification. Il en résulte que "à“àm et ˙a††à"t sont deux sacrifices “expiatoires” très distincts. VT 54/2 (2004) 208–215
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1788 Bruce Chilton, Jesus, Levitical Purity, and the Development of Primitive Christianity Purity was a major issue in the early Jesus movement, and its various circles – the groups around Jesus, James, Peter, and Paul – develop their own, individual emphasis. Through the equation of impurity and sin, impurity remains a fundamental category within Christianity. VT.S 93; Rolf Rendtorff et al. (eds.), The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception; Brill, Leiden (2003) 358–382 (BL)
1789 Robert S. Kawashima, The Jubilee Year and the Return of Cosmic Purity Verf. unternimmt den anregenden Versuch, den theologischen Ort der Jobeljahrbestimmungen innerhalb des priesterschriftlichen Kultsystems zu bestimmen. Schöpfung ist Herstellung von Ordnung. Entsprechend wird die Verteilung des Landes an die Stämme interpretiert: So wie in Gen 1 Schöpfung geschieht, indem jedes Lebewesen seinen festen Platz in der Welt erhält, so wird Israel als Nation geschaffen, indem es seinen festen Platz im Land erhält. Die Zerstörung dieser Ordnung kommt einer Verunreinigung gleich. Das am Jom Kippur ausgerufene Jobeljahr reinigt die Nation, indem die ursprüngliche Ordnung der Landverteilung wiederhergestellt wird. Abstrakt formuliert ist das Jobeljahr als Reinigung von einer sozioökonomischen Verunreinigung zu verstehen. CBQ 65/3 (2003) 370–389 (MDK)
Cult – ritual acts: sacrifice – oracle – prayer – lament – fasting – circumcision 1790 Ithamar Gruenwald, Rituals and Ritual Theory in Ancient Israel Sustaining life at crucial points of human existence, sacrifices constitute the heart of rituals. The present book devotes one chapter to the ritual of the Day of Atonement (Lev 16) and one to the (Pauline) Lord’s Supper in the New Testament. The sacrificial ritual is done to repair a damage that has already been done. In order to repair the damage, the sacrificial act enacts or repeats an act of breaking mimetically. In the case of the Lord’s Supper, the act of breaking the bread re-enacts the death of Christ. In his interpretation, Gruenwald also refers to the theoretical work on sacrifice by René Girard. The Brill Reference Library of Judaism 10; Brill, Leiden (2003) XIII/1–278 (BL)
1791 Alfred Marx et al., Cult and Sacrifice Four papers are entitled “The Theology of Sacrifice according to Leviticus 1–7” (A. Marx); “The Go-away Goat” (M. Douglas); “Toward an Integrated Reading of the Dietary Laws of Leviticus” (W.J. Houston, with a critique of J. Milgrom’s and M. Douglas’s interpretations; see Houston, Purity and Monotheism, JSOT.S 140, 1993); “What Connects the Incest Prohibitions with the Other Prohibitions Listed in Lev 18 and 20?” (A. Schenker). VT.S 93; Rolf Rendtorff et al. (eds.), The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception; Brill, Leiden (2003) 101–185 (BL)
1792 Judith Romney Wegner, “Coming before the Lord”: The Exclusion of Women from the Public Domain of the Israelite Priestly Cult Women were banned from officiating in sacrificial ritual because the male priesthood considered women a potential danger – their menstrual impurity might compromise ritual purity. VT.S 93; Rolf Rendtorff et al. (eds.), The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception; Brill, Leiden (2003) 451–465 (BL)
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1793 Andreas Ruwe, Schaubrot, Schaubrotritual und Schaubrottisch im Alten Testament Als ein Beitrag zur religionsgeschichtlichen und theologischen Erschließung des Kultes im Jerusalemer Tempel rückt diese Erörterung den oft nur beiläufig erwähnten „Tisch des Angesichts” in den Mittelpunkt. In einer vermuteten geschichtlichen Reihenfolge werden die Quellen zum Schaubrotritual analysiert und ausgewertet, wobei sich die Untersuchung auf biblische Belege beschränkt, so dass keine Parallelen in den benachbarten Kulturen bzw. relevante archäologische Funde gesucht werden. Die verschiedenen Konzepten folgenden atl. Texte dokumentieren eine gewisse Gestaltungsfreiheit innerhalb der Jerusalemer Kultarchitektur trotz des Traditionsbezugs bis in die Spätzeit des ATs hinein. Leqach 4 (2004) 43–58 (DL)
1794 Pernille Carstens, The Golden Vessels and the Song to God. Drink Offering and Libation in Temple and on Altar This article is an investigation into the role of the nesek offering in the Old Testament, and focuses on the priestly cult with a comparative view to the Near Eastern material, more especially the Hittite. The author describes the relationship between ritual and space; the relation between inside and outside the tabernacle construction. Then she makes the condition concerning the presence of YHWH clear and afterwards describes the role of nesek in OT, with emphasis on the priestly material. Thereupon the author presents the aspect of “the private cult” with the Queen of Heaven as an example, adding the connection between minha and nesek. The comparative aspect is shown by an expressive example from the Anatolian material, and the article ends with some few reflections on the priestly theology. SJOT 17/1 (2003) 110–140
1795 Françoise Briquel-Chatonnet et al., Traces d’un ancien rituel assyrien dans les Actes de Màr Mari? The Acts of Màr Màri, written in the VIth–VIIth century AD, allude to the fact that the people of Arbeles used to make their children pass in the fire. The point of this paper is to trace a possible Assyrian origin of this ritual. Sem. 51 (2003) 65–71
1796 Tzvi Abusch, Blood in Israel and Mesopotamia Blut spielt im israelitischen Kult eine große Rolle. Blut stellte darüber hinaus Beziehungen zwischen verschiedenen Menschen her (Blutsverwandtschaft). Im mesopotamischen Kult spielt Blut hingegen kaum eine Rolle. Dieser Unterschied dürfte in den verschiedenen Gesellschaftsformen begründet sein. Während die Bedeutung des Blutes im alten Israel mit den Ursprüngen des Volkes im nomadischen Stämmeverbund zusammenhängt, in denen Herden und Familien von großer Bedeutung waren, war die mesopotamische Gesellschaft eher urban geprägt. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 675–684 (NvM)
1797 Ada Taggar-Cohen, The Casting of Lots among the Hittites in Light of Ancient Near Eastern Parallels Die hethitische Praxis des Orakels, bei der ein mit Losen gefülltes Gefäß so lange geschüttelt wurde, bis eines der Lose herausfiel, ist im gesamten antiken Nahen Osten gebräuchlich gewesen und nicht zuletzt durch biblische Erzählungen bezeugt. Als Lose dienten dabei kleine markierte Steinchen oder Ostraka. In der griechischen Mythologie sind es sogar Götter, die durch das Werfen der Lose das Universum untereinander aufteilen. JANES 29 (2002) 97–103 (DL)
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1798 Maciej Münnich, Azazel – nowe interpretacje Ein Forschungsbericht über Asasel und seine Herkunft (cf. Lev 16). Der Verfasser bespricht umfassend die neueren Untersuchungen zu Asasel, Asasel-Ritus und zu religionsgeschichtlicher Einordnung dieser religiösen Handlung (u.a. Beiträge von B. Janowski und G. Wilhelm, C. Carmichael, J.C.R. de Roo). RBL 55 (2002) 89–108 (SS)
1799 Michael E.W. Thompson, What Happens When We Pray? A Contribution from the Old Testament Thompson delineates four basic types of prayer (lament, intercession, prayer and action, and prayer alone), illustrating each of these with representative examples. ET 114/11 (2003) 367–372
1800 Hermut Löhr, Das Gebet 1 Clem 59–61: Ein “missing link” in der Geschichte jüdischen und christlichen Gebets The prayer in l Clement 59ff. (ca. 100 CE) shows little influence from specifically Christian traditions. It can be used to demonstrate the tenacity of Jewish prayer language and the fact that early Christians did not feel any need to distinguish themselves from their Jewish heritage. Albert Gerhards et al. (eds.), Identität durch Gebet; Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, Paderborn (2003) 295–305 (BL)
1801 Mark J. Boda, The Priceless Gain of Penitence: From Communal Lament to Penitential Prayer in the “Exilic” Liturgy of Israel In the book of Lamentations and in Penitential Prayer we discover two phases in the “exilic” liturgy of the Jewish community. The initial reaction to the fall, preserved in the book of Lamentations, reflects the shock of the community at the severity of the punishment, in particular in light of the theology of Zion perpetuated among the royal and priestly leadership in the kingdom. However, in line with the penitential tradition of Leviticus 26, they admit their sins. Lamentations 3 offers the way forward for the community through an accentuation of a non-Zion grace tradition which lays the foundation for a consideration of the justice of God, seeking to shape the “exilic” liturgy of Judah by questioning the appropriateness of complaint from a sinful community. This sets the trajectory for the emergence of Penitential Prayer, in which pain is still expressed honestly before God by a sinful community, but always in balance with confession and repentance. HBT 25/1 (2003) 51–75
1802 David Lambert, Fasting as a Penitential Rite: A Biblical Phenomen? In the Hebrew Bible there is little evidence for the category of the penitentials fast, whether as an act of atonement for sin or even as an external sign of internal contrition. But while prayer constitute a verbal articulation of the distress, fasting provides an equally expressive physical manifestation. Fasting is more preparatory than directly efficacious. The refusal to eat is the last resource of protest like modern hunger strike (2 Sam 12:16–23; Ps 35:13; 69:11–14; 109:24–26). The language of repentance, shame, or confession is absent from 1 Kgs 21:27–29; 2 Chr 20:3–13; Joel 1:8–14; 2:12–13.15–17; Jon 3:4–10; Isa 58:1–9 and even separated in the late fast day confession (Dan 9:2–4; Neh 1:3–4; 9:1–4; Esr 9:1–5). Fasting is not viewed as an outward ritual sign of contrition, but as a manifestation of affliction that God, it is hoped, will remove from the afflicted out of pity. HThR 96/4 (2003) 477–512 (WSch)
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1803 Franz Maciejewski, Das biblische Archiv der Beschneidung Interpretation der verschiedenen Texte aus psychoanalytischer Sicht: Gen 17; 22 enthalten als ursprünglichen Kern den Kampf um das männliche Vorrecht der Kindertötung; Ex 4,24 –26 die Rivalität zwischen Vater und Sohn. Darüber hinaus bildet die Säuglingsbeschneidung in Ex 4,24–26 einen Schnittpunkt der beiden Rituallinien der Kinderopferung und der Jünglings-beschneidung. Die Beschneidung steht am Beginn der Entwicklung hin zum Monotheismus. BN 117 (2003) 33–39 (US)
1804 Maren R. Niehoff, Circumcision as a Marker of Identity: Philo, Origen and the Rabbis on Gen 17,1–14 Seit den biblischen Zeiten wurde die Beschneidung der Männer zum Zeichen der jüdischen Identität. Von dem als eine eigenständige Religion entstehenden und sich vom Judentum abgrenzenden Christentum wurde diese Institution kritisch, oft sogar polemisch behandelt. Der Aufsatz zeigt, wie sich die christliche Polemik der Kirchenväter ( Justinian, Origines) gegen Philos Auffassung über die Beschneidung richtete und wie die Rabbinen (Genesis Rabbah) auf diese christliche Argumentation angesichts der Christianisierung des Römischen Imperiums zu antworten wussten. JSQ 10/2 (2003) 89–123 (DL)
1805 Isaac Kalimi, “He was born circumcised”. Some Midrashic sources, their concept, roots and presumably historical context “According to the rabbinical concept to be born circumcised means to be without blemish. It is considered a preliminary sign of a forthcoming important personality. The roots of the idea could be found in the Book of Jubilees, in a passage related to Antiochus IV Epiphanes who outlawed circumcision. Later on, in the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarium, Pseudo-Philo describes Moses as one who was born circumcised. The idea can be traced, probably, also to the Fourth Gospel, which makes an analogy between an ill man and an uncircumcised man. It was developed the most, however, in midrashim which listed several well-known Biblical figures, and claimed that they were born circumcised. One can better appreciate these homilies specifically against the historical background of the events in the Land of Israel in the second half of the first and the first half of the second centuries CE, that is, the dispute with the Pauline Christianity concerning circumcision and the Hadrianic ban on circumcision” (12). ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 1–12
1806 Georg S. Adamsen, Omskærelsen hos Paulus. En epangelisk (sic) og kristologisk tolkning Recognising that Paul circumcised Timothy because of their mission among Jews (Acts 16:1–3), but refused to let Titus circumcise (Gal 2:3–5), and that circumcision relates not only to the law, but also to God’s promises and baptism (O. Betz), this article attempts to present an understanding of circumcision which explains all these observations. It concludes that circumcision is a seal of Abraham’s righteousness that was counted to him because he believed God’s promises (Rom 4:9–12). These promises are a true advantage and this is the only reason why circumcision is a true benefit (Rom 3:1f.). These promises concern Christ (Rom 15:8f.; Gal 3:16). Further support for the positive aspects of circumcision is provided by a typological interpretation of circumcision as a type of baptism, the “circumcision into Christ” (Col 2:11–15). Circumcision should therefore be interpreted evangelically (cf. epaggelia) and christologically and is therefore antithetical to any legalistic interpretation or demand of circumcision, as Paul’s polemic shows (Rom 2:25ff.; Gal 2:3–5). TTK 74/1 (2003) 21–35
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Festivals – Day of Atonement – magic – dreams 1807 Irmtraud Fischer et al. (eds.), Das Fest: Jenseits des Alltags Six papers discuss a variety of aspects of festival and religious celebration in both testaments. The subjects considered include sacred times in the OT (A. Berlejung in a major bibliographical survey, pp. 3–61), festival and sacrifice in ancient Israel (a paper co-authored by B. Janowski and E. Zenger), the Sabbath (F. Hartenstein, who seeks to discern two roots of the institution monthly celebration of full moon and seventh day as day of rest among peasants) and in the book of Koheleth (L. SchwienhorstSchönberger); the celebration of redemptive acts as a “veto” against war (C. Rakel), and early Christian worship according to Paul (M. Konradt). Jahrbuch für Biblische Theologie 18; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) XII/1–472 (BL)
1808 David Volgger, Israel wird feiern. Untersuchungen zu den Festtexten in Exodus bis Deuteronomium Texts relating to the Sabbath and religious festivals, found between Exod 12 and Deut 16, are here read synoptically, to argue that there is a clear reading direction to be followed – that indicated by the canonical sequence. None of the relevant texts should be considered in isolation of its narrative context. The passages commented on by Volgger include Exod 12; 16; 20:8–11; 23:10–12; 23:14–19; 34:18–26; Lev 16; Num 9:1–14; 28–29; Deut 5:12–15; 15:19–23; 16:1–17. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 73; Eos Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) VII/1–327
1809 Moshe Benovitz, Herod and Hanukkah (Hebr., Engl. Summary) What happened to the festival of Hanukkah after the fall of the Hasmonean dynasty? In this article it is proposed that the festival continued to be observed during the Herodian era, and evolved into the Feast of Lights, not in response to Herodian opposition, but with the active encouragement of Herod. It is suggested that the holiday was co-opted by Herod and recreated as the festival of his own appointment as King by Antony and the Senate in Rome, which took place in December of the year 40 BCE, and nineteen years later as the festival of the dedication of Herod’s Temple as well. Herod circumvented the question of the continued popular observance of Hanukkah by turning the festival of the Hasmonean dynasty and the festival of the rededication of the Temple in Hasmonean times into the festival of his own reign and the dedicatory festival of his own magnificient Temple. Zion 68/1 (2003) 5–40
1810 Jan A. Wagenaar, Passover and the first day of the festival of unleavened bread in the Priestly festival calendar The uncertainties in the Old Testament festival calendars regarding the exact relationship between passover and the festival of unleavened bread mirror the historical processes in which the two were merged, distinguished and subsequently merged again. The regulations preserved in Deut. xvi 1–8 stipulate a seven day festival starting with a passover meal consumed with unleavened bread in the evening of the first day. In Ez. xlv 18–25 and the priestly festival calendar (Ex. xii 1–13; Lev. xxiii 5–8) passover was separated from the seven day festival of unleavened bread and celebrated with a nocturnal meal on the previous day. The subsequent adoption of the Babylonian custom to reckon the day from the sunset entailed that the nocturnal passover meal again overlapped with the start of the following festival and unleavened bread returned on the menu of the passover meal (Ex. xii 8). VT 54/2 (2004) 250–268
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1811 Stefan Schorch, Die Propheten und der Karneval: Marzeach – Maioumas – Maimuna Trotz zahlreicher sowie zeitlich und geographisch weit gestreuter Belege in der Umwelt der Hebräischen Bibel ist die Bedeutung des Wortes “Marzeach” noch immer unsicher. Neue Erkenntnisse versprechen jedoch rabbinische Quellen und die Madaba-Karte durch die Gleichsetzung von “Marzeach” mit “Maioumas”, einem in hellenistischer und byzantinischer Zeit im gesamten Mittelmeerraum verbreiteten Fest. Da dieses Fest als “Maimuna”-Fest unter den marokkanischen Juden bis heute kontinuierlich fortlebt, läßt sich aus ethnologischen Quellen auf den Charakter des Festes schließen: Wie das Maimuna waren demnach auch Maioumas und Marzeach “karnevalistisch” im Sinne des Literaturwissenschaftlers M. Bachtin und mithin nicht Teil der offiziellen, sondern der Volkskultur. In diesem karnevalistischen Rahmen erfuhren beide Feste und die mit ihrer Durchführung betrauten Vereine verschiedene historische Konkretisierungen. Aufgrund der Einbettung in die Volkskultur können die nachweislichen Berührungen mit Thematiken wie Liebe, Fruchtbarkeit, Tod etc. dabei nicht als Belege für einen offiziellen Toten- oder Fruchtbarkeitskult angesehen werden. VT 53/3 (2003) 397–415
1812 Michael Haarmann, “Dies tut zu meinem Gedenken!” Gedenken beim Passa- und Abendmahl Central chapters of this German ThD thesis deal with: Lord’s Supper and Passover in the NT; the notion of remembrance in the OT and in ancient Judaism; the notion of “time” in the OT; the Exodus as the prototype of hope for God’s intervention in the OT; remembrance in the Jewish Passover; “aphikoman”; remembrance in the NT. The author defends the idea that until the fourth century CE, the Lord’s Supper and the jewish celebration of Passover exerted a certain amount of influence upon each other (119). Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) 1–386 (BL)
1813 Stefan Schreiber, Aktualisierung göttlichen Handelns am Pfingsttag. Das frühjüdische Fest in Apg 2,1 Die frühjüdische Feier des Pfingsfestes bedeutet Aktualisierung des Wirkens Gottes in der Gegenwart zugunsten seines Volkes, sei es in den Gaben der Natur oder in der Geschichte. Das Fest sensibilisiert für die Erfahrung dieses Wirkens und aktualisiert die noch immer gültige Zusage Gottes aus der Vergangenheit Israels. Lukas kann beide Momente aufgreifen: Geisterfahrung und Heilsgeschichte. Die je neue Aktualisierung des Gedenkens – im Sinne “christlichen” Gedenkens – ist damit am Pfingsttag möglich, doch zielt Lukas vor allem auf alltägliches Bewusstsein und Wahrnehmen. Beides – Geisterfahrung und heilsgeschichtliche Kontinuität – durchzieht sein Werk und bleibt durch stetige Wiederholung präsent. Die Bindung an ein bestimmtes Fest liegt außerhalb der Absicht des Lukas. Er verfolgt kein rituell-liturgisches Interesse im Sinne einer “Kultätiologie”, intendiert also nicht die Umprägung eines jüdischen Festes in ein christliches. ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 58–77
1814 Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra, The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity. The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century The Day of Atonement had a decisive influence on the formulation of the early Christian notion of the atoning death of Christ and Christ’s permanent intercession in the heavanly Holy of Holies. Three major sources depict Christ as scapegoat and sin-offering (the non-canonical letter of Barnabas), high priest, veil and sacrifice (Hebrews), and
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kapporet (Paul in Romans). All of these ideas belong to the formative period of Christianity and seem to have been current before Paul. This threefold impact of Yom Kippur on the shape of Christian theology, especially on the notion of Christ’s vicarious death, has not received sufficient emphasis in previous scholarship. The author also shows that during the first Christian generations, some Jewish Christians still respected the fasting on Yom Kippur as required by Jewish tradition. WUNT 163; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XX/1–445 (BL)
1815 Todd E. Klutz (ed.), Magic in the Biblical World Thirteen papers explore the issue of “magic” in the OT (Exod 7–9, by Th. Römer, 1 Sam 28 by Chr. Nihan), the NT (F.G. Downing has a general paper, D. Marguerat comments on the book of Acts, Th. Laus on Paul, L.K. Pietersen on the Pastorals), and other ancient sources (such as the Sefer ha-Razim and the Testament of Solomon). The volume does not solve the problems involved with scholarly discourse on magic; yet, it is clear that several traditions here studied are relatively open toward magic (Exod 7–9 being the foremost example). Often, the solution is “you are practicing magic, we do miracles”. Unfortunately, there is no paper on “Jesus the magician”; nevertheless, this is an instructive volume. JSOT.S 245; T. & T. Clark International, London (2003) XV/1–261 (BL)
1816 Bart J. Koet, Trustworthy Dreams? About Dreams and References to Scripture in 2 Maccabees 14–15, Josephus’ Antiquitates Judaicae 11.302–347, and in the New Testament In 2 Macc 15 and in Josephus’ AJ 11 a dream in combination with a reference to a biblical passage is a God-given sign that the dreamer is faithful to God’s guidance and that such a dream legitimates his religious or political move. Also in Matthew and Acts there are visions or dreams accompanied by scriptural references that prove one’s mission as divinely ordained. This kind of dream stories served early Christian propagandistic purposes. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 87–107
1817 Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Inkubation im Alten Testament? Die hier angeführten alttestamentlichen Texte Gen 28,10–22, 46,1–4, 1 Sam 3, 1 Kön 3,2–15 und Ps 3,6 deuten darauf hin, dass es in Israel die Vorstellung einer intendierten Traumoffenbarung gab. Dass ihr die Praxis der Inkubation zugrunde lag, ist möglich, aber vom alttestamentlichen Textbefund allein nicht sicher zu erweisen. Vielleicht gab es an einigen Ortsheiligtümern eine institutionell schwach ausgeprägte Form von Inkubation als überkommenes Erbe kanaanäischer Tradition. In jedem Fall aber zeigen diese und andere Texte, dass Israel zu den sog. polyphasischen Kulturen gehört, Kulturen, deren Selbstverständnis sich von verschiedenen Bewusstseinsstufen her bestimmt. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 44–51
Religion – celibacy – idolatry – holy war 1818 Jules Gomes, Popular Religion in Old Testament Research: Past, Present & Future The heightened interest in the study of popular religion in various disciplines has led to scholars giving it consideration in the field of biblical studies. The “popular religion movement”, if one can so call recent developments, has, up to now, had no voice within traditional biblical criticism that makes little room for the “religion of the mar-
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ginalised”. Even more complex are the issues of definition, scope, and method from which scholars of popular religion struggle to extricate themselves. Nevertheless, given the cross-fertilisation with ancillary disciplines and the rise of new perspectives on scripture from different continents, such a pursuit does offer surprises that can contribute to mainstream critical thought. This paper examines the history of the “popular religion movement” and negotiates methodological possibilities for the future. TynB 54/1 (2003) 31–50
1819 J. Beyers, ’n Ou-Testamentiese perspektief op sinkretisme: Die aanbidding van die “God van die voorvaders” as gevallestudie Although the term syncretism does not appear in the Old Testament, syncretism is widely seen as the process resulting from the contact of religions. All forms of cultural and religious contact can however not be identified as syncretism. Some forms of contact between religions are nothing more than the normal way in which religions were formed over the centuries. The way in which the belief in the “God of the forefathers” developed in the Old Testament serves as a case study to indicate how contact between religions can lead to the formation of a legitimate religion. HTS 58/3 (2002) 1154–1173
1820 Pieter W. van der Horst, Der Zölibat im Frühjudentum Für die Zeit des Zweiten Tempels berichtet Josephus in seiner Autobiographie über einen Mann namens Bannus, der zölibatär in der Wüste lebte. Weiterhin zeichnet er ein sehr positives Bild von den Essenern, die er als Gruppe zölibatärer Philosophen beschreibt. Zwar bestätigt Philo die Beschreibung von Josephus, doch geht die gegenwärtige Forschung davon aus, dass es in Qumran eine zölibatäre und eine nicht zölibatäre Gruppe gegeben hat (die Identität von essenischer Gemeinschaft und Qumrangemeinde vorausgesetzt). Weiterhin werden Johannes der Täufer, Jesus und (unter Vorbehalt) seine Jünger und Philos Schilderung der Therapeuten behandelt. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 3–14 (SP)
1821 Kristian Hungar, Götzenkritik als Umkehrdispositiv. Werkstattberichte und hörendes Denken – Eine Vorverständnisvariation zu Mt 11,7–11/ Lk 7,24–28 Biblische Werkstattberichte, die den handwerklichen Prozess des Götzenhaus dokumentieren, haben zugleich eine entlarvende Funktion. Wie kann derjenige, der das Bildnis soeben geschmiedet hat, nun davor niederfallen und es anbeten? Die theologische Funktion der Werkstattberichte manifestiert sich zum Beispiel in den Hinweisen darauf, dass das Bildnis gut festgemacht werden muss, damit es nicht wackelt. Hersteller und Anbeter der Götzenbilder werden in den Werkstattberichten oft mit den Bildnissen selbst parallelisiert. Frank Crüsemann u.a. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 163–173 (SP)
1822 Hans-Peter Müller, Krieg und Gewalt im antiken Israel Anliegen dieses Aufsatzes ist es, angesichts immer wieder begegnender Schwierigkeiten mit Texten zum “Heiligen Krieg” im Alten Testament, die alttestamentlichen Befunde zum “Heiligen Krieg” auf dem Hintergrund ethnologischer Gesichtspunkte neu zu erfassen und die sich daraus ergebenden Folgerungen darzustellen. Adel Theodor Khoury u.a. (Hg.), Krieg und Gewalt in den Weltreligionen – Fakten und Hintergründe; Herder-Verlag, Freiburg-Basel-Wien (2003) 11–23 (EB)
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1823 John J. Collins, The Zeal of Phinehas: The Bible and the Legitimation of Violence Der Verf. behandelt die Rolle der Gewalt in der Bibel, z.B. die Vernichtungsweihe (˙erem), die sich selbst in einem Literaturwerk, das Mitmenschlichkeit auch gegen Sklaven und Fremde einschärft, in krasser Weise findet (Dtn 7; 12). Die religiös und ethnisch motivierte Gewalt des Pinhas wird als Gott gefällig dargestellt (Num 25, 7–13; 1 Makk 2,26) und hat in der Geschichte des Christentums und des Islams immer wieder Nachahmer gefunden. Apokalyptische Vorstellungen von der Vernichtung des Bösen durch die Macht Gottes haben die damit verbundene Ideologie der feindseligen Abgrenzung noch verstärkt. Religös motivierte Gewalt bleibt ein gewichtiges, wenn auch nicht zentrales Thema der Bibel. Eine fundamentalistische Umsetzung sollte sich heute jedoch verbieten. JBL 122/1 (2003) 3–21 (RM)
Early Christianity: baptism – eucharist – community – preaching – sabbath/sunday – mission – ordination – office 1824 Robert H.W. Wolff, Mysterium Wasser This is a phenomenology of the use of water in ancient religions, with special emphasis on everything that may be comparable to, or shed light on Early Christian baptism. The author offers a particularly illuminating section on ritual ablutions prior to entry into new state, especially in mystery cults. Paul is credited (and I think rightly so) with a kind of magical notion of baptism, and Paul’s many modern apologists seem to have overstated their case. – The book may contribute to a revival of the phenomenology of religion, an approach that is sometimes said to be no longer viable. The present study demonstrates its vitality. V & R Unipress, Göttingen (2004) 1–367 (BL)
1825 Jonanda Groenewald, The foundation, value and meaning of baptism in the New Testament In the symbolical and social world of the first Christians, baptism functioned as a “cultural symbol”. Ensuing from Gerd Theissen’s (1999) work, A theory of primitive Christian religion, the paper explains the opinion that religion, defined as a system of cultural symbols, consists of sacred mythical narratives conveying ritual values which can be internalized through participation. Theoretically argued, there is a historical reason why a specific symbol/rite fits the social context. Behind the contextualized rite lies an idea which communicates values and provides meaning. From the textual evidence in the New Testament, this article demonstrates the historical foundation, the value and meaning of being baptized. HTS 59/2 (2003) 367–383
1826 J. Albert Harrill, Coming of Age and Putting on Christ: The toga virilis Ceremony, its Paraenesis, and Paul’s Interpretation of Baptism in Galatians The essay examines the toga virilis coming-of-age ceremony in the Roman household and argues that the gentile rite of passage is an important social context in which to understand Paul’s interpretation of baptism, particularly of the pre-Pauline baptismal formula of “putting on Christ” (Gal 3:27). The moral exhortation occasioned by the toga virilis warned the newly togaed youth against succumbing to the flesh, the same fear that Paul expresses concerning the baptized Galatians. This contextualization makes Paul’s paraenesis on responsible use of freedom more intelligible than the standard history-of-religions reading. The goal is to move the scholarship on baptism in
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Pauline theology beyond the limited hermeneutical framework of “origins” of ritual language. NT 44/3 (2002) 252–277
1827 Michael Theobald, Das Herrenmahl im Neuen Testament There was a farewell meal Jesus shared with his friends, but it was unrelated to Passover. It may be understood in terms of prophetic sign-acts. After Easter, Christian meals were dominated by the expectation of their Lord’s return. Alluding to current debates about ecumenical communion in Germany, the author feels that ecumenical hospitality would be in keeping with the Pauline notion of uniting people of different social backgrounds in the one meal. ThQ 183/4 (2003) 257–280 (BL)
1828 Alice Bach, The Morning After in Corinth: Bread-and-Butter Notes, Part I James Davidson writes of Greek cuisine, “Victuals were regularly divided into three parts: sitos (the staple, usually bread), opson (whatever one eats with the staple) and poton (drink).” The opson adds nothing and everything, both necessary and unnecessary. No meal is complete without opson, but an ancient proverb held that the very best opson is hunger. Writing to the Corinthian Christians, Paul reminds them that they can fill their bellies at home, with opson, one imagines, and simply gather to share the bread and the wine. Bread and wine suffice. Or do they? Paul proposes a menu: bread, wine, and some words to accompany the sitos and poton. The words of institution serve as an opson; bread and wine are not a banquet without the prescribed words. Paul writes that members of the community have sickened and even died for consuming the Lord’s Supper unworthily. Surely it is not the bread and wine that turn their stomachs, but the accompaniment, the opson, the edible words that prove to be lethal. What if the members of the Corinthian community were not, as Paul claims, ill from swallowing the words of institution in an unworthy manner, but rather from the opposite, ingesting the words too literally? An overlooked source of indigestion: the postprandial effects of human flesh and blood. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 449–467
1829 David B. Capes, The Lord’s Table: Divine or Human Remembrance? In his classic book, The Eucharistic Word of Jesus, Joachim Jeremias argues that the dominical directive central to the Lord’s Supper, “Do this in remembrance of me” (1 Cor 11:24–25; Luke 22:19), interprets the Lord’s table as a liturgical act evoking God’s remembrance of the covenant established in Jesus’ blood. In this essay, it is argued in support of Jeremias contention based upon the form and content of recently published liturgical texts from the Dead Sea Scrolls. PRSt 30/2 (2003) 199–209
1830 Paolo Garuti, Postquam cœnatum est . . . Due percorsi socratici nella cristologia paolinolucana: la Cena del Signore (Lc 22,14.20; 1 Cor 11,23.25) Some details in the Gospels are apparently just a frame designed to make up a coherent narration. But in reality they have a strategic aim. In the Last Supper according to the Gospel of Luke (Lk 22:14.20) we have the case of “when the hour came” (hote egeneto hè hòra) and “he did the same with the cup after supper” (meta to deipnèsai). The evangelist himself declares he “decided . . . to write an ordered account” (Lk 1:3). In other words, he knows various stories and he feels the need to impose a certain order upon them. Our study about the Supper narratives in Luke and Paul lead us to discover that this “order” could be influenced by what we can read in two texts regarding the socratic model: Symposium 176a and Apology 41. Ang. 80/3 (2003) 663–687
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1831 Ellen Bradshaw Aitken, The Ordering of Community: New Testament Perspectives First, this article examines the shaping of community in 1 Corinthians 10–11. The author concentrates on the role of covenant not only in Paul’s understanding of Christian community, but also in the process by which community is constituted in the life of the Corinthian community. This provides one example from the NT of how an experiment in new or reshaped community works. It is set alongside other examples of how covenant was used by early Christian communities to shape their life around Jesus. In order to understand how a covenantal identity for these communities interacted with other notions of “law” in antiquity, the article concludes by surveying a few of the key notions of the source of “law” in the urban environments of the Hellenistic and the Roman world. AThR 85/1 (2003) 19–34
1832 Philip A. Harland, Associations, Synagogues, and Congregations: Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society Harland proceeds in two steps. First, he studies how associations and guilds functioned in the life of the cities of ancient Asia Minor. Second, he seeks to answer the question of whether the evidence is relevant for understanding the organization and life of early Christian communities in the same geographical region. While some authors have answered in the positive (Th. Mommsen, E. Hatch, E.A.-Judge), others have vigorously denied it, arguing that Christians, as a sectarian community, separated themselves from their social environment (W.A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians, 1983). According to Harland, ancient associational life does contribute to the understanding of both synagogue and local ecclesiastical community. He also demonstrates that 1 Peter presupposes a community which is well integrated into ancient social life, while the author of the book of Revelation moves toward a sectarian stance. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XV/1–399 (BL)
1833 E.A. Judge, Did the Churches Compete with Cult Groups? There is no evidence that any fresh mode of community life was ever built around ancient cults. The inscriptions containing cult rules seldom mention an eranos (a social club attached to a cult for convenience) or a thiasos. There are few references to a koinon resp. a collegium in the cults of Isis and Sarapis and in Mithraism. The Christians are not to be aligned under “religion”, with its concentration on correct procedure in worship. But they do occupy the ground of the philosophers, insofar as they argue for a new doctrine of God and a consequential revolution in life-style. This is confirmed by the use of the term christianoi by outsiders, esp. Romans. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 501–524 (DZ)
1834 George K. Barr, Preaching in the Early Church The Gospels provide many of the stories that lay at the heart of the faith of the Early Church. Acts gives a very limited indication of the content of preaching material used by the early missionaries. The epistles suggest a wider range of doctrinal and ethical material. Only by understanding the significance of the scalometric data can evidence be drawn from the collaboration of Paul and Silvanus in developing material for sermons, which is reflected in the epistles. IBSt 25/1 (2003) 36–50
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1835 Andrea J. Mayer-Haas, “Geschenk aus Gottes Schatzkammer” (bSchab 10b). Jesus und der Sabbat im Spiegel der neutestamentlichen Schriften All the NT Sabbath passages (the gospels, Pauline letters, Acts, Hebrews) plus those in 2nd-century Christian writing (e.g., Gospel of Thomas) are here carefully analyzed and set within what we know from other sources about Sabbath rules of the NT period. The historical Jesus may have performed healings on the Sabbath, but there is no evidence to suggest that he did so on purpose and to violate Sabbath laws. Conflict stories about Sabbath laws are most likely to be understood in the context of post-Jesuanic debates about the validity of Jewish halakhah for those of the believers who did not have a Jewish background. Jesus himself does not seem to have had any particularly striking attitude toward the Sabbath. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen NF 43, Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 1–730 (BL)
1836 Norman H. Young, “The Use of Sunday for Meetings of Believers in the New Testament”: A Response S.R. Llewelyn’s recent study on Sunday in the NT attempts to prove that first-century Christians were regularly meeting together on the first day of the week. His available evidence is sparse, and his conclusions lack cogent support. His effort to demonstrate that the offering in 1 Cor. 16:2 was in a Christian assembly falls short of proof. Likewise his argument that Acts 20:7 proves that Christians assembled to celebrate the Eucharist on Sunday is not coercive. Finally the inference that Rev. 1:10 points to Sunday as a time of regular Christian assembly is more than the language of the text warrants. NT 45/2 (2003) 111–122
1837 Christoph Stenschke, Neuere Arbeiten und Tendenzen zur Mission im Neuen Testament Nachdem die Mission im Neuen Testament viele Jahre lang wenig Aufmerksamkeit in der neutestamentlichen Wissenschaft erfahren hat regt sich in den letzten Jahren ein lebhaftes Interesse an diesem Thema, das sowohl in den Bibelwissenschaften wie auch in der Missiologie zu neuen Fragestellungen und weiterführenden Einsichten führt. Diese Sammelrezension möchte anhand mehrerer neuer Beiträge und einer umfassenden Literaturschau einen Überblick über verschiedene neuere Studien zur Mission im Neuen Testament geben. Neben dem neutestamentlichen Forschungsüberblick sollen wesentliche Ergebnisse und aktuelle Tendenzen auch für Forschung und Lehre in der Missiologie und praktischen Theologie zusammengefasst werden. Am Ende werden Bereiche angezeigt, in denen weitere Arbeit nötig ist. Zu begrüssen ist, dass in diesem Forschungsgebiet viele hervorragende Beiträge aus evangelikaler Feder stammen. European Journal of Theology 12/1 (2003) 5–20
1838 Thomas Brisco, Old Testament Antecedents to Ordination This essay focuses on several key rites used to set apart priests, Levites, prophets, and elders as a means to explore Old Testament antecedents to Christian ordination. Conclusion: The Old Testament presents a rich variety of ceremonies and rituals used to identify and set apart religious leaders. Laying on hands, anointing with oil, investiture with distinctive clothing, and specialized sacrificial offerings were utilized to install people in offices or assign them to specific tasks. The language employed by the texts indicates the effects of the rituals: consecration (priests), dedication (Levites), and appointment ( Joshua, the seventy elders). Prophets experienced a divine calling and commission. None of these terms, correspond precisely to Christian ordination, but the rituals offer some foundation and insight. The paper is followed by a response by Susan M. Pigott (pp. 177–182). PRSt 29/2 (2002) 159–175 (SP)
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1839 David E. Garland, The Absence of an Ordained Ministry in the Churches of Paul This paper proposes to investigate the issue of ordination and the organization of church leadership by looking at developments in Judaism at the time of Jesus and later, the ministry of Jesus, and the evidence of leadership practices in Paul’s churches. Garland concludes, that there is a lack of any evidence of an ordained ministry in Paul’s churches. This may be attributable to the fact that Paul considered himself to have ultimate responsibility for the churches, according to Garland, however, Paul promoted in his churches an egalitarian leadership that was dependent on the guidance of the Holy Spirit rather than the authority of any office. There is a response to this paper by Todd D. Still on pages 197–203. PRSt 29/2 (2002) 183–195 (SP)
1840 Sharyn Dowd, “Ordination” in Acts and the Pastoral Epistles The most important conclusion of this paper is that the issue of the selection and ceremonial authorization of leadership is clearly guided by the situation in each ministry or missionary endeavor, not by appeal to the Scriptures or by command or practice of Jesus. There is a response to this paper by R. Robert Creech on the following pages (219–221). PRSt 29/2 (2002) 205–217 (SP)
1841 David A. Mappes, Moral Virtues associated with Eldership Paul used the qualifications of church leaders and the function of personal example throughout the Pastoral Epistles to form a polemic against the false teachers’ conduct and teaching, while at the same time instructing the church as to the nature of sound doctrine. These qualifications also point out the ethical behavior required of church leaders and of all believers. BS 160/2 (2003) 202–218
1842 Judith H. Newman, From Monarch to Bishop: Covenant, Torah, and Community Formation in the Old Testament and the Anglican Communion The argument of this paper is that the office of bishop is the closest inheritor of the office of the monarch in ancient Israel. That is to say, of the various leadership roles depicted in the OT – judge, prophet, priest, sage – a bishop is most closely modeled after monarch by virtue of the symbolic character and function of that office. AThR 85/1 (2003) 35–51
1843 Angela Standhartinger, “Wie die verehrteste Judith und die besonnenste Hanna.” Traditionsgeschichtliche Beobachtungen zur Herkunft der Witwengruppen im entstehenden Christentum Die Existenz von Frauengruppen im entstehenden Christentum, die als “Witwen” bezeichnet werden, erklärt sich weder aus einer sonst nicht belegten speziellen Witwenfürsorge, noch aus dem später hervortretenden Witwenamt. Vielmehr deutet vieles darauf hin, dass Frauen mit dem Begriff “Witwe” eine theologische Tradition weiterführten, die insbesondere in der hellenistisch-jüdischen Weisheitsbewegung entwickelt, tradiert und gepflegt wurde. Die Vorstellung einer besonderen Gottesbeziehung der “Witwen”, ihr stellvertretendes und fürbittendes Gebet, ihr Handeln im Auftrag Gottes und die interpretierende Auslegung und Neuerzählung von Witwengeschichten lassen sich ebenso in jüdisch-hellenistischen wie in ntl. Witwentexten entdecken. Hinzu treten Hinweise auf die explizite Fortführung jüdischer Weisheitstheologie. Gemeinsam deuten die Texte
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darauf hin, dass Frauen mit dem Witwenbegriff eine besondere soziale, spirituelle und theologische Praxis verbanden. Dass die “Witwen” später in einigen Gemeinden der alten Kirche als “Amt” integriert und mit speziellen Aufgaben in Lehre und Taufe von Frauen versehen wurden, widerspricht dieser These nicht. Im Gegenteil: Die fortgesetzte Existenz von Witwengruppen zeigt die Hartnäckigkeit dieser jüdischer Frömmigkeitspraxis. Frank Crüsemann et al. (Hgg.), Dem Tod nicht glauben; Gütersloher Verlaghaus, Gütersloh (2004) 103–126
BIBLICAL PERSONS Persons: general ★ alphabetically 1844 Peri J. Terbuyken, Levi, Jochebed und Pinhas in der rabbinischen Tradition. Genealogische Anmerkungen Biblisch wie rabbinisch ist das Bild Levis nicht besonders positiv. Er unterscheidet sich von Simeon (cf. Gen 34) nur durch die Gerechtigkeit seiner Nachkommen, von denen neben Pinchas (Num 25) vor allem die für eine Frau sehr ausführlich erwähnte und rabbinisch hochgelobte Jochebed und deren Kinder Aaron, Mose und Miriam hervorzuheben sind. BN 116 (2003) 95–104 (US)
1845 Chaya Ben Ayun, Between Michal and Rachel – Reflection of Misery (Hebr., Engl. summary) Though the stories of Rachel and Michal differ in plot, characters, time etc., there is an obvious similarity between them in words, motives and situation. This article aims to focus on two episodes unique to these two women. One episode deals with a confrontation each of them had with her father. The other displays a similar argument both shared with their husbands. The analogy between these episodes allows for a better understanding of Michal. It mirrors her, as an antithesis of Rachel the beloved wife, and shades more light on her being a neglected daughter and wife. Beit Mikra 175 (2003) 289–301
1846 Nachum Avraham, The Nature of David and Jonathan’s Relationship (2 Sam 1,26) “nipel e"atàh "ahabàt ekà lî me"ahabat nà“îm” (Hebr., Engl. summary) Dieser Beitrag will zeigen, dass die in der Forschung der letzten Jahre häufig vertretene These, David und Jonathan unterhielten eine homosexuelle Beziehung, vom biblischen Textbefund nicht bestätigt wird. Beit Mikra 174 (2003) 215–222 (SP)
1847 Abraham Ségal, Abraham. Enquête sur un patriarche This book, written by a journalist and film director, delies on research done by A. de Pury and T. Römer. These scholars argue that the figure of Abraham represents a local, popular Palestinian tradition, to be distinguished from the official Israelite tradition that featured the figure of Moses. While the Moses figure played an important role at the state sanctuaries, local, tomb-based sanctuaries revered the patriarchs. As a deuteronomic figure, Moses has nothing to do with the popular-tradition figure of Abraham. The book includes much material on Abraham’s near-sacrifice of Isaac and its interpretation. Editions Bayard, Paris (2003) 1–506 (BL)
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1848 Eckart Otto u.a., Abraham Diese Ausgabe der WUB ist der Person Abrahams und ihren zahlreichen Traditionen gewidmet. Im biblischen Teil werden die unterschiedlichen Erzählungen über den Patriarchen zusammengestellt, nach ihrer Historizität und Absicht (M. Arneth) sowie der Bedeutung während des Exils (P. Gibert) befragt und ihre Autoren gesucht (E. Otto). Die jüdischen Traditionen werden durch rabbinische Überlieferungen zur Opferung Isaaks (V. Lenzen) und zur Rolle Abrahams im göttlichen Schöpfungsplan (M. Remaud) sowie durch Erzählungen über Abrahams Frauen (B. Ego) berücksichtigt. Als erster Muslim wird Abraham im Islam gesehen (E. Platti) und auch das Christentum setzt eigene Akzente im Rückgriff auf diese Gestalt (M. Quesnel). Darum wird auf sie gern im interreligiösen Dialog verwiesen, um das Verbindende zwischen den Religionen zu betonen (B. Leichts Interview mit U. Bechmann). Schließlich werden noch die archäologischen Untersuchungen zu den mit Abraham verbundenen Orten Hebron und Mamre samt ihren architektonischen Überbleibseln aus diversen Zeiten erörtert (M. Weigl) sowie ein kurzer Einblick in die Darstellungen Abrahams in jüdischer und christlicher Kunst gewährt ( J.-P. Caillet). Besonders wertvoll sind die zahlreichen Literaturvorschläge sowie Internetlinks zum vertiefenden Weiterstudium. WUB 30 (2003) 1–57.65 (DL)
1849 Stanley Isser, The Sword of Goliath: David in Heroic Literature The David stories originated in popular heroic literature that continued to grow during the later monarchy and into the Persian period. The biblical stories represent only a fragment of a body of folklore and legend that must have been extensive. The Deuteronomistic History incorporated some of the David legends, rearranging and abbreviating some of the material, and manipulating it to fit the themes of the larger work. The author offers his own reading of stories about the young David (including David vs. Goliath, David the mercenary, the death of King Saul) and stories about David the King (including the tale of Bathsheba and Uriah). – A major contribution to the study of the legendary material in the Hebrew Bible. Studies in Biblical Literature 6; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XI/1–196 (BL)
1850 Heda Jason, King David: A Folklore Analysis of His Biography Jason lists twenty-five incidents or episodes that make up the biography of a hero in folk tradition: prologue, protagonist’s genealogy, problematic origin, the giving of a name to the protagonist, prophecy about his future, removal of protagonist from home to a foreign realm, attack on protagonist because of this prophecy, rescue from attack, protagonist reared by foster parents, protagonist hides, young protagonist is herdsman, protagonist sets out for martial adventures, etc. All of these episodes can be found in 1 Sam 15–2 Sam 24. Jason’s list of episodes is based on the work of folklorists such as J.G. von Hahn, Lord Raglan, Otto Rank, and others. Michael Heltzer et al. (eds.), Teshûrôt LaAvishur; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv-Jaffa (2004) 87*–106* (BL)
1851 Jan Kees de Geus et al., David Diese Ausgabe der Schrift ist ganz der Person des David gewidmet. Folgende Themen kommen dabei zur Sprache: die Historizität der Tel Dan-Inschrift bytdwd, messianische Aspekte der Davidsgestalt, Davids “Tanz” vor der Lade, das Beziehungsgeflecht von Saul, Jonathan und David, David und Mikal, David als Fremdgänger. Schrift 207 (2003) 74–104 (NvM)
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1852 Andreas Kunz, Sinuhe und der Starke von Retjenu – David und der Riese Goliat. Eine Skizze zum Motivgebrauch in der Literatur Ägyptens und Israels Die Geschichten von David und Sinuhe bilden einen Teil der literarischen Hinterlassenschaft Israels und Ägyptens. Erzählt werden zwei Biographien, die auf den ersten Blick nur wenig Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen. Und doch berühren sich beide Helden, die von ihren Erzählern in verschiedenen Zeiten, aber auf demselben geographischen Boden, ins literarische Leben gerufen worden sind, in einigen Punkten. Das betrifft einmal biographische Eckdaten wie die Flucht ins Ausland, die Aufnahme bei einem fremden Herrscher, der Aufstieg zum Kriegsheld usw. In diesem Fall wird man nicht von einem direkten Einfluss ausgehen können. Vielmehr dürfte es sich dabei um patterns of narration handeln, die kultur- und zeitübergreifend begegnen können. Anders sieht das im Blick auf die David-Geschichte in 1Sam 17,1–18,5 und dem Teil der Sinuheerzählung aus, der sich dem Kampf gegen den Starken und seiner Vor- und Nachgeschichte widmet. Die hier aufgezeigten Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen beiden Erzählungen lassen sich mit der Rezeptionsgeschicte der Sinuheerzählung erklären, die auch in Israel/Palästina ihre Spuren hinterlassen hat. BN 119/120 (2003) 90–100
1853 Alexander Schick, Hat die Bibel doch nicht Recht? Der Streit um David und Salomo – erbitterter Streit um die Glaubwürdigkeit der Bibel Gegen die Behauptung der Weihnachtsausgabe 2002 von DER SPIEGEL, es handele sich bei David und Salomo nur um Erfindungen der biblischen Autoren, führt Verf. archäologische Funde (David-Stadt, Tel-Dan-Inschrift, Zepter aus Salomos Tempel u.a.) ins Feld, die für eine historische Existenz von David und Salomo sprechen. Fundamentum 24/1 (2003) 46–65 (NvM)
1854 David M. Jacobson, Herod the Great Shows His True Colors Numismatics takes center stage as the author paints a different picture of Herod the Great. Our knowledge of this ancient ruler derives mostly from ancient written sources, principally the works of the first century CE Jewish historian Josephus, which were composed a century or more later and reflect the bias of the author. But a look at Herod’s coins offers us some insight into the ideology of this monarch. The images on Herod’s largest bronze coin refer to Greek mythology and religious ritual. The composition on the reverse of this bronze piece is identified as a Greek banqueting rite in homage to the “savior” deities, the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), while the obverse bears the tripod of Apollo. The portrayal of these and other pagan symbols on Herod’s coins raises some interesting questions about his religious orientation and state ideology. NEAr 64/3 (2001) 100–104
1855 Charles Sandy Brenner, Herod The Great Remains True to Form What was Herod trying to convey with the images he chose for his coinage? How did he delicately balance his religious orientation with state ideology? In NEAr 64/3, David Jacobson argued that the iconography Herod employed was that of Greek mythology. Here, the author argues that such an interpretation cannot be substantiated and would constitute a break from Herod’s normal numismatic practice. The iconography is rather that of military hardware. NEAr 64/4 (2001) 212–214
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1856 Marianne Grohmann, Hulda, die Prophetin Die Marginalisierung Huldas in der Auslegungsgeschichte hat keinen Anhaltspunkt im Text der Hebräischen Bibel: Hulda kommt zwar nur in 2Kön 22 (und der Parallele in 2Chron 34) vor, hat hier aber eine wichtige Aufgabe. Es bleibt beachtlich, dass Huldas Name und ihre Bezeichnung als Prophetin im deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk erhalten geblieben ist. Eine Frau als Prophetin war im Kontext der Hebräischen Bibel offensichtlich kein Problem. In der jüdischen Rezeptionsgeschichte spielt Hulda eine prominentere Rolle als in der christlichen. Die Rabbinen schmücken die knappen Angaben des Bibeltextes aus. Ihre Haltung zu Hulda ist ambivalent: Einerseits wird sie als stolz abgewertet, andererseits ist sie ganz selbstverständlich Prophetin und hat ein Lehrhaus. In manchen Auslegungen – wie z. B. zur Frage des Verhältnisses zwischen Hulda und Jeremia – findet sich durchaus eine Kontinuität zwischen rabbinischen Interpretationen und christlichen Kommentaren. CV 45/3 (2003) 209–216
1857 Ben Witherington III., Bringing James out of the Shadows. Jesus’ Brother Led Jerusalem Church Aus 1 Kor 15, v.a. aber aus dem Plot von Gal und Apg rekonstruiert W. den nach dem Tod Jesu zunächst wachsenden Einfluss des Jakobus in den Anfängen der Kirche. In Apg 15 und Apg 21 scheint seine Konzeption des Zueinanders von Juden- und Heidenchristentum durch, die sich jedoch nach dem Bedeutungsverlust der Jerusalemer Gemeinde nicht gegen Paulus’ Konzeption durchsetzen konnte. BiRe 19/3 (2003) 28–33.51–53 (CB)
1858 James A. Kelhoffer, “Locusts and Wild Honey” (Mk 1.6c and Mt. 3.4c): The Status Quaestionis Concerning the Diet of John the Baptist An astonishing variety of answers has been proffered by scholars who have considered the literary or sociohistorical interpretation of Mk 1.6c/Mt. 3.4c. This article surveys Synoptic passages pertaining to John’s diet and reviews biblical scholarship on the subject from Erasmus to the present. The most prevalent interpretations maintain that the locusts and wild honey, however construed, highlight John as Prophet, wildernessdweller, ascetic or vegetarian. A recurrent weakness in many interpretations of Mk 1.6c/Mt. 3.4c is that they ignore the possibility that this characterization could have meant different things for the historical Baptist, the author of Mark and the author of Matthew. An additional shortcoming concerns the lack of argument or historical analogy given to support a particular interpretation of John’s diet. CBR 2/1 (2003) 104–127
1859 Roger David Aus, The Name Judas “Iscariot” and Ahitophel in Judaic Tradition Judas, the betrayer of Jesus, is portrayed after the OT figure Ahitophel (2 Sam 16:15; 17:1–4). The early Palestinian Jewish Christians invented an epithet for Judas on the basis of a tradition concerning the betrayer of David, Ahitophel. As the latter was from an unknown Judean city in southern Judea, Giloh, so Judas, a Galilean disciple of Jesus, was made into an inhabitant of a no longer known city in southern Judea, Qeriyyot. For post-Resurrection Galilean Christians, the betrayer of Jesus could not be placed far enough away. R.D. As, My name is “Legion”; University Press of America, Lanham (2003) 155–208 (BL)
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1860 Franco Manzi, Interrogativi, discussioni e conferme sul binomio Melchisedek ad angelologia nell’Epistola agli Ebrei e a Qumran In 1997, Manzoni’s thesis on “Melchisedek e l’angelologia nell’Epistola agli Ebrei” was published as Analecta Biblica 136. The present article deals with the suggestion, made immediately upon the publication of 11QMalki-sedeq in 1965, that Hebrews depends upon Qumran. Although this thesis is still maintained by some scholars, Manzoni rejects it as unfounded, arguing that each of the several Melchizedek texts must be studied on its own terms. Manzoni surveys recent scholarship on Melchizedek. ScC 131/2 (2003) 379–428 (BL)
1861 Christa Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Michal – eine literarische Figur mit Vergangenheit Die häufigen Erwähnungen von Michal in den Samuelbüchern legen trotz ihrer scheinbaren Einflusslosigkeit die Vermutung nahe, dass es sich um eine bedeutsame historische Gestalt handelt. Von den Eckdaten über Michal in 1 Sam 14,49 und 2 Sam 21,8 ausgehend analysiert die Verf. die literarischen Bezüge der Michal-Erzählungen untereinander und befragt sie nach ihrem historischen Sachgehalt. Während die Hofpropaganda Michals funktionale Bedeutung als Vermittlerin von Herrschaftsansprüchen hervorgehoben hat, stand in der Volksüberlieferung ihre persönliche Beziehung zu David im Vordergrund. Durch erklärende Überarbeitungen wurde ihre politische Bedeutung im Endtext geschmälert. WuD 27 (2003) 87–105 (DL)
1862 Philippe Guillaume, Did Moses Die Before Entering Canaan? A Reply to S.A. Nigosian It appears that until the death of Josiah, Moses leads Israel out of Egypt into the land as mentioned by Hecataeus. Moses was first denied entrance to Canaan during the reign of Jehoiakim who counted on Egyptian support (Neco held Jeoahaz as hostage in Egypt) to overthrow Babylonian rule around 620 BCE. Moses thus has to die prematorely to conform to Josiah and to make way for his successor Joshua/Jehoiakim. Josiah paid for the sins of the people and for those of Manasseh (2 Kgs 23:26), just as Moses paid for the sin of the spies (Deuteronomy 1). ThRev 24/1 (2003) 41–54
1863 Stephen J. Patterson, The Dark Side of Pilate Pilatus war kein Heiliger, wie es die christliche Tradition – ausgehend von den Evangelien – glaubhaft machen will. Der historischen Wahrheit nähert sich der Autor über Philo von Alexandrien und Flavius Josephus, so dass er demzufolge für den Tod Jesu ein einvernehmliches Handeln zwischen Pilatus und den jüdischen Kollaborateuren annimmt. Die synoptische Tradition der Evangelien dagegen versucht auf dem Hintergrund der Erfahrungen des jüdischen Krieges und der Zerstörung des Tempels Pilatus als Werkzeug Gottes zu entschulden, während die Juden für den Tod Jesu bestraft werden. Die christliche Rehabilitation des Pilatus steht somit in enger Verbindung zu antisemitischem Gedankengut. BiRe 19/6 (2003) 32–37.47–48 (CB)
1864 Robin M. Jensen, How Pilate Became a Saint Zeichnen die frühen jüdischen Historiker Flavius Josephus und Philo von Alexandrien noch ein negatives Bild von Pontius Pilatus, so wird er demgegenüber in den Evangelien schon positiver beschrieben. In allen vier kanonischen Evangelien hat Pilatus Bedenken gegen den Tod Jesu, kann sich aber nicht durchsetzen. Bei Eusebius von Cäsarea und den Kirchenvätern bekommt Pilatus sogar den Status eines heidnischen Bekenners der
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Gottheit Jesu und Konvertiten zum Christentum. Augustinus sieht Parallen zu den drei Weisen. Diese Tendenz setzt sich sowohl in den christlichen Apokryphen – insbesondere den Pilatus-Akten – fort, als auch in der Ikonographie, die Pilatus und Jesus mit Abraham und Isaak, Daniel und Susanna sowie der Fußwaschung der Jünger parallelisiert. Im 4. Jahrhundert wird Pilatus zum Modell für die neuen römischen Christen. BiRe 19/6 (2003) 22–31.47 (CB)
1865 Rainer Kampling (Hg.), Sara lacht . . . Eine Erzmutter und ihre Geschichte. Zur Interpretation und Rezeption der Sara-Erzählung Seventeen papers analyze as well as celebrate the biblical figure of Sarah, wife of Abraham, as she is presented in the book of Genesis and how she is seen in the Jewish and Christian traditions, including the New Testament (M. Gielen) and art history. Two papers, by A. Berlejung and D. Schmidt, comment on the phenomenon of a woman getting pregnant late in life from the perspectives of ancient Near Eastern women literature and classical sources, while two others consider the Genesis from an exegetical and feminist (I. Fischer) and psychoanalytical perspective (C. von Tippleskirch). Verlag F. Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 1–297
1866 Stephen Haar, Simon Magus: The First Gnostic? Simon, known mainly from Acts 8:4–25 and the church fathers, here emerges as an important yet elusive figure of first-century Judaism. Luke, according to Haar, presents Simon as someone who repents (v. 22). Luke does not label Simon as a sorcerer or magician; instead, he reports that he was “doing the work of a magos”, i.e., according to ancient sources, dream-sending, divination, forecasting the future, and not doubtful dealings of a charlatan. Haar reviews all the ancient traditions about Simon to conclude that one should not read later heresiology into the text of Acts. BZNW 119; W. de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) XXIII/1–385 (BL)
1867 François Bovon, The Dossier on Stephan, the First Martyr The gap between Acts 6–8 and the beginning of the cult of that saint in the fourth century must be bridged. The “Revelatio St. Stephani” was written in Palestine by the priest Lukian in 415 CE. He tells the story of the miraculous discovery of Stephen’s relics in a tomb in Caphar. Gamla, then brought to Jerusalem, where the empress Euodia built a basilica, and later to Constantinoble. But the cult of St. Stephen was in existance earlier (sermon on his honor by Gregory of Nyssa). HThR 96/3 (2003) 279–315 (WSch)
Jesus: comprehensive studies ★ particular aspects 1868 James D.G. Dunn, Jesus Remembered Volume 1 – the present book – of a three-volume set on the making of Christianity is devoted to the historical Jesus. While we have become used to the scholarly convention of basing historical reconstructions on early texts such as the gospel of Mark and Q, Dunn takes a different approach. The early Christian community remembered Jesus and talked about the master, and it is from a diversified but living memory that our early sources derive. This perspective enables Dunn to focus on characteristic or “core” features and themes of this discourse and ponder their historical origins and authenticity. A major section of “Jesus Remembered” is devoted to the question of Jesus’ self-understanding, and here the author argues, very cautiously, that Jesus does not seem to have claimed a particular (messianic) title for himself: “Allusion to his own role comes out more as a by-product of his proclamation of God’s kingdom; his role was a role in relation to that, rather than an assertion of his own status as such. Evidently, it was his proclamation of the kingdom which was important; the identity of the proclaimer
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was a secondary matter” (761f.). A major factor in the development of Christological titles must have been Jesus’ own hope for vindication after death, possibly articulated in terms of resurrection. (p. 796 – I think Dunn all too easily dismisses B. Chilton’s and B. Lang’s historical explanation of the Eucharist as a substitute for sacrifice.) W.B. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XVII/1–1019 (BL)
1869 Michael J. McClymond, Familiar Stranger: An Introduction to Jesus of Nazareth This lucidly written introduction to the historical Jesus sketches an image of Jesus that accommodates the two roles that receive most attention in contemporary scholarship: that of the sage and that of the eschatologoical prophet and healer. The first chapter summarizes current research on the historical Jesus. The Bible in Its World; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XII/1–212 (BL)
1870 Etienne Nodet, Histoire de Jésus? Nécessité et limites d’une enquête Nodet, NT specialist and professor at Jerusalem’s famous Ecole bibliquc, presents here his reflections about the historical Jesus. The book deals mainly with the NT sources available for reconstructing the life of Jesus, and Nodet is quite outspoken on a number of points. He does not believe in Markan priority, nor does he work with a reconstructed (lost) Sayings Source. Instead, he believes that Matthew and John, being closely tied to Jewish backgrounds, have much to offer to the historian. Jesus seems to have seen himself as the Son of Man (a notion derived from Daniel 7) or as the one who announces the coming of the Son of Man who will pronounce a judgment that will bring the final victory of goodness over evil. The creation of a circle of twelve disciples also counts among the facts that are historically plausible. – An important contribution to the debate about the historical Jesus. Lire la Bible 135; Editions du Cerf, Paris (2003) XXIV/1–248 (BL)
1871 Ludger Schenke et al., Jesus von Nazaret – Spuren und Konturen The collective volume, directed by L. Schenke of the University of Mainz, Germany, includes survey articles on basic aspects of the study of the historical Jesus. The history of recent research is summarized by I. Broer, R. Hoppe writes about Galilee and Jewish factions, Schenke on John the Baptist and on Jesus as proclaimer of the kingdom of God and miracle worker; P. Fiedler on forgiving sins and the Our Father, D. Zeller on the sapiential ethics of Jesus. Further studies deal with Jesus and the Torah (I. Broer), the fascination of Jesus’ itinerant existence ( J. Nützel), the passion of Christ (L. Oberlinner), and feminist readings (H. Gollinger). – I would not be as negative as Fiedler on speculating about the Our Father as a text used, but not created by Jesus, see K. Müller, Das Vater-Unser als jüdisches Gebet, in: A. Gerhards u.a. (Hg.), Identität durch Gebet, Paderborn 2003, 159–204. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart (2004) 1–383 (BL)
1872 Hubert Frankemölle, Der Jude Jesus und die Ursprünge des Christentums After more than three decades of teaching NT exegesis, the author sums up his view of the historical Jesus and his message, with particular emphasis on the Jewish context. Frankemölle is skeptical of the notion of a specifically apocalyptic message, and he sees Jesus primarily as a prophetic and sapiential teacher for whom the Kingdom of God is a matter of present experience, and not something that happens (only) in the future. A well-informed book, complete with a useful bibliography. Topos plus Taschenbücher 503; Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2003) 1–112 (BL)
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1873 Geza Vermes, Jesus in His Jewish Context Vermes’s trilogy “Jesus the Jew” (1973), “Jesus and the World of Judaism” (1983), and “The Religion of Jesus the Jew” (1993) is well known. The present book replaces the 1983 volume, adding a few pieces. The reader will enjoy, in particular, the author’s lively interaction with J.P. Meier (in the preface) and the autobiographical reflections printed as the final chapter (p. 124ff.). Vermes still has a powerful voice in historical research on Jesus. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) X/1–198 (BL)
1874 Honora Howell Chapman et al., Review Essay: Excavating Jesus: Beneath the Stones, Behind the Texts by John Dominic Crossan and Jonathan L. Reed Dieser Review Essay enthält vier voneinander unabhängige Rezensionen von Honora Howell Chapman, Gary Gilbert, Ronald F. Hock, J. Edward Wright sowie eine Antwort von John Dominic Crossan. Chapman liefert Nachträge zur Auswertung von Josephus, Gilbert und Hock fragen an, ob Jesus und seine Lehre tatsächlich auf der Folie wirtschaftlicher und politischer Prozesse im ersten Jahrhundert verstanden werden können. Hock mahnt darüber hinaus eine umfassendere Aufnahme der Jesustraditionen an. Marvin A. Sweeney (ed.), Review of Biblical Literature; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) 32–64 (SP)
1875 G.D.J. Dingemans, Jezus, de unieke drager van Gods Geest Research of the “historical Jesus” has produced a considerable number of books and articles, but has not given us a reliable view on Jesus. Scholars do not get further than Jesus as a charismatic teacher. The “traditional Christ of the church” with the doctrine of the two natures causes many problems for modern man because of the old philosophic framework and its static character. In my opinion a linguistic analysis of the New Testament shows that the witnesses of Jesus were deeply impressed by the mystery of Jesus’ charismatic appearance, both during his lifetime and after his death. In his attitude, his words and activities they have experienced the real presence of God. For all of the authors of the New Testament the divine presence culminated in the experience of the Risen Lord. To express that mystery I plead for a kind of “pneuma-christology”: Jesus was born as a human being and he received the Holy Spirit as he was baptised by John the Baptist – as most of the Gospels tell us. Especially after his death and resurrection the Risen Lord works in the world as the Spirit of Christ. Christ is the human face of God. A pneumachristology is more dynamic than the doctrine of the two natures and gives more room for the idea that Jesus was a real man (vere homo). At the same time the experience is expressed that in him God himself (vere Deus) – in the shape of the Holy Spirit – was active in a complete and absolute way. In that way he was the unique Bearer of the Holy Spirit – in contrast with other bearers of the Spirit like prophets and apostles. ATh 23/2 (2003) 58–71
1876 A.G. van Aarde, Does Historical Jesus Research have a future? The aim of this article is to reflect on the work of historical Jesus scholars who represent the three facets in the research, referred to as the “New Quest”, the “Third Quest”, and the “Renewed New Quest”. This is followed by a description of a plausible profile of Jesus in order to demonstrate the author’s distinctive position. In the concluding section of the article the question is addressed whether the investigation of the historical Jesus is still significant today. The answer ensues from both the debate with scholars and the described Jesus profile. The article ends with the vision that, although the question as to the relationship between the historical Jesus and the faith
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assertions of Christians will never be adequately and finally answered, the search for Jesus should continue. Both the church and society at large are benefiting from the quest. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/2 (2003) 533–556
1877 Stanley E. Porter, Reading the Gospels and the Quest for the Historical Jesus After questioning the standard schemata for discussing historical-Jesus research. Porter examines several of the most important concepts in recent historical Jesus research. These include the genre of the Gospels, where it is argued that the Gospels most accurately reflect the ancient biography; the language of Jesus, where recent research points to Jesus’ use of Greek (including a brief discussion of Luke 17:11–19 and Matthew 5–7): and the criteria that are used to establish the authenticity of Jesus material. These topics are analysed in order to ask wether the opposition between the Jesus of the Gospels and of history can be sustained in the light of recent research. McMaster New Testament Studies; Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Reading the Gospels Today; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) 27–55
1878 S. Moyise, Jesus, History and the Gospels This article considers the reasons why modern scholars have felt the need to go behind the four Gospels and search for the historical Jesus. After a short discussion on methodology, especially the criteria used to detect the earliest and most reliable traditions about Jesus, a number of recent proposals are discussed: Jesus as Jewish restoration prophet; Jesus as Galilean rabbi; Jesus as subversive reformer; Jesus as Jewish messiah. This diversity might suggest that the whole enterprise is misguided but there are positive gains for the Church, not least the recovery of the Jewishness of Jesus. ATh 23/2 (2003) 167–182
1879 Grant R. Osborne, History and Theology in the Synoptic Gospels The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the interaction between history and theology that is a major factor in any attempt to discover the historical Jesus that lies behind the documents itself. We all agree that each gospel is a portrait of Jesus, an individual glimpse of not only Jesus as he was but of the church’s understanding of his significance. In other words, the gospels are exactly what the term implies – good news or sermons about Jesus, theologized history rather than “pure” history. First, there is a survey of the issue as it unfolded over the last hundred years, and second a delineation of principles for interacting with both history and theology in the pursuit of the historical Jesus. TrinJ 24/1 (2003) 5–22
1880 Larry W. Hurtado, Homage to the Historical Jesus and Early Christian Devotion What continuity or discontinuity is there between the remarkable devotion to Jesus as divine figure in earliest Christianity and the sorts of homage/reverence that was given to the earthly Jesus? The intra-canonical Gospels exhibit notable differences in the ways that they portray the homage given to Jesus in his ministry, particularly in the language that they prefer. Matthew is distinctive in a programmatic portrayal of the homage given to Jesus by various figures as “worship”. Collectively, however, the Gospels confirm that the worship of Jesus in “post-Easter” Christian circles represents a significant development beyond the sorts of homage given to Jesus during his ministry. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 131–146
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✩ 1881 Peter M. Head, The Nazi Quest for an Aryan Jesus This paper introduces perhaps the most neglected era in the history of the Quest for the historical Jesus. The era is National Socialist Germany and the particular Quest involves the attempt to prove Jesus was not Jewish but rather Aryan. Despite several recent attempt to associate the contemporary Jesus Seminar with such approaches, the whole period is largely ignored in the standard works on the history of New Testament. This paper introduces and describes the most important of the attempts to prove that Jesus was Aryan, that of Walter Grundmann. Important aspect or the general ideological background, as well as the influence of his teacher, Gerhard Kittel are discussed, with a more detailed treatment of the arguments in his Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum (1940). JSHJ 2/1 (2004) 55–89
1882 John P. Meier, The Historical Jesus and the Historical Law: Some Problems within the Problem Nicht weniger problematisch als die Rückfrage nach dem historischen Jesus ist die Rückfrage nach dem Gesetz zur Zeit Jesu. Komplex ist die Frage, was als schriftliche Tora galt, und daraus sich ergebend, welche anderen gesetzlichen Traditionen Autorität in welchem Umfang beanspruchen konnten. Die Problematik wird anhand ausgewählter Beispiele dargestellt. CBQ 65/1 (2003) 52–79 (MDK)
1883 Christian Grappe, Jésus exorciste à la lumière des pratiques et des attentes de son temps Several Jewish documents from the time of Jesus can shed light on his practice as an exorcist. Some of them confirm that casting out demons had an eschatological purport, in the sense that they point to the emergence of the Kingdom of God. Other texts shed light on Jesus being acknowledged as the Son of David because of his exorcist activity, or they supply us with interesting parallels to this practice as it is described in the synoptic gospels RB 110/2 (2003) 178–196
1884 Thomas Domanyi, Jesus und die Toleranz Gegenüber dem im Grunde toleranten Charakterbild Jesu in den Evangelien heben insbesondere die Gerichtsaussagen Jesu seine Intoleranz hervor. Diese Intoleranz richtet sich jedoch nicht gegen einzelne Personen, sondern gegen Einstellungen und fehlende Wahrhaftigkeit in der Lebensweise. Der Blick Jesu bleibt jedoch auch bei den Gerichtsandrohungen nicht auf die Allgemeinheit beschränkt. Die Aussagen gewinnen an Schärfe in dem Maße, wie bei seinen Zuhörern eine größere Kenntnis Gottes vorauszusetzen ist. BiKi 58/4 (2003) 202–207 (SP)
1885 Córdula Langner, Jesús, Rey de Paz ¿Humilde? “Peace” doesn’t mean passivity neither indulgence but a welfare achieved through the fraternal justice commanded by God in Jesus. This paper presents a Jesus’ portrait as king of peace based on the gospels data to impulse the readers to work in favor of the justice and the peace. Qol 32 (2003) 171–185
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1886 James P. Sweeney, The Death of Jesus in Contemporary Life-of-Jesus Research Obgleich Jesu Kreuzigung und Tod als eines der am besten belegten historischen Ereignisse der Antike gilt, bleibt der Grund der Todesstrafe umstritten. Der Verf. fasst die wichtigsten Positionen der gegenwärtigen Forschung zusammen und fordert die Berücksichtigung mehrerer Perspektiven zur Beantwortung der Frage: römische, jüdische sowie Jesu eigene Intentionen in Bezug auf seinen Tod. Zu diesem letzten Punkt werden sechs wichtige Aspekte erörtert: Wundertaten, Todesvoraussagen, Tod als Lösegeld (Mk 10,45), Konflikt mit den religiösen Autoritäten, letztes Abendmahl und Jesu Selbstverständnis. Die Berücksichtigung seiner selbst bezeugten Identität und Autorität ist wesentlich für das Verständnis seiner Todesumstände. TrinJ 24/2 (2003) 221–241 (DL)
1887 Magen Broshi, What Jesus Learned from the Essenes. The Blessing of Poverty, the Bane of Divorce Vermutet wird eine direkte Abhängigkeit der jesuanischen Lehre von den Essenern in zwei Punkten: der Kritik an Reichtum bzw. der Hochschätzung der Armut sowie der Ablehnung der Scheidung bzw. der Forderung der Einehe. Nur in den Qumrantexten und im Neuen Testament sind für das Frühjudentum diese Positionen belegt. Die Vermittlung essenischen Gedankenguts an Jesus könnte über Johannes den Täufer geschehen sein. BArR 30/1 (2003) 32–37.64 (MDK)
1888 Christian Riniker, Jesus als Gerichtsprediger? In der Forschung wird Jesu Gerichtsbotschaft entweder im Rahmen eines sozialrevolutionären oder eines apokalyptisch-eschatologischen Jesusbildes gesehen. Der historische Jesus hat sich intensiv mit der Gerichtsvorstellung auseinandergesetzt und sie auf die positiven Inhalte seiner Botschaft bezogen. ZNT 9 (2002) 2–14 (MW)
1889 Robert J. Miller, The (Non-)Apocalyptical Jesus: What Is At Stake? Verf. will die Debatte um die Frage, ob der historische Jesus ein apokalyptischer Prophet war, darstellen und Anregungen für eine konstruktive Diskussion geben. Dabei enthält er der Leserin nicht vor, dass er selbst an der Debatte beteiligt und der Ansicht ist, dass Jesus kein apokalyptischer Prophet war. Proceedings EGL & MWBS 22 (2002) 109–126 (SP)
1890 Amy M. Donaldson, Blasphemy against the Spirit and the Historical Jesus The saying about blasphemy against the Holy Spirit can most likely be traced back to the historical Jesus. Based on the distinct versions preserved by Mark and Q, there is the multiple attestation of at least two sources. The criterion of discontinuity also shows that the concept of such blasphemy may be continuous with the Judaism of the time, but the way in which Jesus described this blasphemy is not familiar either from the Judaism that preceded him or the earliest Christianity that followed. In addition to this, the traces of Aramaic apparent by comparing both forms may also help weigh the evidence in favor of authenticity. If the historical Jesus then indeed did make this statement in some form, what he meant by it was to contrast sins of speech that are forgivable with blasphemy against God’s agent, the spirit of holiness, which is not forgivable. The implications of this saying for the historical Jesus are more tenuous and require further research, but it is possible that the saying was spoken during a con-
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troversy between Jesus and his opponents and that understood himself to be acting under the power of the divine spirit. SBL.SPS 42 (2003) 157–171
1891 Donald Capps, Beyond Schweitzer and the psychiatrists: Jesus as fictive personality Albert Schweitzer and the psychiatric studies of Jesus that he critiqued in 1913 shared the belief that Jesus identified himself as the coming Messiah. Unlike the psychiatrists, however, Schweitzer did not therefore judge Jesus to have been delusional. This article concurs with Schweitzer on the grounds that “ideas of reference” were a common feature of the religious milieu in which Jesus lived. It introduces the psychoanalytic concept of the “fictive personality” as relevant to Jesus’ identification of himself as the coming Messiah. In contrast to delusional theories, this concept emphasizes the positive uses of such identifications, especially as a means of self-empowerment. HTS 59/3 (2003) 621–662
1892 John Sweetman et al., How Andragogical Was the Teaching of Jesus? This study shows that Jesus utilised both pedagogical and andragogical assumptions when they were appropriate to his teaching. There is no biblical basis for representing Jesus as an exponent of solely andragogical teaching methods. Journal of Christian Education 45/2 (2002) 33–44
1893 Birger A. Pearson, Enoch and Jesus. Parallel Paths to Heaven Pearson deckt zahlreiche Parallelen zwischen dem Leben Henochs in 1–3 Henoch und dem Leben Jesu, wie es in den Evangelien beschrieben ist, auf, die vom irdischen Leben über die Aufnahme in den Himmel bis hin zur Göttlichkeit reichen. Beide Geschichten reflektieren die geistesgeschichtliche Entwicklung während des Zweiten Tempels zur Bildung von Binitäten. Im 2.Jh. beginnt die Entwicklung der christlichen Theologie zur Lehre von der Trinität, während das rabbinische Judentum den Monotheismus wieder strikter fasst. Infolge dieses Prozesses fiel auch das Ansehen der Henoch-Bücher im Judentum. BiRe 19/2 (2003) 24–31.50 (CB)
1894 James P. Sweeney, Modern and Ancient Controversies Over the Virgin Birth of Jesus This study serves as a reminder that controversy over Jesus’ unique human origin has a much longer history than Deism, the Enlightenment, or even present-day scholarship. Some segments of the New Testament imply that there was controversy about Jesus’ human origin even in His own days. In addition explicit denials of the virgin birth existed in the early patristic period. This examination helps put contemporary arguments against the historicity of the virgin birth into proper perspective. BS 160/2 (2003) 142–158
Paul 1895 Wilfried Nippel, Der Apostel Paulus – ein Jude als römischer Bürger From the perspective of the ancient historian, the image of Paul as a Roman citizen (found in the book of Acts) is plausible. Apparently, Paul had reasons to use the concomitant privileges only rarely, i.e. in particularly difficult situations. Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp et al. (eds.), Sinn (in) der Antike; Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 357–374 (BL)
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1896 Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, Histoire de Paul de Tarse Unlike in his “Paul: A Critical Life” (1996), the author offers here a straightforward biographical account. He thinks that Paul, when imprisoned in the city of Rome (as told at the end of the book of Acts), was freed, travelled to Spain and to the East, in order to be imprisoned once again, but this time condemned to death. Written by a major authority on Paul, this is a book worth reading for its wealth of information (and bibliography). Editions du Cerf, Paris (2004) 1–315 (BL)
1897 Eugen Biser, Paulus. Zeugnis – Begegnung – Wirkung Diese Skizze der paulinischen Theologie zeichnet sich dadurch aus, dass sie Paulus (im Anschluss an Autoren wie W. Wrede, A. Deissmann, A. Wikenhauser und A. Schweitzer, und gegen das ausdrückliche Votum von E. Lohse) konsequent als Mystiker einschätzt und würdigt. Zusätzlich bietet Biser Kapitel über “Paulus und Lukas”, “Paulus und Martin Buber” sowie “Paulus und Nietzsche”. “Paulus ist der Glücksfall des Christentums. Denn er führte es aus der Verhaftung in der Gesetzesreligion in die Freiheit. Er brach damit gleichzeitig den Bann der Weltangst, dem die Spätantike zunehmend verfiel” (13). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–303 (BL)
1898 James D.G. Dunn (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Paul Nineteen papers survey contemporary Pauline scholarship. Four sections deal with Paul’s biography, his letters (eight contributions, the longest section), theology (with a contribution by A.F. Segal on Paul’s Jewish presuppositions), and later impact. A glossary and several indexes, including a subject index, help to understand and access the treasures stored in this handy volume. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XXI/1–301 (BL)
1899 Hugolin Langkammer, Problematyka chronologii absolutnej i chronologii relatywnej ûycia i dzia∑alno≤ci ≤w. Paw∑a Aposto∑a Ausgegangen wird im Artikel von einer Umschreibung der absoluten und der relativen Chronologie. Darauf folgt ein Versuch der Feststellung von zwei geschichtlichen Daten, die aus der römischen Geschichte bekannt sind (aus der Amtszeit des Prokonsul Gallio von Achaia und Festus in Caesarea). Der Vergleich dieser Daten mit den Mitteilungen aus der Apostelgeschichte und Nachrichten von Paulus selbst in seinen Briefen führt dann folgerichtig zu Ergebnissen, die eine kleine temporale Biegsamkeit mit einschließen. Diese Methode nennt der Verf. “eine junktive Chronologie”. RocT 49/1 (2002) 123–128 (SS)
1900 Albrecht Scriba, Von Korinth nach Rom: Die Chronologie der letzten Jahre des Paulus Scriba entwirft eine detaillierte Paulus-Chronologie, die von der Hinrichtung Jesu am 30. April 28 ausgeht und die Berufung des Paulus ca. 30 n. Chr. datiert. Was das Ende des Paulus angeht, so deutet 2 Tim 4,16 auf ein Gerichtsverfahren in Rom. Offenbar wurde Paulus erst nach zweijährigem Hausarrest streng inhaftiert und in einem Gerichtsverfahren verurteilt. Hingerichtet wurde er vor dem Winter 62 n. Chr. (und nicht erst unter Nero). BZNW 106; Friedrich Wilhelm Horn (Hg.), Das Ende des Paulus; de Gruyter, Berlin (2002) 157–173 (BL)
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1901 Waldemar Rakocy, Datacja pierwszej misji Paw∑a w Koryncie The author of the article tries to determine the years of St Paul’s first mission to Corinth. In order to do this he presents a review of the state of research from which it follows that 50–51 AD is the most often mentioned year. However, there are opinions that the Apostle came to Corinth for the first time at the beginning of the forties. The difference in the opinions results from the two premises on which the above datings are based: the time of Gallio’s proconsulate and expulsion of Jews from Rome at the time of Claudius. Analysing the historical facts above the author comes to the conclusion that the year of expulsion of Jews from Rome (41 or 49) is not unequivocally determined, and hence dating St Paul’s first mission to Corinth as the beginning of the forties is doubtful. The time of Gallio’s proconsulate in the years 51–52 should be considered a sure base for the chronology of St Paul. Since he came to Corinth more than a year before Gallic took office, his first mission to that town would last from February/March 50 to August/September 51. Defining the Apostle’s stay in Corinth also allows pointing to the moment of the beginning of his journey that brought him to the capital of Achaia. Evangelising the previous centers took Paul at least two years, so he set off from Antioch no later than spring 48; however, it is more probable that it happened a year earlier. RocT 49/1 (2002) 93–110 (SS)
1902 Waldemar Rakocy, Problem datacji i kolokacji w misji Paw∑a tzw. Soboru Jerozolimskiego Der Verfasser stellt die Frage nach der Datierung und Stellung des sogenannten Jerusalemer Konzils im missionarischen Lebenslauf von Paulus und beantwortet sie auf folgende Weise: Das Jerusalemer Konzil hat nach der Abreise des Paulus von Korinth stattgefunden, demnach nach der 2. Missionsreise und somit frühestens in der zweiten Oktoberhälfte oder im November 51. ColT 72/2 (2002) 31–44 (SS)
1903 Emmanuel Dumont, La dialectique de l’Évangile et de la rhétorique chez saint Paul Paul’s mission took him into the Graeco-Roman culture of the New Sophists. There the Apostle inculturated the Gospel by reconfigurating thoroughly the canons of pagan rhetoric, as evidenced by the two letters to the Corinthians. To the utilitarianism of oratory technique, he substitutes a communications ethic with a theologal foundation: his word wants to work in continuity with the Word of God, that is the language of the Crucified. In this new art of persuasion, ethos, logos and pathos are purified and find a new dynamic in a pastoral and brotherly parrhèsia. NRT 125/3 (2003) 374–386
1904 Leander E. Keck, The Jewish Paul among the Gentiles. Two Portrayals The essay compares Paul’s self-presentation in Romans 9–11 and in other letters with his portrayal in Acts. Keck tries to discover the personal motives hiding in the argument of Rom 9–11 which is analyzed briefly. “The Jew’s unbelief is a problem for Paul because he is a Christian Jew; simultaneously the Christian Gentiles’ arrogance is a problem for him because he is their Jewish apostle.” The data in the other letters – 1Thess 2:14–16 is bracketed out – do not warrant the claim that Rom 9–11 marks a change in Paul’s thought and practice. Neither is Israel “written off ” in Acts. Rather, “what Acts reports about Paul’s mission coheres with what he says in Romans 9–11”. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 461–481 (DZ)
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HISTORY OF ISRAEL General – Problems of historiography 1905 Kenneth A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament Kitchen (b. 1932) has periodically contributed to biblical studies, most notably in three books: Ancient Orient and Old Testament, 1966; The Bible and its World, 1977; Ancient Near Eastern Windows on the Biblical World, 1989. The present book takes up the material accumulated in the earlier publications, updates it and adds much new evidence from ancient Egyptian and Western Asiatic sources. The author also considers the problem of establishing dates in Palestinian archaeology. Even those scholars who do not share Kitchen’s conservative conclusions about Israel’s patriarchs, the exodus, Moses (etc.) and “the sad history of OT scholarship in the last two hundred years” (497) will use it with profit and heed the author’s warning not to neglect the study of the Bible’s historical setting. A very useful companion to all textbooks of OT history. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XXII/1-662 (BL)
1906 Herbert H. Klement, Chronologische Fragen zu Jerichos Posaunen, Sauls Königtum und anderen Geschichten The paper aims to present an introduction to recent discussion about the possibility of writing a history of Israel. It outlines the development from the reconstruction of Israel’s history by Wellhausen, through the controversy between the models of Alt and Noth over against those of Albright and Wright in the fifties, up to the contemporary, widely publicised, radical position of the minimalists. Conservative alternatives that are closer to the biblical outline are presented together with an evaluation of the revisionist view. The juxtaposition of the different approaches reveals a pluralism which demonstrates that even in the case of archaeological and historical enquiries research should be conducted with hermeneutical caution, including questions regarding the degree of certainty in ceramic and general chronology. JETh 17 (2003) 7–33
1907 Jeffrey M. Cohen, When Did We Become a Nation? Israel ist zur Nation geworden, als es am Fuße des Berges Sinai die Fluchworte des Moses und der Leviten mit dem Ausruf “Amen” bestätigte (Dtn 27). JBQ 31/4 (2003) 260–262 (SP)
1908 David Henige, Deciduous, Perennial or Evergreen? The Choices in the Debate over “Early Israel” In two recent articles Iain Provan has argued that those who question the reality of ‘early Israel’ do not have adequate epistemological grounds for their reasoning. Provan is particularly interested in preserving much of the testimony of the Hebrew Bible, if only because, without it, there is virtually no evidence left. Here I argue a different position, largely from a comparative framework. Given the remarkable lack of archaeological and external support for biblical history, I wonder why we should give the Hebrew Bible – or any source that is sui generis and largely uncorroborated – the benefit of any doubts. In other times and other places such sources have lost much of the credibility given them by earlier generations; why not here? The historiographical and epistemological situation is ripe for open debate. In any zetetic process, it is now the turn of those who prefer to use biblical evidence for orientation to justify this with more than variations of a refrain. In the meantime, postulating reconstructions of this period and place can be little more than gamesmanship. There is a response to this paper by Ian Provan on pages 413–438. JSOT 27/4 (2003) 387–411
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1909 Baruch Halpern, Eyewitness Testimony. Parts of Exodus Written within Living Memory of the Event Es werden Argumente für eine teilweise extreme Frühdatierung zahlreicher biblischer Texte aufgeführt. Insbesondere das Schilfmeerlied in Ex 15 wird ins 11. Jh. v. Chr. datiert, so dass der Text vermutlich von Teilnehmern des Exodus komponiert worden sei. BArR 29/5 (2003) 50–57 (MDK)
1910 Steven W. Holloway, Use of Assyriology in Chronological Apologetics in David’s Secret Demons In a series of essays and David’s Secret Demons, Halpern makes extensive use of Middle and Early Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions in an attempt to peg Samuel and Kings narratives to a 10th-century date. Despite an appreciation of Assyrian reportorial liberties and heavy usage of state-of-the-art translations, Halpern’s methodology evokes a number of annalist tropes and formulae without seriously examining non-historiographic sources, Late Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, and the feasibility of extrapolating orthographic conclusions from defective provincial inscriptions. While lauding Halpern’s willingness to engage the Albrightian backgrounds method in biblical research, high-profile interdisciplinary studies carry a responsibility to respect the limitations of the source materials for comparative historiography. SJOT 17/2 (2003) 245–267
1911 Armin D. Baum, Zu Funktion und Authentizitätsanspruch der oratio recta. Hebräische und griechische Geschichtsschreibung im Vergleich The Hebrew historical writers share with the Homeric epics the relatively high number of speeches which they reproduce and above all the fact that they restrict themselves to direct speech. On the other hand they have the stylistic device of realistic dialogue in common only with ancient Near Eastern history-writing and with Herodotus. Since (unlike the Greek historians) they do not reproduce people’s utterances indirectly (oratio obliqua), but almost exclusively present them directly (oratio recta), their accounts have a more dramatic, immediate and vivid effect. In Hebrew and Greek history-writing a distinction was made between the linguistic form (or “body”) and the content (or “soul”) of a statement. In both cases there was felt to be an obligation, in the direct reproduction of speeches, to retain the historical content but not necessarily the authentic wording of a statement. Hebrew history-writing kept closer than Greek to the original wording. ZAW 115/4 (2003) 586–607
Premonarchical period 1912 M.P. Maidman, Historiographic Reflections on Israel’s Origins: The Rise and Fall of the Patriarchal Age Dieser Beitrag fragt nach Möglichkeiten und Grenzen, die Zeit der Patriarchen in der Geschichte Israels mittels archäologischer Erkenntnisse zu erhellen. Hierzu skizziert er insbesondere die Forschung von W.F. Albright und J. Wellhausen. ErIs 27 (2003) 120*–128* (SP)
1913 Mark G. Brett, Israel’s Indigenous Origins: Cultural Hybridity and the Formation of Israelite Ethnicity This paper addresses the question of whether Iron I settlements in the central Levantine hill country can properly be termed ‘Israelite’. Drawing on anthropological theory to
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interpret the recent archaeological debates, the argument suggests that an Israelite ethnic ‘network’ arose in the early Iron Age – albeit with a low degree of incorporation – by a process of social fission. In contrast to the Philistine incursion of the same period, there was no imposition of a foreign cultural system. The historical evidence implies that in the course of time the worship of Yhwh, an exodus story, and a ‘pig taboo’, were added to the indigenous culture in the making of Israelite identity. Yhwh worship was probably not originally seen as a separate religion, but in the Iron II period, it came to be interpreted by some as antagonistic to other gods. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 400–412
1914 William G. Dever, Who Were the Early Israelites and where Did They Come from? The authentic ancestors of the Israelites were most likely Canaanites who, together with some pastoral nomads and small groups of Semitic slaves escaping from Egypt, managed to forge a new agrarian society. Dever here develops his own version of Gottwald’s “peasant revolt” model of Israelite origins. According to Dever, land reform must have been the driving force behind, and the ultimate goal of, the early Israelite movement. Although the subject is still hotly debated, Dever’s well-informed voice will be heard – and accepted – by many (and for very good reasons, too). W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 11–268 (BL)
1915 Israel Finkelstein, City-States to States: Polity Dynamics in the 10th–9th Centuries BCE Recent archaeological work and the redating of earlier excavated strata support two conclusions: (1) After the collapse of the Bronze Age Canaanite city-states in the second half of the 12th century BCE came their recovery (“New Canaan”), followed by a sudden destruction in northern Palestine in the 10th century, a phenomenon thus far poorly understood by historians. (2) The “United Monarchy” of the biblical record did not exist. The first state to emerge in Palestine was northern Israel in the 9th century, with very impressive building activity in Samaria, Jezreel and Hazor. William G. Dever et al. (eds.), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 75–83 (BL)
1916 Hartmut N. Rösel, The Emergence of Ancient Israel – Some Related Problems “At the end of the day we have to concede that we know next to nothing about the process of the emergence of early Israel and its development. But we feel that one should bear two points in mind: 1. Israel developed starting from small beginnings. 2. Religious ideology was essential in this process.” (160) BN 114/115 (2002) 151–160
Period of the monarchy 1917 Yigal Levin, “From Goshen to Gibeon” ( Joshua 10:41): The Southern Frontier of the Early Monarchy Die Beschreibung der Eroberungen Josuas sowie die Liste des nicht eroberten Landes spiegeln die Realität in Palästina zur Zeit Sauls wieder. Mit der Erwähnung von Goschen und Gibeon in Jos 10,41, die als Khirbet Tatrit und Khirbet el-Qaryatèn zu identifizieren sind, ist die Südgrenze Sauls Einflussbereiches bestimmt. In den Hügeln von Benjamin und Ephraim beheimatet erweiterte Saul sein Territorium bis an den Bach Ägyptens, welcher mit dem heutigen Na˙al Besor gleich zu setzen ist. So siedel-
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ten die Goscheniter – in der Bibel fälschlich als Geschuriter bezeichnet – an der Südgrenze seines Machtbereiches. Maarav 10 (2003) 195–220 (DL)
1918 Rainer Kessler, Chiefdom oder Staat? Zur Sozialgeschichte der frühen Monarchie Dieser Beitrag widmet sich den politischen Strukturen im eisenzeitlichen Israel und Juda. Nach einem kurzen Forschungsüberblick sammelt der Verf. archäologische, biblische sowie ethnologische Argumente gegen die Verwendung des Begriffs chiefdom (v.a. Niemann) für die Zeit der frühen biblischen Monarchie und setzt dafür den Begriff eines frühen Staates ein. Diese politische Form habe es in Israel unter Saul und frühem David gegeben, der die volle Staatlichkeit etabliert und gleichzeitig eine gefestigte Dynastie begründet habe. Die gewichtigsten Argumente dieser Theorie entstammen leider den biblischen Erzählungen, deren historisches Aussagepotenzial keiner kritischen Prüfung unterzogen wird. Christof Hardmeier u.a. (Hgg.), Freiheit und Recht, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2003) 121–140 (DL)
1919 Richard Elliott Friedman, Solomon and the Great Histories According to the available literary evidence much of the Deuteronomistic History had its genesis during Solomon’s reign. Hence, the monarch must be viewed as an important historical figure who would be expected to have undertaken the expansion of the kingdom that is described in the Bible. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 171–180
1920 J.J.M. Roberts, Solomon’s Jerusalem and the Zion Tradition The author argues on historical and biblical grounds that the Zion tradition dates back to the reigns of David and Solomon. He admits that the tradition was developed during later periods, but he contends that the roots of the tradition can be authentically traced to David and Solomon. Roberts further concludes that in fact Jerusalem was the capital of a united monarchy during the tenth century BCE. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 163–170
1921 Lee W. Casperson, Sabbatical, Jubilee, and the Temple of Solomon There is continuing interest in clarifying chronological methods and establishing accurate dates for Israel during the period of the monarchy. It is possible to infer a tentative seven-year sabbatical sequence for this period by extrapolating backward from well-established data or later periods. However, the significance, phase, and even the existence of the more long range forty-nine year jubilee sequence has remained in doubt. It is suggested here that the sabbatical calendar together with considerations of the timing of temple construction and repair projects in Israel may provide evidence for the early awareness and use of the jubilee calendar. VT 53/3 (2003) 283–296
1922 Rodger C. Young, When did Solomon die? There is an alternate solution to the approach used by E.R. Thiele (The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, 1965): Solomon dies in the first half of the year that began in Nisan, 931 BC, rather than in the second half of the year. JETS 46/4 (2003) 589–603 (BF)
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1923 David Bienenfeld, And Who Killed the Kings Jehoram and Ahazjah? (Hebr., Engl., summary) Der Artikel analysiert zwei Erzählungen über die Tötung Jorams, Königs von Israel, und Ahasjas, Königs von Juda. (1) In der ‘Dan-Stele’ rühmt sich der aramäische König Hazael, die beiden Könige getötet zu haben. (2) In der biblischen Erzählung von 1 Kön 9–10 unterscheidet der Verf. zwei literarische Traditionen, die sich darüber einig sind, dass der revoltierende Jehu für den Tod beider Könige verantwortlich ist. Dies erscheint dem Verf. aus historischer Sicht glaubhafter. Die Notiz der Dan-Stele könnte die Tatsache wiedergeben, dass Joram und Ahasja im Kontext der Auseinandersetzung mit dem aramäischen Nachbar getötet wurden, so dass sich ein aramäischer König für ihren Tod persönlich verantwortlich zeigte. Beit Mikra 175 (2003) 302–308 (DL)
1924 M. Christine Tetley, The Date of Samaria’s Fall as a Reason for Rejecting the Hypothesis of Two Conquests Die Annahme zweier Eroberungen Samarias durch Salmanassar V. im Jahr 723/22 und durch Sargon II. im Jahr 720 v. Chr. ist nicht haltbar. Vielmehr fand die Belagerung Samarias in den Jahren 721–719/18 v. Chr. statt und ist Sargon II. zuzuschreiben. CBQ 64/1 (2002) 59–77 (MDK)
1925 Brad E. Kelle, Hoshea, Sargon, and the Final Destruction of Samaria: A Response to M. Christine Tetley with a View Toward Method A recent article by M. Christine Tetley revisited the history and chronology of the northern kingdom’s final two decades and provided a reconstruction that significantly altered the common conceptions of the Syro-Ephraimitic war, the date of Hoshea’s accession, and overall Assyrian activities in the west in the latter part of the eighth century. This example of recent scholarly approaches to historical study provides an illuminating test case both for examining the ways in which specific reconstructions are made and for reconsidering the typical methodological practices employed in present works. In several ways, this recent scholarly contribution illustrates a common lack of careful methodological consideration in dealing not only with biblical but also extrabiblical texts. SJOT 17/2 (2003) 226–244
1926 Kristin A. Swanson, A Reassessment of Hezekiah’s Reform in Light of Jar Handles and Iconographic Evidence Die Kultreform Hiskijas wird als Geste der Loyalität gegenüber Sanherib interpretiert: Die lmlk-Stempel und vielleicht auch die eherne Schlange bezeugen den Gebrauch einer aus Ägypten stammenden Königssymbolik. Diese Symbole wurden durch die Rosette, einem assyrischen Königssymbol, ersetzt. Dies symbolisierte die vollständige Unterwerfung unter die assyrische Vorherrschaft. CBQ 64/3 (2002) 460–469 (MDK)
1927 James K. Hoffmeier, Egypt’s Role in the Events of 701 BC in Jerusalem This paper offers an extensive overview of the Egyptian epigraphic finds, so often neglected in a discussion of Jerusalem and Judah. The author reviews the debates, translates key passages, provides a useful bibliography, and presents his own interpretation about how these data should be understood in relation to Jerusalem. Readers will find this detailed summary of all the Egyptian kings from the last quarter of the eighth century useful as a tool for understanding the debates concerning the use of Egyptian texts relating to the biblical narratives. The survey of the Egyptian material
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allows to comment on the historical setting of several chapters of Isaiah and Hosea as well as on the Egyptian involvement in the rebellion at Ekron and the coalition against Sennacherib in 701. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 219–234
1928 K. Lawson Younger, Assyrian Involvement in the Southern Levant at the End of the Eighth Century BCE The author rehearses the most important theories and debates about the relevant Assyrian textual evidence for the history of eighth-century Jerusalem and Judah. He provides translations and citations, and presents a bibliography. He also offers his own interpretations about how these Assyrian texts should influence our understanding of Jerusalem. He shows how the Assyrian sources are ideological texts that must be interpreted just as one must interpret the biblical narratives. He moves beyond reading descriptions and epithets at face value in an attempt to understand how descriptions, titles, and lists are used by the different Assyrian kings. Younger offers useful guidelines for correlating Assyrian and biblical texts. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 235–263
1929 J.J.M. Roberts, Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod Affair: An Alternative Proposal This is a thorough and critical response reexamining the Egyptian and Assyrian texts discussed by Hoffmeier and Younger. Although the author departs at several key points from Hoffmeier, he concurs with most of Younger’s conclusions. However, there is one notable disagreement: their interpretation of the historical setting of Isa 10:27–32. Roberts’s discussion shows that, although there is much that can be agreed upon because of the exhaustive extrabiblical material, these historical documents may be biased and therefore require careful interpretation. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 265–283
1930 James K. Hoffmeier, Egypt’s Role in the Events of 701 BC: A Rejoinder to J.J.M. Roberts Es handelt sich um eine Erwiderung auf J.J.M. Roberts Kritik an einem Artikel Hoffmeiers aus demselben Band. Der Autor bekräftigt seine Position in drei kritisierten Punkten: (1) chronologische Implikationen der Tang-i Var Inschrift von Sargon II, (2) die Rolle Hiskijas in der antiassyrischen Rebellion vor der Invasion Sanheribs in 701v. und (3) die Datierung von Jes 30,1–2 und 31,1 um 722v. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 285–289 (DL)
1931 Lynn Tatum, Jerusalem in Conflict: The Evidence for the SeventhCentury BCE Religious Struggle over Jerusalem This paper examines late eighth- and seventh-century Judah within a theoretical framework. Jerusalem’s rise in importance during this period should be understood from the perspective of a segmentary/centralizing conflict that took place within Judah rather than solely as a result of outside political events. The author analyzes the eventual downfall of the southern kingdom in the light of Colin Renfrew’s model of “secondary slate collapse” and does not attribute its demise simply to foreign invasions. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 291–306
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1932 Michael Avioz, When Was the First Temple Destroyed, According to the Bible? This article deals with the contradiction between 2 Kgs 25 and Jer 52 regarding the date on which the First Temple was destroyed. Comparing the descriptions of the destruction in Kings and in Jeremiah shows that the two descriptions were borrowed from a common third source. In our view, this common third source is better preserved in Jeremiah 52 than in 2 Kings 25. We therefore deduce that Jeremiah 52 preserves the more exact date of the Temple’s destruction: the tenth of Ab. This claim is based on the fact that the description of the destruction in Kings is in any case truncated, and is therefore likely that it contains the textual corruptions as opposed to Jeremiah. Bib. 84/4 (2003) 562–565
Babylonian exile ★ Persian period ★ Hellenistic and Roman periods until Bar Kokhba 1933 Hans M. Barstad et al., The Myth of the Empty Land Revisited In 1996, Barstad argued that modern historians are wrong to follow biblical writers in their assumption that during the Babylonian exile life in Palestine was inexistent. Barstad (3–20: After the “Myth of the Empty Land”) reaffirms this view, while others challenge him or suggest modifications. According to B. Oded (55–74: Where is the “myth of the empty land” to be fund?), the biblical sources, while occasionally using hyperbolic languages, know of no empty Palestine during the Babylonian exile. L.S. Fried (21–54: The land lay desolate: conquest and restoration in the ancient Near East), by contrast, demonstrates that the focus of the biblical account is on the Jerusalem temple; between 586 and 516, there was no temple in Jerusalem and therefore the god of the land had no home – and in this sense, the land was empty. S. Japhet (75–89: Periodization: Between History and Ideology) points out that, both for EzraNehemiah and 2 Kings, the Neo-Babylonian period in the land of Israel is a historical vacuum. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. (2003) 1–89 (BL)
1934 Oded Lipschits, Demographic Changes in Judah between the Seventh and the Fifth Centuries BCE Estimates of the population of Judah following on the Babylonian conquest depend on the availability of data, which, in this instance, are inadequate or unobtainable. The more realistic biblical figure for the number of people deported between 597 and 582 BCE – 4,600 according to Jer 52:28–30 – would be serviceable only as a percentage of the total population. Nevertheless, the author concludes that the population of Jerusalem, the Shephelah, and the Negev dropped significantly as a result of the Babylonian conquest. In contrast, there was a continuity in the population in the northern part of the Judean hills and the Benjamin region during the Babylonian period. The demographic decline in these regions began only during and after the period usually assigned to the “return to Zion”, and from this point of view, the “return’’ left no impact on the demographic picture. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 323–376
1935 K. Lawson Younger, Jr., Israelites in Exile Deportationen von Israeliten des Nordreichs fanden schubweise zwischen 734 und 716 v. Chr. statt. Assyrische Quellen geben detaillierte Einblicke in das weitere Schicksal
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der Deportierten. Ihre Ansiedlung in Halach, Gozan und Medien ist belegt. Israeliten finden sich in sämtlichen Schichten der assyrischen Gesellschaft. BArR 29/6 (2003) 36–45.65–66 (MDK)
1936 Rainer Albertz, Israel in Exile: The History and Literature of the Sixth century BCE David Green has produced this readable translation of a title abstracted in IRBS 48:1628. Studies in Biblical Literature 3; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XXII/1–461
1937 Joseph Blenkinsopp, Bethel in the Neo-Babylonian Period The author presents a revised version of the old hypothesis of a cult establishment, replacing the gutted Temple of Jerusalem, in association with the administrative center of the province. In this connection, it was practically inevitable that the nearby Bethel sanctuary, which appears to have survived the destruction of both kingdoms, would have had a part to play. Cult location raises the related question of cult personnel, one of the most obscure issues in a very obscure period. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 93–107
1938 Diana Edelman, Gibeon and Gibeonites Revisited The author tries to demonstrate the pro-Gibeonite and the anti-Gibeonite ideologies during the Babylonian and early Persian period. Among the non-golah living in Gibeon and in nearby towns in Benjamin, hope in restoration of the original ruling dynasty of the area, the Saulides, to their seat of power at Gideon might locally have grown and been given a voice. Such a hope would have met concrete opposition with the return of the pro-Davidic, pro-Jerusalemite golah faction, who gained control of the local provincial administration and the endorsement of the Persian authorities. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 153–167
1939 André Lemaire, Nabonidus in Arabia and Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period Lemaire discusses aspects of Judean-Edomite relations during the last phase of Babylonian control in the light of the Aramaic ostraca from the Edomite region. He proposes two working hypotheses: (1) Before using Aramaic (and Akkadian?), the Babylonian province of Judah may still have used Paleo-Hebrew writing under Gedaliah. (2) Mizpah was the capital of the province from 587 to 445 BCE. Oded Lipschits et al. (eds.), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 285–298
✩ 1940 Erich Kettenhofen, Review of: Peter Frei – Klaus Koch, Reichsidee und Reichsorganisation im Perserreich. 2nd ed. (OBO 55, 1996) Frei, a specialist on the Achaemenid Empire, argues that the politics of the Persians was marked by a “recognition of local norms by the imperial authorities”; indeed, this recognition is echoed in the Bible, especially in the imperially authorized missions of Ezra and Nehemiah, but also in the book of Esther and the Passover correspondence from Elephantine. Koch, OT specialist, reconstructs the mission of Ezra on the basis of his critical reading of the biblical sources, emphasizing that this mission may be
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seen in the light of the “ideological bridge” (W. Hinz) of monotheism that connected Zoroastrianism and Yahwism. While Kettenhofen is critical of details of the argument, he is in favor of the overall theory presented by Frei and Koch. WdO 33 (2003) 208–216 (BL)
1941 Mark J. Boda, History of Persia and Persian-Period Yehud This excellent bibliography lists work on the following subjects: (1) Persia: key overviews, Persian history, sociology, polity, religion; (2) the Persian Levant, including Yehud: key overviews, historiography, history, archaeology, sociology, polity, religion, special topics (temple rebuilding ceremonies, post-exilic prophecy). M.J. Boda, Haggai and Zechariah Research; Deo Publishing, Leiden (2003) 37–99 (BL)
1942 Jeremiah Cataldo, Persian Policy and the Yehud Community During Nehemiah J. Weinberg’s political and social theory, Bürger-Tempel-Gemeinde (‘citizen-temple community’), has been widely accepted as the social model for the community (or communities) of Yehud during the Persian period. Proceeding from this proposed social model many scholars have offered sociological theories for a political structure of Yehud. But it is possible that Weinberg’s theory is inadequate for the context, due in part to the general omission of the role of the Persian Empire and its political concerns, factor which most certainly demand attention. By means of a critical review of the model in reference to the book of Nehemiah, this paper explores and discusses Weinberg’s proposal of two economies which would later merge to become a theocratic state, and argues that such a proposal misappropriates the evidence. JSOT 28/2 (2003) 240–252
1943 David Janzen, Politics, Settlement, and Temple Community in PersianPeriod Yehud Die nachexilische Tempelgemeinde gleicht in zahlreichen Punkten mesopotamischen Tempelgemeinden. Erstere und die achämenidische Verwaltung sind als zwei distinkte Größen zu betrachten, d.h. die Tempelgemeinde war nicht Teil der achämenidischen Verwaltung und agierte unabhängig von dieser. Die Tempelgemeinde war nicht nur politisch, sondern auch geographisch unabhängig. Die Liste in Neh 11,25–36 ist eine authentische Aufzeichnung von Siedlungen auch außerhalb der Provinz Jehud, die von Mitgliedern der Tempelgemeinde bewohnt wurden. CBQ 64/3 (2002) 490–510 (MDK)
1944 Joachim Schaper, Priestly Purity and Social Organisation in Persian Period Judah Die priesterliche Vision des neuen Israels, wie sie z.B. in Ez 40–48 niedergeschrieben wurde, blieb im persischen Juda utopisch. Es wurde zwar das Amt des Hohenpriesters umgeben von konzentrischen Kreisen des Kultpersonals geschaffen, doch ein fehlendes Interesse der Gesellschaft am korrekten kultischen Geschehen machte es unmöglich, dieses Amt als die wichtigste gesellschaftliche Institution zu etablieren. Ähnlich blieb auch das auf Trennung bedachte priesterliche Reinheitskonzept in persischer Zeit eine soziale Utopie und wurde erst durch die pharisäische Bewegung auf alle Judäer transformiert und ausgeweitet. BN 118 (2003) 51–57 (DL)
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1945 Markus Sasse, Geschichte Israels in der Zeit des Zweiten Tempels The focus of this compendium is on the political history of ancient Judaism between the sixth century BCE and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE. Early Christianity is mentioned only in passing. Students and scholars will use it for quick access to political data and current bibliography. Regrettably, there is no index. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) XIV/1–378 (BL)
1946 Gianantonio Borgonovo, Dio-Legge-Popolo. Il Deuteronomio come attuazione “ideologica” di un rapporto di esclusività The typically deuteronomic ideas of cult centralisation, of allegiance to the one God and his law are not to be connected with the historical context of the Josianic reform. Instead, they are to be located at the beginning of the Persian period in the context of the so-called imperial Reichsautorisation, i.e. in the time of the construction of the Second Temple. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 25–64 (AM)
✩ 1947 Ernst Haag, Das hellenistische Zeitalter. Israel und die Bibel im 4. bis 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. Part of a carefully planned series of textbooks on the history of ancient Israel, the present volume deals with the period described in 1 and 2 Maccabees and echoed especially in the book of Daniel. Haag offers a rich survey of the political and cultural history dominated by the Greeks, followed by a review of biblical literature dating from this period (including Koheleth, Esther, Daniel, Baruch, Sirach, but, strangely, not Enoch and apocryphal literature). While all Haag writes is helpful and pertinent, his approach does have its limits. Committed to a primarily biblical perspective, as is evident from his neglect of apocryphal material, the present work seems anachronistic in its failure to reflect what we know about the varieties of Judaism in the Hellenistic period. Biblische Enzyklopädie 9; Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart (2003) 1–271 (BL)
1948 Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Their Encounter during the Early Hellenistic Period Originally written in the 1960s as a NT thesis, Hengel’s magisterial work still ranks as a major contribution to the understanding of the late OT period (with chapters on Koheleth and Ben Sira) and the NT world. Hengel’s general thesis – that Palestinian Judaism did not remain isolated from Hellenistic cultural influence – has stood the test of critical enquiry, while other notions, such as the missionary activity of Judaism and the Hellenistic character of the book of Koheleth, remain controversial. A summary of Hengel’s view and criticism can be found in L.L. Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian, Minneapolis 1992, vol. 1, 148ff. The present edition reprints that of 1974. (Availale from: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 199 West 8th Avenue, Eugene, OR 97401, USA). Wipf and Stock, Eugene, Or. (2003) XIV/1–314. 1–335 (BL)
1949 Anthony J. Tomasino, Judaism before Jesus: The Events and Ideas that Shaped the New Testament World This textbook and study guide surveys everything one has to know about Judaism and ancient history and institutions to understand Jesus and early Christianity. The author presents Jewish history from the Persian period, comments on Diaspora Judaism, and
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the impact Hellenism and the Roman rule made on the world in which Jesus lived. In an aside, he muses about the question of whether Jesus knew Greek (to come up with the notion that his knowledge of Greek must have been basic, if it existed at all). Each chapter ends with an annotated bibliography, and the book as a whole ends with a glossary and helpful pronunciation guide to names and ancient words. Maps, diagrams, and indexes complete this valuable book. InterVarsity Press, Leicester (2003) 1–345 (BL)
1950 John M.G. Barclay, Diaspora Originally published in English in 1996 ( Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora from Alexander to Trajan, 323 BCE to 117 CE) and now available in an Italian translation, this is an excellent handbook on ancient Judaism outside of Palestine. The subject matter is arranged geographically: Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Rome. In keeping with the author’s specialization, there is a separate chapter on Paul. The final section deals with levels of assimilation to the Pagan environment, religion, and mentality. Introduzione allo studio della Bibbia, supplementi 17; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2004) 1–485 (BL)
JUDAISM – EARLY CHRISTIANITY – GNOSTICISM – ISLAM Judaism General 1951 George G.W. Nickelsburg, Ancient Judaism and Christian Origins A textbook and survey of what Judaism and emerging Christianity within Judaism looked like. The author emphasizes the diversity within both groups and offers carefully crafted chapters on eschatology, the Torah, angels, the Synagogue, groups such as the Pharisees, and the means and meanings of salvation. Nickelsburg is too cautious a scholar to be over-assertive on many issues, admitting, as he does, that our sources just don’t provide the information we should like to have. Students will read it with profit, and specialists will exploit its rich bibliographical references. Unfortunately, a subject index is lacking. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XIII/1–264 (BL)
1952 Jacob Neusner (ed.), Dictionary of Ancient Rabbis. Selections from the Jewish Encyclopaedia The huge tomes of I. Singer’s Jewish Encyclopaedia (1901–06) are still a useful work of reference, though much progress has been made in scholarship. The articles here reprinted include entries on Hillel and Shammai, on Hanina ben Dosa, and many others; there are also some more general articles such as the one on the Academies in Babylonia and Palestine, the Bet ha-Midrash, the Mishnah, the Sanhedrin, and the Pharisees. The editor’s long preface explains what has happened in rabbinical scholarship during the past century. A helpful scholarly tool. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XXXVIII/1–473 (BL)
1953 Richard I. Breslauer, Weltgericht und Martyrium in der jüdischen Neujahrsliturgie. “Heiligkeit des Tages” im Gebet Unetanneh Tokkef This is a detailed study of one of the earliest piyyutim and its presumed author (or, more properly, redactor), Rabbi Amnon of medieval Mainz, Germany. The text summarizes eschatological beliefs associated with the Last Judgment, and the learned author
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elucidates these beliefs from Bible, Qumran writings, and rabbinical literature. He also offers his own, German translation of this famous liturgical poem. Judaica et Christiana 19; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2002) 1–241 (BL)
1954 Jacques Liébaert et al., Dieu et le prochain dans le judaïsme ancien Andre Nissen’s thesis helps us go beyond the merely legal approach to charitable practices and to get to the heart of the motivations that inspire them. This thesis then analyses how the oral Torah operates in relationship to the written Torah in the Jewish faith. It is in this way that we are able to understand the multiplicity and the alterations interpretations have undergone given the contexts and the time periods considered. He then studies how this interpretative pair evolves in the Hellenistic universe at the eve of the New Testament period. Philo of Alexandria and the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs share the limelight here. MSR 60/2 (2003) 7–21
1955 Arie Kindler, Lulav and Etrog as Symbols of Jewish Identity In the 16th and 17th centuries CE, the Star of David became the symbol of Judaism. Before this period, and beginning in the first century BCE, we find two other symbols: the lulav and etrog symbols in the Babylonian Diaspora and the Menorah in Palestine. Robert Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo. Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology; Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv (2003) 139–145 (BL)
1956 Laura Gusella, The Therapeutae and Other Community Experiences of the Late Second Temple Period The purpose of this article is to present three experiences in late Jewish antiquity: the Essenes, the Therapeutae, and the Qumran community. These experiences share the characteristic of presenting themselves as groups whose way of life was communal, both with regard to each group’s visible structure and with regard to its distinctive features. The rarity in ancient Judaism of highly organized forms of community life, in which members did not simply meet on certain occasions but committed their entire lives, has always intrigued scholars. Also, since the discovery of Qumran in the years 1947–1956, researchers have focused their attention on the Qumran community and the Essenes, setting aside or resolving in a superficial way the question of the Therapeutae, who are usually considered to be simply a form of Egyptian Essenism distinct from but derived from Palestinian Essenism. Hen. 24/3 (2002) 295–329
Pharisees – Samaritans 1957 Pieter J.J. Botha, Die Fariseërs The article shows that conventional depictions of the historical Pharisees are problematic. The difficulties of portraying the “other” are briefly noted, but in the main, this discussion deals with the proper use of the sources for the purpose of studying the historical Pharisees. After all, the question “what do we know about the Pharisees” presupposes an answer to “how do we know what we know”. As with so many other aspects of first-century Judaism, questions, rather than answers abound. HTS 59/4 (2003) 1129–1168
1958 Pieter W. van der Horst, Anti-Samaritan Propaganda in Early Judaism From biblical times onwards the Samaritans, who cannot be regarded as anything but a variety of Judaism, are depicted by Jewish authors in an increasingly negative, even
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seriously distorted way, although throughout the Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods there are some remarkable exceptions. The relevant biblical passages (in 2 Kings 17), Josephus, the Martyrium Isaiae, the Paralipomena Jeremiae, and rabbinic literature pass in review. The author concludes that the red thread that runs throughout these widely varying documents is one of ambiguity and ambivalence. The Samaritans are at the same time both Jews and non-Jews. The fact that the Samaritans accepted the Torah of Moses as authoritative and divine and also lived accordingly made some Jews feel that they were dealing with kinsmen. On the other hand, the fact that the Samaritans rejected some tenets that had become fundamental to post-exilic and post-biblical Judaism made other Jews feel that they were dealing with outsiders, even pagans. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 25–44
Jewish-Christian controversies 1959 Giorgio Jossa, Guidei o cristiani? I sequaci di Gesù in cerca di una propria identità “Jews of Christians? The followers of Jesus in search of an identity”. While tradition has defined Jesus and Paul as the founders of Christianity, recent opinion is that an actually Christian identity dates from a later period. Jossa sketches the development of Christian identity-building to the end of the first century CE. According to Jossa, the early Roman persecutions – by Claudius (who banned them from Rome), Nero, and Diocletian – show that the imperial authorities clearly distinguished between the Christians and their Jewish parent religion. Studi Biblici 142; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2004) 1–206 (BL)
1960 Fritz Peter Knapp et al., Das jüdische Leben Jesu: Toldot Jeschu. Die älteste lateinische Übersetzung in den Falsitates Judaeorum von Thomas Ebendorfer There are not only anti-Jewish writings compiled by Christians, but also anti-Christian ones written by Jews. The Toledot Jeshu, the most famous example, exists in a variety of versions. The present book offers a bilingual, Latin and German, version made by a German anti-Jewish polemicist. Much collateral material is included in the little volume, e.g. M. Luther’s excerpt from a related polemical text. All future researchers will be grateful to Knapp and his team who have produced an excellent scholarly resource. R. Oldenbourg Verlag, München (2003) 1–107 (BL)
1961 Bernd Wander, Auseinandersetzung zwischen antikem Judentum und frühem Christentum Nach den Überblicken über die Felder Qumran, Josephus, Inschriften werden die Probleme “Umfeld der Diasporasynagogen” und “Spannungsfeld Judentum – Christentum” eingehender dargestellt. VF 48/2 (2003) 29–44 (WSch)
1962 Frederic Manns, Une source rabbinique sur le judéo-christianisme The word minim originally refers to all renegades of the Jewish faith, but later came to include Christians. This anti-Christian attitude in Judaism is well attested in t. Hag. 2,3 reporting that Ben Azzai, Ben Zoma, Aher and R. Aqiba came into the pardes (Paradise). R. Aqiba is singled out and commended as the most resolute adversary of ( Jewish) Christianity. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 121–168 (AM)
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1963 Michael Bachmann, Zur Entstehung (und zur Überwindung) des christlichen Antijudaismus Replik auf Axel von Dobbeler, Wo liegen die Wurzeln des christlichen Antijudaismus?, ZNT 8 (2001) 42–47. Polemische Aussagen im NT sind nicht per se antijudaistisch, sondern wurden es erst durch die geänderte Situation zwischen Juden und Christen. Christlicher Antijudaismus kann daher durch Wiederentdeckung des originären Sinns entsprechender Passagen aus dem NT überwunden werden. ZNT 10 (2002) 44–52 (MW)
1964 Ruairidh Bóid, A Samaritan Broadside from the Mid Second Century AD Die Vorlage einer kurzen Komposition in den von Origines überlieferten Ausführungen des Kelsos gegen das Christentum bestimmt der Verf. mit Hilfe der Rekonstruktion eines offensichtlich falsch übersetzten Satzes als eine polemische samaritanische Abhandlung gegen christliche Überzeugungen. Verfasst zwischen 135 und 170 offenbart dieses Dokument einige Aspekte samaritanischer Theologie, die zum Abschluss der Untersuchung zusammengestellt sind. V.a. der ausbleibende Beweis der leiblichen Auferstehung sowie der für Jesus beanspruchte Titel ‘Sohn Gottes’ widersprachen samaritanischen Erwartungen an den göttlichen Gesandten. ABR 51 (2003) 26–36 (DL)
1965 Christoph Dohmen (ed.), In Gottes Volk eingebunden. Christlichjüdische Blickpunkte zum Dokument der Päpstlichen Bibelkommission “Das jüdische Volk und seine Heilige Schrift in der christlichen Bibel” The Pontifical Biblical Commission published its report on the Jewish people in 2001, and the present book collects 10 responses by German Catholic biblical scholars (H. Frankemölle, E. Zenger and others) and their Jewish dialogue partners (E.L. Ehrlich and others). Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, Stuttgart (2003) 1–124 (BL)
1966 Albert Gerhards et al. (eds.), Dialog oder Monolog? Zur liturgischen Beziehung zwischen Judentum und Christentum Seventeen papers explore the relationship of Jewish and Christian liturgies either in general or with reference to particular prayers or liturgical institutions. One contributor considers anti-Semitic elements in contemporary Eastern liturgies. A. Gerhards has contributed a survey paper: “Jüdische Liturgie und christliche Liturgiewissenschaft. Zum Stand der Forschung”. Quaestiones disputatae 208; Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2004) 1–323 (BL)
1967 Peter von den Osten-Sacken (Hg.), Das mißbrauchte Evangelium. Studien zu Theologie und Praxis der Thüringer Deutschen Christen The editor and four contributors (including Susannah Heschel and Wolfgang Schenk) study the problematic involvement of Thüringen theologians and their involvement with the anti-semitic agenda of the national socialists in Germany in the 1930s. Walter Grundmann, Gerhard Kittel, and Johannes Meinhold are some of the exegetes mentioned in this context. Studien zu Kirche und Israel 20; Institut Kirche und Judentum, Berlin (2002) 1–420 (WSch)
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1968 Friedrich Rothe, Karl Kraus. Die Biographie Between 1899 and ca. 1930, Karl Kraus (1874–1936) was one of the most important publicists and public intellectuals in Austria. Of Jewish origin, he had left the synagogue to join the Catholic Church, which he left in 1932. Rothe’s chapter “A Jewish anti-Semite?” chronicles Kraus’s personal Odyssey and his connection with Houston Stewart Chamberlain, one of the most successful anti-Semitic writers of his day. Piper Verlag, München (2003) 1–423 (BL)
Early Christianity General – history – texts – theology ★ life 1969 Ulrich Berner, War das frühe Christentum eine Religion? Um das frühe Christentum in seine Umwelt einzuordnen, sollte der Religionsbegriff als Gattungsbegriff gefasst werden. Anhand von Plinius d. J., Plutarch und Apuleius lässt sich zeigen, dass die römische religio und der moderne Religionsbegriff nicht dasselbe sind. Religion ist in der Antike ein offenes System von Philosophie, Mysterienkulten und öffentlichem Kult. Möglicherweise ist es hilfreicher, anstelle des Religionsbegriffs das von W.C. Smith vorgeschlagene Begriffspaar “faith” und “tradition” zu verwenden. ZNT 10 (2002) 54–60 (MW)
1970 Wolfgang Stegemann, War das frühe Christentum eine Religion? Replik auf Ulrich Berner, War das frühe Christentum eine Religion? ZNT 10 (2002) 54–60. Der Religionsbegriff steht für einen abgrenzbaren Bereich menschlicher Erfahrung. Er stülpt neuzeitliche, euro-amerikanische Diskurse anderen Kulturen über und ist für die griechisch-römische Antike unpassend. Wird er auf die Antike angewandt, rückt ein Teilphänomen der Kultur, der Kult, ins Zentrum. Differenzen werden betont, wo sich in der Praxis eher ein kultureller hellenistischer Großraum entwickelt hatte. ZNT 10 (2002) 61–68 (MW)
1971 Mauro Pesce, Sul concetto di giudeo-cristianesimo From an ethnic, cultural and religious perspective, the concept of Jewish Christianity is not apt to indicate one current among the different groups that were evolving from the Jesus movement. Only after the second century we have an official self-definition of Christianity, but before that clarification it does not make sense to speak of JewishChristianity. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 21–44 (AM)
1972 James A. Kelhoffer, The Struggle to Define Heilsgeschichte: Paul on the Origins of the Christian Tradition The posing, refining and sometimes rejecting common explanations of origins may be a fundamental component of any shared human consciousness, relationship or religious community. This article studies Paul’s occasional remarks concerning the origins of the Christian tradition with reference to (1) Judaism, (2) Jesus, (3) Paul’s own authority, and (4) the faith of Paulinist Christians. It is argued that although the NT book of Acts offers the earliest narrative account of Christian origins, Paul’s occasional letters attest an even earlier point in the life of the early church when accounts of origins were a living part of the contested and evolving tradition. Understanding how Paul and Paul’s opponents defined the past can shed light on how they addressed issues that they and their communities faced in the present. BR 47 (2002) 19–39
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1973 Christoph Markschies, Warum hat das Christentum in der Antike überlebt? Seven factors are identified as contributing to the survival of Christianity in the ancient world: saintly individuals made an impact on others; the gain in identity appealed to simple people; Christian theology appealed to some of the intellectuals; the straightforward ethics of the Christians impressed the ancient population; the social responsibility impressed the masses; the forgiving of sins was an important asset; while the Roman Empire declined, the church offered a new vision of a comprehensive society. Markschies also discusses earlier scholarly views on the issue discussed. Forum Theologische Literaturzeitung 13; Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, Leipzig (2004) 1–65 (BL)
1974 Margaret Barker, The Great High Priest: The Temple Roots of Christian Liturgy Before the early 1990s, Barker’s work focused on the OT which she saw as a document that hides, at times badly, an older, more complex, pre-Deuteronomic religion. Subsequently, she became increasingly aware of the fact that what she called “the Older Testament” survives in a trajectory which included apocalypticism, Enochic pseudepigrapha, the NT and, surprisingly, in traditional Christian liturgy, especially the liturgy of the orthodox churches. The 7 published and 5 unpublished papers included in this fine collection document Barker’s recent thinking and add detail to her revisionist picture of Christian origins and its spiritual milieu in pre-Deutcronomic religion. Two of the unpublished papers – “Temple and Timaeus” and “Text and Context” – are of particular importance, for they take a fresh look at the Greek side of ancient Temple spirituality and the formation of what became the canon of the Hebrew Scriptures. While many interpretations suggested here look bold and unusual, they are in tune with the liturgical vision of the world preserved in much of Eastern liturgy. T & T Clark/Continuum, London (2003) XIII/1–423 (BL)
1975 Gerd Theißen, Urchristentum als Bewegung. Von innerjüdischen Oppositions- und Erneuerungsbewegungen zur Entstehung einer neuen Religion im Römischen Reich The article answers two questions: (1) Why did only the Jesus movement among all other Jewish renewal movement succeed in establishing a long lasting religious community? Why this stability? (2) Why succeeded this community, i.e. Early Christianity, in maintaining its character of being a dinamic movement? The following theses are suggested: (1) The Jesus movement learnt by the failure of other precedent renewal movements in Judaism. This explains its stability. (2) Its dynamic is based on tensions between its deviating way of life and the main institution of antiquity, the oikos and the polis. Ascetism shows the conflict with the oikos, martyrdom the conflict with the polis. CrSt 24/3 (2003) 489–515
1976 G.M.M. Pelser, Kerkvorming en – ontwikkeling in die NuweTestamentiese tydvak This study considers the question as to how the church originated, in view of the fact that it was not founded or intended by Jesus, and examines how it developed during the course of time covered by the writings of the New Testament. It concludes firstly that the church did not originate as a single entity, but as different believing communities following the death of Jesus, secondly that the delay of the parousia resulted in the institutionalizing of the church and consequently, in the loss of what can be regarded as some of the basic and most important characteristics of the church, especially as far as Paul’s understanding is concerned. The study concludes with a list of
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what could be regarded as common features of the church as portrayed by most of the documents of the New Testament HTS 58/4 (2002) 1459–1485
1977 Timothy Wiarda, The Jerusalem Council and the Theological Task “The council serves as paradigm and precedent for a number of proposals concerning the theologian’s task . . . What do various writers mean when they claim the Jerusalem Council as a model? And looking deeper, what are the marks and functions of a good biblical paradigm?” (233). JETS 46/2 (2003) 233–248 (BF)
1978 Nikolaus Walter, Nikolaos, Proselyt aus Antiochien, und die Nikolaiten in Ephesus und Pergamon. Ein Beitrag auch zum Thema: Paulus und Ephesus Es ist durchaus plausibel, dass Nikolaos und die Nikolaiten miteinander zu tun haben. Man kann Nikolaos als den Begründer einer Christusgemeinde in Ephesus ansehen. Deren Ziel ging dahin, auch Nichtjuden das Christusevangelium zu predigen und sie in mit Juden gleichberechtigtem Sinne in die Christusgemeinde aufzunehmen, ohne sie auf die speziellen jüdischen Bräuche zu verpflichten. Paulus schloß sich, als er nach Ephesus kam, dieser Gemeinde an. Er wusste sie auch während seiner ephesinischen Gefangenschaft an seiner Seite. Dass man um die Zeit der Entstehung der Offenbarung des Johannes in der Asia nichts mehr von Paulus gewusst haben sollte, ist durchaus unwahrscheinlich. Wenn der Seher der Offenbarung Paulus nicht nennt, so geschieht dies mit Absicht. ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 200–226 (MH)
1979 Mark Wilson, Cilicia: The First Christian Churches in Anatolia This article explores the origin of the Christian church in Anatolia. While individual believers undoubtedly entered Anatolia during the 30s after the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:9–10), the book of Acts suggests that it was not until the following decade that the first church was organized. For it was at Antioch, the capital of the Roman province of Syria, that the first Christians appeared (Acts 11:20–26). Yet two obscure references in Acts point to the organization of churches in Cilicia at an earlier date. Among the addressees of the letter drafted by the Jerusalem council were the churches in Cilicia (Acts 15:23). Later Paul visited these same churches at the beginning of his second ministry journey (Acts 15:41). Paul’s relationship to these churches points to this apostle as their founder. Since his home was the Cilician city of Tarsus, to which he returned after his conversion (Gal 1:21; Acts 9:30), Paul was apparently active in church planting during his so-called ‘silent years’. The core of these churches undoubtedly consisted of Diaspora Jews who, like Paul’s family, lived in the region. Jews from Cilicia were members of a Synagogue of the Freemen in Jerusalem, to which Paul was associated during his time in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9). Antiochus IV (175–164 BC) hellenized and urbanized Cilicia during his reign; the Romans around 39 BC added Cilicia Pedias to the province of Syria. Four cities along with Tarsus, located along or near the Pilgrim Road that transects Anatolia, constitute the most likely sites for the Cilician churches. The evidence, though incomplete, points to Cilicia as the location of the first Christian churches in Anatolia. TynB 54/1 (2003) 15–30
1980 Prosper Grech, Il giudeo-cristianesimo: lo stato della questione Keeping in mind the apologetic aim of Acts in favour of Paul and the polemical attitude against him attested by the Pseudo-Clementines, it is proposed to distinguish in
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Jewish Christianity, not including Gnosticism, four concentric circles: 1) all Christians converted from Judaism, including Paul, 2) Christians observant of the Law who do not impose it upon Gentile Christians, 3) the Judaeo-Christian adversaries of Paul who impose observance of the Law on everyone as necessary for salvation, 4) heterodox Judaeo-Christians who refuse Christ’s divine sonship and develop into Ebionitism. RicStBib 15/2 (2003) 7–19 (AM)
1981 Klaus Thraede, Noch einmal: Plinius d. J. und die Christen Es empfiehlt sich, die Interpretation von Plinius’ Christenbrief gegenläufig zu dessen literarischer Struktur vom Ende her aufzurollen. Im Ereignisablauf bildet der Abschnitt §9f. einen Neuansatz und eine argumentative Einheit. Diese bringt das wahre Anliegen des ganzen Textes massiv zum Ausdruck. Plinius will den Kaiser von seiner Methode überzeugen, der Ausbreitung des Christentums in Pontus-Bithynien wirksam zu begegnen: statt der Prozesse gegen einzelne Personen soll ein kollektives Angebot gemacht werden: Christen sollen zum Verlassen der Gemeinden bewegt werden, indem er ihnen Straflosigkeit zusichert, wenn sie “bereuen”, d.h. sich von ihrer Religion und ihrem Kultus lossagen. ZNW 95/1–2 (2004) 102–128 (MH)
1982 Angelika Reichert, Durchdachte Konfusion. Plinius, Trajan und das Christentum Der Plinius-Trajan- Briefwechsel markiert einen Neuansatz im Umgang der römischen Behörden mit dem Christentum. Er dokumentiert einerseits die Festlegung auf Strafbarkeit des Christseins an sich andererseits das Verzeihungsangebot für Apostaten. Mit seinen beiden Kerngedanken hatte Plinius beim Kaiser Erfolg. Für die traditionelle Einordnung des 1Petrusbriefes und der Offenbarung des Johannes in die Zeit des Domitian stellt der Plinius-Trajan-Briefwechsel keine tragfähige Stütze dar. ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 227–250 (MH)
1983 Claudio Gianotto, Gli sviluppi del giudeo-cristianesimo Jewish Christians acknowledged in Jesus the Messiah promised in Deut 18,15.19. They also believed in the soteriological value of the observance of the Law. While Justin tolerates this attitude, Irenaeus was intolerant. The Jewish birkat ha-minim dates only from the 4th cent. Jewish Christians are still around in the early 5th century, and their legacy survives in Syriac Christianity. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 187–200 (AM)
1984 David F. Wright, The Testimony of Blood: The Charisma of Martyrdom. Part 4 of 4 parts of “The Making of the Early Christians” Folgende Thesen werden in diesem Beitrag ausgeführt: (1) Martyrium bedeutete nicht nur für Christus, sondern auch wie Christus zu sterben. (2) Durch das Martyrium wollten sich Christen von Lehren, in denen die Kreuzigung Jesu keine Rolle spielte, abgrenzen. (3) Die Märtyrertode waren vor der konstantinischen Wende die einzige öffentliche Manifestation des Christentums. (4) Die Zahl der christlichen Märtyrer war vermutlich geringer als für gewöhnlich angenommen. BS 160/4 (2003) 387–397 (SP)
1985 Maarten J.J. Menken, Fulfilment of Scripture as a Propaganda Tool in Early Christianity The concept of the eschatological fulfilment of Scripture did function in a context of propaganda but could have done so only within the circle of those who regarded the
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Scriptures as divine revelation. Christian Jews tried to convince fellow Jews that Jesus was the fulfilment of God’s eschatological promises. It is only the eschaton that fills the “empty” words of Scripture with reality. Trying to persuade Jews that this fulfilment had indeed taken place in Jesus’ life and death was an important activity among Christians in the earliest phase of this new faith. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 33; Pieter W. van der Horst et al. (eds.), Persuasion and Dissuasion in Early Christianity, Ancient Judaism, and Hellenism; Peeters, Leuven (2003) 179–198
1986 David F. Wright, A Race Apart? Jews, Gentiles, Christians. Part 2 of 4 parts of “The Making of the Early Christians” In a letter addressed to the “exiles of the Dispersion” in northern Asia Minor Peter told his readers, “Your are a chosen race (genos), a royal priesthood, a holy nation (ethnos), a people (laos) for God’s own possession” (1 Pet 2:9). Each of this four designations is pregnant with suggestiveness of its own, but they all express the important early Christian conviction that Christians in any one place or region belonged to a people, the people of God, which constituted a new corporate presence. This selfconsciousness became a significant feature of the remarkable confidence of the Christians in the first three centuries. This article pursues this dimension of the making of the early Christians. BS 160/2 (2003) 131–141
1987 Bart D. Ehrmann, Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We never Knew In this semi-popular book, the learned author surveys what is currently known about the varieties of early Christianity of which we learn much from apocryphal and (allegedly) heretical sources, including (M. Smith’s) Secret Gospel of Mark, the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, and the works of Christian Gnostics. The final section of this book is dedicated to the formation of the NT canon of which an early, proto-orthodox form began to emerge toward the end of the second century CE (Ehrmann accepts the traditional, second-century date for the Muratorian fragment). Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (2003) XV/1–294 (BL)
1988 Bart D. Ehrman (ed.), The Apostolic Fathers The publication of an entirely new translation, printed on facing pages with the critically established Greek text, of the Apostolic Fathers is an event in early Christian studies. Each of the writings is separately introduced (complete with bibliography). First Clement is dated to the 90s and called “the oldest Christian writing outside of the NT” (I, 25), the Didache to ca. 100/110, and the Papias fragments to ca. 120/140. The translation reads well and is to be commended for its literal rendition of everything that smacks of patriarchy and which has anachronistically disappeared from some recent biblical translations. Vol. 2 ends with the index of biblical citations. The two volumes replace K. Lake’s edition in the same series, and there is little doubt that Ehrman’s excellent version will quickly establish itself as the standard one for the next two or three generations of students and scholars. Loeb Classical Library 25; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. (2003) vol. 1, X/1–443; vol. 2, 1–481 (BL)
1989 Ramón Trevijano Etcheverría, La Bibbia nel cristianesimo antico Translated from the Spanish, this is a manual on the literary history of early post-NT Christianity – hence its subtitle: “Pre-Nicaean exegesis, Gnostic writings, and NT apocrypha”. The early development of the NT canon is also discussed, with the
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Muratorian fragment being dated to ca. 200 (instead of the fourth century, but the matter is controversial). Introduzione all studio della Bibbia 10; Paideia Editrice, Brescia (2003) 1–414 (BL)
1990 Nicholas Perrin, Hermeneutical Factors in the Harmonization of the Gospels and the Question of Textual Authority Dieser Beitrag zeigt Parallelen zwischen Tatians Evangelienharmonie und drei Beispielen der “rewritten bible” ( Josephus’ Antiquitates, Jubiläenbuch und Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum). Das Diatessaron, so das Ergebnis der Untersuchung, könne ebenso wie die zeitgenössischen jüdischen Texte als Auslegung der Evangelien aufgefasst werden, die die Autorität der einzelnen Evangelien nicht angreife. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 599–605 (SP)
1991 F. Gerald Downing, Paul’s Drive for Deviants How did Paul on his own or with a companion or two turn (apparently) ordinary Hellenistic townspeople into deviant atheists? ‘A theory of conversion to a deviant perspective’ (Lofland and Stark) and the example of Cynic deviancy suggest a plausible explanation. NTS 49/3 (2003) 360–371
✩ 1992 Tobias Nicklas, Vom Umgang mit der Schrift: Zeugen der Apostelgeschichte als Quellen christlichen Kultur- und Soziallebens in der Antike By means of a number of witnesses to the text of Acts the article demonstrates, that not only the different texts and textual traditions, but also the concrete MSS themselves can be used as sources for early Christian cultural and social history. The contribution presents examples of the use of Acts in ancient teaching, and discusses manuscripts which show that texts and motives taken from Acts were used for magical purposes. Moreover, the article points to examples that texts taken from Acts were handed down in inscriptions. It finally draws some conclusions from the fate of certain manuscripts which were rewritten as palimpsests or buried in pots. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 297–319
1993 David F. Wright, A Family Faith: Domestic Discipling. Part 3 of 4 parts of “The Making of the Early Christians” The virtual invisibility of children in the corporate life of the churches had nothing to do with their paucity in numbers. Reliable considerations lead to the conclusion that Christians had more children than pagans. Christian parents viewed the Christian formation of their children with a great seriousness from earliest days. BS 160/3 (2003) 259–268
1994 Gerd Theissen, Social Conflicts in the Corinthian Community: Further Remarks on J.J. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty and Survival It is disputed whether the conflicts in the Corinthian congregation were influenced by social factors or not. This article begins by discussing the social status of Paul, which may have shaped his outlook, and Paul’s statements on the congregation as a whole. The main part analyses two conflicts concerning Christian and pagan cultic meals.
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Taking seriously the criticism of J.J. Meggitt in his book Paul, Poverty, and Survival (1998) it makes a case for the sociological explanation of the group conflicts visible at the Lord’s supper (1 Cor. 11.17–34) and the controversy about idol meat (1 Cor 8.1–10.33), reworking old arguments concerning meal habits and adding some new arguments based, for example, on the social function of the macellum. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 371–391
1995 John H. Elliott, The Jesus Movement Was Not Egalitarian but FamilyOriented The theory that Jesus founded a “discipleship of equals” that after his death assumed the shape of egalitarian structured house churches, which by the end of the first century abandoned their egalitarian ethos and organization and assimilated to the conventional patriarchal household pattern of their Greco-Roman environment, fails to stand up under close scrutiny. The theory lacks probative textual and historical support, is sociologically implausible, conceptually anachronistic, and appears ideologically driven. BI 11/2 (2003) 173–210
1996 K. Syreeni, Paul and love patriarchalism: Problems and prospects The term “love patriarchalism” (Liebespatriarchalismus) was coined in the 1970s by Gerd Theissen. The idea of “love patriarchalism” itself goes back to Ernst Troeltsch, who, described the social relations of early Christian, in particular in Pauline communities, as representing a “Typus des christlichen Patriarchalismus”. The TroeltschTheissen concept has been criticised by feminist and liberation-theological scholars for its political conservatism. While this criticism is understandable, but in itself no less politically conditioned, the exegetical problems rather lie in the generalising nature of the concept. However, it depicts one extremely influential post-Pauline stream of tradition, and raises vital questions concerning Paul’s contribution to this development. IDS 37/3 (2003) 395–422
1997 Hermut Löhr, Speisenfrage und Tora im Judentum des Zweiten Tempels und im entstehenden Christentum Der Vf. stellt seinen Beitrag in den Horizont der Frage, ab wann im Christentum eine von jüdischen Positionen markant unterschiedene Haltung zur Speisepraxis und ihrer begründenden Norm zu bemerken ist, und welche Motivationen und expliziten Argumentationen dafür namhaft zu machen sind. Er hält u.a. fest, dass über die Speisenfrage vielleicht schon in der Jesusbewegung diskutiert wurde, sie sich aber dann deutlicher stellte, als das Christentum in einen stärker paganen Kontext eintrat (z.B. in der Großstadt Antiochia). Dabei ist aber innerhalb des Christentums mit zeitlich und geographisch differenzierten Positionen zu rechnen. Auch muß man sich für den Bereich des antiken Judentums sowie des Frühen Christentums von der Vorstellung frei machen, dass mit der Infragestellung einzelner Torabestimmungen bezüglich Speisen immer sogleich die ganze Tora zur Disposition stehen musste. ZNW 94/1–2 (2003) 17–37 (MH)
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Gnosticism – Islam Gnosticism ★ Islam 1998 David M. Scholer, Bibliographia Gnostica: Supplementum II/7 This is the seventh in the series of supplementary bibliographies to David M. Scholers Nag Hammadi Bibliography 1970 –1994 (Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies 32; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997). This supplement contains items published in 2001 as well as earlier items which had not been previously listed. NT 46/1 (2004) 46–77
1999 Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, Neuere Gnosisforschung Diskutiert wird die Grundsatzfrage “Was ist Gnosis?” (als Selbstbezeichnung der subsumierten Phänomene und Gruppen so nicht belegt und auch nach Nag Hammadi nicht einfacher geworden: Tröger, Markschies, Roukema, Iwersen). Die Probleme der Annahme einer vorchristlichen Gnosis ( jüdischer oder sethianischer Prägung) sind noch zu groß, um diese Annahme plausibel erscheinen zu lassen. VF 48/2 (2003) 44–64 (WSch)
2000 Martina Janßen, Kanon und Gnosis – Überlegungen zur “Bibel der Häretiker” Die christliche Gnosis hatte keinen eigenen Schriftenkanon, aber eine spezifische Auslegung der alttestamentlichen und neutestamentlichen Schriften. In weiten Teilen der christlichen Gnosis gibt es daneben noch weitere autoritative Offenbarungsschriften. Besonders ausgeprägt zeigt sich dies in der “Exegese über die Seele” (ExAn), einer Nag-Hammadi-Schrift aus dem späten zweiten oder frühen dritten Jh. n. Chr. ZNT 12 (2003) 39–49 (MW)
2001 Stephen Emmel, Exploring the Pathway That Leads from Paul to Gnosticism. What Is the Genre of The Interpretation of Knowledge (NHC XI,1)? Verf. ist der Ansicht, dass der Nag Hammadi Text “The Interpretation of Knowledge” keine Gemeindeordnung darstellt. Die These von K. Koschorke, dass der Text, “das Dokument einer pneumatisch-charismatischen Gemeindeorganisation sei”, weist er zurück. Die Verwendung von paulinischen und deuteropaulinischen Konzepten ist rein rhetorisch und basiert auf der Lektüre der Paulusbriefe. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 257–276 (SP)
2002 Adel Theodor Khoury (übers.), Der Koran. Arabisch – Deutsch Seit vielen Jahren erscheint, in großen grünen Bänden, die kommentierte deutsch-arabische Koranausgabe des (inzwischen emeritierten) Münsteraner Religionswissenschaftlers. Aus dem Libanon stammend und mit dem Arabischen als Muttersprache vertraut, bringt er alle Voraussetzungen für die Schaffung einer deutschen Koranausgabe mit. Anders als die Übertragung von Rudi Paret, die durch bewusst wörtliche Wiedergabe mehr der Forschung dienen will, intendiert Khoury einen deutschen Gebrauchstext, und einen solchen zu erstellen, ist ihm gelungen. Die Einleitung ist in einem irenischen Geist verfasst, der nichts von der neueren radikalen historischen Koranforschung der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte erkennen lässt – entsprechende Hinweise hätten das Werk ja für die meisten muslimischen Gläubigen unbrauchbar gemacht. Der informative, in der Form von Anmerkungen gegebene Kommentar schöpft aus traditioneller muslimischer
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Koran-Kommentierung und beansprucht nicht, neue Erkenntnisse mitzuteilen. Beigegeben sind Stichwortregister und Verzeichnis angeführter Bibelstellen. Chr. Kaiser/Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 1–813 (BL)
2003 Christine Schirrmacher, Der Islam. Geschichte – Lehre – Unterschiede zum Christentum First published in 1994 and now available in an attractively bound and revised second edition, this is a major German textbook on Islam, written by a conservative Christian scholar. All relevant information that I have checked is reliable. The subjects discussed include: biblical prophets in the Quran, Jesus in the Quran and in Islamic theology, the gospel of Barnabas as an example for Muslim-Christian debates, the Islamic doctrine of scriptural adulteration, a survey of Christian-Islamic controversies. A standard work. Hänssler Verlag, Holzgerlingen (2003) XXII/1–359; XV/1–391 (BL)
2004 John C. Reeves (ed.), Bible and Qur"ân: Essays in Scriptural Intertextuality Nine papers discuss various aspects of the relationship between the Bible and the Qur"ân. Special attention is given to circumcision, mourning practices, and the figures of Abraham and Jesus. Symposium Series 24; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) XIII/1–245
BIBLICAL THEOLOGY Both Testaments General 2005 Roland E. Murphy, When Is Theology “Biblical”? – Some Reflections In contrast to the ongoing hermeneutical discussions of “biblical theology,” this article looks at some theological studies in order to find out how “biblical” theology can be. They are not representative, but merely chosen to gauge the flow. Obviously the role of Scripture as norma normans, or as the “soul of theology,” is expressed in quite different ways. The perspectives of exegetes and of dogmatic theologians produce a wide variety in theological writings. The examples also challenge readers to examine their own use of Scripture, whatever be the level of discourse, academic or pastoral. BTB 33/1 (2003) 21–27
2006 Giampaolo Aranzulla, Panoramica di teologia biblica This sketch of biblical theology begins with Genesis and ends with the book of Revelation. God is seen as a “god of relationship”, and this relationship is, successively, established, broken, renewed, weakened, endangered, and, eventually, restored and stabilized by Christ. Studi di Teologia 15/2 (2003) 149–218 (BL)
2007 Luigi Dalla Pozza, La teologia di Geerardus Vos A report on G. Vos, Biblical Theology. Old and New Testament (1948), a book here celebrated as a precursor of what today’s biblical theologians envisage. Studi di Teologia 15/2 (2003) 134–148 (BL)
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2008 Bernard Gosse, La constitution du corpus des écritures à l’époque perse, dans la continuité de la tradition biblique Le succès du livre du prophète Isaïe provient de son nom Yeshayahou = Yahvé mon salut, ce qui permet de comprendre l’insertion dans ce livre de toute une série de traditions en rapport à la question du salut, celui du retour de l’exil, mais aussi les prémices de celui-ci du temps du prophète. Ce point permet également d’interpréter correctement l’influence du livre d’Isaïe sur les autres livres bibliques, particulièrement dans les cas du Psautier (qui développe par ailleurs une dimension personnelle du salut, aspect repris pour Jérémie, qui bien que non-exilé est présenté comme ayant connu par avance des épreuves et un salut semblable à celui de Jérusalem, ce qui a permis aux exilés de récupérer un non-exilé), et des cantiques comme Ex 15; 1 Sam 2,1–10; 2 Sam 22. Le salut du retour de l’exil apparaît comme le point central et permet une nouvelle lecture de l’histoire d’Israël en termes de salut. Une nouvelle lecture de l’histoire de David rapportée dans les livres de Samuel a également été effectuée, dans un premier temps par l’insertion de cantiques (voir 2 Sam 22 = Ps 18; 2 Sam 22,1 reprend l’usage du verbe nasal = “délivrer”, vocabulaire courant des livres de Samuel, et se termine par la célébration des “saluts” yeshuot du roi messie), puis par le développement des titres des Psaumes. Après le retour de l’exil l’espérance messianique liée à la dynastie davidique a été entretenue par la liturgie du second Temple dont témoigne les Chroniques, liturgie qui insiste sur la royauté de Yahvé et le rôle des Patriarches, voir 1 Ch 16 et Ps 90–106 ou 47 (Abraham, ancêtre des non-exilés, voir Ez 33,24, a été récupéré par les exilés qui lui ont fait faire un voyage, comme eux, depuis le pays des Chaldéens, pays où l’on part en exil à la fin de 2 Rois, voir Gn 11–12; les seules mentions d’Abraham dans le Psautier se rencontrent en Ps 105 et 47). Dans le NT, le nom de Jésus (Yeshouah) se situe dans la continuité de cette tradition de lecture de l’histoire d’Israël en termes de salut. Supplément à Transeuphratène 10; Librairie Gabalda, Paris (2003) 1–238 (Gosse)
2009 Jörg Lauter, Jesus und das Glück Die Formel “Religion verheißt Lebensgewinn durch Entsprechung zu einer letzten Wirklichkeit” (nach G. Theissen) lässt sich auf AT und NT anwenden, um dort Glückskonzepte zu finden. Besonders in der atl. Weisheit sind Glückslehren zu finden, wobei der Lebensgewinn durch Gottesbezug unübersehbar ist (vgl. B. Lang, Religion und menschliche Glückserfahrung. Zur atl. Theorie des Glücks, in: A. Bellebaum, Hg., Vom guten Leben, Berlin 1994, 59–110). Auch im NT bleibt das Gelingen des Lebens an den Gottesbezug gebunden. Jesus stößt eine Umwertung der Werte an, um Glück durch ein neues Lebensgefühl zu vermitteln. Jörg Lauter, Gott und das Glück. Das Schicksal des guten Lebens im Christentum; Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 16–36 (BL)
2010 Gerhard Ludwig Müller, Katholische Dogmatik. Für Studium und Praxis der Theologie This manual of Catholic theology (first published in 1995, and now in its third printing, with revisions made in 1996) is noteworthy for its effort to integrate a more or less complete biblical theology in sections on: the doctrine on scripture (54ff.), creation in both testaments (172ff.), God in the OT (226ff.), celestial and worldly mediators (including angels and prophets, 247ff.), Jesus (276ff.), the Holy Spirit (391ff.), Mary (484ff.), eschatology (533ff.), the community of faith (582ff.), baptism (568ff.), Eucharist (684ff.), grace (775ff.). The author is generally well-informed though the bibliography seems to need thorough updating and revision. My favourite passage in this book is the information that the French Revolution abolished the doctrine of “original sin” by law (142). Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2003) XXXII/1–879 (BL)
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God ★ creation – spirit 2011 Karl Erich Grötzinger, Jüdisches Denken: Theologie – Philosophie – Mystik. Bd. 1: Vom Gott Abrahams zum Gott des Aristoteles Die ersten 220 Seiten dieses umfassenden Werkes skizzieren die biblische Auffassung von Gott in zwei Abschnitten. Der erste ist den “altisraelitischen” Grundlagen und Voraussetzungen gewidmet, nämlich der Gottesauffassung und der Anthropologie der Genesis, des Buches Exodus, der Prophetenbücher und besonders der Psalmen; der zweite Abschnitt erörtert die Entstehung des Judentums in der Zeit des Exils – in jener Zeit trat die Thora in die Mitte der sich nun bildenden jüdischen Religion, an deren Anfang auch noch Propheten stehen, nämlich Esra und Deutero-Jesaja. Ihre letzte vorrabbinische Gestalt erhielt das Judentum in hellenistischer Zeit. Campus Verlag, Frankfurt (2004) 1–634 (BL)
2012 André Lemaire, Naissance du monothéisme. Point de vue d’un historien This historical survey is based on the assumption that Yahweh (or rather, originally, Yahwoh) came to be Israel’s god through Moses, and that Moses came into contact with the deity in Midian. This Midinaite deity seems to have been worshiped exclusively and aniconically, and these two features of the cult of Yahweh remained characteristic throughout subsequent history, preparing the way for the monotheism that emerged during the babylonian Exile. Lemaire also demonstrates (quite convincingly) that the widespread assumption that Asherah was Yahweh’s divine consort, rests on fragile and problematic evidence. Numerous bibliographical references are given, and the book can serve as a companion to Lemaire’s “Histoire du peuple hébreu” (6th ed., 2001). Bayard, Paris (2003) 1–194
2013 Walter Dietrich u.a., Universalität und Partikularität im Horizont des biblischen Monotheismus Sowohl AT als auch NT vertreten in ihrer Endgestalt eine monotheistische Gottesauffassung. Der Monotheismus hat selbstverständlich einen Zug zum Universalen. Wenn es nur einen Gott gibt, dann wird dieser nicht einzig für ein Volk oder die Angehörigen einer Religion zuständig sein, sondern letztlich für alle Menschen und Völker. Was nun die beiden Testamente in besonderer Weise verbindet, ist die Tatsache, daß sie die Universalität des einen Gottes einerseits und Partikularität Israels bzw. der Kirche andererseits nicht als einander ausschließende Gegensätze hinstellen, sondern als zwei Perspektiven, die sich z.T. überschneiden oder sogar widerstreiten, z.T. gegenseitig bedingen, jedenfalls aber nebeneinander vertreten werden können. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 369–411
2014 Amparo García-Plaza, La fe en el Dios Uno y Trino: más allá del Judaísmo y el Paganismo Dieser Beilrag erläutert die Argumentation der 1935 erschienenen Studie von Erik Peterson: Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem. Das Hauptanliegen der Studie ist demnach, zu verhindern, dass der christliche Glaube zur Legitimierung eines politischen Systems missbraucht wird. EstE 78/2 (2003) 209–270 (SP)
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2015 Ottmar Fuchs, Gott und die Gewalt. Eine biblisch-theologische Auseinandersetzung mit dem gewalttätigen Gott Folgende Gedanken sollen als “hermeneutische Suchbewegungen” verstanden werden: (1) Biblische Gewalttexte des Eingreifen Gottes können die Geschichtsmächtigkeit Gottes verdeutlichen. (2) Fluchpsalmen u.a. Texte, in denen Gott angerufen wird, damit er Gewalt an den Gegnern ausübe, können besagen, dass es nicht der Menschen, sondern Gottes Sache ist, Gewalt auszuüben oder eben Gnade walten zu lassen. (3) In der Bibel begegnen auch Gegentexte der intransitiven gegen die transitive Gewalt: wenn Gottesknecht und Gottessohn Gewalt an sich ausüben, ausgeübt sein lassen, setzen sie ihre Körper als Widerstand ein. Jahrbuch der Religionspädagogik 19; Christoph Bizer et al. (eds.), Die Gewalt und das Böse; Neukirchener, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 102–113 (SP)
✩ 2016 Klaus Wegenast et al., Schöpfung Diese Ausgabe der Zeitschrift für Pädagogik und Theologie ist dem Thema Schöpfung gewidmet. Explizit exegetisch sind die Beiträge von Holger Delkurt zu Gen 1,26–28 (236–246) und von Samuel Vollenweider über Wahrnehmungen der Schöpfung im Neuen Testament (246–253). Für ReligionslehrerInnen dürften zudem zwei Unterrichtsentwürfe (für die 6. und die 12. Klasse) von Interesse sein. ZPäTh 55/3 (2003) 229–294 (SP)
2017 Frederick J. Gaiser, Why Does It Rain? A Biblical Case Study in Divine Causality Bereits in der Bibel selbst finden sich zahlreiche “wissenschaftliche” Erklärungen für Naturphänomene wie z.B. Regen. Diese Naturphänomene werden aber als Teil der Schöpfung aufgefasst. So regnet es zum Beispiel weil der Wind aus dem Norden kommt (Spr 25,23), weil die Wolken voll sind (Koh 11,3) oder weil Regenzeit ist (Esra 10,9*.13*; Hld 2,11; Jer 5,24; Joël 2,23; Sach 10,1 und Jak 5,7*) und dennoch kommt der Regen von Gott. HBT 25/1 (2003) 1–18 (SP)
2018 D.T. Williams, Old Testament Pentecost Just as modern Charismatics seek to justify the reality of their experiences by appealing to Acts 2, so the validity of the experience of Acts 2 itself needs justification from Old Testament parallels. A neglected passage in this regard is Numbers 11, where the elders of Israel were given from the spirit that was on Moses, and then prophesied. This story can function as a legitimation of the story of Acts 2, and can then throw light on its meaning. The modern claims of the receipt of the Spirit may then be tested against the features of both passages. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 498–511
Anthropology – ethics 2019 Pietro Paolo Zerafa, Antropologia biblica According to the OT the human being is composed of three elements. Body (basar), nature (nepesh), and breath (ruah). The NT very rarely retains the three elements, generally mentioning only two – body (soma) and soul (psyche). In the OT, man is a servant created for liturgical service, the NT adds another dimension – service of fellow human beings. Although he is completely dependent upon God, the deity allows him personal autonomy directed by his consciousness. Ang. 80/2 (2003) 339–367 (BL)
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2020 Christian Frevel u.a., Menschsein The “anthropology” (understood as the doctrine of the human person) of the OT is here sketched by a Catholic OT specialist (Frevel), while the NT by a Protestant (O. Wischmeyer). All the relevant standard subjects are dealt with – man as the image of God, mortality and immortality, work and rest, Pauline anthropological vocabulary (flesh etc.). The NT contributor still uses old-fashioned vocabulary (such as “Buße” where others would use “Umkehr”). Unfortunately, there is no index. Die Neue Echter Bibel. Themen 11; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 1–133 (BL)
2021 Philip R. Davies, Tragedy and Ethics: Revisiting Athens and Jerusalem Dieser Essay bietet eine Auseinandersetzung mit der von D. Robertson geäußerten These über ein moralisch gesehen kindliches Wertesystem der Bibel im Vergleich zu der humanistischen Ethik griechischer Tragödie. Mit ihrer theokratischen Sicht der Welt, der Abnahme einer Entscheidung zum richtigen Handeln durch offenbarten Willen Gottes, die Verdammung des Individualismus etc. hindere die Bibel demnach das moralische Wachstum des Menschen. Der Verf. untersucht theologische und politische Kontexte dieser Vergleiche im Hinblick auf die moralische Dimension biblischer Überlieferung. Für ihn ist es die Aufgabe der Bibelforschung, Methoden zum verantwortlichen Umgang mit biblischen Texten zur Bildung ethischer Empfehlungen im privaten wie im öffentlichen Bereich zu entwickeln. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 107–120 (DL)
2022 Dan Lioy, The Decalogue in the Sermon on the Mount The author juxtaposes a reading of the OT Decalogue and a study of the NT (Matthean) Sermon on the Mount, in order to argue that the former is an important intertext for the latter. The abiding relevance of biblical moral law for the church today is emphasized. – The book is available from the publisher: Peter Lang Publishing, 275 Seventh Ave., 28TH floor, New York, NY 10001. Studies in Biblical Literature 66; Peter Lang Publishing, New York (2004) XI/1–331
Eschatology – apocalypticism – life after death – resurrection – hell 2023 Marc Philonenko, Le Vivificateur. Étude d’eschatologie comparée (de 4Q521 aus Actes de Thomas) In a former article we established that the title “Life-Giver” – which is attributed to an eschatological hero in 4Q521, who brings about the resurrection – has an Iranian origin. Here we follow the track of the “Life-Giver” in Jewish literature written in Greek, in the New Testament and in the Acts of Thomas. RHPhR 83/1 (2003) 61–69
2024 Bernard McGinn et al. (eds.), The Continuum History of Apocalypticism In this collective work, the first eight contributions are relevant for biblical studies:: R.J. Clifford, The roots of apocalypticism in Near Eastern myth (a survey of the afterlife of ancient combat mythology); A. Hultgard, Persian apocalypticism; J.J. Collins, From prophecy to apocalypticism; F. García Martínez, Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea scrolls; D.C. Allison, The eschatology of Jesus (it is likely that Jesus expected the eschatological restoration of Israel); M.C. de Boer, Paul and apocalyptic eschatology; A.Y. Collins, The book of Revelation (with one section on women and feminine symbolism). A most welcome feature of the articles is that they include not only notes but also annotated scholarly bibliographies. Indispensable for all theological libraries. Continuum International Publishing, London (2003) XV/1–672 (BL)
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2025 M. Nel (et al.), Historiese en sosiale oorsprong(e) van apokaliptiek How and where did apocalyptic literature originate? What is the relation between apocalyptic literature on the one hand, and prophesy and wisdom literature on the other? Should apocalyptic literature be regarded as a deviation from prophetic literature, or is it a linear development thereof ? Wherein lies the difference between prophetic and apocalyptic eschatology? In this article a literary study is done to find answers to these questions and it is concluded that apocalypticism does not have a single dominant origin, but that its origins lie in a complexity of factors. The researcher can find a description of these factors only in each unique apocalyptic work. Many historical and cultural factors played a role in the origin of apocalyptic works. A single social background cannot be posited for apocalyptic literature either. The worldview expressed by apocalyptic works does not necessarily represent that of marginalized groups as apocalypticism is rather a way of thinking which permeated the entire Jewish community. HTS 58/3 (2002) 1056–1075
2026 Alan F. Segal, Life after Death: A History of the Afterlife in Western Religion Western Religion is here defined as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (with their ancient prehistories in Greece, Egypt, etc.), and history as ancient history; accordingly, the book is not as comprehensive as B. Lang and C. McDannell, Heaven: A History (Yale University Press, 2d ed., 2001), a book that spans two thousand years of Christian thought. This said, we acknowledge that the author has written a wide-ranging study of afterlife beliefs in the ancient and late ancient worlds. He uses two significant interpretive keys: the phenomenological study of heavenly ascents (and the resulting angelic transformation) and the sociological study of afterlife beliefs in small, sectarian groups. The author asserts that “the notion of heaven and the afterlife always reflects what is most valuable to the culture” (710). Doubleday, New York (2004) XII/1–866 (BL)
2027 Stefan Schreiber et al. (eds.), Das Jenseits Two papers of this collection are relevant for biblical studies: Jürgen Werlitz, Scheol und sonst nichts? Zu den alttestamentlichen “Jenseits”-Vorstellungen (pp. 41–61); Stefan Schreiber, Sprach Jesus vom Jenseits? (pp. 96–118). Jesus, according to some scholars, was not interested in life after death (U. Mell), but Schreiber thinks that Jesus actually expected a resurrection from the dead. The volume also includes a sketch on ancient Egypt (D. Kinet, pp. 16–40). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–279 (BL)
2028 Friedrich Avemarie et al. (eds.), Auferstehung – Resurrection This collection of essays on all aspects of resurrection is special in that it not only offers three papers on OT and early Jewish belief in resurrection (including a paper by B. Janowski on Ps 88) to provide background to resurrection in the NT (4 papers), but also papers that explore the related notions of glorification and transfiguration (Mark 9:2–8 discussed by S.C. Barton and C. Fletcher-Louis) as well as Christ’s heavenly ascension (four essays, including an exchange between P. Stuhlmacher and J.D.G. Dunn). While no attempt is made to sum up the results, there are several indexes that help the reader find up-to-date comments on most of the relevant ancient texts. – Unaltered reprint of the 2001 edition. WUNT 135; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2004) XII/1–401 (BL)
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2029 Philippe Lefebvre, Livres de Samuel et récits de resurrection This is a theological and intertextual reading of the books of Samuel, with special attention to a number of NT passages, such as Matth 1–2 and Luke 24. The sequence of events recounted in 2 Sam 18–20 has special significance for the NT: the death of Absalom is followed by the re-installation of David as king in Jerusalem; in the NT, the two persons are combined into one single person, Jesus. The reader should be warned that, despite the title, there is no chapter on the resurrection of Jesus. LeDiv; Editions du Cerf, Paris (2004) 1–504
2030 Heinzpeter Hempelmann, Das Jesusgrab in Shrinagar und andere Blüten der Scheintodtheorie. Ockhams Rasiermesser an die Wurzel wuchernder Hypothesenbildung gelegt Verf. stellt verschiedene Hypothesen über die historischen Ereignisse um Jesu Tod und Auferstehung vor und präsentiert im Anschluss ein wissenschaftstheoretisches Instrumentarium, mit Hilfe dessen solche Hypothesen überprüft werden können. Solches umfasst (1) die ideologiekritische Rückfrage, (2) die historische Destruktion des NichtWissbaren, (3) die hermeneutische Kritik spekulativer Exegese und (4) die wissenschaftstheoretische Kritik der Einführung von erklärungsschwachen oder -indifferenten (Zusatz-)Hypothesen. Abschließend werden einige exemplarische Analysen durchgeführt, um die Fruchtbarkeit des Instrumentariums zu überprüfen. TBe 34/2 (2003) 88–104 (SP)
2031 David Hilborn u.a., Die Wirklichkeit der Hölle. Biblische Leitlinien zu einem verdrängten Thema Einer evangelikalen Perspektive verpflichtet, werden atl. und ntl. Texte analysiert. Hingewiesen wird auch auf die New International Version, die Scheol mit “grave” (Grab) wiedergibt, um die missverständliche Wiedergabe älterer Bibelversionen zu vermeiden. Bereits in Dan 12 wird mit dem Hinweis auf “ewige Schande und Schmach” auf die Hölle hingewiesen, die dann im NT breit belegt ist, bes. bei Matthäus. Die evangelikale Exegese deutet die Hölle jedoch auf die endgültige Vernichtung der Bösen, nicht auf deren ewige Qual. Brunnen Verlag, Gießen (2004) 1–192 (BL)
Relationship between OT and NT 2032 James M. Hamilton, Old Covenant Believers and the Indwelling Spirit: A Survey of the Spectrum of Opinion This discussion of the history of the inquiry into the relationship between the Holy Spirit and Old Covenant believers is structured by the six positions represented in the literature. The six positions are as follows: (1) Continuity; (2) More Continuity than Discontinuity; (3) Some Continuity Some Discontinuity; (4) More Discontinuity than Continuity; (5) Discontinuity; (6) Vague Discontinuity. TrinJ 24/1 (2003) 37–54
2033 Steve Moyise, Die Ou Testament in die Nuwe Testament: interpretasiemodelle It is a common practice for studies of the use of the Old Testament in the New Testament to summarise the complex Greek and Hebrew data under a single designation’ such as “prophecy and fulfilment” or “messianic exegesis”. In this article’ I discuss seven different models that are used in scholarly discussion of the Old Testament in the New Testament and offer an evaluation of their various strengths and weaknesses.
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I conclude that each model has its limitations and indeed distorts the evidence if pushed too far. The implications are that greater clarity would result if (1) scholars acknowledged the model or models that they are using; and (2) a multi-dimensional approach was adopted. IDS 37/1 (2003) 131–142
2034 Heinz-Günther Schöttler, “Per Christum . . .” – Christus als Weg. In memoriam Friedrich Wilhelm Marquardt († 25. Mai 2002) Schöttler kritisiert das immer noch vorherrschende Schema von Verheißung und Erfüllung bei der christlichen Auslegung der alttestamentlichen Schriften. Solche Auslegung beruft sich auf das Mt-Evangelium, dem es jedoch nicht um christozentrische, retrospektive Deutung der überlieferten Schrift, sondern umgekehrt um prospektive Deutung der Gegenwart des Christusereignisses aus den Schriften heraus geht. Davon ausgehend skizziert Schöttler den doppelten Ausgang des Alten Testaments, wobei für das Christentum der “Umweg” über Christus die unverzichtbare, weil identitätsstiftende “differentiana christiana” auf das gemeinsame Ziel’ den einen und einzigen Gott hin ist. BiLi 76/1 (2003) 4–15 (CB)
Miscellaneous 2035 Albert Chapelle, Israël, son serviteur (Lc 1,54) Regarding Israel, Christians are in the first place reminded of their condition, their origin, the root of Jesse (Is 11,10) on which they are grafted . . . and at the same time they recall the crucified Messiah “to the Jews scandal, to the pagans madness” (1 Co 1,23). The Jews who have not identified Jesus as their Messiah, nevertheless remain the elected people, the kingdom, the priests established by the Lord. God has not rejected his people (Rom 11,2). NRT 125/2 (2003) 177–186
2036 Christoph Levin, Verheißung und Rechtfertigung Die entscheidende Ausrichtung auf den im Wort seiner Verheißung und Forderung offenbaren Gott wird von der Botschaft des NT nicht überholt. Von Erfüllung kann unter dem Kreuz keine Rede sein – es sei den sub contrario. Gleichwohl geschieht unter dem Kreuz nicht nichts, sondern das Entscheidende: Die Verheißung erhält mit der Person Jesu ein Antlitz, in welchem der Glaube hinfort ihre Wahrheit erkennt. Deshalb hat der christliche Glaube das AT nicht hinter sich, sondern erst recht und von neuem noch vor sich. Er lebt nicht von der Erfüllung, der die Verheißung erübrigen würde, sondern in der Hoffnung, die in der Rechtfertigung gründet, die die Verheißung in Christus erfahren hat und erfährt. Das ist der Grund für die bleibende Geltung des AT als der Hl. Schrift der Kirche. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 327–344
2037 Wolfgang Kraus, Das “Heilige Land” als Thema einer Biblischen Theologie Biblische Theologie im Blick auf das Thema “Heiliges Land” heißt für Kraus: unter der Voraussetzung der Einzigkeit Gottes Strukturanalogien aufzuzeigen zwischen seinem Handeln in der im AT bezeugten Geschichte Israels und dem im NT bezeugten Handeln in Christus und dessen Folgen. Dabei würde deutlich: Manche Inhalte aus dem AT werden ohne Abstriche im NT weitertradiert, anderes wird auf einer neuen Ebene weitergeführt und anderes wird zu einem Ende gebracht. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 251–274
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Old Testament General 2038 Wolfram Herrmann, Theologie des Alten Testaments. Geschichte und Bedeutung des israelitisch-jüdischen Glaubens Handbooks on the theology of the OT are either topically arranged or, as in the case of the present book, give an essentially historical account starting from the emergence of belief in Yahweh and ending with postexilic eschatologies and reflections on the nature of life (book of Job, Koheleth). Within historical periods, however, the author surveys the relevant sources systematically. Although much bibliography is given (and the author, perhaps unwisely, refrains from citing his own, generally excellent contributions), Herrmann is interested in presenting the exact textual data on which his judgment rests. As is to be expected from Herrmann, Ugarit figures prominently in the book’s early sections, and he expresses his appreciation of the work of H. Gunkel (now somewhat neglected by the younger generation of scholars). – An admirable contribution to biblical studies, written by a major expert. Verlag Kohlhammer, Stuttgart (2004) 1–384 (BL)
2039 Stephen G. Dempster, Dominion and Dynasty: A Theology of the Hebrew Bible Dempster offers a “biblical theology” reading of the OT, suggesting that this vast amount of literature can be read as a continuous story that begins with Genesis and ends with 2 Chronicles. At the end of 2 Kings, the storyline is suspended, but it is resumed in the books of Daniel, Esther, Ezra-Nehemiah, and Chronicles. The prophets and the poetic books fill in the vacuum left by the suspended storyline; this literature provides a “poetic commentary”. Dempster thus advocates – and practices – a literary approach to biblical theology. – The book is available from Apollos, 38 De Montfort Street, Leicester LEI1 7GP, England, UK. New Studies in Biblical Theology 15; Apollos/InterVarsity Press, Leicester (2003) 1–267 (BL)
2040 Ben C. Ollenburger, Discoursing Old Testament Theology Stephen Fowl has argued that biblical (so Old Testament) theology is too beholden to academic biblical studies, and too far removed from settings in particular communities of faith, to nurture theological interpretation of scripture. Philip Davies has argued that Old Testament theology is inevitably (Christian) confessional and has no place in academic biblical studies, which should practice a self-consciously non-confessional and only “etic” discourse. Traversing Davies’s argument and his use of “discourse,” this essay makes brief and unassuming reference to Pierre Bourdieu and Michel de Certeau in moving toward Charles Taylor’s definition of “self-defining” social theories. It argues that such practices and conviction of certain communities provide the context and purpose of Old Testament theology. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 617–628
2041 Alfons Deissler, Wozu brauchen wir das Alte Testament? Zwölf Antworten, Hg. Von B. Feininger u.a. Der Band, der anlässlich des 90. Geburtstages von A. Deissler erscheint, enthält zwölf neu bearbeitete Aufsätze des emeritierten Alttestamentlers (Freiburg/Br.) zum bibl.-alt. Gottesbild, zu Psalmen, Propheten, zur Schöpfungstheologie, zu Fest und Feier im alten Israel, zum “dunklen” Gottesbild, zur Geist-Theologie. Das Buch wird ergänzt durch
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biographische Ausführungen zu Deisslers Leben und Werk incl. einer forschungsgeschichtlichen Einordnung seiner exegetischen Arbeit. Übergänge 5; Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt a.M. (2004) 1–268 (BF)
2042 André LaCoque et al., Penser la Bible Two authors – a biblical scholar (LaCoque) and a philosopher (Paul Ricoeur) – have teamed up to produce an interesting book in which the philosopher responds to the biblical specialist’s reading of an OT chapter or passage. Considered are Gen 2–3, the commend not to kill, Ezek 37, Ps 22, the revelation of the divine name (Exod 3:14), and the Song of Songs. The result is a kind of theology of the OT. Part of the text was originally written in English. Points Essais; Editions du Seuil, Paris (2003) 1–476 (BL)
2043 Friedhelm Hartenstein, Religionsgeschichte Israels – ein Überblick über die Forschung seit 1990 Die durch Spätdatierung vieler biblischer Texte wie durch die archäologischen Funde bestimmte Umorientierung seit den siebziger Jahren wird deutlich gemacht: (1.) an den Fragen nach Entstehung und Eigenart des israelitischen Monotheismus; (2.) an den Versuchen einer Rekonstruktion der Religionsgeschichte Israels vor allem anhand außerbiblischer Quellen und (3.) anhand der sozialgeschichtlich interpretierten biblischen Texte. VF 48/1 (2003) 2–28 (WSch)
2044 Reinhard G. Kratz, Noch einmal: Theologie im Alten Testament Weder “Religionsgeschichte Israels” noch “Theologie des Alten Testaments” sind geeignet, die Eigenart des AT hinreichend zu erfassen. Die Religionsgeschichte Israels gehört zu den Voraussetzungen des AT. Die Theologie des Alten Testaments hat ihrerseits das AT zur Voraussetzung, bezieht ihren Standpunkt aber nicht aus dem AT, sondern von außen, sei es aus dem NT oder aus der christlichen Dogmatik. Das AT bewegt sich zwischen den beiden Polen Religion und Theologie. Christoph Bultmann u.a. (Hrsg.), Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2002) 310–326 (NvM)
2045 Jörg Jeremias, Neuere Entwürfe zu einer “Theologie des Alten Testaments” (1.) Der “kanonische” Ansatz geht bei B.S. Childs vom Gemeindegebrauch aus, bei R. Rendtorrf nacherzählend vom christlich-jüdischen Gespräch. (2.) Systematische Entwürfe bieten neben der theologischen Redaktionsgeschichte des AT (O. Kaiser) auch H.-D. Preuß (Gottes erwählendes und verpflichtendes Handeln und Israels Antwort) und J. Schreiner ( Jahwe als Anfang’ Mitte und Ende aller Aussagen des AT). (3.) Der “postmoderne” Entwurf von W. Brueggemann konzentriert sich auf die mehrdimensionale Rhetorik des biblischen Zeugnisses’ während die Pluralität bei E.S. Gerstenberger auf eine religiöse Sozialgeschichte zuläuft. (4.) B.W. Andersons erscheint als Kombination der Ansätze von Eichrodt und von Rad. Unter den Einzelthemen (5.) bleiben die Fragen nach der Mitte und Einheit wichtig, ferner das Verhältnis von Theologie und Religionsgeschichte Israels. VF 48/1 (2003) 29–58 (WSch)
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2046 Ryszard Rubinkiewicz, Teologia biblijna Starego Testamentu The paper is a synthetic presentation of the process of creating “biblical theology” as a separate scientific discipline, together with its goal and research methods. He also discusses current problems within the biblical theology of the Old Testament, especially those connected with biblical canon of the Old Testament and the relationship between the Old Testament and the New Testament. RocT 50/1 (2003) 39–50 (SS)
God/goddess – monotheism – angels ★ prohibition of images 2047 Marie-Theres Wacker, Von Göttinnen, Göttern und dem einzigen Gott Wacker, professor of OT and Feminist Theology in Münster, Germany, presents a collection of eight papers (1987–2002). Four are dedicated to various aspects of our knowledge of goddesses as they were worshiped in pre-monotheistic and perhaps paramonotheistic Israel, while the rest deals with current (German) debates about the origins and development of biblical monotheism. Clearly written, well documented’ and indexed, these essays reflect the author’s involvement with, and contributions to an ongoing debate. Theologische Frauenforschung in Europa 14; Lit Verlag, Münster (2004) 1–199 (BL)
2048 Werner H. Schmidt, Elemente alttestamentlichen Redens von Gott Dieser Beitrag skizziert Aspekte des alttestamentlichen Gottesbildes, die in der Alltagssprache manifest werden, auch wenn diese nur in literarischer Gestalt bezeugt ist. Die Zusammenschau von Texten aus verschiedenen Zeiten lässt eine Folgerung zu: Man erhofft sich Heilvolles, weiß aber, dass Gottes Wirken Lichtes und Dunkles umspannt. So klingt im Alten Testament als grundlegendes Bekenntnis in verschiedener Form immer wieder an, dass Gott “tötet und lebendig macht”, “erniedrigt und erhöht”, “einreißt und aufbaut”, “ausreißt und pflanzt”. Solche Aussagen nach denen Gott Leben gibt und nehmen kann, umfassen das Leben als ganzes, wobei mit der Abfolge zugleich eine Gerichtetheit angedeutet ist. Eine leicht abgeänderte Fassung dieses Beitrags wurde in CV 45/2 (2003) 94–116 abgedruckt. QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg i.B. (2003) 10–31 (SP)
2049 Howard N. Wallace, “Now You See Him, Now You Don’t”: God and His Word in Genesis Den Gegenstand dieser Untersuchung bilden die Aussagen des Buches Genesis über Gott und seine Beziehung zu Menschen. Die uneingeschränkte Souveränität der Schöpfungsberichte erfährt im weiteren Verlauf der biblischen Erzählung in einer Balance zwischen Gericht und Sorge um die Schöpfung gewisse Einschränkungen zugunsten menschlicher Freiheit, ohne dass die Gestaltung der Geschichte den Geschöpfen allein überlassen würde. ABR 51 (2003) 1–14 (DL)
2050 Donald C. Raney, Does YHWH NAÓAM ? A Question of Openness Ist Gott eine unveränderliche transzendente Instanz oder ein emotionales Wesen, das eine persönliche Beziehung mit den Menschen eingeht? So lautet zugespitzt die durch den sogenannten “open theism” aufgeworfene Frage nach dem alttestamentlichen Gottesbild. Raney möchte mit seiner Untersuchung des hebräischen Regriffs nhm exemplarisch für die Frage, ob Gott Reue empfindet, zu der Diskussion beitragen. Sein
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Ergebnis: Gott empfindet Reue. Dies ist jedoch nicht auf sein unstetes Wesen, sondern auf die Beschaffenheit des Menschen, zurückzuführen. Sie ist die Antwort Gottes auf die Freiheit des Menschen, sich zu entscheiden und seine Entscheidungen zu bereuen. SBL.SPS 42 (2003) 105–115 (SP)
2051 Stig Norin, Baal, Kinderopfer und “über die Schwelle springen”. Propheten und israelitische Religion im siebten Jahrhundert v. Chr. Trotz der verbreiteten Annahme, die Bekämpfung der Baalskulte sei eines der wichtigsten Ziele der atl. Prephetie, lassen sich explizite Nennungen Baals lediglich in drei prophetischen Büchern belegen: Jer, Zef, und Hos. Entsprechend der Analyse der Einzelbelege aus diesen Schriften kann festgehalten werden, dass die Baal-Veehrung meistens als ein assyrisch beeinflusstes Phänomen des 7. Jh.v. erscheint. Lediglich bei Jer scheinen einige Spuren eines vergangenen, auf das Nordreich beschränkten Kultes vorzuliegen. In Hos dient der Begriff “Baal’’ ähnlich dem dtr Denken, zur allgemeiner Bezeichnung nichtisraelitischer Götter. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hgg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 75–100 (DL)
2052 Jan Assmann, Gerechtigkeit und Monotheismus Zur Debatte um den Monotheismus gehören zwei Annahmen, die das Selbstbild der monotheistischen Religionen bestimmen. Die erste geht von einer engen Verbindung von der Einführung des Monotheismus und der Ethisierung der Welt aus. In der Konsequenz weist die zweite Annahme auf die Existenz eines allwissenden, richtenden Gottes zur notwendigen Reglementierung hin. Aus Sicht der Ägyptologie ist jedoch zu konstatieren, dass es die Ethik schon vor dem Monotheismus gab. Der Monotheismus hat sie nicht erfunden, sondern theologisiert. Gerechtigkeit wurde nicht erst in Israel eingefordert, sondern bereits viel früher in Ägypten und Mesopotamien. Gott wurde jedoch hier im Unterschied zu Israel nur als Richter, nicht auch als Gesetzgeber angesehen. Daher lassen sich Gesetze nur als Menschenwerk, nicht als Werk Gottes begreifen, wie etwa die Tora. Fragen nach Gerechtigkeit und Moral nicht allein im biblischen Monotheismus, sondern auch in den Weisheitstraditionen der altorientalischen Kulturen zu finden, entschärft zwei entscheidende Vorwürfe gegen den Monotheismus, zum einen die Vorstellung einer rettenden Gerechtigkeit als “Sklavenmoral” (Nietzsche), zum anderen der Vorstellung der Monotheismus sei mit Recht und Gerechtigkeit in eins zu setzen und hätte, um die Auslöschung der Menschheit zu verhindern, eingeführt werden müssen. Christof Hardmeier et al. (Hrsg.), Freiheit und Recht, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2003), 78–95 (EB)
2053 Manfred Oeming et al. (eds.), Der eine Gott und die Götter. Polytheismus und Monotheismus im antiken Israel Around 1980, German-speaking OT scholars began to discuss the origins and development of what became ancient Jewish monotheism, and it is now generally agreed that monotheism proper is a “late”, postexilic, and very incomplete development. The present collection prints 12 papers all of which shed light on a development (sketched by K. Schmid, B. Lang, and E.A. Knauf ) the details of which still escape us. Chr. Frevel shows that we know virtually nothing about a goddess originally associated with Yahweh; he thinks that she disappeared in late preexilic times. B.A. Levine thinks that the notion of Yahweh’s universal rule depends on comparable Assyrian notions, while M. Albani argues that Second Isaiah’s monotheism reflects exilic opposition to Babylonian claims relating to the god Marduk. Interesting is B. Becking’s idea that the polytheism of the Elephantine Jews (5th century BCE), far from echoing pre-deuteronomic
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Israelite religion, actually reflects the complex religious situation in postexilic Judah. A fascinating volume! Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments 82; Theologischer Verlag Zürich, Zürich (2003) VIII/1–275 (BL)
2054 Bernhard Lang, Die Jahwe-allein-Bewegung. Neue Erwägungen über die Anfänge des biblischen Monotheismus Four approaches are invoked to elucidate the origins of ancient Israel’s monolatric worship. The textual approach, exemplified by reference to the Decalogue, reveals that Deut 5:6–11.16 must have been the Decalogue’s originally self-contained nucleus; this is the voice of the exilic generation whose authorities sought to inculcate monolatric worship as an alternative to the polytheism of their unorthodox ancestors (see v. 9 – “the sin of the fathers”). The second approach, exemplified by a historical analysis of King Josiah’s reform, leads to a cluster of possible assumptions about this reform’s background; possibly, the document that Hilkijah found in the temple was composed around 762 BCE in opposition to King Esarhaddon’s “succession treaty”, a document imposing loyalty to the crown onto all the vassals of the Assyrian Empire, including Israel. The third approach is that of the historian of religions who may point out that monolatric worship in Israel may have its model in Mesopotamian notions of the temporary exclusive worship of a deity in a time of crisis. Finally, from a social-science perspective, the notion of a “movement” that promotes a particular set of ideas can be used to understand the origins of what developed into monotheism. Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments 82; Manfred Oeming et al. (eds.), Der eine Gott und die Götter. Polytheismus und Monotheismus im antiken Israel; Theologischer Verlag Zürich, Zürich (2003) 97–110 (BL)
2055 Hans Hübner, Wer ist der biblische Gott? Fluch und Segen der monotheistischen Religionen Unter Einschaltung von Abschnitten über Hinduismus und Islam skizziert Hübner eine Geschichte des Monotheismus, deren biblische Anfänge er in drei Kapiteln darlegt: Monolatrie – Geburt des Monotheismus im Deuteronomium – Preisgabe des strikten Monotheismus in der Weisheitsliteratur (wo die Gestalt der Weisheit neben Gott ins Spiel kommt). BthSt 64; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) XI/1–215 (BL)
2056 Hans-Peter Mathys, Gott und . . . Ausgehend von dem Schlachtruf “Für Jahwe und Gideon” (Ri 7,18) beschäftigt sich der Beitrag im Rahmen der breit angelegten Monotheismus-Debatte mit der Bedeutung der Menschen neben Gott in ihrer je unterschiedlichen Ausprägung und Funktion. Dabei geht es um das Verhältnis Gott-König, Gott-Fürst, Mose und die Propheten als Erben und Brüder Davids, Gott und Menschen im allgemeinen. Das Resultat dieser Untersuchung gipfelt in der These, dass Jahwe zwar keine Götter neben sich duldet, wohl aber “ausgezeichnete” Menschen, deren Nähe zu ihm jedoch nicht klar zu bestimmen ist. Arndt Meinhold u.a. (Hgg.). Der Freund des Menschen, Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 125–152 (EB)
2057 Baruch A. Levine, “Ah, Assyria! Rod of My Rage” (Isa. 10:15): Biblical Monotheism as Seen In an International, Political Perspective: A Prolegomenon (Hebr., Engl. summary) In the modern study of Israelite or biblical monotheism, the question of the development of this belief system has, more often than not, been framed in ontological terms
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as “One God or Many?” The present study suggests that the true breakthrough in ancient Israel occurred in the realm of political thinking, so that the above question was perceived as being about the extent of divine power: over whom did the God of Israel have dominion? It is argued that in the Neo-Assyrian period a concept of a deity who rules over all nations and all lands developed for the first time, and that this concept is reflected in the prophecies of First Isaiah. ErIs 27 (2003) 136–142
2058 Horst Seebass, Gott der einzige. Bemerkungen zur Religionsgeschichte und Theologie des Alten Testaments Der Beitrag widerlegt die These von O. Loretz, dass die in Dtn 6,4b prädizierte Einzigkeit JHWHs im Lichte eines altsyrisch-kanaanäischen Belegs aus Ugarit (KTU 1.4 VII 49b–52a) so zu verstehen sei, dass die Einzigkeit des Gottes nicht die Nichtwirksamkeit anderer Götter ergebe, sondern der Einzige einfach der mächtigste Gott sei, der die anderen Götter unter sich habe. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 31–46 (NvM)
2059 Josef Schreiner, Wohnen der Weisung Gottes in Israel. Zur Entstehung eines Theologumenons Verf. zeichnet die Entwicklung des Themas der Gottesgegenwart in seinem Volk nach. Von JHWHs Wohnen im Tempel über das Wohnen beim Volk in der tempellosen Zeit, der Bundeslade und dem Wohnen der Weisheit in Israel werden alle Facetten des Theologumenons beleuchtet. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 15–29 (NvM)
2060 Jean Dietz, Le Dieu de l’Ancien Testament est-il si providentiel? Le visage de Dieu que nous révèle l’Ancien Testament est pluriel. A travers quelques figures bibliques l’auteur montre la complexité divine. LV(L) 52/3 (2003) 15–23
2061 Thomas Römer, L’éviction du féminin dans la construction du monothéisme Since a few decades, feminist readings of the Bible have regularly emphasised the problem raised by the treatment of the female element in the monotheisms. When the only God is given essentially, if not exclusively, male attributes, it is difficult not to interpret this phenomenon as a way of consolidating the male domination over a given society. In this study, Thomas Römer traces the gradual eviction of the female component in the Israelite religion. After emphasising the importance of the cult of goddesses both in the popular religion and in the official cult, he demonstrates how the emergence of Judaean monotheism from the end of the exile was accompanied by a condemnation of the cult of goddesses. However, some aspects of this cult remained alive, in particular by the transfer of some characteristically “female” images over the representation of the only God. In this respect, the Hebrew Bible already points to the limits of an exclusively male representation of God, thus opening to a renewed questioning about our ways of thinking and figuring this God who, according to the Bible itself, transcends all differences. ETR 78/2 (2003) 167–180
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2062 Manfred Oeming, Von der Angelologie zur Christologie? Zur Bedeutung der zwischentestamentlichen Literatur für den christlich-jüdischen Dialog am Beispiel des Tobitbuches The angel Raphael and Jesus share certain features – both are said to come from God and were sent to rescue humans out of a troublesome situation. However, there are also striking differences – Jesus does eat, but Raphael only pretends to do so. BBB 142; Manfred Oeming, Verstehen und Glauben, Philo Verlagsgesellschaft, Berlin (2003) 273–283 (BL)
✩ 2063 Herbert Niehr, Götterbilder und Bilderverbot Der Beitrag zeichnet ein Gesamtszenario der Entstehung des atl. Bilderverbots. Die Ausgangsposition bildet dabei die Überzeugung, dass die Religionen Israels und Judas in der vorexilischen Zeit als Lokalausprägungen der nordwestsemitischen Religionen im Alten Orient aufzufassen sind. Demzufolge hat es in Palästina auch Kultbilder gegeben, in denen die verehrten Gottheiten nicht zuletzt während der kultischen Rituale anwesend waren. Hinweise für eine solche Religionsauffassung lassen sich für Samaria v.a. in assyrischen Annalen und für Jerusalem in manchen atl. Texten, v.a. Psalmen, finden. Durch das stufenweise durchgesetzte Bilderverbot erlang der Jerusalemer Klerus im kleinen nachexilischen Juda eine Monopolstellung auf dem politisch wie wirtschaftlich relevanten Feld der Religionsausübung. Die kabod, “em- und menorah-Theologie ersetzten die traditionelle Konzeption der göttlichen Gegenwart im Kultbild. Doch ihre Spuren lassen sich in einigen atl. Ausdrücken sowie religiösen Praktiken bis in die Hasmonäerzeit hinein und sogar darüber hinaus verfolgen. Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments 82; Manfred Oeming u.a. (Hgg.), Der eine Gott und die Götter. Polytheismus und Monotheismus im antiken Israel; Theologischer Verlag Zürich, Zürich (2003) 227–247 (DL)
2064 Christoph Uehlinger, Exodus, Stierbild und biblisches Kultbildverbot. Religionsgeschichtliche Voraussetzungen eines biblisch-theologischen Spezifikums Von der Funktion der Rechtskorpora als Bewahrer des Rechts und somit auch der Freiheit ausgehend fragt der Verf. nach dem Stellenwert des Kultbilderverbots in Israel und seiner religionsgeschichtlichen Entstehung. Anfangs werden die auf die Sozialgeschichte zielenden Interpretationen von F. Crüsemann und R. Albertz erörtert und kritisiert. Anschließend stellt der Verf. acht kurz erläuterte Thesen zu einer möglichen religionsgeschichtlichen Herleitung des Kultbilderverbots als eigene Alternative dar. Dabei rechnet er nicht mit einem allgemeinen Bilderverbot als Grundlage alttestamentlicher Texte sondern mit verschiedenen Strängen samt ihren sachlichen, kult- und sozialgeschichtlichen Implikationen. Christof Hardmeier u.a. (Hgg.), Freiheit und Recht, Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2003) 42–77 (DL)
Ethics – war – tolerance 2065 Christopher J.H. Wright, Old Testament Ethics for the People of God Written from an evangelical perspective, this study offers lucid chapters on ecology, economics, the land, politics, justice, law, the family, and the individual. This exposition of themes is framed by a consideration of the three “angles” (theological, social, and economic) and a survey of historical und contemporary approaches to OT (or biblical) ethics. The author is convinced that what OT writers say is said “on the basis of convictions and norms which have valid ethical claims upon people in ever-changing circumstances that go beyond what they (the OT writers) knew” (105). Intervarsity Press, Leicester (2004) 1–520 (BL)
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2066 Eckart Otto, Recht und Ethik im Alten Testament. Neue Studien zur Ethik im Alten Testament Der Verf., selbst ein Herausgeber einer Ethik des Alten Testaments, rezensiert hier drei neuere, diesem Gebiet gewidmete Studien. Cyrill S. Rodds Glimpses of a Strange Land. Studies in Old Testament Ethics (Edinburgh 2001, vgl. IRBS 48:1750) wird dabei als besonders stark in der Destruktion ethischer Entwürfe, die nach einer autoritativen Weisung suchen, beschrieben. Das Werk Gordon J. Wenhams Story as Torah. Reading the Old Testament Ethically (Edinburgh 2000) offenbart die Problematik der darin versuchten Überwindung der historischen Distanz zu den atl. Texten und ihrer Komplexität bei der Schaffung eines ethischen Gesamtentwurfs. In einer Kluft zwischen einem historischen Zugang zur atl. Ethik und einer ethischen Auswertung einzelner Erzählungen befindet sich der Leser John Bartons Understanding Old Testament Ethics. Approaches and Explorations (Louisville 2003), einer Sammlung von bereits veröffentlichten Beiträgen mit einem abschließenden Kapitel zur Zukunft einer atl. Ethik. ZABR 9 (2003) 210–219 (DL)
2067 Gregory E. Sterling, Was there a Common Ethic in Second Temple Judaism? Comparing Philo, Josephus, Pseudo-Phocylides, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, the author concludes that there was indeed a common ethic. Especially Lev 19–20 and Deut 22 served as the common basis of ethical instruction, both at home and in the Diaspora. Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 51; J.J. Collins et al. (eds.), Sapiential Perspectives; Brill, Leiden (2004) 171–194 (BL)
2068 Aaron Schart, Die Realität des Krieges und die Sehnsucht nach Frieden. Krieg und Frieden im Alten Testament Das AT kennt die Vorstellung von einem YHWH-Krieg. Israel hat zum Ausdruck gebracht, dass YHWH solche Kriege, in denen er allein die Initiative hatte, oft zu Gunsten, aber auch gegen Israel angestrengt hat. Die Intention dieser Vorstellung ist zum einen, die Macht Gottes über alle gottwidrigen Kräfte auszusagen, und zum anderen, die menschliche Mitwirkung im YHWH-Krieg zu minimieren. Die Gründe dafür, warum ein YHWH-Krieg gerechtfertigt erscheint, sind im AT nicht rechtlich geregelt, es ist aber offensichtlich, dass es immer um die Gottheit Gottes und das Überleben Israels geht. Eckart Gottwald et al. (eds.), Religionsunterricht interreligiös; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 227–244
2069 Heinz-Josef Fabry, Toleranz im Alten Testament Toleranz wurde zu allen Zeiten Israels geübt, gehörte aber nicht zu den Stärken dieses Volkes, da die offizielle Religion Israels zu einem Ausschließlichkeitsanspruch tendierte. In der Vorkönigszeit treffen wir auf eine pragmatische Toleranz, die das Entstehen von Solidarbündnissen inklusive eines religiösen Synkretismus förderte. In der Königszeit war Toleranz aus Gründen der Staatsräson gefordert. Die gleichzeitige Genese des JHWH-Monotheismus brachte Intoleranz mit sich, beließ aber – zumindest in der Volksfrömmigkeit – ein gewisses Maß an Toleranz. Israels Erfahrung des eigenen Fremdseins im babylonischen Exil sowie das Wissen um fromme und gottesfürchtige Ausländer hat Toleranz ermöglicht. Sie wurde aber meistens recht verklausuliert artikuliert: Da der Gott Israels der Schöpfer aller Menschen war, konnte die jüdische Gemeinde ihre Grenzen öffnen, um Kontakte zu Fremdvölkern zu ermöglichen. BiKi 58/4 (2003) 216–223
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Miscellaneous 2070 Joel S. Kaminsky, Did Election Imply the Mistreatment of Non-Israelites? The mistake of those ( J. Cott, R. Schwarz, G. Lüdemann) who see all non-Israelites annihilated is that they treat the Israelite idea of election as a dual (inclusive, exclusive) instead of a triangular concept (elect Israel, few anti-elect enemies of God, and the majority foreign individuals and nations as non-elect). The possibility for non-elects to join Israel must be seen in terms of adoption into a tribe, not in terms of religious conversion. HThR 96/4 (2003) 397–425 (WSch)
2071 Klaus Haacker, Die biblischen Landverheißungen und der jüdischpalästinensische Konflikt Der Beitrag bietet eine Auseinandersetzung mit der Interpretation der biblischen Landverheißungen in den religiösen Kreisen des heutigen Staates Israel. Diese Gruppen interpretieren entsprechende biblische Texte als ein göttlich begründetes Besitzrecht des auserwählten Volkes auf das gesamte biblische Land, welches keinem anderen Volk überlassen werden darf. Doch wie der Verf. insbesondere an der Geschichte Samarias demonstriert, sind die Begriffe ‘Land’ und ‘Volk’ keineswegs klar abgegrenzt und wurden in der Vergangenheit unterschiedlich ausgelegt. So könnte heute eine kreative jüdische Bibelauslegung die Palästinenser als die zum Islam konvertierten Nachfahren des biblischen ‘Volkes des Landes’ anerkennen und eine mit der Landesteilung verbundene Versöhnung beider Völker als eine Erfüllung biblischer Prophezeiungen interpretieren. TBe 34/6 (2003) 294–305 (DL)
New Testament General 2072 Lothar Coenen et al. (eds.), Theologisches Begriffslexikon zum Neuen Testament. Neubearbeitete Ausgabe, Bd. 1 This is vol. 1 of a two volume-set entitled “Dictionary of New Testament Theological Concepts” and meant as an equivalent to the weighty tomes of the Kittel dictionary. Vol. 2 was reviewed and warmly recommended in IRBS 47:1796. In user-friendly fashion, all Greek terms are grouped under German headings such as “Brot” (for artos, epiousios, and manna) and “Freiheit/Abhängigkeit” (for aichmalôtos, desmeuô, doulos, eleutheria, zygos). This is a standard reference work to be frequently consulted both in Germany and elsewhere. In general, the slightly conservative exegetical perspective adopted will rarely be an obstacle to those of another theological persuasion. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (1997) LI/1–1015 (BL)
2073 Reinhard von Bendemann, “Theologie des Neuen Testaments” oder “Religionsgeschichte des Frühchristentums” Neben Entwürfen auf redaktionsgeschichtlicher Basis (Weiser, Gnilka, Strecker) und solchen im gesamtbiblischen Horizont (Stuhlmacher, Hübner, Dohmen/Söding, Wilckens) wird das Programm “Zurück zu Wrede” (Schmithals, Berger, Räisänen, Theißen, Schüssler-Fiorenza) erörtert sowie thematisch orientierte Zugänge (Caird, Roloff, Karrer). VF 48/2 (2003) 3–28 (WSch)
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2074 Robert Morgan, Historical and Canonical Aspects of a New Testament Theology In nineteenth-century discussions of the scope and methods of New Testament theology more attention was paid to the new historical methods than to the reasons for this discipline. Its independence from dogmatics was new, but it was the role of Scripture in the life of the Church which made it important in educating clergy. Theological interpretation of any passage of Scripture might serve as a source of Christian faith and theology, but for Scripture to be a norm, a survey of the whole New Testament is needed. New Testament theologies using historical exegesis and attending to all the canonical writings can offer (or imply) proposals about the identity of Christianity, and in the conversation between such proposals a measure of consensus can be expected where there is agreement to respect textual intention. Most Christian reading of Scripture to nourish and communicate faith is done through translations and without asking about authorial intention, but theologians making proposals about the identity of Christianity which accord with the witness of Scripture are subject to more constraints for the sake of consensus. They need to survey the whole New Testament using critical historical exegesis and background knowledge of the ancient world to inform a perspective derived from their contemporary understandings of Christianity. Such theologically interested surveys are properly called New Testament theologies. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 629–639
God – Christology – resurrection 2075 Jerome H. Neyrey, Render to God: New Testament Understandings of the Divine Neyrey uses notions such as patron-client relationship, honor and shame, benefaction, purity, and the rhetoric of praise derived from cultural anthropology and rhetorical criticism to elucidate the concept of God in Mark, Matthew, Paul (1 Corinthians, Romans, and Galatians), John and Hebrews. Unlike the God of Epicurus who in his perfect blessedness has no relationship with mortals, the God of Jesus is first and foremost a provident deity that relates to mortals as the consummate patron and benefactor. In John and Hebrews, Jesus Christ is also called or defined as God. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2004) XVIII/1–313 (BL)
2076 Jacques Schlosser, Der Gott Jesu und die Aufhebung der Grenzen Das Gottesbild Jesu steht in Kontinuität zu dem des AT. Dennoch sind in der Jesustradition einige Besonderheiten erkennbar, auf zwei von denen Verf. im ersten Teil des Beitrags ausführlicher eingeht: Die Heilsgeschichte wird relativiert, die Schöpfung demgegenüber promoviert. Im zweiten Teil versucht Verf. theologische Verbindungslinien aufzuspüren. Sein Ergebnis: “Nicht nur durch sein Sterben und seine Auferstehung, sondern auch schon durch sein Wirken und seine Verkündigung, die sein Gottesbild widerspiegeln, hat Jesus die Aufhebung der Grenzen entweder schon verwirklicht zugunsten der Sünder und der Verstoßenen, oder, was die Heiden betrifft, entscheidend vorbereitet und ermöglicht” (77). QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg i.B. (2003) 58–79 (SP)
2077 Larry W. Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ: Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity A “high” Christology, i.e. the notion that Jesus Christ is a divine figure, is usually considered a secondary development within early Christianity: this is how much of NT scholarship saw things, and the classic statement to this effect is Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos (1913, 2d ed. 1921; Engl. 1970). Hurtado belongs to those revisionist
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scholars who claim to be able to show that Bousset was wrong, and that devotion to Jesus, albeit in a monotheistic context, is quite early. The single most important factor one can invoke in an effort of explanation is “the revelatory experiences, which communicated to circles of the Jesus movement the conviction that Jesus had been given heavenly glory and that it was God’s will for him to be given extraordinary reverence in their devotional life” (78). Hurtado calls the result “bibitarianism”, i.e. a religion based on a pattern of worship that links the worship of God with that of Jesus Christ. Hurtado acknowledges the influence of M. Hengel on this essay in reconstruction. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XXII/1–746
2078 Gerard S. Sloyan, Why Jesus Died Written in an admirably clear, non-technical language, this excellent survey is in three parts: (1) The crucifixion of Jesus: how, why, and by whom? (2) How Jesus’ death came to be seen as redemptive (3) How Jesus’ death was blamed on “the Jews”. Historically, Jesus’ death must be seen in terms of the tendency of the Roman prefects to use the Jewish pilgrimage feasts as the optimum time for punishing incipient rebellion for exemplary purposes. Sloyan convincingly identifies temple sacrifice as the paradigm for the earliest conviction that Jesus’ death had a beneficent effect on Israel. The author also explains the early development of ecclesiastical doctrines about the death of Christ. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2004) VII/1–154 (BL)
2079 Romano Penna, Inizi e primi percorsi della cristologia giudeo-cristiana The Jewish-Christian background of the earliest christology can be seen in various titles given to Jesus in the NT. Jesus is (1) the suffering righteous man, master and prophet, the holy and righteous one; the originally adoptionist flavour of such titles is corrected by Paul in Rom 1,3b–4a; (2) he is Christ, Lord: these titles become the most common; (3) he is Son of God, Lamb, pre-existent Wisdom; here belong also the notions of expiation and invalidation of the Torah – aspects that are found scattered in several parts of the NT. Theologies not deriving from a Jewish-Christian source include the Christ-Adam typology and the notions of Savior, only Son, theos. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 201–232 (AM)
2080 Adelbert Denaux, Der monotheistische Hintergrund neutestamentlicher Christologie. Kritische Reflexionen über pluralistische Theologien der Religionen Die Christen des ersten Jahrhunderts waren der Überzeugung, daß sie dazu auserwählt waren, aller Welt Zeugen Jesu Christi zu sein (Lk 24,46–48; Apg 1,8; vgl. Mt 28,19–20). Ihre Zeugenschaft knüpfte an die des Volkes Gottes im ersten Bund (vgl. Jes 43,9–44,5) an. Schließlich haben die Christen den einen, lebendigen und rettenden Gott in und gegen eine Welt zu bezeugen, die anderen Göttern dient. Weiterhin hat diese christliche Zeugenschaft einen christologischen Schwerpunkt. In der historischen Mission des Jesus von Nazareth offenbarte Gott sich als ein erlösender Gott. Die Christen haben diese konkrete historische Erfahrung zu bezeugen (1 Joh 1,1–2). Der Inhalt ihrer Zeugenschaft könnte folgendermaßen zusammenfaßt werden: “Und dies ist das Zeugnis, daß ewiges Leben Gott uns gab, und dieses Leben ist in seinem Sohn.” (1 Joh 5,11). Die christliche Zeugenschaft basiert nicht auf Mythen, sondern auf historischer Erfahrung des Volkes Gottes im Laufe der Geschichte. Sie wird bestritten werden, da sie Teil des Prozesses ist, den Gott mit den Menschen im Lauf der Geschichte führt. Daher hat sie apologetische Dimensionen, sucht nach Verständlichkeit und versucht zu überzeugen. Die christlichen Kirchen können diese Mission nicht aufgeben, ohne zugleich ihre Identität aufzugeben. QD 201; Ulrich Busse (Hrsg.), Der Gott Israels im Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments; Herder, Freiburg i.B. (2003) 193–223
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2081 Bertold Klappert, Hat das Neue Testament das 1. Gebot übertreten und Christus vergottet? Vorläufige Erwägungen zur Christologie als Auslegung des 1. Gebotes Die Christologie des Neuen Testamentes ist eine Auslegung des 1. Gebotes. Diese These entfaltet Klappert entlang einiger Textbeispiele aus der synoptischen Tradition, der johanneischen Überlieferung und der paulinisch-vorpaulinischen Tradition. Magdalene L. Frettlöh et al. (eds.), Gott wahr nehmen; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 97–126 (SP)
2082 Józef Kozyra, Problemat tytu∑u chrystologicznego “Syn Cz∑owieczy” w Ewangeliach Die Anwesenheit des christologischen Titels “Menschensohn” in den Evangelien wirft eine schwierige und komplizierte Problematik auf. Der Titel Menschensohn ist nämlich vieldeutig. Es ist auch schwierig eindeutig aufzuweisen, wovon her diese Bezeichnung übernommen und in den Evangelien auf Jesus angewendet wurde. Der Verfasser fragt zuerst nach dem Sinn des Begriffs im Alten Testament, im Munde Jesu und in der Tradition (Q ) und erörtert die redaktionelle Arbeit der vier Evangelisten, um zum Schluß festzustellen: “Ganz recht also kann man voraussetzen, daß die Bezeichnung Menschensohn in den Evangelien der Weise entspricht, in welcher Jesus über sich selbst gesprochen hat. Das volle Bewußtsein von der Erniedrigung Jesu führte Ihn denn zur Herrlichkeit des Menschensohns. Das Geheimnis Jesu offenbart sich also im christologischen Titel Sohn des Menschen”. ScrSc 5 (2001) 57–81 [SS]
2083 Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr, Jesu Heilungen und Exorzismen. Ein Stück Theologie des Neuen Testaments Die hier skizzenhaft vorgetragenen Überlegungen stehen im Zusammenhang eines Entwurfs der Theologie des Neuen Testaments, in dessen Zentrum Jesus aus der Perspektive des Osterglaubens steht. Um Strukturkomponenten zu ermitteln, die als wesentliche Elemente zu einem Gesamtbild von Jesu Wirken, Weg und Geschick in österlicher Perspektive beitragen können, stellt dieser Beitrag die Frage, inwiefern Heilungen und Exorzismen Jesu charakteristischer Ausdruck seines Wirkens sind. Die Textbasis der Untersuchung bilden Q 11,19f und Mk 2,1–12. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 99–112 (SP)
2084 Keith Baker, The Resurrection of Jesus in its Graeco-Roman Setting – Part 1 The myths that underlie the major mystery cults likely to be found in Corinth in the time of Paul demonstrate a vastly different concept of ‘resurrection’ to that of early Christianity. Osiris wasn’t ‘resurrected’ in any bodily sense, but rather transferred between realms to become lord of the underworld; Persephone was thought to “return” in line with the cycle of seasons. In contrast, the earliest kerygma demonstrates a serious concern with the historical fact of the bodily resurrection of a man who was the fulfilment of Jewish prophecy, the Messiah. RTR 62/1 (2003) 1–13
2085 Keith Baker, The Resurrection of Jesus in its Graeco-Roman Setting – Part 2 The resurrection of Jesus Christ cannot be explained away as a part of a ‘dying and rising god mythology’, typical of first century Graeco-Roman religion. There are just
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too many points of Paul’s way of talking about the resurrection in 1 Corinthians where the Jesus Mysteries thesis does not fit. RTR 62/2 (2003) 97–105
2086 L.W. Hurtado, Book of the Month Rezension von Norman T. Wright, The Resurrection of the Son of God: Christian Origins and the Question of God, Volume Three, London 2003. Kritisiert werden u.a. die Kapitel zur Auferstehung bei Paulus, die nach Ansicht des Rezensenten eine “sophisticated version of second century Christian supersessionism” (85) beinhalten. ET 115/3 (2003) 83–86 (SP)
Eschatology – soteriology ★ ethics – ecclesiology – pneumatology 2087 Nicola Wendebourg, Der Tag des Herrn. Zur Gerichtserwartung im neuen Testament auf ihrem alttestamentlichen und frühjüdischen Hintergrund This is a classic example of traditio-historical enquiry, for the author studies the notion of the Day of the Lord from the OT through early Jewish texts (such as the Enoch literature and the Qumran material) to the NT. The author finds out that there is much continuity; however, the NT has certain special features and emphases. Traditional notions of a Jewish Day of the Lord as a day of vengeance misconstrue the relevant ancient sources. Most NT texts focus on the eschatological destiny of the community of believers, i.e. on their liberation, and sometimes define the “lord” of this day in Christological and juridical terms – Christ is Lord and judge (this is especially the case in the gospels, but not in Paul). Judgment does imply punishment, see Hebr 10:31 – “It is a dreadful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.” WMANT 96; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) XII/1–404 (BL)
2088 C. Marvin Pate et al., Deliverance Now and Not Yet: The New Testament and the Great Tribulation The authors (C.M. Pate and D.W. Kennard) identify two types of atonement in the ancient sources: vicarious atonement and mimetic atonement. Vicarious atonement means: the Servant is an individual figure who suffers vicariously for the community, saving it from the messianic woes or Great Tribulation; this set of ideas can be found in 1 Enoch, the Dead Sea Scrolls, Paul, and John. Mimetic atonement, by contrast, includes the believers in the Great Tribulation, and the Servant is seen as a collective figure; this idea is present in Daniel, Zechariah, the book of Wisdom, 2 and 4 Maccabees, and most of the New Testament (including the synoptic gospels and the book of Revelation). A stimulating book, to be commended for its determination to move beyond fragmentary analysis toward a comprehensive interpretation. Studies in Biblical Literature 54; Peter Lang Publishing, Bern (2003) XX/1–633 (BL)
2089 Imre Peres, Griechische Grabinschriften und neutestamentliche Eschatologie Eschatology is here understood as individual eschatology, and so the author studies what ancient Greek funerary inscriptions say about life after death. Although the inscriptions are generally laconic, they do give an idea. Especially first-century CE inscriptions refer to hopes of ascending to the gods and becoming associated with these and becoming divinized (of one degree or another). The following NT passages can be fruitfully studied in the light of Greek ideas: Luke 16:22–26; 23:43; Acts 17:22–31; Phil 3:20; 1 Cor 15; 2 Cor 5:1–10; John 14:2–3; 1 John 3:2; 2 Peter 1:4. One chapter studies the notion of elpis (hope) in the inscriptions and the NT, concluding that
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Greek elpis ends at the grave, while NT elpis extends beyond it. – An important contribution to a neglected field of documentary research. WUNT 157; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) XX/1–336 (BL)
2090 Kurt Erlemann, Das “letzte Gericht” – ein erledigtes Mythologumenon? Im Rahmen des apokalyptischen Weltbildes wird das Endgericht im NT teils futurisch (Q , Mt, Paulus, Apk), teils präsentisch als Selbstausschluss, der in der Begegnung mit Jesus ( Joh) oder im Auftreten von Irrlehrern geschieht (1. Joh), gesehen. Der Mensch kann durch Gottes Schutz, das Christusgeschehen als Rettung oder durch ethisches Handeln seiner Verurteilung entkommen. Theologisch betont die Rede vom Endgericht, dass kein geschehenes Unrecht in den Wind geschrieben ist, dass Gott engagiert Gerechtigkeit einfordert und dass es nicht unsere Sache ist, vollkommene Gerechtigkeit zu schaffen. ZNT 9 (2002) 47–53 (MW)
2091 Lukas Bormann, Das “letzte Gericht” – ein abständiges Mythologumenon? Replik auf Kurt Erlemann, Das “letzte Gericht” – ein erledigtes Mythologumenon?, ZNT 9 (2002) 47–53. Im NT ist das Endgericht Gericht nach den Taten oder generelles Vernichtungsgericht, vor dem die Zugehörigkeit zur Gemeinde rettet. Beide Vorstellungen stehen in Spannung zueinander, da die ordnende Mitte der Tora als Maßstab wie Zugehörigkeitskriterium im Urchristentum fehlt. Angesichts der eschatologischen Geschichtskonzeption wird das Endgericht im NT zu einem abständigen Mythologumenon, “einem Motivkomplex, der nicht in der Lage ist, dem christlichen Existenzvollzug eine wesentliche Orientierung zu vermitteln” (58). ZNT 9 (2002) 54–59 (MW)
2092 Günter Röhser, Hat Jesus die Hölle gepredigt? Im Zusammenhang der Gerichtspredigt Jesu wird auch die Hölle erwähnt, allerdings nicht als eigenes Thema, sondern seinem Entscheidungs- und Umkehrruf untergeordnet. Generell variieren im NT die einzelnen Endzeitmotive. Vor allem in der Paränese spielen Gerichts- und Höllenvorstellungen eine Rolle – entweder, um die bedrängte Gemeinde ihrer Hoffnung auf ein rasches Ende zu versichern, oder um ihr den Ernst der Entscheidung einzuschärfen. Eine Prädestination zum Unheil kommt in der jesuanischen Botschaft nicht vor. ZNT 9 (2002) 26–37 (MW)
2093 Ulrich Luz, Neutestamentliche Lichtblicke auf die dunklen Seiten Gottes. Überlegungen zu den Gerichtsaussagen der Paulustradition Luz wählt Texte von Paulus und seiner Schule als Beispiel, um darauf hinzuweisen, dass bei einigen neutestamentlichen Autoren der Gerichtsgedanke nicht im Zentrum steht. Seine Frage ist, ob der Gerichtsgedanke, verstanden als doppelter Ausgang der Weltgeschichte auf Grund des Gerichtsurteils Gottes oder Christi im Jüngsten Gericht, wirklich zur Mitte des Neuen Testaments gehört. Magdalene L. Frettlöh et al. (eds.), Gott wahr nehmen; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 257–275
2094 Karl Löning, Die Konfrontation des Menschen mit der Weisheit Gottes – Elemente einer sapientialen Soteriologie Erlösung durch Wissen ist ein Themengebiet, das die griechische Philosophie seit Platon beschäftigt und das im Hellenismus zentrale Bedeutung gewinnt. Von daher, nicht etwa von der Gnosis, rührt sein Einfluss auf die neutestamentlichen Formen weisheitlichen Denkens. Neutestamentliche Theologien werden hier verstanden als weisheitliche Konzeptionen, in deren Zentrum soteriologische Aussagen stehen. Ausgangspunkt für
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die Frage nach soteriologischen Vorstellungen im weisheitlichen Denkmodell ist hier die frühjüdische Weisheit, die in einem ersten Schritt charakterisiert wird. In einem zweiten Schritt wird das apokalyptische Wissenskonzept, das die Rettung aus der eschatologischen Krise als soteriologische Ausrichtung kennt, in Vergleich mit der Schulweisheit gestellt. Schließlich werden gemeinsame Merkmale einer apokalyptischen Weisheit in den neutestamentlichen Konzeptionen dargelegt, die als Elemente einer sapientialen Soteriologie verstanden werden. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002), 1–41 (EB)
2095 Sylvia Hagene, Der Weg in die eschatologische Sabbatruhe. (Mt 11,28–30; Hebr 3,7–4,13 und “Evangelium Veritatis”) Mt 11,28–30, Hebr 3,17–4,13 und das Evangelium Veritatis aus valentinianischer Tradition stehen im Zentrum einer Untersuchung der beiden Begriffe anapausis und katapausis, den griechischen Korrelaten für “Ruhe”, “Ruheort”. Deutlich wird an den drei Texten, dass die erhoffte Ruhe nicht verdient werden kann, sondern vielmehr dem Hörenden, Wissenden und Erkennenden geschenkt wird. Das Erreichen der Ruhe ist eingebunden in den Kontext letztentscheidender Erkenntnis. “Schlüssel” zur Ruhe ist das Lernen von Jesus. Angesichts des Gedankens der vergeblichen Mühe (Mt 6,28) erhält das Wissen eine rettende Verbindlichkeit, die allein durch die Begegnung mit Jesus vermittelt wird. In Hebr 3,7–4,13 ist der Ruhebegriff noch stärker von soteriologischer Relevanz, wobei das Erreichen der Ruhe vom Vorhandensein der pistis abhängig ist. Die im Neuen Testament angelegte soteriologische Konzeption eines Verständnisses von Rettung aufgrund höheren Wissens hat in der Gnosis dahingehend eine stärkere Ausprägung und Verschiebung erfahren, als das innerzeitlich notwendige Engagement aufgrund der mit Erkenntnis erlangten Ruhe verdrängt wird. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002), 317–344 (EB)
2096 Martin Karrer, Jesus, der Reiter (“Sôtêr”). Zur Aufnahme eines hellenistischen Prädikats im Neuen Testament Die Übernahme des Retter-Prädikats bereitet sich innerchristlich früh vor und verzögert sich trotzdem um zwei Jahrzehnte. Anregungen durch den Namen “Jesus” (“der, in dem Gott rettet”) sind hoch zu werten und beschleunigen den Vorgang dennoch nicht. Denn einige Zeit ist der Name für sich semantisch verständlich. Die Übertragung ins Griechische hat deshalb Zeit. Es braucht für sie die Kontraktion von “Gott rettet” zu “Retter” und die Durchsetzung des Verbs “sozein” gegen Konkurrenz. Die Vorliebe des griechischen Juden Paulus für das Verb samt Ableitungen spielt dabei eine nicht zu unterschätzende Rolle. Die Geläufigkeit von “soter” in der jüdischen wie griechischen Umwelt des Christentums erweist sich dagegen in einem als Impuls und Hindernis. Die religionsgeschichtliche Frage kann sich nicht auf die einfache Ableitung konzentrieren. Sie muss vor allem erörtern, welches Profil sich unter den wechselseitigen Berührungen ergibt. ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 153–176
2097 Andrzej J. Jasi…ski, Nowotestamentalna mAdro≤Æ nauki krzyûa References made by synoptical gospels to the cross do not compose their own theology. The theme of the cross struggled for its central place in Christian teachings of the first century. The actual architect of the theology of the cross was Paul the Apostle. Christ Crucified became the core of his teaching (Gal 3:1, 1 Cor 1:18–25, 2:1–16). The topic of the cross was further explicated in Paul’s praiseful texts (Col 1:15–20, Eph 2:14–18). His interpretation makes the cross the focus of soteric event, whose effects are universal. StFra 11 (2001) 179–194 [SS]
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✩ 2098 Kathy L. Gaca, The Making of Fornication: Eros, Ethics, and Political Reform in Greek Philosophy and Early Christianity According to a common opinion, restrictive and repressive sexual ethics is not a Christian invention but started with the Greeks and has become dominant in Christian times. Gaca challenges this position, arguing that scholars working on the subject (including M. Foucault) have left out the biblical side of the story. In the OT, fornication is linked to the worship of deities other than Yahweh, and so Paul established “the biblical principle of eliminating rebellious sexual fornicators in order to protect God’s Christian people from divine retribution” (139). So one of the main factors behind Christian repressive sexuality is the OT association between spiritual fornication (whoring after foreign gods) and sexual misbehavior. Learned and well-argued, this book is bound to revolutionize our thinking about an important subject of religious and cultural history. Hellenistic Culture and Society 40; University of California Press, Berkeley (2003) XVII/1–359 (BL)
2099 Werner Zager, Neutestamentliche Ethik im Spiegel der Forschung Darstellung von Entwürfen neutestamentlicher Ethik seit Heinz-Dietrich Wendland (1970). “Es gibt durchaus eine m. E. notwendige ethische Pluralität im neutestamentlichen Schrifttum, da nur so den jeweiligen religiösen, kulturellen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Kontexten Rechnung getragen werden kann.” (12) Gemeinsame Grundlage der ntlichen Schriften ist das Liebesgebot. ZNT 11 (2002) 3–13 (MW)
2100 Klaus Wengst, Frieden stiften. Impulse des Neuen Testaments In Kreuz und Auferweckung Jesu stiftet Gott Frieden und universale Versöhnung als gleichberechtigte Teilhabe (Kol 1, 20; 2 Kor 5, 19; 2 Kor 5, 17f.). Die Gemeinden haben entsprechend den Auftrag, Frieden in Gerechtigkeit zu stiften (Mt 5, 9). Dieser Friede steht konträr zur Pax Romana, in der Friede gewaltsam hergestellt und gesichert wird. ZNT 11 (2003) 14–20 (MW)
2101 Christoph Gregor Müller, Wider die Geschwätzigkeit! Neutestamentliche Mahnungen, die Zunge im Zaum zu halten (Eph 4, 29; 5, 4.6; Jak 3, 1–12; Mt 6, 7–8), entsprechen weisheitlicher Tradition, aber zeigen auch Verbindungen zur zeitgenössischen Popularphilosophie (Theophrast, Plutarch, Horaz, Martial). BZ 46/2 (2002) 164–189 (MW)
2102 Mircea Basarab, Das Wesen und die Einheit der Kirche im Neuen Testament Zwei der sieben Schlussfolgerungen dieses Beitrags sind: “1. [ . . .] Paulus umschrieb die Kirche als Leib Christi und identifizierte sie mit der eucharistischen Synaxis. Durch diese Identifizierung fasste er das Bewusstsein seiner Zeit über das Wesen der Kirche zusammen. Die Kirche ist zuerst das Werk und die Berufung Gottes zur Gemeinschaft mit seinem Sohn. 2. Der göttliche Charakter der Kirche wird auch durch die Redewendungen Kirche Gottes bzw. die Kirchen Gottes oder die Kirchen Christi betont. Die erwähnten Wortverbindungen drücken auch die Beziehung der Kirche zu den Personen der H1. Dreifaltigkeit aus. Denn die Kirche ist eigentlich die Lebensweise der Menschen mit Gott (Vater, Sohn und H1. Geist), die sichtbare Gemeinschaft Gottes mit den Menschen. Der Zugehörigkeitsgenitiv thou theou erfasst den Ursprung und das Wesen der Kirche.” US 58/2 (2003) 152–168 (SP)
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2103 Max Turner, ‘Trinitarian’ Pneumatology in the New Testament? – Towards an Explanation of the Worship of Jesus Paul, Luke-Acts and John agree that the Spirit belongs within the self-identity of God. But Christ’s exaltation as Lord of the Spirit both includes him within that self-identity, and distinguishes the Spirit from the Father more sharply than had hitherto been attempted. As a result, the traditional ‘personal’ features of the Spirit came increasingly to be seen as belonging to the Spirit ‘himself ’ rather than as a mere extension of the personality of the Father. This, when combined with the strong insistence (of various kinds) on the relational unity of Father, Son and Spirit, leads to an essentially trinitarian type of theology. But it is also argued that the experience of Christ as Lord of the Spirit, and of the Spirits glorification of Jesus, may explain the rapid development of divine Christology and the attendant rise of the worship of Jesus. The exaltation gift of Spirit provides grounds for belief that Jesus is one with God; experiences of God and Christ the evoke response of Prayer and worship, and even direct inspiration of such worship. The Asbury Theological Journal 57/2–58/1 (2002–2003) 167–186
Miscellaneous 2104 Susan R. Garrett, Christ and the Present Evil Age Christ’s death and resurrection places evil in a new context. Christ frees us from the dominion of the powers and shows himself to be their Lord. The power to love our enemies comes from God, whose enemy we ourselves once were. Interpr. 57/4 (2003) 370–383 (WSch)
2105 Jacques P.J. Theron, “Beset”, “besete” of “beserk”?: besinning oor enkele begrippe binne die kerklike diens van bevryding van bose magte Concepts used in literature with regard to the church’s ministry of deliverance from evil spirits are discussed. The inadequacies of the terms “demon-possessed” and “possession” and its Afrikaans equivalents in this context, insofar as they sometimes denote “ownership” or “heavy manifestation”, are pointed out. The ways in which Bible translators have dealt with these problems are scrutinised. Alternative terms are offered as part of the development of a relevant practical theological theory. ATh 23/1 (2003) 194–212
2106 Werner G. Jeanrond, Biblical Challenges to a Theology of Love A contemporary systematic theological reflection upon love requires a cross-disciplinary attention to the plurality of approaches to love within the Hebrew Scriptures and the New Testament. This article explores the retrieval and development of Jewish love traditions within three New Testament traditions, namely the Synoptic Gospels, the Johannine texts, and Paul. These approaches agree on the divine origin and gift-character of love, but differ in their assessment of both the horizon of love and the significance of love for the Christian community. John stresses the community’s need to be united in love against a hostile environment; Paul recommends the praxis of love as means of dealing with difference, otherness and conflict within the community; and Luke considers the universal scope of neighbourly love. Thus, acknowledging God as the author of love and reflecting upon God’s nature as love does not necessarily lead to the same theological convictions or praxis of love in church and world. Moreover, the rich and ambiguous history of biblical love includes a shifting emphasis on human desire, the erotic, and the body. A critical theology of love would need to pay close attention to both the possibilities and ambiguities of the plurality of approaches to love in the Bible. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 640–653
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Pauline theology General 2107 Michael Gorman, Apostle of the Crucified Lord: A Theological Introduction to Paul and His Letters A comprehensive study guide to Pauline theology, spirituality, and all the letters (including Ephesians, Collossians, 1 and 2 Timothy, and Titus), complete with study questions and annotated bibliographies. The book also carries several instructive illustrations, diagrams, and maps. The emphasis is on Pauline theology, but the author carefully explains the historical setting of theological issues. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XIII/1–610 (BL)
2108 Eckart Reinmuth, Paulus. Gott neu denken The author offers, after a brief historical introduction to Paul’s life and letters, a systematic account of Pauline theology (pp. 78–190) and a survey of the impact Pauline thought made on subsequent Christianity (pp. 191–247). Pauline thought is here presented as not having an actual center; instead, it is a thinking conditioned and provoked by certain problems that emerged in nascent Christianity. It is precisely the openness that made Pauline thought so attractive for later theologians. Biblische Gestalten; Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, Leipzig (2004) 1–260
2109 J. Paul Sampley (ed.), Paul in the Greco-Roman World. A Handbook Twenty-one authors comment on how Pauline ideas are rooted in the Greco-Roman cultural world. The subjects considered are: adaptability, adoption and inheritance, boasting, commendation, rhetorical comparison, hardships and suffering, education, exemplification and imitation, families and households, frank speech, friendship, games and the military, indifferent things, marriage and divorce, maxims, pater familias, patrons and clients, self-mastery, shame and honor, slavery, virtues and vices. In the introduction, the editor explains the ambiguous nature of Paul’s relationship with the values he encounters in Greco-Roman culture. Complete with notes and bibliography, this is a major scholarly resource for Pauline studies. Trinity Press International/Continuum, Harrisburg (2003) XIV/1–690 (BL)
2110 A. Andrew Das, Paul and the Jews According to a fashionable reading, Paul was essentially friendly to his non-believing fellow Jews: he exhorted the Roman Christians to be tolerant of the “weak”, i.e. the non-Christian Jews (M. Nanos); he also believed that Jews and Christians would be saved independently, i.e. on the basis of a Jewish and a Christian covenant, respectively (L. Gaston, J.G. Gager). Das would have none of this. The present book is a bold affirmation of Paul’s Christocentric faith. For Jews, there can be no salvation apart from Christ. Library of Pauline Studies; Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XVI/1–238 (BL)
2111 Carl R. Holladay, Paul and His Predecessors in the Diaspora. Some Reflections on Ethnic Identity in the Fragmentary Hellenistic Jewish Authors The editor of “Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors” first describes how Demetrius the Chronographer, Artapanus, Pseudo-Hecataeus and Ezekiel the Tragedian construe Jewish ethnic identity and life in the Diaspora. This is confronted with Paul’s designations for the Jewish people and for the pagans. While Paul shares with these predecessors
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a conviction of the law’s centrality for Jewish identity, none of them reflects the subtle distinctions between “inner” and “outer” Jewishness made in Rom 2:25–29. In a final note H. draws attention to Theodotus, fragment 4, and its use of ioudaisai to be compared with Gal 2:14. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 429–460 (DZ)
2112 Stephen Westerholm, Perspectives Old and New on Paul: The “Lutheran” Paul and His Critics What does “justification” exactly mean? Westerholm offers his answer in three steps: First, he sketches how Paul was understood by Augustine, Luther, Calvin, and John Wesley; here justification is meant to refer to the process of salvation by faith without works. Second, he traces how Paul was interpreted in the twentieth century – from W. Wrede and A. Schweitzer to K. Stendahl, R. Bultmann, E.P. Sanders, N.T. Wright, and others; often, justification is understood as referring to the fact that Gentiles are included in the people of God by faith, without having to become Jews. Third, Westerholm ponders the merits of the two approaches and suggests that the Augustine/Luther approach has well captured the essence of Paul’s message, though only more recent scholarship has been successful in defining the original historical setting of Paul’s argument. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XIX/1–488 (BL)
2113 Andrzej Jacek Najda, Der Apostel als Prophet. Zur prophetischen Dimension des paulinischen Apostolats This ThD thesis detects prophetic echoes in three areas of Pauline discourse: God’s activity in the calling and mission of Paul, Paul’s self-understanding as servant of Christ, form and contents of Paul’s message. Post-Pauline literature, including the book of Acts confirm what can be seen from the Pauline letters: Paul feels to be in continuity with the OT prophets, though in a way he also transcends their role. The book includes a summary of earlier research (pp. 15–21); here it is pointed out that the most comprehensive study of the subject is by K.O. Sandnes (Paul – One of the Prophets? WUNT II/43, 1991). Europäische Hochschulschriften XXIII/784; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2004) 1–296
2114 Hubert Frankemölle, “Apokalyptische Weisheit” bei Paulus? Hermeneutische Prolegomena Some authors, including Karl Löning, spoke of “apocalyptic wisdom” as the matrix of NT theology. It can be shown, however, that “apocalyptic wisdom” is an ill-defined and problematic notion, and that apocalyptic theology does certainly not form the basis of Pauline thinking. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 211–241 (BL)
2115 Joseph Plevnik, The Understanding of God at the Basis of Pauline Theology Die in letzter Zeit in die Kritik geratene Frage nach einem Zentrum der paulinischen Theologie wird in ihrer Legitimität verteidigt und mit Blick auf Röm 1,3f. beantwortet. CBQ 65/4 (2003) 554–567 (MDK)
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2116 Kathy Ehrensperger, “. . . Let everyone be convinced in his/her own mind”: Derrida and the Deconstruction of Paulinism Derrida’s deconstructive approach helps to uncover hermeneutical presuppositions in Pauline studies and draws attention to practical implications they had or might have. Contingency and diversity thus need not be perceived as a problem in Romans but as intrinsic to Paul’s negotiating way of theologizing in context. The call for Oneness in Christ in Gal 3:28 and likemindedness in Rom 15:5 then do not demand sameness but real unity in abiding difference in Christ. Derrida’s emphasis on the necessary openness of the process of negotiating resonates well with the end of Romans 11 where Paul, rather than closing his interpretation of the Christ event in a final last word, leaves it open to that which is still to come, open to God thus offering hope for oppressed and marginalized minorities. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 53–73
Law – justification – righteousness 2117 J. Louis Martyn, Nomos plus Genitive Noun in Paul. The History of God’s Law M. expresses doubts about the “general” meaning of nomos in Gal 6:2; 1Cor 9:21b; Rom 3:27b; and Rom 8:2a as proposed by H. Räisänen and others. Since in Rom 8:2 the law of the spirit is opposed to the law of sin and death, and the latter in 7:7–25 refers to the Law of God as it has fallen into the hands of Sin, M. suggests the following paraphrase of Rom 8:2a: “God’s nomos restored and made redemptively powerful”. The history of the Law depends on the identity of the power that has it in hand, Sin or Christ. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 575–587 (DZ)
2118 Walter Klaiber, Der gerechtfertigte Mensch Klaiber nimmt die paulinischen Aussagen über die Rechtfertigung aus Glauben in den Blick, zunächst vor ihrem alltestamentlichen und altorientalischen Hintergrund, dann in ihren jeweiligen Kontexten im 1Korinther-, im Galater- und im Römerbrief, und bestimmt von ihnen her Rechtfertigung als “Gottes Werk am Menschen, begründet im Christusgeschehen, das dem Menschen wieder seinen Platz vor Gott und bei Gott schenkt”. Ulrike Mittmann-Richert et al. (eds.), Der Mensch vor Gott; Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) 133–145
2119 Enrique Aguilar Chiu, El Concepto de ‘Justicia’ en Pablo: Interpretaciones Varias y la Cita de Gn 15,6 Verf. schlägt vor, den paulinischen Terminus Gerechtigkeit (dikaiosynè ) im Sinne von “Einverständnis mit dem Gesagten bzw. Etablierten” zu verstehen. Diese Auffassung des Begriffs harmoniere zudem mit Paulus’ Bezugnahmen auf Gen 15,6. Qol 33 (2003) 345–360 (SP)
Christology – soteriology – eschatology – ethics 2120 Margareta Gruber, Paul’s theology and spirituality of the body The body of Jesus Christ, says Margareta Gruber, is the meditation image for Christians and its transparent in humanity, which is Christ’s body. Out of Jesus’ tormented and
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resurrected body, we have the enduring sign of love’s victory over suffering and are called to assist the wounded bodies of the world. ThD 50/1 (2003) 19–26
2121 Cilliers Breytenbach, ‘Christus starb für uns’. Zur Tradition und paulinischen Rezeption der sogenannten ‘Sterbeformeln’ Weder der Gedanke der Versöhnung noch das Bild der Rechtfertigung spielen in der paulinischen Soteriologie eine derartig wichtige Rolle wie die Phrase ‘Christus starb für uns’, die keinen Sühnegedanken benötigt. Dabei erweitert Paulus diese aus einer frühchristlichen Tradition stammende Wendung auf die gesamte Menschheit. Christi ‘Sterben für’ beendet das Leben des Gottlosen, indem es ihn mit Gott versöhnt oder vor ihm rechtfertigt, und es wird somit zur Basis einer neuen Beziehung zwischen den Gläubigen und ihrem Schöpfer. NTS 49/4 (2003) 447–475 (DL)
2122 Seth Turner, The Interim, Earthly Messianic Kingdom in Paul Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century scholarship often found an interim, earthly messianic kingdom in Paul’s thought. The twentieth century saw the gradual abandonment of this thesis. This move has been incorrect. 1 Thess. 4.13–18 and 1 Cor. 15.22–28 are best interpreted as evidence that Paul believed in a terrestrial interim reign. This kingdom does not (as earlier scholarship assumed) include a resurrection of the unjust at its end, as Paul thought only Christians were to be resurrected. Although this kingdom is not mentioned often, Paul’s thought is reasonably consistent in this matter, and there is no contradiction with other elements of his theology. JSNT 25/3 (2003) 323–342
2123 Luke Timothy Johnson, Transformation of the Mind and Moral Discernment in Paul At first look, Paul’s language in Romans about the work of the Holy Spirit does not appear to affect his language about moral behavior among believers, the paraenesis (12:3–13:14). A second look detects that 12:2 reverses the situation of the Gentiles described in 1:18–32. They now are able to worship God and to discern his will. A comparison with Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics yields the result: In Romans as in Aristotle, moral discernment is a fully rational exercise of the human intelligence that operates according to certain first principles. But in Romans, the measure is faith rather than virtue, and the human nous is in process of renewal by the mind of Christ. The Holy Spirit may be seen as the effective cause of this transformation. This is confirmed by evidence from other letters (1Cor, Phil, Gal). NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 215–236 (DZ)
2124 Ingo Broer, Der Apostel Paulus und das Toleranzdenken der Moderne Nimmt man die von Paulus hervorgehobene starke und schwache Seite apostolischer und christlicher Existenz zusammen, so ergibt sich durchaus eine Haltung, die der neugierigen Toleranz nahe kommt. Sie ist sich ihrer eigenen Sache sicher (starker Paulus), hebt aber nicht ihre Stärke, sondern ihre Schwäche hervor, weil sie alles, was sie hat, als geschenkt ansieht. Aus dieser Schwäche heraus ist sie nicht nur bereit, die anderen als stark anzusehen (vgl. 1 Kor 4,9f.), sondern auch offen und gesprächsbereit auf sie zuzugehen und dabei nicht nur die eigene Wahrheit zu vertreten, sondern auch auf die Wahrheit des Anderen zu hören und nach der paulinischen Maxime zu verfahren: “Prüfet alles, und behaltet das Gute!” BiKi 58/4 (2003) 208–215
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2125 Mira Stare, “Die grössere unter diesen ist die Liebe” – Überlegungen zur paulinischen Trias von Glaube, Hoffnung und Liebe In Glaube, Hoffnung und Liebe kommen nach Paulus die entscheidenden Grundvollzüge des Christseins zum Ausdruck. In 1 Thess 1,2 und 5,8 erscheinen diese drei Tugenden als handelnde Subjekte, deren Herkunft auf Gott zurückgeht und die dem ihnen Raum gebenden Menschen zum Schutz gegen innere wie äußere Gefahren werden. Im Hohenlied der Liebe 1 Kor 13,13 bildet die Trias den absoluten Höhepunkt, wobei die Liebe – hier als drittes Element – besonders betont wird. Ihre Beschreibung trägt die Züge einer Selbstmitteilung Gottes, die durch das Leben, Sterben und die Auferstehung Jesu am deutlichsten zum Ausdruck kam. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 223–235 (DL)
Miscellaneous 2126 N.H. Taylor, Conflict as context for defining identity: A study of apostleship in the Galatian and Corinthian letters This article examines ways in which Paul defined the notion of apostleship in the course of conflict with rival authority claimants in the early Church. In Galatians Paul defines and asserts his apostolic self-identity in order to regain the oversight of the Galatian churches which he had previously exercised as an apostle of the church of Antioch. In 2 Corinthians Paul asserts his authority as church founder against rivals who recognise no territorial jurisdiction. No common agenda, theological position, or conception of apostleship can be identified. Rather, rival authority claimants based their legitimacy on different criteria in different situations. HTS 59/3 (2003) 915–945
2127 Robert L. Plummer, A Theological Basis for the Church’s Mission in Paul The main purpose of this article is to demonstrate that Paul speaks of the gospel as a dynamic entity that propelled both him (as an apostle) and the churches (as gospelcreated and gospel-empowered entities) into the further spread of God’s word. It is shown, that the Pauline emphasis on “word” harmonizes well with broader New Testament themes as “Spirit” and “command” as a theological basis for the church’s mission. Finally, this study suggests that a proper understanding of the church’s theological basis for mission aids in explaining the discontinuity of missionary activity between the Old and the New Testaments. WThJ 64/2 (2002) 253–271
2128 Martin Faßnacht, Das paulinische Wissenskonzept und seine soteriologische Relevanz Zu den Merkmalen apokalyptisch weisheitlicher Konzeptionen gehört es, auf ein spezielles Wissen zurückzugreifen, das nicht allen bekannt ist. Auch das paulinische Wissenskonzept weist eine solche Vorgehensweise auf. Wie die beiden Weisheitskonzepte des Frühjudentums, die Tora-Weisheit und die apokalyptische Weisheit, ist auch die paulinische Wissenskonzeption in einer Krise entstanden. Am Beispiel von Phil 3,1–21; 1 Kor 1,1–4,17 und Röm 1–3 wird der inhaltlichen Konkretisierung des paulinischen Wissenskonzeptes nachgegangen. Dabei weist Phil 3,1–21 “Wissen” als zentrales Thema bei Paulus aus, während die Gottesweisheit in 1 Kor 1,1–4,17 eine Personalisierung in Jesus Christus erfährt, wodurch die Spaltungen in der Gemeinde von Korinth überwunden werden sollen, und Röm 1–3 den Inhalt des Wissens thematisiert, der das Bewusstsein über eine endzeitliche Krisensituation, die Verfangenheit aller Menschen
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in Sünde und die mögliche Errettung daraus allein durch das Rettungshandeln Gottes in Jesus Christus beinhaltet. Karl Löning (Hrsg.), Rettendes Wissen – Studien zum Fortgang weisheitlichen Denkens im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum; Ugarit-Verlag, Münster (2002) 185–227 (EB)
Johannine theology 2129 Francis J. Moloney, Raymond Brown’s New Introduction to the Gospel of John: A Presentation – and Some Questions Eine Reflexion über den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur johanneischen Theologie in Form eines Berichts über die vom Verf. betreute posthume Herausgabe von R.E. Brown, An Introduction to the Gospel of John, AB Reference Library, New York 2003. CBQ 65/1 (2003) 1–21 (MDK)
2130 Thomas Söding, “Ich und der Vater sind eins” ( Joh 10,30). Die johanneische Christologie vor dem Anspruch des Hauptgebotes (Dtn 6,4f.) “In ihrer Zusammengehörigkeit begründen Einheit und Immanenz, weshalb die johanneische Christologie das Erste und Zweite Gebot nicht tangiert, sondern radikalisiert, wenn anders Gott tatsächlich als Vater seinen Sohn gesandt hat, um durch sein Wirken, sein Sterben, seine Auferstehung, Erhöhung und Verherrlichung das ewige Leben den Glaubenden zu vermitteln. Das Hauptgebot fordert nicht eine Reduktion, auch nicht eine Relativierung, sondern eine theozentrische Radikalisierung der Christologie. Dass Jesu Einsatz für die Verehrung Gottes eschatologische Heilswirksamkeit erlangt, setzt voraus, dass Jesus nicht nur auf Gott hin, sondern auch von Gott her zu verstehen ist; und dass Gottes Entschluss, durch die Sendung Jesu die Zeit zu erfüllen und seine Herrschaft nahekomen zu lassen (Mk 1,15), seinem Wesen entspricht, also Freiheit ist, setzt voraus, dass er von Ewigkeit der Vater Jesu ist” (199). ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 177–199
2131 Jean Zumstein, La naissance de la notion d’Ecriture dans la littérature johannique Zumstein explains that the main criteria used to assess canonicity in the second to fourth centuries (apostolicity, orthodoxy, wide acceptance among believers), were already in the minds of the authors of John’s gospel and letters at the moment of composing this writings. These documents claim that their message is of the highest possible authority, incontestable orthodoxy and widely accepted among believers. In other words, from the moment John’s gospel and the letters were composed, they were on their way to becoming Scripture. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 371–394
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CONCEPTS AND SYMBOLS English terms: brother – circumcision of the heart – evil – fear not – grace – history of salvation – kingdom of God – law – lie – likeness – little ones – messiah – names – others – paradise – punishment – sleep – solidarity – Son of Man – sow/plow/reap – space – stranger – wisdom – wrath of God – violence – zeal 2132 Pierre Grelot, Les frères de Jésus Cette enquête fait le point sur le sens qu’il faut dormer à l’expression “frère de Jésus” que l’on trouve dans les évangiles. Une étude critique qui intègre l’usage biblique du mot, son usage dans l’araméen contemporain (notamment grâce aux documents de Qumrân), et qui tient compte des différentes données néotestamentaires, montre que le sens traditionnel – c’est-à-dire “frères” entendu au sens large de “parents proches” – est le seul auquel conduise une exégèse sérieusement menée. RThom 103/1 (2003) 137–144
2133 Werner E. Lemke, Circumcision of the Heart: The Journey of a Biblical Metaphor In this essay the author examines the meaning and development of the biblical metaphor of the “(un)circumcised heart”. In the OT this metaphor appears for the first time in certain legal and prophetic texts of the 7th and 6th centuries BCE, specifically in Lev 26:41; Deut 10:16; 30:6; Jer 4:4; 9:25–26; and Ezek 44:7, 9. It is shown that this metaphor was part of a larger biblical-theological trajectory in the development of Israelite religion during that period, which found its most concentrated expression in such biblical books as Deuteronomy, the Psalms, Ezekiel, and especially Jeremiah. Occasioned most likely by Israel’s experience of national destruction and exile, it placed pronounced emphasis on the human heart and the interior or spiritual nature of the relationship between God and the people. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 299–319
2134 Susan L. Nelson, Facing Evil: Evil’s Many Faces. Five Paradigms for Understanding Evil Five paradigms can be identified to account for God’s relationship to suffering: A moral view, radical suffering (Ps 22:1–2), the ambiguous creation ( Job 38:4a), eschatological imagination (Mt 25:40), redemptive suffering (Isaiah 53:5). Interpr. 57/4 (2003) 398–413 (WSch)
2135 Martti Nissinen, Fear Not: A Study on an Ancient Near Eastern Phrase The use of the formula “fear not!” is examined in Mesopotamian texts in an effort to demonstrate that it functions in relation to a variety of social settings that include private, royal, and divine discourse. The formula cannot therefore be restricted to the setting of oracular speech. Its Ancient Near Eastern, especially prophetic, background is amply demonstrated. Marvin A. Sweeney et al. (eds.), The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the Twenty-First Century; Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 122–161
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2136 Alan Smithson, Grace and the Character of God Mittels einer Untersuchung diverser hebräischer und griechischer Lexeme, die für das englische “grace” stehen, möchte dieser Beitrag dem “gnädigen Gott” in der Bibel auf die Spur kommen. ET 115/3 (2003) 73–76 (SP)
2137 Enzo Bianchi (ed.), Leggere la storia come salvezza Eleven papers discuss OT and NT aspects of “reading history as salvation” in the usual, sophisticated format characteristic of the by now familiar Italian series. In the OT section, the Babylonian exile (G. Odasso) and the Psalms (G. Ravasi) figure prominently, as does the deuteronomistic corpus (A. Sacchi). In the NT section, Luke’s “chrono-theology” forms the subject of several papers (G. Rossé, A. Moda), but there is also a piece on Romans 9–11 (S. Romanello) and one on the book of Revelation (C. Doglio). PSV 47; Centro editoriale dehoniano, Bologna (2003) 1–264 (BL)
2138 G.C.J. Nel et al., Die Koninkryk van God by Jesus: ‘n Apokaliptieseskatologiese of eties-eskatologiese begrip? Drawing on the insights of Q research, the purpose of this article is to question the traditionally accepted position that the term “Kingdom of God” in Jesus’ sayings is to be understood in terms of an apocalyptic-eschatological framework. It argues that Jesus’ used “Kingdom of God” rather in an ethical-eschatological sense. Jesus’ reference to the Kingdom of God is understood as referring to an alternative lifestyle in the here and now of the life of Jesus’ followers. This insight is applied to the present-day situation of the church by describing Jesus’ view of the Kingdom of God as subversive wisdom which challenges many conventional practices. HTS 58/3 (2002) 1113–1133
2139 Johann Cook, Law and Wisdom in the Dead Sea Scrolls with Reference to Hellenistic Judaism The author analyses first the role and function of the Law of Moses in several Jewish writings of the Hellenistic period: Ben Sira, Aristobulus of Alexandrea, the LXX of Proverbs and the Letter of Aristeas, in order to compare this understanding of the Law of Moses with the understanding of “torah” in the Damascus Document, which is not always identical with the Law of Moses. Cook analyses two basic metaphors in CD: the Law of Moses as Wall a metaphor also used by Aristeas and the LXX of Proverbs; and the Law of Moses as Well, which is unparalleled in Hellenistic Judaism. BEThL 168; F. García Martínez, Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition; Leuven University Press et al., Leuven (2003) 323–342
2140 Yael Shemesh, Lies by Prophets and Other Lies in the Hebrew Bible Im Unterschied zu theologischen und philosophischen Wertesystemen, die jede Art von Lüge ablehnen, akzeptiert die biblische Überlieferung einige Umstände, unter denen bewusste Täuschung vorgenommen werden darf. Alttestamentliche Propheten (Abraham, Mose, Samuel, Elischa, Jeremia) bedienen sich dabei z.T. sogar im ausdrücklichen göttlichen Auftrag der Technik von Halbwahrheiten, bewusst vorenthaltener Information und Zweideutigkeit, so dass sie formal der negativ empfundenen Lüge nicht bezichtigt werden, obgleich sie ihre jeweiligen Gesprächspartner absichtlich in die Irre geführt haben. JANES 29 (2002) 81–95 (DL)
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2141 Robert Oberforcher, Biblische Lesarten zur Anthropologie des Ebenbildmotivs Im Gespräch mit den linguistischen, literarischen und religionsgeschichtlichen Vorschlägen untersucht dieser Beitrag die jeweiligen Textzitate des Ebenbildmotivs in der Bibel auf ihre bibeltheologische Grundaussage hin. Dabei liegt das Hauptaugenmerk auf der Erschließung von Aspekten der theologischen Anthropologie. In der Wirkungsgeschichte rückt das Ebenbildmotiv in unterschiedliche Kontexte ein, in denen seine aktualisierenden Interpretationen neue Akzente freigeben: in der priesterschriftlichen Urgeschichte, in der hellenistisch geprägten Weisheitsliteratur, im Frühjudentum und in der Gnosis, im NT, im rabbinischen Judentum und in der christlichen Theologiegeschichte. OBO 196; Andreas Vonach u.a. (Hgg.), Horizonte biblischer Texte; Academic Press, Fribourg (2003) 131–168
2142 David E. Orton, We Felt Like Grasshoppers: The Little Ones in Biblical Interpretation Applying an autobiographical interest and perspective, an attempt is made at a “short person’s” reading of relevant biblical texts. The OT background to the notion of “little” ones in Matthew is examined. Various OT characters are called by others, or see themselves as, “little,” including the Israelite scouts and Jacob, Saul, Solomon, David and Jeremiah. Invariably the sense is of perceived inadequacy for a divine task, God providing the necessary physical or inspirational aid. In the NT, the short man Zacchaeus, painfully aware of his own shortcomings, is rescued in a similar way, and set right by Jesus. The “little ones” of Matthew, mirroring a special interest of Matthew’s, are “immature scribes”: apparently insignificant student disciples sent out on Jesus’ mission. Despite appearances, they have the necessary spiritual insight, fully qualify as “disciples” with a prophetic calling and – far from being despised or ridiculed as “little ones” often are – are to be received and affirmed without negative prejudice or neglect. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 488–502
2143 Serge Ruzer, Who Is Unhappy with the Davidic Messiah? Notes on Biblical Exegesis in 4Q161, 4Q174, and the Book of Acts This study opens with an investigation of two exegetical fragments from Qumran in which a polemical re-evaluation of the Davidic Messiah’s role and status is achieved by means of biblical exegeses. The Qumranic evidence also informs a general discussion of the exegetical situation with regard to the Davidic Messiah in nascent Christianity. It is suggested that both in Qumran and in the Jesus movement – two eschatologically oriented communities – the inherited emphasis on Davidic messiahship turned out to be problematic: it did not exactly fit either “group interests” (Qumran) or a type of experienced eschatological reality (nascent Christianity). A detailed analysis follows centering on evidence from the Book of Acts; exegetical strategies of Acts tailored to alleviate the problem of Jesus’ Davidic messianship are outlined. CrSt 24/2 (2003) 229–255
2144 Christopher M. Tuckett, “Nomina Sacra”: Yes and No? Nomina sacra may not have been sacred signs at all. Their designation as sacra is mistaken. Their original purpose may have been to serve as reading aids. This is suggested, inter alia, by the fact that the stroke which is written over nomina sacra is also written above proper names that are not abbreviated but written out in full. “Christ” and “Lord”, then, may have been treated as proper names. In sum, the nomina sacra may partly have been nomina, but they are not sacra. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 431–458
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2145 Raúl Lugo, Los Otros . . . ¿Amenaza o bendición? The relationship with the “others”, the people different to us is a not easy relation and it is full of conflicts. This is an approach to the world of the “others” in the Bible, made through three different windows. The alienship, or the relation with the foreign people, who is not “of our own”; the dissidence, or the relation with the one who does not think as ourselves and the intercourse between cultures. QOL 31 (2003) 73–112
2146 Corin Braga, Du paradis terrestre au paradis céleste dans le christianisme primitif From pre-medieeval Christian sources it is clear that the early theologians had a hard time defining the relationship between heaven (as the place of everlasting happiness of the resurrected believers) and the garden of Eden. Four solutions can be distinguished: the Garden of Eden is the Kingdom of God, place where the martyrs go immediately upon death; the Garden remains empty until the day of resurrection; the Garden is the place where the saints wait until they are admitted to heaven; the Garden has nothing to do with heaven – it is simply the place where Enoch and Elija reside. Archaeus 7/1–2 (2003) 79–125 (BL)
2147 Friedrich V. Reiterer, Strafe in der Bibel – Erfindung der Übersetzer? Beobachtungen zum interpretatorischen Charakter von Übersetzungen Sowohl das AT als auch das NT kennt die Rede von der Strafe. Während man im AT strafen/Strafe mit nur wenigen Vokabeln in Verbindung bringen kann, ist dies im NT, wohl unter dem Einfluss griechischer Denkmuster, zahlenmäßig anders. Doch gibt es insgesamt nur sehr wenige Belege für diese Bedeutung. Der faktisch exzessive Gebrauch von strafen/Strafe verrät mehr vom geistesgeschichtlichen Kontext und den Lebensüberzeugungen der Übersetzer als von der Philologie. Tatsächlich ist strafen/Strafe zumeist das Ergebnis von Deutungen. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 467–496 (NvM)
2148 Sonia Ancoli-Israel, Sleep Disorders in the Bible Some of our modern scientific knowledge about sleep existed even in biblical times. Although the rabbis may not have fully understood sleep, they left enough clues and interpretations that agree with what science verified thousand of years later. JBQ 31/3 (2003) 143–152
2149 Manfred Oeming, Gott und der Schlaf. Erwägungen zu einem Aspekt des alttestamentlichen Redens von Gott How does “sleep” relate to God in the OT? Oeming discusses notions of the sleeping deity along with human sleep as a divine gift bestowed upon the wise, and comments on sleep as a source of vitality. The meaning of dreams is also considered. BBB 142; Manfred Oeming, Verstehen und Glauben, Philo Verlagsgesellschaft, Berlin (2003) 261–272 (BL)
2150 Jeffrey H. Tigay, Sharing Wheal and Woe: Expressions of Solidarity The expressions of solidarity surveyed in this article span nearly four millennia, from Syria and Mesopotamia of the Old Babylonian period, through Biblical, classical Latin, Hellenistic, Rabbinic, Christian, Old English, medieval Jewish and English sources, down to modern Christian and Jewish sources. While some of these expressions appear in historically connected bodies of literature and are certainly or probably related, in
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other cases the wording is different enough to make a relationship very difficult to prove. Circumstantial and empathetic solidarity are universal human experiences that even unrelated cultures would find ways to express, and given the similarity of the experiences the content of the expressions, if not their wording, would almost inevitably be similar. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 811–826
2151 Craig A. Evans, Defeating Satan and Liberating Israel: Jesus and Daniel’s Visions In recent scholarship there is greater acceptance of the authenticity of the ‘son of man’ sayings in the dominical tradition, though in some circles linkage with Dan. 7.13–14 is still denied. The present paper affirms this linkage, arguing that fundamental elements of Jesus’ proclamation of the kingdom of God, especially with regard to the perceived struggle with the kingdom of Satan, cannot be properly understood apart from appreciation of the contribution of Daniel 7. JSHJ 1/2 (2003) 161–170
2152 Andries G. van Aarde, Die uitdrukking “seun van die mens” in die Jesus-tradisie: ’n Ontwikkeling vanaf ’n landbou-omgewing na die wêreld van skrifgeleerdes The aim of the article is to show that Jesus used the expression “son of man” generically, meaning “humankind”. This generic use developed into a “titular” usage in which his followers identified Jesus with the apocalyptic son of man. It is argued that Jesus’ use of the expression “son of man” should be understood in the context of his subversive wisdom and the “little tradition” of peasants. His followers reinterpreted this usage in terms of the “great tradition” of scribes. This development is demonstrated by means of a Jesus wisdom saying about a comparison between the fate of beasts and the son of man who has nowhere to lay his head (Q 9:58). HTS 58/4 (2002) 1625–1653
2153 Shizuka Uemura, The Origin of the ‘Son of Man’ as a Messianic Title: A Philological and Tradition-Historical Study The origin of the ‘coming Son of Man’ sayings was in reference by the primitive church to Jesus in heaven. Then, the term’s messianic connotation in the Gospels is not ascribed to the church’s application of a known messianic title to Jesus, but to the church’s reference to Jesus the Messiah as ‘that man’ (lit. the son of man). AJBI 28 (2002) 3–32
2154 Jean-Claude Loba-Mkole, “Son of man” and exegetical myths This article aims to show that some of the New Testament interpretations of the “son of man” phrase appear to be, according to B. Lindars “a myth, created, not by the thinkers of the New Testament times, but by modern critical scholarship.” This view is substantiated in two ways: the first deals with an exegesis of the expression “son of man”, while the second highlights some exegetical myths about “son of man”. The first part includes sections on the linguistic origin of “son of man”, “son of man” in the history of religions, and “son of man” as a historical figure according to Mark and Q. The second part comprises the sections dealing with the understanding of myth, and the myth of the “son of man” as a messianic title adopted by Jesus and by the early Church. HTS 59/3 (2003) 837–858
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2155 Joel Marcus, Son of Man as Son of Adam. Part II: Exegesis A look at selected passages in the Gospels (Mark 2:10; 2:27–28; 10:45; Matt 24:27//Luke 17:24; Matt 25:31–46; John 5:26–27; 6:27) confirms the thesis argued more generally in Part I that “Son of Man” means “Son of Adam” and that Jesus’ self-designation coheres with and draws on biblical and early Jewish traditions about the first man. This does not, however, mean that Jesus as Son of Man is merely human, since Adam is a figure of great glory, even godlikeness, in some of the traditions upon which the Son of Man sayings draw. Jesus as Son of Man, therefore, presents a glorified picture of human destiny, showing humanity eschatologically transformed to fulfill the destiny that God intended for it “in the beginning.” RB 110/3 (2003) 370–386
2156 Ronald T. Hyman, Two Fundamental Word-Pairs: Sow/Reap and Plow/Reap The examination of the instances of sow/reap and plow/reap reveals that in general the poetic instances use the figurative meaning and the prose instances use the literal meaning of these word-pairs. JBQ 31/4 (2003) 237–244
2157 Victor H. Matthews, Physical Space, Imagined Space, and “Lived Space” in Ancient Israel One way in which to analyze biblical narrative is by examining the ways in which the ancient Israelites perceived and used space. This includes theological concepts like the “Promised Land,” political dimensions such as “from Dan to Beersheba,” and “lived space” such as the village gate or the threshing floor. By placing an emphasis on where events occur and on how kings, prophets or other characters use significant space/place to their advantage, and by noting the impact that space has on the development of tradition and local custom (hospitality, use of boundary stones) it is possible to better understand the social world of ancient Israel. BTB 33/1 (2003) 12–20
2158 John R. Levison, The Spirit in the Gospels: Breaking the Impasse of Early-Twentieth-Century German Scholarship Die Frage nach den jüdischen und/oder hellenistischen Einflüssen auf die frühchristliche Theologie wird hier für die Pneumatologie aufgegriffen. Dabei wählt der Verfasser eine auslegungsgeschichtliche Vorgehensweise: drei deutsche Konzeptionen vom Anfang des letzten Jahrhunderts (Hans Leisegang, Friedrich Büchsel und Heinrich von Baer) werden mit dem Liber antiquitatum biblicarum (Pseudo-Philo) ins Gespräch gebracht. Die Opposition zwischen “jüdischen” und “hellenistischen” Einflüssen erweist sich dabei einmal mehr als unangemessen. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 55–76 (SP)
2159 Johannes Peter Floß, “Warum bist du wie ein Fremder im Land, wie ein Reisiger, der nur zum Übernachten einkehrt?” Der Beitrag ist dem Begriff “Fremder” und dem Umgang mit Fremden im Alten Testament gewidmet. Vom lexikalischen Befund ausgehend sucht der Verf. die historisch bedingte Sprachpraxis und ihre Veränderungen zu ergründen. Dabei stellt er fest, dass Bedeutungsverengungen bzw. –wandlungen mit den unterschiedlichen literarischen Gattungen und dem historischen Hintergrund der Texte in Zusammenhang stehen. Es erstaunt allerdings angesichts der sorgfältigen Unterscheidungen der lite-
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rarischen wie historischen Eigenart der Texte, dass dieser Hintergrund anscheinend fast ausschließlich aus Bibel-internen Erzählungen gewonnen wird (davidisches Großreich, religiöses Schisma etc.) – ein Bild, das heute durch zahlreiche Bibel-externe Quellen stark in Frage gestellt und korrigiert wird. Einige Gedanken zum Dialog der Religionen sowie zu Entfremdung zwischen Gott und seinem ihm untreu gewordenen Volk im Jeremiabuch runden den Beitrag ab. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hgg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 291–304 (DL)
2160 Marcello Milani, Rilettura sapienziale della Legge nel recupero dell’ “identità nazionale di Israele” Although we find a certain identification of wisdom, law and fear of God in Ben Sira, this book emphasizes wisdom as a force present and active in the cosmos and in all human life. The wise scribe acts as mediator between the sacred text and the current situation. But according to Bar 3,9–4,4 the divine gift of the law is reserved for Israel, and in Wisd 9,17–18 we find a similar nationalization of the notion of wisdom. By balancing differently wisdom and law Israel establishes her identity. RicStBib 15/1 (2003) 109–131 (AM)
2161 Terence E. Fretheim, Theological Reflections on the Wrath of God in the Old Testament ‘Zorn Gottes’ ist nicht nur ein wichtiges biblisches Thema, sondern auch ein wertvoller und notwendiger Aspekt unseres Denkens über Gott. Der Verf. erörtert das Vokabular dieses Themas, seine mögliche innerbiblische Entwicklung sowie zahlreiche Konstanten und Begriffe aus dem Umfeld der Rede vom ‘Zorn Gottes’. Die einzelnen Aspekte werden dabei kurz theologisch reflektiert. HBT 24/2 (2002) 1–26 (DL)
2162 Volker A. Lehnert, Wenn der liebe Gott “böse” wird – Überlegungen zum Zorn Gottes im Neuen Testament Göttlicher Zorn galt im Alten Orient als Strafe für Sünden oder irrationale Götterlaune. In dieser Auffassung spiegelte sich die Ambivalenz menschlicher Unheilserfahrungen wider. Im Alten Testament wurde Gottes Zorn als “Eiferheiligkeit” an seine Gerechtigkeit gebunden und so zur Kehrseite von Gottes Liebe. “Das Neue Testament bringt die Dialektik von präsentischem und futurisch-eschatologischen Zorn christologisch zur Geltung. . . . Gott rettet in Jesus den Mensehen vor seinem, Gottes eigenen Zorn.” (22) ZNT 9 (2002) 15–25 (MW)
2163 A. Wénin, Au-delà de la violence, quelle justice? Réflexions à partir du Premier Testament Although the First Testament often speaks of violence, it also describes a path to go through it. This path goes via justice and law which try to put a brake on violence. But they show themselves unable to put an end to it definitively in so far as they can be corrupted by that which they are supposed to combat. Thus a stage beyond violence has to be envisaged which is rather of the order of wisdom as is illustrated in the story of Joseph. This article essentially envisages the question on the basis of a thematic analysis of violence as it appears in the first chapters of Genesis; the reflection is continued with some other texts of the Torah and the prophets. RTL 34/4 (2003) 433–456
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2164 Vincent M. Smiles, The Concept of “Zeal” in Second-Temple Judaism and Paul’s Critique of It in Romans 10:2 “Eifer” war im Judentum des zweiten Tempels untrennbar mit den Begriffen “Bund” und “Gesetz” verbunden, ohne dass hierbei die Heiden im Blick waren. Die Kritik des Paulus richtet sich somit weniger gegen einen Separatismus, sondern vielmehr gegen einen Aktivismus, der die “Werke” zum Fundament des Bundes macht. CBQ 64/2 (2002) 282–299 (MDK)
Hebrew and Aramaic words: abba – âdâm – a˙ârît – dumâ – ˙äsäd – yôm YHWH – lwytn/n˙“tn – sâlah – sârîs – 'äbäd – qôl – qä“ät – “e"ôl – “o"â – “em 2165 Elke Tönges, “Unser Vater im Himmel”. Die Bezeichnung Gottes als Vater in der tannaitischen Literatur Im Gegensatz zur Vaterbezeichnung Gottes in der hebr. Bibel wird Gott in den tannaitischen Schriften “Vater im Himmel” genannt; nur einmal wird “Abba” ohne Zusatz verwendet (bTaan 23b – “Abba, Abba, gib uns Regen”). Viele Texte spiegeln die Bewältigung von Krisensituationen wider oder betonen das enge Gottesverhältnis einzelner Menschen. – Die verdienstvolle Arbeit geht auch auf das Vaterunser ein, wobei die vorgetragenen Deutungen allerdings problematisch bleiben (Heiligung des Namens = Martyrium). BWANT 147; Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart (2003) 1–299 (BL)
2166 David J.A. Clines, "dm, the Hebrew for “Human, Humanity”. A Response to James Barr Diese Antwort auf J. Barr, One Man, or All Humanity? in Athalya Brenner et al. (eds.), Recycling Biblical Figures, Leiderdorp, The Netherlands 1999, 3–21, kommt zu der Schlussfolgerung, dass für das hebräische Wort "dm an der Übersetzung “Mensch, Menschheit” festzuhalten ist. Ausnahmen, in denen das Wort explizit einen Mann bezeichnet, sind Koh 7,28 und Gen 2,22.23.25; 3,8.12.17.20.21, weil "dm hier als Gegenüber zu “Frau” gebraucht wird. VT 53/3 (2003) 297–310 (SP)
2167 Shemaryahu Talmon, The Signification of "˙ryt and "˙ryt hymym in the Hebrew Bible The biblical expression "˙ryt hymym denotes an eternally yearned for historic ‘tomorrow’, which forever is held in abeyance and never experienced in reality. The term implicitly reveals a dissatisfaction with the present generation, and an ever recurring shift of ‘hope’ to the next or future generation, in the proverbial time span of seventy years. The term "˙ryt hymym denotes a future period in history, of peace and well-being for the god-fearing, of doom and perdition for all evildoers. VT.S 94; Shalom M. Paul et al. (eds.), Emanuel; Brill, Leiden (2003) 795–810
2168 Paolo Torresan, Silence in the Bible Dumah, the most obscure and mysterious silence, which seems to reject any possibility of redemption other than death, shows patches of unexpected sunlight. Dumah has extension and depth, connecting death to life, through God’s intercession. JBQ 31/3 (2003) 153–160
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2169 Brian Britt, Unexpected Attachments: A Literary Approach to the Term ˙sd in the Hebrew Bible The biblical term ˙sd, variously translated ‘loving kindness’ and ‘steadfast love’, displays a wide range of biblical uses and meanings. This article concentrates on poetic and narrative texts in which ˙sd appears surprisingly, often to denote unexpected attachments. While ˙sd is a formulaic term in covenant tradition, some poetic texts, notably Ps. 89. Isa. 54, and Lam. 3, place the term in striking contrast to its immediate context. Narrative cases of unexpected ˙sd include the attachments between Ruth and Naomi, David and Jonathan, Abraham and Sarah (in the wife-sister scenes), Yahweh and Israel, and three episodes about spies. By attending to the literary use of ˙sd, this article illuminates the place of ˙sd in biblical theology. JSOT 27/3 (2003) 289–307
2170 Sylwester Jédrzejewski, Jom Jahwe jako kategoria eschatologiczna Der theologische Begriff jom Jahwe wird als eschatologische Kategorie verstanden und von diesem Standpunkt her untersucht und gedeutet. Obwohl er im Allgemeinen bei den Propheten das Eintreten Gottes in die Geschichte der Menschen kennzeichnet, bekommt er mit der Zeit einen neuen Sinn in der Bibel. Als eschatologische Kategorie verstanden beschreibe jom Jahwe sogar einen durch das Gottes Eintreten in die Geschichte entstandenen neuen Zustand und eine neue Situation. ColT 71/1 (2001) 51–59 [SS]
2171 Manfred Görg, Leviathan und Nehuschtan Die beiden Lexeme Lwjtn und N˙“tn können einem Typus hebräischer Wortbildungen fünfradikaliger Lexeme zugerechnet werden, der jeweils ein ägyptisches bzw. ägyptogenes Grundnomen mit einem attributiven Element –tn verbindet, das seinerseits auf eine ägyptische Grundlage zurückgeführt werden kann. Die Lexeme können auf eine Schlangenfigur Anwendung finden, wobei der Nehuschtan eine mit Leviathan grundsätzlich verwandte und wahrscheinlich eine an der älteren mythischen Vorstellung einer exponierten Schlangengestalt orientierte Manifestation einer außerordentlichen Variante der zoologischen Spezies (Bronzekobra auf Standarte?) darstellt. BN 118 (2003) 27–33
2172 Walter Brueggemann, The Travail of Pardon: Reflections on sl˙ God’s forgiveness is a working theme in the covenant theology of exilic Israel. The author considers specifically the term sl˙ (“pardon”) as a clue to the developing pastoral possibility for restoration in an alienated community that seems only partially able to undertake repentance. Brent A. Strawn et al. (eds.), A God So Near; Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake (2003) 283–297
2173 Janet Everhart, Hidden Eunuchs of the Hebrew Bible In this paper the author argues that the biblical sàrîs represents an individual who is not clearly “male” but who is also not clearly “female”. The gender of the sàrîs is connected to his physical status as a male who cannot procreate. Building on recent studies of gender variability, the author also argues that gender-based assumptions on masculinity and power have hidden eunuchs from the view of most readers. SBL.SPS 41 (2002) 137–155
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2174 Gottfried Schmidt, Der “profetische Gottes-Diener”. Zur Herkunft und Geschichte der Rede vom sog. Gottes-Knecht im AT Der Terminus Ebed Jahve ist ein fester Titel, dessen Wurzeln in der Nomenklatur einer ägyptischen Beamten-Funktion liegen. Die Gottesknechtlieder Jesajas haben so große Übereinstimmung in Form, Inhalt, Topik und Terminologie mit ägyptischen Beamtenbiographien, dass nur ein unmittelbarer Einfluss ägyptischer Redeweise angenommen werden kann. Dies wirkte stilbildend für die Überarbeitungen von DtrP. BN 117 (2003) 71–104 (US)
2175 Azzan Yadin, qôl as Hypostasis in the Hebrew Bible Die Vorstellung einer Offenbarungsstimme als göttlicher Hypostase erscheint nicht nur im Frühjudentum, sondern bereits in der Hebräischen Bibel. Der Verf. verweist auf Stellen wie Ex 19,19; Num 7,89; Ez 2,2; 9,1; 43,6 u.a. Diese Texte gehören durchweg zu spät zu datierenden literarischen Schichten. – Als Anhang behandelt der Verf. noch kurz die Johannesoffenbarung: Auch dort begegnet der Seher einem als Stimme sich hören lassenden hypostatischen Himmelswesen, wobei sich deutliche Ähnlichkeiten mit den oben genannten atl. Bibelstellen erkennen lassen. JBL 122/4 (2003) 601–626 (RM)
2176 J.A. Emerton, Treading the Bow “To tread a bow” (dàrak qe“et) is often thought to mean bending or drawing it, but some believe that it denotes stringing a bow. The former interpretation is generally supported by the ancient versions, and also by medieval Jewish scholars; and Rashi says that, when a bow was “strong”, the archer needed to use his foot to bend it. Some Greek writers tell of peoples who had exceptionally long bows and needed to use their feet to bend them. Egyptian pictures show archers using their feet to bend bows when stringing them. It is argued that a choice must be made between translating “to bend” and “to string”, that Israelite bows do not seem to have been unusually long, and that some biblical references are best interpreted to imply that treading a bow means stringing it. VT 53/4 (2003) 465–486
2177 W. Creighton Marlowe, “Hell” as a Translation of “ "ôl in the Hebrew Bible: De-hellenizing the KJV and NKJV Old Testaments None of the nineteen contexts (verses) where “ "ôl is translated “hell” by the NKJV (eighteen of which have “hell” in the KJV also) is supportive of that translation. In each case the flow of argumentation and/or the poetic parallels proves that the author uses “ "ôl for the concept of the grave or death. The Asbury Theological Journal 57/2–58/1 (2002–2003) 5–23
2178 Manfred Görg, Die Schoa und das Zweite Gebot Reflexion über das biblische Lexem und den Traditionshintergrund des Wortes Schoa, das durch die Ableitung von derselben Wurzel mit dem Namensmißbrauchsverbot in Zusammenhang gestellt werden kann. Die Inkompalibilität von Gottesnamen und Nichtigkeit kann zur Debatte um den Begriff Schoa beitragen. BN 116 (2003) 43–47 (US)
2179 Harvey Minkoff, The “Name” of God in Psalms The Psalms contain about 100 references to the “shem” of God. Careful attention to the context indicates that the correct interpretation of shem varies, including, most significantly, essential nature, power, and reputation. JBQ 31/4 (2003) 230–236
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Greek words: aparchè – apokaradokia – theios anèr – therapeuò – mathètès – mystèrion – onoma – pistis Christou 2180 David E. Aune, Distinct Lexical Meanings of aparchê in Hellenism, Judaism, and Early Christianity While Hebrew bekôrah or bikkûr can refer to the firstborn of animals or human beings, it is never translated “aparchê” in the LXX. In the NT, the Greek term is used only of humans. This figurative use may be seen as a metaphor drawn upon the first fruits of the field (116). After a critique of some lexical treatments of “aparchê” Aune presents the evidence of Graeco-Jewish and Greek literature. He insists on the fact that the term sometimes means “representative offering or portion” with no emphasis on spatial or temporal priority. In the NT Rom 11:16 is the only instance in which the word refers to the OT sacrificial ritual of first-fruits. Such a cultic meaning is absent from other Pauline passages. In Rev 14:4, however, following pagan parallels the term should be translated “consecrated offering of people” with no indication of something that will follow. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 103–129 (DZ)
2181 Hae-Kyung Chang, (Apo)karadokia bei Paulus und Aquila Es ist “durchaus wahrscheinlich, dass die Begriffe (apo)karadokia/-kein schon vor Aquila in die jüdische LXX-Rezension(en) eingeführt wurden und dem Apostel somit textlich vorlagen. Der formal einheitliche und inhaltlich schärfere Sprachgebrauch des Paulus scheint eher ein späteres Stadium in der Begriffsgeschichte darzustellen. Im Vergleich dazu lässt sich der formal mannigfaltige, aber inhaltlich undifferenzierte aquilaische Wortgebrauch begriffsgeschichtlich wohl als Vorstufe zu Paulus ansehen. Was dem Apostel selbst zuzuschreiben ist, ist dann nicht die ‘Neu-bildung’ des terminus apokaradokia, sondern die bewusste Hinzufügung des Präfixes apo- zu dem schon bekannten Begriff, um die positive Bedeutungsnuance zu intensivieren. Aus diesen Betrachtungen folgert, dass der paulinische Sprachgebrauch von apokaradokia seine traditionsgeschichtliche Wurzel im Alten Testament hat” (278). ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 268–278
2182 Dieter Zeller, The theia physis of Hippocrates and of Other “Divine Men” In confrontation to the work of D.S. du Toit (Theios Anthropos, 1997) who denies any ontological meaning of “theios” as applied to men in Imperial times, the expression “theia physis” is investigated in classical, Hellenistic and Imperial writers, especially in Josephus and Philostratus. In these authors, one can recognize a development from “god-given faculty” to “god-like nature”. This ontological meaning is especially evident in equivalents such as “more than human nature”. Pseudo-Hippocrates, letter 2, is analysed as an example. Du Toit’s thesis that “theios” often is applied to the founding figures of various disciplines is justified; the word highlights the typically Greek notion of a permanent “divine endowment”. It must not be overlooked, however, that the term has the possible connotation of divine origin and religious veneration. NT.S 110; John T. Fitzgerald et al. (eds.), Early Christianity and Classical Culture; Brill, Leiden (2003) 49–69 (DZ)
2183 David E. Aune, Lexical Glosses and Definitions of therapeuò The distinctive meaning that therapeuò has in thirty-seven occurrences in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts becomes obvious only when the word is carefully defined. In this paper this distinctive meaning is defined as “to cause someone to recover physical health immediately, without medical treatment or nursing”. Amy M. Donaldson et al. (eds.), New Testament Greek and Exegesis; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) 11–22
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2184 Timothy A. Friedrichsen, “Disciple(s)” in the New Testament. Background, Usage, Characteristics and Historicity In recent years much has been written on discipleship. This article enters that discussion by focusing specifically on the use of the term “disciple(s)” maqhth/j(-tai) (mathètès[-tai]) in the NT, by distilling recent and important studies on the NT usage and the historical situation of Jesus and his disciples. In this study, the author treats possible OT, Greek and contemporaneous influences on the understanding of discipleship in the time of Jesus and in the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles. From that background and a treatment of the NT usage, in which more NT citations and synoptic comparisons of “disciple” and its related terminology than other studies are provided, the author deals with the distinctive understanding of discipleship in the NT. Moreover, the article also investigates the likely distinctiveness of the understanding of discipleship on the level of Jesus, most especially with respect to women and those who were dedicated to Jesus, but remained at home. Sal 65/4 (2003) 717–739
2185 Paul Hensels, Die Bedeutung und Problematik des Wortes “sacramentum” Die Herleitung des christl. Sacramentum aus der Bedeutung “Fahneneid, Soldateneid” wird heute nicht mehr vertreten. Das christl. Wort sacramentum ist eine gezielte Übersetzung nordafrikanischer Bibelübersetzer des ntl. mystêrion in den synoptischen Evangelien. Zur Übersetzung von mystêrion war das Lehnwort mysterium nicht geeignet, da es heidnisch zu stark besetzt war. Ulrich Dierse u.a. (Hgg.), Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte Bd. 45; Felix Meiner Verlag, Hamburg (2003) 61–82 (BL)
2186 D.F. Tolmie, Die vertaling van onoma- uitdrukking in die Nuwe Testament In most cases translators translate the onoma phrases in the New Testament literally. In this article such an approach is questioned, in particular when a translator wishes to translate in such a way that the meaning of the original text is transmitted accurately to the reader. In order to help translators to translate the onoma phrases in the New Testament in a meaningful way, the possible meaning these phrases may have is categorised as follows: onoma phrases in which onoma functions as the (direct) object of an event; onoma phrases in which a movement towards onoma can be detected; onoma phrases that are used instrumentally; onoma phrases indicating state/status; onoma phrases that are used to indicate cause. In each case several examples are discussed. HTS 58/3 (2002) 901–918
2187 R. Barry Matlock, “Even the Demons Believe”: Paul and pistis Christou Die neuere Forschung interpretiert den Ausdruck pistis Christou im Sinne eines genitivus subiectivus. Diese Lesart wird radikal in Frage gestellt und demgegenüber die Lesung im Sinne eines genitivus obiectivus wieder stark gemacht. Eine Revision der paulinischen Theologie wird eingefordert, die sich der Problematik der Interpretation im Sinne eines genitivus obiectivus stellt, und die Probleme einer traditionellen und revisionistischen Lesart von pistis Christou vermeidet. CBQ 64/2 (2002) 300–318 (MDK)
Symbols: the Crucified – high mountain – Jerusalem – virginal conception 2188 Theo K. Heckel, Der Gekreuzigte bei Paulus und im Markusevangelium Paulus qualifiziert Jesus mit dem Partizip Perfekt estauromenos und drückt damit aus, dass der Auferstandene bleibend durch die Kreuzigung qualifiziert ist. Mk gebraucht
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diesen Begriff ebenfalls und teilt, im Unterschied zu anderen neutestamentlichen Schriften, die darin enthaltene theologische Reflexion. Möglicherweise zeigen sich hier theologische Abhängigkeiten von Mk zu Paulus. BZ 46/2 (2002) 190–204 (MW)
2189 Klaus P. Fischer, Das Rätsel des “(sehr) hohen Berges” in den Evangelien. Überlegungen zu seiner Identität und Bedeutung Der Ausdruck oros hypsèlon (lian) in der synoptischen Überlieferung (Mk 9,2; Mt 4,8; 17,1) ist nicht geographisch-physisch, sondern theologisch-sinnbildlich zu verstehen. Folglich handelt es sich um den Zion. BN 119/120 (2003) 11–18 (SP)
2190 Yairah Amit, Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: When Did Jerusalem Become a Subject of Polemic? This paper studies why Jerusalem can be used in a polemical way in the biblical texts. A literary approach helps to understand how and why biblical writers can choose to use or omit particular historical data. SBL Symposium Series 18; Andrew G. Vaughn et al. (eds.), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta (2003) 365–374
2191 John Dominic Crossan, Virgin mother or bastard child? Virginal conception presumes divine intervention, but divine intervention does not necessarily presume virginal conception. In the case of Mary, two phenomena, both unusual in Jewish tradition, are found, namely divine and virginal conception. This article argues that the virginity claim by Christian Jews preceded and generated the adultery accusation by non-Christian Jews. It does so by stating three points. Firstly, that the earliest dated text containing the accusation of Jesus’ bastardy is dependent on the redactional text of Matthew. Secondly, that the general structure of Matthew 1–2 and especially its dyad of Divorce and Remarriage is dependent on the popular traditions about Moses’ conception and birth. Thirdly, that the pre-Matthean tradition of divine and virginal conception is rather a reaction against Roman tradition than coming from Jewish tradition. However, this argument does not take Jesus out of Jewish tradition but, places the Judaism of Jesus’ time firmly within the Roman Empire. It is a Judaism which opposed Rome’s ideological ascendancy and theological eschatology. HTS 59/3 (2003) 663–691
Metaphors: general – daughter of Zion – parental love 2192 Marius Reiser, Biblische Metaphorik und Symbolik Verf. untersucht die Verwendung von Metaphorik und Symbolik in neutestamentlichen Texten. Dabei läßt er sich von folgenden Fragen leiten: Welche Formen der Metaphorik und Symbolik treten auf ? Wie weit sind sich die biblischen Autoren des metaphorischen Charakters ihrer Texte bewußt? Was bedeutet der Befund für die Exegese? Trierer Theologische Zeitschrift 112/1 (2003) 58–73 (NvM)
2193 Kirsten Nielsen, “From Oracles to Canon” – and the Role of Metaphor In this paper, Kirsten Nielsen gives a survey of her own studies in “the role of metaphor”. In her book There is Hope for a Tree. The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah she showed how vital the tree metaphor is in the creation of the theology of Isa 1–39 and she underlined that metaphors are open for reuse and reinterpretation. Looking back at her results she is now critical towards her own efforts to date oracles full of metaphors and she
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points at the need of an ideological critical approach to metaphors. At the end of the paper, she turns to intertextual reading and the role of metaphor. Her main example is Kings 21 where she interprets the vineyard as a metaphor for Israel, using various intertexts like Isa 5,1–7 and Hos 1–2. SJOT 17/1 (2003) 22–33
2194 Antje Labahn, Metaphor and Intertextuality: “Daughter of Zion” as a Test Case: Response to Kirsten Nielsen “From Oracles to Canon” – and the Role of Metaphor This article argues that metaphors are to be regarded as literary matters bearing multiple sense(s) in itself and evoking polyvalent meanings to its readers or hearers according to their own presuppositions. That basic observation is linked with methodological assumptions on intertextuality considered as a mutual relation of various texts to one another. When metaphors share an intertextual interplay with other metaphors their reading reveals an (mutual) influence of the literary environment of the context or contexts echoed. Looking at the term “daughter of Zion” these methodological assumptions are to be proofed. “Daughter of Zion”, read either in a context of salvation or in a context of doom, generates a wide range of divergent meanings already by itself. As soon as the metaphor, by chance, undertakes an interplay with the other main significance it pushes each of the inherent characteristics into one or the other direction. SJOT 17/1 (2003) 49–67
2195 Christl Maier, Tochter Zion im Jeremiabuch. Eine literarische Personifikation mit altorientalischem Hintergrund In Jeremiah, esp. Jer 4–6, the prophet addresses Jerusalem as a female figure. While some authors (M. Wischnowsky, M.E. Biddle) have invoked Sumerian and Akkadian traditions to account for this personification, Maier remains unconvinced. The social roles of Israelite women, especially the role of mother, accounts well for the origin of the metaphor. Altes Testament und Moderne 11; Irmtraud Fischer et al. (eds.), Prophetie in Israel; Lit Verlag, Münster (2003) 157–167 (BL)
2196 Richard D. Patterson, Parental Love As a Metaphor for DivineHuman Love The parent-child metaphor in the Ancient Near East – The parent-child metaphor in the Scriptures (e.g. Hos 11; Deut 32:6; Jer 31:10; Isa 64:8; Isa 30:9; Matthew 11:27; Heb 1:5). JETS 46/2 (2003) 205–216 (BF)
BIBLE IN THEOLOGY AND LIFE OF CHURCH Systematic theology 2197 John Webster, Holy Scripture: A Dogmatic Sketch Inspired by Karl Barth and making extensive reference to the work of Calvin and Bonhoeffer, Webster offers an essay on Scripture, inspiration, and canon. “The definitive act of the church is faithful hearing of the gospel of salvation announced by the risen Christ in the Spirit’s power through the service of Holy Scripture” (44). Current Issues in Theology; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) 1–144 (BL)
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2198 Kevin J. Vanhoozer, Scripture and Tradition Postmodern theology is distinctive in that it reappropriates the tradition from which modern theology sought to emancipate itself. Reference is made to A. MacIntyre’s tradition-based rationality and George Lindbeck’s and St. Hauerwas’s postliberal theologies. – The paper is published in a valuable volume to be recommended to those who are looking for an intelligent survey of current postmodern thinking in Christian theology. K.J. Vanhoozer (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Postmodern Theology; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) 149–169 (BL)
2199 Alexander S. Jensen, John’s Gospel as Witness: The Development of the Early Christian Language of Faith The interpretation of John 1:1–18; 3:1–21; 17 is here set in the context of wider considerations of the meaning of language. Reference is made to the hermeneutics of K. Barth (the text does not carry its meaning, it only points to it) and R. Bultmann (the text does carry the meaning). Jensen follows Bultmann. Ashgate New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology, and Biblical Studies; Ashgate, Aldershot (2004) IX/1–163 (BL)
2200 John D. Morrison, The Nature of Holy Scripture in Roman Catholic Discussion from Vatican II to the New Catechism Der Beitrag analysiert Positionen einzelner römisch-katholischer Theologen wie K. Rahner, R. Brown, A. Dulles und R. Swinburne zum Wesen und Bedeutung der Heiligen Schrift. Seit dem II. Vaticanum wurden die strengen dogmatischen Äußerungen über die Schrift als ein direkt inspiriertes Wort Gottes in Hinblick auf die gegenwärtige Situation uminterpretiert. Gegenwartsbezug wurde zum formativen Instrument der Schrift- und Dogmeninterpretation. Demgegenüber versuchte der Weltkatechismus der Katholischen Kirche die klassische Sicht der Schrift als geschriebenes Wort Gottes zu stärken, wobei ein Raum für ‘gewisse’ Unterschiedlichkeit der Interpretation zugelassen wurde. TrinJ 24/2 (2003) 259–282 (DL)
2201 Jürgen Roloff, Die lutherische Rechtfertigungslehre und ihre biblische Grundlage Die Vorgänge um die Entstehung und Rezeption der Gemeinsamen Erklärung zur Rechtfertigungslehre zeigen wie schwierig das Verhältnis zwischen den kirchlichen Rechtfertigungslehren und den biblischen Rechtfertigungsaussagen ist. Angesichts dessen ist es Aufgabe der Bibelwissenschaften, die biblischen Rechtfertigungsaussagen an ihrem geschichtlichen Entstehungsort aufzusuchen, ihren ursprünglichen Sinn nachzuzeichnen und ihren Stellenwert im Gesamt der Schrift herauszustellen. Roloff beginnt dieses Projekt mit einigen Anmerkungen zum Damaskusereignis, zum paulinischen Verständnis der Taufe und des Gesetzes und zur Frage, inwiefern die Rechtfertigungslehre als Mitte der Schrift aufgefasst werden kann. WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjüdentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 275–300 (SP)
2202 Lidsey Hall, Swinburne’s Hell and Hick’s Universalism: Are We Free to Reject God? This study of modern arguments supporting (as is the case with R. Swinburne) or rejecting (as done by J. Hick) belief in hell includes two sections on the interpretation of the relevant biblical passages and traditions (128–132, 192–204). The doctrine of
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hell, though often presumed to be contained within the NT, is, on close examination, conspicuous by its absence. Even though some passages seem to contradict a universalist position (i.e., the belief in universal salvation), those that endorse universalism are convinced that eventually all things will be reconciled to God – a doctrine that matches the overall message of the NT. Ashgate, Aldershot, Hamps. (2003) X/1–244 (BL)
2203 Werner Wertgen, Gewissen und Freiheit. Ein ethischer Essay zu 1 Kor 8 In diesem Essay fragt der Verf. danach, wie sich das paulinische Gewissensverständnis in 1 Kor 8 zu einer modernen Ethik verhält. Das von Paulus verwendete Wort syneidèsis meint sowohl das Wissen des Menschen um das sittlich Richtige als auch seine sittliche Integrität, die ihn dazu treibt, das als sittlich richtig Erkannte zu tun. In dieser Linie ist heute das Gewissen am besten als eine Funktion der praktischen Vernunft aufzufassen, die das sittliche Subjekt zu einer freien moralischen Entscheidung führt. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 360–369 (DL)
2204 Gunda Brüske, “Es werde, Herr, dieses Öl ein Öl der Freude”. Versuch einer biblischen Grundlegung der Krankensalbung Bei der hier versuchten biblischen Grundlegung des Sakraments der Krankensalbung orientiert sich die Verf. an der Frage, ob die Handlungen des Liturgen bei einem solchen Ereignis als das Handeln Christi interpretiert werden können. Der biblische Befund unterstellt die Sorge um die Kranken in letzter Verantwortung Gott, der sich bei seinem heilenden Handeln der Menschen bedient. Ein breites Verständnis der Einsetzung von Sakramenten ermöglicht in dieser Tradition die Krankensalbung als eine Fortsetzung des Heilshandelns Gottes an seinem Volk zu sehen, wie es durch die Krankenheilungen Jesu sowie die Sorge der urchristlichen Gemeinden um die Kranken ebenfalls zum Ausdruck kam. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 333–351 (DL)
2205 Helmut Utzschneider, Die “Theologische Ästhetik” als Herausforderung an die Exegese Die “Theologische Ästhetik”, vertreten etwa durch A. Grözinger, H. Timm, O. Bayer und K. Huizing, begründet sich nicht zuletzt im Rekurs auf die Bibel. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt biblische Begründungen der Theologischen Ästhetik exemplarisch dar und fasst sie als Herausforderung an die Exegese auf. Für ein künftiges interdisziplinäres Gespräch werden u.a. folgende Gesichtspunkte genannt: Der Konflikt zwischen einem historischen und gegenwartsbezogenen Verständnis biblischer Texte; biblische Texte als Kunstwerke; anthropologische Implikationen der literarischen Ästhetik biblischer Texte. BThZ 20/1 (2003) 69–84
2206 Renate Kirchhoff, Ethik in der Bibel – Bibel in der Ethik: Über die Verwendung biblischer Texte im ethischen Kontext Bibelstellen liefern in ethischen Diskursen nicht normative Stichworte und Belegstellen, sondern sind konkrete, einmalige Beiträge in bestimmten historischen Kommunikationssituationen. Zwischen Exegese und Applikation auf aktuelle Fragen ist daher zu unterscheiden. ZNT 11 (2003) 25–32 (MW)
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Life of the church 2207 Barbara D. Leicht (ed.), Grundkurs Bibel: Altes Testament This basic OT course, meant for interested Christian lay people, is organized in eight lessons, to be covered, with an experienced teacher, in eight weekends. The subjects chosen are: (1) Israel’s fathers and mothers from Abraham to Joseph; (2) exodus, Moses, and the Decalogue; (3) land and conquest; (4) Israel’s kings (this lesson includes the creation accounts of Gen 1–3); (4) the prophets; (5) Israel in exile; (6) wisdom literature; (7) Judaism and Hellenism; (8) the Psalms. Bound as two illustrated volumes with separate pagination for each of the eight sections, this study material can be recommended to its intended German (Catholic) audience. Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, Stuttgart (2003), 2 vols. (BL)
2208 R.S. Sugirtharajah, Loitering with Intent: Biblical Texts in Public Places This essay is about the effect of the Bible in the public arena. It explores the fate of biblical texts as they find themselves in the popular press. Secular newspapers are not the natural place to look for biblical citations but now and then they make appearances either to support or subvert issues ranging from asylum-seekers to the use of corporal punishment for children. At a time when biblical allusions and imagery have all but evaporated from the Western consciousness, the intermittent showing up of sacred texts in the secular print media is a sign that the scriptures still have some hermeneutical hold. The essay looks at four areas – international conflict, sexual orientation, law and order and bringing-up children – where biblical texts are being summoned either to endorse or to repudiate. The essay raises hermeneutical issues such as how biblical texts are used in print media, the nature of the texts employed, the interface between popular and professional reading, the role of the common reader as a biblical commentator, and concludes with an examination of the standing and sway of the Bible as it moves outside its own natural habitat. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 566–578
2209 Norman K. Gottwald, Biblical Scholarship in Public Discourse While various scholarly strategies for engaging in or avoiding public discourse are recognized as valid, several factors conspire to induce, even compel, biblical scholars to speak their minds in public. This essay examines the various forums in which biblical scholars enter public discourse and the issues they typically address, both in biblical studies and current affairs. It further assesses the net effect of biblical scholars in shaping public policy. Finally, it focuses on the special challenges and dilemmas biblical scholars face when they engage in public discourse, or decline to do so. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 555–565
2210 Alan M. Stibbs (ed.), Search the Scriptures: The Study Guide to the Bible Meant for (conservative) Christians who want to acquire a good knowledge of Scripture. The biblical translation used is the New International Version. Inter-Varsity Press, Leicester (2003) XVI/1–512
2211 Claudio Ettl, “Warum so heftig, Matthäus?” Zum Problem des AntiJudaismus im Matthäusevangelium – ein fiktiver Monolog Der im Rahmen der Erwachsenenbildung entstandene Beitrag versucht in einer außergewöhnlichen Form, Fachergebnisse der Matthäusexegese einem breiten Publikum
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verständlich zu machen. Im fiktiven Monolog erklärt der Evangelist die Beweggründe zur Niederschrift seines Evangeliums, beabsichtigte theologische Schwerpunkte sowie seine Wirklichkeitsauffassung. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt dabei der matthäischen Kritik an religiösen Führern des Judentums und dem jüdischen Volk insgesamt. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 112–123 (DL)
2212 Jonathan A. Draper (ed.), Orality, Literacy, and Colonialism in Southern Africa With colonialism in Southern Africa came the Bible and text-based literacy monitored by missionaries and colonial authorities. According to the editor, it is “above all the Bible that accounts for the massive penetration of African culture by the missions. Whether it is seen as poison, as sacred icon, or digested and represented as oracle, it is recognized as a potent numinous agent” (57). Semeia Studies 46; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) 1–270
2213 Jorge Pixley, Toward a Pastoral Reading of the Bible not Confined to the Church Using the experience of the network of popular biblical study groups in Latin America and the biblical scholars who accompany them, this article outlines the basic requirements for a pastoral reading of the Bible. Special emphasis is given to the need for using the history of composition, necessarily hypothetical, in order to recover the political dynamics of the texts. The resulting pastoral reading will serve a public as well as a church function. BI 11/3–4 (2003) 579–587
2214 Jutta Bickmann, Weitergabe lebensrelevanten Wissens – aber wie? Reflexionen zum Bibelunterricht im Gymnasium ab Klasse 10 Eine Schlussfolgerung dieses Beitrags ist, dass die Frage nach der historischen Faktizität der in der Bibel erzählten Geschichten im Religionsunterricht der älteren Jahrgänge zum Thema gemacht werden sollte. Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 44; Martin Faßnacht et al. (eds.), Die Weisheit – Ursprünge und Rezeption; Verlag C. Aschendorff, Münster (2003) 277–296 (SP)
2215 Uta Pohl-Patalong, Die Bibel im Konfirmationsunterricht. Rezeptionsästhetische Erwägungen und methodische Konsequenzen Die Frage nach der Bibel im Konfirmationsunterricht führt ins Zentrum der Diskussion um den Charakter und die Ziele dieses Handlungsfeldes. Einigkeit besteht darin, dass sowohl das Leben der Jugendlichen als auch die christliche Tradition zentrale Gegenstände sind. Wenn aber die Jugendlichen wirklich als Subjekte ernst genommen werden sollen, müssen sie auch zu Auslegerinnen der Bibel werden. Hermeneutisch greifen dann rezeptionsästhetische Überlegungen, bei denen sowohl für die Weite der Interpretation als auch für ihre Grenzen auf Umberto Eco zurückgegriffen werden kann. Methodisch erfordert dies Zugänge, die rezeptionsästhetische Einsichten umsetzen und sich gleichzeitig für das Setting des KU eignen. Die aus den USA stammende, auf jüdische Hermeneutik zurückgreifende Methode “Bibliolog” könnte sich in besonderer Weise dafür eignen, dass Jugendliche sich in der Bibel und die Bedeutung der Bibel für ihr eigenes Leben entdecken. EvTh 63/4 (2003) 296–310
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2216 Georg Steins, Wege durch den “Bibel-Dschungel” – Kanonische Fingerzeige Als wichtigstes Anliegen nicht nur zeitgenössischer Bibeldidaktik erscheint hier eine Elementarisierung der Bibel. Diese bleibt nicht bei der didaktischen Reduktion einzelner ausgewählter Inhalte, Themen, Bilder u.a. stehen, sondern zielt insbesondere auf die Gestalt und Funktion der Schrift in der Glaubensgemeinschaft. Die Glaubensgemeinschaft ist selbst Thema der Schrift, verdankt sich ihr und wird durch sie immer neu geformt. Dies wird an drei elementaren Perspektiven des Alten (z.T. auch Neuen) Testaments aufgezeigt: das Volk Gottes; Geschichte und “Gesetz”; der Gott der rettenden Gerechtigkeit. BiLi 76/2 (2003) 99–110 (CB)
2217 Christo Lombaard, The Old Testament in Christian spirituality: Perspectives on the undervaluation of the Old Testament in Christian spirituality Christian spirituality draws strongly on the Bible. Yet, it is the New Testament that almost without exception features most prominently. Ten possible reasons are offered why the Old Testament takes on such a disproportionately diminutive role in the practice and study of spirituality: Textual complexity/critical scholarship/theological education; Modern popular pieties; The cultural gaps between the Old Testament worlds and our worlds; Theological difficulties/Christian sensibilities; Fear of “boundary-less” interpretations; The reference to Scripture by writers on spirituality; The notion of progressive revelation; Theological diversity within the Old Testament; OT : NT = law : grace; The long and the short of textual units. HTS 59/2 (2003) 433–450
2218 Georg Braulik et al., Osternacht und Altes Testament. Studien und Vorschläge Without being commissioned but being concerned, two OT specialists (G. Braulik of Vienna and N. Lohfink of Frankfurt) here offer a revised Catholic liturgy for the Paschal Vigil, complete with biblical readings and a new translation of the “Exultet” (which is also set to music, by E. Bücken). Österreichische Biblische Studien 22; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2003) 1–249 (BL)
2219 Élisabeth Parmentier, L’Écriture dans la liturgie Bibel und Liturgie sind untrennbar miteinander verbunden. Die biblischen Texte sind unverzichtbarer Bestandteil jeder christlichen Liturgie, umgekehrt ist die Liturgie jedoch auch schon in den biblischen Texten enthalten. Der Beitrag beleuchtet die verschiedenen Dimensionen des Bibelgebrauchs in der christlichen, und hier v.a. reformierten, Liturgie: der symbolische Gebrauch des Buches, die Lesung, anamnetische und epikletische Verwendung biblischer Texte, die Bibel in Predigt, Gebet und als normative Lebensregel. PosLuth 51/1–2 (2003) 23–38 (NvM)
2220 Gerrie Snyman, Race in South Africa: A hidden transcript turned public? The problem of identifying with Esther/Mordecai or Haman in the book of Esther Based on two grass roots readings of Esther 9 in terms of violence and power, the author discusses the issue of race, identity and power. His entry point is based on the notions of public and hidden transcripts as developed by James Scott’s book Domination and the arts of resistance. Hidden transcripts (1990). The article explains the current South African public transcript in terms of racialisation, reconciliation and the problematisation
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of whiteness. It then looks into aspects of identity in the Book of Esther, exploring the problem of reading the Bible in terms of race. It concludes that because the negative use of race constructs the public transcript at the moment, its construction can also be observed in the current Bible reading process at grass roots level. It is a transcript of superiority over those whose existence is moulded along Western cultural lines, the perpetrators of the former regime. Scriptura 84/3 (2003) 438–452
2221 Frederick Dale Bruner, Matthew: A Commentary First published in 1987 and now expanded, this commentary is addressed more to pastors and lay readers than to the academic community. The author has nevertheless digested a large amount of scholarly material to ensure exegetical accuracy. The first volume, on Matth 1–12, is subtitled “the Christbook”, the second volume, on Matth 13–28, “the churchbook”. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2004) XLVIII/1–604; XXXII/1–854 (BL)
2222 Amy-Jill Levine, Roland Murphy, The Pontifical Biblical Commission, Jews, and the Bible Roland Murphy’s understanding of the Old Testament both on its own terms and as interpreted throughout the history of the Church provides a helpful complement to the Pontifical Biblical Institute’s The Jewish People and Their Sacred Scriptures in the Christian Bible. This article expands on Murphy’s own critique of the document (BTB 32/3 (2002) 145–49, IRBS 49:1997) in its analysis of seven issues: contextual understanding, historical criticism, use of the Old Testament to interpret the New, Jewish interpretation, comparing Testaments, Formative Judaism, and the Shoah. It concludes that Murphy’s ways of understanding the Old Testament provide helpful guides for correcting and improving the PBC document. BTB 33/3 (2003) 104–113
HISTORY OF EXEGESIS General ★ patristic literature: general ★ authors (alphabetically) 2223 William Yarchin, History of Biblical Interpretation: A Reader Biblical interpretation, as practiced today, includes a spectrum of methods that reflect elements from every period of its history. Carefully selected passages from the work of biblical commentators, chronologically arranged from patristic times to the present generation (from the Dead Sea Scrolls and Philo to Brevard Childs and Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza) and individually introduced form the body of this book. The user is likely to find his favorite authors – Spinoza and D.F. Strauss figure, as do R. Bultmann, W.F. Albright and H. Gunkel, to name just a few. And one can find a number of commentaries on Ps 23 from more than one century. Even if you are unlikely to teach a course on the history of biblical interpretation, you will read Yarchin’s book with profit and delight. It can be used as a supplement to all existing books on the history of biblical interpretation, for only the present work includes substantial excerpts from exegetical writing of the past (and the present). Highly recommended. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) XXX/1–444 (BL)
2224 Michael Eckert et al. (eds.), Lexikon der theologischen Werke Edited by members of the two theological faculties of Tübingen, Germany, and written by close to 300 specialists, this is the first encyclopedic reference work on theo-
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logical books that have made – and continue to make – an impact on theological discourse. Exegetical works are well represented, though non-Germans seem to have a hard time entering (the exceptions being L. Alonso-Schökel, M.-J. Lagrange, and B.F. Westcott). There are some strange lacunae – R. Bultmann’s essay “Neues Testament und Mythologie” is notably absent, as is, regrettably, A. Harnack’s “Wesen des Christentums”. W. Bousset’s “Kyrios Christos” would also merit an entry; and why not also H. Haag’s “Abschied vom Teufel” and one or two works by M. Dibelius? And how about Heiko Oberman, who is no longer remembered in Tübingen? Nevertheless, this is a necessary work, and it is to be hoped that a second edition will make up for some of its inevitable defects. Both students and specialists will use it quite often, and an English edition, presumably revised and expanded, would be most welcome. Alfred Kröner Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) XXIX/1–849 (+ corrected index) (BL)
2225 Robert Yarbrough, A Milestone in the History of New Testament Research: a Review Essay Review of William Baird’s publication History of NT Research, vol. 2 (2002), “the most comprehensive survey of the history of modern NT research ever written”. JETS 46/2 (2003) 299–308 (BF)
2226 Jean Marcel Vincent, Quelques ouvrages récents sur l’histoire de l’intérpretation de la Bible, en particulier de l’Ancien Testament (I + II) In ersten Teil dieses Beitrags werden zwei Werke besprochen, die sich umfassend mit der Geschichte der Bibelauslegung befassen: (1) Henning Graf Reventlow, Epochen der Bibelauslegung, 4 Bde, München 1990, 1994, 1997, 2001 und (2) John H. Hayes (ed.), Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation, 2 vol., Nashville 1999. Der zweite Teil behandelt Magne Sæbø et al. (eds.). Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. The History of Its Interpretation, I. From the Beginning to the Middle Ages (Until 1300), 2 vol., Göttingen 1996, 2000 und Michael Eckert et al. (eds.), Lexikon der theologischen Werke, Stuttgart 2003. ETR 78/3 (2003) 411–422, ETR 79/1 (2004) 69–88 (SP)
2227 John M. Court (ed.), Biblical Interpretation: The meanings of Scripture – Past and Present Nineteen papers explore the history of biblical interpretation. The highlights are: Origen and allegorical interpretation ( J.M. Court), John Chrysostom ( J.M. Court), Bonaventure (M. Robson), George Herbert (T. Leeke), John Toland (K. Loughton), Rousseau’s Creed of a Curate of Savoy (Ph. Robinson), Blake (Chr. Rowland), fundamentalism ( J. Martin), Karl Barth (R. Arrandale), feminism ( J. Hopkins). While this is not a complete history of biblical interpretation, it contributes to one’s understanding of this history in many ways. T. & T. Clark International/Continuum, London (2003) XII/1–334 (BL)
2228 Alan J. Hauser et al. (eds.), A History of Biblical Interpretation. Volume 1: The Ancient Period Fifteen authors have contributed to this comprehensive survey of biblical interpretation. Chronologically, the book begins with inner-biblical exegesis in the Hebrew Bible (E. Menn) and ends with chapters on Augustine (R.A. Norris). The two editors – A. Hauser and D.F. Watson – are to be commended for including sections on the formation of the biblical canon (in all its ancient forms) and on rabbinic and apocryphal materials. A fine reference work, made eminently accessible through a fifty-page overview placed at the beginning and a subject index. W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids. Mich. (2003) XXI/1–536 (BL)
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2229 Richard A. Norris (ed.), The Song of Songs, Interpreted by Early Christian and Medieval Commentaries Two synoptic columns offer English translations of the Septuagint and Vulgate versions of the Song of Songs, and the accompanying commentary selects passages from what ancient and medieval commentators (Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose of Milan, Bernard of Clairvaux etc., including the Glossa ordinaria) have written about the text. An excellent resource for academic research, complete with introductory material and a guide to the authors excerpted. No theological research library can afford not to have this important volume. The Church’s Bible; W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Mich. (2003) XXI/1–325 (BL)
2230 Andreas Holzem (ed.), Normieren – Tradieren – Inszenieren. Das Christentum als Buchreligion The subtitle of this collective volume is misleading, for there is no systematic analysis of Christianity as a book religion in this volume, and there is no reference to the issues dealt with in the article “Buchreligion” in the Handwörterbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe. However, some of the papers included actually deal with the role of scripture in the church: W. Geerlings discusses Latin patristic commentaries, N. Staubach comments on Augustin’s exegesis in the City of God, Th. Baumeister comments on the use of biblical themes in ancient hagiographic writing. A particularly interesting paper deals with the censurship of books in the Catholic church (H. Wolf ). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) 1–352 (BL)
2231 Daniel J. Treier, The Superiority of Pre-Critical Exegesis? Sic et Non The author revisits an issue made famous by David C. Steinmetz’s celebrated 1980 article “The Superiority of Pre-Critical Exegesis”. He offers an independent critique of various approaches to pre-Reformatorian biblical interpretation. TrinJ 24/1 (2003) 77–103
2232 Kenneth W. Stevenson, The Lord’s Prayer: A Text in Tradition This is an excellent resource on how the Lord’s Prayer is used in Eastern and Western liturgies, and about English versions and paraphrases, both historical and contemporary. The many notes and the bibliography give access to more specialized studies. Recent exegetical debates about the Lord’s Prayer, including the question whether it can actually be attributed to Jesus, are alluded to (p. 228; one may refer to the essay of K. Müller, cited p. 238 n. 11) but not dealt with in the otherwise most informative volume. SCM Press, London (2004) IX/1–290 (BL)
2233 Heidi J. Hornik et al., The Harrowing of Hell Ausgehend von der Formulierung des Apostolicums “descendit ad infernum” zeichnen Verf. die Ausgestaltung dieses Glaubenssatzes von Jesu Abstieg in die Unterwelt und Überwindung des Satans nach. Von den Ursprüngen in Petr 3,19; 4,6 über Ignatius, das Evangelium des Nikodemus und Pseudo-Bonaventura bis hin zu Thomas von Aquin bzw. den Reformatoren, die die röm.-katholische Position bzw. protestantische Positionen prägten, wachsen die Lehren über Unterwelt und Gericht. Parallel dazu werden einige der unzählbaren künstlerischen Ausgestaltungen des Themas vom 5.Jh. bis zu ihrem Verschwinden im 17. Jh. interpretiert (z.B. Fra Angelico, Benvenuto di Giovanni, Agnolo Bronzino). BiRe 19/3 (2003) 18–26.50 (CB)
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✩ 2234 Steven R. Harmon, A Note on the Critical Use of Instrumenta for the Retrieval of Patristic Biblical Exegesis The author surveys printed and electronic resources meant to be used by those who wish to find out how a particular biblical passage was understood by patristic authors. JECS 11/1 (2003) 95–107 (BL)
2235 Jeremy S. Boccabello, Why Would a Pagan Read Zechariah? Apologetics and Exegesis in the Second-century Greek Apologists Für die christlichen Apologeten des 2. Jhs. war eine Exegese der LXX nicht nur im Diskurs mit jüdischen sondern auch mit heidnischen Opponenten wichtig. Am Beispiel von Sach zeigt der Verf. auf, dass die atl. Vorlage unterschiedlich verwendet wurde, je nachdem, an welche der beiden genannten Gruppen ein apologetischer Text gerichtet wurde. War im Hinblick auf das Judentum der Nachweis einer Erfüllung atl. Prophezeiungen in der Person Jesu notwendig, so wurde den Heiden gegenüber v.a. die Verlässlichkeit der erfüllten prophetischen Worte, ihre antike Herkunft und ihr Anspruch als moralische Instanz betont. Zudem war man bemüht, messianische Ideen und eine universale AT-Interpretation dem heidnischen Publikum zugänglich zu machen. Christopher Tuckett (ed.), The Book of Zechariah and its Influence; Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2003) 135–144 (DL)
2236 Susanne Müller-Abels, Der Umgang mit “schwierigen” Texten der Apostelgeschichte in der Alten Kirche In comparison to other New Testament texts, between the third and eighth centuries only a few commentaries on the Acts of the Apostles were written. There are different reasons for that, but above all, Acts deals with the time immediately after the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the time of the very first Christians. This fact made the book an instrument of theological reflection and controversy within these centuries. Questions were posed, such as: How did the apostles manage to follow Jesus? How did they interpret his deeds and words? How can people in later years learn from them to live a Christian life? Two examples show the way how ancient Christian authors, from Irenaeus to the Venerable Bede, dealt with ‘difficult’ texts of the Acts (2,14–41; 9,1–31). It can be noticed that throughout the long tradition of interpretation, the basic understanding, the ‘sense’ the commentators found in the biblical texts, has remained nearly unchanged. BZNW 120; Tobias Nicklas et al. (eds.), The Book of Acts as Church History; Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) 347–371
2237 Robert C. Hill, Psalm 41 (42): A Classic Text for Antiochene Spirituality Using Ps 41 (42) as a prime example, the author examines the way exegesis typical of the Antiochene school concentrates so exclusively on the historia (the presumed factual basis) for each psalm that, on the whole, the spiritual significance of the psalms tends to be ignored. IThQ 68/1 (2003) 25–33
2238 Kevin Madigan, Christus Nesciens? Was Christ Ignorant of the Day of Judgment? Arian and Orthodox Interpretation of Mark 13:32 in the Ancient Latin West The doctrine of a “soulless body” was crucial to the soteriology of the Arians. The heart of Arianism means that humanity is redeemed only if God suffers. But the High
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God is incapable of human experiences, a lesser God had to do the dirty work for him. This was only possible, if the Son lacked a human soul or mind. Only if the Logos assumed a body without a soul, it followed remorselessly that this Logos must have been the subject of these experiences, including suffering. The death of a man does not save us. The Nicenes opponents (Hilary of Poitiers, Ambrose of Milan, Jerome, Augustine) falsifies the meaning of Scripture by the a priori conception of the full divinity of the Son and its logical possibilities. HThR 96/3 (2003) 255–278 (WSch)
✩ 2239 Johan Leemans, Canon and Quotation. Athanasius’ Use of Jesus Sirach Athanasius von Alexandrien unterscheidet in seinen Briefen klar zwischen kanonischen und ‘lesenswerten’ bzw. für die Katechese bestimmten Büchern. Er selbst jedoch lässt keinen Unterschied erkennen bei Zitaten aus Büchern dieser beiden Kategorien. Anhand der Zitate aus dem als nicht kanonisch eingestuften Jesus Sirach in Werken von Athanasius demonstriert der Verf. dieses Phänomen: “A quote form Sirach is considered to be inspired by the Spirit, as are other so-called ‘canonical’ quotes” (276). Die theoretische Unterscheidung ist daher auf einen vorsichtigen Umgang des Athanasius mit Werken, die dem jüdischen Kanon nicht angehörten, zur Zeit der Entstehung des christlichen Kanons zurückzuführen. BEThL 163; Jean-Marie Auwers et al. (eds.), The Biblical Canons; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2003) 265–277 (DL)
2240 Hubertus R. Drobner, Augustinus von Hippo – Predigten zum Weihnachtsfest Drobner, who teaches patristic theology in Paderborn, Germany, continues his bilingual, Latin and German, edition of Augustine’s sermons, most of which have never been made available in German. The present volume includes sermons 184–196. The translation is accompanied by copious notes, and one can only hope that the author will eventually be able to complete his magnum opus. Notes, bibliographical references, introductions, and indexes make this an invaluable addition to all patristic collections. Patrologia 11; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2003) 1–322 (BL)
2241 Augustinus von Hippo, Predigten zu den Büchern Exodus, Könige und Job (sermones 6–12) H. Drobner continues his work on a bilingual, Latin and German, edition of the corpus of Augustine’s letters. All letters are carefully introduced, and there are textual as well as explanatory notes. As in earlier publications, Drobner offers a list of all of Augustine’s sermons and indicates where a German translation can be found. A most valuable edition! Patrologia 10; Peter Lang, Bern (2003) 1–345 (BL)
2242 Alfons Fürst (ed.), Augustinus – Hieronymus: Epistulae mutuae – Briefwechsel The two slim volumes are a treasure: they print the complete correspondence between Augustine and Jerome in Latin and German, and the edition includes bibliography, notes to the translation, and several indexes. There is some controversy about both the sequence of the letters and their meaning and, briefly, Fürst rejects the relevant suggestions recently made by R. Hennings as problematic and offers his own chronology. I enjoyed reading Augustine’s passage on “mendacium officiosum” (pp. 40, 306), a term that surfaces in the discussion of the meaning of Gal 2:11–14, a text discussed
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by the two letter writers. For some of the letters the editor could rely on the forthcoming critical edition of the Latin text by K.-D. Daur, to appear eventually in Corpus Christianorum, series Latina. The result is an excellent scholarly resource of abiding value. Fontes Christiani 41/1–2; Brepols Publishers, Turnhout (2003) 1–259; III/260–543 (BL)
2243 Hans-Winfried Jüngling, Von Gottes Mühe und Jesu Ermüdung Die Predigt, die Augustinus am 12.7.413 über Joh 4,1–42 gehalten hat (Tract. In Ioh. XV,6), handelt von der Mühe, die Jesus auf sich nimmt, um die Mühseligen zu erquicken und von ihrer Mühe zu befreien. In diese Predigt ist offenbar jesajanisches Gedankengut (insbes. Jes 40,28–31; 43,22–24; 49,4) eingeflossen. Ein Vergleich der lateinischen Versionen des Jesajabuches zeigt erstaunlicherweise eine besonders große Nähe zur Vulgata, obwohl Augustinus nicht diese, sondern die Vetus Latina vor sich hatte. Franz Sedlmeier (Hrsg.), Gottes Wege suchend; Echter Verlag, Würzburg (2003) 417–432 (NvM)
2244 Adolf Martin Ritter, Die Väter als Schriftausleger am Beispiel Gregors von Nyssa, De beatitudinibus Das Besondere an Gregors Schriftauslegung ist “zum einen, dass sie, wie besonders in den exegetischen Homilien zutage tritt, zweifach der paganen Schultradition verpflichtet war: als Rede der Rhethorik, als Textauslegung der Grammatik, und, was entscheidender ist, dass sie über das grammatisch-rhetorische Rüstzeug sicher verfügte. Zum anderen zeichnet es Gregors Schriftauslegung aus, ja, lässt sie als nahezu einzigartig erscheinen, dass Gregor nicht nur als Theologe, sondern auch als Exeget ausgetretene Pfade eher meidet und stattdessen, hier wie dort, seine ausgesprochene systematische und spekulative Neigung und Begabung zur Geltung bringt. Exegetisch heißt das, dass er beharrlich nach dem einheitlichen “Zweck” (skopos) eines Textzusammenhanges (wie z.B. der matthäischen Makarismen) fragt und dessen innere Logik (akolouthia) zu erkennen trachtet, mit dem Resultat – u.a. – dass für ihn der Weg von der ersten bis zur letzten Seligpreisung identisch ist mit dem Weg auf die Spitze eines Berges, mit dem Stufenweg zur “Vollkommenheit” (126). ZNW 93/1–2 (2002) 120–137
2245 Bernhard Mutschler, “Moysi litterae verba sunt Christi”. Mose bei Irenäus von Lyon Für den Kirchenvater Irenäus von Lyon ist Mose nach Paulus und Johannes der drittwichtigste Referenzautor. Als treuer Diener und Prophet Gottes überbringt er das Gesetz und erfüllt dadurch eine erzieherische Funktion. Seine wichtigste Aufgabe ist jedoch die Verweisfunktion auf Christus, der mit ihm aus dem Dornbusch gesprochen habe, und dessen Leben in vielen Punkten durch ihn angekündigt worden sei. Mit dieser Auffassung führt Irenäus eine bereits im NT angelegte Interpretationslinie weiter – die Gestalt des Mose steht im Dienste der Christologie. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 169–186 (DL)
2246 H.F. Stander, Honour and shame as key concepts in Chrysostom’s exegesis of the Gospel of John Recently, studies have illustrated that honour and shame were core values in the Mediterranean world in general and in the Bible too. These studies usually resort to classical sources to support the claims being made. Modern scholars, who take the historical-critical approach seriously, have come to realize the importance of reading the Bible according to its appropriate cultural context, which of necessity includes an appreciation of honour and shame as social core values. However, the article shows that
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patristic sources have been neglected by many scholars who study the social values of the ancient world. This article illustrates the importance of these values for patristic authors. John Chrysostom’s homilies on the Gospel of John are used as an example to prove how he employed values such as honour and shame as exegetical keys to unlock the meaning of John’s gospel. HTS 59/3 (2003) 899–913
2247 Adolf Harnack, Marcion. Der moderne Gläubige des 2. Jahrhunderts, der erste Reformator Harnack (1851–1930) is rightly famous for his monograph “Marcion. Das Evangelium vom fremden Gott” (1921), but it is little known that Harnack, at the age of nineteen, had written a first book on Marcion and his Bible (1870), and was awarded a prize for it by the theological faculty of Dorpat (today Tartu), his home town. The bulky manuscript remained unpublished but has recently come to light among Harnack’s papers in the State Library of Berlin. The present book prints the text of Harnack’s manuscript and supplies explanatory notes. All later annotations that Harnack subsequently made are also included. Here one can see one of Germany’s most brilliant minds at work, and the edition will no doubt inspire further research on the author’s lifelong struggle to understand Marcion and, through Marcion, the essence of Christianity. The editor, Friedemann Steck, earned a theological doctorate for his painstaking work of transcribing, indexing, and supplying notes and bibliographies. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 149; W. de Gruyter, Berlin (2003) XLVII/1–446 (BL)
2248 J.H. le Roux, Von Harnack, Marcion en die Ou Testament This article focusses on Adolf Von Harnack’s profound study of Marcion, a theologian of the second century. He was amongst other things fascinated by Marcion’s view of the Old Testament. Marcion rejected the Old Testament because it depicted the creator-god as a mean figure who humiliated human beings. Jesus was in no way related to this god. He came from the good God who is described in the New Testament. Marcion compiled his own Bible which had no Old Testament and only a few books from the New Testament which he purged from all Jewish or Old Testament influence. According to Marcion the newness of the Christ event made the Old Testament superfluous. Verbum et Ecclesia 24/1 (2003) 124–136
Jewish Exegesis 2249 Mayer I. Gruber, Rashi’s Commentary on the Psalms The work of the great medieval philologist Rashi (11th century) commands respect not only for historical reasons; it is still a useful tool for the contemporary biblical scholar. Gruber’s book is monumental. It offers the Hebrew text of Rashi’s commentary (52 pages), an annotated English translation, a thorough commentary (complete with examples of how modern scholars and English translations of the Bible deal with philological and exegetical problems discussed by Rashi), and a very detailed introduction to Rashi’s work in general. With this fine book, Gruber has established himself as a major authority on Rashi. (See also Gruber’s earlier translation of Rashi’s commentary on Psalms 1–89, Atlanta 1998.) The Brill Reference Library of Judaism; Brill, Leiden (2004) XVI/1–914 (BL)
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2250 Shlomo Sela, La creación del mundo supralunar según Abraham Ibn Ezra: un estudio comparativo de sus dos comentarios a Génesis 1,14 This article aims at elucidating Abraham Ibn Ezra’s (ca. 1089 – ca. 1167) opinion about the creation of the supra-lunar world. A major and striking feature of Ibn Ezra’s approach is that he did not find it convenient to address this issue, intimately related to the nature of the celestial bodies, in his astronomical or astrological treatises, but rather in his biblical commentaries. Therefore, we propose to concentrate our efforts on the meticulous study of the two commentaries which Ibn Ezra wrote on Genesis 1,14. As this verse focuses on the account of the creation of the heavenly bodies, we have assumed that the elusive Ibn Ezra could not have avoided revealing his view, or, at least, that we should have left some significant hints from which we may uncover his genuine opinion about the creation of the supra-lunar world. Sef. 63/1 (2003) 147–181
2251 Nissim Eliakim, The Grammar as an Important Element in the ‘Peshat’ of the Netziv in His Commentary “Ha"amek Davar” (Hebr., Engl. summary) The Netziv’s extensive knowledge of language was acquired through his studies of the vast corpus of rabbinical literature, and particularly from his study of the commentaries of the giants in biblical exegesis, Rishonim and Aharonim, who also interpreted the text on the basis of the rules of grammar and language. His own innovative commentaries were also expressed in his interpretations of these. In order to write his commentary “Ha"amek Davar” and “Harhev Davar”, the Netziv called into play all components of language: morphology, phonology, syntax, and semantics. This article discusses many of his interpretations which are based on only the first two components of language. Beit Mikra 173 (2003) 120–136
2252 Nissim Eliakim, The Grammar as an Important Element in the ‘Peshat’ of the Netziv in his Commentary “Ha"amek Davar” (Hebr., Engl. summary) In order to write his commentary “Ha"amek Davar” and “Harhev Davar”, the Netziv called into play all components of language: morphology, phonology, syntax, and semantics. This article discusses many of his interpretations which are based on only the first two components of language. Beit Mikra 174 (2003) 223–237
2253 Rolf Rendtorff, Jews and Christians: Seeing the Prophets Differently Der Tanach sieht die Propheten als Auslegung der Torah, die christliche Bibel ordnet sie vor dem Neuen Testament ein. Damit ist der grundlegende Unterschied jüdischer und christlicher Prophetenauslegung symbolisiert. Seit Wellhausen repräsentieren die Propheten das ursprüngliche Israel intellektueller und religiöser Freiheit, während das Gesetz der Tora im späteren Judentum diese Freiheit unterdrückte. Über Gerhard von Rad hinaus, der die Propheten in Kritik und Abgrenzung auf das Gesetz bezogen hat, verweist R. auf den starken gegenseitigen Bezug zwischen Gesetz und Prophetie, ohne dass das Eine ohne den Bezug auf das Andere sein könnte. BiRe 19/1 (2003) 24–31.54 (CB)
2254 Stefan Schreiner, Protestant Bible Study and the Jewish Response in the 19th and 20th Centuries Wie in ihren Anfängen entwickelten sich jüdische und christliche Bibelstudien des 19. und des beginnenden 20. Jhs. in einer gegenseitigen Konfrontation. Der Verf. erörtert
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einige Charakteristika der protestantischen Interpretation des ATs und ihrer antijüdischen Kritik aus dieser Zeit. Die Antwort der jüdischen Seite fasst er in drei Schritten zusammen: (1) Erste Rezeption der protestantischen Bibelstudien im Kontext der Wissenschaft des Judentums, (2) ihre Ablehnung durch einen Teil der (neo)orthodoxen jüdischen Bibelinterpretation, und (3) eine alternative jüdische Bibelinterpretation der ‘Hebräischen Renaissance’. Heute stehen linguistische Beschränkungen im Weg einer breiten Rezeption der jüdischen, v.a. der israelischen, Bibelwissenschaft. JSQ 10/2 (2003) 140–171 (DL)
2255 Richard J. Bernstein, Freud und das Vermächtnis des Moses This is a German translation of “Freud and the Legacy of Moses” (1998). Bernstein argues that recent writing on Freud’s “Moses” has misunderstood the master, and this is especially true (he claims) of Y.H. Yerushalmi. Freud’s central concern is with the prohibition of images and the prophetic battle against idolatry – here we can see Freud’s emphasis on the progressive appreciation of the intellect. In this sense, Freud stayed a Jew, and meant to stay one. Philo Verlagsgesellschaft, Berlin (2003) 1–244 (BL)
2256 Stefan Schorch u.a., Isac Leo Seeligmanns “Voraussetzungen der Midraschexegese” als Klassiker der alttestamentlichen Forschung und als zeitgeschichtliches Dokument Mit seinen “Voraussetzungen der Midraschexegese” eröffnete L. Seeligmann der damaligen Exegese eine neue, zum Verständnis des ATs unabdingbare Perspektive und formulierte ihren bis heute gültigen Anspruch und Maßstab. Der Beitrag würdigt sein Werk als ein Dokument der Zeitgeschichte, indem die Unterschiede zwischen den zeitgenössischen Tendenzen in den überwiegend christlich beeinflussten biblischen Forschungen und Seeligmanns Midraschexegese aufgezeichnet werden. WuD 27 (2003) 147–159 (DL)
2257 Robert Eisen, Midrash in Emil Fackenheim’s Holocaust Theology For this richest and most developed Jewish Holocaust theologian the midrash of the rabbis represents the profound and most authentic theology ever produced within Judaism. Midrash has always served as a medium (story, parable, metaphor) for helping the rabbis come to terms with the philosophical difficulties inherent in the root experiences of the Jewish people. HThR 96/3 (2003) 369–392 (WSch)
Middle Ages 2258 Christopher Kleinhenz (ed.), Medieval Italy. An Encyclopedia The two, continuously paginated volumes include several highly informative articles on the Bible in medieval times: allegory (G. Allaire), Bible (P.S. Hawkins), biblical exegesis (V.S. Benfell), glossa ordinaria: Bible (L.C. Watkins, who rightly laments the fact that there is no modern scholarly edition of this important work), numerology (with focus on Dante, Boccaccio, Petrarch; R. Lansing), theatre (G. Allaire), shroud of Turin (commenting on the “astonishing technical virtuosity” of its mediaval fabricator; S.N. Botterill). Routledge, London (2004) XXX/1–1290 (BL)
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2259 Ursula Niggli (ed.), Peter Abaelard: Leben – Werk – Wirkung This collective volume serves the needs of both those who need an up-to-date scholarly introduction (complete with maps, chronological tables, and bibliography) to the great 12th-century French thinker and those who are looking for more specialized new articles (e.g. on the family background of Heloissa). One paper (p. 115ff, by R. Peppermüller) deals specifically with Abelard’s commentary on Romans, and in an aside the editor tells us that Abelard, like Kant, understood the biblical figure of Job as the ideal representative of a rational faith basen on morality (p. 24). A book well worth having! Forschungen zur europäischen Geistesgeschichte 4; Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2003) IX/1–420 (BL)
2260 Hildegard Gosebrink, “Intellectum expositionis librorum sapiebam . . .”. Die Heilige Schrift in der visionären Theologie Hildegards von Bingen (1098–1179) Die heutige Rezeption der Gestalt und der Werke Hildegards von Bingen ist durch zwei Extreme gekennzeichnet: eine esoterische bzw. fundamentalistische Lesart ihrer Visionen auf der einen Seite und eine Pathologisierung ihrer visionären Begabung auf der anderen. Keiner der beiden Zugänge wird dem “Sitz im Leben” mittelalterlicher Visionsliteratur gerecht. Hildegards Trilogie ist ein einzigartiges Beispiel für ein gegenseitiges Durchdringen von eigenem religiösen Fragen und Erfahren, für die Prägung des ganzen Lebens und Denkens durch die Schrift und ihre Auslegung durch die Kirchenväter und für die Reflexion der eigenen Spiritualität wiederum mit Hilfe der Schrift. JThF 5; Gunda Brüske u.a. (Hgg.), Oleum laetitae; Aschendorff Verlag, Münster (2003) 274–287
2261 Gilles Berceville et al., Exégèse biblique, théologie et philosophie chez Thomas d’Aquin et Martin Luther, commentateurs de Rm 7,14–25 After recalling the keys to reading and interpreting Biblical texts according to the customs and traditions of his time, G. Berceville arrive at St. Thomas’ interpretation of the “I” in the discourse of St. Paul in the crucial text of Rm 7, 14–25. While taking into account what the “Authorities had said,” St. Thomas nevertheless pointed out his “preferences.” This text, concerning the good which is difficult to do and the evil that presents itself to the “I”, can be applied to the just man as well as to the sinner. In contrast, Luther’s reading – a reaction against the naturalism of the Renaissance – came at the end of a radical transformation of reason and philosophy. This “reading” raises the question: Is it possible today to follow the school of Thomas the contemplative without losing the uneasy attention our modernity brings to history which God enters and saves? RSR 91/3 (2003) 373–395
2262 Klaus Braunger, Wenn der Geruch des Lebens in die Nase steigt . . . Der Duft aus der Bibel – in rezeptionsgeschichtlicher Perspektive bei Klara von Assisi. Zum 750. Todesjahr der Hl. Klara von Assisi (1193– 1253) Für Klara sind der belebende ( Joh 11; 12) und anziehende (Hld) Duft Jesu sowie der Wohlgeruch eines guten Rufs (2Kor 2,15) entscheidende Zeichen der Auferstehung und des Anteils der Gläubigen an Christus. BN 114/115 (2002) 17–23 (US)
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2263 Wies„aw DÍabrowski, La dottrina della imago Dei nei commenti di san Tommaso d’Aquino alle lettere di san Paolo Apostolo The presentation of the subject, preceded by an Introduction, evolves around three points: 1 – Christ image of God, wherein it is demonstrated that Christ is the perfect image of the Father; 2 – The man image of God, wherein is demonstrated that he is the imperfect image of God, and that, despite the difference between man and woman, both are the image of God; 3 – The Christian image of Christ, wherein it is also demonstrated that by sin the image of God is not lost. The author examines the text of Saint Thomas’ Commentaries on the Saint Paul Letters regarding the topic of this research. Although this work is christological in nature nevertheless it allows the author to conclude that the doctrine of the imago Dei here presented by Saint Thomas Aquinas is indeed rich and still remains valid and topical. Ang. 80/4 (2003) 779–828
Modern Times: 16th century ★ 17th–20th centuries 2264 H. Viviers, Hooglied, liggaam en die mistikus, Sint Teresa van Avila (1515–1582) In this article the interaction between an allegorical (tropological) understanding of the Song of Songs, the body and the internalized societal values of the sixteenth century Spanish mystic, St Teresa of Avila will be highlighted. Our bodies are central in our symbolizing activities and this confirms that we are (animated) bodies. St Teresa cannot escape her body, not even in the elevated spiritual state of the unio mystica, utilizing the words of love in the Song to voice the soul’s glowing love for Christ. The body’s “voice” is always present, in spite of her societal dualistic values of prioritising the spirit at the expense of the body and it even subtly enhances self-realisation. The repressed body always returns. The “text” of the body onto which is “written” societal values becomes an important source of exposing a society’s hidden ideologies. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1537–1553
2265 Donald McKim (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Martin Luther Eighteen scholars, mainly from Britain, Germany, and the US, offer survey essays on all the major aspects of the German reformer’s life and theology. Two contributions discuss his biblical translation (E.W. Gritsch, with bibliography on pp. 305–306) and his scriptural interpretation (O. Bayer). The book includes a chronological chart, a helpful, up-to-date bibliography featuring English and German contributions, and a list of relevant websites. Highly recommended! Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XVIII/1–320 (BL)
2266 Martin Leutzsch, Wie protestantisch ist das Neue Testament? Seit Luthers Übersetzung des Neuen Testaments 1521–1522 im Rückbezug auf die antiken Originale hat die protestantische Bibelauslegung eine vielfältige Entwicklung von Problemen, Interpretationen und wechselnden Schwerpunkten hinter sich. Ein Rückblick auf die fast 500 Jahre des protestantischen Umgangs mit dem NT offenbart, wie sehr solche Akzentuierungen, den Inhalt und sogar die Form des ntl. Kanons durch die theologischen, politischen und sozialen Fragestellungen der jeweiligen Zeit beeinflusst haben. Das eigene Selbstverständnis in Abgrenzung zu den Anderen sowie die damit verbundenen Verstehensschwierigkeiten führten zu einer jeweils eigenen NT-Hermeneutik. Der Verzicht auf eine das Fremde abwertende Selbstdefinition kann heute die Frage nach dem Protestantischen im NT aus dem Zentrum entfernen, und gleichzeitig der Frage nach dem Biblischen im Protestantismus mehr Raum verschaffen. Richard Faber u.a. (Hgg.), Der Protestantismus – Ideologie, Konfession oder Kultur?; Verlag Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2003) 187–205 (DL)
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2267 Matthias Köckert, Luthers Auslegung des Dekalogs in seinen Katechismen aus der Sicht eines Alttestamentlers Als der am weitesten verbreitete Text der Bibel verdanken die zehn Gebote ihre Popularität im Christentum v.a. Luthers Kleinem Katechismus. Luther demonstrierte darin beispielhaft, wie ein alttestamentlicher Text zur Grundlage einer christlichen Ethik werden kann. Der Artikel bietet einen Überblick über die Entstehung der lutherischen Katechismen, die Rolle des Dekalogs in diesen Werken sowie seine alttestamentliche Eigentümlichkeiten und eine Auslegung der Einzelgebote durch Luther samt deren modernem Verständnis. Auf der Suche nach ihrem ursprünglichen Sinn interpretierte Luther die zehn Gebote als ein universales Gesetz und die Nächstenliebe als seine Grundregel, was der so entwickelten evangelischen Ethik eine allgemeine Plausibilität verliehen hat. Ulrich H.J. Körtner (Hg.), Christliche Ethik – evangelische Ethik?; Neukirchener Verlag, NeukirchenVluyn (2004) 23–68 (DL)
2268 Natalio Fernández Marcos, De Varia Republica: política y Biblia en Arias Montano Dieser Beitrag zeigt exemplarisch am Kommentar zum Richterbuch, wie das politische Denken Arias Montanos in der Bibel verankert ist. Silva 2 (2003) 27–40 (SP)
2269 John L. Thompson, Calvin as a Biblical Interpreter In his approach to Scripture, Calvin embodies much that was traditional, but his exegesis is also often marked by a strong streak of independence. Important statements on Calvin’s exegesis can be found in two of his prefaces: to the Homilies of Chrysostom, and to his commentary on Romans. Donald K. McKim, The Cambridge Companion to John Calvin; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2004) 58–73 (BL)
2270 David S. Katz, God’s Last Words: Reading the English Bible from the Reformation to Fundamentalism Committed to the paradigm of reception history (R. Jauss, H.G. Gadamer), the author studies how the Bible was seen in England during the 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. Nothing important is left out here, even the “occult” approach to biblical criticism (e.g. by Swedenborg) gets the attention it deserves. The story here recounted in much detail culminates in the 19th century, to which the author devotes two substantial chapters dealing first with the reception of German biblical criticism and then with Darwin and the challenge of anthropology. Like the author’s earlier book on “Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-century England” (1987), this is a masterpiece of cultural historiography. (P. 377, bibliography for chap. 7: the book on OT criticism in the 19th century is by John Rogerson.) Yale University Press, London (2004) XVI/1–397 (BL)
✩ 2271 William Johnstone (ed.), The Bible and the Enlightenment. A Case Study – Dr Alexander Geddes (1773–1802) Ten papers discuss the Scottish background, the literary career, the unpublished papers, and especially the biblical criticism of the Catholic scholar A. Geddes. As John Rogerson demonstrates, he should not be listed as an early representative of a “fragmentist”
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approach to Pentateuchal criticism. According to E. Schwarzbach, Geddes heavily relied on French biblical criticism. JSOT.S 377; T & T Clark International/Continuum, London (2004) XIV/1–229 (BL)
2272 Edward J. Enright, The Sermon as Biblical Commentary: The Case of Newman’s Parochial and Plain Sermons and Paul’s First Letter to the Corinthians Since this essay proposes that a sermon can be used as a commentary on the Bible, the procedure used here is to take 1 Corinthians one chapter at a time, seeing how Newman understood the verses and pericopes from this letter that he chose to include in his Parochial and Plain Sermons. The essay concludes with an assessment of Newman’s approach to biblical interpretation by considering two modern exegetes of First Corinthians, Raymond F. Collins and Jerome Murphy-O’Connor. AthR 85/4 (2003) 663–687
2273 Theo Sorg, Das theologische Erbe Johann Albrecht Bengels für die Gegenwart Dieser Beitrag berichtet von dem Leben und der theologischen Forschung des schwäbischen Pietisten J.A. Bengel. Besonders gewürdigt werden seine textkritische Studien, der Gnomon Novi Testamenti und seine Auslegung der Offenbarung des Johannes. TBe 34/4 (2003) 173–188 (SP)
2274 Peter Höffken, Beobachtungen am Jesajakommentar von Bernhard Duhm (1. Aufl. 1892) Duhms Jesajakommentar rechnet in seiner ersten Auflage mit einer komplexen Buchwerdung von Jesaja und thematisiert die einzelnen Redaktionen in ihrer Eigenart. ThZ 59/1 (2003) 1–16 (MW)
2275 John Van Seters, An Ironic Circle: Wellhausen and the Rise of Redaction Criticism In the New Documentary Hypothesis, Wellhausen used the “redactor” (RJE, RD, RP) to explain how independent sources were combined to create a unified Pentateuch. Although doubts have recently been expressed about the validity of the Documentary Hypothesis, the redactor has actually flourished in many new modes of literary analysis by importing from NT studies of the Gospels a methodology called “redaction criticism”, which attributes much greater scope to the redactor, to the point, in OT scholarship, where former sources ( JEDP) are viewed as superfluous. One can simply move from the tradition history of form criticism to redaction history of written texts and the “final form”. However, redaction criticism in NT studies has its roots, not in form criticism (Marxsen), but in the prior application of source analysis by Wellhausen to the Gospels, thus making the three evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, into redactors. Consequently, Wellhausen’s redactor is being used against Wellhausen’s source criticism in an unconscious and ironic contradiction. ZAW 115/4 (2003) 487–500
2276 Wolfgang E. Heinrichs, Das Judenbild im Protestantismus des deutschen Kaiserreichs. Ein Beitrag zur Mentalitätsgeschichte des deutschen Bürgertums in der Krise der Moderne Did German Protestant theologians and ecclesiastical writers contribute to the antiJewish atmosphere prior to the Nazi period of the 1930s and 40s? Conservative
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Protestants felt that modernized, “reform” Jews were their enemies, while they could accept Jewish orthodoxy. Liberal Christian theology, by contrast, attacked orthodox Judaism because of its backwardness; according to them, all Jews should adopt Jewish modernism. Heinrichs sifts masses of printed and archival materials in which some contemporary biblical scholars figure (P. Fiebig, Franz Delitzsch, A. Deissmann and others). Kirchengeschichtliche Monografien 12; Brunnen Verlag, Giessen (2004) X/1–854 (BL)
2277 Werner Zager, Liberale Exegese des Neuen Testaments. David Friedrich Strauß, William Wrede, Albert Schweitzer, Rudolf Bultmann Wiederabdruck von sechs Aufsätzen (darunter vier über Schweitzer) über liberale Exegeten des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Eine siebte Studie “Unveröffentlichte Dokumente aus der Frühzeit Rudolf Bultmans” ist hier zum ersten Mal publiziert. Zager ist der Meinung, dass viele Einsichten der liberalen Exegeten auch heute noch gültig sind. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) XI/1–184 (BL)
2278 Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, Max Weber on Ancient Judaism: Beyond a Pariah People: Sectarianism, Heterodoxy and Participation in Cultural and Political Arenas Weber was certainly right in arguing the Judaism was one of the great ancient civilizations during what K. Jaspers calls the “axial age”, an age crucial for much of later European developments. One should be aware, however, of the limitations of Weber’s analysis: central characteristics of the “pariah people” – the weakness of sectarian and heterodox tendencies and the entirely passive attitude toward politics – are notable absent from Judaism. Hartmut Lehmann et al. (eds.), Max Webers Religionssoziologie in interkultureller Perspektive; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 139–174 (BL)
2279 Friedemann Voigt (ed.), Ernst Troeltsch Lesebuch Troeltsch (1865–1923) was a leading intellectual of the German intellectuals living around 1900, a prolific theological, philosophical and political writer, of equal importance with his friend, Max Weber. The editor has selected 18 texts for reprint in this handy volume, and the reviewer recommends the volume to all those who are either not familiar with the author’s work or wish to have easy access to some of the major writings, including Troeltsch’s own survey of his work and the essay “The relevance of the historicity of Jesus for Christian belief ” (1911). All texts are of course in the original German, with the editor’s introduction, bibliography, and index. UTB 2452; Mohr Siebeck (2003) XXXVI/1–404 (BL)
2280 David Lyle Jeffrey, Houses of the Interpreter: Reading Scripture, Reading Culture D.L. Jeffrey, known for his contributions to the history of Christian spirituality and the interpretation of the Bible by writers of literature, here offers a series of 15 papers, most of which deal with some aspect of biblical interpretation. This is especially true of the following papers: Masterplot and meaning in biblical narrative; The gospel according to Isaiah; Charity and cupidity in biblical tradition; Reading the Bible with C.S. Lewis; Scripture, gender, and our language of worship. The author advocates a literary appreciation of biblical texts and recommends to his fellow-Baptists the study of the interpretation of the Bible through the ages (rather than insisting on the biblical immediacy typical of the free-church tradition). – The book is available from Baylor University Press, P.O. Box 97363, Waco, TX 76798, USA. Baylor University Press, Waco, Tex. (2003) X/1–288 (BL)
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2281 Alessandro Falcetta, The Testimony Research of James Rendel Harris This article is a survey of the research carried out by James Rendel Harris on testimonia. It takes into account published and unpublished material written during a period of about fifty years (1884–1933). This survey permits the correction of current opinions about his work, including those referring to the question of only one original written testimony collection. It also shows that Harris’ research was to a large extent independent of previous scholarship and that it influenced several aspects of subsequent testimony and, more in general, New Testament scholarship. NT 45/3 (2003) 280–299
2282 Helgo Lindner, Otto Michel: Adolf Schlatter als Ausleger der Heiligen Schrift In seinem Hauptteil besteht dieser Beitrag aus der 1952 von Otto Michel verfassten Würdigung Adolf Schlatters als Ausleger der Bibel anlässlich dessen 100. Geburtstags. Diese Rede interpretiert der Verf. in einer Einführung als einen Wendepunkt in der Haltung Michels zur Entmythologiesierung-Theologie Rudolf Bultmanns, von der Michel zunehmend abgebrückt ist. TBe 34/6 (2003) 323–334 (DL)
2283 Romano Guardini, Wurzeln eines großen Lebenswerks. Aufsätze und kleinere Schriften. Bd. 4 This fourth volume of an attractive collection of Guardini’s minor papers includes several pieces of interest to the historian of (Catholic) exegesis, especially: On the relevance of the Psalms for Christian existence (1951; important for understanding Guardini’s translation of the Psalms); John the Baptist and Jesus (1951). This is the final instalment of a four-volume set. Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2003) 1–445 (BL)
Contemporary scholars – bibliographies (alphabetically) 2284 Rudolf Brändle et al. (Hgg.), Bibelauslegung und ökumenische Leidenschaft Würdigung von Leben und Werk Oscar Cullmans. Die Beiträge wurden auf einem Symposium anlässlich des 100. Geburtstages des Neutestamentlers gehalten. ThZ 58/3 (2002) 196–298 (MW)
2285 Wayne A. Meeks, Review Essay Diese Besprechung von Nils A. Dahl, Studies in Ephesians: Introductory Questions, Text & Edition-Critical Issues, Interpretation of Textes and Themes, Tübingen 2000, würdigt das Gesamtwerk Dahls als das eines Forschers, der der zunehmenden Fragmentierung der Wissenschaft entgegentritt, kategorisierende Dualismen vermeidet und somit der komplexen Geschichte des frühen Christentums gerecht zu werden vermag. RStR 29/3 (2003) 247–249 (SP)
2286 Eduard Lohse, Joachim Jeremias als Ausleger des Römerbriefes Ursprünglich als Referat anlässlich der Enthüllung einer Gedenktafel für Joachim Jeremias an dessen früherer Wohnstätte in Göttingen gehalten, führt der Vf. einige wichtige Beiträge des bedeutenden Bibelwissenschaftlers zusammen und entfaltet deren Gedankengänge. Zu den behandelten Publikationen von Jeremias gehören unter anderem:
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“Der Schlüssel zur Theologie des Apostels Paulus” (1971) sowie mehrere Vorträge und Aufsätze zum Verständnis des Römerbriefs. ZNW 93/3–4 (2002) 279–287 (MH)
2287 Xavier Léon-Dufour, Un bibliste cherche Dieu The Jesuit author, now retired from teaching the NT at the centre Sèvres in Paris, here collects smaller, semi-popular essays, all previously published between 1958 and the late 90s. The papers give much insight into the Catholic “renouveau biblique” of the 1960s and 70s. Editions du Seuil, Paris (2003) 1–363 (BL)
2288 Jurie le Roux, Gerhard von Rad – ’n honderd jaar In 2001 Old Testament scholars celebrated the birth of Gerhard von Rad’s one hundred years ago. As a contribution to these celebrations, this article focuses on von Rad and his views on history. Von Rad emphasized the importance of historical criticism and he valued the views of Wellhausen and Gunkel. His own approach can be termed “tradition history”. Von Rad used these critical tools to determine the “theological maximum” of the Old Testament. He was interested in Israel’s own presentation of Yahweh’s history with them. In a particular way, von Rad brought history and theology, critical scholarship and theological reflection together. This extremely important intellectual contribution is elaborated in the ensuing article. HTS 58/4 (2002) 1577–1592
2289 Klaus-Dietrich Schunck, Altes Testament und Heiliges Land. Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament und zur biblischen Landeskunde II Published on the occasion of the 75th birthday of the learned author, this volume reprints seven scholarly papers and some other pieces, notably an editorial contribution by H.M. Niemann who tells the story of OT research at the university of Rostock (in former East Germany), where Schunck taught. (The first volume of Schuck’s papers was published in 1989 as vol. 17 of the same series). Beiträge zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des antiken Judentums 50; Peter Lang, Bern (2002) 1–90 (BL)
2290 Edwin K. Broadhead, The Historical Jesus in the World of Eduard Schweizer Eduard Schweizer’s view of the historical Jesus reflects his own historical setting and journey, particularly the influence of his teachers. From this rich heritage and this fascinating life journey, Schweizer crafts an articulate understanding of Jesus. Schweizer’s Christology of coherence holds both, the risen Lord and the earthly Jesus in view. Schweizer contends for the integrity and continuity of the New Testament, and even of the church, as a pluriform expression of that reciprocity. PRSt 30/1 (2003) 21–28
2291 Heinz-Dieter Neef, Leben im Glauben Würdigung des Alttestamentlers Hans Joachim Stoebe (1909–2002). ThZ 59/4 (2003) 348–363 (MW)
2292 Manfred Oeming (ed.), Claus Westermann: Leben – Werk – Wirkung Westermann (1909–2000), who flourished in the 1960s and 70s as professor of OT in Heidelberg, ranks as one of the major figures of biblical studies in post-war Germany,
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and one may compare him with personalities such as G. von Rad and Martin Noth. The present book includes a long autobiographical sketch, a bibliography, and several essays on W.’s work, most notably R. Albertz’s lecture on Westermann’s magisterial commentary on the book of Genesis, and reflections on his theology by H.P. Müller and K. Mayer zu Uptrup. Beiträge zum Verstehen der Bibel 2; Lit Verlag, Münster (2003) 1–134 (BL)
Meetings – research projects 2293 Ulrich Hübner, Der Deutsche Verein zur Erforschung Palästinas (1877– 2002) und seine Basler Wurzeln Entstehung und Geschichte des Deutschen Palästina Vereins (DPV). ThZ 58/4 (2002) 329–338 (MW)
2294 Ulrich Hübner, Der “Deutsche Verein zur Erforschung Palästinas”. Ein Überblick über seine 125jährige Geschichte Kurzer Bericht über Gründung und Aufgaben des Deutschen Vereins zur Erforschung Palästinas, wobei in besonderer Weise die Verbindung zur Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft aufgezeigt wird. MDOG 134 (2002) 353–357 (VF)
2295 Bettina Eltrop (Hg.), Bibel in einer pluralistischen Welt Im September 2002 fand in Beirut die VI. Vollversammlung der Katholischen Bibelföderation statt, die sich mit dem Thema “Wort Gottes – Segen für alle Völker (Apg 3,25). Die Bibelpastoral in einer pluralistischen Welt” befasste. In dieser Ausgabe von Bibel und Kirche sind Vorträge und Texte der Vollversammlung (u.a. das Schlussdokument) sowie aus dem Vor- und Nachbereitungsprozess abgedruckt, darunter zwei exegetische Beiträge: A.T. Khoury befasst sich mit der Figur Abraham in jüdischer, christlicher und islamischer Tradition (9–17) und M. Harun thematisiert die Überschreitung kultureller, ethnischer, sozialer und religiöser Schranken in der Apostelgeschichte (18–24). BiKi 59/1 (2004) 1–45 (SP)
2296 Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr et al., Das Corpus Hellenisticum. Anmerkungen zur Geschichte eines Problems Im Anhang (303–382) bietet dieser Band der WUNT unveröffentlichte Texte aus der Geschichte des Forschungsprojektes Corpus Judaeo-Hellenisticum Novi Testamenti (C.F. Georg Heinrici, Instruktionstext für Mitarbeiter am Corpus Hellensiticum Novi Testamenti, 1915; Ernst von Dobschütz, Probedruck zum Johannesprolog, 1930; Hermann Hanse, Bericht über den Stand der Arbeiten am Corpus hellenisticum, 1934 und Nikolaus Walter, Zur Chronik des Corpus Hellenisticum von den Anfängen bis 1955/58) sowie Überlegungen zum gegenwärtigen Stand und zur Fortführung des Unternehmens (Traugott Holtz und Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr). WUNT 162; Wolfgang Kraus et al. (eds.), Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie; Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen (2003) 303–382 (SP)
2297 Brevard S. Childs, A Tribute to the Book List of SOTS Der Beitrag zeichnet die Entwicklung der Rezensionensammlungen (Booklists) der Society for Old Testament Study, würdigt deren Bedeutung für die englischsprachige Forschung und mahnt die Verantwortung bei der Auswahl sowie Behandlung der rezensierten Werke an. JSOT.S 373; J. Cheryl Exum et al. (eds.), Reading from Right to Left; Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, London (2003) 90–94 (DL)
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BIBLE IN ART, LITERATURE, FILM AND MUSIC Literature 2298 Philippe Borgeaud, Aux origines de l’histoire des religions The first ones to compare religions and to develop critical perspectives were the Greeks and Romans who reacted to the religion of Egypt and to Judaism. The longest chapter deals with how the figure of Moses was seen by ancient writers including Hekataeus, Manetho, Artanapos (for the interpretation of which he relies on G. Bohak; IZBG 42:1616), Strabo, and Tacitus. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods, writers could not avoid comparing the various worldviews offered by a variety of ethnic groups. La Librairie du XXI e siècle; Editions du Seuil, Paris (2004) 1–311 (BL)
2299 Georg Langenhorst, “Israel” zwischen Heilsgeschichte und Tagespolitik – Spurensuche in der deutschsprachigen Literatur Die deutschsprachige Literatur nach 1945 leidet an einer Befangenheit bzgl. Israel. Schuldgefühle, Angst vor Tabugrenzen und zugeschriebene, mangelnde Kompetenz führen zu einem literarischen Schweigen. In diesem Beitrag werden daher exemplarische Zeugnisse jüdischer SchriftstellerInnen besprochen, die auch für heute beispielhaft die Rede von der “Urvokabel” Israel pflegen: Stefan Zweigs heilsgeschichtliche Deutung Israels in “Jeremia”, “Das Buch Hiob und das Schicksal des jüdischen Volkes” von Margarete Susman, der Zyklus “Die Muschel saust” von Nelly Sachs, Rose Ausländers Israel-Gedichte und das “Höre Israel!” von Erich Fried, die alle auch biblische Themen und Motive, zumindest aber biblisch geprägten Stil aufgreifen. BiLi 76,1 (2003) 35–46 (CB)
2300 Andrea Henneke-Weischer, Poetisches Judentum. Die Bibel im Werk Else Lasker-Schülers The German poet Else Lasker-Schüler (1869–1945), although not an orthodox Jewish believer and marked by “transcendental homelessness” (p. 356f ), was deeply influenced by the Bible. Biblical subjects figure prominently in her work, and the author of this Tübingen theological thesis traces OT as well as NT themes. Lasker-Schüler constructs a poetic Judaism or “text religion” based on an awareness of the Bible’s religious message and aura. Unfortunately, the book lacks an index of names and poems. Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2003) 1–475 (BL)
2301 Bernd-Jürgen Fischer, Handbuch zu Thomas Manns “Josephsromanen” Der durch seine Ausführlichkeit beeindruckende Kommentar zu Thomas Mann, Joseph (3 Bände, 1933/36) enthält u.a. einen Forschungsbericht über die einschlägige deutschsprachige Literatur (S. 75–102, von 1937 bis 2000, jeweils mit beigefügtem Abstract) sowie einen umfassenden Bericht über die literarische Rezeption des Josefsstoffes von der Antike (u.a. Josef und Asenet) bis zur Gegenwart, wobei auch die Kunstgeschichte breite Berücksichtigung findet. A. Francke Verlag, Tübingen (2002) XXV/1–893 (BL)
2302 Kerstin Stüssel, In Vertretung. Literarische Mitschriften von Bürokratie zwischen früher Neuzeit und Gegenwart This study includes a major chapter on the biblical figure of Joseph (Gen 37ff ) in German literature from Jesuit drama to Grimmelshausen, and Goethe to Thomas Mann (pp. 37–86). The emphasis is on Mann who is supposed to have been inspired by Goethe to his novel-trilogy on Joseph. Stüssel shows that writers were particularly inter-
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ested in Joseph’s rise to a position at a ruler’s court, something they either aspired to themselves or were able to imagine. The courtly, scribal and bureaucratic environment is a major theme of Mann’s elaboration of the Joseph story. – A major contribution to understanding the reception of the Joseph figure in modern literature. Studien zur deutschen Literatur 171; Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen (2004) VIII/1–395 (BL)
2303 Gabrielle Oberhänsli-Widmer, Hiob in jüdischer Antike und Moderne. Die Wirkungsgeschichte Hiobs in der jüdischen Literatur The author offers a survey of the Job figure in ancient literature (such as the Testament of Job, and passages from Talmud and Midrash), followed by major chapters on Job figures and interpretations in twentieth-century Jewish literature, including Joseph Roth and Margarete Susman. Of particular interest is the final chapter on Job in contemporary Israeli poetry. The learned author points out that the Talmud was very critical of Job, and so Job dropped out of the literature of those who are committed to traditional Jewish orthodoxy. It is among “secular” Jews that Job functions as an icon of protest or the Jewish predicament. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) X/1–356 (BL)
2304 Leo Duprée Sandgren, The Shadow of God: Stories from early Judaism Leontinus, Josephus’s fictional scribe, narrates fifteen stories about what happened in ancient Judaism, depicting vivid scenes that were left out by his master. In one of the chapters, two Greek philosophers debate Paul’s Jewish philosophy. There is also a story about a blind man and a rich employer who meet an itinerant preacher names Jeshua ( Jesus). All the “facts” are carefully explained in historical notes. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) VI/1–330 (BL)
2305 Jeffrey Einboden, The Homeric Psalm: Milton’s Translation of Psalm 114 and the Problems of ‘Hellenic Scripture’ John Milton’s translation of Psalm 114 into Homeric Greek represents a unique and paradoxical synthesis of the Hebraic and Hellenic traditions. This paper proposes that Milton’s 1634 rendering evidences his early attempt to aesthetically redeem scriptural verse through employing the parameters of classical prosody. Through investigating Milton’s employment of the diction, syntax, morphology, and metre of the Homeric poems, this paper questions the extent to which Psalm 114’s monotheistic content may be voiced through the linguistic and figural conventions of pagan verse, particularly in light of Milton’s own mature espousal of the ‘plain’ sanctity of scriptural language. Literature and Theology 17/3 (2003) 314–323
2306 Frederick Hale, The Great Trek as Exodus in J.D. Kestells’s and N. Hofmeyr’s De Voortrekkers of Het Dagboek van Izak van der Merwe Both before and after the end of the nineteenth century the Great Trek of the 1830s and 1840s was a recurrent theme in historical fiction. Not only in many of the novels written in Dutch and Afrikaans, but also in some which appeared in English, the bravery of the Voortrekkers was a pivotal theme. Often merged with this heroic motif was an identification of the Voortrekkers with the Israelites of the Old Testament. This thematic dualism reached its zenith in De Voortrekkers, of Het Dagboek van Izak van der Merwe, whose authors, John Daniel Kestell and Nico Hofmeyr, both of whom were Dutch Reformed ministers, constructed the Great Trek as a post-figurative Exodus. ATh 23/1 (2003) 54–70
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2307 David Jasper, The Sacred Desert: Religion, Literature, Art, and Culture Jasper, an expert on the relationship between literature and theology, explores the motif of the desert in a variety of sources, including the Bible (OT and NT), the Desert fathers, mysticism, and modern literature, film, and painting. Here the reader finds names such as William Blake, P.P. Pasolini, and Georgia O’Keefe. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford (2004) XIX/1–208 (BL)
2308 Christoph Gellner, “Niemand ist wie ER!” Gesichter Jesu in der Literatur Überzeugende Annäherungen an die Figur Jesus in der modernen Weltliteratur finden sich vor allem dort, wo sich die AutorInnen der Unfassbarkeit der historischen Person Jesus bewusst sind. Literarische Strategien, die dieses Bewusstsein umsetzen sind z.B. die Übertragung einzelner Züge, Motive und Konstellationen des Lebens und Wirkens Jesu auf jesusähnliche Gestalten eines anderen Zeitraums und Umfelds oder der Verzicht auf eine allwissende Erzähldistanz bei der Darstellung des Lebens Jesu. BiKi 58/3 (2003) 179–182 (SP)
2309 Uwe Böhm et al., The “Matrix” und Röm 6 – Christliche Taufvorstellung in popkulturellem Science-Fiction-Ambiente Der Kinofilm Matrix spiegelt paulinische Tauftheologie wider (vgl. Röm 6). Entsprechendes Material für einen symboldidaktischen Religionsunterricht ist unter www.znt-online.de zum download verfügbar. ZNT 10 (2002) 69–77 (MW)
2310 Ulrich Gaier, Johann Wolfgang Goethe: Faust. Der Tragödie Zweiter Teil This is a detailed line-by-line commentary, followed by documents and a long chapter that explains the textual traditions echoed in Goethe’s famous work. Dr. Faustus is seen as a new Moses who promises a new land to be lived in (p. 302), and there are many echoes of the book of Job (303–305). Universal-Bibliothek 16022, Philipp Reclam jun., Stuttgart (2004) 1–358 (BL)
2311 Ernst Cassirer, Goethe-Vorlesungen (1940–1941) Im Rahmen der kritischen Cassirer-Ausgabe werden hier, von John Michael Krois vorbildlich ediert und mit Beilagen versehen, Cassirers in Skandinavien gehaltene GoetheVorlesungen erstmals publiziert. Es wird deutlich, dass der aus der Germanistik zur Philosophie übergewechselte Autor sein Interesse an der deutschen Literatur beibehalten und immer wieder auch philosophisch fruchtbar gemacht hat, weist er doch Goethe einen Platz innerhalb der Philosophiegeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts zu (S. 188). Besonderes Interesse darf Cassirers Vorlesung über die Religion des jungen Goethe beanspruchen, die in einer Skizze von Goethes Spinozismus gipfelt (S. 188–204). In den Beilagen finden sich einige Notizen Cassirers über “Goethe und die Bibel” (S. 344–347). Felix Meiner Verlag, Hamburg (2004) XI/1–480 (BL)
2312 Elisabeth Hurth, Zwischen Jesus und Paulus. Literarische Paulusbilder Dieser Beitrag untersucht das paulinische Jesusbild in romanhaften Darstellungen der Vita Pauli. Ausführlich werden die pauluskritischen Entwürfe von Gerald Messadie (Ein Mann namens Saulus, 1994) und Dieter Hildebrandt (Saulus – Paulus, 1989) behandelt, deren einfache Polarisierungen Hurth kritisiert. Positiv hebt sie die Paulusbiographie
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von Wolfgang Feneberg (Paulus – der Weltbürger, 1992) hervor, die solche Polarisierungen vermeidet und um eine zeit- und religionsgeschichtliche Einbindung des Apostels bemüht ist. Anzeiger für die Seelsorge 7–8 (2003) 29–32 (SP)
2313 Jerry McCoy, The Detective and the Bible: Biblical Themes in Mystery Fiction Ausgehend von eigener Vorliebe für Kriminalromane verfolgt der Verf. zwei verschiedene biblische Traditionen, die zwei Formen dieser Romane entsprechen. Die priesterliche Tradition geht von einer sinnvoll geschaffenen Welt aus, die in Unordnung geraten ist, dann aber auch wiederhergestellt werden kann. Diese Tradition entspricht der “classical detective story”, in der ein Detektiv durch logische Schlussfolgerungen den Verbrecher entlarvt und dadurch wieder Ordnung in gestörten Verhältnissen schafft. Die weisheitliche Tradition in der Bibel äußert hingegen einen Zweifel an der grundlegenden Ordnung der Welt bzw. an der Möglichkeit, diese Ordnung zu erkennen. Dies entspricht der “hard-boiled detective story”, in der trotz einiger Erkenntnis nicht alle Probleme gelöst und nicht immer das Gute als siegreich hervorgehen muss. Beide Traditionen decken sich schließlich mit menschlichen Hoffnungen und Erfahrungen des alltäglichen Lebens. Encounter 64/1 (2003) 75–96 (DL)
2314 Tamara Cohen Eskenazi et al. (eds.), Levinas and Biblical Studies The collective volume introduces the French philosopher E. Levinas (d. 1995) as one of the great Jewish thinkers of the twentieth century, explores his references to the Bible and biblical passages, and explores the possibility of using Levinas’s insights in biblical studies. Semeia Studies 43; Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Ga. (2003) VII/1–214 (BL)
Theater – film – music 2315 Bernhard Greiner, Esther – eine Figur des Theaters. Drei pragmatische Aneignungen: Grillparzer, Racine, Goethe Greiner behandelt drei Esther-Bühenstücke aus drei Jahrhunderten: 17. Jahrhundert – Racine; 18. Jahrhundert – Goethe; 19. Jahrhundert – Grillparzer. Grillparzers dramatische Bearbeitung des Esther-Stoffes macht das Moment des Theaterhaften der Estergestalt zum zentralen Problem; sein einschlägiges, fragmentarisch gebliebenes Werk steht in der Mitte zwischen Racines Esther-Drama (mit der Befreiung Esthers von allem Theatralischen) und Goethes Rezeption des Estherstoffes (mit Bejahung theatralischer Doppelung im “Jahrmarksfest zu Plundersweilern”). Conditio Judaica 46; Mark H. Gelber (Hg.), Confrontations/Accomodations: German Jewish Literary and Cultural Relations; Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen (2004) 187–207 (BL)
2316 Matthias Morgenstern, Orestes on the Jordan: Shulamit Lapid’s Genesis Reconstruction “Surrogate Mother” (1990) as a Psychoanalytic Drama Der Beitrag bietet eine Vorstellung des Dramas Surrogate Mother von Shulamit Lapid sowie die Analyse einiger ausgewählten Abschnitte und die Einordnung des Werkes in moderne Theaterkunst. Lapid interpretiert die biblische Genesis-Saga entsprechend dem antiken Orestes-Drama, wobei sie gleichzeitig die bekannten biblischen Gestalten in die Gründungszeit Israels versetzt. Damit eröffnet sie sich eine neue Dimension zur kritischen Interpretation Israels Gegenwart. Interessanterweise wird dabei der jüdisch-
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arabische Konflikt nicht an den Gestalten Abrahams (der im Stück Abram heißt) Söhne sondern durch seine beiden Frauen – Sara und Hagar – verdeutlicht. JSQ 10/2 (2003) 172–188 (DL)
2317 Reinhold Zwick, Toleranz-Lektionen aus der Filmgeschichte Ausgehend von D.W. Griffiths berühmtem Stummfilm-Epos “Intolerance” wird verfolgt, wie die Propagierung von Toleranz sich selbst wieder mischen kann mit intoleranten, ja denunziatorischen Momenten. Am Beispiel der antijüdischen Züge in der Darstellung der der Intoleranz bezichtigten Gegner Jesu wird diese Spur exemplarisch bis in die Filmproduktion der Gegenwart (Mel Gibsons “Passion”-Projekt) verfolgt. Konzentriert auf das Verhältnis der abrahamitischen Religionen kommen schließlich auch Beispiele einer produktiven Relecture biblischer Traditionen für die ToleranzThematik und weitere Sujets ihrer kinematographischen Bearbeitung in den Blick. BiKi 58/4 (2003) 239–246
2318 Erin Runions, How Hysterical: Identification and Resistance in the Bible and Film One might not immediately suppose that biblical passages such as the prophetic texts of Isaiah, Ezekiel, and Micah, the book of Revelation, or the tales of Cain and Abel, the exodus, and the rebellion of Korah, and the visit of the Magi to the infant Jesus are all at work in the cultural imagination about political conflicts. The author shows that a number of films that retell political struggles do so by using biblical archetypes and motifs. Palgrave Macmillan, New York (2003) XV/1–208 (BL)
2319 Michael Marissen, The Character and Sources of the Anti-Judaism in Bach’s Cantata 46 This 1723 libretto to the tenth sunday after Trinity mirrors the Leipzig liturgy of its days (Lk 19:41–48 and a Destruction of Jerusalem Summary according to Josephus Bell 6) as well as the Lutheranistic literature in Bach’s own library concerning the already eternal condemnation of Old Jerusalem as Christ’s enemy (antithetically derived from Zech 11). This charges against Old Jerusalem are heightened musically. HThR 96/1 (2003) 63–99 (WSch)
2320 Theodor Seidl, Das Hohelied in der musikalischen Avantgarde. Zwei Vertonungen des “Canticum Canticorum” am Ausgang des 20. Jahrhunderts Der Beitrag stellt zwei Vertonungen der Texte aus dem Hohenlied im 20. Jh. vor: Das Chorwerk “Canticum Canticorum Salomonis” (1973) von Krzysztof Penderecki und die orientalische Vertonung “Shir Hashirim I & II” (1993–1997) von Hans Zender. Neben dem Autbau beider Werke achtet der Verf. v.a. auf die Verwendungsart der biblischen Textvorlage und ordnet sie in die Vertonungstradition des Hohenliedes ein. Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament 72; Hubert Irsigler u.a. (Hgg.), Wer darf hinaufsteigen zum Berg JHWHs?; EOS Verlag Erzabtei St. Ottilien, St. Ottilien (2002) 279–288 (DL)
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Art: medieval ★ modern 2321 Rainer Warland (ed.), Bildlichkeit und Bildorte von Liturgie. Schauplätze in Spätantike, Byzanz und Mittelalter Two contributions to this collective work deal specifically with the impact biblical passages or notions made on the creation of liturgical space. Johannes Tripps shows that the western façade of medieval churches was understood as embodying the fortified walls of the heavenly Jerusalem, complete with guards, angels, prophets, saints, and apostles, in some way reminiscent of medieval depictions of the heavenly gate. Tripps also refers to holes in the ceiling of church interiors understood as openings toward heavenly realms. Björn Tammen in his contribution highlights the presence of musical angels in the choirs of the cathedrals of Aachen and Cologne, arguing that they are meant to visualize Psalm 150 and to make heavenly music present in the liturgical space. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden (2003) 1–157 (BL)
2322 Andreas Fingernagel (ed.), Im Anfang war das Wort. Glanz und Pracht illuminierter Bibeln The editor, curator of the manuscript collections of the Austrian National Library in Vienna, has produced a large-sized, lavishly illustrated anthology of late ancient and medieval bibles. Most illustrations come from Latin manuscripts such as the Vienna Genesis (6th century), the Bible of Admont (12th century), and the Klosterneuburg Biblia pauperum (14th century), but there are also later and more exotic pieces such as an Armenian Gospel-book (ca. 1680) and an Arabic genealogical table in which an Ottoman ruler traces his ancestry to Adam and Eve (1674). Text, descriptions, and catalogue entries make this book both useful and a delight, so that all students of the history of the Bible will love this volume for its iconographic treasures. The volume is available from: Taschen, Hohenzollernring 53, D-50672 Köln, Germany. Taschen, Köln (2003) 1–415 (BL)
2323 Robert Suckale, Stil und Funktion. Ausgewählte Schriften zur Kunst des Mittelalters Nineteen research papers, originally published between 1977 and 2002, are here reprinted and in part revised. Most of the papers have received an additional note by the author who offers further thoughts and updates the bibliographies. The range of subjects is amazing – from panel paintings to architecture, as is the time range – from the 12th to the 15th centuries. Textual and liturgical contexts are here considered along with iconographic traditions, see for instance the article on a medieval Madonna as “painted hymn”. Of particular relevance for theologians is what Suckale writes about devotional images (Andachtsbilder); he advocates a functional, rather than iconographic, definition. Suckale here emerges as one of the foremost art historians writing on the medieval period. If it is true that theology currently experiences an “iconographic turn”, then theological libraries should make sure to get a copy of this important publication. (Regrettably, there is no index.) Deutscher Kunstverlag, München (2003) 1–559 (BL)
2324 Rudolf Berliner, “The Freedom of Medieval Art” und andere Studien zum christlichen Bild Der von R. Suckale herausgegebene Band versammelt 14 Arbeiten des jüdischen, in die USA geflohenen Kunsthistorikers (1886–1967), die um die Darstellung der Passion Christi kreisen und Bildzeugnisse des Mittelalters ebenso berücksichtigen wie solche der frühen Neuzeit. Von unschätzbarem Wert und monographischem Umfang ist die Arbeit über die “Waffen Christi” (Arma Christi, 1955, hier S. 97–191). Nach Berliner zeich-
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net sich christliche Kunst dadurch aus, daß sie “dem Religiösen” vor dem Ästhetischen die Priorität einräumt. Suckale würdigt den Autor zu Recht als einen großen und vorbildhaften Erforscher christlichen Bildmaterials Ein hilfreiches Register ist beigegeben. (Available from the publisher: Kollwitzstr. 57, D-10405 Berlin, Germany.) Lukas Verlag, Berlin (2003) 1–293 (BL)
2325 Victor H. Elbern, Fructus operis II. Beiträge zur liturgischen Kunst des frühen Mittelalters Zwanzig Forschungsbeiträge sind in diesem Band in Reprintverfahren wiedergegeben, alle komplett mit vorzüglichen Abbildungen. Arbeiten zu Reliquiaren und zum Symbol des Kreuzes beherrschen das Bild. Stellvertretend seien genannt: Heilige Zeichen im frühbyzantinischen Altarraum; Gestalt und Bedeutung des sog. Jerusalemer Kreuzes; Beobachtungen zur Morphologie frühchristlicher Kelche. Aus Anlaß des 80. Geburtstags des Verfassers ist eine Werkbibliographie der Jahre 1998–2003 angefügt. Elbern darf als einer der großen kunsthistorischen Interpreten mittelalterlicher Kunstzeugnisse gelten. Schnell & Steiner, Würzburg (2003) 1–420 (BL)
2326 Martin Büchsel, Die Entstehung des Christusporträts. Bildarchäologie statt Bildhypnose Der Frankfurter Kunsthistoriker rollt die Frage nach frühen Formen und der Geschichte des Christusporträts vom 4. bis 9. Jahrhundert neu (von Konstantin bis zur ottonischen Buchmalerei) auf. In aneinandergereihten kurzen Kapiteln wird auf der Grundlage intensiver Studien von Textquellen nachvollzogen, wie das Christusporträt seine besondere Stellung erhält. Im Verlauf dieses Prozesses wird die neuplatonische Symboltheorie, wie sie bei Pseudo-Dionysius greifbar wird, ausgeschaltet: Nicht das gestaltlose Symbol, sondern das Porträt vergegenwärtigt den Herrn. Eine überzeugende, die Forschung neu anregende Arbeit über das Grundthema christlicher Kunst. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2003) 1–196, 16 Tafeln (BL)
2327 Daniel Spanke, Porträt – Ikone – Kunst. Methodologisches zum Porträt in der Kunstliteratur Spanke offers a survey of theories about the painted portrait from antiquity up to the present, arranged within the two available paradigms – that of the religious icon and that of the history of art. This most important reference work also considers the iconic portrait of Christ. In the art history section, the author has attractively and convincingly included the voices of philosophers such as Denis Diderot and A. Schopenhauer. Wilhelm Fink Verlag, München (2004) 1–551 (BL)
2328 Barbara Zimmermann, Die Wiener Genesis im Rahmen der antiken Buchmalerei Die älteste erhaltene illustrierte Bibel ist die in Rom entstandene Quedlinburger Itala (um 400), doch die kunsthistorisch vielleicht bedeutendste ist die Wiener Genesis (24 erhaltene Blätter; 6. Jahrhundert). Sie wird hier ausführlich ikonographisch und vergleichend untersucht, mit dem Ergebnis, dass es sich um eine Auftragsarbeit handeln muss, die im syro-palästinischen Raum entstanden ist. Unterscheiden lassen sich ein Hauptmaler und vielleicht noch (maximal) fünf weitere Hände. Die zeitgenössische Exegese hat auf die narrative Bildfolge nicht eingewirkt, wohl aber ist der Einfluss von außerkanonischem Gut zu vermuten. Der Forschungsstand zur Wiener Genesis wird hier kompetent referiert, kritisiert und durch neue Gesichtspunkte weitergeführt. Ein wichtiges Buch zur frühen Geschichte der Bibelillustration. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden (2003) VIII/1–253, 64 Tafeln (BL)
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2329 Gary Vikan, Sacred Images and Sacred Power in Byzantium The art of Byzantium would remain even more arcane than it is today were it not for scholars such as Gary Vikan. The 15 research papers that are reprinted here are mainly on art as related to pilgrimage, but there is also much to be learned about “art and magic”, “art and marriage”, and even Elvis Presley’s Graceland as a locus sanctus. The essays range from the very general (“Sacred image, sacred power”, the essay placed first) to the very specific. The reviewer found the piece on the Trier ivory and the adventus cermonial the most illuminating piece – but this may be due to his preoccupation with relics. A must for all libraries with research collections on Christian art. (Available from Ashgate, Gower House, Croft Rd., Aldershot, Hamps. GU11 3HR, Great Britain.) Variorum Collected Studies Series; Ashgate, Aldershot (2003) IX/15 papers with individual pagination, index (BL)
2330 Helen C. Evans (ed.), Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557) This is a catalogue of the 355 objects (icons, reliquaries, liturgical implements, manuscripts, textiles, sculptures, etc. many from Greece, Serbia, Russia, and Egypt) shown at a special exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of New York, combined with a series of special studies. The lavishly and superbly illustrated catalogue begins with a general historical survey (by the volume editor) and ends, sensibly, with two chapters by R.S. Nelson (“Byzantium and the Rebirth of Art and Learning in Italy and France” in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries) and M.W. Ainsworth (“A la façon grèce: The Encounter of Northern Renaissance Artists with Byzantine Icons”) on the impact Byzantine art made in the West. Many of the items here catalogued have never been photographed, let alone written about – which makes the catalogue a basic contribution to understanding Christian art. – Essential for all art-history libraries. Yale University Press, London (2004) XXII/1–658 (BL)
2331 Christopher Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition The author, a scholar of Byzantine hagiography and art, offers a thorough study of St. George, the dragon-slayer, and his likes. Most of these figures are either completely fictitious, or very little historical information has been preserved about them. So the entire notion of the warrior saint, with its beginnings (it seems) in the 5th century, is due to the ideology of the Byzantines who saw themselves as the successors of the ancient Israelites with whom they shared interest in warfare and military heroism. In iconography, warrior saints are generally depicted holding sword and spear, and often a speared dragon or serpent is added (with the saint typically sitting on horseback). – Available from Ashgate, Gower House, Croft Rd., Aldershot, Hamps. GU11 3HR, England. Ashgate, Aldershot (2003) XVI/1–317, plates (BL)
2332 Eric Thunö, Image and Relic: Mediating the Sacred in Early Medieval Rome This monograph, a thesis submitted to the Johns Hopkins University, deals with four early medieval objects: an enameled cross that houses fragments of the True Cross (commissioned by Pope Paschal I, 817–824); a rectangular casket made for this cross (same date); a cruciform casket with sliding lid (same date, made for a gemmed cross with relics; this cross, though studied by art historians between 1905 and 1945, is now lost); and a wooden chest made to contain the aforementioned objects (commissioned by Pope Leo III, 795–816, as an Ark of the Covenant). The author studies the decoration on the enameled cross and on the two caskets, especially episodes of Christ’s infancy. – Interestingly, the particles of the True Cross were never shown in those
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days but stayed concealed. It was only later that the sacred wood was actually displayed to satisfy new forms of visual piety. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, Suppl. 32; L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma (2002) 1–216, plates (BL)
2333 Barbara Baert, Imagining the Mystery: The Resurrection and the Visual Medium in the Middles Ages Dieser Beitrag bespricht einige mittelalterliche bildliche Darstellungen der Auferstehung. Die entsprechenden Abbildungen sind dem Beitrag beigefügt. Das Ergebnis der Untersuchung: “The tradition of visualization was deeply effected by the event that no eye had seen but which is the most important mystery of christology. The resurrection is a challenge for visualization, a motif that calls for imagination. The solutions offered by the artists necessarily transcended the words of Scripture. The resurrection is a motif which escapes ‘words’ and therefore needs the visual medium.” (499) BEThL 165; Reimund Bieringer et al. (eds.), Resurrection in the New Testament; Leuven University Press, Leuven (2002) 483–506 (SP)
2334 Gerhard Ruf, Die Fresken der Oberkirche San Francesco in Assisi. Ikonographie und Theologie The famous church of San Francesco in Assisi, Italy, is decorated with late thirteenthcentury frescoes showing biblical scenes (including Cain and Abel, Joseph and his brothers, the birth of Christ, the destruction of Babylon according to Rev 18:1–8) as well as scenes from the life of St. Francis. Lavishly illustrated, this is a valuable guide for visitors as well as a useful reference work for art historians. The Franciscan author works in Assisi and serves as a guide to German pilgrims. Schnell & Steiner, Regensburg (2004) 1–336 (BL)
2335 Norbert Wolf, Die Macht der Heiligen und ihrer Bilder Als Kenner christlicher Kunst ausgewiesen durch sein großes Buch über “Die deutsche Schnitzretabel des 14. Jahrhunderts” (2002), legt Wolf hier einen Gang durch die Geschichte des christlichen Heiligenbildes vor. Neben Mosaiken in mittelalterlichen Kirchen kommen Andachtsbilder, Reliquiare und sogar Kirchenarchitektur in den Blick, wobei stets auf die kirchengeschichtlichen Voraussetzungen (z.B. mittelalterliche Schaufrömmigkeit, tridentische Kontrolle, barocke Prunksucht) hingewiesen wird. Der flüssig geschriebene und gut gegliederte Text wird von zahlreichen, oft farbigen Abbildungen begleitet sowie von einem knappen, auf die jeweiligen Abschnitte des Werkes bezogenen Literaturverzeichnis. Ein anregendes, sich durch seine chronologische Spannweite von der Spätantike bis zur Gegenwart empfehlendes Werk! Philipp Reclam jun., Stuttgart (2004) 1–400 (BL)
2336 Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art A major preoccupation for Christian artists, writers, and theologians during the later Middle Ages was the portrayal of rejected cultural and religious groups. In this context, Kathleen Corrigan has coined the expression “visual polemics”, and the author of the present book does a good job in her telling of this story in detail, complete with 133 plates. She reveals a remarkable flexibility in the iconographic tradition, so that even a positive monstrosity is a viable notion for some medieval artists. A particularly impressive icon of rejection can be seen on p. 125: Virgin and child are represented in an idyllic scene in heaven, whereas, below, Jews are tortured in hell (late 13th century). The author is to be congratulated on her fine work. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ (2003) 1–336 (BL)
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2337 C. Michael Kauffmann, Biblical Imagery in Medieval England, 700–1550 Much of medieval art illustrates the Bible either directly or uses, indirectly, biblical scenes to illustrate political ideas or to serve liturgical or devotional needs. Kauffmann’s expertly researched volume covers all relevant evidence from the art of Irish and Roman monks in early medieval Northumbria to missals used in the late medieval parish church. Between the two, he surveys such subjects as the OT in Anglo-Saxon England, the illustrated giant bibles of the twelfth century (with a comprehensive table of OT iconography in romanesque bibles, pp. 318–319), the Shaftesbury Psalter, and books of hours. One particularly informative chapter is dedicated to the OT cycle in the painted chamber at Westminster, and so the political dimension of art gets the attention it deserves. A standard manual, enlightening both the student and the expert. Harvey Miller Publishers/Brepols Publishers, London and Turnhout (2003) XVI/plates I–XVI/1–365 (BL)
2338 Hans-Rudolf Meier u.a. (Hg.), Schwelle zum Paradies: Die Galluspforte des Basler Münsters Die in den 1180er Jahren gebaute und bis ins 16. Jahrhundert farbig gefasste Pforte des Basler Münsters wird hier in wissenschaftlichem Text und vorzüglicher Fotografie dokumentiert. Der zum Gericht thronende Christus beherrscht die künstlerische Gestaltung; zu seinen Füßen sind die klugen und die törichten Jungfrauen dargestellt. Auferstehende, Posaunenengel und Johannes- sowie Evangelistenskulpturen fehlen nicht. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit wird dem Farbbefund, der Darstellung von Stifterfiguren und dem Bildthema “Werke der Barmherzigkeit” geschenkt. Der vorzüglich ausgestattete Band enthält alles, was der Kunsthistoriker benötigt, einschließlich der Restaurierungsberichte. Schwabe Verlag, Basel (2002) 1–184 (BL)
2339 Susanne Wegmann, Auf dem Weg zum Himmel. Das Fegefeuer in der deutschen Kunst des Mittelalters The author of this thesis in art history has collected well over 100 German medieval illustrations of themes relating to purgatorial beliefs. Each item is carefully catalogued, annotated, and illustrated (some items in color), so that we are here offered a nearcomplete corpus of the subject. The author insists, against earlier work on the subject by P. Dinzelbacher, that there was no “infernalization” of purgatory in late medieval times, for it is only rarely that artists included devilish figures that inflict pain on suffering humans. So, according to Wegmann, the depiction of purgatorial scenes was meant to inspire hope and confidence rather than horror. Böhlau Verlag, Köln (2003) XII/1–364 (BL)
2340 Stefanie Seeberg, Die Illustrationen im Admonter Nonnenbrevier von 1180 Codex 18, a large-size illuminated manuscript, is a liturgical book, for it includes all texts the nuns of the Benedictine convent of Admont, Austria, needed for reciting the daily office. One major chapter of the present book lists and analyzes all illuminations (incorporated in initial letters) with biblical iconography: David as he learns about Saul’s death, the judgement of Solomon, Job’s misery, Tobit and Sarah, the Queen of Saba, and the parable of Dives and Lazarus. The fact that there are no independent illuminations serving display but exclusively iconographically developed initial letters can be seen as an attempt to make illustrations functional. They serve and support the text, but have no independent message – very much in keeping with then current notions of monastic reform. Imagines Medii Aevi 8; Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden (2002) X/1–233, 37 plates (BL)
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2341 Xavier Barral (ed.), Heiliges Licht. Mittelalterliche Glasfenster in Europa This large-size volume includes, apart from the editor’s general introduction to the history of medieval stained glass, nine signed contributions on stained glass in France, England, Germany (Cologne and Freiburg, by R. Becksmann), Austria, Spain, Catalonia, Italy, the Netherlands and Belgium, and Portugal. Some of the color illustrations are from the archives of the Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi. There are no notes, but the book does include a bibliographical appendix. While historical scholarship debates the notion that Pseudo-Dionysius has anything to do with medieval interest in light, the editor pays tribute to this Panofskian interpretation. Both scholars and friends of stained glass – and of the biblical persons and scenes depicted – will enjoy this luxury volume. Dumont, Köln (2003) 1–287 (BL)
2342 Klaus Mangold (Hg.), Das Kreuz aus St. Trudpert in Münstertal/ Schwarzwald Heute in St. Petersburg gilt das Reliquienkreuz aus dem ausgehenden 13. Jahrhundert als das bedeutendste mitteleuropäische Erzeugnis der damaligen Goldschmiedekunst. Über dem Nimbus des Gekreuzigten ist ein kreuzförmiges Partikel des “wahren Kreuzes” unter einem Kristall angebracht. Russische und deutsche Gelehrte liefern zu diesem prächtig gestalteten, reichhaltigen Band ausführliche Beschreibungen des Kreuzes, seiner Reliquien und seines reichen Figuren-, Edelstein- und Gemmenschmucks. Text und Anmerkungen gehen auch auf die Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzreliquien ein, so dass hier der Religionshistoriker die von ihm begehrte reichhaltige Dokumentation findet. – Eine vorbildliche Edition zu einem wichtigen Werk christlicher Kunst. Hirmer Verlag, München (2003) 1–168, I–XV (BL)
2343 Lucy Freeman Sandler (Kommentar), Der Ramsey-Psalter Die zu Begin des 14. Jahrhunderts in England entstandene Psalterhandschrift diente liturgischem Gerauch, besaß jedoch gelichzeitig repräsentative Funktion, wie aus den vorgeschalteten zehn ganzseitigen Illuminationen und einem zusätzlichen, ebenfalls ganzseitigen Dedikationsbild hervorgeht. Diese Bilder bieten einen heilsgeschichtlichen Überblick, wobei Adam und Eva, in schöner Symmetrie dargestellt, offenbar als gleich schuldig erscheinen sollen. Die vorliegende Ausgabe ist eine Kurzfassung der ausführlicher kommentierten Faksimileausgabe desselben Verlags (1999); gekürzt ist lediglich der Kommentar, während die Handschrift vollständig in Farbe reproduziert wird. Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, Graz (2003) 1–173, 1–32 (BL)
2344 Susanne Linscheid-Burdich, Formen und Funktionen biblischer Bezüge in Sugers Schriften The twelfth-century author Sugerius, abbot of St. Denis in France, frequently quotes or alludes to biblical passages. As builder of a church, he is the new Solomon, i.e. the new builder of God’s temple (though he emphasizes that God himself, rather than Solomon/Sugerius is the actual builder). Frequently, Sugerius seems to assume that his readers have a good knowledge of the biblical text and its message. S. Linscheid-Burdich, Suger von Saint-Denis; K.G. Saur, München (2004) 203–217 (BL)
✩ 2345 William A. Dyrness, Reformed Theology and Visual Culture While the Reformed tradition waged war against visual art in churches, it did not prohibit the use of pictorial art in other contexts, esp. in popular culture, the home, and learned publications. Portrait painting, biblical illustrations, emblematic depictions,
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paintings showing church interiors, city maps, gravestones, etc. are all discussed, illustrated, and placed into their sixteenth and seventeenth-century contexts. William Ames, John Cotton, and Jonathan Edwards are among the theologians whose work is dealt with in detail. – An important contribution to the complex history of the relationship between Christianity and art. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2004) XV/1–339 (BL)
2346 Chiara de Capoa, Old Testament Figures in Art Translated from the French and lavishly illustrated with color plates, this is a semipopular guide to paintings (as well as an occasional tapestry and sculpture) depicting Old Testament scenes. The accompanying text explains the biblical story, explains the artist’s work, and indicates the relevant museum location. Arranged according to the canonical sequence of biblical books, the book may also serve as a companion for Bible readers. Recommended! (Available from Getty Publications, 1200 Getty Center Drive, suite 500. Los Angeles, Cal. 90049-1682, USA) The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (2003) 1–352 (BL)
2347 Chiara de Capoa, Erzählungen und Personen des Alten Testaments Translated from the Italian and lavishly illustrated with colour plates, this is a pictorial guide to the Old Testament. The book follows the canonical sequence of the biblical books, and so creation and Adam and Eve are placed at the beginning, and at the end we are guided through the prophetic books, the book of Daniel, and the story of Susannah. The deuterocanonical tales such as those of Tobit and Judith are also included. While medieval art does figure in this guidebook, most illustrations date from the Renaissance and the seventeenth centuries; among more recent artists, Blake, Gustave Moreau and Lovis Corinth have been anthologized. A noteworthy and eminently practical feature of the book is the indication of the museum locations. (Available from: Parthas Verlag, Stresemannstr. 30, D-10963 Berlin, Germany) Parthas Verlag, Berlin (2004) 1–352 (BL)
2348 Bettina Uppenkamp, Judith und Holofernes in der italienischen Malerei des Barock While in medieval art the Judith-and-Holophernes motif stood, allegorically, for virtue prevailing over vice, the subject assumed a different range of meanings in Italian art between ca. 1560 and 1700. Judith may stand for the “militant church”, legitimate female political leadership, and provide the focus of discussions about getting rid of a tyrant by way of murder. Uppenkamp offers a series of detailed studies (including one of Donatello’s bronze sculpture) as well as a catalogue of 132 paintings. – A substantial contribution to the function of biblical iconography in a variety of early modern contexts. Dietrich Reimer Verlag, Berlin (2004) X/1–291 (BL)
2349 Stefano Zuffi, Gospel Figures in Art Close to 400 works of Renaissance (and, to a lesser extent, medieval) art are here presented in the form of a virtual picture gallery that takes the visitor from paintings showing the four evangelists and their symbols through the gospel story. The book ends with the Pentecost miracle and the coronation of the Virgin. Each item is accompanied by a brief evocation of the biblical episode and essential information about the relevant iconography. The biblical treasures of the world’s foremost museums are here represented, and so the well-produced and lavishly illustrated book may serve as the intelligent lay persons’s guide book. – Available from Getty Publications, 1200 Getty Center Drive, suite 500; Los Angeles, Cal. 90049-1682, USA. The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Cal. (2003) 1–384 (BL)
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2350 Maria Kreutzer, Rembrandt und die Bibel. Radierungen, Zeichnungen, Kommentare More than eighty etchings and drawings of biblical scenes are here reproduced, mostly from originals kept in the State Museum of Berlin and Amsterdam’s Rembrandthuis. Most of the items collected in this attractive volume date from the 1650s, but there are also some earlier ones. Both in the introduction and the fine commentaries devoted to individual works, the author betrays her interest in Rembrandt’s relationship with and work for contemporary Jews. The book is organized as a kind of Bible, beginning as it does with a scene showing Adam and Eve in paradise, and ending with the death of the Virgin Mary. The appended catalogue provides all information needed for further study, and there is a detailed research bibliography on Rembrandt and the Bible. A beautiful book! Philipp Reclam, Stuttgart (2003) 1–199 (BL)
2351 Christian Hecht, Die Glorie. Begriff, Thema, Bildelement in der europäischen Sakralkunst vom Mittelalter bis zum Ausgang des Barock Seit der großen Studie von Bernd Lindemann über die barocken Darstellungen der Himmelsöffnung (Bilder vom Himmel, Worms 1994) herrscht zwar Klarheit über die barocken Glorie-Darstellungen, doch fehlte eine große Studie, die den Weg vom mittelalterlichen Goldgrund bis zur barocken Lichtglorie umfassend nachzeichnet. Diese Lücke füllt nun die Erlanger Habilitationsschrift aus, die keinen Aspekt (Nimbus, Aureole, Gloriole) unberücksichtigt läßt, auch auf die Bibel zurückgreift und enzyklopädische Vollständigkeit anstrebt. Ein wichtiges Buch über die Grundlagen christlicher Kunst. Schnell & Steiner, Regensburg (2003) 1–492 (BL)
2352 Bernard Kaempf, De La Cène du Christ à la scène humaine. La fresque de Léonard de Vinci à la lumière de la psychologie, de l’astrologie et de la théologie The different figures of Leonardo da Vinci’s famous fresco, The Last Supper, are analysed from a psychological ( jungian) and astrological point of view. Consecutively to these interpretations, three theological questions are raised: that of the dignity, that of the grace and that of the various expectations of people concerning liturgy. ETR 78/4 (2003) 469–482
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS General ★ cultural history ★ nonchristian religions 2353 Johann Figl (ed.), Handbuch Religionswissenschaft In 1997, two French specialists (Fr. Lenoir, Y. Tardan-Masquelier) edited a two-volume “Encyclopédie des religions”; the first volume was dedicated to historical sketches of individual religions, whereas the second volume focussed on systematic concepts based, to a large extent, on the phenomenological approach. A large number of French-speaking scholars contributed to this unique publication. The present work, though quite independent from the French work and much smaller in size, follows the same general pattern, but now the contributors are mostly Germans or rather Austrians. Figl and his contributors seem to enjoy the compilation of long bibliographies which they attach to their articles (the bibliography for “mystery religions” takes up almost half as much space as the actual text of the article). – This excellent standard reference work should be in all German libraries, and it should be shelved next to its French equivalent. Tyrolia Verlag, Innsbruck; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 1–880 (BL)
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2354 Markus Enders (ed.), Jahrbuch für Religionsphilosophie. Band 2, 2003 The nine papers included in this volume show two thematic foci: one on the phenomenology of religion (with contributions by J.U. Barrón on the notion of the sacred, H. Zaborowski on M. Scheler’s approach, R. Kühn on incarnation and the Eucharist) and another on violence in the name of religion (with papers on Islam by B. Uhde and M. Enders, on fundamentalism by K. Kienzler, on the psychology of aggression by B. Grom, and more general reflections by H. Maier). Among the reviews we note one on W. Burkert, Kulte des Altertums ( J. Barrón) and on N. Luhmann, Die Religion der Gesellschaft (P. Legnowski). It is to be hoped that this fine publication will maintain the high standards of its papers. Vittorio Klostermann, Frankfurt (2003) 1–287 (BL)
2355 Wolfgang Gantke et al. (eds.), Religionswissenschaft im historischen Kontext. Beiträge zum 100. Geburtstag von Gustav Mensching Mensching (1901–1978), a Protestant theologian trained by Rudolf Otto in “religious studies”, ranks as a major, though somewhat forgotten figure of religious studies in Germany. His academic home was the university of Bonn where he taught from 1936 until his retirement. The present book prints 11 papers given as a lecture series held in Bonn in commemoration of Mensching’s one hundredth anniversary. The contributions consider his typology of religions, his sociology of religion (Mensching published a textbook on this subject in 1947), his notion of religion, and his background in Protestant liberal theology. Two more papers explore his indebtedness to philosophy (this paper is by Mensching’s son) and his career during the Third Reich. A stimulating volume that, alas, lacks an index. Religionswissenschaftliche Reihe 21; Diagonal-Verlag, Marburg (2003) 1–245 (BL)
2356 Ilkka Pyysiäinen, How Religion Works: Towards a New Cognitive Science of Religion As can be seen from the present book, Pascal Boyer’s “The Naturalness of Religious Ideas: A Cognitive Theory of Religion” (1994) is beginning to make an impact. According to Boyer, normal, everyday perception of reality is based on intuition, whereas the religious perception of reality is based on counter-intuition. Gods, then, are counter-intuitive beings. Pyysiäinen develops and supports this approach. Two chapters seek to demonstrate why and how the non-cognitive theories of E. Durkheim and C. Geertz fail. Brill, Leiden (2003) XI/1–272 (BL)
2357 Karl-Heinz Kohl, Die Macht der Dinge. Geschichte und Theorie sakraler Objekte Kohl, who teaches anthropology in Frankfurt, Germany, offers a breathtaking encyclopedic essay on sacred objects, describing how they originate, how they are (or were) seen by those who first used or venerated them, and how they came to be thought about by European travelers and anthropologists. Kohl does not stop at this point. Our own, western fetishes figure prominently in this book – the relics of the martyrs and the saints along with precious objects treasured up in the homes of the wealthy. Kohl guides us through private collections and public museums both past and present. Perhaps the most daring part of the book is the final section in which the author seeks to understand our museums as ritual places in which, in the final analysis, bourgeois society worships itself. This learned book merits close reading. C.H. Beck Kulturwissenschaft; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2003) 1–304 (BL)
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2358 Jon Krakauer, Mord im Auftrag Gottes. Eine Reportage über religiösen Fundamentalismus This German translation of “Under the Banner of Heaven. A Story of Violent Faith” (2003) deals with the fundamentalist wing of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly known as the Mormons, and some of their members’ divine revelations. Krakauer’s well-researched and documented book will come as a shock to many Mormon believers. Piper Verlag, München (2003) 1–447 (BL)
2359 Ulrike Dahm, Opfer und Ritus. Kommunikationstheoretische Untersuchungen This is an essay in theoretical anthropology. The author seeks to apply the theory of communication and the cultural theory of (her doctoral supervisor) Hermann Schulz to sacrificial ritual in order to offer a rediscription and comprehensive theory of sacrifice. According to Dahm, sacrifice is a medium of communication, based on food as the foundation of human existence and the economic mechanism of exchange, both of which promise life and happiness. Ritualists seek to control social relationships by fictively communicating with a supernatural power through a medium that can be made aesthetically attractive. Religionswissenschaftliche Reihe 20; Diagonal-Verlag, Marburg (2003) 1–203 (BL)
2360 Christoph Wulf u.a. (eds.), Die Kultur des Rituals: Inszenierungen, Praktiken, Symbole This collective volume’s premise is that the actual performance of rituals is what should receive scholarly attention more than anything else. Scholars of religion will find much to consider here, especially in the papers contributed by K.P. Köpping (on Japan), I. Kasten (on medieval religious plays), A. Miachaels (sacrifice in Nepal). The introduction to the book is to be commended for its interesting sketch of modern and recent research on ritual behavior. Wilhelm Fink Verlag, München (2004) 1–396 (BL)
2361 Bernd Michael Linke (Hg.), Rituale in den Religionen This collective volume includes a substantial theoretical paper on the notion of ritual, in which Linke takes up and develops a number of suggestions made by German manuals of religious studies, including some contributions by Bernhard Lang in H. Cancik et al. (eds.), Handbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe, s.v. Kult and s.v. Ritus/Ritual. A book worth having. Verlag Otto Lembeck, Frankfurt (2004) 1–218 (BL)
2362 Marcel Mauss, On Prayer Although Mauss (1872–1950) never finished his dissertation on Australian aboriginal prayer, he had a fragment privately printed in 1909, and this text is here offered in a carefully annotated translation. Mauss agreed with contemporary researchers that the Aboriginees had no prayers of adoration and self-abasement, but he argued that there are other “oral rites” that should be classified as prayers, e.g. the oral part of rainmaking rites. Susan Leslie’s translation is accompanied by two specialist essays (W. Pickering, H. Morphy). Durkheim Press/Berghahn Books, New York (2003) XI/1–158 (BL)
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2363 Gerald Hüther, Die Macht der inneren Bilder Subtitled “How visions change our brain, personality, and the world”, this is an essay written by a major neurobiologist. He does not comment specifically on religion, but it is clear that inner images play an important role in religious perception and behaviour. So this is certainly recommended reading for specialists in religion. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2004) 1–137 (BL)
2364 Ruth Etienne Klemm, Die Kraft der inneren Bilder. Entstehung, Ausdruck und therapeutisches Potential The author, a Swiss psychologist, studies inner, spontaneously generated images. They must be rooted in early childhood experience, she suggests, and echo the early ability to integrate diffuse perceptions into coherent images. In this interesting study D. Winnicott, D. Stern and C. Rogers are often appealed to as authorities. Schwabe & Co. Verlag, Basel (2003) 1–264 (BL)
2365 Erik Langkjer, The Origin of Our Belief in God: From Inner Anatolia 7000 B.C. to Mt. Sinai and Zion El and Baal may be identified as the shepherd (i.e., the benign Lord of the Animals) and the hunter (the killer of animals), echoing a common prehistoric religion. A second series of studies is dedicated to the Sun Hero; this figure can be explained as the result of a splitting of the ancient high god into two deities: the old Father of Eternity and the young Sun Hero. The studies assembled in this collection echo the efforts of a lay researcher in the history of religion. (The book can be obtained from the author: Preastekaeret 15, DK-6000 Kolding, Denmark.) Underskoven Publishers, Copenhagen (2004) 1–417
2366 Kocku von Stuckrad, Geschichte der Astrologie. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart Stuckrad is a young German historian of religions whose speciality is the history of astrology, and he has already published major works in this field. The present book combines an introduction to the field with an accessible historical and cultural survey in an attractive way. The general thesis may be summarized as follows: Astrology, far from being an empirical science, is a hermeneutical endeavor – it rests on contextual interpretation rather than on hard evidence. Illustrations, a glossary, and various indexes contribute to making this study a standard text all academic libraries should have. Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2003) 1–413 (BL)
2367 Kocku von Stuckrad, Schamanismus und Esoterik. Kultur- und wissenschaftsgeschichtliche Betrachtungen Stuckrad, a historian of religions trained in Germany, attended courses in Neo-Shamanism offered in Copenhagen, Denmark, to understand the worldwide phenomenon of the revival of techniques loosely associated with non-Western practitioners of ethnic healing, prophecy, and shamanic otherworld journeys. This phenomenon emerged after 1971, date of the publication of Carlos Castaneda’s bestselling The Teachings of Don Juan. The author distinguishes three kinds of students of shamanism: the hardcore scientific anthropologists (such as Roberte Hamayon), those slightly transcending critical approaches (M. Eliade), and those who, often with a background in academic anthropology, have become prophets of neo-shamanism (F. Goodman, M. Harner). – One of the few truly significant studies of a contemporary phenomenon and its background. Gnostica 4; Peeters, Leuven (2003) VII/1–337 (BL)
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2368 Hannelore Müller, Der frühe Mircea Eliade. Sein rumänischer Hintergrund und die Anfänge seiner universalistischen Religionsphilosophie Eliade’s early, Roumanian work, published before 1940, is heavily influenced by the philosophy of his teacher Nae Ionescu (1890–1940), a kind of Socrates figure and leader of a cultural renewal of Roumanian intellectual life, also known for his temporary flirtation with fascist ideas. Whereas Ionescu thought that one could mobilize the Orthodox church for cultural renewal, Eliade came to believe in more universalist ideas for which he became known later. Müller offers much material in Roumanian (always accompanied by a German translation) and suggests that one should see Eliade as a philosopher rather than as a scholar of religion with empirical interests. – An important contribution to research on a controversial twentieth-century scholar of religion. Marburger Religionsgeschichtliche Beiträge 3; Lit Verlag, Münster (2004) XVIII/1–222, A 1–107 (BL)
2369 Daniel Chapelle, The Soul in Everyday Life Based on James Hillmann’s Jung-derived psychology, the author suggests that one should be aware of the “poetic basis of mind” and use one’s soul’s potential of active imagination. A wonderful book (though its somewhat small print strains the reader’s eye), reminiscent of Raymond Ruyer’s “L’Art d’être toujours content” (1978), but with a less romantic bent than what I would recommend as its secret companion volume. State University of New York Press, Albany (2003) XV/1–272 (BL)
2370 Rodney Stark, One True God: Historical Consequences of Monotheism Monotheism, whether Jewish or Christian (or even Hinduism), are missionaizing religions that establish themselves “bottom up” through the social fabric. Based on this premise the author, a noted sociologist, reviews the history of religious conflict and persistence in order to conclude with a chapter on “God’s grace: pluralism and civility”. According to Stark, religious tolerance emerges only when it must, i.e. when societies dominated by one (monotheistic) religion become thoroughly pluralistic, i.e. accommodate a variety of faiths. To make tolerance happen, it is especially Catholic and Muslim leadership that must be broken in a number of countries and areas. Princeton University Press, Princeton (2001) IX/1–319 (BL)
2371 Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige Originally published in 1917, this book ranks as the foundational document of the phenomenology of religion. At the same time, it seems to be one of the most widely read theological books of the twentieth century. The publisher is to be thanked for the present reprint. Yet, one wonders whether the time had come for a critical edition that would restore some of the notes Otto had in earlier editions, some of his (ever accumulating) appendixes and the one illustration included by Otto. Becksche Reihe 328; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2004) VIII/1–229 (BL)
✩ 2372 Friedrich Jaeger et al. (eds.), Handbuch der Kulturwissenschaften The term “Kulturwissenschaft”, in recent German academic discourse used primarily in the plural (as in the title of this work), is meant to replace what used to be the Geisteswissenschaften or humanities. No one dares to define it, not even the editors of the present volumes that originated in the Institute for Cultural Studies, a state-funded institution located in Essen, Germany, though an index (entirely lacking here) might have helped to produce approximations. The implication of this multi-authored work
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is that Kulturwissenschaft is a method rather than a separate discipline, though this method may require the establishment of new academic disciplines to supplement the existing ones. Whoever is quite unfamiliar with the subject should presumably start with vol. 2, p. 467ff., where twelve disciplines (cultural studies, political science, anthropology, social sciences, etc., including Protestant theology) are analysed for their current or past use of the methods of Kulturwissenschaft. Vol. 3 includes a substantial paper by B. Gladigow on “Religion in culture – culture in religion”. – A very rich collection of essays on a subject very much in flux. The present volumes may constitute a step toward more stability. Verlag J.B. Metzler, Stuttgart (2004) vol. 1, XIII/1–538; 2, XIV/1–694; 3, XIV/1–551 (BL)
2373 Martin Ludwig Hofmann u.a. (Hg.), Culture Club. Klassiker der Kulturtheorie Fünfzehn Aufsätze verschiedener Autoren sind den Denkern gewidmet, die in der Debatte um den Kulturbegriff heute eine Rolle spielen: S. Freud, G. Simmel, R.E. Park, E. Cassirer, W. Benjamin, M. Horkheimer, G. Bataille, J. Lacan, M. Foucault, N. Luhmann, P. Bourdieu u.a. Die deutsche Debatte nährt sich stark von angelsächsischen und französischen Theoretikern. Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 1668; Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt (2004) 1–301 (BL)
2374 Wolfgang Reinhard, Lebensformen Europas. Eine historische Kulturanthropologie Despite its title, this is not a manual of historical anthropology but rather a collection of systematically arranged essays by one of Germany’s foremost historians of the modern period (University of Freiburg, Germany; now emeritus). Religion is dealt with relatively briefly in a section entitled “transcendence and rationality”. Here Reinhard comments on the irrelevance of the distinction between popular religion and elite religiosity as well as on the supermarket-character of much of religion in our own time. Whereas in former times, only very few learned men could construct their own worldview, such construction is forced upon everyone, thus trivializing what used to be the philosopher’s way of life. The huge thematic bibliographies placed at the end of the volume (pp. 631–707) may well prove to be a mine of information. – A volume worth having. Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2004) 1–718 (BL)
2375 Alice Lagaay et al. (eds.), Medientheorien. Eine philosophische Einführung No one studying religion (or any other subject of cultural importance) can do without awareness of media studies and media theory. Each of eleven contributors has written one chapter that deals with a major media theory: O.L. Schultz on M, McLuhan, Th. Khurana on N. Luhmann, S. Krämer on Fr. Kittler, and so on. The result is an attractive guide to some of the influential media theories. While each chapter has its own bibliography, there is no index. In traditional scholarship, the index ranks as the major medium, and it is still useful, if not indispensable, today! Campus Studium; Campus Verlag, Frankfurt (2004) 1–323 (BL)
2376 Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann et al., Einführung in die Volkskunde/ Europäische Ethnologie. 3. Auflage “Volkskunde” is the traditional German term for the academic discipline of folklore studies, and the new edition of this sophisticated introduction now adds the new term of European Anthropology to indicate a recent shift in the discipline’s identity. Another shift is also evident in the book: from a social-science approach to a more compre-
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hensive cultural-studies approach. Weber-Kellermann, author of the earlier editions of the present book, died in 1993; Andreas Bimmer and Siegfried Becker have updated and in part rewritten what is a standard text for students and academic teachers. Unfortunately, there is no topical index to guide the user. Sammlung Metzler 79; Verlag J.B. Metzler, Stuttgart (2003) X/1–219 (BL)
2377 Christopher John Murray (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era, 1760–1850 The title must be considered very carefully: this is not an encyclopaedia on the romantic movement (however we may define it), but on European intellectual culture between 1760 and 1850. The long entries (complete with bibliographies) deal with persons (Achim von Arnim, Eugène Delacroix, etc.), countries (Britain, Germany, and even Latin America, etc.), individual works (the “Hebrides” ouverture by Felix Mendelssohn, etc.), religion in Britain, France, and Germany (and not to forget: “religion: Christianity” and “Catholicism”) and terms such as “the sublime”, “Sturm und Drang”, and “imagination”, and there is even an entry on “Feminist approaches to romantic literature”. The major religious authors of the period are dealt with in individual articles, though I miss one on Swedenborg whose influence on the romantic era is well established in research, and on John Wesley, founder of Methodism. So while this is a most welcome and eminently useful scholarly resource, users should also be aware of its limitations. Fitzroy Dearborn/Taylor and Francis, London (2004) XXVII/1–629; VII/630–1277 (BL)
2378 Verena O. Lobsien et al., Die unsichtbare Imagination: Literarisches Denken im 16. Jahrhundert In den Kulturwissenschaften gibt es zwei neue große Schlagworte: Memoria und Imagination; der erste Begriff wird von Historikern als Leitwort favorisiert, der zweite von der Literaturwissenschaft. Zeugnis für letzteren Vorgang ist, neben von W. Iser herkommenden Anstößen, das vorliegende, von V.O. Lobsien und Eckhard Lobsien geschriebene Werk. Ausgehend vom philosophischen Traktat “De anima” (von Aristoteles bis Renaissaance) durchsuchen die Autoren die europäische Literatur des 16. Jahrhunderts nach pastoralen, höfischen, heterotopischen und transgressiven Imaginationen – und werden reichlich fündig, besonders bei Shakespeare und Sir Philip Sidney. Poesie schließt sich mit Philosophie zusammen, und oft läßt sich ein Einfluss (neu)platonischer Lehren nachweisen. (Nur dass Plato in einem generellen, nichtanglistischen Referat englisch zitiert wird, berührt den Leser seltsam.) Wilhelm Fink Verlag, München (2003) 1–434 (BL)
2379 Adolph von Knigge, Über den Umgang mit Menschen This classic example of eighteenth-century moralistic literature is here offered in a new printing, accompanied by a brief introductory essay by Ulrich Wickert, a German journalist and himself a moralist. Of particular relevance is the section on (Protestant) ministers (p. 305ff ), but there are others of much interest, e.g. the one on animals. In former times, this book was read by all educated Germans. Serie Piper 3964; Piper Verlag, München (2004) 1–384 (BL)
2380 Jürgen Kost, Wilhelm von Humboldt – Weimarer Klassik – Bürgerliches Bewusstsein. Kulturelle Entwürfe in Deutschland um 1800 While German “classicism”, represented by Goethe and Schiller, viewed the human person as both a private individual and a member of the socio-political community, Humboldt emphasized an individuality that calls for development and self-actualization. Indebted to an aristocratic rather than bourgeois vision, Humboldt was not
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interested in public matters. Instead, he insisted on the limits of the political authorities. The state should not encroach on the individual’s private sphere and independence. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2004) 1–349 (BL)
2381 Ernst von Lasaulx, Neuer Versuch einer alten, auf die Wahrheit der Tatsachen gegründeten Philosophie der Geschichte A native of Munich, Lasaulx ranks as one of the last German intellectuals fully belonging to Catholic romanticism. The present book, no doubt the learned author’s foremost publication, is generally known from the footnotes in Jacob Burckhardt’s “Essay on Universal History”, though few readers seem to have bothered to check this important text and get acquainted with the author’s pessimistic view of human history. Even though a reprint of an 1952 printing, this is not a critical edition, but the only one easily available and certainly worth using. Karolinger Verlag, Wien (2003) 1–141 (BL)
2382 Arthur Schopenhauer, Aphorismen zur Lebensweisheit Writing in the tradition of eighteenth-century moralists, the German philosopher makes suggestions as how one could accommodate to a generally miserable human existence. It is no surprise that he should at one point refer to Koheleth, the biblical pessimist (p. 321). This edition includes a brief afterword and explanatory notes. (There is a printing error on p. 9, line 4 – read “sie wäre demnach”.) Insel Taschenbuch 2959; Insel Verlag, Frankfurt (2003) 1–255 (BL)
2383 Hauke Reich, Nietzsche-Zeitgenossenlexikon This dictionary offers, in alphabetic order, biographical information of the relatives, ancestors, friends, admirers, and enemies of the famous German philosopher. There are some famous names (such as Lou von Salomé, the classical philologist Erwin Rohde, the historian Franz Overbeck), but specialists will of course value the work for its attention to all the lesser figures that can be traced only through archival sources, if at all. Biographical research on Nietzsche cannot do without this important tool. Schwabe Verlag, Basel (2004) 1–248 (BL)
2384 Gabriel de Tarde, Die Gesetze der Nachahmung “Les lois de l’imitation” (1890) was a then widely acclaimed sociological study, written by a French professional colleague of Emile Durkheim. This first German translation of the work is inspired, or so it seems, by the rediscovery of the book by Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour, and others. One chapter deals specifically with religion (pp. 290–312), arguing that all religions tend to proselytism and propaganda (until they find as it were natural limits for their sphere of influence) and that gods who devastate and destroy are older than deities that create. Unfortunately, there is neither an index nor an afterword explaining current interest in the book. If it should be considered a classic, it would have deserved more than just a translation. Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt (2003) 1–416 (BL)
2385 Otto Rank, Psychology and the Soul. A Study of the Origin, Conceptual Evolution, and Nature of the Soul First published in German in 1930 (and in 1950 in an inadequate English version), Rank’s book marks the author’s defection from Freudian orthodoxy. Important passages are on Freud, on Gilgamsh and Adam, the OT God, and on Christianity’s belief
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in an immortal soul. Required reading for all who study how religion was seen by the first generation of psychoanalysts. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Md. (1998) XXVI/1–134 (BL)
2386 Michael W. Young, Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884– 1920 This is the first part of what will be a monumental biography of the famous anthropologist (1884–1942), based on many unpublished documents including diaries he kept during his early days. Much is to be found here about his love affairs, early reading of Foustel de Coulanges, his involvement with psychoanalysis, and, of course, his celebrated fieldwork (1915–18) in the Trobriand islands in the southwest Pacific. Scholars of religion will find interesting material on Malinowski’s early disagreement with E. Durkheim; while the latter considered religion an essentially collective phenomenon, Malinowski preferred a more individualistic interpretation, one in tune with “The Varieties of Religious Experience” by William James. – A fascinating study. Yale University Press, London (2004) xxx/1–690 (BL)
2387 Ulrike Schuster et al. (eds.), Erzählte Kindheit in der Literatur des 20. Jahrhunderts This attractive anthology of literary texts written by major twentieth-century writers (including Marcel Proust, Elias Canetti, and Jean-Paul Sartre) frequently sheds light on what religious education and beliefs were like. Calwer Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) 1–232 (BL)
2388 Aby Warburg, Der Bilderatlas Mnemosyne Edited by Martin Warnke of Hamburg as part of Warburg’s collected writings, this is an annotated edition of eighty-two photos of the pictorial essays mounted on huge frames in 1924–29 and meant for eventual publication. Due to Nazi intervention in Warburg’s life, the project was neither completed nor published. The photos shot in Hamburg’s Warburg House in 1929 show ca. 2000 pictures to demonstrate the impact the art of Greco-Roman antiquity has made on subsequent artistic creations. The present volume, ably introduced by the editor, includes the identification of all the individual pictures included as well as a helpful index. A fitting tribute to the memory of Warburg as well as an important contribution to the history of art history and, more generally, to cultural studies. Akademie Verlag, Berlin (2003) XX/1–140 (BL)
2389 Axel Holm, Grenzgänger der Moderne. Ernst Jüngers Aufbruch zur Individuation 1939–1943 Holm ist Psychotherapeut, der sich an C.G. Jung anschließt. Hier legt er eine Deutung der Träume vor, die der Schriftsteller Ernst Jünger, während der Besatzung in Paris lebend, seinem Tagebuch anvertraute. Holm zeigt, wie Jünger das patriarchale, soldatische Lebenskonzept überwindet und durch Anschluß an das weibliche Prinzip über die Beschränkung seiner frühen Zeit hinausfindet. Ein lesenswerter Beitrag sowohl zur Tiefenpsychologie als auch zu Leben und Werk Jüngers. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2003) 1–115 (BL)
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2390 Arnold Gehlen, Die Seele im technischen Zeitalter und andere soziologische Schriften und Kulturanalysen Gehlen (1904–1976) ranks as the major conservative post-war sociologist in Germany. While his “Urmensch und Spätkultur” (1965) is considered his main contribution to social psychology, “Die Seele im technischen Zeitalter” (1957; Engl.: Man in the Age of Technology, 1980) was his most successful publication (14 German editions, 106.000 copies sold). The present volume of Gehlen’s collected work reprints this text in a critical edition, together with a series of collateral essays and lectures and, above all, explanatory notes (p. 704ff.) and a fine afterword by the editor, Karl-Siegbert Rehberg. For religious scholarship, Gehlen’s chapter on “magic” (p. 12ff.) is noteworthy not for its description of archaic techniques of control, but for its page on the human quest for finding meaning outside himself. – A classic work. Arnold Gehlen Gesamtausgabe 6; Vittorio Klostermann, Frankfurt (2004) VII/1–898 (BL)
2391 Massimo Ferrari, Ernst Cassirer. Stationen einer philosophischen Biographie The current interest in the work of Cassirer (d. 1945) is supported, and actually facilitated, by the publication of Cassirer’s works in a critical edition. Researchers are indebted to Felix Meiner, the publisher, for offering valuable collateral material, and here the essay collection of Ferrari is most welcome. Of special interest to scholars of religion is Ferrari’s long paper on the Warburg library and the impact it made on Cassirer’s work, and so is the one on Cassirer’s “anthropological turn” (which is, as we learn here, not a real “turn” at all). Felix Meiner Verlag, Hamburg (2003) XVI/1–366 (BL)
2392 Elisabetta Barone et al. (eds.), Pioniere, Poeten, Professoren. Eranos und der Monte Verità in der Zivilisationsgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts The famous Eranos conferences of Ancona, Switzerland, the first of which was held in 1933, has more than once become the subject of research. The present volume includes an introduction (by Tilo Schabert), 16 research papers, and a collection of one-page memoirs written by former participants of the regular meetings. R. Mongolin’s contribution on “Three approaches to the Study of Religion at Eranos: Martin Buber, C.G. Jung and Mircea Eliade” may serve as a good introduction for those who have little acquaintance with the Eranos phenomenon. The contributions of the present volume were first delivered as papers at the Eranos conference of 2000. Eranos. Neue Folge 11; Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2004) 1–257 (BL)
2393 Christian Bauer et al. (eds.), Gottes und des Menschen Tod? Die Theologie vor der Herausforderung Michel Foucaults Ten papers, delivered at a conference in Bonn in 2002, discuss the meaning of the work of the French philosopher (1926–1984) for theology. The authors conjure up, and continue much of the debate about Foucault’s critique of Christianity, and names such as Pierre Bourdieu and Michel de Certeau S.J. are mentioned. Much of the background is elucidated in two papers contributed by Christian Bauer, a German doctoral student seeking to exploit French practical philosophy as a resource for a renewed catholic pastoral theology. Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2003) 1–226 (BL)
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2394 Karl R. Popper, Alles Leben ist Problemlösen. Über Erkenntnis, Politik und Geschichte Kurz vor seinem Tod im Jahre 1994 gab der bekannte Philosoph diese nun neu gedruckte Sammlung von Aufsätzen heraus, die insbes. seine Geschichtsphilosophie in gemeinverständlicher Sprache erläutern. “Die Geschichte hat keinen Sinn, ist meine These. Aber aus dieser Behauptung folgt nicht, dass wir nichts tun können, dass wir die Geschichte der politischen Macht akzeptieren müssen oder dass wir gezwungen sind, sie als einen grausamen Scherz hinzunehmen” (102). Piper Verlag, München (1994/2003) 1–336 (BL)
2395 Tilman Moser, Von der Gottesvergiftung zu einem erträglichen Gott Well-known for his practical advice as a psychotherapist, Moser is also a critic of religious socialization. Here he explains how his practical work softens his anti-religious bias and his pro-forma acceptance of a tolerable image of God. Kreuz Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) 1–178 (BL)
2396 Constantin Fasolt, The Limits of History Fasolt, a German medieval historian teaching in the US, calls for a more sober understanding of the historian’s task. In the past, he argues, historians have been too bold in their claims of objectivity and detachment. “History is a form of self-assertion. That is the purpose for which it was invented. That is the purpose it still serves today. History is integral to the act by which the self gains freedom from the other. . . . (The daily productions of history and their presentation in the media) are only in the second place designed for the sake of knowledge of the past. In the first place they are a sacred ritual, a form of religious worship designed to keep the modern faith alive” (230). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago (2004) XXI/1–326 (BL)
2397 Dan Burton et al., Magic, Mystery, and Science: The Occult in Western Civilization From Ancient Egypt to modern “Unidentified Flying Objects”, two authors (Dan Burton, David Grandy) chart the impact the occult made and continues to make in our world. While not all the chapters seem to relate to the occult in the same way (understandably, there is a chapter on Rudolf Steiner, but why should there be one on Hitler?), this is a useful study. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Ind. (2004) XII/1–391 (BL)
2398 Nicole Heinkel, Religiöse Kunst, Kunstreligion und die Überwindung der Säkularisierung As the subtitle of this master’s thesis indicates, the author seeks to define early romanticism as “yearning for and searching for the lost religion”. The authors studied include W.H. Wackeroder, L. Thieck, Fr. Schlegel, Dorothea Schlegel, A.W. Schlegel, and Clemens Brentano. The author also raises the question whether romantic religiosity may be a paradigm to be emulated by people living in the twenty-first century. Europäische Hochschulschriften I, 1880; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2004) 1–206 (BL)
2399 Alexander Garcia Düttmann, Philosophie der Übertreibung “Thinking always exaggerates” is a dictum found in a letter Hannah Arendt wrote to K. Jaspers. Although the title of the present collection of essays promises a “philosophy of exaggeration”, only some of the papers actually focus on this Leitmotiv (and
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Weber’s ideal types that are based on a technique of exaggeration, do not figure at all). Those who like a mélange on Hegel, Heidegger, Arendt, and deconstructionism are presumably well served by the present book. Edition Suhrkamp 2361; Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt (2004) 1–265 (BL)
2400 Friedrich Wilhelm Graf, Die Wiederkehr der Götter: Religion in der modernen Kultur Noted theologian and cultural critic, Graf offers a series of essays on religion in modern cultural life – modern taken to mean, roughly, after 1800. The final essay deals with the role of the (Protestant) theologian in contemporary culture, and Graf insists that theologians have a real job to do – to help cultural studies find a more adequate conception of its identity. The author reminds us that most (if not all) nineteenth-century founders of modern cultural studies had Protestant ministers as their fathers. In an interesting aside Graf argues that while there the differences between Catholic and Protestant doctrine are now minimal, the two traditions do differ radically in their ethics. Much to ponder indeed! Specialists should not fail to expose themselves to the arguments of a theological thinker who is both radical and historically sophisticated. Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2004) 1–329 (BL)
✩ 2401 John Bowker (Hg.), Religionen der Welt With its surveys on both Western and non-Western religions (including Buddhism, Chinese and Korean religions) written by major specialists, this is a lavishly illustrated guide that offers reliable first information on its subject. There are no notes, but bibliographies, chronological tables, and an index. The original English version, entitled “The Cambridge Illustrated History of Religions”, was published by Cambridge University Press in 2002. Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) 1–336
2402 Anton Quack, Heiler, Hexen und Schamanen. Die Religion der Stammeskulturen This attractive introduction to the anthropology of religion selects eight tribal people from all over the world (including the Subanum of the Philippines and the Hurons of seventeenth-century Canada) for close analysis. Two messages can be gleaned from this volume: first, anthropology is still very much alive in the Society of the Divine Word (SVD) to which the author belongs, so that an impressive tradition is continued; second, one can no longer speak of a specifically catholic, mission-oriented anthropology, as one still could a generation ago. Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) 1–182 (BL)
2403 Werner Arens et al., Die Indianer Nordamerikas. Geschichte, Kultur, Religion This little book, written (it seems) for the general public as well as a textbook for American studies, includes a fine chapter on religion (pp. 58–84) with a double focus on traditional religion and on the contemporary situation. Although the authors do not go beyond textbook knowledge, their survey can be recommended for accuracy and conciseness. C.H. Beck Wissen; Verlag C.H. Beck, München (2004) 1–127 (BL)
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2404 Monika Hauf, Das Tibetanische Totenbuch The author, a German writer, offers an abbreviated paraphrase of the Tibetan Book of the Dead (pp. 42–119), arguing that Tibetan Buddhism somehow resembles Catholicism. The book is for a popular audience. Serie Piper; Piper Verlag, München (2003) 1–182 (BL)
2405 Karl Jettmar et al. (eds.), Die vorislamischen Religionen Mittelasiens “Die Religionen der Menschheit”, to which the present volume belongs, is a prestigious series of manuals on the history of religions. In an earlier volume, Jettmar dealt with the religions of Hindukush (1975), and the present book considers the remaining areas of central Asia with their important survivals of ancient cults. Separate chapters deal with survivals of pre-Islamic religion among the inhabitants of the Pamir (B. Litvinskij), shamanism, the belief in spirits and annual festivals among the Tadshik and Usbeks ( J. Taube), Sogdian religion according to documents of art (M. Mode), the ancient Turks (K. Jettmar), archaeology and the religions of central Asia (K. Jettmar). Each section is accompanied by notes and a bibliography. The volume also includes a tribute to the late Karl Jettmar (b. Vienna 1918, d. Heidelberg 2002). Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart (2003) XV/1–332 (BL)
2406 Marco Polo, Die Wunder der Welt “Das Volk hat weder Götterbilder noch eine Kirche, sondern der Familienälteste wird angebetet” (177); “in den Provinzen gibt es keine Ärzte. Im Krankheitsfall werden die Magier gerufen, das sind die Teufelsbeschwörer und die Hüter der Götzenbilder” (178); “früher stand hier keine christl. Kirche, und es gab keinen, der an den Christengott glaubte, bis zum Jahre 1278, als Marsarchis, ein Nestorianer, für 3 Jahre vom Khan als Regent eingesetzt wurde” (216). Das klassische Reisewerk des Venezianers (13./14. Jahrhundert) wird hier in der Übertragung von E. Guignard geboten und ist mit Nachwort und (leider nur sparsam gebotenen) Anmerkungen versehen. Eine unerschöpfliche Quelle für das Wissen des Mittelalters über Asien. Insel Taschenbuch 2981; Insel Verlag, Frankfurt (2003) 1–447 (BL)
2407 Hans Küng et al., Christentum und Weltreligionen: Buddhismus In the 1980s, the well-known Catholic controversialist sought the (peaceful) dialogue with world religions such as Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism. In the present book which was originally published in 1995, Küng’s partner is Heinz Bechert, emeritus professor of Buddhology of the university of Göttingen. While much space is given to early Buddhism (and, in Küng’s response, to early Christianity), there is a final section on Buddhism in the contemporary world. Serie Piper 2130; Piper Verlag, München (2004) 1–234 (BL)
2408 Richard A. Horsley, Religion and Empire: People, Power, and the Life of the Spirit This essay seeks to understand religion as effect of imperial power or as response to imperial power. The examples given to explain the “effect” nature of religion include the ancient Roman emperor worship and the American consumerist Christmas. The “response” side is exemplified by the ancient Judean revolt movement, by Western adaptations of Buddhism, and the revolt against the Shah-régime in the Iranian revolution. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) IX/1–151 (BL)
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2409 Johannes Laube (ed.), Das Böse in den Weltreligionen Five specialists sketch what Judaism (D. Krochmalnik), Christianity (H. Häring), Islam (R. Schulze), Hinduism (A. Michaels), and Buddhism ( J. Laube) say about the problem of evil, and the quality of the contributions is as impressive as the bibliographies and notes are helpful. Unfortunately, there is no discussion between the points of view, so that the reader is left with much to do. He is not even offered an index that would have facilitated the reader’s task. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–355 (BL)
2410 David B. Dodd et al. (eds.), Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives. New Critical Perspectives In this collective volume the two framing papers by Fritz Graf and Bruce Lincoln explore the history of the interest in “initiation”. The concept was used in the 1960s by (then) young classical scholars to free themselves from earlier paradigms (Graf ). According to Lincoln, the notion rings with conservative overtones that find their echo in the work of Eliade. Again another strand is that represented by Victor Turner who emphasized the phase of “communitas” in initiation rituals, a phase he thought of as establishing bonds based on equality rather than hierarchy. Routledge, London (2003) XIX/1–294 (BL)
2411 Richard E. Wentz, American Religious Traditions: The Shaping of Religion in the United States Written to serve the needs of academic undergraduate classes, the book leads across the centuries of religion in North America, from ideas of America as the Promised Land, the European Reformation, and the Puritans up to the radical diversification of religion in present-day America. A bibliography is appended, and much more material (including the complete text of the book) can be found in electronic form on the accompanying compact disk. Fortress Press, Louisville, Min. (2003) XIII/1–442 (BL)
2412 Angelika Koller, Thorwald Dethlefsen, die Reinkarnationstherapie und Kawwana: Ein Beitrag zur Psychotherapie- und Religionsgeschichte In the 1970s Dethlefsen (b. 1946) emerged as a bestselling author of books promoting esoteric beliefs. He also worked as a free-lance practitioner of reincarnation therapy and, more recently, as the head of a kind of esoteric church. The author of the present book, in the early 1990s one of Dethlefsen’s patients, chronicles the life and movement of Dethlefsen who remains a controversial figure. Koller’s book is written not from the perspective of a friend or foe, but from that of a researcher committed to the idea of objectivity. Essential reading for all who wish to study contemporary German esotericism. (Available from: Books on Demand, Gutenbergring 53, D-22848 Norderstedt, Germany) Books on Demand, Norderstedt (2004) 1–448 (BL)
Christianity General ★ Antiquity 2413 Bruno Steimer (ed.), Lexikon der Heiligen und der Heiligenverehrung Are you looking for biographical data of obscure saints and ecclesiastical personalities? You are quite likely to find them in the German Catholic “Lexikon für Theologie und
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Kirche”, and the same is true of the present volume, a thematic abridgement of the larger Lexikon. The Lexikon der Heiligen offers a generous selection of entries on saints (including biblical saints such as Andrew, James, John the apostle, John the Baptist, Mary, Paul, Peter, Thomas; but not Abraham and Mary Magdalene) and, placed at the end, a selection of entries such as Ablass. Adelsheiliger, Andachtsbild, Reliquien (etc.) that deal with more general aspects of the cult of the saints. While some of the articles have been shortened, many of the bibliographies have been updated, especially in the general articles. An appendix lists the saints canonized by the present pope. No one interested in hagiography can do without this scholarly resource. Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche kompakt; Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2003) 1*–21*; 1–2104 (BL)
2414 Albert Franz et al. (eds.), Lexikon philosophischer Grundbegriffe der Theologie Edited and written mainly by (East) German Catholic theologians, this encyclopedia is meant to provide a handy guide to philosophical ideas and concepts currently used by, or useful to, theological discourse. Each entry includes a brief definition, a survey of relevant philosophical thought, and a concluding section on the discussed notion’s reception, or possible reception, by theologians. Typical entries deal with Bild (image), Denken (thinking), Dialektik, Endlichkeit (finitude), Glaube (faith), Gott (god), Mythos, Natur, Theologie, and Wissenschaft. Although most articles are longer than one or two pages, the general impression is that the entries should be longer. Nevertheless, this is a good start for an innovative encyclopedic project. Verlag Herder, Freiburg (2003) 1–520 (BL)
2415 Juan María Laboa (ed.), Mönchtum in Ost und West. Historischer Atlas Translated from the Italian, this is not exactly a collection of maps relevant to the study of monasticism, as the German (and Italian) title leads us to expect. Instead, we are offered a lavishly illustrated history of Christian monasticism, from biblical and early-church origins to the present day. All the major monastic orders, Latin and Orthodox, are represented, and there are chapters on Protestant monasticism and the flourishing life of Third World monasteries. There are no notes or bibliographical references, but academic users will certainly use the 456 plates and illustrations with much profit. Schnell & Steiner, Regensburg (2003) 1–272 (BL)
2416 Susan J. White, A History of Women in Christian Worship This is a useful book for the study of the female side of the history of Christian worship, but rather than telling the whole story it offers insight into selected aspects. I miss a reference to K. Torjesen’s work, a chapter on female priests, and more on domestic worship (see C. McDannell’s thesis on “The Christian Home in Victorian America”, 1986). Nevertheless, an important step toward a more comprehensive history of Christian ritual. The Pilgrim Press, Cleveland, Ohio (2003) XV/1–351 (BL)
2417 Alister E. McGrath, Theology: The Basics Complete with a glossary of names and technical terms, this is meant as an easy introduction to Christian theology. The body of the book comments on faith, God, creation, Jesus, salvation, trinity, church, and heaven. The diligent student is also given questions to answer. – For theological novices an excellent book to start with. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford (2004) XXV/1–162 (BL)
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2418 Paul E. Capetz, God: A Brief History While this is a delightful overview of the history of God in religious thought from biblical times to the present day, its best section is presumably the one on a now somewhat neglected theological tradition: the one represented by H. Richard Niebuhr, Gordon Kaufman, and James Gustafson. Facets; Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) VII/1–192 (BL)
2419 Esther Carls Dodgen, Glimpses of God through the Ages: A Collection of Personal Expressions of Faith from the Bible to the Present Complete with an electronic version of the book, this anthology will help preachers (and presumably researchers as well) to trace how individuals in the past have expressed their faith. Notes and a bibliography are helpful for those wishing to track down the sources. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2004) XII/1–452
2420 Jacques Follon et al. (eds.), Sagesses de l’amitié. Anthologie de texts In 1997, the same editor – J. Follon and J. McEvoy – published an anthology of ancient philosophical texts on friendship. The present collection completes the project by adding Christian texts. Thus the anthology starts with a brief selection of biblical passages (from both testaments, pp. 79–103) in order then to offer a generous selection of patristic and medieval testimonies. The most recent texts included are by Erasmus and Thomas More. A long introduction serves as a guide through the documents and their historical and cultural settings. Vestigia 29; Editions du Cerf, Paris (2003) VII/1–531 (BL)
✩ 2421 Brian Daley, The Hope of the Early Church: A Handbook of Patristic Eschatology A slightly revised and updated version of a survey text originally published in 1991. Both individual and collective (global, cosmic) eschatology are considered. Daley’s book is indispensable as a mine of information (though for the NT, not dealt with by Daley, one has to consult other sources; see B. Lang, Himmel und Hölle, Munich 2003). Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XIV/1–303 (BL)
2422 Susanne Hausammann, Alte Kirche. Bd. 4: Das Christusbekenntnis in Ost und West This manual is meant for students of theology. The present volume deals with two subjects: the evolution of Christology between 381 and 681, and the debate about the use of images in the Byzantine Empire. The volume includes an excellent survey of the contribution of John of Damascus to that debate. Well informing and well-written, the volume will serve its purpose. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) XII/1–333 (BL)
2423 Wolf-Dieter Hauschild et al. (eds.), Pneumatologie in der Alten Kirche Arranged under three headings: the activity of the divine spirit in history, the Spirit’s illumination and sanctification granted to individuals, the position of the Spirit within the Trinity, this is a most valuable bilingual collection of patristic sources. Early sources such as the Didache and the gospel of the Hebrews have been anthologized along with
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material dating from the time of Ambrose and Augustine. All sources, including the Greek and Coptic ones, are given in the original languages. Introduction, notes, and bibliography make this a research tool of abiding value. Traditio Christiana 12; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2004) LIX/1–372 (BL)
2424 Gregory W. Woolfenden, Daily Liturgical Prayer: Origins and Theology Unlike other studies of the origins of Christian prayer, Woolfenden seeks to elucidate its theology and symbolism. He argues, quite attractively, that the day begins at sunset, with the prayer of repentance and the request for forgiveness and protection during the night, while morning prayer is full of praise and resurrection symbolism. Some traditions elaborate the passage from darkness to light by using a series of psalms. All historians of Christian worship will read this study with much profit. Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot (2004) XII/1–326 (BL)
2425 Augustinus, De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum In Rom (Buch 1) und Tagaste (Fertigstellung von Buch 2) in den Jahren 387/89 entstanden, bildet “Die Lebensführung der katholischen Kirche und der Manichäer” eine wichtige Quelle über die Auseinandersetzung Augustins mit seiner manichäischen Vergangenheit. Die Übersetzerin Elke Rutzenhöfer hat der vorliegenden zweisprachigen Ausgabe nicht nur eine ausführliche Einleitung vorangestellt, sondern dem Text selbst einen erläuternden Anmerkungsapparat beigefügt und ihre mustergültige Edition durch Register erschlossen. Der von W. Geerlings herausgegebenen Paderborner Augustinus-Ausgabe ist unbeirrtes Voranschreiten ebenso zu wünschen wie die bleibende Orientierung am bisher bewiesenen wissenschaftlichen Niveau. Augustinus Opera – Werke 25; Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn (2004) 1–344 (BL)
2426 Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als Zeuge der Wahrheit Several early-Christian writers use the Hermetic writings as authoritative sources. Löw restudies the Christian reception of Hermetism and concludes: first, that Lactantius, Tertullian and others refer to these writings independently – there is no “tradition” of using the corpus; second, that these authors do not consider the Hermetic writings as belonging to Gnosticism. Theophaneia 36; Philo Verlagsgesellschaft, Berlin (2002) XII/1–293 (BL)
2427 Johan Lehmans et al., “Let Us Die that We may Live”: Greek Homilies on Christian martyrs from Asia Minor, Palestine and Syria (c. AD 350–450) The annotated English translation of 14 homilies delivered by Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostomus, Asterius of Amasa, and Hesychius of Jerusalem establishes the fact that the memory of martyrs was very much alive in late antiquity, and that the homilies constitute a rich resource for the study of late ancient Christianity. Major specialists have contributed to this slim but important volume. Routledge, London (2003) X/1–243 (BL)
2428 Beat Brenk, Die Christianisierung der spätrömischen Welt. Stadt, Land, Haus, Kirche und Kloster in frühchristlicher Zeit Das große Buch ist den frühesten Spuren christlicher Architektur rund um das Mittelmeer gewidmet, wobei Jerusalem, Gerasa und Shivta – Orte in Palästina – ebenso Berücksichtigung finden wie Dura Europos (Syrien), Ostia (Italien) und SS. Giovanni e Paolo in Rom. Ziel der Untersuchung ist es, etwas über die Christianisierung der Stadt, über Hauskirchen und das mit Hauskapelle ausgestattete christliche Haus sowie
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die “Christianisierung der Wüste” (durch Klöster) herauszufinden. Große Entwicklungslinien lassen sich nach Auffassung des Verfassers nicht feststellen, nur “ad hoc”-Lösungen bestimmter Bauprobleme. Unter SS. Giovanni e Paolo befindet sich ein Haus, dessen Bewohner im 4. Jh. zum Christentum übertraten und eine Hauskapelle (Reliquienkapelle?, ca. 340/90) einrichteten. Das großformatige Werk ist mit Anmerkungen, Plänen, Abbildungen, Bibliographie und Register ausgestattet. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden (2003) 1–392 (BL)
2429 Gilbert Dagron, Emperor and Priest: The Imperial Office in Byzantium As all anthropologists assure us, the royal office tends to be sacralized, and the priestking or king-priest is a familiar figure in cultural and political history, and, as historical wisdom has it, the emperors of Byzantium are good examples for it. But in what way was the emperor of Byzantium a priestly figure, invested with sacred power? This is the subject of Dagron’s magisterial work. The learned author sets out the principles as they are visible in coronations and proclamations and established in notions of heredity, legitimacy, and succession; he then explains how the system worked under Constantine, Leo II, and Basil the Macadonian (plus Leo VI and Constantine VII); a third, concluding section deals with the other side of the picture – the clergy and the liturgists. A masterpiece of both erudition and systematic analysis. Past and Present Publications; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) XIII/1–337 (BL)
2430 Nicole Zeddies, Religio et sacrilegium. Studien zur Inkriminierung von Magie, Häresie und Heidentum (4.–7. Jahrhundert) The time frame here considered can be defined as the transition period from late antiquity to the early middle ages, a period in which the transformation of the ancient imperial laws against magic into ecclesiastical law as well as its reception into the new “barbarian” laws can be studied with much profit. The sources here studied include those of ecclesiastical councils and state laws, but hagiographic material and penitential literature is also considered. One motif receives special study: that of the Christian hero who destroys a pagan idol. Europäische Hochschulschriften III, 964; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2003) 1–410 (BL)
Middle Ages 2431 Arnold Angenendt, Grundformen der Frömmigkeit im Mittelalter Supplementing his well-known standard work on medieval Christian piety, the emeritus author here offers a textbook. A brief encyclopedic survey is followed by a review of past and present currents of research, an extensive bibliography (arranged by topic), and an appendix with helpful brief texts (such as the Lord’s Prayer in Latin and the Latin Creed). Angenendt favours a “religious studies” approach, and this is the one he documents best. Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte 68; R. Oldenbourg Verlag, München (2004) XI/1–154 (BL)
2432 Peter Dinzelbacher, Europa im Hochmittelalter 1050–1250. Eine Kultur- und Mentalitätsgeschichte Leaving historical theory aside and reserving it for separate treatment, Dinzelbacher here presents a lively panorama of the culture and mentality of the eleventh to thirteenth centuries as a period which laid the foundations of our modern civilization. Five sections discuss social and economic life; political authority; attitudes toward the self in religion, art, medicine, and literature; attitudes toward others and social life (including sexuality, love, war, and jurisprudence); attitudes toward the natural environment (including animals and the experience of time). Illustrations and carefully annotated
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quotations from medieval sources make this book both entertaining and instructive. Dinzelbacher’s well-known learning teams up with his will to present a readable synthesis. Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–208
2433 Johannes Grabmayer, Europa im späten Mittelalter, 1250–1500. Eine Kultur- und Mentalitätsgeschichte As is to be expected, religion (i.e., Christianity) figures in all the chapters of this attractive survey of the late medieval cultural history of central and Western Europe (not Mediterranean Europe, which would be the subject of another book). It is mainly dealt with, however, in the substantial section “The attitude toward the Ego”. Subjects such as the soul, asceticism, illness, death, and life after death invite the author to consider religious attitudes and mentalities so well documented especially in fifteenth-century sources. The attractively produced book includes notes, a list of major sources, and a bibliography. The index lists names but unfortunately not subjects. – A valuable scholarly resource, written by a major specialist who teaches at the University of Klagenfurt, Austria. Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) 1–181 (BL)
2434 Christopher Kleinhenz (ed.), Medieval Italy. An Encyclopedia While the German “Lexikon des Mittelalters” remains unrivalled, some of its articles begin to date; moreover, students and specialists are not always amused when learning that they have to read German. The present series began with the publication of “Medieval Scandinavia” in 1993, and subsequent volumes appeared on France, England, Germany (IRBS 48:1944), Spain, but also on themes such as trade and travel, the Jewish life, archaeology. The present volume shows that some of the problems of earlier volumes (the poor quality of all maps and some of the illustrations) have been solved, and so the reader will enjoy using this important volume. In itself, this is a very fine book, and the editor is to be congratulated on its production. Nevertheless, there is one problem: The present volume was compiled, or so it seems, without consideration of what the other volumes of the series offer. As a result, the volume on Germany has a fine article on iconography, but there is no equivalent in the present volume, and so it is difficult to compare the German with the Italian situation. Routledge, London (2004) XXX/1–1290 (BL)
2435 Hans-Jürgen Kotzur (ed.), Die Kreuzzüge This heavy, large-size volume is the catalogue of a German exhibition showing objects brought to the West in the age of the crusades. The catalogue lists and comments on 142 objects, but in many cases, more than one object is listed under one number. The range of items is impressive – from reliquaries to chalices to reconstructed weapons to maps to textiles, and many of these objects have either never been shown before or never been described adequately. Equally impressive is the number and range of the essays that prelude the actual catalogue; 21 papers deal with the German crusader movement, military technology, relics as merchandise, the crusade religious orders, woman as participants, the image of Mohammed in medieval sources of the West, medical practice and learning in the age of the crusades, and not to forget the fine concluding paper, by B. Hechelhammer, on Frederick II. All contributions are annotated, and there is a cumulative bibliography at the end of the volume. This lavishly illustrated catalogue is a monument of learning, and no one will use it without profit. Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz (2004) 1–556 (BL)
2436 Sabine Geldsetzer, Frauen auf Kreuzzügen, 1096–1291 Did women participate in the crusades? The present book, a thesis defended at the university of Bochum, Germany, answers in the positive, and comes up with a list of
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91 names (with additional lists of women who went on pilgrimages to the Holy Land in times of war). And what did those women do who were part of the crusading armies? They served in many functions, including spying and of course cooking and doing menial jobs, but there is only one single hint that a woman actually used a weapon (bow and arrow, p. 144). A splendid contribution to historical women studies. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–304 (BL)
2437 Christoph Metzger et al. (eds.), Die Heiltumskammer. Der mittelalterliche Reliquienschatz von St. Ulrich und Afra in Augsburg Relics have become the focus of interesting art historical and cultural research in recent years, and so the present publication is to be welcomed for its color plates and detailed explanation of one of Germany’s minor, though very important, collection of relics. Many of the items have to do with Ulrich, tenth-century bishop of Augsburg who is venerated as a saint. Several items grouped together and labelled as coming from an early medieval tomb of a member of the Christian clergy may inspire research on funerary archaeology focusing on clergy. Deutscher Kunstverlag, München (2004) 1–84 (BL)
2438 Marcia Kupfer, The Art of Healing: Painting for the Sick and the Sinner in a Medieval Town To justify her detailed study of the wall paintings of the Romanesque parish church of Saint-Aignan-sur-Cher (France), the author appeals to E. Le Roy Ladurie’s famous “Montaillou”, and she is certainly right in arguing that medieval art history needs a stronger dose of contextualization to produce better insight into the meaning of its subject. In the 12th and 13th centuries, the church, and especially its crypt (decorated with wall paintings of ca. 1200) functioned as a center that attracted visitors, both local and from other places, in search of healing. The paintings belong to a period of transition during which the sick poor, especially lepers, began to evolve from “brother” to “other”, and, as a result, the lepers themselves formed communities. One of Kupfer’s aim is to reconstruct how the church and its paintings functioned in the ritual and spirituality of its clientele. The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, Penn. (2003) XVIII/1–202, illustrations (BL)
2439 Peter Dilg (ed.), Natur im Mittelalter. Konzeptionen – Erfahrungen – Wirkungen Thirty papers, all read at a thematic conference of the Society of German Medievalists held in Marburg in 2001, deal with the perception of “nature” in a wider variety of sources – from references to weather in epic texts to illuminations illustrating the animal legends of St. Francis ( J.W. Einhorn) to sermonic “exempla” used by Albert the Great (E. Schinagl) to depictions of the Virgin’s womb in late medieval art (by S. Tammen). All papers are accompanied by notes, and there are many fine illustrations. Unfortunately, there is only an index of medieval names; a subject index would have considerably enhanced the value of this attractive collection. Akademie Verlag, Berlin (2003) X/1–498 (BL)
2440 Thomas Richter, Paxtafeln und Pacificalia. Studien zu Form, Ikonographie und liturgischem Gebrauch Between the 13th century, where they originated in England, and the 1950s, small wooden and metal shrines, often with relics, so-called pacificalia (instruments of peace were used in the Catholic liturgy – until their use was abolished by the liturgical reforms following the Second Vatican Council. The author takes up a subject well-
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known from Joseph Braun’s “Das christliche Alkatgerät” (1932), and this art-historical thesis (University of Würzburg, Germany) develops it in new and fruitful ways. The valuable book includes a summary of previous research, a historical sketch, iconographic studies (especially on the representation of Christ’s passion), and even a chapter on their political use in the house of Habsburg. A catalogue of 203 items (many illustrated) forms the basis of a most useful scholarly resource. Verlag und Datenbank für Geisteswissenschaften, Weimar (2003) 1–683 (BL)
2441 Ernst Schubert, Dies diem docet. Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur mittelalterlichen Kunst und Geschichte in Mitteldeutschland The cathedrals of Naumburg, Halberstadt, Magdeburg, Merseburg, and Meissen rank among the major architectural remains of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries to be found in central Germany. Schubert, who taught at the university of Halle under the communist régime, does not seem to have made any concessions to the political Zeitgeist; instead, he pursued his research into the architectural history of these churches with much determination and splendid results, so that the present collection of essays comes close to being a handbook on recent research (for most of the serious research done on these cathedrals was by none other than him). All of the 27 papers included in the volume have been reset (and corrected), and there are plates of high quality. Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Sachsen-Anhalts 3; Böhlau Verlag, Köln (2003) 1–505; 142 plates (BL)
2442 Wolf-Ulrich Klünker, Die Erwartung der Engel. Der Mensch als neue Hierarchie This is an intelligent survey of Christian medieval theological discourse relating to guardian angels, written from the perspective of an author interested in, and influenced by Rudolf Steiner. He is able to pint to many details that have escaped others, e.g. to questions relating to the dependence or non-dependence of humans on angels for their salvation. Verlag Freies Geistesleben; Stuttgart (2003) 1–213 (BL)
2443 Matthias Riedl, Joachim von Fiore. Denker der vollendeten Menschheit Cultural historians, including O. Spengler, K. Löwith and E. Voegelin, consider this twelfth-century friar a key figure in Europen political thought, and the author of the present book agrees, though with important qualifications. From the present study, Joachim emerges not an utopian thinker but as an innovative social critic, a thinker intent on reform for whom traditional Benedictine monasticism was anachronisic. Riedl also offers a new translation of Joachim’s “constitution for the third kingdom, period of the Holy Spirit”. – An important contribution to the study of medieval political thought. Epistemata. Philosophische Reihe 361; Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2004) 1–395 (BL)
2444 Jacques Le Goff, Le Dieu du Moyen Age This small book records conversations between France’s major medieval cultural historian and a journalist. Le Goff highlights the complexity of the divine world in late ancient and medieval culture: God the Father is seen mainly as an enthroned sovereign, but he is far from remaining solitary, for Christ (often depicted as a suffering figure) and the Holy Spirit are associated with him and, of particular importance in medieval times, the Holy Virgin. God is also is surrounded by angelic powers and many saints. Relics, mysticism, and many other subjects are mentioned in this delightful book. Bayard, Paris (2003) 1–103 (BL)
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2445 Andreas Schönfeld (Übersetzer), Liber de causis – Das Buch von den Ursachen Das “Liber de causis”, eine im 12. Jahrhundert aus dem Arabischen übersetzte neuplatonische Schrift, wurde rasch zu einem der wichtigsten philosophischen Quellenbücher der Scholastik. Die vorliegende zweisprachige Ausgabe ist mit einem ausführlichen Kommentar, einer philosophiegeschichtlichen Einleitung (von R. Schönberger) und zahlreichen Beilagen – u.a. einem hilfreichen lateinischen Glossar, einer Zeittafel und einer ausführlichen Forschungsbibliographie – versehen. Wer sich mit mittelalterlicher Philosophie beschäftigt und z.B. die Lehre von den Erstursachen und Zweitursachen verstehen will, findet hier die in der Fachliteratur oft versteckt bleibende Quelle. Die schöne Edition wird in jedem philosophischen und theologischen Seminar hoch willkommen sein! Philosophische Bibliothek 553; Felix Meiner Verlag, Hamburg (2003) LI/1–207 (BL)
2446 Nil Sorsky, The Complete Writings Sorsky (d. 1509), Russian monk and, later, hermit, ranks as a major spiritual writer, and his book of spiritual discipline (known under the problematic title “monastic rule”) deserves the attention of historians of monastic theology. Translated from the Russian by George Maloney, this is another instalment of a valuable series. The Classics of Western Spirituality; Paulist Press, Mahwah, NJ (2003) X/1–164
2447 Barbara Newman, God and the Goddesses: Vision, Poetry and Belief in the Middle Ages While scholarship is at least dimly aware of the divine status of the Virgin Mary in medieval thought, not much thought has been given to other divine figures – Wisdom, Nature, and Love. Newman explores these figures as they appear in medieval sources. She concludes by stating, rather boldly but convincingly, that “the feminine Divine remained in the penumbra of the monotheistic sun. There it languished until the twelfth century, when the burgeoning intellectual energies of the age found expression in a new wave of imaginative theology that launched the golden age of goddesses” (326). It was only during the Reformation that the goddesses disappeared again. In her erudite and provocative book, Newman has given historians of Christianity much to discuss and to ponder. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia (2003) XIII/1–446 (BL)
2448 Lorenzo Valla, Vom wahren und falschen Guten Circulating in fifteenth-century Italy in various versions, produced between 1431 and 1441, Valla’s book ranks as one of the Renaissance’s most complete philosophical statements. To find translations of this important work is almost impossible; the only one the reviewer knows of, is in English, but is published inadequately. Now the Germans have a wonderful translation, made by Otto and Eva Schönberger. One may regret the fact that the translators have selected the last, rather than the first version written by Valla, but what we are given here is a complete, annotated rendering. Valla’s most imaginative passage is his description of the heavenly life of the saints (at the end of book 3). Michael Erler has contributed a well-informed introduction. One should encourage the publisher to add the Latin text and thus produce a convenient bilingual edition. – A scholarly resource that will interest not only specialists. Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg (2004) 1–207 (BL)
2449 Daniel T. Kline (ed.), Medieval Literature for Children Four of the medieval texts included in this anthology come under the category of “religious literature”: Ecloga Theoduli (a Latin didactic poem, 11th century), The Child
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Slain by Jews (Middle English poem, early 13th century), The Jewish Boy (Middle English poem), and the dialogue “Ypotis” (Middle English poem featuring the “puer senex” topos). All texts are given in full and are accompanied by introductions and notes. This fascinating book supplies much evidence against the (now obsolete) notion that in the Middle Ages, children were seen as nothing but “little adults”. Routledge, London (2003) XII/1–353 (BL)
Modern Times: 16th–19th centuries 2450 David Blamires (transl.), Theologia deutsch – Theologia Germanica: The Book of the Perfect Life This relatively short, anonymous text originated in Sachsenhausen near Frankfurt in the fourteenth century, and has important links with the mystical theology of Master Eckhart and Tauler. Rediscovered and edited by Martin Luther, it was often printed and translated in early modern times. Blamires offers a new English translation, based on the critical text established by W. von Hinten (1982). For rendering “der vergottete Mensch” the translator has chosen the expression “the person united to God” – a felicitous choice. The rich, but non-technical introduction explains how the Theologia Deutsch fits in with German mysticism of which it may be considered a summary. (The publisher’s European address is: P.O. Box 317, Oxford, OX2 9RU, United Kingdom.) The Sacred Literature Series; AltaMira Press/Rowman & Littlefield, Walnut Creek, Cal. (2003) VIII/1–103 (BL)
2451 Johann Anselm Steiger (ed.), Bibliographia Gerhardiana (1601–2002) In 1601, two small booklets by the Lutheran theologian John Gerhard (1582–1637) were printed in Wittenberg, but the author’s actual publishing career began in 1605 with the first edition of the famous Meditationes Sacrea (no. 25) of which a first English translation dates from 1611 (no. 81; with fig. 6 on p. 374). The virtue of this extensive bibliography is that it permits the researcher to follow much of the reception history, for translations are included (see nos. 1169 and 1186 for Polish versions of the “Meditationes”). The year 1997 marks the beginning of J.A. Steiger’s fruitful editorial activity. All publications included in books written by others are included in this bibliography, as are the shelf numbers of rare copies. Steiger suggests the possibility of finding an occasional dedicatory poem that has not come to his attention, but new findings are unlikely to change the overall picture. This is a model of its kind, and one can only hope that other researchers will emulate the high standard achieved by the learned editor. Frommann-Holzboog, Stuttgart (2003) 1–402 (BL)
2452 Neil Forsyth, The Satanic Epic The “satanic epic” is none other than John Milton’s “Paradise Lost”. According to a widely accepted view, Milton speaks as an orthodox Christian in his masterpiece. The learned author argues against this scholarly consensus, suggesting that during the Romantic period, at least some readers (including Shelley and Blake) knew better, for they felt the power of Satan’s voice in Milton’s poetry, and understood Milton’s sympathy for Satan. The book includes a brief history of Satan as he appears in early Christian sources and in English literature. Both a feast and a challenge for Milton scholars. (In Europe, the book is available from: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxford OX20, England.) Princeton University Press, Oxford (2003) X/1–382 (BL)
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2453 Sabine Richter, Werwölfe und Zaubertänze. Vorchristliche Glaubensvorstellungen in Hexenprozessen der frühen Neuzeit This PhD thesis in historical sociology, submitted to the University of Gießen, Germany, is a study of sixteeth- and seventeenth-century witchcraft documents found in the state archive of Wiesbaden. The interpretive framework chosen is quite convincing: the witches, as representatives of non- and pre-Christian rural and oral culture, were unable to understand why they were fought against and indeed destroyed by the literate, urban-based Christian juridical apparatus. Europäische Hochschulschriften XXII/392; Peter Lang Verlag, Bern (2004) 1–275 (BL)
2454 Carl L. Becker, The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers Superbly written and originally published in 1932, and now reprinted with an introductory essay by J.K. Wright, this is a fine contribution to the debate about the modernity of the Enlightenment. Becker argues that the Enlightenment, despite superficial evidence to the contrary, remained a fundamentally medieval and therefore religious culture. The preface explains why the debate is still continuing in scholarship. Yale Nota Bene; Yale University Press, London (2003) XIX/1–168 (BL)
2455 Horst Neeb (ed.), Hasenkamp und Lavater. Reisen, Begegnungen, Gespräche 1774 Johann Hasenkamp from Duisburg accompanied the famous J.C. Lavater in July 1774 for two weeks, as he travelled in Germany. Hasenkamp’s travel diary is noteworthy, for it records the conversations of two forerunners of German evangelical revivalism. The biblical jargon is dense, as can be seen from the editor’s careful notes. Brunnen Verlag, Giessen (2004) XIV/1–136 (BL)
2456 Immanuel Kant, Kritik der praktischen Vernunft Around 1900, Kant’s Critique of Practical Reason figured prominently on the reading list of Protestant theologians, at least in Germany. It was then considered a classic, for it was taken to demonstrate the reality of God and of life after death (a view no longer supported by contemporary thinkers). The editor, Heiner F. Klemme, has contributed a long introduction, explanatory notes, two indexes, and a bibliography. The bibliography includes a most welcome section that lists works dealing specifically with the religious side of Kant’s argument and its reception. Kant specialists will hail the volume for the newly established critical text of a major work of Western philosophy. Philosophische Bibliothek 506; Felix Meiner Verlag, Hamburg (2003) LXV/1–277 (BL)
2457 Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, Politische Theologie der Gegenaufklärung The author studies the conservative thought of four major figures of the European reactionary response to the Enlightenment: J. de Maistre, C.L. de Saint-Martin, Johann Friedrich Kleuker, and Franz von Baader all of whom flourished around 1800. All of these thinkers sought to defend and rehabilitate the Christian notion of history, of Heilsgeschichte, as a story with an end that clarifies everything that has happened before. The author himself seems to be open to traditional philosophies rather than modern, Enlightenment-inspired ones. Akademie Verlag, Berlin (2004) 1–159 (BL)
2458 Sören Kierkegaard, Tagebuch eines Verführers Part of the author’s collection “Either – Or” (1841), the present text has often been printed separately, as here in H. Fauteck’s annotated German translation made in
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1974. John Updike’s afterword (originally included in “The Seducer’s Diary”, Princeton University Press) accompanies this attractive edition of one of the classics of nineteenthcentury literature. Here one can familiarize oneself with Kierkegaard’s then unrivaled psychological observation. Winkler Weltliteratur; Artemis & Winkler, Düsseldorf (2004) 1–199 (BL)
2459 Bernhard Bolzano, Lehrbuch der Religionswissenschaft. Dritter Teil Ending with eschatology (heaven and hell), this is the concluding volume of Bolzano’s survey of Catholic doctrine. The edition is based on a manuscript written by one of Bolzano’s students and a nineteenth-century printing of another set of student notes (then printed after B. had lost his chair at the University of Prague). What the author teaches is fairly orthodox, but there are traces of specifically modern notions; one may note his idea that in heaven the saints will be active rather than merely contemplative (pp. 194–195). Bolzano (1781–1848) is now considered a major figure in the intellectual life of early nineteenth-century Prague, and this magnificently printed critical edition of his works can be found in Prague’s national library on the shelves of the reading room. Frommann-Holzboog Verlag, Stuttgart (2004) 1–237 (BL)
Twentieth and twenty-first centuries 2460 Michael N. Ebertz, Die Zivilisierung Gottes. Der Wandel von Jenseitsvorstellungen in Theologie und Verkündigung Auf der Grundlage bes. von gedruckten deutschen katholischen Musterpredigten des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (ca. 1860–1990) weist Ebertz in seiner Freiburger theologischen Dissertation nach, wie sich ein Wandel von der Höllenpredigt zur Heilspredigt vollzog. Auch die Umprägung von Vorstellungsbereichen wie Fegefeuer und Gericht sind in diesen Wandlungsprozeß mit einbezogen. Eine kenntnisreiche Arbeit über ein vernachlässigtes Thema. Schwabenverlag, Ostfildern (2004) 1–466, Predigtverzeichnis I–XXI (BL)
2461 Wolfgang Dietrich, Nikolai Berdjajew. Sein Denken im Prozess. Leben, Werke, Diskurs mit Partnern des Denkens The Russian theologian N.B. (1874–1948), who lived and worked in Paris from 1922, ranks as a major Christian philosopher, though his work is not widely read today. Dietrich’s book is a reprint of a five-volume typescript first published in the 1970s and now bound as one volume, with some added material. Specialists will certainly use the bulky volume, but the format detracts from the contents. Dietrich (b. 1925, emeritus professor of Protestant theology) is to be thanked for pointing out the value of B.’s work and for demonstrating that the German translations of B.’s books are largely inadequate. Studien zur orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 10; Lit Verlag, Münster (2002) XIV/1–1036 (BL)
2462 Maria Magdalena Eibl, Eucharistie als Opfer der Kirche bei Maurice de la Taille De la Taille (1872–1933), although now largely forgotten, ranks as a major figure in twentieth-century Catholic theology. The present book, a thesis accepted by the faculty of Eichstätt, Germany, elucidates de la Taille’s notion of the sacrifice of Christ in its two dimensions of voluntary self-surrender and (destructive) immolation. While the notion of immolation remains controversial, de la Taille’s emphasis on Christ’s selfsurrender and on Christ being joined by his Church are certainly to the point. Unfortunately, the book lacks an index. Eichstätter Studien 50; Verlag Friedrich Pustet, Regensburg (2003) 1–259 (BL)
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2463 Hans Küng, Rechtfertigung. Die Lehre Karl Barths und eine katholische Besinnung Twice has Hans Küng (b. 1928) shocked the theological community with bold assertions about the need of the Catholic church to accept essentially Protestant teachings: in 1957, when he published his thesis on justification (reprinted here with a number of prefaces and afterwords), and in 1970, when he published his treatise on the pope’s infallibility. These classics should be in all theological libraries. Serie Piper 4039; Piper Verlag, München (2004) XXII/1–371 (BL)
2464 Andreas R. Batlogg et al., Der Denkweg Karl Rahners. Quellen – Entwicklungen – Perspektiven Rahner (1904–84), one of the foremost Catholic theologians of his times, remains a central figure within theological discourse. The present book, written by six young theologians, is meant as an introductory and in part highly technical introduction to some of Rahner’s works, especially his early work (in part published only posthumously). They emphasize Rahner’s background in 1920s and 30s Neoscholasticism as well as his indebtedness to Przywara and Heidegger. Unfortunately, the book lacks an index. Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2003) 1–320 (BL)
2465 Herbert Vorgrimler, Karl Rahner. Gotteserfahrung in Leben und Denken The author, who had been one of the famous theologian’s research assistants, is well qualified to write this informative survey of Rahner’s (1904–84) theology and biography. Here Rahner comes alive, but Vorgrimler’s presentation will not convince in all its details. Understandably, Vorgrimler defends his master against accusations of having had an affair with the German writer Luise Rinser, his comments on the Jesuit’s friendship with her sound somewhat pedestrian. The author makes Rahner’s eschatology look more conventional than it actually is. Nevertheless, an important and indeed basic contribution to Rahner studies. Primus Verlag/Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2004) VII/1–284 (BL)
2466 Daniel Munteanu, Der tröstende Geist der Liebe. Zu einer ökumenischen Lehre vom Heiligen Geist über die trinitarischen Theologien J. Moltmanns und D. Staniloaes Written by a young Rumanian orthodox scholar, this study offers a comparison and creative synthesis of two “pneumatologies”, one East and one West, to argue that it is now important to realize that the Western notion of the Holy Spirit as proceeding “also from the Son” (filioque) constitutes an error. Moltmann has contributed an important introduction to the book. Neukichener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2003) XIV/1–325 (BL)
2467 Herbert Haag, Gottes Zeit – Menschenzeit This collection of sermons found in the papers of Herbert Haag (1915–2001) brings to life not only the well-remembered author, a noted biblical scholar and critic of his Roman Catholic church, but also may serve as a treasury of models for those who are looking for inspirational reading. I was touched to read the text on illness, a text much reminiscent of Haag’s own terminal illness. Paulusverlag, Fribourg (2003) 1–166 (BL)
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2468 Dorothee Sölle, Mystik des Todes. Ein Fragment Sölle died in 2003, leaving fragments of a book she meant to write. In the published fragments she vaguely asserts her disbelief in “life after death” (more fully explained in her autobiography, “Gegenwind”, 1995), explaining that during the past fifteen years she had become “increasingly Jewish”. Death, for her, means being reintegrated into the bosom of nature. Kreuz Verlag, Stuttgart (2003) 1–175 (BL)
2469 (anonymous), Abendmahlsgemeinschaft ist möglich. Thesen zur eucharistischen Gastfreundschaft Edited by three leading ecumenical institutes (Strasbourg, Tübingen, and Bensheim), the book advocates eucharistic hospitality among Catholics and Protestants. The debate, largely linked to ecumenical events in Berlin in 2003, has been controversial, with the German Catholic episcopate opposing the practice of eucharistic hospitality. Thus this is a document of academic goodwill rather than one initiating a new age of ecumenical understanding. Verlag Otto Lembeck, Frankfurt (2003) 1–83 (BL)
2470 Michael Welker, Was geht vor beim Abendmahl? This second edition of a book originally published in 1999 includes many revisions as well as an appendic critical of the recent Eucharistic teaching of Pope John Paul II. Gütersloher Verlagshaus, Gütersloh (2004) 1–208
2471 Michael Frost et al., The Shaping of Things to Come: Innovation and Mission for the 21st Century Church Two Australian evangelists and teachers describe their innovative methods of communicating the Christian message today. The “missional church” that they seek to promote fully engages “in life, evangelism, work among the poor, community groups and causes, and pubs and cafés” (144), for “deed” is “sacrament”. For their concept of sacramental activism, the author invoke the philosophy Martin Buber. – In Europe, this title is available from Alban Books, 14 Belford Rd., Edinburgh EH4 3BL, UK. Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Mass. (2003) XI/1–236 (BL)
2472 Grünewald Verlag (hg.), Klosterführer. Christliche Stätten der Besinnung im deutschsprachigen Raum Why not stay for a few days in a Catholic monastery or its Protestant equivalent? The present book gives you all the details, including rates for bed and breakfast and how to get to such places in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and South Tirol. Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, Mainz (2004) 1–270 (BL)
2473 Graham Hughes, Worship as Meaning: A Liturgical Theology for Late Modernity The author understands and analyzes “meaning” as a semiotic category, to be studied in the light of the linguistic philosophy of authors such as Charles Peirce. Personal meaning is always constructed on the basis of available repertoires of meaning. The author suggests that “the phenomenon of limit experience” and “religious conviction as an assumed naiveté” are keys to how contemporary men and women can make sense of God and, by implication, of Christian worship. Cambridge Studies in Christian Doctrine; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2003) VII/1–330 (BL)
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2474 H.M. Kuitert, Kein zweiter Gott. Jesus und das Ende des kirchlichen Dogmas Until his retirement, Kuitert (b. 1924) taught Reformed Dogmatic and ethics at the University of Amsterdam. Here he offers a radical suggestion on how to revise Christology. While traditional dogmatics was based on the assumption that in Jesus two natures meet – divine and human –, Kuitert argues that Jesus should be seen in purely human terms. Rather than believing in Jesus (as a divine person), we should believe in God, as Jesus believed in God. Patmos Verlag, Düsseldorf (2004) 1–343 (BL)
2475 Ralf Miggelbrink, Einführung in die Lehre der Kirche This is a short introduction to Catholic ecclesiology, written with openness to the ecumenical debate, especially the discussion concerning the papal office. The frequent summaries of scholarly contributions are a most helpful feature. The book reads like a script made for students, and this may well be the intended audience. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt (2003) 1–200
2476 Ian G. Barbour, Wissenschaft und Glaube. Historische und zeitgenössische Aspekte “Der Kernpunkt des Christentums ist meiner Meinung nach der Glaube an Gott als die schöpferische Liebe, die sich in Christus zeigt. Damit wird die Allmächtigkeit als eine Hilfshypothese behandelt, die modifiziert werden kann, um die Daten der menschlichen Freiheit, des Bösen und des Leidens sowie eines evolutionären Kosmos einzupassen” (452). Barbour steht der Prozesstheologie nahe, die er als diejenige Theologie bezeichnet, die mit den Daten der Naturwissenschaft am besten zu vereinbaren ist. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen (2003) 1–508
2477 Gordon W. Lathorp, Holy Ground. A Liturgical Cosmology Taking his inspiration from eastern orthodox liturgical thought, Lathorp points out that liturgy must be seen as something we do in the presence of God, for as we worship, a hole opens up in the sky as was the case when Jesus was baptized. This essay on “liturgical cosmology” is in three parts: liturgical worldmaking, liturgical ethics, and liturgical poetics. Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Min. (2003) XI/1–237
2478 Michael Klessmann, Pastoralpsychologie Pastoral psychology is here understood not in a simplistic way as a discipline teaching the pastor how to go about his duties in the care – or cure – of the souls committed to him. Instead, Klessmann takes it to be a discipline which, from a certain perspective, looks at all areas of the minister’s practical work. Accordingly, there are chapters on the liturgy, on preaching, on church management, but also on the development of the image of God in the minds of the believers, on sin and justification, and, not to forget, on the history of the discipline. Klessmann does not express preference for any particular kind of psychology; his approach is eclectic, and thus one can find a detailed introduction to the work both of C.G. Jung (pp. 159–170) and S. Freud (pp. 118–139). – Even those not immediately involved with pastoral work will benefit from using the volume. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn (2004) 1–702 (BL)
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2479 Reinhard Kürzinger et al. (eds.), Das große Buch der Gebete This voluminous anthology of prayers mixes traditional texts with modern, published ones (I found several pieces written by myself and published, long ago) with newly composed texts, especially by students of Bernhard Sill, co-editor and professor at the university of Eichstätt in Bavaria. There is also a general introduction, styled as a “school of prayer”, and a section printing the Lord’s Prayer in many languages (but, alas, with many mistakes in the Greek version on p. 75, and with an unusual German version on the next). The best texts are in the section “encounter with saints and authors”, and those of the lowest quality are the long meditations written by professors of theology (and they miss the standard set by Matthew 6:7). But don’t give up too soon – there are gems in the volume. Pattloch Verlag, München (2003) 1–896 (BL)
2480 Anselm Bilgri et al., Finde das rechte Maß: Regeln aus dem Kloster Andechs für Arbeit und Leben A lively written commentary on St. Benedict’s Rule whose principles are recommended to modern lay people. Piper Verlag, München (2004) 1–223
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INDEX OF AUTHORS1 Aasgaard, R. 34 Abela, A. 394 Absi, Z.A. 474 Abusch, T. 1796 Achenbach, R. 340, 341, 1289 Adam, J. 1113 Adams, R.B. 1602 Adamsen, G.S. 1806 A˙ituv, S. 545 Aitken, E.B. 1831 Akpunonu, P.D. 525 Alana, O.E. 1231 Aland, B. 36 Albertz, R. 518, 520, 602, 1936 Aletti, J.-N. 1102 Alexander, L. 1049 Alkier, S. 131 Allison, D.C. 1363 Althann, R. 187, 194 Altman, A. 1765 Ameling, W. 485, 1335 Amit, Y. 190, 191, 444, 2190 Anbar, M. 1287, 1508 Ancoli-Israel, S. 2148 Anderson, V.N. 1105 Angenendt, A. 2431 Angerstorfer, A. 1523 Annus, A. 1501 Arambarri, J.M. 257 Aranzulla, G. 2006 Arbel, V.D. 1443 Arcari, L. 1340 Arens, W. 2403 Ariel, D.T. 1683 Arnold, B.T. 707, 1469 Arterbury, A.E. 275, 1067 Artus, O. 87 Artzy, M. 1677 Arzt-Grabner, P. 55 Ashman, A. 1725 Assmann, J. 1510, 2052 Aster, S.Z. 414 Atkinson, K. 1362, 1401 Attridge, H.W. 1147 Auffret, P. 689, 698, 703, 706, 717 Augustin, C. 1663 Augustinus 2241, 2425
1
Augustus 1563 Auld, A.G. 245*, 403, 488 Aune, D.E. 188, 199, 2180, 2183 Aurelius, E. 412 Aus, R.D. 907, 1859 Auwers, J.-M. 169 Avemarie, F. 2028 Avioz, M. 1932 Avishur, Y. 1530 Avraham, N. 1846 Azize, J. 763 Bach, A. 1828 Bachmann, M. 1153, 1963 Backhaus, F.-J. 787 Baert, B. 2333 Baker, K. 2084, 2085 Balch, D.L. 1042 Balentine, S.E. 738, 746 Ball, D.T. 921 Balla, P. 1720 Ballhorn, E. 673 Bandstra, A.L. 1234 Barag, D. 1660 Barako, T. 1534 Barbour, I.G. 2476 Barclay, J.M.G. 1950 Barge, L. 183 Barkay, G. 1657 Barker, M. 1974 Barnett, P. 1091 Barone, E. 2392 Bar-Oz, G. 1699 Barr, D.L. 1245 Barr, G.K. 1834 Barr, J. 376 Barral, X. 2341 Barré, M.L. 505 Barstad, H.M. 1309, 1933 Bartchy, S.S. 1708, 1745 Bartelmus, R. 1449 Bartor, A. 178 Basarab, M. 2102 Basson, A. 685 Batlogg, A.R. 2464 Baty, C. 768 Bauer, C. 2393
A number followed by an asterisk refers to a book review. The authors of books that are reviewed are listed seperately, in the index of reviewed books.
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Bauer, D.R. 195 Baum, A.D. 120, 819, 1911 Baur, F.C. 1078 Bautch, R.J. 539 Baynes, L. 1361 Bazyli…ski, S. 693 Bazzi, C. 904 Beale, G.K. 1190 Béchard, D.P. 1076 Bechmann, U. 198, 349 Beck, J.A. 346, 440 Becker, C.L. 2454 Becker, E.-M. 141 Becker, J. 461, 522, 537, 1176 Becking, B. 143, 559, 1308 Bedenbender, A. 1341 Beentjes, P. 449, 453 Begrich, G. 1502 Ben Ayun, C. 1845 Ben-Daniel, J. 1246 Bénétreau, S. 1118, 1222 Benjamin, D.C. 210 Bennett, H.V. 371 Benoit, A. 1490 Benovitz, M. 1809 Ben-Shlomo, D. 1600 Ben Zvi, E. 448 Berceville, G. 2261 Bergant, D. 566 Berge K. 612 Bergey, R. 382 Bergmeier, R. 1160, 1165 Bergsma, J.S. 337 Berliner, R. 2324 Bernabé, C. 880 Bernat, D. 184 Berner, U. 1969 Bernstein, R.J. 2255 Berthelot, K. 1365 Betz, H.-D. 1567 Betz, O. 197 Beuken, W.A.M. 498 Beyer, K. 1305, 1454 Beyers, J. 1819 Bianchi, E. 732, 2137 Bickmann, J. 2214 Bienenfeld, D. 1923 Bieringer, R. 996 Bietak, M. 1669 Biguzzi, G. 1263 Bilgri, A. 2480 Bingle, J.P. 177 Bird, M. 911 Biser, E. 1897 Blamires, D. 2450 Blecker, I.M. 1197 Blenkinsopp, J. 541, 1937 Bliese, L.F. 614 Bloch-Smith, E. 1589
570
Blum, E. 388 Blumenthal, F. 255 Boccabello, J.S. 2235 Bock, D.L. 62, 929 Bockmuehl, M. 831 Boda, M.J. 646, 647, 654, 1801, 1941 Bodner, K. 410, 443 Boecker, H.J. 289 Böhler, D. 27 Böhm, U. 2309 Boers, H. 1148 Böttrich, C. 939, 1279 Bogaert, P.-M. 51, 121, 435*, 1581* Bóid, R. 1964 Boismard, M.-É. 46 Bolyki, J. 988 Bolzano, B. 2459 Bonnet, C. 491 Bonogofsky, M. 1695 Bons, E. 80 Boonzaaier, J. 1177 Boorer, S. 165 Borgeaud, P. 2298 Borgonovo, G. 1946 Bormann, L. 2091 Borowski, O. 1704 Bosman, H.L. 153, 1585 Botha, P.J. 725 Botha, P.J.J. 858, 1957 Botterweck, G.J. 1456, 1457 Boughton, L.C. 1008 Bouzard, W.C. 1403 Bovell, C. 399 Bovon, F. 1047, 1867 Bowen, N.R. 702 Bowker, J. 2401 Brändle, R. 2284 Braga, C. 2146 Branch, R.G. 1715 Brandscheidt, R. 528, 533 Braulik, G. 356, 668, 2218 Braunger, K. 2262 Brawley, R.L. 871 Braxton, B.R. 1135 Bredin, M.R. 1018 Brenk, B. 2428 Brenner, A. 785 Brenner, S. 1692, 1855 Breslauer, R.I. 1953 Brett, M.G. 1913 Breytenbach, A.P.B. 390 Breytenbach, C. 2121 Briend, J. 1572 Briquel-Chatonnet, F. 1795 Brisco, T. 1838 Britt, B. 322, 2169 Broadhead, E.K. 2290 Brock, A.G. 1057 Brodsky, H. 273
Broer, I. 2124 Broshi, M. 1887 Brown, J.P. 1539 Brown, S.G. 914, 1371, 1603 Bruce, L.P. 588 Brueggemann, W. 98, 233, 2172 Brüske, G. 2204 Bruner, F.D. 2221 Bryce, T. 1489 Buber, M. 216 Buchanan, G.W. 1658 Budde, D. 1515 Büchsel, M. 2326 Bühler, P. 159 Bühlmann, A. 773 Buergi, Y.R. 218 Bunimovitz, S. 1605 Burfeind, C. 1551 Burkard, G. 1516 Burton, D. 2397 Busse, U. 807, 956 Butterweck, A. 285 Buzzetti, C. 88 Byrne, B. 942 Byrne, R. 1532 Cahill, J. M. 1648 Callan, T. 1235 Camp, C. V. 339 Campbell, A. F. 149, 406, 740 Campbell, G. 1255 Cancik, H. 1536, 1537 Cancik-Kirschbaum, E. 1495 Capes, D. B. 1829 Capetz, P. E. 2418 Capps, D. 1891 Caquot, A. 1409 Carasik, M. 766 Carstens, P. 1794 Carter, C. E. 1594 Carter, E.J. 878 Carter, W. 885 Casperson, L.W. 1921 Cassirer, E. 2311 Casson, D. 570 Castaño F., A. 883 Castelli, S. 1437 Cataldo, J. 1942 Caubet, A. 1531 Cavalier, C. 479, 480 Chancey, M. 1597, 1613 Chang, H.-K. 2181 Chapelle, A. 2035 Chapelle, D. 2369 Chapman, H.H. 1874* Chapman, S.B. 100 Chapple, A. 66 Chareire, I. 472 Chavel, S. 428
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1398, 1400
Yadin, A. 2175 Yagi, S. 134 Yamada, S. 1499 Yamauchi, E.M. 1756 Yang, Y.-E. 915
Yarbrough, R. 2225* Yarchin, W. 2223 Yasur-Landau, A. 1535 Yeatts, J.R. 1242 Yee, G.A. 1711 Yinger, K.L. 1178 Yoder, C.R. 752 Young, M.W. 2386 Young, N.H. 1220, 1836 Young, R.C. 1922 Younger, K.L. 1928, 1935 Zager, W. 2099, 2277 Zakovitch, Y. 12, 774 Zalcman, L. 624, 757 Zanker, P. 1550 Zapff, B.M. 524 Zeddies, N. 2430 Zehnder, M. 661 Zeller, D. 1125, 2182 Zenger, E. 223, 670, 720, 724 Zer, R.I. 10 Zerafa, P.P. 2019 Zertal, A. 1635 Zesati Estrada, C. 1226 Zias, J. 1630 Zimmermann, B. 2328 Zimmermann, R. 126, 1258 Zorn, J.R. 1642 Zsengellér, J. 1732 Zuckerman, B. 1282 Zuffi, S. 2349 Zumstein, J. 164, 2131 Zwick, R. 2317 Zwickel, W. 400, 1617, 1733, 1751
585
INDEX OF REVIEWS (Authors of reviewed books) Baird, W. 2225 Barton, J. 2066 Bederman, D.J. 1764 Campbell, A.F. 245 Crossan, J.D. 1874 Finkelstein, I. 1581, 1582 Frei, P. 1940
Jackson, B.S.
1759
Koch, K. 1940 Kloppenborg, J.S. Perrin, N.
824
1375
Rodd, C.S. Schenker, A.
2066 435
Goodacre, M. 815 Horsley, R. 891 Hossfeld, F.-L. 664
586
Watts, J.W. 231 Wenham, G.J. 2066 Wright, N.T. 2086
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME 50 Contributors ........................................................................................ Abbreviations ......................................................................................
v vii
TEXT – VERSIONS 1–13 14–28 29–44 45–52 53–90
Text of the OT – Masorah ★ Targums ........................................ Greek (OT) ........................................................................................ Greek (NT) ........................................................................................ Coptic – Syriac – Latin – Arabic .................................................... Modern Translations: general ★ English ★ German ★ Afrikaans ★ French – Italian – Chinese ........................................
1 4 7 11 13
THEOLOGICAL AND EXEGETICAL APPROACHES 91–126 127–139 140–150 151–155 156–159 160–164 165–167 168–174 175–184 185–193
Theological Foundations Inspiration – authority ★ canon: OT – NT .................................. Hermeneutics – Methods Biblical interpretation in general – hermeneutics and methodology in general .................................................................... Historical-critical methods ★ orality ................................................ Sociology – anthropology – postcolonial exegesis .......................... Narratology – narrative criticism ...................................................... Rhetoric – intertextuality .................................................................. Reader-response theory – feminist/womanist exegesis .................... Canonical exegesis .............................................................................. Literary genres: general – historiography – hymn – juridical dialogue/forensic speech – myth – pseudepigraphy – visionary prophecy – wasf ................................................................................ Stylistic devices: general – dialogue – ellipsis – enthymeme – parallelism – polemics – progression – topos ★ miscellaneous ....
21
29 32 35 36 37 38 39 41 43
OLD TESTAMENT EXEGESIS 194–205 206–221 222–227 228–247 248–299 300–324 325–350 351–384 385–390 391–398 399–401 402–428 429–447 448–462
Bible as a Whole ................................................................................ Digital Media: internet – software ★ audiobooks .......................... Old Testament in general ................................................................ Pentateuch and historical books Pentateuch: general ★ Yahwist – Priestly Code ★ Deuteronomists .................................................................................. Genesis: general ★ Primeval History (Gen 1–11) ★ patriarchs (Gen 12–50) ★ Tale of Joseph (Gen 37–50) .................................. Exodus: general ★ individual passages ............................................ Leviticus ★ Numbers ........................................................................ Deuteronomy: general ★ individual passages .................................. Joshua .................................................................................................. Judges .................................................................................................. Ruth .................................................................................................... Samuel: general ★ 1 Samuel ★ 2 Samuel .................................... Kings: general – 1 Kings ★ 2 Kings .............................................. Chronicles: general ★ 1 Chronicles – 2 Chronicles ......................
45 48 52
53 58 69 75 81 89 90 92 93 99 104
587
463–466 467–486
Ezra/Nehemiah: Ezra ........................................................................ Tobit ★ Judith ★ Esther ★ 1/2 Maccabees – 2 Maccabees ......
107 108
487–496 497–541 542–563 564–566 567–584 585–598 599–605 606–613 614–624 625–634 635–645 646–661
Prophets General ................................................................................................ Isaiah: general ★ Isaiah I ★ Isaiah II ★ Isaiah III ...................... Jeremiah: general ★ individual passages ........................................ Lamentations ...................................................................................... Ezekiel: general ★ individual passages ............................................ Daniel: general ★ individual passages .............................................. Minor Prophets general .................................................................... Hosea – Joel ...................................................................................... Amos .................................................................................................... Jonah ★ Micah .................................................................................. Nahum ★ Habakkuk ........................................................................ Haggai – Zechariah – Malachi ........................................................
113 115 126 131 132 136 139 141 142 145 147 149
662–685 686–729
Psalms General ................................................................................................ Individual Psalms ................................................................................
153 158
730–734 735–750 751–760 761–773 774–785 786–798
Wisdom literature General ................................................................................................ Job: general ★ individual passages .................................................. Proverbs .............................................................................................. Koheleth: general ★ individual passages ........................................ Song of Songs: general ★ individual passages ................................ Wisdom of Solomon ★ Jesus Sirach (Ben Sira) ............................
168 169 173 175 178 180
NEW TESTAMENT EXEGESIS 799–803
Introduction – General ......................................................................
184
804–820 821–832 833–846 847–887 888–935 936–973 974–1034 1035–1077
Gospels and Acts of the Apostles Gospels: general ★ synoptic problem .............................................. Sayings Source (“Q”) ........................................................................ Parallel passages .................................................................................. Matthew: general ★ individual passages .......................................... Mark: general ★ individual passages .............................................. Luke: general ★ individual passages ................................................ John: general ★ individual passages ................................................ Luke-Acts general ★ Acts: general ★ individual passages ............
185 189 192 196 206 217 225 238
Letters and Book of Revelation Pauline letters in general .................................................................. Romans: general ★ individual passages .......................................... 1/2 Corinthians general – 1 Corinthians: general ★ individual passages .............................................................................................. 1146–1150 2 Corinthians ...................................................................................... 1151–1170 Galatians: general – individual passages .......................................... 1171–1189 Ephesians ★ Colossians ★ Philippians ............................................ 1190–1193 1/2 Thessalonians: general – 1 Thessalonians ................................ 1194–1203 Pastoral Epistles: general ★ 1/2 Timothy – Titus ........................ 1204–1227 Hebrews: general ★ individual passages .......................................... 1228–1241 James ★ 1 Peter – 2 Peter ★ 1 John ★ Jude .............................. 1242–1279 Revelation: general ★ individual passages ...................................... 1078–1086 1087–1120 1121–1145
588
248 250 258 264 266 270 275 275 278 283 287
EXTRABIBLICAL SOURCES 1280–1284 1285–1304 1305–1322 1323–1338
Inscriptions General ................................................................................................ Hebrew ................................................................................................ Aramaic .............................................................................................. Akkadian – Ugaritic – Phoenician – Philistine – Egyptian – Moabite – Ammonite – Greek ........................................................
Apocrypha and pseudepigrapha 1339–1367 Old Testament: general ★ ApocBar – ApocMoses – 3 Bar – 1 Enoch – 2 Enoch – 4 Ezra – JosAs – Jub – Live of Adam and Eve – OdSol – PsSol – Test Abr – Test XII ........................ 1368–1386 New Testament: general ★ Secret Mark – GHebr – GPetr ★ GThom ★ Gospel of the Savior – Unknown Berlin Gospel – Didache ★ Acts Andrew – Book of the Cock ................................ 1387–1427 Qumran/Dead Sea Scrolls: general ★ individual subjects ★ texts from cave 1 ★ cave 4 ★ cave 6 – cave 7 – CD ★ Qumran and the New Testament .................................................... 1428–1434 1435–1439 1440–1443
Jewish authors Philo – Ps Philo – Aristeas .............................................................. Josephus .............................................................................................. Rabbinical literature ..........................................................................
296 297 301 304
308 315 319 329 331 332
PHILOLOGY 1444–1467 General ★ Hebrew: general ★ lexicography ★ names ................ 1468–1476 Hebrew: noun – syntax ★ verb – tenses ........................................ 1477–1484 Ugaritic – Aramaic ★ Greek ............................................................
333 338 340
CIVILIZATIONS OF THE BIBLICAL WORLD 1485–1509 1510–1520 1521–1535 1536–1569
General ★ Mesopotamia: general ★ history – religion ★ texts .................................................................................................... Egypt: general – history – religion ★ texts .................................... Persians ★ Amorites – Urartu – Hittites ★ Ugarit – Syria – Canaanites – Philistines .................................................................... Greco-Roman civilization: general – individual aspects ★ religion ★ texts ..................................................................................
341 347 350 353
ARCHAEOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY 1570–1597 1598–1644 1645–1668 1669–1674
Biblical Archaeology: general ★ historical periods ........................ Sites in Palestine (alphabetically) ...................................................... Jerusalem – temple ............................................................................ Sites outside of Palestine – holy places ............................................
361 368 378 384
REALIA 1675–1678 1679–1680 1681–1693 1694–1699 1700–1703
Iconography ........................................................................................ Architecture ........................................................................................ Seals – amulets ★ figurines ★ coins ................................................ Objects: ceramic – clay ★ wood – bones ...................................... Animals – plants – food ....................................................................
385 386 386 389 390
589
INSTITUTIONS AND RITUALS 1704–1720 1721–1731 1732–1738 1739–1756 1757–1769 1770–1774
Social institutions General ★ family – marriage – women – men – children .......... Sexuality – rape ★ illness – funeral – mourning .......................... Kingship – administration – warfare ................................................ Household – slavery ★ economy – consumption .......................... Legal institutions ★ education .......................................................... Science: zoology – astronomy – calendar – chronology ................
Religious institutions Temple – priesthood – purity .......................................................... Cult – ritual acts: sacrifice – oracle – prayer – lament – fasting – circumcision ........................................................................ 1807–1817 Festivals – Day of Atonement – magic – dreams .......................... 1818–1823 Religion – celibacy – idolatry – holy war ...................................... 1824–1843 Early Christianity: baptism – eucharist – community – preaching – sabbath/sunday – mission – ordination – office ........ 1775–1789 1790–1806
391 395 398 399 404 407 408 411 415 417 419
BIBLICAL PERSONS 1844–1867 Persons: general ★ alphabetically .................................................... 1868–1894 Jesus: comprehensive studies ★ particular aspects .......................... 1895–1904 Paul ......................................................................................................
424 429 435
HISTORY OF ISRAEL 1905–1911 1912–1916 1917–1932 1933–1950
General – Problems of historiography ............................................ Premonarchical period ...................................................................... Period of the monarchy .................................................................... Babylonian exile ★ Persian period ★ Hellenistic and Roman periods until Bar Kokhba ..................................................................
438 439 440 444
JUDAISM – EARLY CHRISTIANITY – GNOSTICISM – ISLAM Judaism 1951–1956 General ................................................................................................ 1957–1958 Pharisees – Samaritans ...................................................................... 1959–1968 Jewish-Christian controversies ............................................................
448 449 450
Early Christianity 1969–1997 General – history – texts – theology ★ life ....................................
452
Gnosticism – Islam Gnosticism ★ Islam ..........................................................................
459
1998–2004
BIBLICAL THEOLOGY 2005–2010 2011–2018 2019–2022 2023–2031 2032–2034 2035–2037
590
Both Testaments General ................................................................................................ God ★ creation – spirit .................................................................... Anthropology – ethics ........................................................................ Eschatology – apocalypticism – life after death – resurrection – hell .............................................................................. Relationship between OT and NT .................................................. Miscellaneous ......................................................................................
460 462 463 464 466 467
2038–2046 2047–2064 2065–2069 2070–2071
Old Testament General ................................................................................................ God/goddess – monotheism – angels ★ prohibition of images .................................................................................................. Ethics – war – tolerance .................................................................. Miscellaneous ......................................................................................
New Testament General ................................................................................................ God – Christology – resurrection .................................................... Eschatology – soteriology ★ ethics – ecclesiology – pneumatology ...................................................................................... 2104–2106 Miscellaneous ...................................................................................... 2072–2074 2075–2086 2087–2103
2107–2116 2117–2119 2120–2125 2126–2128 2129–2131
Pauline theology General ................................................................................................ Law – justification – righteousness .................................................. Christology – soteriology – eschatology – ethics ............................ Miscellaneous ...................................................................................... Johannine theology ............................................................................
468 470 474 476 476 477 480 484 485 487 487 489 490
CONCEPTS AND SYMBOLS 2132–2164
2165–2179 2180–2187 2188–2191 2192–2196
English terms: brother – circumcision of the heart – evil – fear not – grace – history of salvation – kingdom of God – law – lie – likeness – little ones – messiah – names – others – paradise – punishment – sleep – solidarity – Son of Man – sow/plow/reap – space – stranger – wisdom – wrath of God – violence – zeal .................................................................................... Hebrew and Aramaic words: abba – âdâm – a˙ârît – dumâ – ˙äsäd – yom YHWH – lwytn/n˙“tn – sâlah – sârîs – 'äbäd – qôl – käsät – “e"ôl – “o"â – “em ...................................................... Greek words: aparchè – apokaradokia – theios anèr – therapeuò – mathètès – mystèrion – onoma – pistis Christou ...... Symbols: the Crucified – high mountain – Jerusalem – virginal conception .......................................................................................... Metaphors: general – daughter of Zion – parental love ................
491 498 501 502 503
BIBLE IN THEOLOGY AND LIFE OF CHURCH 2197–2206 2207–2222
Systematic theology ............................................................................ Life of the church ..............................................................................
504 507
HISTORY OF EXEGESIS General ★ patristic literature: general ★ authors (alphabetically) .................................................................................... 2249–2257 Jewish Exegesis .................................................................................. 2258–2263 Middle Ages ........................................................................................ 2264–2283 Modern Times: 16th century ★ 17th–20th centuries .................... 2284–2292 Contemporary scholars – bibliographies (alphabetically) ................ 2293–2297 Meetings – research projects ............................................................
2223–2248
510 516 518 520 524 526
591
BIBLE IN ART, LITERATURE, FILM AND MUSIC 2298–2314 2315–2320 2321–2352
Literature ............................................................................................ Theater – film – music .................................................................... Art: medieval ★ modern ..................................................................
527 530 532
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS 2353–2412
General ★ cultural history ★ nonchristian religions ......................
539
2413–2430 2431–2449 2450–2459 2460–2480
Christianity General ★ Antiquity .......................................................................... Middle Ages ........................................................................................ Modern Times: 16th–19th centuries ................................................ Twentieth and twenty-first centuries ................................................
552 556 561 563
Index of Authors ................................................................................
569
Index of Reviews ................................................................................
586
592
