Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play (Advances in Gender Research)

INTERACTIONS AND INTERSECTIONS OF GENDERED BODIES AT WORK, AT HOME, AND AT PLAY ADVANCES IN GENDER RESEARCH Series Ed...

Author: Marcia Texler Segal

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INTERACTIONS AND INTERSECTIONS OF GENDERED BODIES AT WORK, AT HOME, AND AT PLAY

ADVANCES IN GENDER RESEARCH Series Editors: Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal Recent Volumes: Volume 1: Volume Volume

Volume Volume Volume Volume

Volume

Volume Volume

Volume Volume

Volume

Theory, Methods and Praxis – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 1996 2: Cross-Cultural and International Perspectives – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 1997 3: Advancing Gender Research Across, Beyond and Through Disciplines and Paradigms – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 1998 4: Social Change for Women and Children – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 2000 5: An International Feminist Challenge to Theory – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 2001 6: Gendered Sexualities – Edited by Patricia Gagne´ and Richard Tewksbury, 2002 7: Gender Perspectives on Health and Medicine: Key Themes – Edited by Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos with Jennie Jacobs Kronenfeld, 2003 8: Gender Perspectives on Reproduction and Sexuality – Edited by Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos with Jennie Jacobs Kronenfeld, 2004 9: Gender Realities: Local and Global – Edited by Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos, 2005 10: Gender and the Local – Global Nexus: Theory, Research, and Action – Edited by Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos, 2006 11: Sustainable Feminisms – Edited by Sonita Sarker, 2007 12: Advancing Gender Research from the Nineteenth to the Twenty-first Centuries – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 2008 13: Perceiving Gender Locally, Globally, and Intersectionally – Edited by Vasilikie Demos and Marcia Texler Segal, 2009

ADVANCES IN GENDER RESEARCH VOLUME 14

INTERACTIONS AND INTERSECTIONS OF GENDERED BODIES AT WORK, AT HOME, AND AT PLAY EDITED BY

MARCIA TEXLER SEGAL Indiana University Southeast, USA

United Kingdom – North America – Japan India – Malaysia – China

Emerald Group Publishing Limited Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK First edition 2010 Copyright r 2010 Emerald Group Publishing Limited Reprints and permission service Contact: [email protected] No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. No responsibility is accepted for the accuracy of information contained in the text, illustrations or advertisements. The opinions expressed in these chapters are not necessarily those of the Editor or the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-84950-944-2 ISSN: 1529-2126 (Series)

Awarded in recognition of Emerald’s production department’s adherence to quality systems and processes when preparing scholarly journals for print

CONTENTS LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

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INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS

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INTERACTIONS AND INTERSECTIONS OF GENDERED BODIES AT WORK, AT HOME, AND AT PLAY: AN INTRODUCTION Marcia Texler Segal

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LIVING MARKED: TATTOOED WOMEN AND PERCEPTIONS OF BEAUTY AND FEMININITY Desire´ J. M. Anastasia

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‘SOUL FOOD’: EMOTIONAL ABUSE IN CHILDHOOD AND THE COMPLEX ROLE OF FOOD Marjorie C. Feinson and Tamar Ben Dror

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RACE, RANK AND GENDER: THE DETERMINANTS OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT FOR MEN AND WOMEN IN THE MILITARY Marla H. Kohlman

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GENDER, CLASS, AND WORK: THE COMPLEX IMPACTS OF GLOBALIZATION Krista M. Brumley

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MEMBERSHIP IN STATE LEGISLATURES: INTERSECTIONS OF RACE, ETHNICITY, AND GENDER Elizabeth M. Esterchild

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GENDER, RACE, AND PERCEIVED PROMOTABILITY AMONG AMERICAN EMPLOYEES Carolyn Cummings Perrucci and Dina Banerjee

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SUPPLY, DEMAND, AND ORGANIZATIONAL PROCESSES: CHANGES IN WOMEN’S SHARE OF MANAGEMENT IN UNITED STATES WORKPLACES, 1966–2000 Tiffany Taylor

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EXPERIENCING GENDER, RACE, AND CLASS IN REAL LIFE: HOW LOW-INCOME WOMEN OF COLOR STRIVE FOR ECONOMIC SELF-SUFFICIENCY AND HOMEOWNERSHIP Sharon Lindhorst Everhardt

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IT’S MORE THAN JUST JOB PLACEMENT! RETHINKING WORKFORCE DEVELOPMENT POLICY TO RAISE SINGLE MOTHERS OUT OF POVERTY Mary Gatta

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‘‘THE VERY HIGHEST THING IS FAMILY’’: MALE ASSISTANT PROFESSORS’ WORK/FAMILY MANAGEMENT Catherine Richards Solomon

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WOMEN’S LEISURE IN GREECE: FIGHTING FOR ‘A TIME OF ONE’S OWN’ Alexandra Koronaiou

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Contents

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DOES AGE MATTER IN SPORT: DIFFERING EXPERIENCES AMONG WOMEN IN RUGBY AND MARTIAL ARTS Giovanna Follo

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SLAM DUNK: STRATEGIC SPORT METAPHORS AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF MASCULINE EMBODIMENT AT WORK Michele Rene Gregory

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ENGENDERING ETHNICITY: FEMININITY, MASCULINITY, AND ETHNIC JEWISH IDENTITY Marianne Cutler

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YOUNG WOMEN’S FEMINIST IDENTITIES: THE IMPACT OF FEMINIST STEREOTYPES AND HETEROSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS Alison Dahl Crossley

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TOWARD A FEMINIST METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE INTERSECTION OF RACE, CLASS, AND GENDER: LESSONS FROM CUBA Anne R. Roschelle, Maura I. Toro-Morn and Elisa Facio ABOUT THE AUTHORS

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Desire´ J.M. Anastasia

University of San Diego, San Diego, CA, USA

Dina Banerjee

Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN, USA

Tamar Ben Dror

Falk Institute for Behavioral Health Studies, Jerusalem, Israel

Krista M. Brumley

Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA

Alison Dahl Crossley

University of California-Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA

Marianne Cutler

East Stroudsburg University, East Stroudsburg, PA, USA

Vasilikie Demos

University of Minnesota-Morris, Morris, MN, USA

Elizabeth M. Esterchild University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA Sharon Lindhorst Everhardt

Delta College, University Center, MI, USA

Elisa Facio

University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, USA

Marjorie C. Feinson

Falk Institute for Behavioral Health Studies, Jerusalem, Israel

Giovanna Follo

Emporia State University, Emporia, KS, USA

Mary Gatta

Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, USA ix

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Michele Rene Gregory

York College of the City University of New York, Jamaica, NY, USA

Marla H. Kohlman

Kenyon College, Gambier, OH, USA

Alexandra Koronaiou

Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Athens, Greece

Carolyn Cummings Perrucci

Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN, USA

Anne R. Roschelle

State University of New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Marcia Texler Segal

Indiana University Southeast, New Albany, IN, USA

Catherine Richards Solomon

Quinnipiac University, Hamden, CT, USA

Tiffany Taylor

Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA

Maura I. Toro-Morn

Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA

INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS SERIES CO-EDITORS: MARCIA TEXLER SEGAL AND VASILIKIE DEMOS We seek original manuscripts dealing with new developments in the study of gender informed by a variety of feminist frameworks. Articles that are theoretical, empirical, or applied, dealing with any nation or region, or taking a comparative perspective, are welcome. Advances in Gender Research is an ideal venue for papers on gender, including those that are of a traditional journal-article length, as well as extended essays that explore topics in greater depth. Authors from all parts of the world are encouraged to submit manuscripts. However, all manuscripts must be in English and submitted electronically in MSWord, and all contributors must be able to communicate with the editors and the publisher via e-mail. Inquiries, one page abstracts, or drafts of papers are welcome. These should be sent to [email protected] and [email protected]

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INTERACTIONS AND INTERSECTIONS OF GENDERED BODIES AT WORK, AT HOME, AND AT PLAY: AN INTRODUCTION Marcia Texler Segal ABSTRACT Purpose and approach – This chapter by the editor introduces the authors, concepts, and themes that feature most prominently in the volume and relates the contributions to one another and the current state of gender research. Research implications – The chapter demonstrates how the principles, processes, and concepts of feminist research are currently being applied in a wide range of macro and micro social settings to advance gender research in directions that have implications for social policy and change. Value of the chapter – This chapter serves to guide the reader through the volume calling attention to key findings and methodological issues.

Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 1–9 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014004

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INTRODUCTION The chapters in this volume examine the intersection of gender with other macro and micro social characteristics in various settings including homes, factory floors and corporate offices, welfare programs, state legislatures, the armed forces, universities, social clubs, and playing fields. Central themes running through several of the chapters include how men and women conceive their identities and their futures; how they talk about and manage their work, family, and leisure lives; how they view their bodies and self images; what femininity, masculinity, and feminism mean, and the progress women have – or have not – made in over-coming poverty and advancing in the corporate, legislative, and military worlds. The research sites include Canada, Cuba, England, Greece, Israel, Mexico, and the United States. The authors employ a range of qualitative and quantitative methodologies and use and expand on the current literature in gender studies. Most of the chapters have policy implications and are designed to stimulate further research.

GENDERED BODIES A great deal of attention is currently being paid to the sociology of the body and embodiment. A section of the American Sociological Association with this title that will focus on research, teaching, and theory has just been formed. Like the new section, the authors of the body-related chapters in this volume are concerned with different aspects of embodiment, but draw on the same growing base of theoretical literature, see their work as interdisciplinary and connect it to the theoretical and empirical concerns of other areas of specialization within sociology and gender studies. Thus, Desire´ J. M. Anastasia writing about women with tattoos in ‘‘Living Marked: Tattooed Women and Perceptions of Beauty and Femininity’’ and Giovanna Follo writing about women engaged in contact sports in ‘‘Does Age Matter in Sport: Differing Experiences among Women in Rugby and Martial Arts’’ discuss the relationship of their topics to body images and femininity. Many of the same concerns surface in the life histories of Israeli women in recovery from serious eating problems interviewed by Marjorie C. Feinson and Tamar Ben Dror in ‘‘ ‘Soul Food ’: Emotional Abuse in Childhood and the Important Role of Food.’’ Body image including its relationship to athleticism and conventional attractiveness also features in the concerns of the Jewish singles among whom Marianne Cutler conducted participant observation in ‘‘Engendering Ethnicity: Femininity, Masculinity, and Ethnic

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Jewish Identity’’ and the placement or positioning of bodies figures in the sports metaphors discussed in ‘‘Slam Dunk: Strategic Sport Metaphors and the Construction of Masculine Embodiment at Work’’ by Michele Rene Gregory. A very different view of the relevance of bodies emerges in ‘‘Race, Rank and Gender: The Determinants of Sexual Harassment for Men and Women in the Military’’ by Marla H. Kohlman. Self-esteem, or the lack thereof, which plays a role in the lives of the women interviewed by Sharon M. Lindhorst Everhardt for ‘‘Experiencing Gender, Race, and Class in Real Life: How Low-Income Women of Color Strive for Economic SelfSufficiency and Homeownership,’’ is also a theme in all the body-related chapters as are identity and self-image which, in turn, is the central theme of Alison Dahl Crossley’s ‘‘Young Women’s Feminist Identities: The Impact of Feminist Stereotypes and Heterosexual Relationships,’’ based on conversations with an international group of young women who are students in England.

At Work Several authors focus on gender in the workplace. Their research leads to complex and sometimes counter-intuitive findings. In ‘‘ ‘The Very Highest Thing is Family’: Male Assistant Professors’ Work/Family Management,’’ Catherine Richards Solomon interviewed male faculty members working toward tenure at research-intensive universities in the United States to show both the tensions and the benefits inherent in competing ideologies of masculinity: breadwinner and involved father. For ‘‘Gender, Class, and Work: The Complex Impacts of Globalization,’’ Krista M. Brumley interviewed men and women at all occupational levels in a Mexican-owed multinational corporation to show the differential impact of globalization on workers in various gender and class positions. Kohlman analyzed surveys of U.S. service members to explore the relationships of gender, race, and rank in predicting the likelihood of being sexually harassed. ‘‘Gender, Race and Perceived Promotability among American Employees’’ and ‘‘Supply, Demand and Organizational Processes: Changes in Women’s Share of Management in United States Workplaces, 1966–2000,’’ the chapters, respectively, by Carolyn C. Perrucci and Dina Banerjee and by Tiffany Taylor present analyses of large sample surveys of U.S. workers, which explore how factors such as organizational processes and characteristics, supply, demand, and human capital affect the likelihood that women and men of different racial backgrounds will hold management positions.

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Gregory looked at workplaces from the inside, illustrating the ways in which sports tropes structure production processes and hegemonic masculinity. State legislative bodies are also workplaces albeit ones to which workers are elected rather than hired. In ‘‘Membership in State Legislatures: Intersections of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender,’’ Elizabeth Esterchild compared the proportions of women and men of different racial/ethnic backgrounds elected to the legislatures in states in the United States with substantial minority populations. She shows that variations occur both within and between gender and racial/ethnic categories and that these variations are not necessarily predictable from the demographic compositions of the states.

At Home The fact that public and private life, work and home, are not really separate is demonstrated in some sense by each of the chapters in the volume. Both Everhardt and Mary Gatta (‘‘It’s More Than Just Job Placement! Rethinking Workforce Development Policy to Raise Single Mothers out of Poverty’’) show how public policies and private lives interface in the struggles of poor women to achieve economic self-sufficiency. The institutions and policies theoretically designed to help them often fail to take their real life situations into account. Brumley, Perrucci and Banerjee, and Solomon consider the ways people balance work and home lives, whereas Follo and Alexandra Koronaiou (‘‘Women’s Leisure in Greece: Fighting for ‘A Time of One’s Own’ ’’) add leisure to the mix. Perrucci and Banerjee do not discover any impact of work/home balance on the probability that women will be in supervisory roles at work, but Brumley and Solomon both find that gender matters in the options workers have for balancing work and home life. In her analysis of women’s advances in management, Taylor concludes that women have been tapped for management in service industries where, in effect, they do the same things in the public sphere that they have traditionally done in the home and community.

At Play Koronaiou finds that middle-class Greek women struggle against the demands of nuclear and extended family responsibilities to find leisure time whether to go to the gym or to paint or simply to relax. The older women in Follo’s sample of Canadian women involved in martial arts blend sport and

Introduction

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family roles and choose martial arts explicitly because it is a contact sport that allows them to do so. The younger women she interviewed, women without family responsibilities, were able to participate in rugby, a sport that involves greater commitment of time and energy. Their focus was somewhat different from their age mates, the students who Crossley interviewed who were most concerned about finding heterosexual companionship. Crossley’s interviewees had more in common with the members of the social club in which Cutler participated. She discovered how the men and women in that group structured not only their social lives but also their ethnic and gender identities. Gregory, drawing on insights and experience as an athlete and an employee, shows how sports metaphors and frames of reference gender the workplace going well beyond the observations of previous researchers who noted the place of sports in conversations around the water cooler or in deals made on golf courses.

FEMINIST RESEARCH: BASIC PRINCIPLES, INTERSECTIONALITY, AND METHODOLOGY Together, the 16 chapters in this volume reflect many of the current concerns and perspectives of feminist sociology, concerns, and perspectives perceptively delineated and discussed by Anne R. Roschelle, Maura I. Toro-Morn, and Elisa Facio in their chapter, ‘‘Toward a Feminist Methodological Approach to the Intersection of Race, Class, and Gender: Lessons from Cuba.’’ The basic principles they outline include recognizing the fact that gender inequality is a fundamental feature of social reality; rejecting the separation of the researcher and the researched; taking a reflexive approach to the research site, subject matter, and activities; recognizing the impact of social, cultural and historical factors on both the researcher and the researched; assuming responsibility for the representation of others in research reports; examining the relationship between public and private spheres; and, most especially, recognizing how the intersection of gender, race/ethnicity, class (and potentially other structural elements) impacts the lives of individuals and the sites of research. Brumley, Gregory, Perrucci and Banerjee, and Taylor explicitly address gender inequality in the civilian and military workplace, whereas Esterchild examines it in U.S. state legislatures and Koronaiou and Solomon address this issue in the home. The presence of gender inequality, while not a major theme, is implicit in each of the other chapters as well. Focusing on the researcher and the researched and reflexivity, Anastasia, Crossley, Cutler,

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Feinson and Ben Dror, Follo, Gregory, Koronaiou, as well as Roschelle and her co-authors research topics or situations in which they have personal involvement to greater or lesser degrees. The interfaces of public and private life are clearly reflected in these chapters. For example, Everhardt and Gatta focus on public policies and private lives, Brumley, Follo, Koronaiou, and Perrucci and Banerjee look at work/home balance, whereas Taylor shows the relationship between women’s traditional work in the private sphere and their work as managers. These authors, especially those whose research methods are qualitative, including Anastasia, Follo, Crossley, Cutler, Feinson and Ben Dror, and Everhardt write with sensitivity about the people they observed and interviewed. However, even Gatta whose focus is policy and Kohlman who uses survey data must be keenly aware of issues of representation. Recognition of intersectionality is apparent in the work of each of the authors represented in the volume. This is as much the case when Koronaiou, for example, acknowledges that her sample is a homogenous one that cannot be said to represent all Greek women or when Everhardt finds that the poor, Black women in her sample do not mention race to her, a white researcher, as when Esterchild shows that neither race/ethnicity or gender alone can accurately describe, let alone account for, the compositions of state legislatures. Some authors move intersectionality beyond the gender, race/ethnicity, and class paradigm. Kohlman includes military rank, Follo adds age and marital status, and Gatta and Solomon look at parental status. Feminist scholars have argued vociferously for the use of qualitative methodologies that allow researchers to view social worlds from the standpoints or perspectives of the participants in them (see, e.g., Smith, 1987; Cook & Fonow, 1990; Fonow & Cook, 1991; Hartsock, 1998; Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Eleven of the 16 authors in this volume demonstrate that qualitative approaches including semi-structured interviews, life history narratives, reflections on personal experience, and participant observation yield important insights that cannot be derived from high-powered statistical analyses of large sample surveys as well as priceless quotations that liven up the reading of academic papers. Roschelle, Toro-Morn, and Facio as well as Everhardt and also Crossley say explicitly, and others show implicitly, that the use of qualitative methods allows researchers to see the ways people strive to make sense of their lives and their multiple identities. In detailing how they collected and analyzed their data, both Cutler and Follo demonstrate that qualitative methods can be every bit as rigorous as quantitative ones. However, what 25 tenure track college professors or 40 Greek housewives tell us about their lives cannot fully explain why some people experience sexual

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harassment and others do not or why women get certain types of management positions and men get others. To answer such questions, we need data from large, representative samples and sophisticated statistical tools. As gender research advances, we clearly see the ways in which different methodologies fit together as when Feinson and Ben Dror compare their findings based on life histories of Israeli women with findings from studies in other locations and among other ethnic groups, when Koronaiou amplifies her findings on leisure with time use studies or when Brumley adds her content analysis of company literature to her interviews or Crossley uses a film to stimulate conversation about feminism. We see how the findings from qualitative and quantitative studies can enhance each other when Everhardt as well as Perrucci and Banerjee discuss the importance of mentoring, especially by successful individuals with characteristics similar to those of the mentee. Regardless of whether the techniques used to gather and analyze the data are primarily qualitative or quantitative, the studies in this volume demonstrate that feminist research is characterized by awareness of the inequalities that persist, the intersectionality of people’s lives, sensitivity, reflexivity, and an awareness of the potential value of their research in matters of policy and social change.

POLICY AND PRACTICE Feminist scholars do carry out research for purely academic aims such as to test hypotheses or to observe social interaction and not every research project has immediate applications or implications for social change. However, because feminist principles include acknowledgement of inequalities and commitment to positive social change, many projects do have policy or practice dimensions. Most obviously and literally in this group of chapters, Gatta states in her abstract: ‘‘The paper presents a new vision for workforce development policy that takes into account gender and women’s lived experiences.’’ Suggestions for policies that would help similar populations are an outcome of Everhardt’s discussions with women striving for economic self-sufficiency and individuals who work with them in public programs. The work-related studies of Brumley and of Perrucci and Banerjee, and indirectly Solomon as well, lead to the conclusion that employers could make changes that would facilitate the integration of women and parents of both sexes into the workforce and enhance their opportunities for advancement. This is less likely to happen in the kind of sports-infused masculinized work environment described by Gregory. Feinson and Ben Dror’s findings highlight the importance of childhood emotional abuse in the etiology of serious eating

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problems at a time when the definition in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) of ‘‘eating disorder not otherwise specified,’’ and therefore not always diagnosed or treated, is being debated (Ellin, 2010). While acknowledging that the U.S. military does provide training about sexual harassment, her analysis of surveys of the experiences of service members leads Kohlman to recommend attention to a more microlevel of interaction among personnel of different ranks and backgrounds to reduce the amount of harassment that occurs. Her findings may be applicable in civilian workplaces as well. Crossley’s study of students is concerned with change on the societal level. She wonders how social changes that will benefit women will continue to occur if well-educated young women from many countries fail to identify with feminism because they understand it only through inaccurate and dated media images. Taylor’s analysis of women in management in the U.S. workforce leads her to conclude that change has not really taken place. To the extent that the proportion of women in management has increased, it has been a result of economic restructuring, specifically in the growth of the service sector. Koronaiou places Greek women’s demand for leisure in the context of change, where it has occurred in Greek society and where it has not. With urbanization women’s employment outside of the home has been accepted, whereas expectations within the home remain unchanged. Brumley also places emphasis on change, specifically the impacts of globalization showing that these impacts, both positive ones and negative ones, are not evenly distributed.

CONCLUSION The chapters in this volume draw on qualitative and quantitative data from multiple venues to increase our understanding of how gendered bodies interact and intersect. Gender is shown to be a fundamental component of every kind of environment and yet not independent of other components including race/ethnicity, social class, age, and parenthood. The influence of social definitions, media images, and public policies are clear as are the ways that women and men are agents of their own self-presentations. Although participants in some studies wrestled with definitions of femininity and masculinity and feminism, a clear picture of feminist research emerged: engaged, reflexive, change-oriented. Each of the essays stands alone as an advance in gender research; taken together, they illustrate the direction and scope of the discipline.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT I thank my series co-editor Vasilikie ‘‘Vicky’’ Demos for her comments and insights throughout the development of this volume. Although any shortcomings are my responsibility alone, this volume could not have been completed without her continuing support.

REFERENCES Cook, J., & Fonow, M. M. (1990). Knowledge and women’s interests: Issues of epistemology and methodology in feminist sociological research. In: J. McCarl Nielsen (Ed.), Feminist research methods: Exemplary readings in the social sciences (pp. 69–93). New York: Westview Press. Ellin, A. (2010). Redefining an eating disorder. New York Times, January 19, pp. D5–D6. Fonow, M. M., & Cook, J. A. (Eds). (1991). Beyond methodology: Feminist scholarship as lived research. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hartsock, N. C. M. (1998). The feminist standpoint revisted and other essays. Oxford, England: Westview Press. Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2005). Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Smith, D. E. (1987). The everyday world as problematic: A feminist sociology. Boston: Northeastern University Press.

LIVING MARKED: TATTOOED WOMEN AND PERCEPTIONS OF BEAUTY AND FEMININITY Desire´ J. M. Anastasia ABSTRACT Purpose – The goal of my study is to investigate women’s tattooing in a phenomenological way, and to go in-depth into a ‘‘handful’’ of cases with the purpose of discussing tattooed women’s daily lives and experiences. The main purpose of this study is to contribute to the scholarly literature on the sociology of the body, and particularly to women and tattoos. Methodology/approach – Open-ended conversational interviews and feminist phenomenological methods together shed light on the possible connection between gendered attitudes about women’s bodies and tattoos and tattooed women’s personal feelings of beauty and femininity. Findings – In this particular chapter, I describe the connections between women’s tattoos: (1) personal or individual beauty and (2) femininity. Findings show that although women tend to think that tattooing goes against current societal beauty norms and ideas of femininity, many women feel that their tattoos make them more beautiful. Originality/value of chapter – This study offers important insights into the social experiences of extensively tattooed women and, therefore, contributes to a more sociological and gender-specific glimpse of women’s Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 11–33 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014005

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lives and tattooing. My discussion of and findings on tattooed women’s lived experiences, however partial, should promote wider conceptualizations of the tattooing phenomenon, allow a wealth of tattoo meanings and experiences to come into the spotlight, and point to new ways to study tattoos and gendered bodies in the future.

INTRODUCTION Body modification is not a new practice, and can be seen in many ancient cultures. In the United States, tattooing, a form of body modification, has become quite popular. A study in the June 2006 issue of the Journal of the American Academy of Dermatology reveals that in American society as many as 24% of men and women between the age of 18 and 50 years have one or more tattoos – up from just 15 to 16% in 2003 (Kirby, 2006). Thirty-six percent of those between 18 and 29 years of age have a tattoo (Brooks, 2006) compared with 28% of 30–39-year-olds and 14% or less of those 40 years and older (Amicangelo, 2006, p. 11). A study of 1,009 adults performed in 2001 reported that of those between 40 and 64 years of age, 9% were tattooed. Overall, including all age groups in the survey, more women than men have or have had tattoos: 18% of women compared to 13% of men (Hayt, 2002). In fact, middle-class suburban females are the fastest growing demographic for tattoos today in the United States (Ponte & Gillan, 2007, p. 331). Traditionally, tattooing as a form of body modification has been viewed with reserve in contemporary Western societies. Those with tattoos are seen as rebellious and defiant of social conventions. ‘‘Tattoos have long been associated with the exotic ‘other’ and are therefore fodder for imagination and use by subcultures of all types’’ (Bell, 1999, p. 54). The practice of tattooing ‘‘has repeatedly had unsanitary or more sinister connotations – convicts, soldiers, and prisoners-of-war have been marked this way’’ (Morris, 2002, p. 495). For most of the past century, tattooed people were considered to be ‘‘of loose morality or dangerous, and more recently, as potential carriers of bloodborne infections’’ (p. 495). The persistent connection between tattoos and lower social status also can be traced to the extensive history of tattooing as a punitive and involuntary practice that permanently marks the possessor as a social deviant. The markings – permanent symbols and designs – were intended to be punitive, an agonizing process that sets an individual apart from ‘‘respectable society.’’

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As a sign of resistance, many prisoners remade the tattoos into their own designs, thereby reclaiming individual control over the punitive marking of their bodies. The popularity of tattoos still remains amongst prisoners today who voluntarily brand themselves to indicate gang affiliations or to signify their contempt for the prison experience. (Ponte & Gillan, 2007, pp. 328–329)

A recent rise in the popularity of tattooing in the West is evident in magazine features, the commercialization of tattoo parlors, the number of tattoo-themed television programs on mainstream channels, and newspaper articles. ‘‘More and more people y are engraving their attitudes on their persons’’ (Christensen, 2000, p. 430). In terms of gender, tattoos have been traditionally associated with men and can be seen as a ‘‘resistance to the common ideals of female beauty’’ (Bell, 1999, p. 55). Tattooing has long been associated with ‘‘maleness because of the stereotyped imagery of tattooed people and the pain involved in the process’’ (p. 55). However, as body modification is increasingly accepted among various subcultures in society, motivations for tattooing among women and youth may be overwhelmingly different in nature from those of the sailors, soldiers, bikers, and gang members more frequently associated with such practices in Western culture. In early practice, decoration appeared to have been the most common motive for tattooing, and that still holds true today. In some cultures, tattoos have served as identification of the wearer’s rank or status in a group. It has also been stated by social scientists and researchers such as Atkinson and Young (2001), Atkinson (2002), and Sanders (1988, 1990) that most body modifiers do not strive to reach society’s ideals of beauty. So why do people alter their bodies in a painful, permanent way? Enid Schildkrout, curator of the museum show ‘‘Body Art: Marks of Identity,’’ believes that people do it to be human. For beauty, as a sign of change or rebellion or conformity, to show status, to mark a moment, to be able to wear a certain ornament, to identify with spirits or ancestors or deities, to show group membership, to show gender distinctions. (Tanne, 2000, p. 64)

Clinton Sanders (1990), a sociologist who spent seven years engaged in field research work among young people with tattoos, believes that tattoos provided his subjects with a means of self-identity. Tattoos and other body modifications also allow a person to control and manipulate visual and bodily/public projections of his/her own sense of individuality. Despite a more recent popularity of tattoos, many researchers of this subject argue that tattoos will never be fully accepted into the mainstream. Shannon Bell (1999) distinguishes between people who have tattoos and

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tattooed people to support this point. People who only have one, two, or even three hidden tattoos are able to avoid the stares and numerous questions of ‘‘outsiders,’’ whereas ‘‘tattooed people’’ often choose to ‘‘socialize with tattooists and other tattooed people within the subculture’’ (Bell, 1999). As one anonymous person noted online: ‘‘The only difference between tattooed people and nontattooed people is tattooed people don’t care if you’re not tattooed’’ (author unknown; www.bmezine.com). This suggests a belief that nontattooed individuals may not want to socialize with those who are extensively tattooed. Since there is a stigma attached to being tattooed, those who are not tattooed can become (and sometimes fear becoming) socially stigmatized because of their associations with others. D. Angus Vail (1999) claims that tattoos are sociologically interesting for a variety of reasons. ‘‘Those who both apply and ‘consume’ tattoo art are viewed by others with an odd mixture of contempt, fear, respect, revulsion, and curiosity’’ (p. 262). Nonetheless, the social definitions of both the body art and its clients and creators seem to be undergoing dramatic change. ‘‘Thus, tattooing is interesting not only in its ability to shock and horrify but also because it shows the over-malleable nature of social meanings and aesthetic values’’ (p. 262). In other words, tattoos have become interesting to sociologists because although more people are choosing this form of body modification for themselves, and although meanings of tattoos have been changing over time, they are far from socially acceptable, especially for women. The purpose of this chapter is to contribute to the scholarly literature on the sociology of the body and, particularly, women’s tattooing using both open-ended conversational interviews and feminist phenomenological perspective. Open-ended conversational interviews and feminist phenomenological methods together will shed light on tattooed women’s everyday experiences and the possible connection between gendered attitudes about women’s bodies and tattoos and tattooed women’s personal feelings of beauty and femininity.

LITERATURE REVIEW Throughout history, tattoos have carried a social stigma. The word stigma originates from stigmata, meaning ‘‘a mark of infamy or disgrace’’ (Chinchilla, 1997, p. 20). Stigma is ‘‘a negative social label that identifies people as deviant not because their behavior violates norms but because they have personal or social characteristics that lead people to exclude them’’ (Johnson, 2000, p. 313). In her book, Stewed, Screwed & Tattooed,


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Madame Chinchilla states that there is ‘‘a point where being tattooed is a profound crossing-over of learned boundaries. It takes strength of character to wear tattoos’’ (1997, p. 20). Tattooed people are regarded as criminal, insane, dangerous, uneducated, and immoral. Although acceptance of tattoos has increased, the 2003 Harris Poll found that 31% of Americans without tattoos still think of people with tattoos as less intelligent and 42% find those with ink less attractive (Amicangelo, 2006, p. 11). These types of attitudes continue to prevail even as numerous women have acquired tattoos. Since tattooing has been considered primarily a man’s activity, it is likely that it would be considered a gender role violation for women (Hawkes, Senn, & Thorn, 2004, p. 593). Margot Mifflin, author of the book Bodies of Subversion: A Secret History of Women and Tattoo (1997), however, states that tattoos appeal to modern-day women: both as emblems of empowerment in an area of feminist gains and as badges of selfdetermination at a time when controversies about abortion rights, date rape, and sexual harassment have many women thinking hard about who controls their bodies – and why. (p. ii)

In fact, having a tattoo or multiple tattoos – traditionally a masculine or an outlaw, rebellious act – is increasingly a form of self-expression for women (Shaw & Lee, 2007, p. 231). In his article, ‘‘Pretty in Ink: Conformity, Resistance, and Negotiation in Women’s Tattooing,’’ Michael Atkinson (2002) states that ‘‘one of the more popular body projects among North American women since the late 1980s has been tattooing’’ even though there have been ‘‘(sub)cultural associations between tattoos and masculinity’’ (p. 220). In his exploration of the meaning of tattoos from a woman’s perspective he found that female tattoos have various purposes, including cultural rebellion as well as personal reclamation and self-definition. Similarly, Jill A. Fisher (2002) states that although men have been historically much more likely to get tattoos than women, this gendered trend has recently changed (p. 100). About 17 years ago, prevalence rates were estimated at 20% of men and 7% of women with tattoos in the United States (Copes & Forsyth, 1993, p. 83). The 2003 Harris Interactive Poll finds that about 16% of men and 15% of women are tattooed (Sever, 2003). ‘‘This particular change is difficult to explain, and it seems that it may not be so much that women are reversing the stereotype, but rather that tattooing is equalizing between the sexes’’ (Sever, 2003). Michael Atkinson has suggested that ‘‘non-normative body projects such as tattooing are increasingly adopted by North American women precisely because radically marked bodies tend to subvert hegemonic ideologies about

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femininity – especially images of the weak, sexually objectified, or otherwise submissive woman’’ (Atkinson, 2002, p. 220). In other words, tattooing can be a ‘‘body project that women can use to resist social constructs of femininity and patriarchal oppression, as well as to self-narrate and redefine themselves as women’’ (Schertenlieb, 2004, p. 1). Atkinson argues, though, that many ‘‘accounts of women’s tattooing are somewhat misleading’’ and that: although more women include tattoos in their respective repertoires of self expression, and choose to articulate their body modification practices as political protests against culturally preferred masculinist constructions of the female body in North America, researchers have not sufficiently examined the largely hidden, private, or negotiated nature of these protests. (p. 1)

This important quote strongly suggests that women’s inner motivations for tattooing, especially the blatant antisocial ones, need to be analyzed. Atkinson (2002) also found that ‘‘in the case example of tattooing, women’s involvement in the body project illustrates the ways in which forms of body modification are simultaneously replete with cultural messages about conformity and resistance’’ (p. 224). He found that 62% of the women interviewed ‘‘conformed to established constructions of femininity through their tattooing projects,’’ and that 40% of them ‘‘enter into the process only if it will homologically complement (or correspond with) their established feminine body projects’’ (p. 224). Twenty-three percent of the women wanted to enhance their bodies esthetically through tattooing, and 18% used their tattoo body projects as a tool for ‘‘exploring femininity’’ (p. 225). Interestingly, 20% of the women ‘‘suggested that a tattoo’s permanence is actually one of the primary allures behind the body project’’ (p. 228). Christine Braunberger (2000) studied what she deemed as ‘‘bodies in revolt.’’ She believes that tattooed women ‘‘complicate recent body theory by staging an esthetic revolution in ‘feminine’ beauty’’ (p. 1). Her research, combining elements of participant observation, oral history, and archival research, focuses around tracing the motives of, and cultural responses to, tattooed women. The essay written from her investigation is about ‘‘women writing bodies in a culture of smothering inscriptions’’ (Braunberger, 2000, p. 2). It is about women who alter their skin, who deliberately transform themselves through and against the cultural imagination of what their transformations signify. Braunberger states that tattooed women ‘‘register on many people’s radar screens y either as circus side-show acts, ‘the tattooed lady,’ hippies, prostitutes, or ‘biker chicks.’ The rebellious politics and performances of these ‘types’ of women seem easily identifiable: they are physically transgressive, rootless, loose, troublemakers’’ (p. 1).


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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK To wholly understand women’s actions and thoughts toward their selves, we must understand what body theory and body projects mean for women. Bodies may be loved or hated, and beautiful or ugly, sacred or profane. Ideas about what the body is, what it means, its moral value and the value of its constituent parts, the limits of the body, its social utility and symbolic value, in sum, how the body is defined y have changed y over time. (Synnott, 1992, p. 79)

Bodies are not only ‘‘reflections of social norms and practices but also sites of identity and self-expression’’ (Shaw & Lee, 2007, p. 231). The body is also both a medium of culture and a metaphor for culture (Bordo, 1992). It is a ‘‘powerful symbolic form, a surface on which the central rules, hierarchies, and even metaphysical commitments of a culture are inscribed and thus reinforced through the concrete language of the body’’ (Bordo, 1992, p. 13). In this regard, the body can also be viewed as a locus of social control, as put forth by individuals such as sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and philosopher Michel Foucault (Bordo, 1992). Through our everyday behavior, culture is transformed into routine, consistent activity. The body is regulated by cultural standards and rules. ‘‘Through the organization and regulation of the time, space, and movement of our daily lives, our bodies are trained, shaped, and impressed with the stamp of prevailing historical forms of selfhood, desire, masculinity, femininity’’ (Bordo, 1992, pp. 165–166). Chris Shilling (2004) states that in Western society, ‘‘there is a tendency for the body to be seen as an entity which is in the process of becoming; a project which should be worked at and accomplished as part of an individual’s self-identity’’ (p. 4). He also refers to body modification as ‘‘an intentionally designed ‘body project’’’ and argues that these projects ‘‘help symbolically construct an individual’s self and social identity’’ (Atkinson & Young, 2001, p. 120). Shilling (2004) believes that recognizing that ‘‘the body has become a project for many modern persons entails accepting that its appearance, size, shape, and even its contents, are potentially open to reconstruction in line with the designs of its owner’’ (p. 4). This involves individuals being aware of and concerned about the appearance and upkeep of their bodies. It also involves an appreciation of bodies, ‘‘both as personal resources and as social symbols which give off messages about a person’s self-identity. In this context, bodies become malleable entities which can be shaped and honed by the vigilance and hard work of their owners’’ (Shilling, 2004, pp. 4–5). According to Oksanen and Turtiainen (2005), the ‘‘body is

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modified and tuned in relation to life so that it is always both something permanent and something to be transformed’’ (p. 128). As sociologists and social psychologists have pointed out (see e.g., Zones, 2000; Shaw & Lee, 2007), ideas about physical beauty are socially constructed, culturally transmitted, and vary across time and space. Standards of beauty are continually evolving, yet bodies are expected to be unchanged as the standards are very restrictive at all times. Sociologists and social psychologists have also emphasized the significance of beauty as ‘‘a status symbol, as enhancing self esteem through the looking-glass effect, as contributing to social mobility, greater popularity y as eliciting more helping behaviour from others, and other such socially useful advantages’’ (Synnott, 1990, p. 72). We also think about attractive people more often, define them as being more healthy, express greater appreciation for their work, and find them to be more appealing interactants (Jones, 1984, pp. 53–56). Although many women struggle to attain the beauty ideal on an ongoing and daily basis, some actively resist such cultural norms. ‘‘These women are choosing to not participate in the beauty rituals, not support the industries that produce both images and products, and create other definitions of beauty’’ (Shaw & Lee, 2007, p. 245). With body modification, beauty is seduced from its normative meanings. Body modification goes further, ‘‘bypassing the need to reclaim the ugly by delightedly and with minimal normalization y ‘redefining beauty’ y The harder beauty, or aesthetic delight, is to normalize, the more fun we can have with our appearance’’ (MacKendrick, 1998, p. 17). Throughout history, ideas about women’s bodies and beauty have fundamentally affected the society within which women live. We can better understand women’s lives and their position in society by merely looking at the embodied experiences of women, as well as how those experiences are socially constructed. By looking specifically at tattooed women, we can improve on our understanding of their daily lived experiences in a society that has not yet fully accepted them as ‘‘normal.’’

DEMOGRAPHICS AND METHODOLOGY For this study, I conducted in-depth semistructured interviews with 25 tattooed women. All names used in this study are pseudonyms to preserve the confidentiality of the participants. I began my study by recruiting two tattooed women who are/were in my social network (utilizing both criterion and convenience sampling). After interviewing my two acquaintances, I then


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used the snowball sampling technique to recruit the remaining 23 interviewees. Although I am acquainted with a substantial number of tattooed women, I purposely began recruitment with only two with whom I was acquainted in the hope that I would collect a more heterogeneous and less-biased sample (i.e., so that it would be less likely that the women in the sample would know each other and/or think similarly about their tattoos). The study participants met John A. Creswell’s (1998) two criteria for research study. They were women who have experienced the phenomenon being explored and who were, also, able to articulate their conscious experiences of it (p. 111). Bell (1999) notes that tattooed women ‘‘have many bright or bold tattoos in obvious places y These people have crossed the point of no return’’ (p. 56). Similarly, D. Angus Vail (1999) refers to tattoo collectors as ‘‘people who become heavily tattooed, as differentiated from those who acquire and wear only a few tattoos’’ (p. 261). All study participants fit Bell’s designation of ‘‘tattooed women’’ or Vail’s designation of ‘‘tattoo collectors.’’ The participants either (1) had a minimum of three large (the size of half of a woman’s back, for instance) or five hand-sized tattoos and did not experience any regret in getting them or (2) originally had at least five or more tattoos and experienced regret in getting one or more of them and/or had undergone tattoo removal through some form of chemical, mechanical, surgical, and/or thermal method of removing ink from underneath the skin. The average age of the women interviewed was 28.5 years, with an overall range from 18 to 48 years. Four (16%) of the women were black or African American, 3 (12%) were Hispanic or Latina, 14 (56%) were white or Caucasian, 3 (12%) were both white and Latina, and 1 (4%) considered herself to be of white and Native American descent. All the women in this study identified themselves as middle class. The study participants’ tattoos ranged from one women having three large tattoos to one having tattoos that covered 80% of her body. Three of the participants had ‘‘too many tattoos’’ to count, so ‘‘hours’’ and ‘‘percent covered’’ were provided to me as answers when asked how many tattoos they had in total. Therefore, an average of the number of tattoos for my sample is difficult to ascertain. The most common number of tattoos, however, was five; that is, six women (24%) had five tattoos. This was followed by four women (16%) who had seven tattoos, three women (12%) who had eight tattoos, and two women (8%) who had six tattoos. The remaining five women had 14, 11, 10, 4, and ‘‘3-and-a-half’’ tattoos, respectively (the woman with ‘‘3-and-a-half’’ tattoos was currently in the process of removing one). Twenty of the tattooed women had never

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undergone tattoo removal (nor did they regret any of their tattoos), and five tattooed women had either undergone laser tattoo removal on one or more tattoo(s) or regretted one or more of their tattoos The objective of phenomenological data analysis is to uncover the meanings embedded within narratives (Moustakas, 1994, p. 69). In this sense, I used the words of my interviewees to help construct their lived and very personal experience of a particular phenomenon, that is, being tattooed. To collect data for this study I used an interview guide comprised of open-ended questions, closed-ended identifying questions, and scale-like, opinion-based questions. My primary aim was to focus on specific, more intimate topics so that I could create a narrative of the experience in the social actors’ own words. Analysis and interpretation were ongoing processes and I, as the researcher, was an integral part of the construction of these processes. Once I conducted the interviews, I transcribed, analyzed, coded, and interpreted the narratives. The next stage of data analysis involved description. This phase of analysis entailed careful listening to the verbal descriptions provided by the participants, followed by a reading and re-reading of the transcribed text. I analyzed this raw data looking for key words and phrases. After listing all of the significant statements, they were grouped into what Creswell (1998) calls ‘‘meaning units’’ (p. 150). Then I read other transcripts, doing the same. During this process, I highlighted all key phrases. Once themes were revealed in the data, I conducted ‘‘imaginative variation or structural description, seeking all possible meanings and divergent perspectives, varying the frames of reference about the phenomenon, and constructing a description of how the phenomenon was experienced’’ (Creswell, 1998, p. 150). By using direct quotes and metaphors pulled directly from the data, I was able to reveal the essence of the phenomenon being studied. A more general understanding of tattooed women’s lives, in turn, was created.

TATTOOS AND PERCEPTIONS OF BEAUTY AND FEMININITY In modern culture, in the face of pressures about physical appearance and beauty, women need to feel more in control of their own bodies (Little & Rombeck, 2006, p. 23). That is, women need to feel more empowered. Empowerment ‘‘involves playing with existing cultural standards. Most


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women comply with some standards associated with the beauty ideal and resist others’’ (Shaw & Lee, 2007, p. 245). Although tattooing may contradict beauty ideals in part, and may seem to be empowering, we do not know much about how tattooed women feel about beauty and femininity and/or whether tattoos are acquired to look more or less beautiful. The connections between beauty, femininity, and tattooing should be explored more fully to learn whether and/or how tattoos empower individual women. Tattoos and Personal Beauty When I asked each of my participants whether or not they thought that tattooing added to their personal beauty, 14 (56%) indicated that it did. Some feel that beauty is ‘‘in the eyes of the beholder.’’ Five of these women feel ‘‘sexier’’ being tattooed. For example, Alexandra, a 48-year-old Hispanic administrative assistant and student, said that her tattoos make her ‘‘more beautiful. Bolder. I tend to dress sexier with the tattoos.’’ It appears that tattoos provided Alexandra with a positive change in her personality as well as her self-esteem. Similarly, Avery believes that her tattoos enhance her as a whole. She states that her tattoos: Bring color to my life. I think I’m sexy with my ink y it’s so bland to be just like everyone else. We are blank canvasses. I wanted to start getting ink on my arm to combat the fact I HATE my arms actually [her emphasis] y I feel like I have fat arms. Not to the point of not wearing shirts to show them but just in my mind I thought they were ‘‘uggs’’ [that is, ‘‘ugly’’] so I figured to overcome that what better way than to make them beautiful. I do see them as beautiful.

By decorating parts of her body that she disliked, Avery’s tattoos, like Alexandra’s, provided her with an enhanced self-esteem. By doing so, she was able to take control of her body and make it into what she wants it to be and what she finds to be beautiful. For her, taking control of her body meant bringing ‘‘color to [her] life’’ and not being so ‘‘bland.’’ To Avery, beauty is confidence and therefore confidence is the ability to be sexy. Similar to Alexandra, she thought that being beautiful with tattoos meant being ‘‘sexy.’’ Others believe that their tattoos make them more beautiful than if they were not ‘‘inked.’’ For two of the women in my sample, having tattoos helps to create more confidence in their overall appearance. Three other women also feel that the designs and the artistry involved, as well as the placement of their tattoos, create a different form of beauty. The placement of

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Shayne’s tattoos was also important in making her feel more beautiful. Shayne, a 28-year-old white and Hispanic, plus-sized, burlesque dance troop manager and cellular phone customer service agent, told me that she noticed a few years back that she always tattooed spots she did not find to be the most attractive. She stated, ‘‘I don’t like my upper arms, so I got them tattooed. I’m small-chested for my size so I decorated my chest. I don’t think I did it consciously.’’ Addison also feels that placement is important: ‘‘I think that they add to my beauty because I put them in spots to accentuate. Anywhere that I have nice lines is where they are.’’ Addison is one of the two women in this study who talked about tattooing ‘‘ugly’’ parts of their bodies. In these cases, tattoos were seen as designs that would specifically erase ugliness and replace it with ‘‘beauty.’’ Tattoos were also thought to be beautiful by some participants because they represented a ‘‘beautiful’’ memory or, in other words, the tattoo’s association with a past life stage, relationship, or event was special enough to make the tattoo itself attractive to the woman. Ava feels that her tattoos make her more beautiful because, ‘‘they each mean something important to me in my life and they help me remember who I was. I think people sometimes forget that who you were and where you’ve come from are part of what makes you beautiful now.’’ Tiana, a 35-year-old African American college student, also invoked memories when she discussed her feelings of being more beautiful and sexy with tattoos: ‘‘I have them to symbolize moments in my life I need to remember and treasure.’’ Thus, these comments indicate that having tattoos to remember certain times, accomplishments, events, or relationships can also make them beautiful to their wearer. These memories seemed to add an additional layer of meaning to the tattoo, which is important for definitions of personal beauty. Others felt that their tattoos plainly made them ‘‘them’’ or they simply meant something to them. According to Kjeldgaard and Bengtsson (2005), an aspect of ‘‘incorporating the tattoo into the personal biography is when the act of getting the tattoo in itself becomes a significant life event and hence part of the story of the self ’’ (p. 174). Although this scenario seems similar to getting tattooed to remember an important event or time, it is different in that just getting the tattoo becomes its own event. Since the body can be seen as ‘‘an entity which is in the process of becoming; a project which should be worked at and accomplished as part of an individual’s selfidentity,’’ tattoos can be seen as vehicles in this process or project (Shilling, 2004, p. 4). Victoria stated that ‘‘at (the age of) 25, I still have no concept of my own degree of beauty. I just think they (tattoos) make me ‘me’.’’ Similarly, Maya, a 30-year-old African American lawyer, tells me that her


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tattoos are ‘‘not body art. They aren’t the most gorgeous. But they make me ‘me’. They have been a big part of being me. I think that I’m a good person.’’ These statements are important because, although Maya stated that her tattoos are not beautiful, she equates tattoos with being a ‘‘good person’’ in that they symbolize who she is inside rather than who she is on the outside. Maya’s comments may signify again the importance of a personal definition of self or personhood, alongside a self defined by others and/or societal beauty norms. Two of the women in my study felt that their tattoos added to their personal level of confidence, in their appearance or in general. Lucy also thinks that ‘‘in a theoretical sense’’ her tattoos make her more beautiful. She tells me: I am more comfortable with my body and myself because I feel like I made it my own now. So, to me, I think that it makes me more beautiful because I feel more confident as a person overall, but physically I don’t think that it really changes anything. I don’t feel that people find me any more attractive because of my tattoos.

Lucy does not feel any more physically beautiful than a nontattooed woman, but believes that she can perhaps be more beautiful as a person because of the confidence she gains from them. Interestingly, she is quick to add that other people may not find her more attractive or beautiful because of her tattoos. Lucy, then, continues to highlight the difference between personal beauty and others’ or societal perceptions of beauty, and the variety of individual and societal meanings of tattoos. Lily uses her tattoos ‘‘more to have (them) for the strength or to make the statement, or to be a little more secure in my skin y It’s almost like owning yourself because once you do it you have to own it.’’ Thus, while Lucy infers that she gains confidence in her beauty, Lily proposes that she gains a more general confidence and ‘‘ownership’’ of herself specifically from her tattoos. Along with tattoos’ association with good memories came tattoos’ ability to erase or ‘‘fix’’ bad memories. For instance, Chloe thinks that her tattoos are what make her beautiful since tattoos can serve as a ‘‘way to make ‘bad’ things more beautiful.’’ Chloe meant the erasure of ‘‘bad things’’ that were both emotional and physical, in that tattoos can be used to overcome a challenging experience or they can also be used to make a wounded body part more attractive (although none of my interviewees actually did this, it would be like tattooing over a mastectomy scar instead of opting for a fake breast or covering a scar from an injury, fire, or animal scratch or bite). Some women in the sample simply relished the artistic nature of their tattoos and those of others and, therefore, thought tattoos to be beautiful.

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Penelope, one of my more heavily tattooed participants (with 60þ hours of tattooing), stated that tattoos make her more beautiful because she appreciates the artwork: ‘‘I love staring at myself in the mirror and that’s why I love getting my picture taken. ‘Cause look at all that (showing me all of her tattoos at once).’’ In a similar fashion, Vanessa states that her tattoos make her more beautiful because now she is ‘‘walking art.’’ Zoe also sees her tattoos as ‘‘permanent jewelry.’’ According to her, ‘‘it’s a permanent design that is supposed to be beautiful y I would never get anything that I thought would make me less pretty y I like my tattooed parts more than my untattooed (sic) parts.’’ In Zoe’s description, it is clear that she directly equates tattoos with her own beauty. Seven (28%) of my participants felt that their tattoos neither added to nor subtracted from their personal beauty. However, some of the women love the way their tattoos look, but do not feel that they have anything to do with increasing their personal beauty. Trinity told me: ‘‘I think that they look pretty damned rad [sic], but I don’t think they make me more beautiful per se.’’ Mercedes also stated that, ‘‘they just accentuate what I already have,’’ indicating that tattoos just add to the overall beauty she already possesses. Given the placement of Sydney’s tattoos, she did not think that they had anything to do with her feelings about her beauty. She told me: ‘‘I can only see three of my tattoos. I never see the other ones. My tattoos are pretty small.’’ Sidney suggests, then, that many of her tattoos are not for her viewing pleasure. In her mind, the placement of most of her tattoos, then, negates any connection between them and her own definition of ‘‘beauty.’’ Interestingly enough, her tattoos are not for everyone else to see, just her and her girlfriend. These types of personal beliefs about tattoos tend to baffle other tattoo enthusiasts; getting a tattoo that no one can see or think about is confounding. Although two of my participants stated that they felt their tattoos made them less beautiful, only one woman elaborated on why. Juliana stated: because I have never been traditionally beautiful, I haven’t been blonde or thin or innocent-looking, I thought that my tattoos made me more beautiful just with the kind of person that I was. But at this stage of my life, I think that I would look better without them.

In Juliana’s case, her age (43 years) and paid-work position (academic administrator) make her feel that her physical appearance does not fit with who she is anymore. Thus, Juliana intimates that beauty is time and place specific, and that one’s own personal definition of beauty might change over time. She suggests that her tattoos did make her feel beautiful in an earlier


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life stage, but not now. Comments from tattooed women like Juliana should make us realize that the meanings of both personal beauty and tattoos are fluid and changing, and that more research should be done on the importance of age and occupations in people’s lives. (See the chapter by Follo in this volume for the relationship of age and gender to bodies in the context of sports.) A majority of my interviewees seem to believe truly that their tattoos either make them more beautiful (n ¼ 14) or add to their already-existing beauty (n ¼ 3). Therefore, in my sample, women negotiated becoming extensively tattooed in concert with feeling beautiful or believing that their tattoos would add to their personal beauty. Those who did not feel more beautiful after becoming tattooed, who felt less beautiful with tattoos over time, or who did not find their designs to be beautiful were those who were the most unhappy with their decision to become tattooed.

The Importance of Femininity With Regard to Beauty Overall, almost half of the participants in my study (11 or 44%) feel that it is important for them to be feminine. Out of these 11 women, 6 feel that their tattoos make them more beautiful. Out of the remaining five women who find it important to be feminine, four do not believe that their tattoos make them more beautiful; one woman was not asked. A few of the women in my study feel that their femininity has come with age or ‘‘coming into themselves.’’ In fact, Ava stated: growing up I wasn’t a super girly-girl, but as I’ve gotten older I’ve become more feminine, and I tend to like tattoos on myself and other women that are more delicate or femininelooking. But it really depends on the tattoo and the person, which is another reason I like tattoos so much. The same tattoo can look totally different on someone else.

Although Ava equates femininity with being a ‘‘girly-girl’’ and ‘‘delicate’’ things, she is also telling us that there may be more than one definition of ‘‘femininity’’ and that one single tattoo can mean different things on different people’s bodies. Therefore, there are no strictly ‘‘feminine’’ tattoos or bodies. Mercedes stated to me that it is ‘‘definitely’’ important for her to be feminine and that she has ‘‘come a long way’’ in looking feminine. In other words, it has taken some time for Mercedes to get to a level of personal femininity with which she is comfortable. Tiana said that it is important for her to be feminine because she has ‘‘always been a tomboyish person and learning to be feminine and beautiful has been a valuable

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experience to [her] inner child.’’ For Tiana, tattoos make her more feminine. Therefore, tattoos can be important in achieving a desired level of personal femininity. Other women in my study feel that their femininity is both important and natural, but not related to their status as tattooed women. They believe tattoos do not make a difference in how feminine one is. For example, Lily informed me that she thinks her femininity ‘‘almost comes naturally.’’ Hailey stated that she ‘‘is a very feminine individual by nature’’ and it is important to her ‘‘to feel like a woman.’’ Similarly, Lucy said that femininity is key for her: ‘‘I’m female. It’s one of the things I can identify with personally y For me being feminine is important.’’ For Lucy, her sex (female) means that she must be feminine (hence upholding certain gender norms). She is also personally connected to making sure that she upholds her femininity. She does not believe, though, that her tattoos have anything to do with her ‘‘mannerisms,’’ her ‘‘demeanor,’’ or her ‘‘physical form.’’ Zoe stated that she is a ‘‘girly-girl’’ and that she needs ‘‘a purse, and heels, and jewelry.’’ Similar to how some participants characterized being beautiful, some women felt that femininity has more to do with ‘‘being yourself’’ than with ‘‘being girly.’’ In our interview, Catalina stated that being feminine is important to her, but it is more about ‘‘being yourself.’’ Thus, the idea of personal femininity emerged alongside personal beauty. Regardless of the mainstream definitions of femininity in our society, some participants felt strongly about their own definitions. When seven (28%) of the women in my study were asked, ‘‘Is it important for you to be feminine?’’ They did not give definitive answers and often waffled back and forth. Four of these seven women who think that femininity is only important to them in some cases and not others believe that their tattoos make them more beautiful and the three remaining women believe that their tattoos make them less beautiful. For example, Victoria paused and stated: ‘‘I guess it depends on your definition of feminine really.’’ Avery also remarked: ‘‘Ooh, that’s tough. I think it is, to a degree.’’ A couple of the women see themselves as feminine but report that they do not make being feminine a priority. Vanessa told me: ‘‘I’m kind of a girly girl y I like make-up and cute clothes. But I don’t think it’s a priority for me to be feminine.’’ Similarly, Shayne stated: ‘‘I do see myself as feminine. I don’t know if I’d say it was important I be seen as feminine (as did 11 women in this study). It’s a style choice more than anything.’’ Penelope specifically spoke about both her feminine and nonfeminine tattoos when discussing the importance of femininity to her: ‘‘I have my garden y I have


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a lot of skulls on me too. In turn, I have girly, very feminine stuff like roses. I’ve always been a tomboy too.’’ Seven women (28%) explained to me that they did not feel that it was important for them to be feminine. Of these seven women, four feel that their tattoos make them more beautiful, two feel that their tattoos make them less beautiful; one was not asked this question. Their clarifications for why they did not feel that femininity was important to them were extremely similar and denoted a desire to not be ‘‘placed into a box.’’ Not labeling themselves as ‘‘feminine’’ or making it important to them seemed to give them freedom to be ‘‘themselves.’’ For example, Brooklyn stated that she does not ‘‘try to adhere to the norms of femininity, or masculinity for that matter. Humans are multi-faceted. I can’t be put into a box of feminine or masculine.’’ Chloe informed me: ‘‘I am a girl but I find it more important to be myself. I have a lot of masculine sides of my personality and a lot of feminine. Neither takes more importance to me.’’ Isabel stated: I like sometimes being feminine. Sometimes I feel like I am this really butch-ass, even though I am really not. Sometimes I feel like I could be more girly. You look around and see all of these girls that are just girly-girls y and I am just girly-comfortable. But I don’t think it’s completely necessary, but I don’t think it’s a bad thing either.

Because Isabel is comfortable with being both feminine and less so, she is able to coin her own term, ‘‘girly-comfortable.’’ Because her tattoos tend to be more traditionally feminine in design, she can choose whether or not to portray herself as more feminine or more ‘‘hard.’’ Brooklyn and Chloe are similar in that they are less concerned with their femininity than they are with being comfortable or themselves. When I asked Trinity, a 29-year-old white tattoo enthusiast who is sometimes employed in Hollywood, if it was important for her to be feminine, she responded with a ‘‘hell no.’’ For her, being feminine ‘‘can mean a lot of different things. I don’t get along with typical women because of their diva ways and bullshit head games. There are only a handful of women that I would have fun hanging out with.’’ Here, Trinity is purposely positioning herself against what she sees as feminine. In fact, not only is femininity something that is not important to her, but she chose tattoos that are the opposite of ‘‘girly.’’ Most of her tattoos depict ‘‘weapons and counterculture symbolism.’’ Five of the women in my study referred to their tomboyish ways, like Alexandra: ‘‘Growing up I was a real tomboy. I like getting dirty. Feminine means that you have to be clean all of the time. Too much work.’’ Similarly, Addison stated that, ‘‘that’s kind of a tough question because I was a tomboy growing up because I was really

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unattractive and I always wanted to be girly. And then I got attractive and girly doesn’t suit me.’’ As discussed in the next section, although 11 of the women in my study did find their personal femininity to be important, only 4 of them (16%) felt that their tattoos add to their level of femininity. Various reasons are offered for this disparity in the following text.

Femininity and Tattoos The four women in my sample who felt that their tattoos did not add to their level of femininity included participants such as Avery who answered ‘‘neither more nor less. I think I am who I am.’’ Another interviewee, Lucy, also informed me the way she feels about her tattoos: ‘‘it’s my skin now, so my skin is my skin and it doesn’t have to do with my mannerisms and my demeanor or my physical form.’’ The two other participants, however, remarked on the fact that tattoos in our society are still considered more masculine. For example, Shayne stated that she ‘‘doesn’t care’’ if her tattoos make her more or less feminine. She tries to ‘‘pick feminine looking colors but that’s because (she) like(s) those colors. Tattoos are rarely seen as an overtly feminine thing. But, in this day and age, it’s hard for anyone to say what is ‘feminine’ and what is ‘masculine’.’’ Shayne suggests that tattoos are seen as masculine but that hers might be more feminine because of the color (so she upholds the dichotomy). She goes on to say, though, that the choices she has made in that regard are not about gender at all. Shayne does not question why she made the color choices she did, though, and does not realize that she may have been socialized to like those colors because she is female. Ava informed me that: ‘‘I don’t really think of my tattoos as making me more or less feminine. I guess some people may think it makes me less feminine though since traditionally tattoos were a more masculine thing.’’ Peyton tries to ‘‘dress very girly to kind of balance off [sic]. I was very careful in picking art that had flow’’ (and, for her, ‘‘flow’’ meant a continuity and smoothness in the appearance of the tattoos, which also stood in for femininity). She tends to think ‘‘that people take [tattoos] as [suggesting that] you’re a tough girl and are more masculine.’’ Two women discussed the content of their tattoos and how this content relates to their personal concept of femininity. Chanel stated: ‘‘See, it’s tricky. Because of the content you can go either way. Like, when I got the crow on my back I had to search for a long time so that I didn’t look really butch. Depending on the art you can go either way.’’ Conscious choices


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were made by Chanel to adopt a particular tattoo style and size that matched with femininity, which meant considerable work and time on her part, Thus, Chanel knew the risks attached to being a woman with tattoos, and also the risks attached to more ‘‘masculine’’ tattoos, and tried to minimize those risks by selecting a ‘‘feminine’’ version of a tattoo design. When I asked whether or not her tattoos added to or subtracted from her level of femininity, Maya told me that her tattoos do not make her feel any more or less feminine because her ‘‘tattoos are small.’’ Here, Maya makes similar choices to Chanel when she picks small tattoos on purpose. When explicitly questioned about whether or not their tattoos added or subtracted from their personal femininity, four women (16%) do, in fact, think that their tattoos added to their perception of personal femininity. Isabel considers many of her tattoos to be very feminine. She tells me: ‘‘I like them that way. They are soft and gentle. I think that I am both (a) feminine and a really strong, ‘I’ll kick your ass’ kind of girl. My tattoos make me more feminine mostly because my tattoos are feminine-looking.’’ Similarly, Catalina feels that her tattoos are more feminine. She says: ‘‘I have flowers. There’s something about flowers that make me think of a woman.’’ Five of my participants (20%) feel that their tattoos make them less feminine. These women mainly remarked on the content and/or placement of their tattoos taking away from their femininity. Trinity feels that none of her tattoos ‘‘are girly – most of them deal with weapons and counterculture symbolism.’’ More generally, though, Addison stated: In a way I think that they make me less feminine y It takes the softness away y Society makes it standard where women are supposed to be versatile and untouched and pure and clean and soft. And tattoos, like any other marking or flaw or scar or anything y detracts from that image.

Similarly, Lily thinks that her tattoos ‘‘make (her) a little harder, look a little harder.’’ She informs me that, ‘‘I’ve always had a problem with people thinking I’m unapproachable, or mad, or not so nice because of the way I look. [The tattooing] probably adds to that a little bit.’’ When I asked Juliana if her tattoos, which are centered on her upper arms (biceps), legs, and the tops of her feet, make her more or less feminine, she replied: Definitely less feminine which may have been a partial motivation for getting them in the first place. Especially the decision to get them in a place on my body that is less traditional for a woman – this was a conscious choice that I now regret, though a small part of me is still glad I made this choice.

So, although Juliana feels that her tattoos made her more beautiful, she feels that these same tattoos make her less feminine. Therefore, it appears that


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some definitions of ‘‘beautiful’’ do not necessarily include being feminine. Hailey also thinks that her tattoos detract from her femininity ‘‘even though one of (her) large ones is pink and red y (She) feels that their very existence takes away from (her) natural femininity.’’ Because more than half of my study participants feel that their tattoos do not make them any more or less feminine, it appears that tattoos might not be as ‘‘masculine,’’ or that tattooed women need to be as ‘‘feminine,’’ as once thought. And because it is important for many of these women to be feminine, it is possible that choosing to become tattooed (as a woman) has nothing at all to do with gender (i.e., femininity and masculinity).

CONCLUSION It is in this chapter that I sought to uncover the connections between women’s tattoos and (1) personal or individual beauty and (2) femininity. Eleven of my participants reported that it is important for them to be feminine, whereas seven women stated that it is not. And while only four of the women in my sample felt that their tattoos add to their level of femininity, more than half of my study participants, in fact, felt that their tattoos do not make them either more or less feminine. Rosenblatt (1997) states that tattoos are often used to represent and objectify some private, intuitive, and affective self, which is conceived of as being opposed to a public, rational self. Which such a self is thought of as having an existence prior to the tattoo, the tattoo can be part of the process of getting in touch with that self, and the act of marking the skin seems to be an act of claiming or reclaiming the self. (p. 308)

With this observation in mind, it seems that beauty norms and ideals are the least of the worries of extensively tattooed women. In fact, much of the time tattoos just enhance their bodily self-esteem. It is also important to note that although notions of femininity are important to many of the women in my study, many of these extensively tattooed women believe that tattoos do, in fact, go against popular notions of femininity. An interesting paradox exists here. Although many of my participants believe that tattooing goes against societal beauty norms, they also believe that their tattoos make them more beautiful. These beliefs suggest that tattooed women may subscribe to an entirely different definition of beauty than society’s ideal.


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This pilot study indicates there is no clear interrelationship among femininity, beauty, and tattoos. The study as a whole offers important insights into the social experiences of extensively tattooed women and, therefore, contributes to a more sociological and gender-specific glimpse of women’s lives and tattooing. Studying women’s tattooing in a gendered social context means (1) highlighting the social experiences of women’s tattooing; (2) uncovering commonalities or differences among tattooed women as they explain certain aspects of being tattooed or opinions toward tattoos or tattoo removal; (3) understanding the socially constructed nature of tattooing, especially for women and women’s bodies; and (4) analyzing the creation, maintenance, and also re-creation of certain meanings of tattoos and tattooing experiences. My discussion of and findings on tattooed women’s lived experiences, however partial, should promote wider conceptualizations of the tattooing phenomenon, allow a wealth of tattoo meanings and experiences to come into the spotlight, and point to new ways to study tattoos and gendered bodies in the future.

REFERENCES Amicangelo, J. (2006). Ink at your Inc.? Younger professionals with tattoos face dilemma of whether to show, cover or remove. Crain’s Detroit Business, August 7, pp. 11–12. Atkinson, M. (2002). Pretty in ink: Conformity, resistance, and negotiation in women’s tattooing. Sex Roles, 47, 219–235. Atkinson, M., & Young, K. (2001). Flesh journeys: Neo primitives and the contemporary rediscovery of radical body modification. Deviant Behavior: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 22, 117–146. Bell, S. (1999). Tattooed: A participant observer’s exploration of meaning. Journal of American & Comparative Literatures, 22, 53–58. Bordo, S. (1992). The body and the reproduction of femininity: A feminist appropriation of Foucault. In: A. M. Jaggar & S. R. Bordo (Eds), Gender/body/knowledge: Feminist reconstructions of being and knowing (pp. 13–31). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Braunberger, C. (2000). Revolting bodies: The monster beauty of tattooed women. NWSA Journal, 12, 1–23. Brooks, D. (2006). Nonconformity is skin deep. The New York Times, August 27, p. WK11. Chinchilla, M. (1997). Stewed, screwed & tattooed. Fort Bragg, CA: Isadore Press. Christensen, M. (2000). Tattoos: A photo essay. Public Health Reports, 115, 430–435. Copes, J. H., & Forsyth, C. J. (1993). The tattoo: A social psychological explanation. International Review of Modern Sociology, 23, 83–89.

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Creswell, J. W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fisher, J. A. (2002). Tattooing the body, marking culture. Body & Society, 8, 91–107. Hawkes, D., Senn, C. Y., & Thorn, C. (2004). Factors that influence attitudes toward women with tattoos. Sex Roles, 50(9 and 10), 593–604. Hayt, E. (2002). Over-40 rebels with a cause: Tattoos. The New York Times, December 22, p. ST2. Johnson, A. G. (2000). The Blackwell dictionary of sociology. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Jones, E. (1984). Social stigma: The psychology of marked relationships. New York: Freeman. Kirby, D. (2006). Inked well. The American Interest Magazine. Available at http://www. the-american-interest.com/ai2/article.cfm?Id ¼ 184&MId¼ 6. Retrieved on August 30, 2007. Kjeldgaard, D., & Bengtsson, A. (2005). Consuming the fashion tattoo. Advances in Consumer Research, 32, 172–177. Little, C., & Rombeck, T. (2006). Women shrug off the tattoo taboo. Available at http://www2. ljworld.com/news/2006/sep/03/women_shrug_tattoo_taboo/?city_local. Retrieved on April 21, 2007. MacKendrick, K. (1998). Technoflesh, or ‘‘Didn’t that hurt?’’ Fashion Theory, 2, 3–24. Mifflin, M. (1997). Bodies of subversion: A secret history of women and tattoo. New York: Juno Books. Morris, K. (2002). Got you under my skin. The Lancet, 360(9331), 495. Moustakas, C. (1994). Phenomenological research methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Oksanen, A., & Turtiainen, J. (2005). A life told in ink: Tattoo narratives and the problem of the self in late modern society. Auto/Biography, 13, 111–130. Ponte, L. M., & Gillan, J. L. (2007). Gender performance over job performance: Body art work rules and the continuing subordination of the feminine. Duke Journal of Gender Law and Policy, 14, 319–368. Rosenblatt, D. (1997). The antisocial skin: Structure, resistance, and ‘‘modern primitive’’ adornment in the United States. Cultural Anthropology, 12, 287–334. Sanders, C. (1990). Customizing the body: The art and culture of tattooing. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Sanders, C. R. (1988). Marks of mischief: Becoming and being tattooed. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 16, 395–432. Schertenlieb, S. (2004). The ‘inked’ experience: Tattooing as a positive body project for women’s self-narration and resistance. Transnational Issues, Community Studies & Ethnographic Fieldwork. Available at http://digitalcommons.dickinson.edu/body_ projects/2. Retrieved on March 1, 2007. Sever, J. M. (2003). A third of Americans with tattoos say they make them feel more sexy. The Harris Poll #58, October 8. Shaw, S. M., & Lee, J. (2007). Women’s voices, feminist visions: Classic and contemporary readings (3rd ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Shilling, C. (2004). The body and social theory (2nd ed.). London and England: Sage. Synnott, A. (1990). Truth and goodness, mirrors and masks – Part II: A sociology of beauty and the face. The British Journal of Sociology, 41, 55–76. Synnott, A. (1992). Tomb, temple, machine and self: The social construction of the body. The British Journal of Sociology, 43, 79–110.


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Tanne, J. H. (2000). Body art: Marks of identity. British Medical Journal, 320, 764. Vail, D. A. (1999). The outside of a thigh is half a back: Negotiating the canvas among fine art tattoo collectors. Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 28, 261–276. Zones, J. S. (2000). Beauty myths and realities and their impacts on women’s health. In: M. B. Zinn, P. Hondagneu-Sotelo & M. Messner (Eds), Gender through the prism of difference (2nd ed., pp. 87–103). Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon.

‘SOUL FOOD’: EMOTIONAL ABUSE IN CHILDHOOD AND THE COMPLEX ROLE OF FOOD Marjorie C. Feinson and Tamar Ben Dror ABSTRACT Purpose and methodology – Many adult women struggle with serious eating problems (EPs) and obesity is increasing, yet, little is known about the origins of EPs, which often begin in childhood. Personal Narratives with 25 Israeli Jewish women in recovery from EPs explore (a) types of childhood experiences, (b) the connection between childhood experiences and subsequent EPs, and (c) why food! Findings a. Analyses of personal narratives uncover a broad range of emotionally abusive experiences in childhood (CEA) including continuous criticism about body shape and weight, emotional neglect and abandonment, death or illness in the family in the absence of a nurturing adult, conflict and tension surrounding parental divorce or dysfunctional marriage, geographic dislocation, and aftermath of the Holocaust. b. Interviewees explicitly identified CEA as the cause of their turning to food for comfort in childhood and subsequently developing lifelong EPs.


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MARJORIE C. FEINSON AND TAMAR BEN DROR

c. Why food! It was easily accessible, its sweetness took away the pain temporarily, children replicated parents’ unhealthy relationship with food, it was abundant and central in Jewish cultural, ethnic and religious traditions. Research Implications – This research documents the critical contribution of emotionally abusive experiences in childhood to the development of EPs and confirms the need for additional research. Practical Implications – The findings warrant a shift in policies and practices to address the role of emotional abuse in the development and maintenance of EPs. Moreover, policies focused on obesity, particularly among youth, need to recognize the contribution of CEA – in addition to poor dietary choices and lack of exercise.

INTRODUCTION Since I’m 6 years old y a lot of times that’s all I had to comfort myself – with food. I didn’t have anything else. Jessica (age: 33 years) the food compensated me for the pain, the sadness, the loneliness that I felt. y Orna (age: 50þ years) It’s a strong desire to silence the feelings because food spaces you out. Liat (age: 36 years) I lived in terrible fear y . And there was no place to talk about it. y Because the soul suffers so much, you need to calm down. You need more food. Hagit (age: 55 years)

Jessica, Orna, Liat, and Hagit are four Israeli women who, as small children, were comforted by food. Food compensated for their pain, silenced their feelings, and soothed their souls. At very young ages, they discovered that food helped them when they were emotionally overwhelmed. But what was causing such turmoil? Why did they need comforting? What events were causing their souls to suffer? To date, there is relatively little research that sheds light on these questions. Despite many adult women with serious eating problems1 and an increase in the rate of obesity worldwide, there is a dearth of documentation concerning how and why these problems began. Personal narratives of Israeli women provide compelling answers by disclosing a plethora of childhood

‘Soul Food’: Emotional Abuse in Childhood and the Complex Role of Food

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traumas in which food became a mechanism for coping. Similar to the women in Becky Thompson’s beautiful and brilliant work, A Hunger So Wide and So Deep (1994), the stories of a multicultural and ethnically diverse sample of Israeli women vividly illustrate how their turning to food in childhood was ‘‘an orderly and sane response to insane circumstances’’ (p. 2). To expand and enrich our understanding of the origins of disordered eating, a qualitative study was initiated with women who identified themselves as ‘‘in recovery.’’2 They were invited to participate because it was assumed that their experiences of recovery would yield important and unique insights about eating problems. Although the primary research focus was an exploration of recovery (what it means, the nature of the process, and so forth), exploring the origins of eating problems was also an important aspect. Incorporating women’s perspectives about how and why their problems developed is integral to feminist research and contributes to our knowledge with particular relevance to prevention interventions. Not unexpectedly, all the narratives (except one) describe a broad range of traumas and abusive experiences during childhood. By listening to the Israeli women describe how their eating problems began, this analysis extends Thompson’s seminal study (1994) that conceptualized eating problems as reasonable responses to overwhelming conditions. Three specific research areas are explored: the types of traumas experienced during childhood; the connection between these experiences and subsequent eating problems; and why food!

Selection and Size of Sample Selection of participants was done primarily using snowball sampling, a research strategy designed to increase the number of respondents through personal contacts and word-of-mouth. The first five narratives were conducted with women personally known to the first author through her own recovery process. They were asked to refer possible participants. Upon receiving permission to provide names and phone numbers, potential interviewees were contacted. Following some preliminary questions, a time and place was set up for interviews with appropriate candidates. To diversify the sample, considerable effort was spent locating participants not using the snowball method. Fortunately, a number of women responded to notices posted in therapists’ clinics, in private treatment services, or on the Internet. To provide an atmosphere of maximum privacy and confidentiality, the first author did not do any interviewing. A staff of four researchers with

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qualitative backgrounds and master’s degrees in psychology, sociology, and anthropology conducted all interviews following an intensive 3-month training process. Initially, it was unclear how many interviews would be needed for an in-depth exploration of recovery. After analyzing approximately 20 interviews, the research team decided that ‘‘theoretical saturation’’ had been reached, meaning the narratives were becoming redundant – no new information was emerging. Therefore, no additional interviews were conducted beyond those previously scheduled. Altogether, 25 interviews were conducted, tape recorded, and transcribed. Hebrew interviews were translated into English.

Description of Interviewees Interviewees represent a multicultural and demographically diverse crosssection of Israeli women ranging in age from 29 to 68 years (mean of 44 years). They are generally well educated; two-thirds have a university degree (BA) or more. One-third are married, half are single, and three are widowed. Interviewees reflect the ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic diversity of the Israeli population, which includes a sizable proportion of immigrants as a result of large waves of immigration after the founding of the state in 1948. Two-thirds of the interviewees were born outside of Israel, including one-third born in North America; one-third were first-generation Israelis mostly born to immigrant parents. All Jewish observance traditions are represented: One-third identified themselves as orthodox or ultraorthodox Jews; two-thirds were secular or traditional (that is, Conservative or Reform) Jews. Thirteen interviews were conducted in Hebrew, the mother tongue of these respondents, whereas 12 were done in English.

Methodology ‘‘A retrospective first-person account of the evolution of an individual life over time and in social context’’ (Maynes, Pierce, & Lasslet, 2008, p. 4) is a valuable method for exploring neglected social issues. The analytic value of personal narratives is their ability to reveal something new that is generally not accessible, except through an insider’s view. Previously untold stories not only introduce unheard or marginalized voices into the record, they also privilege the knowledge and perceptions of these insiders, providing unique insights from those who have been there (Maynes et al., 2008).


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As will become clear, narrative insights often challenge prevailing wisdom and refute universal claims that, on this issue, attribute eating problems largely to such factors as cultural norms of thinness, media emphases on thin bodies, and the influence of the dieting and fashion industries. Personal narratives enable an exploration of how women understand their problems and provide the basis for additional perspectives, including the role of childhood trauma and abuse. In listening to the voices of the Israeli women, we gain greater understanding of their resilience; how food eased their anguish and helped them cope with childhood traumas. In brief, these personal accounts provide persuasive documentation of the origins of eating problems by offering ‘‘insights into human agency as seen from the inside out’’ (Maynes et al., 2008, p. 16).

TYPES OF CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES It is important to acknowledge that majority of interviewees (23/25) did not experience either sexual or physical abuse. Moreover, two women who were sexually abused provided testimony that the abuse occurred within the context of other, more painful experiences, including emotional abuse and neglect (Kinzl, Traweger, Guenther, & Biebl, 1994, p. 1127). In this regard, their insights resonate with most of the narratives that describe a broad range of emotionally abusive experiences, usually more than one type. As the analysis reveals, childhood emotional abuse (CEA) was extensive and took many forms. By way of background, the literature contains basically two approaches to the origins of eating disorders. For many years, the prevailing perspective, drawn primarily from clinical samples, focused on specific traumas, namely, sexual and/or physical abuse (e.g., see Connors & Morse, 1993; Favaro, Dalle Grave, & Santonastaso, 1998; Zlotnick et al., 1996). More recently, a second approach has broadened the focus to include emotional abuse, multiple forms of abuse, and negative family backgrounds, meaning dysfunctional family patterns and practices (see, e.g., Allison, Grilo, Masheb, & Stunkard, 2007; Hund & Espelage, 2006; Mountford, Corstorphine, Tomlinson, & Waller, 2007; Taylor et al., 2006). The Israeli narratives support the broader approach, especially concerning adverse family dynamics and their connection to disordered eating. The emotionally abusive practices and environments gleaned from the narratives were extremely varied and are grouped into four categories: negative comments and criticism related to weight, body shape, and size;

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emotional abandonment and neglect; emotional abuse associated with specific events; and other dysfunctional family dynamics.

Negative Comments and Criticism Related to Weight, Body Shape, and Size About one-third of the interviewees provided vivid descriptions of critical comments directed at their bodies or eating behaviors. Ravit, Israeli-born woman in her late 20s, shared the following: In adolescence it’s a very powerful thing for a fat girl to be called ‘shmendoza’ (fatso); it’s a real crisis, it shapes who you are. You want to be a part of society and if I’m fat and being called ‘Ravit the Shumanit,’ (Ravit the fat one) then I’m no longer popular. I’m no longer loved. I’m no longer wanted.

Feeling unloved and unwanted because of her body size was very powerful and devastating for Ravit, especially occurring during a crucial developmental time of life. Similarly, Ayala’s body was the focus of an obsessive, perfectionist, and controlling father, who continuously monitored her body and what she was eating. ‘‘And he constantly put into my head, all the time, you are eating too much, you are fat, all the time, all the time.’’ Geula, a religiously observant woman in her 40s, described that in her family, being loved was conditional upon how she looked. Whenever I lost weight, I got so much attention and they loved me just because I looked good. I don’t know if that’s why, lots of times, I gained back the weight just to show them that you’ve got to love me the way I am, whether I’m skinny or fat.

Relly, an Israeli-born woman in her mid-20s, said: ‘‘I always thought I was fat. I always had a bit of a belly. y My mother had nicknames for all of us which rhymed. Mine was Relly Belly; it was cute at the time, but then I felt very ashamed y .’’ Jessica, mid-30s, born in North America, and an overweight child, described her mother’s reaction to having to buy her new clothes. My mother always made me feel so bad if I wanted something new y She would say ‘It’s good money going to waste.’ She resented taking me to the shop and she resented being a single mother y She insisted on buying me clothes much bigger than what I chose and shoes that were much bigger than what I needed because she wanted me to grow into them. So I was walking around all my childhood with these clothes that were really big and baggy, feeling gigantic and fat, never feeling comfortable. Because she made me feel like that’s all I deserve y .


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Negative and shaming comments about their weight, shape, and eating behaviors are recalled by many women as being especially hurtful, indeed, humiliating. Yet, this form of abuse has received relatively little attention, with several notable exceptions. The seminal research of Fairburn and colleagues (1998) documented that ‘‘repeated exposure to negative comments from family members about shape, weight or eating behaviors’’ (p. 431) was a risk factor for binge eating disorder (BED). More recently, Striegel-Moore and colleagues (2005) found that women with BED compared to those without were subject to more frequent criticism in general by parents. The Israeli narratives specify the nature of the criticisms and also resonate with intense family pressures to be thin, as described by four of the five Jewish interviewees in Thompson’s study (1994). Even if parents’ critical comments about their daughters’ bodies were motivated mostly by love and concern, understanding the impact of body-related comments suggests several prevention interventions.

Emotional Abandonment and Neglect Emotional abandonment and neglect are on-going processes that were prominent themes in the childhood descriptions of many women, that sense of being alone in the world, totally alone, with no one to turn to for help or support or comforting. The narratives of Liat, Orna, and Jessica are painfully illustrative. Liat, a Mexican-born woman in her mid-30s, spoke a great deal about being alone, having no one to help her, even when she was a very small child: I needed to manage on my own. I needed to learn to do everything alone. From a very young age y My mother tells, as a funny story, that when I was little, suddenly, when in bed she’d feel that she was being stared at and I’m standing there, like a stuffed animal, in the dark, watching; I had to go pee. Even at such a young age, I didn’t dare say what I wanted y I was too afraid y I didn’t even dare ask my mother for help.

Orna, a woman in her mid-50s and the child of Holocaust survivors, reflected: I felt not understood at all, that I have no one to talk to, I don’t have a living soul in this world that can contain me, accept me and understand me y I just grew up alone.

Jessica, an Anglo, mid-30s, and an only child, was her mother’s sole support through two bouts of cancer, one at age 8 and the other at age 19.

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MARJORIE C. FEINSON AND TAMAR BEN DROR my mother was going through hell and I needed to be supportive of her, not get on her nerves, feeling that I had to be the perfect girl, do everything to make Mom feel better; there was nobody to support me. I just felt totally alone.

These narrative descriptions of emotional neglect and the absence of a loving caregiver are similar to childhood experiences related by Becky Thompson’s interviewees, including two of the five Jewish women, Gilda and Sara (1994). More often, however, emotionally abusive experiences are contextualized, that is, associated with specific events, as described in the following text.

Emotional Abuse Associated with Traumatic Events Many women gave voice to emotional maltreatment that related to identifiable events which, for simplicity, are categorized as follows: death or illness of a close family member, divorce or bad marriage of parents, sexual abuse, geographic dislocation, and the aftermath of the Holocaust. Death or Illness of Family Member The emotional neglect experienced by Yafit, an Israeli woman in mid-40s, was constantly present in her childhood and in her narrative. Both parents died when she was a teenager, but the more traumatic event was the death of her beloved grandfather several years earlier. I had a grandfather who I really, really loved; I was 12 and he got cancer and passed away and they didn’t tell me – not that he got sick and not that he passed away. It was a very big trauma for me. y .

Yafit did not actually connect this with her eating problems, but later in the interview, she wondered aloud whether the secrets and silence surrounding her grandfather’s death had something to do with beginning to put on weight at about the same time! Lilach, an Anglo woman in mid-30s, had a mother who developed cancer during her childhood: My first diet was when I was 11 years old. I couldn’t control my mother’s cancer, but I could control how many carrot sticks I ate. That kind of set the pattern for my adult life. I was either dieting or bingeing, dieting or bingeing.

Lilach describes a cyclical pattern of bingeing and dieting familiar to many women with serious eating problems. The cycle began as a child’s attempt to


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gain some control over a terrifying situation and perhaps, over feelings that felt out-of-control and overwhelming.3 Illness and death were also dominant throughout the childhood of Mina, an Israeli-born woman in mid-40s. Mina’s mother had been sick with a tissue disease for 20 years, which had a profound influence on her. She described her mother as suffering and depressed and yet, would not take care of herself. Several times the doctor suggested that she should talk to someone because of depression, but according to Mina, her mother was insulted by the suggestion. Mina’s mother tried to commit suicide twice; the third time she succeeded. For each of these women, one wonders how the outcome might have been different had they lived in emotionally supportive and nurturing family environments where open communications about important issues was the norm. Divorce and Bad Marriages of Parents Several women described living in the aftermath of their parents’ divorce. For Lilach, whose mother also had a bout with cancer, it was not possible to know what was more traumatic: Her mother’s divorce or the silence surrounding it. ‘‘My mother decided to deal with her divorce and remarriage by not talking about it, ever.’’ Jessica spoke several times about an event that strongly affected her at age 5: My parents were already divorced and my mother was dating this horrible man – an onagain, off-again relationship that went on for 12 years. It was a whole drama. We were at his housey and it was a Saturday morning and they were fighting y and he called my mother a bitch. I told him not to talk to my mother that way, I told him to ‘shut up,’ that was the word I used y And she told me not to speak to him that way and ordered me into the bedroom y My mother claimed that it was because I told him to shut up that they never got married. y

For many women, the parents did not divorce, but the marital relationship was terribly conflictual, creating a tense and painful atmosphere in the home. As one example, Orna described her family’s dynamics this way: her mother was always angry and threw all of her rage and anger on her husband; she abused him and he was weak. Then, her father would turn around and humiliate me; he was angry at me: I remember constant anger, constant critical looks, never acceptance, never loving eyes y he would mock me, he would laugh at me y I wasn’t [physically] beaten, but I was mentally beaten; I was a kid that was abused, a miserable girl that lived alone, that grew up alone; I just grew up alone.

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Sexual Abuse Two interviewees related experiences of sexual abuse with similar themes: responsibility, repression, denial, and silence. Hagit, the daughter of Holocaust survivors, mid-50s, mentioned early in her interview that she was abused by her father. Then, she immediately switched to issues related to the Holocaust, the dominant theme in her narrative. Toward the end of her interview, the interviewer returned to the sexual abuse, which Hagit said occurred between the age of 3 and 6 years. Her mother did not know about it and Hagit acknowledged that she repressed memories ‘‘to protect myself and to protect him, definitely y .’’ Not only did she take the blame and responsibility for what happened (her father’s touching her or that he had her touch him), she also used his Holocaust experience to explain or defend his behavior. Liat, from Mexico, referred to herself as a ‘‘victim of a victim.’’ She was sexually abused by her brother and, similar to Hagit, she also excused his behavior because he had been sexually abused himself and she felt responsible: ‘‘Something happened to me against my will, but I still did it, so I have a feeling of guilt. y ’’ The small number of Israeli interviewees who were sexually abused (2/24) is broadly consistent with epidemiological research, which fails to document a strong association between sexual abuse and eating disorders (e.g., Webster & Palmer, 2000; Kent, Waller, & Dagnan, 1999; Moyer, DiPietro, Berkowitz, & Stunkard, 1997; Rorty, Yager, & Rossotto, 1994; Fullerton, Wonderlich, & Gosnell, 1995; Kinzl et al., 1994). These narratives also parallel Thompson’s findings: Of her Jewish interviewees, one out of five or 20% reported sexual abuse compared to seven of her 13 Protestant and Catholic interviewees (53%). The accumulating evidence from both epidemiological and narrative sources identifies childhood sexual abuse as a risk factor for eating problems, but it often occurs in combination with other traumas. For Hagit, being sexually violated at a young age was dwarfed by the context within which it happened – the terrible aftermath of her father’s Holocaust experiences (as described in the following text). And for Liat, the sexual abuse by her brother was exacerbated by the context – a horrendous family environment devoid of warmth, care or any form of communication. She was all alone with no one to turn to, living among ‘‘strangers in the night.’’ Geographic Dislocation Leaving Israel for several years at a time is a common experience for many Israeli families who take sabbaticals or go abroad in some official


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governmental capacity. Although generally considered a positive event (increased income, prestige, etc.), being uprooted can have disturbing consequences for young children. Relly was born in Israel to Englishspeaking parents who immigrated years earlier. She vividly described the trauma she experienced when she was 4 years old and her family went to the United States for 2 years. Because English was spoken both in her new United States home and outside, she forgot her Hebrew and I returned with the status of an ‘olah hadasha’ (new immigrant). My return to Israel was very, very hard and I was quite a miserable child. y I started to become closed with social problems y I was very scared of people, I was afraid of myself, I felt I did not belong; it was difficult for me to create new friendships y I had the feeling that I did not know the social codes, I had language problems, I had problems with the mentality of cultural change, I always felt that I was missing out on something, so I would pretend. y

The feeling of being an outsider was central to Relly’s story and remained her reality for years. Even as a university student, her feeling like an outsider continued: ‘‘I would move with a feeling of fear. I would walk along the corridors feeling very lonely and, God forbid, that anyone should find out how lonely I was.’’ Relly’s outsider status resonates with several of Thompson’s (1994) interviewees, especially a young Sephardic Jew named Gilda, whose family moved from North Africa to France and then to New York City. She attributed her bingeing and dieting in part to ‘‘the clashing cultural expectations that resulted from her family’s intercontinental moves’’ (p. 131). Together, these stories suggest the long-term, damaging consequences for children who experience the rootlessness and insecurity that immigration and geographic dislocation can create. What is somewhat surprising is that, in this study, where two-thirds of the women were born abroad, more did not identify outsider status or cultural assimilation as painful experiences implicated in their turning to food for comfort. Aftermath of the Holocaust Four interviewees were children of Holocaust survivors and their vivid descriptions reveal the impact of their parents’ experiences – either directly or indirectly. Meira, a therapist in her mid-50s, was born in Europe to parents who were not imprisoned, but rather were forced to wander throughout Europe. This type of existence caused great suffering and anxiety, especially related to feeding five children. ‘‘During their wanderings, it was food, food, food – and she [her mother] was a compulsive feeder, immediately offering food, and immediately wanting to feed.’’ Filling the body with food,

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especially when feeling anxious, was something Meira learned to do and that ‘‘came out of the situation, from the conditions of running away, of being refugees.’’ All of her family members were compulsive overeaters, seriously addicted to food, and extremely overweight. Two other important reasons were attributed by Meira to her developing an eating problem. One concerned her father who was a chronic gambler. ‘‘He was a good person but a gambler and the excitement of the bet and the adrenaline, this is something that those with addictions have, which those addicted to food have as well.’’ Meira explained: ‘‘When a child from birth sees highs and lows in emotions which are so powerful, it very much influences the child. y I would also search for great excitement – in food, great excitement in eating.’’ The second reason concerned the absence of a primary relationship with her mother. According to Meira, her mother was emotionally unavailable because of her need to focus on issues of basic existence. As a result, Meira developed an emptiness, a very powerful and painful feeling that you don’t exist. From where will the infant feel that he [sic] exists? If people don’t relate to him as existing, then he will feel that he doesn’t exist and if he doesn’t exist, then he feels a hole here. In order to feel that he exists, then one fills oneself with all kinds of material, with food.

In Orsula’s family, food issues also were dominant, primarily due to the social conditions into which she was born. She was of normal weight when born in central Europe at the end of World War II, but quickly became fat; fat babies were considered to be the healthiest. My mother was feeding me day and night, literally. If I would cry in the night, so that my father doesn’t wake up, because he had to go to work and we all lived in one little apartment, she would just shove me the tits and I would just eat, eat, eat until I almost choked.

Orsula identified several other family dynamics that contributed to her developing eating problems. Similar to Meira, her father also had addictive behaviors: ‘‘Part of this was eating. He would have overweight periods and then he would lose, and then he would drink a little bit and then he would chase the women a little bit y And he would smoke a lot. y ’’ He also would throw up after eating in order to not gain weight. Orsula surmised that this was her father’s way of avoiding the pain associated with the loss of his wife and daughter during the Holocaust. The entire birth family of Orsula’s mother also perished: ‘‘She lost a wonderful Jewish family in one day in the Holocaust.’’ She did not know how to deal with her pain and so she blocked it. As a result, Orsula had lots of emotional problems and was


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fighting with both her parents. ‘‘I didn’t have a good relationship with them, because I was suppressing the feelings and having the wrong feelings in the wrong place.’’ The similarities in Meira and Orsula’s narratives are noteworthy: both were overfed by their mothers who were obsessed with food and feeding their children. Both had fathers with addictive behaviors. Both described the absence of emotionally available and loving parents to whom they could turn for comfort and caring. The following narratives of Orna and Hagit reveal considerably different childhoods, albeit with some similar themes. Orna, a journalist in her mid-50s, explained that her parents’ families on both sides perished during the Holocaust, ‘‘in a very brutal way. My mother was alone; my father was alone; no parents, no brothers or sisters, no one!’’ However, she did not directly connect her parents’ Holocaust experiences with the fact that she grew up in ‘‘a very, very sick family;’’ a family full of mental diseases, a very bad relationship between her parents, a violent and abusive mother, and both her mother and her sister diagnosed with manic depression. Although she did not have specific details, she assumed that there were addictions in her parents’ families: ‘‘I don’t know to what they were addicted, but it’s obvious to me, that it didn’t just start from me, that is clear to me!’’ She described herself as a ‘‘troubled kid’’ who her parents did not know how to handle and related an incident when she was 5 years old. ‘‘My mother was a tailor. One day she just took a pair of scissors and threw them at me, almost murdered me. She was violent and she was violent to my dad. y She just didn’t know how to take care of me.’’ In addition to having a mentally ill and abusive mother, her father also treated her very badly. ‘‘He abused me, he humiliated me; he was constantly angry at me; constant criticism; never acceptance, never loving eyes; he looked at me with such rejection.’’ The narratives of Meira, Orsula, and Orna reflect the Holocaust experiences of their parents, though in the background. That is, these women did not ascribe their adverse family environments explicitly to the Holocaust. In contrast, the Holocaust was directly implicated in the following narrative of Hagit, mid-50s, who vividly described the direct transmission of terrible traumas and their lifelong impact on her: I went through a lot of identification with the issue of the Holocaust, meaning I didn’t know how to separate who I was from who they were. My father had a family with two children who were killed during the war. There was this enormous, horrible fear that one day they would return. As a small child I understood that he would certainly go to them and not stay with us y because he would talk about them with a lot of love. It was as if

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MARJORIE C. FEINSON AND TAMAR BEN DROR we were this substitute, unreal family, as if there was an original family and we were the substitute. y

As with Orsula’s father, Hagit’s father also turned to alcohol, which she understood he used to cope with his pain. Also, when he was drunk, he would tell horrendous stories about the Holocaust that terrified her. She remembered hearing these stories beginning at about age 4 or 5: When a little child hears such stories all the time about ‘how we survived,’ about ‘how there was no food,’ about ‘how we almost froze to death,’ or ‘how they killed all the people,’ a little child develops a terrible fear. y There were horrible fears that I’ve gone with all my life. y

To compound the situation, her mother did not see how much pain Hagit was in because she was wrapped up in her own troubles. Similar to many other second-generation survivors whose lives are lived in fear and silence, Hagit related: ‘‘There was no place to talk about it. And if there’s no place so I bury it and bury it and bury it and bury it until you can’t bury it anymore.’’ At the very end of her interview, Hagit shared a heart-rending and illuminating insight that occurred years later, when she was a grown woman: It was Holocaust Memorial day and there was a siren.4 I was traveling on the bus to Tel Aviv and the driver said that whoever wanted to could go down and stand at attention outside. So I went down from the bus and suddenly, I understood that I mixed up the boundaries from all of the stories and events [she stops talking and takes a deep breath] and all of these devils and ghosts. Until that moment, I didn’t really understand that I wasn’t there. I was sure all of the time I had experiences as if I was there. y

These four poignant and painful narratives augment the Holocaust literature by bringing to light childhood family environments and parental behaviors that were involved – directly and indirectly – in the development of severe eating problems. Although all the women are Jewish, in their 50s, born in Europe and living in Israel for many years, their descriptions reveal varied parental histories and substantial differences in how these histories manifested themselves. These variations exist, however, alongside several striking commonalities. One concerns the centrality of food. Whether it was about being overfed or seeing parents compulsively overeat or food substituting for unmet emotional needs, food was a dominant theme. Although problematic eating attitudes have been found among survivors who suffered starvation and food deprivation (e.g., Sindler, Wellman, & Stier, 2004), the centrality of food may also be connected to Jewish cultural and religious traditions, as discussed in the following text. Another similarity concerns various addictive behaviors (alcohol, gambling),


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particularly by the fathers, which were observed by the children and replicated, although in a different form. Emotional neglect due to the absence of a loving caregiver was a third theme uncovered in the narratives. The overwhelming fears and terrors described by daughters of survivors were exacerbated by not having an emotionally available adult in their lives. Most importantly, they identified the absence of a loving caregiver as a key factor in their turning to food for comfort and nurturing. In contrast to survivor daughters in the Sagi-Schwartz et al.’s study (2003) who appeared to be successfully protected by their parents, the Israeli women who developed serious eating problems were not so fortunate. In this regard, these four women may represent a subgroup of Holocaust offspring for whom food provided ‘‘compensatory warmth’’ (Edwards, Holden, Felitti, & Anda, 2003, p. 1458) as they struggled to cope with very problematic and painful childhoods. In brief, the narratives portray four families that differed each from the other in many ways. They also shed light on how the parents’ Holocaust experiences were present even when the transmission was not straightforward and explicit (Kellermann, 2001). Clearly, emotional abuse has many roots. But the convergence of emotional abuse with dysfunctional parental patterns within a larger context of unresolved Holocaust trauma and loss advances our understanding of why children who sought comfort in food undoubtedly represents a sane and sensible response to insane circumstances (Thompson, 1994).

Dysfunctional Family Dynamics Several other damaging family patterns were uncovered by our analysis, including children taking on the pain and suffering of their parents and families permeated with secrets and silence. Children Taking on Parents’ Pain and Suffering Mina, whose mother was sick for 20 years, explained: I definitely saw her suffering. I internalized it. As a child I tried to help her, to protect her – that’s a very unhealthy situation. y I was completely addicted to my mother’s suffering. I was in an inseparable relationship with her. Although I got out of her womb, I really didn’t get out of there until she died.

Reading Mina’s narrative in its entirety reveals a woman who went through a long healing process and finally achieved peace and happiness.

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Unfortunately, peace was achieved with her mother’s suicide, which severed the enmeshed relationship that ultimately freed her from her mother’s pain and depression. Hagit described a similarly enmeshed relationship connected to her father’s Holocaust background of unresolved trauma and loss: I felt my whole life that I’m powerless, since I was really a little girl. I wasn’t able to do anything to help my father not to be angry, not to hurt y not to feel hurt about the loss of his first family. y And the whole time I tried all kinds of things in my attempt to heal him. y only God can heal pain like that. y but I saw myself as responsible. y

Both Mina and Hagit took on their parents’ pain and, as children, were helpless to do anything about it. Something comparable happened to Jessica and Lilach who absorbed the suffering of their mothers who struggled with cancer. These testimonies suggest that the impact of family tragedies and traumas might be mitigated by the presence of an emotionally available adult or loving caregiver to whom children can turn for comforting with their own pain. Silence and Secrets Hagit’s father was consumed with pain that his daughter felt responsible for healing, but what about her mother whose early life also was one of loss and trauma. Hagit’s maternal grandmother died in childbirth with her mother who was then raised by a stepmother, ‘‘like the one in the story of Cinderella, who turned her into a woodchopper and water carrier y .’’ But her mother seldom spoke about any of these experiences. On the one hand, ‘‘she was extremely closed, like steel. Nothing, no emotions y .’’ But she was also ‘‘extremely afraid, very afraid of life. She was always in a panic and afraid. Simply afraid y and somehow she transferred that to me.’’ In contrast to Hagit’s father, who shared terrifying stories, Orsula’s parents, both Holocaust survivors, maintained total silence. Her mother lost her whole birth family in one day and her father’s first family, a wife and child, also perished. But, as with many survivor families, these were ‘‘toxic’’ topics that nobody in Orsula’s family talked about; the pain that they caused was avoided or denied. The inability of survivors to talk about their traumatic experiences and the ‘‘inability or reluctance of the children to stimulate their parents to communicate openly about the horrific events,’’ has been found in a number of studies (Bar-On et al., 1998). Parents not telling and children not asking (Bar-On et al., 1998) is not a pattern confined to Holocaust families. It was common in many families with unresolved loss and trauma. For example, secrets and silence


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dominated Lilach’s family. Her mother was divorced and re-married and never talked about it. Nor did she explain anything concerning Lilach’s biological father or about her second husband, who was Lilach’s stepfather. ‘‘I was raised by a man with this swarthy Sephardic looking skin (dark skinned) and very clearly there was not a genetic connection between us y but no one would talk about it. I was sort of raised to keep secrets. y ’’ Liat, the Mexican-born interviewee, referred to her home as ‘‘strangers in the night; everybody went in his own direction, had his own life and it just happens that we live in the same house y there was no communication. y ’’ Along with the silence were the secrets: I had an event, it’s not a one-time event, of sexual molestation from the age of 6 or 7, from someone in the family – I didn’t tell anyone of course y there’s a feeling of a secret, I can’t tell, I understand that I did something wrong, that something wrong was done to me, and I can’t talk about it. y It’s always here y so I start to be afraid because I’m not like everyone else, maybe I’m damaged.

The emotional impact of dysfunctional communication patterns in the family is an important issue and one that requires more discussion than is possible here. However, several themes are particularly noteworthy. First, toxic issues and unresolved traumas, such as divorce, illness, and the Holocaust, which are not discussed, nevertheless maintain a powerful presence within the family – like the elephant in the living room. Unresolved traumas are transmitted and create emotional turmoil that children may try to deal with using food. Second, unspoken and undiscussable issues frequently occur within the context of other dysfunctional patterns between parents and children, often leaving children feeling alone and isolated with no one to turn to – a form of emotional abandonment and neglect.5 Finally, when children are taught to avoid certain topics as a way of protecting vulnerable parents or avoiding tensions within the family, they also learn to silence or repress their own feelings, which may get expressed behaviorally and develop into lifelong eating problems.

CONNECTING CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES WITH DISORDERED EATING A central contribution of this analysis is to expand our understanding concerning the complex connection between childhood traumas and disordered eating. Several narratives contained particularly illuminating

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insights. For example, Geula, a religiously observant woman, mid-40s, was clear and succinct about the connection: ‘‘I always felt that I probably never got enough love and food was my way of coping and getting the love that I needed. That’s why I developed this addictive behavior!’’ Jessica also understood the connection, recalling that age 5 was the earliest time she remembered using food. Her mother sent her to her room because she told the mother’s boyfriend to shut up. ‘‘I had a box of chocolate mints and I just ate the whole thing. y all my mother’s anger and unhappiness was put onto me and the food was the way I had to take care of myself.’’ Since she was 6 years old, she added ‘‘a lot of times that’s all I had to comfort myself – with food. I didn’t have anything else.’’ Liat revealed an explicit connection between the sexual abuse by her brother and the development of feelings, which she learned not to talk about. When the feelings were really bad, she began to eat simply to try to forget what happened. ‘‘It’s a strong desire to silence the feelings, because food spaces you out.’’ She described the repressed feelings as a ‘‘time bomb,’’ a ‘‘pressure cooker,’’ ‘‘every time the feeling came up, I ate to silence them, to dope myself and not feel y .’’ Orna, mid-50s, recalled as early as age 4 that she was a sad and lonely child, ‘‘an unloved girl, a girl different from other kids. y ’’ I used to eat every time I felt loneliness and sadness. I remember it. I used to run to the food, it compensated me for the pain, the sadness, the loneliness that I felt, for the shyness and lack of self-confidence, for the fact that I felt different. y

Relly described her food problems developing in response to her other problems being neglected, namely, the suffering she experienced as an ‘‘outsider’’ in Israel. The pain of trying to re-integrate into Israeli society at age 6 was overwhelming: ‘‘If I had been helped with the other problems, the food problem might have been prevented y The thing that could help me the most, it’s going to therapy just when I came back to Israel (age 6), to catch it at the moment of the first crisis. y If I were caught before this crisis, I might not have gone into the food.’’ Finally, Hagit explained that her addictions (food first, then alcohol and drugs) developed out of the terrible fears that pervaded the home of her Holocaust parents. The atmosphere was one of fear y panic, hysteria all of the time y an atmosphere of being terrified. I lived all the time as if life is going to end any second. And there was no place to talk about it. y Because the soul suffers so much, you need to calm down. You need more food.


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Although circumstances varied considerably, each woman connected her use of food to the pain of childhood experiences. Food provided comfort, silenced bad feelings, compensated for the hurt, and helped to stop the suffering of the soul. One interviewee, Mina, perceptively identified food as a coping strategy: ‘‘The problem is the obsession of the thought; an addicted person is in an obsessive situation with himself (sic), with his head and with his thoughts.’’ And the thoughts make you feel terrible about yourself. They put you inside ‘‘my own prison with a very bad feeling about myselfy’’ So ‘‘the food isn’t my disease; the food was my medicine to silence the nagging thoughts. y ’’

WHY FOOD? What evidence do the narratives contain concerning why food becomes a way of managing pain, of distancing from feelings and memories, of coping with traumatic events! Although not explicitly asked during the interviews, several women offered insights. Liat, for example, who was sexually abused by her brother, shared: ‘‘I think I began to eat simply because I wanted to have something tasty, after all the horrible taste from all that sexuality. y ’’ Why food ‘‘Because it’s the most accessible, the most filling, the sweetest. y ’’ Or Geula, who admitted that food provided her with ‘‘instant gratification.’’ Many women, however, gave voice to a different and important perspective. They described that their eating behaviors developed in the context of their parents’ food-related issues. Relly said that her mother had a problem with food and ‘‘I think I also developed the problem, either because of her or because that is her way to deal with things. She was always on a diet, food was always an issue for her. y ’’ Orsula said her father was addicted to food, drinking, and smoking. However, he never got fat because he ‘‘used to drink cold water after meals which caused him to throw up y back then no one knew about bulimia.’’ Both of Jessica’s parents had serious, but contrasting food issues: My mother always used food as an anesthetic and my father was on the other side of the scale, like super into this health food and depriving himself y You know, they’re the flip side of the same coin because they are both obsessed with food. My mother is always obsessed with what she’s eating or what she’s going to eat next y they tried to control me, the way I was eating.

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Mina’s mother, who suffered with a tissue disease, was fat and had an eating disorder: She tried to go on diets and also looked to food for a relief from her suffering. I believe that I learned it from her. She used to cook a lot, in a sick way. The permanent focus point of my parents’ house was around the table and her cooking and the food.

A similar dynamic was described by Ravit: My mom is a compulsive overeater, like crazy, meaning she’s 120 kilos (265 pounds) and all my life I’ve seen how she relates to food and how it causes her self-destruction, how she eats in hiding and how she lies about what she eats. So it’s a big mess with the food. It’s a big mess in my head as well. y

Ravit thought there might be a genetic inheritance because her father was also a compulsive overeater, but her mother’s behavior with food was most influential: It’s not just that my mother is overweight; her eating disorder is not just a physical thing; it’s an emotional thing as well. I have a mother who hates herself and who eats instead of talking about her feelings y and feeds me instead of trying to find out how I feel y so I’m learning that I adapt behaviors and habits that cause me to be like her, I actually imitate her; y

Meira, mid-50s and born in Eastern Europe to parents who were Holocaust refugees, said for her [mother] eating was something y everything was cooking and eating. We were 5 children; for each one she cooked that food that he liked. And we had to finish the food because she always said that in the children’s camps, they would see the food that was left on the plate y We had a contest, who could wipe the plate so well that it wasn’t necessary to wash it.

Finally, Geula described her mother as crazy with food: she hid it and she wasn’t generous and there was never enough. That’s why I’m crazy with food. y I went to the other extreme y I feel as a result of this background that I came from, that’s why I developed this addictive behavior.

These narrative excerpts confirm the vital role of food in these families. Perhaps it is not surprising that, as children, they adopted problematic eating behaviors that mirrored parental patterns: unhealthy relationships with food, emotional eating, and using food to control feelings. There is, however, an additional consideration, namely, the centrality of food in Jewish cultural and religious traditions. Ravit, from a non-religious family, explained: ‘‘I come from North African origin where eating a lot and enjoying it, ‘king’s feasts’, hospitality and all the Jewish traditional holidays


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are around the food. y ’’ Perhaps because of these binding cultural traditions, her struggle to break free of unhealthy eating patterns and lose weight became an issue of needing to ‘‘stand up’’ to her mother, who tries to cooperate, but it’s difficult for her, poor thing. She’s a compulsive overeater and for her, food is love, so if she wants to show me that she loves me, she needs to make all kinds of dishes for me that she thinks I will like, but sometimes I don’t like them y So there is a gap between what pleases and what doesn’t. In the end, what happens is she wants to please me and I end up yelling at her: ‘what have you done?’

Geula described food and cooking as fundamental to her orthodox religious tradition: Every holiday, everything is centered around food. y I have grandchildren coming and everything is centered around food. It is murder. That is why I always think that I’m never going to lose weight. I’m very religious and I have 13 children; y sometimes it’s better and sometimes it’s worse; y Passover is easier for me because on Passover there’s no baking. I don’t bake on Passover. There’s nothing in the house except fruits and vegetables, so Passover is the easiest holiday for me, whereas Purim6 is horrendous, all the sugar and flour and everything. y I get angry that I have to be in the kitchen a lot. Every compulsive overeater has that problem. y

Similarly, Jessica, a newly religious convert, discussed her struggle with disordered eating because of the role of food in Judaism. She constantly feels pressured to eat. ‘‘It’s like I have to eat something if I go to somebody’s house [for a holiday or Sabbath meal], otherwise I’m not sociable y and if I don’t eat what they made, they’re going to be mad at me, just like my Mother used to be. y ’’ Similar to Geula, she finds the holidays and the Sabbath particularly problematic due to the food: It’s really hard to say ‘no’ especially when someone says to me – ‘Oh, I made this just for Shabbat, eat a piece Jessica, I made it just for you y ’ So when I get home, I feel lonely and sad and use the food to fill in the emptiness or in the past, with alcohol. y

The problematics of family and food together with its centrality in cultural and religious traditions are exacerbated by societal norms that give women primary responsibility for feeding the family (DeVault, 1991). In Israeli society, feeding continues to be women’s work, especially in ethnically traditional and religiously observant families like Ravit’s and Geula’s. Recovery from food addictions becomes even more challenging for women whose roles are prescribed by and embedded within strong ethnic, religious, and cultural customs.

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DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The narrative descriptions of childhood traumas are consistent with an emerging research trend, namely, broadening the focus to include emotional abuse and negative family environments. Surprisingly, Israeli women in recovery understood something about their young lives that empirical studies have only recently begun to explore. According to the editors of Child Abuse and Neglect, emotional abuse has not been a part of the field of childhood abuse during the past 40 years, ‘‘A relative latecomer to this area, child emotional maltreatment, has lagged behind other forms of maltreatment in research funding, publishing, and practice’’ (Yates & Wekerle, 2009, p. 19). Moreover, until recently, emotional abuse has been virtually ignored in eating disorder research, ‘‘a reflection of the perceived lack of importance of emotional abuse relative to other forms of abuse’’ (Kent et al., 1999, p. 160).

Prevalence of Emotional Abuse The pervasiveness of CEA is unequivocally documented by Israeli women with histories of serious eating problems. The narratives provide persuasive and painful evidence of emotionally abusive experiences that caused a turn to food for comfort at a young age. Although the types of emotional abuse varied considerably, responses were similar. Food became a way of coping with the pain, anger, sorrow, or rage, whatever its source: Humiliating criticism about body size and shape or the secrecy and silence surrounding divorce or death, or terrifying stories of the Holocaust that a 5-year-old child could not handle, or no one to turn to after being sexually abused. Although not understood at the time, food helped to manage a flood of emotions and provided these children with an ‘‘orderly and sane response to insane circumstances’’ (Thompson, 1994, p. 2). The frequency of emotional abuse, especially compared to childhood sexual abuse, is consistent with two epidemiological studies conducted in Israel. A national survey of domestic violence revealed that emotional abuse was the most prevalent type of abuse (Eisikovits, Winstok, & Fishman, 2004). More specifically, in a recent, community-based study of disordered eating among Israeli women (n ¼ 567), CEA was found to be the most prevalent form of abuse (41% of the sample). Additionally, among women with serious disordered eating behaviors, two-thirds reported emotional abuse (p ¼ .012) (Feinson, Damelin, & Gold, 2005).


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The narratives also corroborate a handful of quantitative studies in which emotional abuse vis-a`-vis eating problems and attitudes was examined. Rorty and her colleagues (1994) were among the first to include a measure of CEA (termed psychological abuse) along with other types of abusive experiences and found a central role for parental emotional abuse in predicting eating psychopathology. The study of Kent and colleagues (1999) documented that CEA had a greater role than physical or sexual abuse in predicting unhealthy eating attitudes in adulthood. In addition, other forms of abuse had their greatest impact when intertwined with an emotionally abusive component. Similarly, a large community study of more than 8,000 respondents (ACE) corroborated that emotional abuse had a significant main effect on adult mental health, while also intensifying the effect of other abusive acts (Edwards et al., 2003).

Multiple Abusive Experiences The reality that adverse childhood experiences rarely occur singly has been obscured by early studies that compartmentalized and focused on single abusive acts. The inter-relatedness of different types of abuse suggests that ‘‘where there is smoke, there are likely many fires’’ (Chapman, Dube, & Anda, 2007, p. 363). The Israeli narratives contain numerous instances of ‘‘many fires’’ and their contribution to long-term eating problems.7 Relly, for example, described hurtful criticism about her body, geographic dislocation at a young age, along with no one to turn to with her problems (emotional neglect). The sexual abuse revealed by Liat occurred within the context of emotional abandonment, family secrets, and silence. Similarly, the death or illness of a close family member was traumatic for Yafit, Lilach, and Jessica, but the absence of someone to turn to, a central element of emotional neglect, exacerbated these experiences. Their cumulative effect was a legacy of psychic pain and anguish long after the events occurred. The narratives also supplement quantitative research on multiple abuse. The seminal study by Rorty and colleagues (1994) found higher rates of physical, psychological, and multiple abuse among the bulimic sample compared to others. ‘‘Had we examined only sexual abuse, as have most previous reports in the literature on child abuse and eating disorders, we would have missed important contextual aspects of many women’s abuse histories’’ (p. 1125). Subsequently, Kent and colleagues (1999) argued: ‘‘A more refined understanding of the role of trauma in the etiology of eating disorders should result from investigating the range of abusive

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experiences, rather than treating them as independent entities’’ (p. 160). Finally, a large community study found a decrease in mental health associated with an increase in the number of types of abuse and that this effect was accentuated by the presence of emotional abuse (Edwards et al., 2003). The Israeli narratives are consistent with these studies, confirming that abusive experiences rarely occur singly and that the context within which the abuse occurs is extremely important, as discussed in the following text. Negative Family Environment, an emerging literature, documents how the impact of childhood traumas is amplified by negative or hostile family climates – environments that are suffused with parental indifference, lack of care, and antipathy (hatred, dislike, hostility, or coldness) along with high levels of conflict: attacking, blaming, fighting, and unrelenting tensions (Webster & Palmer, 2000; Rorty et al., 1994). The influence of these adverse atmospheres, devoid of any nurturing or comforting, is found in several community studies. Kinzl and colleagues (1994) discovered that while childhood sexual abuse was ‘‘neither necessary nor sufficient for the later development of an eating disorder, an adverse family background may be an important etiological factor’’ (p. 1127). Accordingly, they concluded that ‘‘abuse related factors are less influential than the continuing family processes, such as the quality and amount of family support for the child’’ (p. 1130). More recently, a large investigation of childhood maltreatment (ACE) concluded that ‘‘chaotic, emotionally abusive, or neglectful family situations have been implicated as the real culprit in certain abuse outcomes. In contrast to individual abuse acts y these family atmospheres may be better described as a continuous undercurrent that may accompany abuse’’ (Edwards et al., 2003, p. 1454). Finally, an important community study of risk factors for BED revealed that women with BED reported significantly greater levels of family discord including family tension at mealtimes, frequent arguments between parents, low parental affection and limited contact with parents (Striegel-Moore et al., 2005). The testimonies of Israeli women powerfully depict the inner workings of destructive family environments. Recall, for example, Hagit’s description of her family atmosphere as ‘‘one of fear y panic, hysteria all of the time y an atmosphere of being terrified.’’ Or the dynamics in Orna’s family: a mother who directed all her rage onto a weak father who would then turn around and take it out on his young daughter. Or Geula’s religious family in which there was no love and care, only continuous criticism and harsh judgments. Angry, punitive, and neglectful environments such as these clearly exacerbate the impact of emotionally abusive behaviors, including endless


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criticism and negative comments about body shape and weight directed at impressionable and sensitive young girls, parental abandonment and neglect especially during crises, secrets, silence, and an absence of meaningful communication, together with an overall lack of parental warmth and compassion. Thus, the narratives parallel and supplement community data about the amplification of maltreatment that occurs within emotionally abusive family climates (Edwards et al., 2003, p. 1454).

Concluding Comments One of the most significant findings of this narrative analysis is the presence of CEA that interviewees identified as causing their eating problems. Although several epidemiological studies identified emotional abuse as a risk factor for disordered eating, the Israeli women made an explicit connection. In the absence of longitudinal studies, these personal accounts, together with accumulating quantitative evidence, confirm the crucial impact of CEA vis-a`-vis the development of serious eating problems that last long beyond childhood. The Israeli women differ from those who also experienced emotionally abusive family environments, but did not turn to food for comfort. Lillian Rubin’s extraordinary work, The Transcendent Child (1994), contains poignant portraits of adult women and men, all of whom suffered from abusive childhoods, but survived by withdrawing and living at the ‘‘psychological margins of the family.’’ By looking for and grasping alternatives, each ‘‘transcendent child’’ threw him- or herself into books, music, or religion in families where no one read, no one was interested in music, and no one practiced religion. Pursuing these activities isolated them even further from their families, but also contributed to ‘‘a heightened sense of efficacy and more autonomous sense of self ’’ (p. 9). What might have encouraged Israeli women who were suffering through abusive childhoods to turn to music, books or religion rather than food? Unfortunately, that question cannot be answered because interviewees were included precisely because their coping mechanism was food. As revealed by the narratives, their coping responses were related to the availability of food; children repeating parental behaviors; and practices around food. Turning to food was also related to the abundance and centrality of food in Jewish culture and religion as well as the role of food in specific ethnic traditions. In short, the narratives confirm that food began as a way of coping – of helping these women surmount the harsh circumstances of their young lives.

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Finally, the findings warrant a shift in treatment and prevention policies. In particular, preventive interventions aimed at obesity and eating problems among children and adolescents need to give serious consideration to the role of emotional abuse and neglect within the family. Besides poor dietary choices and lack of exercise, it is essential to identify children who are turning to food for comfort from painful experiences. When food and problematic eating behaviors are recognized as mechanisms for surviving a myriad of childhood injustices, interventions may be more effectively targeted to these root causes. Acknowledging the destructive impact of CEA may, in fact, generate some bold new initiatives that acknowledge eating problems as a child’s orderly and sane response to insane circumstances.

NOTES 1. This term refers to a broad range of disordered eating behaviors that transform over time and are not fully reflected in DSM diagnoses. They are multidimensional and characterized by unhealthy relationships with food and out-of-control eating behaviors (compulsive overeating, binge eating, and recurrent overeating). A substantial proportion of women with binge eating problems develop obesity. Serious eating problems and food addictions bear similarities to other substance abuse problems (alcohol, drugs), but because of the necessity to eat, food addictions and disturbed eating patterns are particularly problematic, especially if they began years earlier as a way of coping with childhood traumas and abuse. 2. Women who consider themselves ‘in recovery’ generally have been dealing with their eating problems for a long time using a variety of approaches including mental health therapy, in-patient treatment, commercial weight loss programs, 12-step programs such as Overeaters Anonymous, other support groups, meditation practices, and mindfulness techniques. 3. For additional discussion of this dynamic, see Root and Fallon (1989). 4. Holocaust Memorial Day is observed every year when at 10 a.m. a 2-min siren is sounded throughout Israel. Everything comes to a complete standstill, including all traffic, and everyone stands silently outside their cars or buses until the siren ends. 5. Bar-On et al. (1998) point out that Israeli society encouraged the silence of survivors by demanding ‘‘a heroic text from its members,’’ which included the ‘‘Sabra myth’’ emphasizing strength and courage. However, for survivors, behind the Sabra myth ‘‘reside memories of a different kind – that of loss and destruction, of survival and humiliation’’ (p. 328). 6. Purim is a joyous, merrymaking Jewish holiday commemorating victory over oppression and includes reading from the Scroll of Esther, dressing in costumes, sending baskets of food to friends and family, and special festive meals. 7. Only longitudinal studies following women over time, from childhood to adulthood, can confirm traumas as the cause of eating problems. In the absence of such studies it is prudent to conclude that traumas and emotional abuse are risk


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factors that make certain women more vulnerable to the development of addictive behaviors, including disordered eating.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study could not have been conducted without the 25 Israeli women in recovery, who so generously shared their stories with us. By including their previously untold stories, we hope that we have not only introduced unheard or marginalized voices into the record, but have privileged the knowledge and unique insights of these insiders (Maynes et al., 2008). This study is also indebted to a talented and dedicated team of researchers that included, in addition to Tamar Ben Dror, Keren Bar Siman Tov, Yaara Leitner, and Biranit Meltzer. Funding was generously provided by Hadassah-Brandeis Institute, The Hadassah Foundation and Geula Charitable Trust. Thank you all!

REFERENCES Allison, K. C., Grilo, C. M., Masheb, R. M., & Stunkard, A. J. (2007). High self-reported rates of neglect and emotional abuse, by persons with binge eating disorder and night eating syndrome. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 45(12), 2874–2883. Bar-On, D., Eland, J., Kleber, R. J., Krell, R., Moore, Y., Sagi, A., Soriano, E., Suedfeld, P., van der Velden., P. G., & van IJzendoorn, M. H. (1998). Multigenerational perspectives on coping with the Holocaust experience: An attachment perspective for understanding the development sequelae of trauma across generations. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 22(2), 315–338. Chapman, D. P., Dube, S. R., & Anda, R. F. (2007). Adverse childhood events as risk factors for negative mental health outcomes. Psychiatric Annals, 37(5), 359–364. Connors, M. E., & Morse, W. (1993). Sexual abuse and eating disorders: A review. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 13(1), 1–11. DeVault, M. L. (1991). Feeding the family: The social organization of caring as gendered work. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Edwards, V. J., Holden, G. W., Felitti, V. J., & Anda, R. F. (2003). Relationship between multiple forms of childhood maltreatment and adult mental health in community respondents: Results from the adverse childhood experiences study. American Journal of Psychiatry, 160(8), 1453–1460. Eisikovits, Z., Winstok, Z., & Fishman, G. (2004). The first Israeli national survey on domestic violence. Violence Against Women, 10(7), 729–748. Fairburn, C. G., Doll, H. A., Welch, S. L., Hay, P. J., Davies, B. A., & O’Connor, M. E. (1998). Risk factors for binge eating disorder: A community-based, case-control study. Archives of General Psychiatry, 55(5), 425–432.

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Favaro, A., Dalle Grave, R., & Santonastaso, P. (1998). Impact of a history of physical and sexual abuse in eating disordered and asymptomatic subjects. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 97(5), 358–363. Feinson, C. F., Damelin, D., & Gold, L. (2005). ‘Never too thin:’ A community study of eating problems among women in Israel. Unpublished data. Falk Institute for Behavioral Health Studies, Jerusalem. Fullerton, D. T., Wonderlich, S. A., & Gosnell, B. A. (1995). Clinical characteristics of eating disorder patients who report sexual or physical abuse. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 17(3), 243–249. Hund, A. R., & Espelage, D. L. (2006). Childhood emotional abuse and disordered eating among undergraduate females: Mediating influence of alexithymia and distress. Child Abuse & Neglect, 30(4), 393–407. Kellermann, N. P. K. (2001). Transmission of Holocaust trauma – An integrative view. Psychiatry, 64(3), 256–267. Kent, A., Waller, G., & Dagnan, D. (1999). A greater role of emotional than physical or sexual abuse in predicting disordered eating attitudes: The role of mediating variables. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 25(2), 159–167. Kinzl, J. F., Traweger, C., Guenther, V., & Biebl, W. (1994). Family background and sexual abuse associated with eating disorders. American Journal of Psychiatry, 151(8), 1127–1131. Maynes, M. J., Pierce, J. L., & Lasslet, B. (2008). Telling stories: The use of personal narratives in the social sciences and history. Ithaca, London: Cornell University Press. Mountford, V., Corstorphine, E., Tomlinson, S., & Waller, G. (2007). Development of a measure to assess invalidating childhood environments in the eating disorders. Eating Behaviors, 8(1), 48–58. Moyer, D. M., DiPietro, L., Berkowitz, R. I., & Stunkard, A. J. (1997). Childhood sexual abuse and precursors of binge eating in an adolescent female population. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 21(1), 23–30. Root, M. P. P., & Fallon, P. (1989). Treating the victimized bulimic. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 4(1), 90–100. Rorty, M., Yager, J., & Rossotto, E. (1994). Sexual, physical, and psychological abuse in bulimia nervosa. American Journal of Psychiatry, 151(8), 1122–1126. Rubin, L. B. (1996). The transcendent child-tales of triumph over the past. New York: Basic Books. Sagi-Schwartz, A., van IJzendoorn, M. H., Grossmann, K. E., Joels, T., Grossmann, K., Scharf, M., Koren-Karie, N., & Alkalay, S. (2003). Attachment and traumatic stress in female Holocaust child survivors and their daughters. American Journal of Psychiatry, 160(6), 1086–1092. Sindler, A. J., Wellman, N. S., & Stier, O. B. (2004). Holocaust survivors report longterm effects on attitudes toward food. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 36(4), 189–196. Striegel-Moore, R., Fairburn, C. G., Wilfley, D. E., Pike, K. M., Dohm, F. A., & Kraemer, H. C. (2005). Toward an understanding of risk factors for binge-eating disorder in black and white women: A community-based case control study. Psychological Medicine, 35(6), 907–917. Taylor, C. B., Bryson, S., Celio Doyle, A. A., Luce, K. H., Cunning, D., Abascal, L. B., Rockwell, R., Field, A. E., Striegel-Moore, R., Windzelberg, A. J., & Wilfley, D. E.


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(2006). The adverse effect of negative comments about weight and shape from family and siblings on women at high risk for eating disorders. Pediatrics, 118(2), 731–738. Thompson, B. W. (1994). A hunger so wide and so deep: American women speak out on eating problems. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Webster, J. J., & Palmer, R. L. (2000). The childhood and family background of women with clinical eating disorders: A comparison with women with major depression and women without psychiatric disorder. Psychological Medicine, 30(1), 53–60. Yates, T. M., & Wekerle, C. (2009). The long-term consequences of childhood emotional maltreatment on development: (Mal)Adaptation in adolescence and young adulthood. Child Abuse and Neglect, 33(1), 19–21. Zlotnick, C., Hohlstein, L. A., Shea, M. T., Pearlstein, T., Recupero, P., & Bidadi, K. (1996). The relationship between sexual abuse and eating pathology. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 20(2), 129–134.

RACE, RANK AND GENDER: THE DETERMINANTS OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT FOR MEN AND WOMEN IN THE MILITARY Marla H. Kohlman ABSTRACT Purpose – To ascertain how the institutional environment of the armed forces has differentially impacted men and women in their experiences of sexual harassment. Methodology – Logistic regression analyses of the 1995 Armed Forces Sexual Harassment Survey and the 2002 Status of the Armed Forces Survey – Workplace and Gender Relations. Findings – Gender does not override all other factors in determining who is most likely to be targeted for sexual harassment in the military. Gender is shown to be most informative about the likelihood of experiencing sexual harassment for women only when combined with race and rank. For men, however, it seems that race is more salient than rank in determining the likelihood of being targeted for sexual harassment. Research limitations – One glaring omission in this analysis is the effect of same-sex sexual harassment on the work environment of the military. There simply was not sufficient time or space to cover that aspect in this Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 65–94 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014007

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analysis, but it is an important direction for further research on sexual harassment in the military to explore. Practical implications – Policy makers in the Department of Defense must be more attuned to the interlocking effects of race and gender as they combine with rank to properly address the problem of sexual harassment in the military. It is not enough to simply provide training about sexual harassment; personnel comprising the chain of command within the hierarchical structure of the military must become more cognizant of the microlevel interactions occurring between personnel as part of the everyday work environment.

INTRODUCTION Most of us would not argue with the premise that sexual harassment is not about physical attraction or amorous attentions; it should be understood as a behavior that seeks to assert power over one or more individuals. At this point in time, however, much still remains to be explained about sexual harassment in the workplace. In one sense, this is not particularly surprising, given that individual perceptions of sexual harassment are extremely subjective, and there is such widespread dissension about exactly what may be properly defined as sexual harassment. On the other hand, this lack of agreement and understanding should be remarkable specifically because we, as a society, have not been able to develop a concrete understanding of this social problem despite its persistence over time and the amount of legal debate and popular attention this topic has garnered over the past three decades. The most concise, though still imperfect, guideline we have to make sense of sexual harassment is legal precedent. The ruling of the United States Supreme Court in Meritor v. Vinson (1986) has provided the most succinct definition of sexual harassment, and remains the reigning voice on this topic though several cases have further clarified and expanded upon this 1986 ruling. In this case, the Supreme Court justices describe sexual harassment as taking on two primary forms. The first is called ‘‘quid pro quo’’ sexual harassment. This involves a grant or denial of benefits following an employee’s unfavorable response to perceived sexual advances, whether these incidents are verbal or physical in tenor. Anyone complaining of quid pro quo sexual harassment must demonstrate a causal connection between the harm they have suffered and a clear refusal to submit to a supervisor’s sexual advances.

Determinants of Sexual Harassment for Men and Women in the Military

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The second circumstance that may give rise to a claim of sexual harassment is an employee’s contention that ‘‘discrimination based upon sex has created a hostile or abusive working environment’’ (Meritor, 1986, p. 66). This manifestation of sexual harassment is, perhaps, the more controversial of the two because the person (or persons) against whom the complaint is directed need have no greater power in the workplace than the victim. In hostile environment cases there is no requirement of direct threat by a supervisor that the victim will lose a position, pay, or benefits. What is important to understand for the purposes of this study is that the Department of Defense (DoD) has adopted both of these civilian legal standards for defining sexual harassment and incorporated them into military law and jurisprudence. In other research, I have examined sexual harassment as reported by men and women within differing occupational niches of the United States civilian labor market. In each of those studies, I investigated reports of sexual harassment from an intersectional perspective, seeking to understand how the experience of sexual harassment might be inflected differently according to race, gender, and class in direct interaction with occupational position, marital status, and other factors. I found that younger individuals within an organization are more likely to report sexual harassment than their more senior colleagues and that women of color are less likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment than their male colleagues of color (Kohlman, 2004). I also demonstrated that the theoretical paradigm of intersectionality is more useful for discovering patterns of sexual harassment within quantitative analyses than traditional categorical analyses, which typically cause researchers to overlook important factors completely (Kohlman, 2006). For example, much of the literature and research on sexual harassment to date has conceptualized this social problem as a predominantly white, female phenomenon. My own investigation led to the inexorable conclusion that minorities in the civilian labor market are much less likely to report sexual harassment than white respondents as a group, but that minority men were often much more likely to report having been sexually harassed than minority women. The theoretical paradigm of intersectionality calls for an in-depth analysis of the ways in which we construct our own identities in combination with the ways in which others perceive us and locate us within the constraints that have been erected by the institutional forces of society. Thus, this theory begins with the understanding that there has been no generic oppression experienced by all persons who happen to be of the same race, gender, or any other socially constructed master status group.

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In the current study, I apply intersection theory to the workforce employed by the DoD. The data collected by the DoD on sexual harassment in the military in 1995, and again in 2002, presents a unique opportunity to examine the race, class, and gender aspects of sexual harassment within and between the hierarchical units that comprise the United States armed forces. The objective of the present study is to provide an analytical framework for understanding how sexual harassment is experienced as a multidimensional force to be reckoned with in military settings. This research supports and defends the proposition (1) that the theory of intersectionality provides a useful analytic paradigm of analysis for understanding the occurrence of sexual harassment and (2) that this lens of analysis can help us to understand the ways in which some individuals in the armed forces are targeted for sexual harassment more readily than others. Given these objectives, the primary theses that guide this analysis are that (1) sexual harassment is, by definition, always an abuse of power relations and (2) power relations must always be understood as constantly shifting within the dynamics of experience with the sectors of the DoD just as it does in the civilian workplace. Furthermore, because systems of oppression are interlocking, social scientists must account for multiple forms of social inequality to understand patterns of behavior (Meyer, 2008). Thus, it is explicitly hypothesized in this study that all members of the military operate within occupational parameters that allow for the operation of power in ways that are often unaccounted for in traditional quantitative analyses of sexual harassment.

INTERSECTIONALITY AND THE MILITARY ENVIRONMENT The theoretical paradigm of ‘‘intersectionality’’ is used interchangeably with the term ‘‘intersection theory’’ to describe the combined, multiplicative force of race, class, gender, sexuality, age, and other concepts of identity that we all experience as being simultaneously influential as we go about our daily lives as members of a dynamic and ever-evolving society. The central premise of this paradigm of analysis in the social sciences is that one cannot separate one portion of his/her identity from the rest. Rather, this theoretical approach insists that all such categories are mutually constituted and defy separation into discrete categories of analysis. The current study emphasizes that intersection theory is capable of encompassing all of the


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above in that it provides a unique lens of analyses that does not question difference; rather, it assumes that differential experiences of common events are to be expected. Gwendolyn Hall has specifically called for more research using the paradigm of intersectionality in the military. She cites the following as conclusive evidence for this need: Black women are a significant and definable subgroup in the military services, but what is less clear is the degree to which this group has different experiences regarding representation and treatment compared to White women or Black males. Black women see their White female peers as being in the majority race and their Black male peers as being in the majority gender. Thus, depending on the issue being considered, Black women can sometimes feel alienated from both groups, and they may not have full confidence in the organization’s ability to deal with issues that affect them. (1999, p. 144)

This chapter analyzes data on the experiences of military personnel serving within the varying occupational ranks of the armed forces. The objective is to ascertain whether men and women of color differ from each other and from white men and women in the ways in which they respond to survey questions about sexual harassment and the military experience.

THE UNIQUE CHARACTER OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE MILITARY Much of the current research on sexual harassment has supported the proposition that those who are less powerful within organizational structures are more vulnerable to sexual harassment and that sexual harassment is most likely to occur in positions where power dynamics are most apparent and enforced (Chamberlain, Crowley, Tope, & Hodson, 2008; Kohlman, 2004; Gruber, 1998; Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin, Gelfand, & Magley, 1997). This is most apt within military culture because the suggestion that sexual harassment is most likely to occur in occupational sectors wherein military personnel are typically granted an appreciable amount of autonomy, where men are more numerous than women, white employees more numerous than minorities, and so forth must be examined with more rigor than in the civilian labor market because of the hierarchical nature of the military establishment and the environment endemic to the military chain of command. Sexual harassment is likely to be a particularly acute issue for the U.S. military because of the intrinsic differences between military and civilian employment. Military

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MARLA H. KOHLMAN personnel – particularly young and enlisted men and women – frequently live on military bases and are on duty 24 hours a day. This high level of proximity and the blurring of professional and personal relationships may increase both the incidence and subsequent psychological costs of sexual harassment. (Antecol & Cobb-Clark, 2001, p. 4)

One might also expect more sexual harassment to be reported in those sectors of the military where women have been excluded for the longest period of time, recognizing that the military is one of the last bastions of avowed and undisputed masculinity in our nation because women are specifically excluded from direct combat service. Once again, the nature of military culture is such that these propositions, which have been confirmed as proper assumptions regarding certain sectors of the civilian labor market, require much more careful analysis and exploration in the occupational sectors of the DoD. Traditional explanations for sexual harassment in the social sciences have focused upon issues of male dominance and gender role socialization to make sense of this occurrence in the workplace. In the context of the labor market, men tend to perceive women solely in terms of their gendered roles in society and women are penalized when they do not conform to these expectations. Although these explanations have been quite informative in examining the workplace dynamics of the civilian labor market, they are less helpful than intersection theory in seeking to explain the occurrence of sexual harassment in the United States armed forces. This is because such traditional explanations place too much emphasis on the social construction of gender and gender roles for men and women in the workplace without providing sufficient clarification as to how other master statuses combine with gender and organizational structure to determine the experience of sexual harassment for civilian employees. However, ‘‘it has been challenging for women in the military to escape long-standing stereotypes that perceive them first as women and mothers and then as service members. Perhaps one of the most frequently offered reasons for keeping women out of combat is their childbearing ability and the need to preserve this’’ (Guenter-Schlesinger, 1999, p. 204). Sexual harassment has traditionally been understood to encompass ‘‘sexually oriented behavior by men (often meaning supervisors) in the workplace that was used to dominate or denigrate women’’ (Gruber, 1997). In the occupational climate of the military, one must consider several additional factors. As an example, Sue Guenter-Schlesinger explains: Both those who would argue that sexual harassment in the military can be eliminated only by changing the male dominated culture, and those who claim that is a question of leadership, miss the mark. That is because culture and leadership, rather than being dichotomous, are mutually dependent, one on the other. Strong and effective leadership,


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which ensures that policies prohibiting bias are enforced, in fact creates culture. Leadership, from the very top, defines the norm for an organization to follow. (1999, p. 206)

Laura Miller underscores this point in her research examining the behaviors of men in the army, stating: If officers believe that the presence of women may compromise the performance of their unit, they have a personal stake in limiting women’s entrance because as leaders they are accountable for that performance. y Some officers object to integrating women into their units because they must manage not only their own feelings but also the opinions and reactions of their male subordinates and any disciplinary problems that may arise as well. (1997, p. 42)

In the military, this is especially important because of the hyper-masculine tenor and hierarchical organization of the DoD (Rosen, Nudson, & Fancher, 2003). As noted by Guenter-Schlesinger, this distinction is compounded by the focus upon community, discipline, and control, which characterizes and is imperative in the shaping, and retention, of military climate. Because of the peculiar combination of these features, military organizations represent a specific occupational culture that is relatively isolated from civilian society and depends upon explicit integration of others into this culture to ensure military effectiveness (Soeters, Winslow, & Wiebull, 2003). Moreover, military culture has traditionally been gendered male and, being so, many roles are assigned to males even though those same roles in civilian society are enacted by women. This is exacerbated by the oft-held belief that women ‘‘are a ‘substitute human resource’ for all those support and service tasks which, being not directly linked to combat functions, ‘can be performed also by women,’ thus saving men for combat’’ (Nuciari, 2003, p. 280). This notion is further supported by the appearance and popular appeal of men in military uniform that does not carry the same message as women in uniform because of the explicit dissociation of women from combat-specific employment. Popular images of men in combat uniform reflect the association of masculinity, violence, and sex with military culture (Hillman, 1999). In this chapter, my objective is to ascertain the extent to which entrenched notions of gender and race interact with military detail in a respondent’s experience of sexual harassment. This is an especially timely investigation, given the recently published research of Jennifer Lundquist positing that women of color are much more likely to report positive job satisfaction in the military as opposed to in civilian employment and that white men are more apt to view their quality of life, level of pay, and promotional opportunities as less favorable in the military, in comparison to civilian employment, than white women and minorities of both sexes (2008).

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METHODOLOGY AND VARIABLES The Data The data that form the basis for these analyses are derived from the 1995 Armed Forces Sexual Harassment Survey (Edwards, Elig, Edwards, & Riemer, 1997) and the 2002 Status of the Armed Forces Survey – Workplace and Gender Relations (Willis, Mohamed, & Lipari, 2002), both of which were commissioned by the DoD. I have chosen to use both data sets for the analyses in the following text because they offer pointed questions about experiences of sexual harassment as well as a wealth of information about race and ethnicity, gender, educational status, and military occupational positions. The DoD has conducted several surveys of sexual harassment: in 1988, 1995, 2002, and 2006, respectively. The population of each survey is composed of respondents who are at least 18 years of age, living and working within the auspices of the armed forces. The respondents are surveyed by mail and the results are tabulated and coded by the Defense Manpower Data Center (DMDC). The survey years 1995 and 2002 are the only ones referenced in this study.

The Variables Dependent Measures The phrasing of the respective sexual harassment question that serves as the dependent variable for the models tested in this study is presented in Table 1. I have deleted those cases in the 1995 data set where respondents indicated that they did not know whether or not they had experienced sexual harassment or opted not to answer the question. These deleted cases constituted only 7.0% of the original sample. This recoding was already completed in the 2002 data set released to the public for research purposes. The strong advantages of using these data are the facts that both men and women (as opposed to just women) are surveyed and, therefore, explicitly understood by the DoD as possible targets of sexual harassment and that a broad definition of behaviors constituting sexual harassment are specified. It is also quite significant for my purposes that the question specifically elicits information about those incidents that the respondent would label as ‘‘unwanted’’ sexual attention in their military installations. It is reasonable to assume, according to the 1986 Supreme Court decision in Meritor v.

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Table 1.

Question Posed in Both 1995 and 2002.

How often during the past 12 months have you been in situations involving personnel [followed by a long range of behaviors ranging from offensive touching, sexual jokes, repeated requests for dates, offensive touching, attempted sexual overtures, etc.] Do you consider ANY of the behaviors (a–y) which YOU MARKED AS HAPPENING TO YOU in Question 71 to have been harassment? 1995 Responses Last year: Classify any above behaviors as sexual harassment

Responses Valid

0 None were 1 Some were 2 All were 10 None were–no Q71 11 Some were–no Q71 12 All were–no Q71 61 DA, marked never 62 FrequencyWnever Total

Re-coded to: Targeted for sexual harassment in last 12 months

Frequency

Percent

Responses

6923 8400 2331 457 6 21 8197 1280 27615

23.3 28.3 7.9 1.5 0.0 0.1 27.6 4.3 93.0

Valid 0.00 no 1.00 yes Total

Frequency

15577 12038 27615

Percent

52.5 40.5 93.0

2002 Responses Experienced incident(s) and labeled sexual harassment Responses 1 No survey return 0 Not experienced 1 Yes, experienced Total

Frequency

Percent

39180 18758 2477 60415

64.9 31.0 4.1 100.0

Vinson, that behavior which is persistently sexual in nature or connotation and directed toward an unwilling party is sexual harassment. The phrasing of this question in both surveys is unfortunate, however, in that we have no way of ascertaining exactly how many of the respondents who report having experienced sexual harassment have actually defined their experiences correctly based upon current military training on sexual harassment and/or civilian legal doctrine. The question also depends on respondents correctly perceiving that they were targeted for sexual harassment and labeling it as such, rather than ascribing the incident to some other motivation. The language generally used in sexual harassment literature typically references those who report having been sexually harassed as ‘‘targets for

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MARLA H. KOHLMAN

harassment.’’ This specifically calls attention to the fact that the behavior at issue is such that (1) the perpetrators’ actions have been experienced as both intentional and malicious and (2) the behavior at issue is sufficiently unwanted and pervasive to negatively affect the work environment of those to whom the sexually harassing behavior has been directed. Thus, the respondent reporting that she/he has been subjected to sexual harassment is understood as having been specifically ‘‘targeted’’ for this type of unwanted attention. Although this terminology may be less precise than one might prefer, the survey format does not permit more specificity in this regard. There are three questions presented in the literature on sexual harassment and as conceptualized in this chapter. The first question focuses upon who perceives a given behavior to be an incident of sexual harassment. Much of the literature in this area asks: ‘‘What causes a person to label and perceive an incident as sexual harassment?’’ The second question is based upon what types of individuals actually recognize having been targeted for sexual harassment; at least to the extent that one is comfortable stating this to a disinterested party outside of the workplace. The literature in this area attempts to predict: ‘‘Who is most likely to be a target of sexual harassment?’’ The third question is based upon a study of those who take action by reporting it to one’s employer or proceeding through the requisite process to file a formal complaint. The literature in this area asks: ‘‘If an act of sexual harassment is directed at this person, and this person perceives it as such, one still must question how likely is she or he to take advantage of the procedural remedies, if any, offered by his/her employer?’’ Each of these three questions addresses different issues and, therefore, arrives at different explanations for the occurrence of sexual harassment in the workplace. The fact that these dynamics do not always follow a sequential progression or work together accounts for many of the differences in reporting that we see in surveys of sexual harassment. The focus of this discussion is on the second question (Who is a target?), though this involves some recognition of the first question (Who perceives a given act as sexual harassment?), given the fact that both are specifically modeled as interacting forces in the data. The last question (Who’s more likely to report sexual harassment to authorities in the workplace?) is beyond the purview of these analyses. Independent Measures The independent variables modeled in this study are designed to predict the levels of sexual harassment respondents report experiencing during the


75

hours they worked under the auspices of their military work assignment. These independent variables include measures of sex, age, years of education, marital status, race, military rank, occupational detail, and percentage of females of each respondent’s occupational, and the sex and race/ethnicity composition of each respondent’s work group. Thus, it is fair to say that the analyses in the following text are designed to test both the structural dynamics and the microlevel effects of each respondent’s military occupation. The 1995 Survey of Sexual Harassment As noted in the descriptive statistics reported in Table 2, the sex variable is coded as a ‘‘0/1’’ variable with female ¼ 0 and male ¼ 1. This sample is composed of 20% men and 76% women because women in the military were explicitly oversampled. The age variable range is reported as being from ‘‘under 20’’ to ‘‘over 50’’ years of age (respondents 20 years of age and under are coded together as ‘‘20’’ and respondents 50 years or over are coded as ‘‘50’’ years of age), with a mean age of 32 years. The education variable is based on the highest level of education each respondent has completed and ranges from those respondents who did not complete high school to those with a graduate degree. The average level of education reported for the sample of respondents drawn from both populations of analysis (1.53 for 1995 and 1.14 for 2002) is some amount of time in college but less than having achieved a four-year degree. Marital status was recoded to make ‘‘divorced,’’ ‘‘never married,’’ ‘‘separated,’’ and ‘‘widowed’’ into one dummy variable labeled ‘‘single,’’ coded ‘‘0/1’’ with married ¼ 0 and single ¼ 1. The omitted group is married respondents who are the comparison group for the other categories. Married respondents account for 56% of this sample of military personnel. The ‘‘race’’ variable was coded as ‘‘White,’’ ‘‘Black,’’ and ‘‘Hispanic’’ by the DMDC and the categories labeled as ‘‘Native American,’’ ‘‘Asian,’’ and ‘‘Pacific Islander’’ were combined to form one variable. All of these variables were then recoded as dummy variables for analysis by racial– ethnic status. The variable for ‘‘duty location’’ is a categorical variable coded ‘‘0’’ if the respondent was serving in the United States at the time of the survey and ‘‘1’’ if she/he was stationed overseas at that time. Less than 20% of the respondents were overseas at the time they were surveyed. Three variables for military rank are also constructed based on the original variable for ‘‘paygrade.’’ This variable has been recoded into three categorical variables for ‘‘enlisted personnel,’’ ‘‘warrant officers,’’ and

229 81 81 490 490 490 490

Level of education Married (omitted) Single White (omitted) Black Hispanic Native American y

Occupational detail variables Duty location 115 Military branch Army (omitted) 0 Navy 0 Marines 0 Air force 0 Coast guard 0

0 185

Missing cases

0.39 0.47 0.41 0.30 0.45 0.27

0.33 0.21 0.10 0.28 0.08

1.25 0.50 0.50 0.48 0.43 0.19 0.22

0.41 7.32

SD

0.19

1.53 0.56 0.44 0.66 0.25 0.04 0.05

0.21 31.53

Mean and mean percentages

0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 20 (and under) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 50 (and over) 4 1 1 1 1 1 1

0

0 0 0 0 0

0

363 294 294 8 8 8 8

–

Minimum Maximum Missing cases

0.25 0.21 0.16 0.30 0.08

0.14

1.14 0.62 0.38 0.57 0.21 0.12 0.10

0.51 –

Mean and mean percentages

0.43 0.43 0.36 0.46 0.27

0.34

0.72 0.48 0.48 0.50 0.41 0.33 0.30

0.50 –

SD

0 0 0 0 0

0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 –

Minimum

1 1 1 1 1

1

2 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 –

Maximum

2002 DoD Workplace and Gender Relations Survey (N ¼ 21,235)

Descriptive Statistics.

1995 DoD Sexual Harassment Survey (N ¼ 27,615)

Basic demographics Sex Age

Predictor Variables

Table 2.

76 MARLA H. KOHLMAN

Rank Enlisted (omitted) Warrant officer Commissioned officer % Female of occupation Race of work group Gender of work group Sex of supervisor Supervisor paygrade Officer Civilian Enlisted (omitted)

0.69 0.02 0.29

9.39

0.15 0.83

0.81

– – –

0 0

0

210 201

155

– – –

– – –

0.39

0.35 0.37

22.02

0.46 0.12 0.45

– – –

0

0 0

0

0 0 0 0

– – –

1

1 1

99

1 1 1 1

475 475 475

468

– 445

–

11 11 11

0.46 0.05 0.49

0.85

– 0.90

–

0.70 0.04 0.26

0.50 0.22 0.50

0.36

– 0.48

–

0.46 0.19 0.44

0 0 0

0

– 0

–

0 0 0

1 1 1

1

– 1

–

1 1 1

Determinants of Sexual Harassment for Men and Women in the Military 77

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MARLA H. KOHLMAN

‘‘commissioned officers.’’ This variable has been also recoded along with the variable for ‘‘sex’’ to form categorical variables for enlisted men and women and male and female officers. Because the sample of ‘‘warrant officers’’ in each data set is so small and analyses on this group was only significantly different from enlisted personnel and commissioned officers in a few of the models, the findings relative to this group of military personnel are not specifically reported in the models in the following text. In those cases where the results are strikingly different when ‘‘warrant officers’’ are included in the model, this is indicated with a notation on the regression tables at issue. These variables are included in the analyses to investigate the proposition that sexual harassment may be distributed differently across rank and gender as well as occupational detail. The final variables to be used in the analysis of the 1995 survey of military employees are the percentage of women in the respondent’s occupation (%female) and the job–gender context of the occupation in which each respondent is employed within the military. The variable ‘‘%female of occupation’’ indicates the percentage of women employed in that respondent’s occupational classification within the military. This value ranges from 4.29% to a maximum value of 25.81%. This variable is included in the analysis to provide some indication as to whether the percentage of women in a respondent’s particular occupational detail contributes to his/her willingness to report incidents of sexual harassment on the survey. The variable for ‘‘gender of respondent’s work group’’ was constructed by manipulating this measure so that the variable became defined differently according to whether the work group where the respondent was employed was ‘‘predominantly male,’’ coded as ‘‘1’’ or ‘‘predominantly female,’’ coded as ‘‘0.’’ Respondents who reported equal numbers of men and women in their occupational detail were coded as ‘‘missing,’’ accounting for 14% of the overall sample being deleted from this sample population. The variable for ‘‘race of respondent’s work group’’ was coded such that it reflected the proportions of men and women employed in the respondent’s occupation claiming the same race/ethnicity as his/her own. The variable is coded as ‘‘0’’ if respondent’s work group is the same race–ethnicity as him/her and ‘‘1’’ if not. More than half (58%) of these respondents reported working in racially ethnic homogeneous work details. And, finally, the variable for the ‘‘sex of respondent’s immediate supervisor’’ is coded as ‘‘0’’ for female and ‘‘1’’ for male. Most respondents in this sample (77%) reported, as one might expect that their supervisors were male military personnel.


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The 2002 Survey of Workplace and Gender Relations The indicator variables tested in the 2002 sample replicate, where possible, those tested in the 1995 sample. These include the measures for ‘‘sex,’’ ‘‘education,’’ ‘‘marital status,’’ ‘‘military rank,’’ ‘‘duty location,’’ and ‘‘raceethnicity.’’ This last variable is, however, coded somewhat differently in the 2002 sample in comparison to the 1995 sample. The measures reported for Native Americans, Asians, Pacific Islanders, and all respondents reporting as multiracial (that is, claiming any kind of combination of racial–ethnic heritage), was coded as one category within the variable for race provided in the 2002 data. As with the 1995 data, I recoded all four of the resulting categories as dummy variables for further analysis by racial–ethnic status. The data released to the public in 2002 did not include the following variables provided in the 1995 data release: age, %female of occupational classification, and race of respondent’s work group. However, the 2002 data provided information about the rank of each respondent’s immediate supervisor enabling me to include variables testing whether or not respondents were more or less likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment if their supervisor is a civilian or an officer (either warrant or commissioned) as opposed to being an enlisted service member. The descriptive statistics for the 2002 data sample, and their variances from the 1995 sample, are provided in Table 2.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS The hypotheses that follow specifically focus upon several dimensions of both civilian and military workplaces and respondents’ position within these organizations, which are related to the assertion of power and, thereby, may be contributing factors to being targeted for sexual harassment. The foundation of each hypothesis in the following text is the prediction that sexual harassment is most likely to occur in positions where power dynamics are most apparent. These include military sectors wherein (1) men are more numerous than women and (2) those sectors of the DoD where women have been excluded for the longest period of time. Both of these predictions are made recognizing that the male-dominated environment of the military is quite likely to have entrenched notions of traditional gender roles operating as an institutional construct in the everyday working environment. However, it is also important to acknowledge explicitly ‘‘the dynamics of a world in which multiple hierarchies can make people simultaneously powerful and powerless relative to others’’ (Miller, 1997, p. 50).

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The hypotheses that follow address this concern by seeking to locate the intersections of experience to be found within the organizational structures of the DoD, on the macrolevel, and in the different sectors and assignments of the military, on the microlevel. The specific hypotheses investigated in this analysis are enumerated and explained as follows. H1. Women are more likely to report incidents of sexual harassment than men holding constant race, rank, or military employment detail. In the DoD, a hierarchical organization dominated by men, women are expected to be more vulnerable to sexual harassment. Simply put, they are not men and have not grown to adulthood with the same experience of what it entails to operate in an environment constructed for, by, and with the model of men at the core of all that is essential to the operation of the institution’s organizational structure. This first hypothesis, moreover, is amply supported by the existing sexual harassment literature on civilian labor market dynamics. The vast majority of literature on sexual harassment states that women are more likely to perceive and to be targets of sexual harassment than men and, thus, one should expect that female service members are more likely to report incidents of sexual harassment than their male counterparts. H2. Women are more likely to report experiences of sexual harassment in those sectors of the armed forces in which the percentage of women is particularly low. Where an occupation is gendered male, women are generally found in subordinate roles and the occupation is organized such that women’s contributions are frequently devalued and/or women are denied opportunities for advancement and representation (Kirkham, 1997). Also, where women are perceived as encroaching upon men’s domain, they are more of a threat to male dominance and, therefore, more likely to be targeted for sexual harassment or assault (Gutek, 1985). H3. Men and women of color in the military are less likely to report incidents of sexual harassment than white men and women. Men and women of color tend to be less powerful individuals in the civilian labor market and, as such, are more vulnerable to sexual harassment (Murrell, 1996). Thus, one should expect that these vulnerable individuals are even less powerful in situations where there are fewer of them (Eson, 1992; Kanter, 1977) as is the case in many work settings where men and women of color have more to lose, in terms of overall life chances, than


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white men and women who have greater access to the more affluent sectors of the civilian labor market. However, the military workplace may be different because of the emphasis on racial integration in some sectors of the armed forces. For example, Moskos and Butler claim that the army ‘‘is unmatched by any other American institution in its broad record of black achievement.’’ They further assert that ‘‘it is the only place in American life where whites are routinely bossed around by blacks’’ (1996, p. 2). However, one could argue that men and women of color may have less confidence in reporting instances of harassment because of uncertainty as to whether the behavior in question constitutes harassment based upon race, occupational status, gender, or some interaction of all these factors (Kohlman, 2004; Murrell, 1996). Moreover, it has been reported that men and women of color enjoy more occupational success in the military than in the civilian sector (Lundquist, 2008), which may make them less likely to report experiences of sexual harassment. H4 and H5. Younger military personnel are more likely to report incidents of harassment than more senior personnel and, in general, enlisted personnel are more likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment than officers across all sectors of the military. Younger servicemen and servicewomen have the least amount of experience in the armed forces and, therefore, are simultaneously less powerful and more vulnerable to being targeted for sexual harassment. I expect this to be particularly the case for young, enlisted soldiers in comparison to officers because these individuals are most apt to have less education than officers who have graduated from military academies, even if they are approximately the same age. Younger people, both civilian and military, are also more likely to report sexual harassment because of greater exposure to, and awareness of, those behaviors considered to be sexual harassment (Padavic & Orcutt, 1997). In addition, they may be less likely than older military personnel to accept those behaviors considered to be sexual harassment today, which older personnel may have been more routinely tolerant of years ago.

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS The results reported in the basic model of Table 3, drawn from the 1995 survey, provide support for several predictions noted above, while also shedding light on dynamics not anticipated. The coefficient for respondents’

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MARLA H. KOHLMAN

Table 3. Overall Models, 1995. Predictor Variables

Basic Model

Disaggregated by Gender Women

Coefficient Basic demographics Constant 1.042 Sex (male ¼ 1) 1.938 Age 0.027 Education 0.056 Single 0.204 (married ¼ 0) Racial ethnic status Black Hispanic Native American/ Asian/Pacific Islander Military detail Duty location (United States or overseas) Navy Marines Air force Coast guard Commissioned officer %Female of occupation N w2

Men

Log odds Coefficient Log odds Coefficient Log odds

2.835 0.144 0.973 1.057 1.227

1.174 – 0.031 0.076 0.227

3.236 – 0.969 1.079 1.255

1.802 – 0.002 0.103w 0.136

0.165 – 1.002 0.903 1.145

0.041 0.228 0.193

1.042 1.256 1.212

0.022 0.166 0.164

0.978 1.180 1.179

0.724 0.596 0.360

2.062 1.815 1.433

0.071

1.074

0.090

1.094

0.084

0.919

0.438 0.178 0.437 0.358 0.335

0.645 0.837 0.646 0.699 0.715

0.474 0.149 0.472 0.346 0.362

0.623 0.862 0.624 0.708 0.697

0.195w 0.378 0.118 0.297 0.203

0.823 0.685 0.888 0.743 0.816

0.001

0.999

0.001a

0.999

0.001

0.999

25,886 3,403.831

20,560 645.863

5,326 100.543

Source: 1995 Department of Defense Sexual Harassment Survey. pr0.001. pr0.01. pr0.05. w pr0.10. a This result is reported as marginally significant at pr0.10 when ‘‘warrant officers’’ are included in the model.


83

sex in the basic model, reported as 1.93, is large and strongly significant as expected. This resonates with a large body of the literature on sexual harassment in the military and the U.S. labor market, in general, that women are more likely to experience sexual harassment in the workplace than men. It is quite noteworthy, nonetheless, that men in this sample do report sexual harassment, though with less frequency than women according to the log odds reported in the analyses disaggregated by gender. This is one of the strengths of this particular data set; that is, male military personnel were also queried as to their experiences of being targeted for sexual harassment, while women were oversampled to more feasibly be compared with the larger number of men in the military overall. The measure reported in the basic model for age also fits both my prediction and the general expectations in the literature that younger men and women are significantly more likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment than their older counterparts. This model is then revealed as hiding a significant difference in the reporting patterns of men and women in the DoD. Women, in particular, are more likely to report experiencing sexual harassment when they are younger, whereas male respondents are more likely to report being targeted when they are older, although this finding is not reported as being statistically significant for men to the extent that it is for women. The results of this analysis for marital status also confirm the findings in other studies of sexual harassment that married respondents typically report less sexual harassment than unmarried respondents. The odds ratios reported for single female respondents, especially, indicate that they were 25% more likely to report sexual harassment than married respondents. This is, once again, reported as statistically significant for women, as opposed to men, in the military. The results reported in Table 3 also, in some respects, confirm the hypotheses posited in the preceding text regarding racial–ethnic military dynamics. It was hypothesized that racial–ethnic minorities would be less likely to report sexual harassment than whites given their more vulnerable position in civilian society in comparison to the military. It is surprising to find that respondents of Hispanic and Asian ethnicity are reported as more willing to report sexual harassment in comparison to white respondents, regardless of gender, but that black women are not significantly different from white women in reporting having been targeted for sexual harassment in the military. However, all of the men who are racial–ethnic minorities in this sample of DoD employees are significantly more likely to report being sexually harassed than white men.

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It is also reported, quite remarkably, that respondents in the navy, marines, coast guard, and air force are significantly less likely to report having been targeted for sexual harassment in comparison to their peers in the army. This dynamic is especially pronounced from the women in the 1995 model, but we only see such a strong level of significance by gender for men in the marines. Similarly, commissioned officers are much less likely to report having been targeted than enlisted personnel. Despite the extreme oversampling of women in this data population, the percentage of female presence in one’s duty location is reported as having no statistically significant effect on the likelihood of reporting sexual harassment, though the log odds reported indicate that this is a factor that one should not ignore. This result is opposite of my hypothesis. The findings reported in Table 4 are, in several respects, markedly different from my hypotheses. First, it becomes clear that the disproportionately large number of women in this sample, across the ranks of enlisted personnel and commissioned officers, is driving much of the analyses reported in Table 3. However, this renders the strong and differing results reported by the men in this sample particularly instructive. Here, we find that female officers are much more likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment than men, regardless of rank, and that age and marital status are particularly important indicators for enlisted personnel. In addition to this, although level of education was shown to be at least marginally significant for both men and women in the first model, it is shown as significant only for female enlisted personnel in this model. This variable is reported as nonsignificant, presumably because education is highly correlated with rank for officers, and especially so for male officers, because the largest majority of this group entered the DoD from military academies. The results reported for the minority respondents in this second table of regression analyses conform to the pattern exhibited in Table 3 in that black men are more likely to report having been targeted for sexual harassment than their white military counterparts, regardless of rank. Male Hispanic commissioned officers are shown as twice as likely to report being targeted as Hispanic women, who are particularly reticent to do so. But otherwise, minority respondents are not reporting significantly more likelihood of experiencing sexual harassment across race and gender than are white men and women in this sample. We also see that female respondents of Native American, Asian, or Pacific Islander ethnicity are marginally more likely to report experiencing sexual harassment and marginally less likely to do so if they are commissioned officers.

85


Military Detail Characteristics, 1995.

Table 4. Predictor Variables

Enlisted Personnel Women

Basic demographics Constant Age Education Single (married ¼ 0) Racial ethnic status Black Hispanic Native American/ Asian/Pacific Islander

Men

Women

Men

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

1.175 0.038 0.111 0.187

3.237 0.963 1.118 1.205

1.479 0.006 0.088 0.266

0.228 1.006 0.916 1.305

0.388 0.018 0.014 0.193

1.474 0.982 0.986 1.213

0.832 0.009 0.151 0.152

0.435 1.009 0.860 0.859

0.030 0.113 0.217w

0.970 1.119 1.242

0.495 0.358 0.336

1.641 1.431 1.400

0.242 0.168 0.392w

0.785 0.845 0.676

0.071

1.074

0.799

0.134

Military detail Duty location (United States or overseas) Navy Marines Air force Coast guard

0.418 0.273 0.466 0.508

0.658 0.761 0.627 0.602

0.264 0.376w 0.187 0.365

Detail characteristics Race of work group Gender of work group Sex of supervisor

0.068 0.192 0.080

1.071 1.212 1.083

0.143 0.143 0.305

N w2

Commissioned Officers

8,570 268.117

0.224 w

1.370 3.935 1.037wa 2.822 0.140 1.151

1.143

0.202

0.817

0.768 0.687 0.830 0.694

0.553 0.373 0.504 0.314

0.575 0.689 0.604 0.730

0.801 0.792a 0.026 0.276

0.449 0.453 0.975 0.759

1.153 1.866 0.737

0.478 0.364 0.064

1.612 1.439 1.066

0.296 0.828w 0.454

1.344 0.437 0.635

2,779 31.866

4,566 138.505

1,263 37.311

Source: 1995 Department of Defense Sexual Harassment Survey. pr0.001. pr0.01. pr0.05. w pr0.10 a In a model for male officers that includes warrant officers, the coefficient for marines is reported as only marginally significant to the pr0.10 level and the variable for ‘‘Hispanic’’ is reported as statistically significant to the pr0.05 level.

It is also indicated that single enlisted personnel and single female officers show much more of a statistical likelihood of being sexually harassed than male officers. But what is revealed as the most remarkable difference between sexes is related to their military detail. Here, it is reported that

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women are significantly less likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment, regardless of rank or military detail. For men, however, it is the enlisted personnel, across all branches of the armed forces in the model who seem particularly reluctant to report being sexually harassed in comparison to their army counterparts. In fact, the levels of significance reported here are much smaller than for women across rank, while the log odds for male commissioned officers in the navy and the marines indicate 45% less of a likelihood for reporting sexual harassment than for male commissioned officers in the army. Moreover, the percentage of women employed in one’s occupational classification is more significant for female personnel across rank, whereas it is only a marginal indicator for male commissioned officers. Perhaps this is to be expected given the larger percentage of men in the DoD overall (remember, women are oversampled in the 1995 data population), and the segregation of women into military occupations that do not involve direct combat. What emerges as particularly striking in this model is the extent to which female commissioned officers report that being part of a work group that is composed predominantly of one’s own race and gender is an important factor in the likelihood of reporting the experience of sexual harassment, whereas enlisted women report that being part of a work group that is predominantly female is of more importance to them as a group. The data indicate, however, that male officers are marginally less likely to be targeted for sexual harassment when in a predominantly male work group.

ARE THERE DIFFERENCES IN THE PREVALENCE OF HARASSMENT IN THE MILITARY OVER TIME? Many of the experiences reported by military personnel in 1995 are replicated in the survey of the armed forces conducted in 2002. As presented in Table 5, one can see that those factors associated with basic demographics are, again, revealed to be more indicative of the likelihood of being targeted for sexual harassment for women than for men in the military. This is not particularly surprising given that these findings also resonate with the demographics of sexual harassment in the civilian labor market from which the largest majority of the military forces are recruited. The one significant difference we find in this respect is for single men in the 2002 sample. Here, it is reported that these respondents are 94% more likely to be targeted for

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Table 5. Overall Models, 2002. Predictor Variables

Basic Model

Disaggregated by Gender Women

Men

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

0.921 2.343 0.149 0.430

0.398 0.096 0.861 1.537

0.819 – 0.193 0.401

0.441 – 0.825 1.493

3.802 – 0.107 0.663

0.022 – 1.113 1.940

Racial ethnic status Black 0.397 Hispanic 0.103 Native American/Asian/ 0.159 Pacific Islander

0.672 1.109 1.172

0.445 0.012 0.122

0.641 1.012 1.129

0.110 0.480 0.306

0.895 1.617 1.358

1.107

0.165

0.848

0.698 0.779 0.521 0.755 0.441

0.106 0.411 0.331a 0.158 0.606a

0.899 0.663 0.718 1.171 0.546

Basic demographics Constant Sex (male ¼ 1) Education Single (married ¼ 0)

Military detail Duty location (United States or overseas) Navy Marines Air force Coast guard Commissioned officer N w2

0.070 0.322 0.277 0.588 0.210 0.423

1.073 0.725 0.758 0.556 0.810 0.655

20,811 2,388.441

0.102 0.359 0.250a 0.652 0.281 0.390

10,103 326.860

10,708 61.809

Source: 2002 Department of Defense Workplace and Gender Relations Survey. pr0.001. pr0.01. pr0.05. w pr0.10. a For women, the coefficient for Marines is reported as significant to the pr0.001 level when warrant officers are included in the model. Likewise for men, the coefficients for ‘‘air force’’ and ‘‘commissioned officers’’ are reported with a higher level of statistical significance, pr0.05 and pr0.001, respectively, when warrant officers are included in the model.

sexual harassment in comparison to the 49% greater likelihood for single women. In the 1995 models, you will remember, marital status was never a significant factor for male military personnel. Conversely, perhaps this is an important indicator in the 2002 model because military women were not oversampled in this survey distribution as they were in 1995.

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The effects reported for minority respondents in the 2002 model, however, are quite different from the trends reported in 1995. However, the respondent percentages for each racial group are larger in the 2002 sample than they are in the 1995 sample in comparison to white respondents. In this model, reported in Table 5, black women are shown to be significantly less likely to report having experienced sexual harassment, whereas Hispanic men are shown to be significantly more likely to have been targeted. No such effect is reported for black men as it was in 1995. It is also interesting that those respondents who are Native American, multiracial, and/or of Asian ethnicity are more likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment here in comparison to white respondents, though there is no significance reported in the models disaggregated by gender for this group of respondents. This sample also differs from the military personnel surveyed in 1995 with respect to patterns across the divisions of service in the military. In the basic model presented in Table 5, respondents in each branch of the military are reported as significantly less likely to report having experienced sexual harassment than army soldiers, although respondents in the coast guard are not as appreciably strong in this respect as those in the navy, marines, and air force. In the models disaggregated by gender, this large effect for both of these groups is revealed to be disproportionately based on the reporting patterns of women, as opposed to men in each of the branches of the military. Military officers in this sample are also much less likely to report having experienced sexual harassment than enlisted personnel, regardless of gender. Given the more robust nature of these findings, it is quite disappointing that this particular population of respondents were not surveyed regarding the percentage of women within occupational classification. It would have been interesting to ascertain whether the marginal effect reported as the log odds for women in the 1995 sample remains consistent for the 2002 sample of military personnel. The final set of analyses presented in Table 6, reflecting the reports of sexual harassment by gender and rank for 2002, is quite striking in its difference from the basic model reported in Table 5 as well as the test of most of these effects reported for military personnel in 1995. The most statistically significant effects reported in this model are for enlisted women except for the issue of whether or not respondents are more likely to report being sexually harassed when their supervisor is an officer as opposed to another enlisted service member. Here, it is quite interesting that both women and men in the enlisted ranks are much less likely to report sexual harassment when their supervisor is an officer than when she/he is a civilian or an enlisted member of the armed forces.

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Military Detail Characteristics, 2002.

Table 6. Predictor Variables

Enlisted Personnel Women

Commissioned Officers

Men

Women

Men

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Log odds

Coefficient

Basic demographics Constant Education Single (married ¼ 0)

0.892 0.067 0.286

0.410 0.935 1.332

3.459 0.217w 0.637

0.031 1.242 1.890

1.873 – 0.464

0.154 – 1.591

4.020 0.018 – – 0.562a 1.755

Racial ethnic status Black Hispanic Native American/ Asian/Multiracial

0.422 0.010 0.162

0.656 1.010 1.175

0.186 0.420 0.392w

0.830 1.522 1.480

0.301a 0.247 0.055

0.740 1.280 1.056

0.149 1.255 0.689

0.862 3.507 1.991

0.193

1.213

0.128

0.880

0.149

1.161

0.243

0.784

0.312 0.254 0.693 0.352

0.732 0.776 0.500 0.703

0.068 0.147 0.130 0.364

1.070 0.863 0.878 1.440

0.374 0.579 0.299w 0.149

0.688 0.560 0.741 0.862

0.724 0.835 1.052 0.393

0.485 0.434 0.349 1.481

Detail characteristics Gender of work group 0.182w Sex of supervisor 0.135 Supervisor is civilian 0.265 Supervisor is an officer 0.567

1.200 1.145 0.767 0.567

0.458 0.043 0.158 0.682

0.633 1.044 0.853 0.505

0.391w 0.013 0.302 –

1.479 1.987 0.739 –

0.264 0.341 0.113 –

0.768 1.407 0.893 –

Military detail Duty location (United States or overseas) Navy Marines Air force Coast guard

N w2

5,521 209.741

6,525 52.511

1,926 33.460

Log odds

2,367 20.273w

Source: 2002 Department of Defense Workplace and Gender Relations Survey. pr0.001. pr0.01. pr0.05. w pr0.10. a For both black women and men who are single, the coefficients reported when ‘‘warrant officers’’ are included in the model are of greater statistical significance, pr0.01 and pr0.10, respectively.

The results presented in Table 6 for gender across rank are also remarkable in that single enlisted men and women are joined by single female officers in being more likely to report experiences of being sexually harassed, whereas this effect for male officers is reported as

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nonsignificant despite the fact that the log odds for this measure are quite strong at 75%. Female respondents in the navy and the marines, regardless of rank, are least likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment, although female enlisted personnel are much less likely to report being harassed than commissioned officers in all branches of the military, in comparison to respondents in the army. Among the men in the 2002 sample, commissioned officers in the air force are the only group shown to be statistically less likely to report being targeted for sexual harassment. These effects for the air force may be explained by the fact that a larger portion of the air force population comes from military academies that provide specific training about sexual harassment and sexual assault as part of the leadership curriculum of development before these individuals enter the air force. Another noteworthy detail found in Table 6 is that female officers and enlisted women are only marginally more likely to report being sexually harassed when employed in occupational groups composed predominantly of other women surveyed in 2002, despite this being quite a strong indicator for the female service members surveyed in 1995. Finally, it is only in this last model that we find any statistical significance attach to respondents’ rank, gender, and duty location, that is, whether she/he is deployed in the United States or overseas. Here, it is reported that female enlisted personnel are 21% more likely to report being sexually harassed if they are deployed overseas.

CONCLUDING REMARKS The findings reported in this chapter strongly support the significance of keeping in mind that race, gender, and class must be understood as constantly shifting and interacting to determine our life chances. Most of the findings reported herein show very little effect based on the categories of race, age, gender, or military rank alone. Instead, these categories have been revealed as interacting in a number of different ways to determine the likelihood of military personnel reporting that they have been targeted for sexual harassment within the last 12 months across gender and rank with respect to race, age, and branch of service. One should regard with a healthy degree of suspicion, however, the strong likelihood reported by service members across the branches of the military that they would not report being sexually harassed by other military personnel. This note of caution is especially defensible given the extensive


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media coverage of sexual harassment within military academies and as reported by female military personnel stationed overseas in the 1995 basic model and the 2002 model of enlisted women. Helen Benedict, in particular, has surveyed many women deployed overseas in Iraq and Kuwait who report being terrified of sexual assault and sexual harassment by their male peers (2009). The findings reported here also call attention to the power dynamics inherent in instances of sexual harassment as it becomes obvious that gender does not supersede all else in determining who is most likely to be targeted for sexual harassment. In fact, gender was most informative about the likelihood of experiencing sexual harassment for women when combined with race and rank. For men, however, it seems that race and military detail are more salient indicators than rank in determining the likelihood of being targeted for sexual harassment. All the models presented here also illustrate the importance of differentiating hostile environment sexual harassment from instances of quid pro quo sexual harassment. It is shown in the 1995 sample that men in the armed forces are not as sensitive to the gender make-up of their work detail, whereas women, of both enlisted and officer ranks, are more likely to report sexual harassment when in work environments that are predominantly male. In most respects, both of these results are to be expected because the gender of the military overall is predominantly male. Likewise, in the 2002 sample, both male and female enlisted personnel report that they are much less likely to be targeted for sexual harassment when their supervisor is a commissioned officer. This finding, coupled with the greater likelihood of women being attuned to the gender predominance of their work detail, points toward the conclusion that sexual harassment is a persistent problem for women as a part of their work detail environment. In the end, the findings reported in this study indicate that policy makers in the DoD must be more attuned to the everyday effects of race and gender as they combine with rank to properly address the problem of sexual harassment in the military. It is not enough to simply educate the armed forces about sexual harassment. The military personnel within the chain of command characteristic of the hierarchical structure of the military must become more cognizant of the microlevel interactions that are occurring between and within the ranks of personnel as part of the everyday work environment in order to properly address the incidents of sexual harassment among men and women across, gender, race, and rank in the armed forces.

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FUTURE DIRECTIONS IN RESEARCH ON SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE MILITARY One glaring omission in this analysis is the effect of same-sex sexual harassment on the work environment of the military. There simply was not sufficient time or space for me to cover that aspect in this analysis, but it is an important direction for further research on sexual harassment in the military to explore. The data do exist for investigation of this phenomenon, albeit being quite limited in scope at the current time. Another important issue that deserves more attention than I could provide here is whether the increasing numbers of Latina/o personnel has changed the racial landscape of the military and, more importantly, the employment practices within occupational duty locations. This could be combined with a more concerted study of the differences with respect to race, rank, and gender to be found within each separate branch of the armed forces.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Special thanks to Mady Weschler Segal, Rachel Noble Lipari, Bonnie Thornton Dill, Marcia Texler Segal, and Vasilikie Demos for their insightful guidance and considerable feedback on this chapter. The author also gratefully acknowledges that the research underlying this study was supported by an AAUW Educational Foundation 2006–2007 American Postdoctoral Fellowship and a Kenyon College Sabbatical Stipend.

REFERENCES Antecol, H., & Cobb-Clark, D. (2001). Men, women, and sexual harassment in the U.S. military. Gender Issues, 19(1), 3–18. Benedict, H. (2009). The private war of women soldiers. In: E. Disch (Ed.), Reconstructing gender: A multicultural anthology (pp. 569–576). Boston: McGraw Hill. Chamberlain, L. J., Crowley, M., Tope, D., & Hodson, R. (2008). Sexual harassment in organizational context. Work and Occupations, 35(3), 262–295. Edwards, J. E., Elig, T. W., Edwards D. L., & Riemer, R. A. (1997). The 1995 Armed Forces Sexual Harassment Survey: Administration, datasets, and codebook for form B. Report no. 95-015. Defense Manpower Data Center, Arlington, VA. Eson, C. J. (1992). In praise of macho women: Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins. University of Miami Law Review, 46, 835–854.


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Fitzgerald, L. F., Drasgow, F., Hulin, C. L., Gelfand, M. J., & Magley, V. J. (1997). Antecedents and consequences of sexual harassment in organizations: A test of an integrated model. Journal of Applied Psychology, 82(4), 578–589. Gruber, J. E. (1997). An epidemiology of sexual harassment: Evidence from North America and Europe. In: W. O’Donohue (Ed.), Sexual harassment: Theory, research, and treatment. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Gruber, J. E. (1998). The impact of male work environments and organizational policies on women’s experiences of sexual harassment. Gender and Society, 12(3), 301–320. Guenter-Schlesinger, S. (1999). Persistence of sexual harassment: The impact of military culture on policy implementation. In: M. F. Katzenstein & J. Reppy (Eds), Beyond zero tolerance: Discrimination in military culture (pp. 195–212). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Gutek, B. (1985). Sex and the workplace. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hall, G. M. (1999). Intersectionality: A necessary consideration for women of color in the military? In: M. F. Katzenstein & J. Reppy (Eds), Beyond zero tolerance: Discrimination in military culture (pp. 143–161). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Hillman, E. L. (1999). Dressed to kill? The paradox of women in military uniforms. In: M. F. Katzenstein & J. Reppy (Eds), Beyond zero tolerance: Discrimination in military culture (pp. 65–80). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Kanter, R. M. (1977). Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books. Kirkham, L. M. (1997). Through the looking glass: Viewing sexual harassment within the accounting profession. Critical Perspectives on Accounting, 8, 273–283. Kohlman, M. H. (2004). Person or position? The demographics of sexual harassment in the workplace. Equal Opportunities International, 23(3–5), 143–161. Kohlman, M. H. (2006). Intersection theory: A more elucidating paradigm of quantitative analysis. Race, Gender & Class, 13(3 and 4), 42–59. Lundquist, J. H. (2008). Ethnic and gender satisfaction in the military. American Sociological Review, 73(3), 477–496. Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57. (1986). Meyer, D. (2008). Interpreting and experiencing anti-queer violence: Race, class, and gender differences among LGBT hate crime victims. Race, Gender, and Class, 15(3 and 4), 262–282. Miller, L. (1997). Not just weapons of the weak: Gender harassment as form of protest for army men. Social Psychology Quarterly, 60, 32–51. Moskos, C. C., & Butler, J. S. (1996). All that we can be: Black leadership and racial integration the army way. New York: Basic Books. Murrell, A. J. (1996). Sexual harassment and women of color: Issues, challenges, and future directions. In: M. Stockdale (Ed.), Sexual harassment in the workplace (pp. 51–66). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Nuciari, M. (2003). Women in the military: Sociological arguments for integration. In: G. Caforio (Ed.), Handbook of the sociology of the military (pp. 279–297). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Padavic, I., & Orcutt, J. D. (1997). Perceptions of sexual harassment in the Florida system: A comparison of dominance and spillover explanations. Gender and Society, 11, 682–698. Rosen, L. N., Nudson, K., & Fancher, P. (2003). Cohesion and the culture of hypermasculinity in U.S. army units. Armed Forces and Society, 29, 325–351.

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Soeters, J. L., Winslow, D., & Wiebull, A. (2003). Military culture. In: G. Caforio (Ed.), Handbook of the sociology of the military (pp. 237–254). New York: Kluwer Academic/ Plenum Publishers. Willis, E. J., Mohamed, S. G., & Lipari, R. N. (2002). 2002 Status of the Armed Forces Survey – Workplace and gender relations: Administration, datasets, and codebook. Report no. 2002-010. Defense Manpower Data Center, Arlington, VA.

GENDER, CLASS, AND WORK: THE COMPLEX IMPACTS OF GLOBALIZATION Krista M. Brumley ABSTRACT Purpose – The purpose of this chapter is to contribute to the literature on work, gender, and globalization using an intersectional approach. Methodology – The data for this chapter are derived from two years of qualitative fieldwork at a Mexican multinational corporation. I conducted in-depth, semistructured interviews with 86 employees at all levels of the organizational hierarchy as well as content analysis of the company magazine. Findings – My findings suggest that globalization leads to similar benefits for women and men, with respect to autonomy and decision making in the workplace, but are framed distinctly depending on class. Globalization is gendered in that it offers an additional benefit of economic independence to women. Women at different levels of occupational prestige, however, experience the globalizing process in diverse ways. I conclude by suggesting that globalization results in a tension within the company in how to incorporate female workers in a more meaningful manner. Originality/value of chapter – Research on globalization in the developing world primarily examines factory workers or women in certain Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 95–119 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014008

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occupations, such as domestic workers. This study focuses on an overlooked group of workers that includes female and male white-collar workers. It offers a comparative analysis of the gendered and class-based effects of globalization on workers of different ranks within the same company. Most globalization studies on Mexico center on the Maquila industry, whereas this study examines workers in a Mexican-owned international company.

INTRODUCTION There has been much scholarly debate about the impact of globalization on economic, sociocultural, and political life (Fiss & Hirsch, 2005; Guillen, 2001; Walby, 2000). Although scholars agree that globalization has contradictory and complex effects, feminist scholars argue that the debates have largely left out the voices and experiences of women, particularly in the developing world (Chow, 2003; Gottfried, 2004). The purpose of this chapter is to contribute to the literature on work, gender, and globalization using an intersectional approach. I pose the following research question: How are the benefits and costs of globalization experienced by women and men similar and different? To answer this question, I engaged in qualitative research from 2005 to 2007 at a Mexican multinational corporation in Monterrey. The research setting provides a distinct context within which to analyze globalization because the city is known as the industrial capital of the country and is staunchly capitalistic. The corporation was one of the leaders in situating Mexico in the global market when the country began to open its economy in the early 1990s. In the following section, first, I discuss some of the literature on globalization, paying particular attention to how this chapter fits into the literature and fills some of the gaps. Second, I outline my methods and provide more detail on the specific research context. Third, I present my findings that focus on two major points: (1) the overall benefits and costs of globalization and (2) the gendered and class-based nature of the impacts. I argue that to understand how globalization impacts workers in this corporation, not only is an analysis of gender essential, but a comparative analysis of men and women based on class must also be included. Finally, in the conclusion, I discuss the challenges posed by the changes experienced at the corporation, particularly in how to more meaningfully incorporate women, at all levels, in the workplace. In sum, this empirical analysis

Gender, Class, and Work: The Complex Impacts of Globalization

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contributes to feminist research on globalization by illustrating that it is in the more complex analysis of gender, class, and paid-work status that the how and when gender matters and who experiences what impacts from globalization become visible.

GLOBALIZATION, WORK, AND GENDER Over the past three decades, the literature on globalization has increased dramatically. Globalization encompasses ‘‘the complex and multifaceted processes of worldwide economic, social, cultural, and political expansion which have enabled capital, production, finance, trade, ideas, images, people, and organizations to flow transnationally across the boundaries of regions, nation-states and cultures’’ (Chow, 2003, p. 444). Therefore, scholars study the consequences of globalization from a variety of angles (Eitzen & Baca Zinn, 2009; Guillen, 2001). The literature on economic globalization is vast and ranges from macro studies on international trade, investment, and commodity production chains to more micro studies on specific industries, corporate practices, and workers’ experiences (Brady, Beckfield, & Zhao, 2007). Despite the breadth and volume of theoretical and empirical studies, understanding how economic globalization has uneven and contradictory impacts based on gender, class, race/ethnicity, and nationality remains missing from most of the mainstream research (Chow, 2003; Sassen, 2000). An extensive body of literature has emerged among some scholars to illustrate the complexity of globalization, however. Feminists first draw attention to women missing from development research and planning in the 1970s (Brown, 2006; Moser, 1989). During this decade, the Women in Development (WID) research largely focuses on ‘‘the discovery of gender dimensions in the previously genderless development literature’’ (Benerı´ a, 1995). Notwithstanding the important contributions, a number of critiques have been leveled against WID, most notably that gender is a social construct and thus research and planning must address the larger structural context that creates and perpetuates gender inequality (Brown, 2006). Therefore, coinciding with the economic restructuring of the 1980s, feminist scholars begin to delve deeper into the structured inequalities by gender as well as distinctions based on race/ethnicity, class, and nationality. The result has been a very diverse community of feminist scholars publishing within a variety of frameworks, such as Gender and Development (GAD) (Ward & Pyle, 2003), political economy (Mies, 1988;

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Nash & Fernandez-Kelly, 1983), and the intersectional approach (Acker, 2006; McCall, 2001; Weber, 2001). Although there are myriad frameworks, feminist scholars share the premise that gender, race/ethnicity, and class, among other social characteristics, are organizing principles of the social world. It is not enough to ‘‘add gender and stir;’’ rather researchers (and practitioners) should focus on power relations among women and men (Basu, 2004; Brown, 2006). Research on the consequences of globalization elucidates that women have borne the burden of economic restructuring during the transition from import substitution industrialization (ISI) to export-oriented industrialization (EOI) (Benerı´ a & Feldman, 1992; Elson, 1995). With the ‘‘incorporation’’ of developing counties into the global economy, feminist scholars seek to broaden our understanding of the gendered impacts on work. Some scholars focus their research on female factory workers in developing countries (Caraway, 2007; Lee, 1998; Salzinger, 2003). Others study women in specific occupations, such as domestic service (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2007; Lindio-McGovern, 2003), microenterprises (Osirim, 2003), and sex workers (Ward, Rahman, Saiful Islam, Akhter, & Kamal, 2004). Although many scholars study women in developing countries, a number of researchers focus on work inequities in industrialized countries (see, Brown & Misra, 2003, Gottfried, 2003). The evidence on the consequences of globalization is mixed (Benerı´ a, 2001; Fernandez-Kelly & Wolf, 2001). Some research on women’s work in export processing industries suggests that women have more employment opportunities because of the increased number of multinational corporations (Lim, 1990). Work conditions, however, are precarious and women experience sexual harassment, long working hours, low wages, and repetitive motions (Fernandez-Kelly, 1983; Ward & Pyle, 2003). Work conditions may not improve because women are seen as a largely replaceable workforce and when factories close they return to the informal economy. Although some countries have seen a reduction in factory jobs, an area of growth for some is work in the tourism industry (Denis, 2003). Scholars studying the emigration of women to wealthier countries as domestic service workers also illustrate the contradictions – women may earn more, but they are supporting families left behind and they are mothering from a distance (Lindio-McGovern, 2003). Women’s work is intricately tied to the global market whereby they experience the benefits and costs in a variety of ways, ranging from employment opportunities and higher wages to increased costs and greater competition (Osirim, 2003). Scholars illustrate that analyses of gender and work, however, require a more nuanced analysis of the interlocking systems of inequality.


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This intersectional approach refers to the interaction of gender, race/ ethnicity, class, ‘‘and other categories of difference in individual lives, social practices, institutional arrangements, and cultural ideologies, and the outcomes of these interactions in terms of power’’ (Davis, 2008, p. 68). This framework has its roots in the work of women of color (Baca Zinn, Weber, Higgingotham, & Dill, 1986; Collins, 1990; Hooks, 1989). They argue that gender is not universal and there are differences based on race/ethnicity and class that shape women’s lives and experiences in unique ways (King, 1988; Weber, 2001). Therefore, individuals do not share equal opportunities and access is structured based on social location (Baca Zinn & Dill, 1996). The importance of the intersectional perspective to analyze gender and paid work in the context of globalization is that depending on an individual’s social locations, the consequences and experiences may simultaneously be oppressive and provide opportunities. For instance, women face barriers to job advancement in comparison with men, but white women receive higher wages than men of color (McCall, 2005). Bank Munõz (2008) also illustrates how gender, race, and class shape paid-work environments by framing different ways of maintaining labor control. In a factory in Mexico where the workers are primarily women and management is mostly men, gender embodies the shop floor dynamics. Gender intersects with race and class, however, as female workers are forced to compete with each other. Labor control in the same company’s factory in the United States is maintained by race, class, and immigration status. Managers control the workers by creating competition between men with legal status against men who are undocumented. Therefore, the call to study gender in combination with other systems of oppression is essential (Davis, 2008; Weber, 2001). This research has made important contributions to understanding gender, work, and globalization, but there are still gaps in the research. First, most of the literature focuses on women that are part of the working class or the poor. Middle and upper class women are rarely considered in the globalization literature (exceptions are Ganguly-Scrase, 2003; Muller & Rowell, 1997). This chapter focuses on an overlooked group of workers that includes white-collar workers in a developing country. Second, although much of the literature draws on the intersectional approach, there is little systematic comparison that elucidates under what conditions gender interacts with class (see, e.g., Brown & Misra, 2003). This chapter shows the interaction of gender and class in the globalizing process. Third, much of the research on gender and work focuses solely on women (Acker, 2004). This study offers an opportunity for comparative analysis of the gendered effects of globalization through interviews with both women and men as

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well as individuals of different occupational ranks within the same company. And, fourth, most studies on globalization within Mexico focus on the maquila industry (see Bank Munõz, 2008; Cravey, 1998; FernandezKelly, 1983; Videla, 2006; Salzinger, 2003; Sklair, 1993), which are foreignowned companies. This chapter uniquely contributes to the literature because the research context is a Mexican multinational corporation. Although the globalizing process comprises a particular set of tenets, the sociopolitical context shapes how globalization manifests itself, impacting macroeconomic policies as well as everyday lives of individuals (Ward & Pyle, 2003). For example, Lim (1990) found that women’s wages improved in South East Asian countries, whereas Fussell (2000) shows that wage increases have not occurred in the factories in Mexico. Therefore, it is essential to take into account the sociopolitical context to understand the complexity of globalization. Mexico underwent a dramatic economic transition in the mid-1980s following the onset of the debt crisis. Macroeconomic policies shifted from import substitution to EOI. Mexico’s entrance into the global economy was crystallized in the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. Although foreign companies had been located in Mexico for decades, NAFTA represented a strategic policy of relying on these multinational corporations as employment makers. Just as the country seemed to be gaining a foothold, Mexico was confronted with yet another economic crisis, one worse than the 1980s. Under these conditions, industries began to restructure to become more competitive in the international market. However, restructuring and responses to it varied across the country. Mexico’s southern indigenous population is unable to compete against agribusinesses resulting in massive migration. Some midsize cities have greater employment opportunities as foreign investment looks for untapped markets. Major urban centers have declining employment that leads many in Mexico City, for example, to protest regularly, whereas in Monterrey it is business as usual. In the next section, I describe the local sociopolitical context within which this study is situated.

RESEARCH CONTEXT AND DATA COLLECTION Monterrey, located just a few hours south of the U.S. border, is Mexico’s third largest urban zone with about 3.5 million inhabitants. Early industrialization began in the late 1800s and is owed to a small group of local entrepreneurs, known as the Monterrey Group. Along with


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establishing Monterrey as Mexico’s premier industrial setting, this group also sought to establish a socially and politically conservative culture. The industrialists promoted a work culture embedded in a philosophy of innovation, hard work, and adaptability coupled with family values grounded in Catholicism (Pozas Garza, 1993; Saragoza, 1988; Vellinga, 1979; Walton, 1977). As a member of the Monterrey Group, the company I studied has been a leader in the city’s industrial development. Although the corporation now includes beverages, such as soda and juice, Fomento Econo´mico Mexicano, S.A. de C.V. (FEMSA) began as a beer company in 1890 (hereinafter, The Brewery). Over the next century, the company created other divisions to support the production of beer, including bottling, packaging, labeling, transportation, and distribution centers. The Brewery developed the model for how business is conducted in the city by combining a capitalistic profitmaking motivation with a family-oriented ‘‘employee social development’’ perspective. Although other companies modeled themselves after the Brewery, none were as comprehensive. The Brewery’s managerial style is paternalistic and arguably a form of social control, but the workers received benefits long before most others did so in the country. Free health care was provided to the workers more than two decades before the federal government established social security in 1944. In addition, since the 1940s workers have had access to company loans to purchase a house. This program serves as the model for the current federal government housing program created three decades later in the 1970s. It is for these reasons I was drawn to the Brewery – I was curious how the company was maintaining this dual mission in light of a rapidly changing Mexican economy. Although most of the other major corporations in Monterrey have had to reduce or eliminate many employee benefits, the Brewery has been able to retain their programs. Because of Monterrey’s distinctive characteristics in Mexico as well as the unique characteristics of the Brewery, conducting research on globalization offers new and different insights into its impacts. Furthermore, this is the first empirical study conducted in Monterrey including both white- and blue-collar workers. My field research, extending from 2005 to 2007, included two main sources of data: (1) employee interviews and (2) content analysis of the company magazine. I also conducted some observations of company events and tours of all the facilities. Specifically, I conducted 86 semistructured, indepth interviews with employees at all levels of the organizational hierarchy, including management and professional staff as well as factory floor operators. Of the 86 participants, 40% are women. As Table 1 illustrates,

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Table 1.

Sociodemographic Characteristics of Study Participants.

Sample Characteristics (N ¼ 86)

Women 40% (34)

Men 60% (52)

Age in years (% of total) 18–29 (12) 30–44 (37) 45–59 (37) 60 and older (14)

29% (10) 47% (16) 21% (7) 3% (1)

2% (1) 33% (17) 46% (24) 19% (10)

Marital status (% of total) Married (72) Single (27) Divorced (1)

32% (11) 65% (22) 3% (1)

98% (51) 2% (1) –

Children (% of total) Yes (69) No (31)

26% (9) 74% (25)

96% (50) 4% (2)

Education level (% of total) Vocational school (24) High school (12) Bachelors (47) Masters/medical (17)

24% (8) 12% (4) 44% (15) 20% (7)

25% (13) 12% (6) 48% (25) 15% (8)

6% (2) 15% (5)

12% (6) 17% (9)

6% (2) 35% (12)

13% (7) 29% (15)

29% (10) 9% (3)

– 29% (15)

Occupation (% of total) High-level positions (26) Management Head coordinators Mid-level positions (42) Mid-level coordinator Low-level coordinator Low-level positions (32) Assistants Line workers

women represent a younger group of workers – 76% of the female workers are under the age of 45, whereas only 35% of the male workers are under the age of 45. Women have shorter lengths of employment. Half of the women in the sample have been employed fewer than 10 years. In contrast, men have greater levels of seniority. Both women and men have a high level of education; just slightly less than two-thirds have at least a bachelor’s degree. Women, however, are underrepresented in positions of decision making whereby 21% of women versus 29% of men are in management. Women tend to be concentrated in the ‘‘helping’’ occupations as secretaries and


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assistants or the ‘‘caring’’ positions as nurses and social development coordinators. Only three women are line workers. I conducted all the interviews in Spanish that were then transcribed by a native Spanish speaker. All translations in the chapter are mine. All interviews were conducted either in the worker’s office or in a conference room, with the exception of one retiree whose home I visited. The interviews lasted between 45 minutes and 2 hours. In a few cases, I had repeated interviews. When I refer to the participants in the study, I use pseudonyms to protect their identity. The interviews included questions on (1) services and benefits of the company and the employee’s participation with those benefits/services, (2) experiences in their daily work environment, and (3) how those experiences as well as how the corporation changed over time. In addition to the interviews, I collected data from the company magazine, Work and Save. The magazine is important because it illustrates how the organizational philosophy is transmitted to the employees and how it changed over time. The data provide an understanding of the expectations for the workers. Because there are over 80 years of the magazine (initially published weekly and later biweekly, and then monthly), I only review a sample of the issues (n ¼ 108) dating from 1980 until 2006. This sample consists of four editions each year: March, June, September, and December. Within each magazine I code the article titles and themes using both open and closed coding techniques (Emerson, Fritz, & Shaw, 1995). In this way, I analyze the information surrounding the themes of gender and globalization, but I also permit other themes to be included as I see recurring information on new themes.

FINDINGS My analysis reveals contradictory impacts of globalization not only based on gender, but also based on occupational prestige, which serves as a marker for class. First, I illustrate what the workers refer to as ‘‘the process of change’’ to demonstrate the wide-reaching influences that globalization has on this multinational corporation. My findings suggest that globalization results in greater worker autonomy and decision making as well as more efficient processes in the workplace. Workers, however, frame and experience these positive changes uniquely based on occupational prestige. Second, I show how becoming global has costs that are not only classbased but also gendered. And, third, focusing specifically on women, I demonstrate that women are not a universal social group; rather they

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perceive and experience organizational change as a consequence of globalization in unique ways based on class. Following these three points, in my conclusion I discuss how the globalizing process has simultaneously constrained and permitted organizational change at the multinational corporation. In other words, globalization results in benefits to female and male workers, but it also creates tension within the company in how to incorporate female workers in a more meaningful manner.

Globalization Arrives: ‘‘The Process of Change’’ When I first began this study, I anticipated that workers would tell me stories of how globalization negatively impacts the workplace, of how the company suffers because of NAFTA, and nostalgic stories of ‘‘how it used to be.’’ Therefore, I was not surprised when I heard of the reductions in the labor force, but I was taken back when I heard of the positive changes in ways that I had not anticipated. Although the workers recognize that globalization has negative impacts, as Julia, a coordinator characterizes, these outcomes are just part of the process: In the 1990s, there was a process of change, you change or you die; we adjust or we close. Before there were many supervisors and bosses everywhere, anyone could work here; there were no guidelines of positions. There were about 800 people working in the factory, the equipment was not new so it was not the most efficient; there were a lot of people doing manual labor. So, the necessity to change came and they made the decision to change in three aspects: in the administration, in technology, and in the people.

The changes in the administration, the technology, and the people occur within a larger framework of a new way of doing business in the global economy. The new business outlook, characterized as efficient, collaborative, responsible, and competitive, is usually referred to as the new work culture by the workers. The work culture now requires new technology and administrative processes, and with these two components, it also meant a different kind of worker – one with different skills, with more adaptability, and more empowerment in their daily work duties. It restructures the daily work environment in ways that have profound impacts on the workers, albeit differently depending on occupational rank of white- or blue-collar. For the factory workers, Ivan explains how the process of change gave them more autonomy and freedom: There were a lot of changes in the schemas of work; now we have a work system where there are no supervisors. A work team is responsible for everything, quality control,


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security in the production line; there are no supervisors doing this work. Before, we used to work in the production line with about 20 workers, plus we had a person in charge of quality control that reviewed the end product and process, and we had a supervisor of the total team. When the new system began we began to prepare ourselves and assimilate to this huge change of no bosses. Now we are independent, the quality of production is the team’s responsibility from the beginning of the process of the raw materials until the final product. With these new roles, we earn more and we enjoy the successes more, but we also pay for the consequences. If there is a mistake, we fix it though without having to call in someone else because now we are trained to fix the machines.

Although there are only three women in my sample who are factory workers (seven in total), they also echo the same sentiment as the men when I ask about how the company has changed. Mariana, a factory worker, explains the improved work environment: Well it is the confidence that we have because now we work independently; there are no supervisors. We work independently whereas before there were supervisors after supervisors. Now, we know what we have to do, and we are not bothered by supervisors; each person knows their responsibility; there is not someone there saying ‘do this’ or ‘do that.’ With more responsibility, you deliver more. There is more trust among us, if someone does something incorrect, there is trust and confidence to say something; no one gets mad like before.

Even before these changes occurred, management began to promote this new work culture in the company magazine. Lead editorials initially focus on quality production: ‘‘Quality production: Do it right the first time; this is our goal! We progress with quality’’ (February 23, 1990). Eighteen months later, the company begins to frame quality in terms of the global challenges the company faces: ‘‘Quality production is the road to conquering global markets: The world is our challenge!’’ (October 4, 1991). As the process of change gets underway, company magazine articles reinforce the new work culture: ‘‘Cooperation guarantees the success of team work; we are all collaborators’’ (Work and Save, November 10, 1995), ‘‘Be better in 1999: give more, be responsible, trustworthy, and disciplined’’ (Work and Save, January 1999), and ‘‘Be an effective leader: stay near the action and competitiveness’’ (Work and Save, September 2000). The company not only promotes the new work culture to an internal audience, but they publicize their position at the forefront of business to an external audience: ‘‘The foundation is set. Discover how we are charting the course and building on our success’’ (2003 Annual Report). Although responsibility was always emphasized in the magazine, this characteristic took on a new significance when the daily work environment began changing. Patrick, a factory worker, explains that the elimination of

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supervisors means responsibility, but it also signifies greater decision making: There had to be a process of change in the attitude of the people; before the machine operator just went to work and never inspected the product to see if the quality was okay or if the process was done well; they just let the machine do the work. Now, when there is a problem, we make the decision to stop the machine, to take it apart. There is a lot of flexibility in decision making; much of the time we make decisions without having to advise someone above. Before there was a hierarchy you had to follow. For example, in order to get a machine part, you had to write an order, have it signed at the storage facility, then signed by the supervisor, then the manager just to get a piece out of the warehouse. Now, the warehouse is open, we enter, we get what we need, we register it in the computer and we are ready; there is no need for authorization.

Although the factory workers speak about the process of change as creating autonomy, trust, and facilitating decision making, workers in the offices speak of the new efficiency and improvement in administrative processes. Modernizing the work environment signifies changes regardless of the company division. The clinic workers focus on the new medical technology and computerizing daily work projects; the secretaries tell of technological changes that facilitate their work routines – electronic mail replaced paper memorandums that required signatures – and coordinators and managers discuss the integration of the different divisions under one system that means they can track sales, inventory, and other financial information more easily. Unlike the factory workers, however, administrative workers also frame the new work culture in terms of the company expansion. So that, while the new work culture reshapes employee relations, the company also seeks to make changes that would ensure its overall competitive edge in the global economy. Toward this goal, it has expanded from a national to an international company as well as from a beer company to a beverage company. The 1990s represented a marked difference in the direction of the company. In 1993, the Brewery purchases the Coca-Cola franchise in Argentina that becomes listed on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE). Five years later, with the purchase of another Coca-Cola franchise, all the entities of the company are listed on NYSE. In 2006, FEMSA acquires a controlling stake in a Brazilian brewery and the following year it purchases a juice company. In a period of 15 years, the company has expanded exponentially in the region. Nelly, a mid-level coordinator, describes the company success: The expansion that the chief executive officer (CEO) brought is amazing; he has a real vision of improving labor quality and the quality of life while simultaneously expanding


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the business. This evolution has been tremendous for us; we are in such diverse places: Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, Guatemala, and now the United States. We have a global vision, not just with respect to the United States though because now you have to watch what is happening in China.

Becoming global means not only becoming a bigger player in the field and enhancing the work environment as both blue- and white-collar workers discuss, however, it signifies costs that are not equally shared. Class matters for the globalizing process, but especially in relation to gender.

On Becoming Global: Gender and Class Matter The process of change encompassing the new work culture and the business expansion has been both a gendered and class-based process. That is, while the factory and administrative workers speak of the process positively in terms of their own daily work environment, there have been differences for women and men. However, this is only part of the story; once occupational rank is taken into account, the process of change reveals other inequalities. The factory work forces were reduced by at least 50%, although the restructuring took place slowly over the course of several years and not all workers were ‘‘forced out.’’ Some retired, some moved to different areas, and some decided to leave because they did not want to or could not adjust to the new environment. In other cases, positions were eliminated because of new technology. Although there was a reduction in the workforce among men in all three divisions, women bore much of the job loss in bottling and labeling. Women had already been replaced in the beer production division as David, a factory worker who began at the company in 1969, recalls an earlier scenario: ‘‘there were many women in production, but not now; there are only men. Each time a woman left, they were replaced by a man.’’ In contrast, the new wave of reductions in the 1990s occurs because of technological improvements. Irvin, a manager, describes seeing a drastic cut of female line workers: ‘‘they bought machines to do the manual labor of women, so women’s work ended; there were some 40 women before, now there are only five.’’ Not only did blue-collar females lose their jobs, however, so did other women in low-level positions. Irvin continues: I can count at least 27 secretaries before and now there is only one. Of course, the technology of the 1990s left a lot of people eliminated; now we have e-mail where before it was memos with a million copies just to tell us that there is a meeting. Before the secretary handled payroll, now there is direct deposit. All these changes are positive

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though, modern technology is much more comfortable. So, the secretarial staff has been eliminated, times change. Even the word ‘secretary’ has disappeared; now it is an assistant and she has other functions more important than a secretary by helping with events and programs. She is the shadow of the director; she doesn’t just answer the phone and get coffee.

Patrick, a factory worker in the bottle and cap making facilities, expresses a similar trajectory: ‘‘before there were a lot of women in the factory because the type of work was simple, but all that has changed and now of the 300 workers, only two are women. But, looking at the larger level of the company, there are many more women, even women in important positions, whereas before there were not.’’ Patrick and Irvin’s descriptions of work duty changes for the secretaries were echoed throughout my interviews and it is, in part, why many women (and men) spoke of opportunities for women in professional development as I address later in this chapter. The expansion of the Brewery from a national to an international company that coincided with the new work culture bringing modern technology, more efficient administrative processes, and an overall change in worker attitude has had contradictory results. On the one hand, the process of change resulted in job loss, but on the other hand, it impacted women in an unexpected manner. That is, the company’s emergence on the international market also entails important and different changes for women. George, a manager, recalls that ‘‘it was an interesting evolution because starting in 1995 we began to orient to a new global culture of rights for women in organizations; it gave value to women.’’ When I asked what brought about the ‘‘evolution,’’ male and female workers spoke about ‘‘needing to update,’’ or of ‘‘new ideas,’’ or of new ‘‘ways of thinking.’’ Eric, a mid-level coordinator, compares women’s roles before and after the process of change: Until the 1980s, women were housewives; the most inspirational role they could perform was that of a mom. This idea was based on the family; so to protect the role of women, you sent her home. The woman who was working was really the exception. In the 1990s, we began to change.

The changes, however, required a major shift in organizational policy. Eric continues, Women started to want to stay after they were married, but the norm was that they left. It was common practice and it was legal because I might fire you unjustifiably, but by law I am to pay you 12 days per year of seniority in your severance; so I sent you home, but you did not leave with nothing. It was a generous liquidation, and there was no option, that was the [company] position. But, globalization interpreted this role of women professionals as an inequality in opportunities. Plus, there were more women as


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heads of households, and we could not deny women the opportunity to work and have children as well.

By the time I interviewed Eric I had heard of the informal policy from a woman who had experienced the effects and later was able to return to her full-time position. Monica is a head coordinator and a vivacious woman who spoke with a twinkle of defiance in her eyes as she explained what happened: Can you imagine!? It was a revolution! It was great. I had been in human resources and I started to notice a number of excellent young girls that didn’t want to work here because they said: ‘what for, if I get married or if I have kids I have to quit.’ What happened was that, we said ‘okay, you can stay if you are married, but only until you have a baby.’ If you were in a professional position and you got married, you could stay, but secretaries and women in the factories had to resign if married. In the early 1990s, women in professional positions could stay after they had a baby. In 1997 the policy changed equally regardless of position – all women could continue to work after marriage and children.

The change in policy is generally attributed to the need for organizational changes within the larger movement toward maintaining viability in the global economy. In particular though, Monica suggests that part of the initiative in the mid-1980s was ‘‘because of a tremendous amount of personnel rotation, particularly in the clinic with the nurses. We had to strengthen women’s commitment to the organization and now we have many married young women.’’ However, the implementation of the new policy was class-based in that women in higher occupational positions were granted a status different than their female co-workers in lower occupational positions in the factory and the secretaries. The change of policy not only means that women continue to earn an income, but it brings other economic benefits that men had access to for over 100 years. Now that women can continue to work after having children, the company extends medical benefits through the company clinic to all children of all workers. This is an important gain for working women because typically women’s children are covered under their husband’s health insurance and depending on his occupational status and where he works, this could mean private care, but more often it means the Mexican public health care system. Other financial benefits followed suit – women now have access to car loans, educational loans, and life insurance. They can also take advantage of the company benefit for a housing loan. In addition to economic benefits, there are also social benefits for the children of working women. Through the company’s recreational facility, courses on computers, languages, art, dance, sports, and many others are

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offered to the employees’ children either free or at a minimal cost. Certainly these activities are available elsewhere in the city, but for many workers the cost prohibits their involvement. One of the most important changes that I witnessed during my field research was the opening of a day care facility. Mexico has a public day care system whereby working moms, if they have a job in the formal economy, have access to free day care for all children under four. The Brewery opened a day care facility in conjunction with the government, but it was private in the sense that only the children of female employees at the company had access. Day care access is tied to the mother’s place of employment, not the father’s because there is an expectation that women mostly are stay-at-home moms. Thus far, I demonstrate that globalization, while bringing negative impacts particularly in the form of job reduction, also brings positive changes to the work environment of workers at all levels. Factory workers speak of independence and trust, whereas administrative workers speak of efficiency and competition. I also show that globalization is a gendered process. Women experience radical changes in their work situation that allow them to continue working after marriage and having children so that women now receive economic benefits on par with their male counterparts. Again, however, this is not the whole story – the newfound freedom to work for women has differential impacts based on occupational prestige. In the next section, I present women’s stories of how the new policies translate into everyday work experiences. From Policy to Practice: ‘‘I have Felt Observed’’ or ‘‘I have Felt Understanding’’ Almost all of the workers, regardless of occupational rank and sex, indicate that women’s roles in the company are changing. The majority of the workers refer to the company work policy for women as the major indicator of transformation. Changing the policies are only part of the process, and arguably the easier part. Pamela, a head coordinator, explains that to implement meaningful changes for women in the workplace, the company needs to shift its philosophy and the attitude of workers: Before the policy change, I think most people thought it was more important to give work to men rather than women; so there were certain differences with salaries, the housing benefit, and with everything. They said that it was men that should work and that women should be at home; a woman should not take the place of a man in the company. This is part of it. But, the other part is that the company has always been very paternal, very traditional and it considered that it was best that the woman is home with her children.


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Without a doubt, the Brewery is a traditional and paternalistic company. The philosophy is that the worker should concentrate on his work, while the company takes care of the workers’ family. As Julia, a coordinator, tells us, the process of change signifies changes in technology and administration of the company, and also the people. To shift attitudes of the workers, the company magazine begins to portray women in a new light, particularly in the section dedicated to women’s issues. Throughout the 1980s, the articles in this section primarily focus on traditional roles of women. Fifty-four percent discuss child rearing, cooking, and cleaning, whereas 22% address genderneutral themes, such as health/nutrition and exercise. Finance issues account for 24% of the articles, but they are framed in relation to how women can save money at the grocery store and on children’s clothing. In the 1990s, there is a qualitative shift in focus of the articles: 58% discuss financerelated matters, which are broadened beyond traditional women’s roles. Only 10% focus on health and nutrition. And, the articles that concentrate on traditional roles decline to 32%, however, one-third of them address appearance in relation to the workplace, whereas initially the focus was on general beauty tips. Although there is a shift in the company’s philosophy, dismantling an organizational culture in place for more than 100 years is difficult and it yields uneven and contradictory results. That is, how policy translates into practice for women requires a class-based analysis. The sample of women I interviewed includes women at all levels of the organizational hierarchy. Of the 34 women, 7 are in management or are heads of departments, 2 are in mid-level coordinator positions, 12 are lower level coordinators, 10 are administrative assistants, and 3 are factory workers. Regardless of occupational position, all the women in my sample indicate that there has been a change in the role of women in the company. However, how the women experience and perceive the changes varies based on occupational ranking. Women in higher occupational positions felt ‘‘observed’’ and that to move up the corporate ladder meant ‘‘sacrificing’’ their personal aspirations of marriage and family. Women in lower occupational positions felt ‘‘understood’’ and that there were ‘‘opportunities’’ for professional development. Veronica is one of the few women in management, a difficult feat anywhere in the company, but particularly in the masculine-driven corporate environment. She talks of her struggle to demonstrate that she is serious and committed: Credibility was a difficult aspect. I was a pioneer of many things, not the first female in management but the first young female. I was the only one married with children.

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So, I was the first and I felt really observed and studied to see if I could do it. After about a year in management, I was married and became a mom. That year was difficult too and I really felt observed by the entire world. I think people were watching, can she do it or can’t she do it, would I resist or would I quit. After a while people came up to me and asked me ‘how do you do it?’ But, later they began to ask if I was going to have another baby and when I finally said ‘‘no,’’ I felt the pressure lifting again.

Katya, employed for 22 years, paints a different picture. Her occupational position is in the lower portion of the mid-level company positions, about two steps above a secretary. As Katya talks I hear relief in her voice that she does not have to choose between work and family: In my case, I have not felt resistance; on the contrary I have had support. If they call me from the day care center and I have to go, they say ‘‘go ahead.’’ I think that if I did not have the support; if my situation was different like if I noted looks, or negative comments I think I would have resigned because there is a lot of pressure with a family when you are a mom. Many times I have had to leave early. Thank god trust exists in my work. If I have to come in on a Saturday, I figure out how to do it; I make sure I get my work done even if I have to leave early one day. I can’t shirk my responsibilities but the truth is that I do not want to think about being a mom and choosing between work and family because sooner or later I am going to have to leave my work because you cannot leave a sick child. So, I have had a lot of understanding.

Because of these different experiences in the company, women’s perceptions of career advancement are distinct. The women in the higher occupational positions talk about sacrifice, whereas women in lower occupational positions refer to opportunities and understanding. When I met Carmen, a mid-level coordinator, she had been working in the investment department of the corporate structure for about three years. She is highly motivated and aware of what it will take to advance her career: ‘‘today there are four top women out of 220 top men and all of them, with the exception of one are husbandless and childless. There is respect for the women that have sacrificed their own personal life to get far, the company has advanced, but there are not necessarily more women in roles of authority and leadership positions. What I think is that it does not take a great woman manager to get to the top, but a woman who works like a dog and sacrifices her life to get to the top.’’ Moving up not only suggests sacrifice, but as Lupita, a manager, explains, opportunities for advancement are due to motivation: From the beginning you have to be a very capable person and up to par with the latest techniques. You cannot be asleep because there is internal competition and in the case of women I feel that you have to do even more. You can move here, but you have to show that you can do it and whatever you are lacking, you better obtain it so that you can show you can do it.


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Although the workers indicate there is more opportunity for women with higher levels of skill, there are still obstacles. Patricia, a head coordinator, tells me that ‘‘women can only get to a certain level and cannot advance too much.’’ Even the men I interviewed echo the same recognition that women have to ‘‘work twice as hard’’ to move up the corporate ladder or their ‘‘talent has to be more exceptional to be given the opportunity.’’ This perception and experience contrasts with the voices of women in lower professional positions. That is, women in management or upper-middle positions talk about sacrificing, whereas women in mid-to-lower levels of the organizational hierarchy speak of ‘‘opportunities.’’ In fact, all the women I interviewed in lower level positions indicate that they feel there are many more chances for personal development. Lolys, an assistant, explains how women have gained significantly: I remember when I first started here, there were many young women that did not marry because the policy did not permit you to marry, if you did it was ‘‘adios.’’ Now, we are married, we have kids, a husband, and we continue working. This is great because they let us grow and develop and they continue to give us benefits. It’s more, there are women working here that are not just secretaries, now there are many professional women as well. And, women participate in the company cooperative council. Really, we have won a lot.

As the women’s voices illustrate, occupational rank shapes their perceptions and experiences in the workplace. In my conclusions, I consider what this means for incorporating women in a meaningful way in the company. In particular, I address some of the contradictions encountered as the company globalizes administrative processes and technology as well as the people. These contradictions are embedded not only in the traditional philosophy of the company, but also in the larger Mexican sociopolitical context.

THE CHALLENGES AHEAD: CONTRADICTORY MESSAGES AND PRACTICES In this chapter, I argue that the consequences of globalization produce differential benefits and costs. Using an intersectional approach, I show that the changes experienced by globalization are framed distinctly depending on occupational prestige that I use as a marker for class. They are also gendered in that women receive an added economic benefit because of a change in company policy that enables them to continue working after

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marriage and pregnancy. Women, however, do not perceive and experience the policy in practice identically. Rather, occupational rank plays an important role in shaping how women view career advancement. Both women and men articulate that the work environment has improved since the mid-1990s. Male and female blue-collar factory workers speak of autonomy, decision-making power, trust, and responsibility. White-collar workers frame the process of change as creating a work environment that is more efficient and facilitates the daily administrative processes. In this way, workers at all levels interpret the globalizing process as positive. This finding shows the importance of ‘‘bringing in what workers think or experience’’ that may be contrary to the assumption that global capitalism is an allencompassing exploitive process (Fernandez-Kelly & Wolf, 2001, p. 1247; Ganguly-Scrase, 2003). I am not suggesting that there are no costs of globalization, but the workers’ voices paint a picture that is not illustrated in most literature. The cost of globalization most notable in this study is the approximate 50% reduction in the workers in the factory. This signifies fewer jobs for male workers, whereas female positions are almost completely eliminated in the factories. Other women in lower level administrative positions (secretaries) in the factories also saw dramatic cuts in jobs. Although women seem to initially experience a greater impact of the availability of jobs, there was an added benefit of the globalizing process. Women are no longer required to leave their job as a consequence of marriage or pregnancy. The modification of the policy, however, was imbued with a class-based progression. That is, it was women in higher level professional positions that were first permitted to continue working after marriage and pregnancy. In contrast, women in lower level positions still were required to quit. In 1997 this policy was removed completely for all women at all occupational ranks. Importantly, the change of policy brought additional economic benefits, such as access to housing and education loans. Although it was women in lower level occupations that were the last to benefit from this policy change, they frame the new practice in terms of opportunities and understanding. Assistants speak of not ‘‘just being a secretary,’’ but of more responsibilities and involvement that allows them professional development. However, the women in this study who occupy higher level occupations express obstacles to job mobility. They speak of having to demonstrate greater credibility than their male counterparts and indicate that advancement requires significant sacrifice. This finding elucidates that women’s experiences are not universal, but are embedded in class.


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Although the company is improving for women, this study suggests that there is still occupational segregation. Women are allocated into ‘‘women’s’’ jobs that are in the caring and helping occupations – as assistants, as nurses, and as coordinators, whereas ‘‘men’s’’ jobs are in management or are part of the production process. Of the 220 in management, only 4 are women and of the 70 doctors employed at the company clinic, 10 are women. Women have almost been eliminated from the factory production. I suggest that the gendered company philosophy seeks to perpetuate this occupational categorization. Because it has only been in the past decade that women have been able to maintain their employment after marriage, there are fewer women in management and other positions higher in the organizational hierarchy as compared with men. Women have not had the same length of time as men to develop their professional career. Interestingly, the average age of women in higher occupational ranks is 42 years of age in comparison with 34 years for women in lower levels. Of the nine women in higher positions, five of them are older than 44 years. This distribution may change with time since the two women most recently promoted to management are younger (36 and 35 years old). Incorporating women in a meaningful manner has been met with some resistance. When I ask the workers where the points of resistance are, I receive many different explanations. Some suggest that it is those in management, particularly men who have numerous years of seniority, whereas others suggest that it is the workers themselves. Still, other workers point to resistance because of the sociopolitical context of Monterrey. As I discussed previously, for more than 100 years the company has instilled a family-oriented organizational culture whereby men are the breadwinners and women are the caretakers. That only one quarter of the women are married with children, whereas almost all men are married with children (96%), suggests that this philosophy is still embedded in the company and its workers. As Sergio, a mid-level coordinator articulates, ‘‘now it is really a struggle between executive flexibility and the orthodoxy of seniority. But, in Monterrey, we are also really still ‘rancheros’.’’ By ranchero he means that people are still very conservative in their beliefs and are unable to ‘‘think out of the box.’’ He says there are opportunities to advance their careers, but many do not want to move and leave their extended family in Monterrey. Similarly, Jaime in management says that, ‘‘women themselves do not want to work after marriage and most definitely not after having children; the spirit of professionalism is really lacking in women.’’ It is more than the sociopolitical context of Monterrey that erects barriers for the incorporation of women in the workplace. It is also the larger

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context of Mexico that makes it difficult for women to work full-time. A principal issue is the educational system that divides school-aged children into half days and does not provide ‘‘latch-key’’ programs. This means that women’s employment is constrained, particularly for lower-middle and working classes unless a family member can assist. Those in more highly paid positions can afford private in-home care for their children. Ironically, it is easier for women to work when children are not school-age because of the free day care system. Therefore, the company can provide women with more opportunities, but it is situated within a context that still constrains women’s advancement. This chapter contributes to the literature on gender, work, and globalization in unique ways. First, the sample of workers includes not only blue-collar factory workers, but white-collar workers as well. Few studies have taken into account this group of workers. Second, the sample is a highly educated workforce – more than half of the men and women have at least a bachelor’s degree. Most of those remaining have completed at least two years of vocational training or high school. This level of education combined with the occupational rank of the workers signifies that most of the workers in this study are located in the middle class. I know of only one other study in Mexico that examines women from the middle-upper class (Muller & Rowell, 1997). Most scholars who explore the impacts of globalization focus solely on women working in export processing plants. Third, few gender-sensitive studies present the voices of men. As Acker (2004) argues, research on globalization ‘‘is actually research on women, work, and family under contemporary conditions of economic transformations.’’ My hope is that through women’s and men’s voices, this chapter helps to push the field of gender, work, and globalization in new directions.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Southern Sociological Society in New Orleans, Louisiana, April 2009. The author thanks Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos for suggestions and comments on drafts of this chapter. I would also like to express gratitude to Heather Dillaway for reading earlier versions of this chapter. And, finally, I wish to thank the many women and men of the Brewery who made this study possible. Their voices make an important contribution to scholarly knowledge.


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MEMBERSHIP IN STATE LEGISLATURES: INTERSECTIONS OF RACE, ETHNICITY, AND GENDER$ Elizabeth M. Esterchild ABSTRACT Purpose and approach – This research explores gender and gender inequality in representation in state legislatures among African Americans, Hispanics, and white Americans. Using 10 states with the largest concentrations of African Americans in the population and 10 with the largest concentrations of Hispanics in 2003, a parity index was used to compare each race/sex group’s share of each state’s population with that group’s share of seats in the state legislature. Parity ratios were also constructed for white women and white men in both sets of states. Findings – White men dominate all the state legislatures surveyed here; white women are severely underrepresented as are Black women, Hispanic women, and Hispanic men. Black men are slightly but not greatly underrepresented in political office in these states. A consistent pattern is $

Elizabeth M. Esterchild’s former name was Elizabeth Almquist. She changed her last name to honor her mother whose first name was Ester.


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that the higher the representation of any group of males, the greater is the gap between women and men. For Black and white women in both sets of states, having a high proportion of women who are college graduates, who are employed, and who work as managers or professionals and garner larger earnings increases their chances for election, but this pattern is not observed among Hispanic women. Implications – These findings are significant because they bring together previously disparate insights from political science and sociology; highlight differences between women and men and among people from different ethnic groups; and reveal the importance of an intersectional approach for understanding the representation of diverse groups in political office.

Political science and sociological thinking about the intersection of race, class, and gender developed along parallel lines with little cross-fertilization between them. Soon after the 1977 publication of Irene Diamond’s path-breaking book on women in state legislatures, political scientists began studying women’s presence in political office with gusto (Carroll, 1985; Darcy, Welch, & Clark, 1987; Rule, 1990). Although the research studies proliferated, little was done to describe the different experiences of white and minority women. Sociologists constructed theories of gender stratification, but ignored political office holding as a source or type of power. Also, sociologists expended major efforts to conceptualize how race, class, and gender intersect, seeing these as comprising elaborate structures within which people live their lives. When political scientists entered the intersectional arena, they saw race and gender as variable characteristics of individuals that influence women to become candidates for political office. Political science work has progressed on two fronts: some have begun mapping the representation of women from different race/ethnic groups in state legislatures (Hardy-Fanta, 2006; Scola, 2006), while others have studied race and gender differences in the actual behavior and agendas of people who hold this office (Bratton, Haynie, & Reingold, 2006; Fraga, Lopez, Martinez-Ebers, & Ramirez, 2006). In fact, political scientists excel at describing patterns of interaction within legislatures, exploring how various groups treat one another (Hawkesworth, 2003; Orey, 2006; Bratton et al., 2006; Fraga et al., 2006), but studying Black and Hispanic women in separate projects. They have not done so well in describing intersections in

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the election process. The current research expands the intersectional arena by examining the electoral success of both women and men among whites, Hispanics, and Blacks, and highlighting some variables that appear to affect that success. Integrating insights from both academic disciplines provides a more effective approach for understanding these issues.

TERMINOLOGY AND REPRESENTATION Before describing the ideas and procedures employed in this project, it is important to identify the terminology being used. To keep the discussion livelier than it might be otherwise, some sets of terms are used interchangeably. The term ‘‘race’’ is used to mean race or ethnicity or both. ‘‘Minority group’’ refers to Hispanics or Blacks or both, depending on the context of the discussion. Hispanics are those who identified themselves as Hispanic on the ethnicity question in the 2000 census. The terms ‘‘Latino’’ and ‘‘Latina’’ are also sometimes used to refer to Hispanic men and women. Hispanics come from diverse ethnic backgrounds, for example, Mexican American, Cuban, Puerto Rican, and they may be of any race. ‘‘African American’’ and ‘‘Black’’ are used interchangeably, and ‘‘Black’’ is consistently capitalized just as is Hispanic, Latino, and African American. ‘‘White’’ refers to non-Hispanic whites, and it is not capitalized because it describes a diffuse category of people who are not united by a sense of identity or ethnic community. The level of representation achieved by various groups varies across state legislatures; therefore, they comprise an ideal setting for examining intersectional issues, especially the extent to which the legislature resembles the people of the state. State legislatures have fewer women and minority members than city councils do, but more than the United States Congress; hence, there are enough minority members in the population of some states and enough variation across those states to make a meaningful analysis feasible. Similar in structure, processes, and general responsibilities, legislatures enable us to ask what factors affect the likelihood that members of previously excluded groups can gain a toehold in them (Moncrief, 1999). Thus, the first and most prominent feature of the current study is to determine the extent to which white women and Hispanic and African American people of both sexes enjoy descriptive representation. The second is to account in part for the unequal representation of various groups from the perspective of emerging sociological ideas about the intersection of race, class, and gender, as well as some longstanding ideas about gender and power.

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DESCRIPTIVE, SUBSTANTIVE, AND DEMOCRATIC REPRESENTATION Descriptive representation, or the extent to which the state legislature resembles the population from which it is drawn, is necessary to achieve substantive representation, that is, enough members to address the issues that various currently underrepresented groups find most pressing (Swers, 2001; Mansbridge, 1999). Today, white men hold a large majority of all state legislative seats, except in Hawaii where Asian men prevail. White men comprise only about one-third of the entire population, yet they hold twothirds of the state legislative seats and appear reluctant to support legislation on women’s interests (Moncrief, 1999). Even men who are sympathetic to women’s issues are quite willing to leave the multiple tasks of introducing and supporting legislation in women’s interests to the women themselves. Also, white men show less inclination than white women to see the need to address minority issues such as poverty, racism, and discrimination (Little, Dunn, & Deen, 2001). White women from both major political parties more often recognize and support issues raised by people of color than white men do (Caiazza, 2002). Despite evidence of considerable overlap between women’s and minority interests (Prindeville, 2003), they are not coextensive and minority women perceive pressures to work on both and to carefully allocate their time for maximum results. Bratton et al. (2006) found African American women making shrewd choices: When there are other women to carry the brunt of women’s issues, African American women focus more on minority issues. Hispanic women perceive extra pressures as well. Fraga, Martinez-Ebers, Lopez, and Ramirez (2008) discovered some support for the idea that, because of their ethnicity, Hispanic women appear to soften the presentation of feminist concerns and their dual minority status makes them ideal for forming liaisons with other race/sex groups. State legislatures are of special significance because of the power they have to affect everyday life. In recent years, the federal government has given more power and authority to state legislatures (Sanbonmatsu, 2002). States carry out federal policies, such as health insurance for children and assorted social welfare programs for those with inadequate incomes. Some states supplement federal funding for these programs generously, whereas others provide only the skimpiest of support for the well-being of lessfortunate members of society. Legislatures also control matters that affect everyone at one time or another: marriage, divorce, inheritance, education,


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the environment, taxes, and social services, all fall within their purview. The social composition of the legislature matters because women and minority people of both sexes introduce and support legislation on these matters more often than white men who focus instead on taxes, budgets, crime, and punishment (Little et al., 2001; Moncrief, Thompson, & Cassie, 1996; Paxton, Kunovich, & Hughes, 2007).

MAPPING DIVERSITY IN STATE LEGISLATURES In 1970, women from all race–ethnic backgrounds held only 4% of state legislative seats. Their numbers rose slowly through the 1980s and early 1990s, but then leveled off and remained steady at just over one-fifth of those same seats for the last dozen years (Hardy-Fanta, Lien, Pinderhughes, & Sierra, 2006). At the same time, Hispanics and African Americans of both sexes gained state legislative seats, but white men remained firmly in control. Among political office holders, the higher the level of office, the more white men dominate. For example, in 2004, white men held 77% of the seats in the U.S. Congress, and slightly fewer, 70%, of all state legislative seats in the United States (Hardy-Fanta et al., 2006). Two recent studies of diversity in political office fail to take white male dominance into account but suggest fruitful avenues and techniques for further research. Both studies appeared in a special issue of Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, which was simultaneously published as a book titled Intersectionality and Politics (Hardy-Fanta, 2006). In addition to editing this special publication, Hardy-Fanta worked with colleagues to present data on a number of different political levels, emphasizing state legislatures and the presence of Black, Hispanic, Asian, and white women in them. They did not attempt to explain different levels of representation, but do provide two useful research techniques. First, for each specific minority group, they use only those states in which the minority comprises a substantial share of the population. To illustrate, they present data for the 20 states in which Blacks make up at least 10% of the population, 10 states in which at least 10% of the population is Hispanic, and 5 in which Asian Americans comprise at least 5% of the population. In this way, they avoid the error of looking for minority women where very few reside. Second, Hardy-Fanta and her colleagues acknowledged that knowing a given group’s share of various political offices is meaningless without taking account of the group’s share of the population. For each specific race/sex

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group in each state, they created a ‘‘parity ratio,’’ which is computed by dividing a given group’s share of legislative seats by that group’s share of the state population. A parity ratio of 1.00 indicates that the group holds precisely the same share of state legislative seats as they comprise of the state’s population. Parity ratios above 1.00 indicate that the group has a larger share of the state legislative seats than they have of the population, that is, they are overrepresented in the legislature. Finally, a parity ratio of less than 1.00 shows that the specific group has a smaller share of legislative seats than of the state population, indicating that they are underrepresented in the legislature. This last result – being underrepresented in the state legislature – characterizes all groups of women in all of the 20 states surveyed in this chapter. The parity ratio is an excellent measure of representation because it weighs each specific race/sex group, for example, Black women or Hispanic women, against its own population in the state. This makes it possible to draw comparisons among different groups even though their population size differs, as well as to compare the same group over time despite changes in population size. Unfortunately, Hardy-Fanta and her colleagues chose to focus only on comparing white women with each specific group of minority women. This approach ignores the situation of men from each race–ethnic group, and completely leaves out gender differences in representation. Similarly, Becki Scola (2006) examined all 50 state legislatures, also making it a question of differences between white women and minority women. She notes that white women hold a smaller share of the total whiteheld legislative seats than minority women hold of the total minority-held legislative seats. Questions about intersectionality are effectively reduced to a contest between different groups of women. Scola constructed regression equations that included a large number of predictor variables (to be discussed in the following text) that have previously been found to be related to women’s overall share of legislative seats. These variables perform well in predicting all women’s and white women’s share of officeholders. For women of color, the procedures produce hazier results, as few of the variables reach statistical significance and fallacies in the research design prevent drawing general conclusions. One issue in the design is that Scola lumps all women of color into the single category ‘‘minority.’’ As shown in the analysis presented here, relationships that hold for African American women differ appreciably from those found for Hispanic women. Combining all women of color obscures patterns to be found by considering the two groups separately. Also, Scola includes all 50 states in her equations, regardless of the very small


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population of minority people in several of those states. Minority women hold none of the seats in nine legislatures, and in 26 of the 50 states, minority women and men together comprise less than 10% of the total members of the legislature. Including states with so few women of color may conceal patterns observable among those states where there are more women of color. The third and biggest flaw in Scola’s research design is similar to the error made earlier by Darcy and Hadley (1988) and matters greatly for the interpretation of the results. The reason that white women hold a smaller share of all state legislative seats held by whites is simply that white men are so extremely overrepresented. Minority men are typically underrepresented in the state legislatures. Therefore, minority women have a larger share of a much smaller pie, while white women have a smaller share of a much larger pie. This crucial error could have been avoided if men were included and each race–sex group was properly viewed from the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender. The current analysis features both sexes among Latinos, African Americans, and whites, thereby filling in the previously empty cells to form a genuine intersectional study.

UNDERSTANDING INTERSECTIONALITY Contemporary ideas about the intersection of race, class, and gender comprise an orienting perspective more than a concrete theory of power (Ken, 2007). In this perspective, race–ethnicity, economic class, and gender – together with other variables such as immigrant status, marital status, age, and sexual orientation – each constitute a system of power so that people in some categories of each variable are relatively advantaged and others are relatively disadvantaged. Patricia Hill Collins (1990) goes further to label these elements of stratification systems as categories of oppression, and stresses the need to examine the relationships between people who are differentially placed among these categories. In short, the analysis should not stop with merely describing where each group is located on some measure of status. In Collins’s view, people who are higher in status are there because they have found a way to exploit those who are lower in status with the extent of the exploitation or advantage-taking in itself a variable. Although she does not mention office holding, her ideas point to the fact that achieving political office involves contested elections in a zero sum game, such that one group winning means another group must lose.

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Political scientists have forged their own understandings of intersectional issues, which tend to downplay the contested nature of the election process. They use weaker terms than sociologists do, such as ‘‘identity,’’ ‘‘difference,’’ and ‘‘diversity’’ rather than ‘‘inequality,’’ ‘‘stratification,’’ and ‘‘oppression.’’ Their approach is fruitful for understanding the behavior and agendas of minority women legislators. For example, Bratton et al. (2006) show that the number and kind of bills Black women introduce depend on the legislative context in which they operate. The context includes varying combinations of the party affiliation of the majority of the legislators, the numbers of white women legislators, and the numbers of Black men legislators. Sociological proponents of an intersectional approach suggest that race, class, and gender intersect with one another in various ways to produce much of the social structure of society. For example, relationships between women and men may exhibit different patterns among African Americans than among whites, Hispanics, or Native Americans. Moreover, individual people experience each of these categories or variables simultaneously. They cannot be expected to separate specific experiences as being due to race or gender or class. Although she is a political scientist, Hawkesworth (2003) agrees that these variables then must be studied simultaneously. In any society, the meanings of race, class, and gender are socially constructed, and these definitions can change, though usually quite slowly (Ken, 2007). Also, a disadvantaged status on one of these often occurs along with a disadvantaged status on another, or one might say that these variables operate in tandem with each other (Manuel, 2006). An intersectional approach might also lead to erroneously speaking of double or triple disadvantages for minority women in particular as did Darcy and Hadley (1988), who sounded quite puzzled about the electoral success of Black women. From the disadvantage approach, it is a very short step to seeing various people as victims rather than as individuals who manage their own lives, make choices, and take steps to overcome the hand that life has dealt them. An intersectional approach directs us to acknowledge multiple or cumulative disadvantages, but instead of focusing on groups of people, to try to understand how the variables intersect in the power structure of the country (Ken, 2007). An intersectional approach carries distinct implications for the research methods to be chosen. One is that we should take account of the major status conferring variables simultaneously to understand their separate and joint effects on the dependent variable, which, in the research presented here, is representation in positions of power. The current data allow making


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simultaneous race and gender comparisons, though the focus is on gender differences within race/ethnic groups because gender inequality seems to be the missing ingredient in recent political science research.

DETERMINANTS OF WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION IN STATE LEGISLATURES Although study of the determinants of the election of minority women, especially Latinas, is still in its infancy, studies of the election of all women to state legislatures have proliferated over the past 30 years and a bewildering number of diverse predictors have been identified. It is not clear whether these predictors apply equally for different groups of women or if they make the strongest case for white women. To complicate matters further, some of the predictors of women’s election probabilities have changed over time. In the early 1970s, women who became state legislators were likely to be elected as Republicans, in states in which election districts had small populations, to the so-called ‘‘citizen’’ legislatures (Diamond, 1977; Dolan & Ford, 1997). Women legislators were likely to be housewives rather than working women and to have participated in local charitable and volunteer activities rather than formal political office. The small election districts enabled them to campaign personally in their own neighborhoods instead of having to acquire large campaign funds and television advertising to persuade voters. Citizen legislatures are those which met infrequently for short periods of time, paid little compensation to their members, and rarely launched national political figures. In contrast, men dominated the professional legislatures that meet for longer periods of time, do more research before passing legislation, and carry higher salaries. Seats in these legislatures are considered more desirable and are hotly contested. As the number of women in state legislatures grew in the 1980s and 1990s, the size of election districts became less and less important. At the same time, incumbency rates gained increasing importance (Almquist, Darville, & Freudiger, 1985; Rule, 1990), and continue to do so (Moncrief et al., 1996). In an essay reviewing a number of factors that create obstacles or alternately pave the way for women to be elected, Michele Swers (2001) stated that the single greatest obstacle to the election of women is the incumbency factor. In a situation of low incumbency rates and high turnover among elected officials, newcomers, especially women, seemed to have a better chance at being nominated and subsequently elected to office (Almquist et al., 1985).

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Over the past 30 years most legislatures became more professional, meeting most of the year, providing year-round salaries to their members, and engaging in considerable research before acting on proposed legislation. Throughout the 1990s, highly professional legislatures dampened women’s prospects for being elected to them (Ellickson & Whistler, 2000), and that effect continues (Hogan, 2001). The situation may be more complex than initially proposed. Kira Sanbonmatsu (2002) found that legislative professionalism interacts with party dominance to affect women’s election chances. In states with highly professional legislatures that are also dominated by the Democratic Party, men are likely to be interested in running for office. To maintain male dominance, they campaign heavily to win primaries over women or they sometimes manipulate local party organizations to insure that a man, not a woman, becomes the party candidate. Wilma Rule (1990) documented several changes between 1974 and 1984 – a time period in which the proportion of women in state senates doubled from 4% to 8% – that aided in the election of women. New factors enhancing women’s probability of being elected included multimember districts – which do not benefit African Americans according to Darcy and Hadley (1988) – more women in U.S. Congress, more women in the labor force working at professional occupations, and organized women’s rights groups such as the National Organization of Women and the National Women’s Political Caucus. A more recent study (Hogan, 2001) of individual election districts identifies several factors that are influential in determining if a woman will be elected. As in other studies, highly professional legislatures and a large number of people in a district dampened women’s possibilities of election. Multimember districts, higher levels of education, and a sizable minority population increased women’s chances of winning office. Hogan also found just as Rule (1990) did that political culture played a major part in women’s chances. Election districts in states with moralistic or individualistic political cultures were more likely to elect women; districts in states with traditional political culture – as in the deep South states – were less likely to elect women. Unfortunately, recent measures of state political culture are not available to test their influence for minority women. It is also somewhat unclear how various political cultures might impact the election of minority men. Nor can we ascertain whether minority women are likely to be elected from multimember districts; studying individual districts is impossible or at least impractical (Moncrief et al., 1996). But women’s presence in the labor force and in professional or managerial occupations, as well as their


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educational attainment is available separately for women in different race/ ethnic groups. Political scientists see education and labor force attainment as factors that increase the pool of potential women candidates. More college graduates working in higher status occupations are seen as increasing the likelihood that individual women will seek office, and hence the likelihood that women will be elected. This ‘‘pool of potential candidates’’ explanation remains plausible, but relatively weak. Sociologists theorizing women’s power provide a different, but compatible view.

SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON WOMEN’S STATUS Although they never looked explicitly at women’s representation in political offices, two sociologists have presented highly compatible theories of women’s status. They are Rae Lesser Blumberg (1984) and Janet Chafetz (1984) whose ideas are synthesized in Dunn, Almquist, and Chafetz (1988). Their theories were designed to apply across different types of societies, and should apply across different states as well. In both the theories, women’s status is measured by the rights and privileges that women have relative to men of the same social groups; being well represented in political office could offer a major avenue for women gaining status commensurate with that of men. Blumberg (1984) works with the notion that power structures are enmeshed in status hierarchies. One such hierarchy would be the family, the community, the state, and the nation. Another way to conceptualize hierarchies is in different institutional spheres, with family, the lowest; the economy, intermediate; and the political realm, the highest. Blumberg argues that women must achieve higher status in the economy before they will be able to achieve political status and then use that leverage to achieve rights and privileges on a par with men. Though not specified by Blumberg, state as well as national legislatures could be precisely the mechanism through which women gain rights and privileges. In this context, then, the economic variables of women’s earnings and occupations increase women’s office holding because they measure the extent of women’s power-holding in the economic realm. It is important to note that Blumberg cautions that economic power may not translate readily into political power because women’s credentials are so frequently discounted. A woman with a certain

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level of occupation, education, and earnings would not necessarily be perceived as capable as a man with precisely the same credentials. How steep is the discount rate? As a hunch, it is probably somewhat proportionate to the degree of ideological sexism. The more sexist the people and culture, the more women’s credentials will be downplayed. According to both Blumberg (1984) and Chafetz (1984), women hold more economic power when they have access to the means of production and control their own work. Women in professional and managerial occupations have more direct access to the means of production and more control over their own work than women in other occupations. These ideas lead into a more precise description of the methods employed in the current research.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Time Frame and Units of Analysis The year 2003 was selected as the most appropriate for examining how closely the legislators resemble the state’s population. It was close to the 2000 census, which provided data for several other variables of interest, somewhat removed from the potential influence of the 2000 presidential election and virtually concurrent with the years that Scola (2006) and Hardy-Fanta (2006) investigated. A quick review of representation statistics shows very strong correlations between each race/sex group’s share of legislative seats in 2003 and 2009, the current year, especially among African Americans.

Sampling To maximize the possibility that a minority group could have a number of people in the state legislature, only those states in which Hispanics and African Americans comprise a sizable share of the state’s population were selected for analysis. To perform distinctly parallel analyses for both groups, the 10 states with the highest proportions of Blacks and the 10 states with the highest proportions of Hispanics were selected. In Table 1, these states are listed in order of the size of the minority population, from largest to smallest. For example, in New Mexico 42% of the population is Hispanic, whereas only 12% of the population in Illinois is Hispanic. Still that is larger than any

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Table 1. State

Race and Ethnic Composition Selected States.

Percent Whitea Percent Blackb Percent Hispanicc Percent Otherd Totale

States with large Black populations Mississippi 61 Louisiana 63 South Carolina 66 Georgia 63 Maryland 62 Alabama 70 North Carolina 70 Virginia 70 Delaware 73 Tennessee 79

36 32 29 28 28 26 21 19 19 16

1 2 2 5 4 2 5 5 5 2

1 3 3 4 7 2 4 6 3 3

100 100 100 100 100 99 100 100 100 100

States with large Hispanic populations New Mexico 45 Texas 52 California 47 Arizona 64 Nevada 65 Florida 65 Colorado 74 New York 62 New Jersey 66 Illinois 68

2 11 6 3 7 14 4 15 13 15

42 32 32 25 20 17 17 15 13 12

11 4 15 8 8 4 5 8 8 5

100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

a

Non-Hispanic whites. Non-Hispanic Blacks. c Hispanics may be of any race. d Non-Hispanic Asians. e Total may not equal 100% because some individuals are not classified by race and ethnicity. b

other state. Similarly, in Mississippi 36% of the population is African American, and in Tennessee they make up only 16% of the population. Again, all other states have a lower proportion of Black than Tennessee. Measuring the Dependent Variable Both houses of the state legislature are considered as one in this research. In most states, the upper house has considerably fewer members than the lower house, thereby reducing the probability that women and people of color will be present. Combining the two houses makes it possible to include the senate data, and recent research has shown little difference between upper and lower houses in the proportion of women (Arceneaux, 2001).

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To measure the extent to which any one group is equitably represented in the legislature, it is logical to compare the group’s share of the legislature to their share of the state population. This is precisely the method HardyFanta (2006) used and is nearly identical to the Index of Political Representation (IPR) that I developed and use here. Using Latinas in New Mexico as an example, it is computed in the following way: the share of total seats held by Latinas is divided by their share of the state’s population. In New Mexico, Latinas held only 14% of the total state legislative seats but they comprised 23% of the population. Their IPR then is 0.60. HardyFanta left the result as a ratio, whereas I multiply the result by 100 to remove the decimal point and describe the result as a percentage. Latinas are underrepresented in the legislature compared to their presence in the population. By contrast, the IPR for their male counterparts – Latinos – is 147, showing the men holding a larger share of the state legislative seats than their share of the population. Hispanic men, however, still have a lower IPR than white men. For each race/ethnic group in each state, a gender ratio is computed by dividing women’s IPR score in any given state by men’s IPR score in the same state, again multiplying the result by 100 to remove the decimal point. In New Mexico, the gender ratio for Hispanics is 41, indicating that women are only about two-fifths as well represented in the legislature as men. For whites in New Mexico, the gender ratio is only 32. Latinas and white women have almost the same IPR scores of 60 and 64, respectively, but the white gender ratio is smaller because white men have considerably higher IPR scores. The smaller the gender ratio, the greater is the gap between women and men. The National Council of State Legislatures provided online data on the number of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in each state legislature, but did not differentiate by sex. The Institute for Women’s Policy Research provided online information concerning the number of women legislators from each of several groups: whites, Hispanics, Blacks, Asians, and Native Americans (Caiazza, 2002). So the numbers of white, Hispanic, and Black women were measured directly. The numbers of Hispanic and Black men were obtained by subtracting the number of women from the total of each group. The number of white men was obtained by subtracting minority women and men and white women plus a small number to allow for other minority group members such as Native Americans, who may hold seats in the legislature. Given this adjustment, the estimated number of white men can hardly be an overestimate, and indeed may actually underestimate their numbers and their IPR scores.


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Once the IPR scores have been calculated for each race/ethnic/sex group, the results can be compared in myriad ways. Besides gender ratios for each race/ethnic group, though not done here, a race/ethnic ratio could be calculated in a similar fashion, for example, by dividing Black men’s IPR by white men’s IPR. In each of the 20 states, white men have a higher score than minority men. Besides these kinds of comparisons between groups, we can also use IPR scores as a dependent variable and see if assorted independent variables affect each group’s IPR in the same way. Looking for different patterns for different race/sex groups is exactly what makes up an intersectional analysis.

Independent Variables A number of different variables have been found to be associated with an increased likelihood that women will be elected to legislative office. One that may also affect the likelihood of minority men being elected is the population size of the election district, and hence the number of people a candidate has to convince in order to win the election. District size is measured simply by dividing the state’s total population by the number of seats in the legislature. Legislative districts may vary by size within states; however, we are not examining individual legislators, only state totals. Sociologists have often found that the larger the minority population in a given area, the greater is the discrimination against them. However, barring deliberate gerrymandering, in the case of elective offices, a large concentration of the minority population in the state may enhance the possibility of being elected for both women and men. Two other variables that may affect election to state legislative office are available. The first one is the party composition of the state legislature. Women and minority members of both sexes are more likely to run and be elected in states with a high proportion of Democrats. However, it is worthy of note that over the past 20 years, Republicans have been gaining legislative seats, so by 2003, Republicans and Democrats each made up about half of the total state legislators in the United States (Rosenthal & Jones, 2004). The second one is the incumbency rate; high incumbency or low turnover will probably have an adverse effect on the chances for minority people and white women to be elected. Political scientists see variables such as education, jobs, and earnings as increasing the pool of viable candidates, whereas sociologists see the same variables as indicating a stronger power base for women. These variables are

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incorporated and each has been calculated separately for Black, Latin and, white women: percent who are college graduates, percent who are employed for pay, percent of women workers who are managers or professionals, and women’s median earnings as a percent of the median earnings of their male counterparts. This information is also derived from the website of the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, who calculated it from the census of 2000. All variables are aggregate measures of group characteristics, with ‘‘group’’ meaning a gender group within each of the race/ethnic categories. Information about the individual states is also aggregated, for example, the population size of the average election district. Although using aggregate data may unintentionally lead one to commit serious ecological fallacies, it is possible that aggregate data can reveal patterns of social structure more clearly than analysis of individual data (Collins, 1990; Esterchild, 1999).

Statistical Analysis Given the small number of states in each sample, Spearman’s r (rank order correlation) was used to calculate the degree of association among the IPR scores and the other variables.

FINDINGS Descriptive Representation Table 2 tells a tale of extreme gender inequality, revealing the disproportionately high representation of white men in the legislatures of all 20 states surveyed here. White women and minority women are consistently underrepresented in all states surveyed, while the IPR scores for Black men and Latinos vary a great deal across the various states. Across all 50 states, Black men hold only about three-fourths as large a share of the state legislators as they do of the population. However, in these 10 states with substantial numbers of African Americans, the median IPR for Black men is 100. They fall below that mark in only two states, Virginia and Delaware. In Delaware, Black women actually have a higher level of representation in the state legislature than do Black men. Therefore, the gender ratio is unusually high for African Americans in Delaware; it is one of only two instances in 40 comparisons (10 each for Blacks and Latino/as,

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Table 2.

Black, White, and Hispanic IPR Scores in Selected State Legislatures, by Sex.

States with a Large African American Population

African Americans

Non-Hispanic Whites

Women

Men

Ratio

Women

Men

Ratio

Mississippi Louisiana South Carolina Georgia Maryland Alabama North Carolina Virginia Delaware Tennessee

35 47 21 62 77 50 40 44 33 76

125 100 123 100 100 158 100 67 20 108

28 47 17 62 77 32 40 66 165 75

22 30 17 42 72 11 46 28 68 28

209 209 220 200 163 197 189 219 184 186

11 14 8 21 44 6 24 13 37 13

Median/10 states Median/U.S. total

49 36

100 73

55 49

29 56

198 219

13 26

States with a Large Hispanic Population

Hispanics

Non-Hispanic Whites

Women

Men

Ratio

Women

Men

Ratio

New Mexico Texas California Arizona Nevada Florida Colorado New York New Jersey Illinois

60 29 71 36 8 8 25 13 33 50

147 114 89 110 0 100 114 88 69 60

41 25 80 63 – 9 22 15 48 83

64 39 67 60 71 55 77 52 32 50

200 213 232 180 182 171 145 177 206 173

32 18 29 33 35 32 53 29 16 29

Median/10 states U.S. total

31 10

94 30

29 33

58 56

181 219

32 26

Source: See text and references.

and 20 for whites) in which women’s IPR score exceeds that of their male counterparts. The other instance is for Hispanics in Nevada. In both cases, the IPR scores for both women and men are extremely low. The fate of Black women differs somewhat from that of Black men. States in which Black men have high scores are typically not states in which Black women have (relatively) high scores. In short, there is virtually no

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correlation between Black women’s IPR scores and Black men’s (r ¼ 0.137; see Table 3). Across the country, Black women hold just over one-third (IPR ¼ 36) as many legislative seats as they do of the population. In these 10 states with large Black populations, their median IPR rises somewhat to 49, indicating Black women hold just under one-half of the seats they would have if they were represented in proportion to their population. In no instance do their IPR scores exceed or even reach 100, which would indicate that the women have exactly the same share of the state legislature seats as they have of the total population. African American women’s IPR scores are higher than white women’s in 8 of the 10 states with large Black populations, but appreciably lower than Black men’s in 9 of the 10 states. Using 1980 data, Darcy and Hadley (1988) argued that the underrepresentation of Blacks in state legislatures is in fact mostly the underrepresentation of Black women. The same picture emerges here. The IPR scores for Hispanics also paint a portrait of gender and ethnic inequality. Women have a disproportionately smaller share of the state legislative seats than men among both whites and Hispanics, and unlike African American women, Latinas have a lower average IPR than white women. Other differences between Blacks and Latinos become apparent in the correlations among IPR scores (see Table 3).

Correlations Among IPR Variables The tangle of correlations in Table 3 shows something of the zero sum game aspect of legislative representation as there are negative correlations between white men’s IPR scores and the IPR scores of Black women and white women in the 10 states with large numbers of African Americans. The same pattern holds for white women in the states with large Hispanic populations but not for Hispanic women. In all four comparisons (two for whites, one each for Blacks and Hispanics), men’s level of representation in the legislature is negatively associated with their respective gender ratio. This indicates that the higher is the men’s representation, the lower is the gender ratio and the larger is the gap between women and men. These findings may seem a bit strange, but in fact, a similar pattern occurs in research on the labor market status, that is, occupational prestige and earnings, of 11 distinct race/ethnic groups in the United States (Almquist, 2000; Esterchild & McDanel, 1999). Drawing on census data in 1990 and again in 2000, those groups with higher labor market standing also had the

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Table 3.

Rank Order Correlations Among IPR Scores and Ratios. Black women

States with a Large African American Population Black men 0.137 White women 0.337 White men 0.506 Gender ratio for Blacks 0.397

White men Gender ratio for whites

States with a Large Hispanic Population Hispanic men White women White men Gender ratio for Hispanics

White men Gender ratio for whites

Black men

– 0.318 0.146 0.648

White women

White men

0.708 0.988

– 0.648

Hispanic women

Hispanic men

0.191 0.048 0.494 0.367

— 0.156 0.079 0.606

White women

White men

0.388 0.979

— 0.561

Source: Derived from Table 1 and from U.S. Census data.

smallest gender ratios; as men’s prestige and earnings increased, the gender gap increased as well.

Determinants of Political Representation Taking a lead from research on women’s success in becoming state legislators, we asked if the population size of the average election district would also be connected with minority women’s and men’s representation. In the past, election districts with fewer people seemed to give women a higher chance of gaining office because women did not need to have a huge campaign chest to compete with men (Diamond, 1977; Almquist et al., 1985). In the current project, smaller election districts benefit African American men but not Hispanic men and none of the groups of women (see Table 4). As predicted, the correlation is inverse, that is, the fewer

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Table 4.

Correlates of Representation in State Legislatures.

Variables

High Black Population States

High Hispanic Population States

0.103 þ0.509

þ0.272 þ0.648

0.127 0.612

0.033 0.200

þ0.449 þ0.564

þ0.497 þ0.245

þ0.370 þ0.346

0.282 0.121

Population and political characteristics Share of state population With minority women’s IPR With minority men’s IPR Population size of election district With minority women’s IPR With minority men’s IPR State legislature: percent Democrats With minority women’s IPR With minority men’s IPR Legislative turnover With minority women’s IPR With minority men’s IPR

High Black Population States

Variables Correlated With Women’s IPR

Black women

Women’s education and employment characteristics Percent of college graduates þ0.594 Percent of women employed þ0.206 Percent of women workers who are þ0.485 managers or professionals Women’s earnings as a percent of men’s þ0.379

High Hispanic Population States

White women

Hispanic women

White women

þ0.694 þ0.724 þ0.718

0.252 þ0.115 0.039

þ0.491 þ0.494 þ0.494

þ0.508

0.548

0.348

people in the average election district in the state, the more likely African American men are to occupy a sizable share of legislative seats. A second variable that might affect representation is the share of the state’s population held by the minority group. The IPR is already computed in proportion to the population, but here we ask if an especially large concentration of Blacks or Hispanics further enhances their chances of being elected. The answer is yes for both groups but for men only, not women. This is the strongest instance in which a political variable influences women and men differently. No ready explanation for this finding exists, but taken together with the finding that men’s presence in state legislatures is associated with a larger gap between women and men in representation, it suggests that in states where a minority group has stronger representation in the legislature, the lion’s share of the seats still go to men.


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Having more Democrats than Republicans in the legislature improves the chances of being elected for Black women, Black men, and Hispanic men, but does nothing at all for Latinas. In a similar vein, high turnover rates offer some opportunities for women and men among African Americans but seem to have only a slight negative impact on Hispanics. Taken together, as shown in the first panel of Table 4, the four state population and political variables are more closely related to the electoral success of Black men than to any of the other three minority groupings. In several instances, the effects of those variables are very different between Black women and Latinas. This once again confirms the intersectional idea that some variables affect Hispanic women’s election chances in a way that is different from Blacks, and to some extent, from whites also. The same point is displayed in the second panel of Table 4 with regard to women’s education, earnings, and occupations. Once more, the patterns observed for Black women do not hold for Latinas. The second panel of Table 4 shows the effects of the four variables that political scientists describe as creating a pool of likely candidates for legislative positions. All four variables are positively associated with Black women’s representation in political office. The correlations range from relatively weak for percent women employed to moderately strong for percent college graduates. White women in high Black population states benefit from their own education, occupations, and earnings even more than Black women do. For Latinas, the correlations are very weak (percent women employed) or even negative (percent college graduates). Having a higher number of women in top occupations does not benefit Hispanic women, suggesting that whatever prompts them to run for the legislature lies outside the labor market. The last variable – women’s earnings as a percent of men’s – moves beyond the simple idea of a pool of women candidates. It also represents women’s economic power compared to men’s. In the high Black population states, for both Black women and white women, the more economic power, the larger is their representation in the state legislature. In the high Hispanic population states, however, women’s higher earnings dampen the prospect of Latinas being elected to public office for both Latinas and white women. Accumulating economic power for Latinas does not boost their chances of gaining political representation.

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION This research has focused more on gender inequality and the status of Hispanic and African American women than on race/ethnicity because there

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are so few guidelines for studying the latter. Representation Indexes have been computed and presented for each race/sex group thereby keeping both types of inequality in mind. Because each group is assessed relative to their population, one can draw precise comparisons across groups. For instance, in South Carolina both Black women and white women are only weakly represented in the state legislature. But Black men are proportionately represented six times as often as Black women. Even with a large Black population in South Carolina, white men still dominate the legislature numerically, having more than twice as large a share of the legislative seats as they have of the population in South Carolina (IPR ¼ 220). In fact, white men have larger representation, and typically much larger IPR scores than any other group in each of the 20 states considered here. Both sexes among Blacks and Latino/as enjoy a larger representation in their respective 10 states than they do among the total legislators in the United States. This is partially due to the heavier population concentrations of each group in their respective states, as an especially large concentration of the minority group increases the representation of Black men and Latinos, but does not benefit the women much at all. Similarly, small numbers of people per election district strongly affects the likelihood that Black men will be in the legislature, but has a much smaller effect among Hispanic men and virtually no effect for women from each group. One must be cautious in interpreting these findings, especially those concerning the concentration of minority groups in the population, because we have not examined the effect of this within the various states and do not know how closely election district boundaries coincide with areas of minority concentration. Indeed some wariness is warranted for these findings because the various predictors of representation have not been subjected to a multivariate analysis that would weight the relative importance of each of the variables considered. This was not done because of the small number of states for each group and because not all of the overlapping factors – such as political structure and political ideology – that at one time or another have been found to affect women’s share of state legislative seats were available for this analysis. It should be noted that the composition of state legislatures and of various population segments has undoubtedly changed somewhat during the last several years. This does not vitiate the findings presented here, but it does suggest caution in generalizing from these results. Given all these caveats, what conclusions can be drawn? The primary significance of gender along with the varying influences of race/ethnicity shine through all the findings. Without any intention to make invidious comparisons among different groups of women, it is clear that there are


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sizable differences. Black women have higher levels of representation and higher gender ratios in their high-population states than white women do. In turn, white women have higher levels of representation than Latinas, while their gender ratios are almost equal. One would not expect to find the same patterns for white women in either set of 10 states as one would find among all 50 states. Yet, in all but one instance (women’s earnings in the high Hispanic population states) in both sets of states, the correlations between white women’s IPR scores and other variables that occur in both state samples are very similar to those found when all women in all 50 states are studied (Scola, 2006). The correlations found for Black women are similar to those for white women, though generally somewhat weaker. The pattern of associations among variables for Latinas differs markedly from both whites and African Americans. Variables – such as the percent of women workers who are managerial or professional workers – enhance Black women’s presence in the legislature but seem to be neutral for Latinas. However, other variables – such as women’s earnings in relation to men’s – appear to actually decrease Hispanic women’s presence in the legislature. This affirms the intersectionalist perspective that many variables operate in different ways among different groups. White women’s representation in state legislatures in the high Black population states studied here is weaker than in the nation as a whole. However, even among this limited sample of states, white women appear to be translating their economic power into political power. At the same time, it appears that key instigators of minority women’s political careers lie outside the workplace. Black women’s political lives are nurtured by Black churches, in community organizations and through civil rights activism as well as in the work place. Political careers for Latinas may emerge from issues raised in community organizing and civil rights activism, but rarely from their workplaces (Fraga et al., 2006, 2008). Why the differences between Hispanic women’s patterns and Black women’s patterns? Regional differences, cultural differences between Blacks and Latino/as, and ethnic differences among Latino/as may all be implicated in these results. The 10 states with sizable Black populations are all contiguous and all are in the southeast. Political activity in the southwestern states may differ from the southeast. Black women have a long history as women of being politically active, struggling against white domination to feed and care for their families, as well as for civil and political rights. Hispanic women have also worked hard to care for their families, but they have been encouraged to subordinate their interests as women to reach for goals, such as health care, that would benefit all

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Hispanics (Fraga et al., 2006; Bedolla, Monforti, & Pantoja, 2006). Some Hispanics are immigrants from outside the United States and others are migrating from the southwest to the far-flung states of Illinois, New Jersey, and New York. The exigencies of getting settled may hamper opportunities for political involvement in the short run. African Americans are far from being a homogeneous group, but the history of slavery and continuing discrimination may help unite African Americans in spite of other differences among them. Meanwhile, Hispanics are more sharply divided than Blacks in party affiliation, region of residence, and ethnic membership. Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and Cuban Americans comprise three large groups of the Hispanic population, yet there are many other Latinos, with the particular ethnic mix differing from state to state. Cultural and historical differences among these groups may militate against forming coalitions in electoral politics (Bedolla et al., 2006). The most important conclusion from this research is that different race–sex groups show different rates of election to state legislatures and the correlates of the parity ratios differ among groups as well. The findings also suggest that merely comparing women from different race/ethnic groups is only a partial analysis of intersectionality. The fact that men have higher levels of representation over women in each race–ethnic group shows that one cannot ignore gender and the success of men in trying to understand women’s level of representation. Future analyses can further our understanding by accounting for gender differences, analyzing racial differences among men more closely, and taking account of more variables than was possible here. Regional and state differences in political systems may help account for variations in the representation of different groups, especially if the southwestern states have systems that particularly discourage the participation of minorities and southern states discourage the participation of white women. It is also possible that there are more variables related to the election chances of various groups than there are states with enough people of minority descent to analyze. In any case, the methods and findings presented here illuminate the paths that future research on these issues should take. Relatively few practical implications can be gained from this research. Each state, and perhaps each election district within the state, has a specific combination of characteristics that may or may not be ones that an individual candidate can finesse. At the same time, other research shows that if women elect to run for office and are successful at negotiating support from their local political party organization (Swers, 2001), they are likely to garner enough resources to be elected. Barriers to women’s election are not insurmountable, and cracks are emerging in the great wall of white male domination.


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REFERENCES Almquist, E. M. (2000). Who’s the boss? Race, ethnicity and gender in managerial jobs. In: D. Dunn & D. Waller (Eds), Analyzing social problems (pp. 117–124). New York: Prentice-Hall. Almquist, E. M., Darville, R. L., & Freudiger, P. (1985). Woman’s place is in the house: Political and social variables influencing women’s share of state legislative seats. Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology, 13(2), 165–168. Arceneaux, K. (2001). The ‘gender gap’ in legislative representation: New data to tackle an old question. Political Research Quarterly, 54(1), 143–160. Bedolla, L. G., Monforti, J. L., & Pantoja, A. D. (2006). A second look: Is there a Latina/o gender gap? Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 71–96. Blumberg, R. L. (1984). A general theory of gender stratification. In: R. Collins (Ed.), Sociological theory (pp. 23–101). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bratton, K. A., Haynie, K. L., & Reingold, B. (2006). Substantive impact of the changing face of elected officials. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 71–96. Caiazza, A. (2002). Women in the statehouse: Worth their weight in gold. Quarterly Newsletter, Summer, pp. 1, 3. Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Washington, DC. Carroll, S. J. (1985). Women as candidates in American politics. Bloomington, IN: University of Indiana Press. Chafetz, J. S. (1984). Sex and advantage: A comparative, macrostructural theory of sex stratification. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Allanheld. Collins, P. H. (1990). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. Boston: Unwin-Hyman. Darcy, R., & Hadley, C. D. (1988). Black women in politics: The puzzle of success. Social Science Quarterly, 69(3), 629–645. Darcy, R., Welch, S., & Clark, J. (1987). Women, elections and representation. New York: Longman. Diamond, I. (1977). Sex roles in the state house. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Dolan, K., & Ford, L. E. (1997). Change and continuity among women state legislators: Evidence from three decades. Political Research Quarterly, 50(1), 137–151. Dunn, D., Almquist, E., & Chafetz, J. (1988). Macrostructural theories of gender inequality. In: P. England (Ed.), Theory on gender/feminism on theory (pp. 69–90). New York: Aldine. Ellickson, M. C., & Whistler, D. E. (2000). A path analysis of legislative success in professional and citizen legislatures: A gender comparison. Women and Politics, 21(4), 77–103. Esterchild, E. M. (1999). Gender and politics. In: J. Chafetz (Ed.), Handbook of the sociology of gender (pp. 519–535). New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum. Esterchild, E. M., & McDanel, R. (1999). Race, gender and income. Race, Gender and Class, 5(2), 124–138. Fraga, L. R., Lopez, L., Martinez-Ebers, V., & Ramirez, R. (2006). Gender and ethnicity: Patterns of electoral success and legislative advocacy among Latina and Latino state officials in four states. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 121–145. Fraga, L. R., Martinez-Ebers, V., Lopez, L., & Ramirez, R. (2008). Representing gender and ethnicity: Strategic intersectionality. In: B. Reingold (Ed.), Legislative women: Getting elected, getting ahead (pp. 157–174). Boulder: Lynne Rienner. Hardy-Fanta, C. (2006). Intersectionality and politics: Recent research on gender Race, and political representation in the United State. Binghamton, NY: The Haworth Press.

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Hardy-Fanta, C., Lien, P., Pinderhughes, D. M., & Sierra, C. M. (2006). Gender, race, and descriptive representation in the United States: Findings from the gender and multicultural leadership project. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 7–41. Hawkesworth, M. (2003). Congressional enactments of race-gender: Toward a theory of raced/ gendered institutions. American Political Science Review, 97(4), 529–550. Hogan, R. E. (2001). The influence of state and district conditions on the representation of women in U.S. state legislatures. American Politics Research, 29(1), 4–24. Ken, I. (2007). Race-class-gender theory: An image(ry) problem (Published online, August 4). Springer ScienceþBusiness Media. Little, T. H., Dunn, D., & Deen, R. E. (2001). A view from the top: Gender differences in legislative priorities among state legislative leaders. Women and Politics, 22(4), 29–50. Mansbridge, J. (1999). Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent ‘yes,’. The Journal of Politics, 32(4), 628–657. Manuel, T. (2006). Envisioning the possibilities for a good life: Exploring the public policy implications of intersectionality theory. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 173–203. Moncrief, G. F. (1999). Recruitment and retention in U.S. legislatures. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 24(2), 173–208. Moncrief, G. F., Thompson, J. A., & Cassie, W. (1996). Revisiting the state of U.S. state legislative research. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 21(3), 301–335. Orey, B. D. (2006). Race and gender matter: Refining models of legislative policy making in legislatures. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 97–119. Paxton, P., Kunovich, S., & Hughes, M. H. (2007). Gender in politics. Annual Review of Sociology, 33, 263–284. Prindeville, D. M. (2003). ‘I’ve seen changes’: The political efficacy of American Indian and Hispanic women leaders. Women and Politics, 25(1and 2), 89–113. Rosenthal, A., & Jones, R. (2004). Trends in state legislatures. Book of the States, 36, 71–76. Rule, W. (1990). Why more women are state legislators: A research note. Western Political Quarterly, 43(2), 437–448. Sanbonmatsu, K. (2002). Political parties and the recruitment of women to state legislatures. The Journal of Politics, 64(3), 791–809. Scola, B. (2006). Women of color in state legislatures: Gender, race, ethnicity and legislative office holding. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 28(3 and 4), 43–70. Swers, M. (2001). Research on women in legislatures: What have we learned, where are we going? Women and Politics, 23(1 and 2), 167–185.

GENDER, RACE, AND PERCEIVED PROMOTABILITY AMONG AMERICAN EMPLOYEES Carolyn Cummings Perrucci and Dina Banerjee ABSTRACT Purpose – This research examines the effects of gender, race, human capital, work conditions, and organizational characteristics on employees’ current supervisory status at work, and their perceptions of their future promotability. Methodology – Data are drawn from the salaried employees of The National Study of the Changing Workforce in 2002, a nationally representative sample of all U.S. workers. Employees are compared by race and gender using correlation coefficients, t-tests, and multiple regression. Findings – In contrast to earlier research, in 2002 non-white women are as likely as white women and non-white men to have attained supervisory status at work. There also is no gender or race effect on employees’ perception of their future promotional opportunity. Workers who are supervisors, both white and non-white, are more likely than non-supervisors to perceive that they have future promotional opportunity. Having a work context that is supportive, and having supportive coworkers and a supportive supervisor, leads to the perception of greater chances to continue to move up in one’s company, as does Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 147–166 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014010

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having greater job demands and union membership. On the contrary, work/family spillover, having a supervisor of the same race, and perceiving racial discrimination at the workplace leads to perception of less chance to continue to move up. Research limitations – Employees’ actual job titles are not known except that supervising others is a major part of their job. Practical implications – Many of the variables shown to be related to supervisory status and promotability suggest directions for the restructuring of workplaces to provide more supportive and less biased environments.

During the second half of the past century, women’s labor force participation increased such that by 2000, 6 out of 10 women were gainfully employed. Rate of employment varies by minority group, with even more women and minority group members expected to be in the labor force in the future. In contrast to women, men’s labor force participation declined from 87% in 1951 to 73.5% in 2003, a decline that is expected to continue (Fullerton, 1997). In general, women and minority group members of both genders tend to work in gender- and race-segregated jobs, which also tend to be lower paying (Acker, 2006; U.S. Department of Labor, 2004). However, women’s participation in the most prestigious positions has been increasing so that they are half of those in the Department of Labor category ‘‘Management, Professional and Related Occupations’’ (U.S. Department of Labor, 2003). There is evidence that the increasing representation of women among the ranks of managers in organizations from 1972 to 1989 has occurred without an increase in authority (Jacobs, 1992), with women reporting that they are slightly less likely than men to be supervisors of other employees (Jacobs, 1989). Occupational title is only one of several types and dimensions of authority that reflects gender patterns of social inequality (Smith, 2002). Even as ‘‘managers,’’ for example, women may have less authority than men, because they are more likely to work in departments that do not have as much power as the male-dominated ones. For example, in the non-strategic sphere of personnel and labor relations, the number of women increased from 21% in 1970 to 58% in 1991 to 68% in 2001 (Wirth, 2001). Segregation in jobs with short or absent career ladders lowers women’s

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chance of promotion and restricts their likelihood of exercising authority at work (Reskin, 1997). This study examines the current effects of gender and race and an expanded set of work and organizational factors on one type of job authority, namely, employees’ supervisory authority (Smith, 2002) and their perceptions of their promotability at their current workplace. It assumes that gender is ‘‘racialized’’ and race is ‘‘gendered’’ so that race and gender fuse to create unique experiences and opportunities. It also examines the questions of whether intersectionality is ubiquitous or contingent and whether there is a situation of multiple disadvantage for minority women (Browne & Misra, 2003). The research questions are four-fold: (1) do white or non-white women supervisors differ from white or non-white men supervisors in terms of work qualifications (education, labor force participation, occupation, and work/family spillover); work conditions (working in a supportive workplace culture, supportive coworkers, supervisor of the same race, supportive supervisor, job demands, and perceived racial discrimination in the workplace); or work organization characteristics (member of a union, work in the service industry, and government employment); (2) does gender, ethnicity, or the intersection of the two predict the likelihood of currently supervising others in their company; (3) how do women, especially minority women, perceive their chances to attain (further) promotion in their company; and (4) what human capital, work conditions, and organizational characteristics influence perceptions of their promotability? This study assumes that a contribution to understanding gender inequality can result from quantitative analyses of large-scale data sets (McCall, 2005; Steinbugler, Press, & Dias, 2006). Accordingly, data are drawn from the salaried employees of The National Study of the Changing Workforce (NSCW, 2002), a nationally representative sample of U.S. workers.

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE We now review extant literature that bears on the factors that are important in understanding the probability that women, especially minority women, have attained top jobs within managerial and professional occupations. White men hold the most influential managerial and professional jobs (Tomaskovic-Devey, 1993). For example, women hold only 15% of the top executive positions in Fortune 500 corporations and only 12% of the boards of directors positions in these companies (Catalyst, 2008). There is what has

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become known as a ‘‘glass ceiling’’ blocking women’s opportunities in general (Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995; Maume, 1999), and a ‘‘concrete ceiling’’ that confronts minority women specifically (Ray, 1988). One set of factors that is usually examined is the individual-level characteristics that comprise employees’ human capital investment (Browne & Misra, 2003; Jaffee, 1989). This includes level of education, extent of work experience or job training, and level of employment reached, including whether they are already supervisors. It also includes attitudes about the role of women regarding work and family issues (Hesse-Biber & Carter, 2005). Traditionally, women have been expected to shoulder primary responsibility for housework and child care and in general to be subordinate to men’s breadwinner role. As they enter paid employment, they meet heavy demands of both work and family, and conflicts between expectations of the two spheres (Acker, 2006). If they cut back on work, their work commitment is questioned because of family/work conflict (Hochschild, 1976). If they cut back on family responsibilities so as to move up in the work organization, their commitment to the family is questioned. Moreover, they may engender resentment if they come to fill positions of power over men. This ‘‘time bind’’ affects professionals and managers in particular (Acker, 2006). Feminist intersectional approaches assume that discrimination may be operating in the workplace, in the actions of employers, coworkers, and customers (Bell & Nkomo, 2001; Weber, 2001). There also may be threats to identity because the model for success for managerial and professional women has been ‘‘to dress, think, talk and eat as close to masculine and white as possible’’ (Collins, 1979, p. 11; also see Collins, 1999; Martin & Meyerson, 1998; Gregory, this volume). Another factor that may influence whether and how fast women rise in the work organization is the degree to which they are given the guidance needed for success by mentors, such as supervisors. These seasoned colleagues and superordinates may provide opportunities to demonstrate abilities, minimize negative effects from mistakes, give access to a network of important connections, and nominate women for promotions (Greenberg & Baron, 1997). Since white men who dominate senior management are more likely to feel comfortable around other white men (Smith, 2002), a supervisor of the same gender and race may be more helpful to women employees (Browne & Misra, 2003). However, one study by Smith and Elliott (2002) finds that authority attainment is not significantly higher in jobs in which one’s immediate supervisor is of the same race/ethnicity. Some research concludes that women are more likely to be in top level occupations that confer authority in industries, such as the service industry,


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that employ mostly women (Catalyst, 1999). However, Smith and Elliott (2002) find that same-race coworkers have no significant effect on accessing positions of authority. During the early years of a career, when most promotions occur, men are promoted at a faster rate than women (Cobb-Clark & Dunlop, 1999). After this early period, however, there appears to be little difference between the sexes in promotion. In general, workers with mentors are promoted at a higher rate, earn more money, have greater work satisfaction, and have more power at work (Lin, 2000; Ragins, 1999). Women managers’ promotion opportunities are better for jobs that already have some women (Cohen, Broschak, & Haveman, 1998). This may reflect less sex discrimination in the organization. It also may be partly because the women who have come before them show that women can perform the job (Padavic & Reskin, 2002). There is evidence from the 1990s that black women are least likely to experience promotion, especially in comparison with white men (Maume, 1999). Having both great autonomy at work and heavy job demands is associated with job satisfaction (Karasek, 1979); these work conditions are likely to positively influence perceived promotion opportunity as well, but are also likely to have negative impact on work–life balance. Then, there are organizational characteristics of industry and unionization (McGuire & Reskin, 1993). There is some evidence that government employment reduces women’s access to authority (Acker, 2006; McGuire & Reskin, 1993). Finally, in her analysis of ‘‘inequality regimes,’’ Acker (2006, p. 454) notes that while ‘‘labor unions and professional associations can act to reduce power differences across class hierarchies in organizations,’’ their effectiveness may depend on the degree of awareness of inequalities and extent to which legitimacy of inequalities is low. This study compares the supervisory responsibility attained by men and women, and whites and non-whites. The expectation is that men are more likely than women and whites are more likely than non-whites to be supervisors. Workers’ perceptions of their future promotional opportunity are also examined, in relation to their gender, race, human capital, work conditions, organizational context, and current supervisory status. The expectation is that men are more likely than women and whites are more likely than non-whites to be optimistic about their promotional opportunity. For all, it is expected that the greater the human capital, the greater the perceived chance for (future) promotion. With respect to work conditions, it is expected that having coworker support, supervisor support, and a supervisor of the same race, and perceiving no racial discrimination, the optimism regarding promotional opportunity is greater. Additionally,

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with respect to other work conditions, the fewer the job demands, and the lesser the work–family spillover, the greater the perceived promotion opportunity. Finally, it is expected that government employment and unionization are related to less promotional opportunity, whereas employment in the service industry is related to more promotional opportunity (also see Taylor, this volume).

DATA AND METHODS Data are derived from NSCW (2002), which was conducted by the Family and Work Institute. The NSCW is a nationally representative sample of workers across all the workplaces in the United States. A total of 3,504 interviews were completed with a nationwide cross-section of employed adults. Interviews were conducted by using the computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) system. Calls were made to a stratified (by region) unclustered random probability sample generated by random-digit-dial methods. Sample eligibility was limited to the workers who (1) worked at a paid job or operated an income-producing business, (2) were aged 18 years or older, (3) were in the civilian labor force, (4) resided in the contiguous 48 states, and lived in a non-institutional residence (household with a telephone). In households with more than one eligible person, one was randomly selected to be interviewed. Out of the total 28,000 numbers called, 14,778 were found to be non-residential or non-working numbers and 3,609 were determined to be ineligible residences (324 because no one spoke English or Spanish well enough to be interviewed). Of the remaining 3,578 eligible numbers, interviews were completed for 3,504 numbers, a completion or cooperation rate of 98%. Eligibility or ineligibility could not be determined in the remaining 6,035 cases. This study focuses on the perceived promotability of salaried workers accounting for gender and race. Total number of salaried men workers in the sample was 1,435 and that of women workers was 1,361. The NSCW provides detailed information about the workplacerelated and work-related personal experiences of the workers such as employment basics, working conditions, household enumeration, benefits and policies, personal well-being, child care and education, elder care, and disabled care. Thus, the data set includes information that is required for this study.


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Measurement Dependent Variable Perceived promotional opportunity is measured by the question: ‘‘How would you rate your own chance to advance in your organization?’’ The responses are (1) poor, (2) fair, (3) good, and (4) excellent. This variable is used as a continuous variable. Independent Variables: Demographic Gender is a dummy variable that is based on the question: ‘‘Please excuse me, but I have to ask whether you are a man or woman.’’ Here ‘‘female’’ is coded as 1. Race is also a dummy variable with ‘‘white’’ coded as 1. The variable is measured by the question: ‘‘What is your race?’’ Response categories are (1) white; (2) black or African American; (3) Native American or Alaskan native; (4) Asian, Pacific Islander, or Indian; and (5) other, including mixed. All categories except white are grouped together because there are too few respondents in the individual minority categories to analyze them separately. In addition, the ordering of minority categories varies depending on the particular dependent variable under consideration, whereas white respondents are always in the better/best position. Independent Variables: Human Capital Education is determined by the question: ‘‘What is the highest level of schooling you have completed?’’ The responses are (1) less than high school; (2) high school or GED; (3) trade or technical school beyond high school; (4) some college; (5) two-year associate’s degree; (6) four/five-year bachelor’s degree; (7) some college after BA or BS but without degree; (8) professional degree in medicine, law, or dentistry; and (9) master’s degree or doctorate. Education is used as a continuous variable. A ‘‘total years in the labor force’’ variable is not in the data set. It is approached by the variable ‘‘years worked in the current job or main line of work.’’ Specifically, it is measured by the question: ‘‘How long have you worked for your current employer or been involved in your main line of job?’’ This is an interval-level variable. ‘‘Hours of work at main job’’ is determined by the question: ‘‘Please tell me how many hours you usually work per week in your main job? Also include overtime or unpaid hours.’’ This is an interval-level variable. Occupation is a dummy variable measured by the open-ended question: ‘‘What kind of work do you do or what is your occupation?’’ In the data set

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there is a variable that has two categories of occupation: (1) managerial or professional and (2) others. Here, ‘‘managerial or professional’’ is coded as 1. Being supervisor is again a dummy variable determined by the question: ‘‘Is supervising or managing other people a major part of your job?’’ ‘‘Yes’’ is coded as 1. Work–family spillover is a scale of nine items: ‘‘How often have you NOT had enough time for your family or other important people in your life because of your job?’’ ‘‘How often have you NOT had the energy to do things with your family or other important people in your life because of your job?’’ ‘‘How often has work kept you from doing as good a job at home as you could?’’ ‘‘How often have you NOT been in as good mood as you would like to be at home because of your job?’’ ‘‘How often has your job kept you from concentrating on important things in your family or personal life?’’ ‘‘How often have you NOT been in as good a mood as you would like to be at work because of your family or personal life?’’ ‘‘How often has your family or personal life kept you from doing as good a job at work as you could?’’ ‘‘In the past three months, how often has your family or personal life drained you of the energy you needed to do your job?’’ and ‘‘How often has your family or personal life kept you from concentrating on your job?’’ The responses are (1) never, (2) rarely, (3) sometimes, (4) often, and (5) very often. The a ¼ is 0.87. Independent Variables: Work Context Supportive workplace culture is a scale of five items: ‘‘There is an unwritten rule at my place of employment that you can’t take care of family needs on company time.’’ ‘‘At my place of employment, employees who put their family or personal needs ahead of their jobs are not looked on favorably.’’ ‘‘If you have a problem managing your work and family responsibilities, the attitude at my place of employment is: ‘You made your bed, now lie in it!’’’ and ‘‘At my place of employment, employees have to choose between advancing in their jobs or devoting attention to their family or personal lives.’’ Response categories are (1) strongly agree, (2) somewhat agree, (3) somewhat disagree, and (4) strongly disagree. The fifth item is, ‘‘At my company or organization where I work, I am treated with respect.’’ Responses are (1) strongly disagree, (2) somewhat disagree, (3) somewhat agree, and (4) strongly agree. The a ¼ is 0.72. Supportive supervisor is a scale of 10 items: ‘‘My supervisor or manager keeps me informed of the things I need to know to do my job well;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager has expectations of my performance on the job that are realistic;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager recognizes when I do a good


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job;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager is supportive when I have a work problem;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager is fair and doesn’t show favoritism in responding to employees’ personal or family needs;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager accommodates me when I have family or personal business to take care of;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager is understanding when I talk about personal or family issues that affect my work;’’ ‘‘I feel comfortable bringing up personal or family issues with my supervisor or manager;’’ ‘‘My supervisor or manager really cares about the effects that work demands have on my personal and family life;’’ and ‘‘I consider my supervisor or manager to be a friend both at work and off the job.’’ The responses are (1) strongly disagree, (2) somewhat disagree, (3) somewhat agree, and (4) strongly agree. The a ¼ is 0.90. Coworkers’ support is a scale of two items: ‘‘I have the support from coworkers that I need to do a good job’’ and ‘‘I have support from coworkers that helps me to manage my work and personal and family life.’’ The responses are (1) strongly disagree, (2) somewhat disagree, (3) somewhat agree, and (4) strongly agree. The a ¼ is 0.68. Gender of the supervisor is a dummy variable measured by the question: ‘‘Is your supervisor or manager a man or a woman?’’ Here ‘‘woman’’ is coded as 1. Supervisor of the same racial background as the worker is also a dummy variable measured by the question: ‘‘Is your supervisor or manager of the same racial or ethnic background as you?’’ Here ‘‘yes’’ is coded as 1. Job demands is a scale of three items: ‘‘My job requires that I work very hard;’’ ‘‘I never seem to have enough time to get everything done on my job;’’ and ‘‘My job is very emotionally demanding and tiring;’’ Responses are (1) strongly disagree, (2) somewhat disagree, (3) somewhat agree, and (4) strongly agree. The a ¼ is 0.57. Perceived racial discrimination in workplace is measured by: ‘‘Do you feel in any way discriminated against on your job because of your race or national origin?’’ The responses are (1) yes and (2) no. A dummy variable is created for the category, ‘‘yes.’’

Independent Variables: Organizational Context Union membership is a dummy variable that is determined by the question: ‘‘Are you a member of a union or collective bargaining unit?’’ Here ‘‘yes’’ is coded as 1. In the data set, industry is a variable of two categories: (1) goods producing and (2) service industry. Here ‘‘service industry’’ coded as 1.

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Type of employment is a dummy variable measured by the question: ‘‘Are you employed by: (1) government (include public schools and state colleges/universities, U.S. postal service, military, public utilities and transportation, as well as federal, state, and local government agencies); (2) a private for-profit business; (3) a non-profit organization (include churches, social and other services, private non-profit educational institutions, professional associations, etc.); or (4) a single private household?’’ Here ‘‘government’’ is coded as 1. Unfortunately, there are too few respondents in the non-government categories to analyze them separately, making a very broad grouping.

Methods of Analyses Data analyses for this project are based on quantitative methods. The variability of all the variables is tested by running frequency distributions. All the variables have more-or-less normal distributions with acceptable skewness and kurtosis. Next, factor analyses are conducted to construct scales for the variables that consist of more than one item. Items with factor loadings greater than 0.50 are included. First, we provide the correlation coefficients of all the variables used in this study. Then, to test the given research questions we have conducted cross-tabulations, regression analyses, and independent sample t-tests. We conduct cross-tabulations to compare the likelihood of being supervisors by gender and race. In the regression analyses we examine the impacts of demographics, human capital, work context, and organizational context on the perceived promotability of the workers. The independent sample t-tests provide an account for the means of perceived promotability between women and men workers and between non-white and white workers.

FINDINGS Table 1 presents the Pearson correlation coefficients for all pairs of variables in this study. Looking at gender, we see that women have higher qualifications in terms of more education but less work experience and fewer hours worked than men. Women also are more likely to have a supervisor of the same gender, be in a demanding and managerial/professional occupation, and work in the government sector of the economy. They are also less likely

(1) 0.04

(6)

0.01

0.25

0.03 0.05

0.13

0.07

0.15

0.02

0.15 0.08 0.08 –0.02

0.20

0.24 –0.06

0.53

0.12

–0.08 –0.17 –0.04

0.01 –0.01

0.07 –0.05

0.10

0.10

–0.10 –0.01

0.54

0.05

0.08

0.16

0.03

0.11

0.04

0.06

0.04

0.02

0.04

0.04

0.02

–0.03

0.01

0.02

0.06

0.04

0.08 –0.21 –0.20 –0.17

0.05

0.09 0.01

0.30

–0.03

0.01

–0.01

0.08 –0.01

0.05

–0.06

0.52 –0.09

0.39 –0.09

0.11

0.05 0.07 0.08 –0.04 0.04 0.09 0.04 0.24

–0.07 –0.08 –0.05 0.54

(10)

0.28 –0.02

(9)

0.29 –0.25 –0.21 –0.09 0.22 –0.32 –0.29 –0.20

0.01

–0.16

0.13

0.23

0.02

0.08

0.47

0.03

0.08

0.07 –0.09 –0.17

0.01

–0.08

0.34

(8)

0.09 0.03 0.13 0.04 0.16 –0.03 0.02 –0.01

0.26

(7)

0.04 –0.05 0.39 0.52 0.24 0.11 –0.09 –0.09 –0.06

–0.01

–0.07

0.37

–0.03

0.04

0.03

0.02

0.04 0.09

0.16

0.13

0.09

0.13

0.05 0.08 –0.07 –0.04

0.12

0.11 0.08

–0.13

(5)

0.06 –0.06 –0.26 0.11 0.08 –0.03 0.13 0.12 0.13 0.13

–0.01

–0.04 0.02

(4)

(3)

–0.26 –0.03

0.02 0.06 –0.06

–0.03

(2)

Correlation Coefficients of All the Variables Used in this Study.

(1) Perceived promotability, N ¼ 2,752 (2) Gender (woman), N ¼ 2,796 –0.03 (3) Race (white), N ¼ 2,761 –0.04 (4) Education, N ¼ 2,796 –0.01 (5) Years worked in the current job, –0.13 N ¼ 2,796 (6) Hours of work at main job, 0.04 N ¼ 2,779 (7) Supportive workplace culture, 0.26 N ¼ 2,668 (8) Supportive supervisor, 0.34 N ¼ 2,324 (9) Co-workers’ support, N ¼ 2,762 0.28 (10) Union membership (yes), –0.02 N ¼ 2,790 (11) Gender of supervisor (woman), 0.01 N ¼ 2,796 (12) Supervisor of the same racial –0.04 background as the worker (yes), N ¼ 2,796 (13) Being supervisor (yes), 0.12 N ¼ 2,796 (14) Occupation (managerial/ 0.02 professional), N ¼ 2,796 (15) Industry (service industry), 0.01 N ¼ 2,796 (16) Type of employment 0.02 (government), N ¼ 2,796 (17) Job demands, N ¼ 2,772 0.09 (18) Work-family spillover, –0.16 N ¼ 2,755 (19) Perceived racial discrimination –0.10 at workplace (yes), N ¼ 2,792

Variables

Table 1. Gender, Race, and Perceived Promotability among American Employees 157

(15)

0.17 0.18 0.02 0.07 0.09 0.02 0.01 –0.05 –0.06

0.06 0.06 –0.16

0.21

0.05 –0.01 –0.06

0.16 0.20

–0.02 0.04

0.24 –0.02 0.06 –0.03

0.22 –0.01 0.16

0.22

0.07 –0.02

–0.06 –0.01 0.10 0.07

0.11 –0.01

0.02 0.04 0.06 0.02 0.01 –0.03 0.10 0.24

0.04 0.04 0.08 0.04 –0.01 –0.01 0.11 –0.06

0.02 0.05 –0.03

0.13 –0.16 0.16 0.08

0.23 0.03

0.02 0.11

(16)

(18)

(19)

0.29 0.22 0.08 –0.25 –0.32 –0.21

0.09 –0.16 –0.10 0.01 –0.01 –0.08 0.03 0.05 –0.17 0.15 0.08 –0.04 0.08 –0.02 0.02

(17)

0.09 0.04 0.01

0.21

0.04 0.20

–0.03

0.32 0.06

0.02 0.09

0.17 0.18

0.06

–0.16

0.09

0.32

0.02 0.04

0.06 0.09

–0.06 0.01

0.07 0.01 0.09 –0.05

0.06

0.06 –0.21 –0.29 –0.20 0.01 –0.09 –0.20 –0.17 0.30 0.09 0.01 0.05 0.06 0.05 –0.01 –0.06

0.01 0.04

0.02 0.01 0.02 0.10 0.25 0.07 0.10 0.01 –0.05 0.53 0.24 0.20 0.13 –0.06 0.15

(14)

–0.17 0.04

0.12 –0.10

(13)

0.03 0.47 –0.01 0.08 0.12 0.08 0.07

–0.04

(12)

0.01 0.37 0.01 0.07 –0.09

(11)

(Continued )

Note: N is the total number of cases. Level of significance: po0.001; po0.01; po0.05; po0.10.

(1) Perceived promotability, N ¼ 2,752 (2) Gender (woman), N ¼ 2,796 (3) Race (white), N ¼ 2,761 (4) Education, N ¼ 2,796 (5) Years worked in the current job, N ¼ 2,796 (6) Hours of work at main job, N ¼ 2,779 (7) Supportive workplace culture, N ¼ 2,668 (8) Supportive supervisor, N ¼ 2,324 (9) Co-workers’ support, N ¼ 2,762 (10) Union membership (yes), N ¼ 2,790 (11) Gender of supervisor (woman), N ¼ 2,796 (12) Supervisor of the same racial background as the worker (yes), N ¼ 2,796 (13) Being supervisor (yes), N ¼ 2,796 (14) Occupation (managerial/professional), N ¼ 2,796 (15) Industry (service industry), N ¼ 2,796 (16) Type of employment (government), N ¼ 2,796 (17) Job demands, N ¼ 2,772 (18) Work-family spillover, N ¼ 2,755 (19) Perceived racial discrimination at workplace (yes), N ¼ 2,792

Variables

Table 1.

158 CAROLYN CUMMINGS PERRUCCI AND DINA BANERJEE


159

to perceive racial discrimination at their workplace and less likely than men to be supervisors themselves. Employees with more seniority seem to perceive that they have less promotional opportunity. We speculated that this might be because they have reached a plateau in their careers (Maume, 1999). So, we created a variable by trichotomizing years of work at the same job into those with fewer than 7 years (promotable), in contrast to those having 7–40 years of experience, and those having more than 40 years of experience. Being promotable is correlated significantly with years worked in the current job for white employees only: r ¼ –0.21, po0.01 for white men and r ¼ –0.14, po0.01 white women. White men in the promotable group still perceive that they have less opportunity for future promotion (r ¼ –0.11, po0.01), but the coefficient is smaller. For white women, the correlation does not change much (r ¼ –0.10 for promotables). Another possible explanation why years worked in the current job is negatively correlated with perception of promotion opportunity for white women is the ‘‘supply-side human capital argument that women tend to select occupations with lower rates of wage appreciation, because of anticipated labor market exit, while men tend to select positions that will yield higher returns to employment tenure’’. Supervisory authority might also be considered a higher return, comparable to wage appreciation. Thus, one could expect that authority returns to work experience would be stronger for men than women. Looking at Table 1, we see that those who perceive that they have excellent promotional opportunities report working more hours weekly, having a supportive workplace culture, having greater coworker and supervisor support, and having a more demanding job, Also, they are already supervisors themselves. Next, in Table 2, we examine the association between gender and race and currently holding a supervisory position. In general, female salaried workers are significantly less likely than male salaried workers to be supervisors (32% and 42%, respectively). It is also the case that non-white workers are as likely as white workers to be supervisors (38% and 37%, respectively), and non-white male workers are as likely as white male workers to be supervisors (data not shown). A closer examination of supervisory status by race (Table 2) shows that contrary to studies in the l970s (e.g., Fernandez, 1972; Kanter, 1977), now it is white women workers, not members of minority groups, who are less likely than white men workers to be supervisors (32% and 42%). Although the workers’ actual job titles are not known, titles can be ambiguous. These workers have indicated that

160

Table 2.


Cross Tabulation with w2-test to Compare the Likelihood of Being Supervisors by Gender and Race. Male Salaried Female Salaried Total Workers Workers (N)

White workers

Supervisors Non-supervisors Total (N)

Non-white workers

Supervisors Non-supervisors Total (N)

w2

464 (41.9) 643 (58.1) 1,107 (100)

344 (32) 732 (68) 1,076 (100)

808 23.15 with (37) degree of 1,375 freedom ¼ 1 (63) 2,183 (100)

123 (40.2) 183 (59.8) 306 (100)

97 (36.2) 171 (63.8) 268 (100)

220 0.97 with degree (38.3) of freedom ¼ 1 354 (61.7) 574 (100)

Note: N is number of valid responses; numbers in parenthesis are column percentages. Significant at po0.001.

supervising others is a large part of what they do at work, which may, in fact, be a better measure of supervisory status. Table 3 shows that perceived future promotional opportunity does not vary significantly by either race or gender. Finally, Table 4 shows the regression of workers’ perceived promotional opportunity on their demographic characteristics, work qualifications (human capital), work conditions, and organizational context. Again it can be seen that women do not perceive that they have any more or less chance for future promotion than men. Also, non-white employees do not perceive that they have any more or less chance for future promotion than white ones. Controlling for these two demographic characteristics (i.e., by including them in the equation), human capital is significantly related to perception of promotional opportunity in the form of more hours worked weekly and already having supervisorial status. Once again, ‘‘total years of work experience’’ is negatively related to perceived promotional opportunity. We have seen earlier that this is likely because many workers have been employed long enough to have reached a plateau in their careers, perhaps a ‘‘glass ceiling’’ (Maume, 1999). Having more work/family spillover is related to the perception of less promotional opportunity. Holding demographic characteristics and human capital constant (i.e., both groups of variables are included in the equation), six of seven

161


Table 3. t-tests Comparing the Means of Perceived Promotability Between White Male and Female Salaried Workers and Between Non-white Male and Female Salaried Workers. Perceived Promotability

Salaried Workers

Mean (standard deviation) N t-test with equal variances assumed t-test with equal variances not assumed F-test

White Male

White Female

Non-white Male

Non-white Female

2.62 (1.05) 1,096 1.27 1.27 0.01

2.56 (1.04) 1,050

2.69 (0.97) 304 0.34 0.34 2.76

2.66 (1.06) 268

Note: N is the total number of cases. Significant at po0.10.

work conditions are significantly related to perception of promotional opportunity. Having a supportive workplace culture, a supportive supervisor, supportive coworkers, and a demanding job are related to perception of having greater chances of promotion. On the contrary, having a supervisor of the same race and perceiving racial discrimination at work are related to perception of less promotional opportunity. Gender of supervisor is not related to perceived promotional opportunity one way or the other. A final set of variables concerning organizational characteristics produces only one significant finding, that is, union membership is positively related to perceiving future promotional opportunity.

CONCLUSION This research examines the relative success of women and non-whites in terms of whether these employees are currently supervisors and their perception of their opportunity for further promotion. For this nationally representative sample of salaried workers in the United States, 42% of white men have attained supervisory status at work, followed by 40% of nonwhite men, 36% of non-white women, and only 32% of white women. This indicates that intersectionality is contingent, with multiple disadvantage not always greatest for non-white women. Moreover, supervisors, both non-white and white, are more likely than non-supervisors to perceive that they have future promotional opportunity.

162


Table 4. Unstandardized Coefficients from the OLS Regression Using Workers’ Perceived Promotability as Dependent Variables and Their Demographic, Human Capital, Work Context, and Organizational Context as Independent Variables. Variables

Perceived Promotability Model 1

Demographic Gender (woman) Race (white) Gender race interaction Human capital Education Years worked in the current job Hours of work at main job Occupation (managerial/professional) Being supervisor (yes) Work–family spillover Work context Supportive workplace culture Supportive supervisor Co-workers’ support Gender of supervisor(woman) Supervisor of the same racial background as the worker (yes) Job demands Perceived racial discrimination (yes)

–0.03 (0.09) –0.08 (0.07) –0.03 (0.10)

Model 2

Model 3

Model 4

0.03 (0.09) –0.02 (0.07) –0.06 (0.10)

–0.05 (0.10) –0.04 (0.08) –0.08 (0.10)

–0.04 (0.10) –0.03 (0.08) –0.08 (0.10)

–0.01 (0.01) –0.02 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.07 (0.05) 0.26 (0.04) –0.03 (0.01)

–0.01 (0.01) –0.02 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) –0.03 (0.05) 0.23 (0.04) –0.02 (0.01)

–0.01 (0.01) –0.02 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) –0.02 (0.05) 0.23 (0.04) –0.02 (0.01)

0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.09 (0.02) 0.04 (0.05) –0.14 (0.06) 0.05 (0.01) –0.17 (0.09)

0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.09 (0.02) 0.04 (0.05) –0.14 (0.06) 0.04 (0.01) –0.18 (0.09)


163

Table 4. (Continued ) Variables

Perceived Promotability Model 1

Model 2

Model 3

Organizational context Union membership (yes)

0.12 (0.06) –0.01 (0.05) 0.02 (0.05)

Industry (service industry) Type of employment (government) Constant N F R2 Adjusted R2

Model 4

2.69 (0.06) 2,718 1.70 0.01 0.01

3.03 (0.11) 2,668 21.28 0.07 0.06

0.38 (0.20) 2,142 32.64 0.20 0.19

0.36 (0.21) 2,137 27.68 0.20 0.19

Note: N is the total number of cases; numbers in parentheses are standard errors. Level of significance: po0.001; po0.01; po0.05; po0.10.

Having supportive coworkers and a supportive supervisor are positively correlated (r ¼ 0.52, po0.01), and both lead to the perception of greater chances to move up in one’s company. Apart from the race of the supervisor, the more supportive the supervisor and the lesser the work/ family spillover, the greater the perception of future promotability. Having a supervisor of the same racial/ethnic background is not positively related to perceived promotion opportunity. Similarly, Smith and Elliott (2002) find that having a supervisor of the same race does not lead to higher authority attainment for respondents in a three-city study. In the present study, non-whites have comparable current supervisory authority as whites, but are still more likely to perceive that racial discrimination exists at their workplace. In Table 1 we see that lack of supportiveness of one’s supervisor and coworkers is associated significantly with the perception of the existence of racial discrimination. We can also see that having a supervisor of the same race is related to the perception of less racial discrimination. In terms of the nature of the work, employees with demanding jobs experience greater work/family spillover, but perceive that they have more opportunity for future promotion. This may indicate that there is a ‘‘male model’’ of achievement at the workplace that could seriously limit some workers, notably women’s ability to successfully combine work with family

164


roles. Here, employers should be aware of potentially conflicting roles and be fair in the distribution of work assignments, taking to the extent that perception of racial discrimination by both white and non-white employees limits their perceived promotional opportunity, employers should be sensitive to the potential for disparate treatment of employees on the basis of race/ethnicity. Limitations of this study are two-fold. One is the necessity of grouping all minority group members into one aggregate non-white category. Future research could benefit from an analysis of authority in more specific subgroups (i.e., African Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, and so forth). The data for this study are also limited such that one cannot distinguish nominal supervisory status, such as relaying information from superiors to subordinates, from more important authority. However, the fact that respondents indicate that they spend a major part of their time at supervising suggests that they have more than nominal supervisory status. It would also be informative to know more about gender and race patterns for various types and dimensions of job authority (Smith & Elliott, 2002). This could include not only respondent’s formal position in the organizational hierarchy, for which it is known that women have made gains, but also span of control or number of people under direct supervision, and span of responsibility or ability to influence the pay or promotion of others. The workplace fortunes of women and men of all racial/ethnic backgrounds have changed in recent years and research has done much to document and explain the changes, but more change is needed to achieve full equality and more research will be needed to help us understand the processes involved.

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SUPPLY, DEMAND, AND ORGANIZATIONAL PROCESSES: CHANGES IN WOMEN’S SHARE OF MANAGEMENT IN UNITED STATES WORKPLACES, 1966–2000 Tiffany Taylor ABSTRACT Purpose – In this chapter, I assess women’s progress in achieving greater access to management positions in United States workplaces. Although many researchers focus on segregation, women’s changing representation in management is a relatively undocumented story about workplace inequality. Methodology/approach – To increase our understanding of workplace and labor market composition and women’s representation in management, I utilize data collected by the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission from large, private sector workplaces in the United States over time (1966–2000, N ¼ 237,934). Using these data and successive regression models, I explore the effects of supply, demand, and organizational processes on women’s representation in management.


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Findings – The findings indicate that women’s representation in management is uneven across industries, with women holding higher shares of management in the service industries. Further, changes in the labor market supply of women and workplace segregation have much smaller effects on women’s representation in management than the demand created by the tremendous growth in the service industries. Originality/value of chapter – This chapter shows the gender revolution is far from over in United States workplaces. Women are most likely managers in industries in which women provide services. In other words, women have simply added paid work providing services to strangers to their unpaid work providing services for families. In sum, women’s progress is largely the result of demand created from economic restructuring.

Nearly 30 years after Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 established the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission to examine the invisible barriers to women and racial minorities’ upward mobility. The commission’s research indicated women and racial minorities were indeed constrained by a ‘‘glass ceiling’’ that prevented them from accessing higher level management positions. Despite women making up nearly half of the nation’s labor force, men held 97% of senior management positions in Fortune 500 companies. The central goal of this chapter is to assess women’s progress in achieving greater representation in management. I argue that it is important to not only know women’s share of the occupation ‘‘officials and managers’’ across workplaces and industries, but it is also important to know this share within workplaces and industries. To achieve this end, I use United States workplace data collected by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). I use a simple random sample of the population (N ¼ 237,934) taken cross-sectionally every 5 years from 1966 to 2000. In this chapter, I examine how supply, demand, organizational processes, and sex segregation affect women’s representation in management. Although much is made of women’s recent labor market success and increases in management, I find women’s representation in management is concentrated in service industries. This might be considered ‘‘safe progress’’ since relative to other industrial sectors, service industry jobs are generally devalued, offer lower pay, and are consistent with long-held normative ideas of ‘‘women’s work’’ as providing service for others. In the sections that follow, I review the relevant literature on supply, demand, and

Changes in Women’s Share of Management

169

organizational processes before analyzing their overlapping effects on women’s access to management.

SUPPLY Research is inconsistent concerning the impact of the supply of female labor on segregation or representation in management. One line of research suggests simply that the more women in a labor market, the less segregation (Abrahamson & Sigelman, 1987; Jones & Rosenfeld, 1989; Lorence, 1992). This research often cites population growth and a subsequently more normatively progressive labor market as the main causes for decreases in segregation. This argument is also consistent with Kanter’s (1977) strength in numbers hypothesis, which suggests that the demographic composition of a workplace is important. As more and more women enter an establishment, their influence and strength will grow. Kanter argues that men will be less likely to stereotype or job-type women. Owing to more interaction with female workers, men will start to accept women as competent coworkers. Further, as women begin to enter management they will promote more women into management through homosocial reproduction, a process typically reserved for men (Kanter, 1977; Cohen, Broschak, & Haveman, 1998). Therefore, increasing female composition of an establishment may have many positive consequences for women, including greater representation in management (Hypothesis 1). Other research finds that the increase of women in the labor force leads to women being steered into certain industries and occupations with higher demand and less authority (Semyonov & Scott, 1983). This line of argument is consistent with a competition/threat approach (Blalock, 1956; Reskin, 1988). This theory would suggest that, in contrast to a ‘‘strength in numbers’’ argument, men respond to potential threats by differentiating themselves through constructing ‘‘natural’’ differences between themselves and women as women enter the workforce (Hypothesis 2).

DEMAND Demand has been conceptualized in a number of ways including employer preferences, demand for workers, economic pressure, discrimination, and personnel practices (Reskin, 1993). Employer preferences and discrimination are related and are the result of overt social closure (Tomaskovic-Devey

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TIFFANY TAYLOR

et al., 2006; Smith, 2002) and/or the result of cognitive biases (Reskin, 2000, 2003). Some scholars argue that equality is not gained through women’s increase in supply, but can only be gained when there is a high demand for women’s productive labor (e.g., Chafetz, 1984). Oppenheimer (1973) sees demand linked to supply and argues that growth in some other sectors of the economy causes a demand for women to fill occupations such as nursing, teaching, and clerical work. When growth in certain industries and occupations is greater than employers’ preferred supply, employers may turn to secondary sources such as women (Abrahamson & Sigelman, 1987; Reskin, 1993). Although some employers might have discriminating tastes and prefer men, a shortage of men in the labor pool might force employers to hire or promote women. Following this reasoning, growth in certain industries and the industrial makeup of an area will be influential in the demand for female labor in general and, potentially, female managers more specifically (Bridges, 1982; Singelmann & Browning, 1980; Jones & Rosenfeld, 1989; Lorence, 1992; Cotter, DeFiore, Hermsen, Kowalewski, & Vanneman, 1997; Cohen & Huffman, 2003). The literature consistently holds that increased demand for labor results in women’s greater representation in management (Hypothesis 3).

ORGANIZATIONAL PROCESSES Employers might also match supervisors to workers based on ascriptive similarities (Carrington & Troske, 1998; Reskin & McBrier, 2000). Smith and Elliott (2002) describe a racial and ethnic matching process in which employers practice ‘‘bottom-up ascription’’ through matching the composition of managers to the workers they supervise. This process can have a political function since promoting supervisors from the workgroup could diffuse dissatisfactions with a lack of representation in management. Employers might also match supervisors to workers based on ascriptive similarities, believing this will lessen conflict between managers and workers (Smith & Elliott, 2002). Therefore, the supply of labor effects that I discussed in the preceding text are part of an organizational process when there is a sex-typed (and race-typed) demand for labor to control worker dissent. More structural aspects of workplaces may also increase women’s representation in management. Some research suggests that formalized personnel systems and policies may lessen discrimination (Dobbin, Sutton, Meyer, & Scott, 1993; Anderson & Tomaskovic-Devey, 1995; Reskin & McBrier, 2000).


171

Formalization tends to increase with employment size, thus, larger establishments may provide more opportunities for women to enter into management positions. Moreover, bureaucratization may mean some workplaces simply have more managerial jobs, which also increases opportunities for women to enter management ranks. For instance, Jacobs (1992) finds that almost 25% of gender integration between 1970 and 1990 was due to the overall growth in managerial jobs. We must view these interpretations cautiously, as larger organizations and larger management pools have greater internal distinctions among levels of management. Past research consistently shows that women tend to have lower spans of control, levels of authority, and pay despite type or sex-balance of the occupation (e.g., Huffman & Cohen, 2004). Thus, we might expect larger workplaces and workplaces with a higher proportion of managerial jobs to have more female managers, because integration is easier and male preferences for higher level managerial jobs is left unthreatened (Hypothesis 4). Implicit in most research on workplace inequality is the notion that integration will bring greater opportunities for women. Under this assumption, industries and establishments with low segregation should have larger numbers of women in management (Hypothesis 5). A comparison of all the time series available on changes in sex segregation shows that there was very little change in occupational sex segregation between 1960 and 1970, a dramatic decline between 1970 and 1980, and little or no change between 1980 and 1990 (for a review of these trends see Baunach, 2002). More recently, between 1990 and 2000, the change has been minimal (Cotter, DeFiore, Hermsen, & Vanneman, 2004). In this chapter, then I examine the following hypotheses: H1. The larger the supply of women in the labor force and establishment, the greater women’s representation will be in management. H2. The larger the supply of women in the labor force and establishment, the lower women’s representation will be in management. H3. Changes in the industrial structure of the economy will partially explain women’s greater increased employment in management. H4. Larger organizations and organizations with a higher proportion of employment in managerial roles will have more women in management. H5. The lower the nonmanagerial segregation, the greater women’s representation in management, net of the supply or demand factors.

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METHODS Data I use workplace data collected by the United States EEOC. This commission was charged with enforcing the equal employment provisions in Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The data I use in this chapter are quite simple in their content, while expansive in their coverage (for more detail on the data, see Robinson, Taylor, Tomaskovic-Devey, Zimmer, & Irwin, 2005). The data contain establishment employment counts of sex by five race/ethnic groups (white, black, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaskan Native) distributed across nine occupational categories – officials and managers, professionals, technicians, sales workers, office and clerical workers, craft workers, operatives, laborers, and service workers. In addition to these compositional variables, the data also include information on the establishment’s parent company, standard industrial code (SIC), and geographic location. The EEOC requires all private sector firms with over 100 workers (50 before 1983) or federal contractors with more than 50 employees (25 before 1983) to file annual EEO-1 reports. Thus, these data cover all medium to large private sector employers that report to the EEOC. The data (EEO-1 reports) are unique since they document workplace composition in the private sector since 1966. There were over four million accumulated establishment observations by the year 2000. From this population, I take a 20% simple random sample starting with 1966 and 1971, and then in 5-year increments afterwards (including 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, and 2000), resulting in a sample of 238,674 establishments. The data used in this chapter allow me to see the proportion of managers who are women within establishments. This is important substantively since my estimates of women’s progress must consider the distribution of female managers among establishments. If female managers are crowded in certain industries or establishments this tells us something important about the overall level of progress women have achieved. It is also important to note that while the categorization of female workers includes women of many races and ethnicities, the data overwhelmingly consist of white women. This is not an artifact of these data, but rather is a reflection of white women’s greater representation in the private sector. There are some limitations to these data, the greatest being the use of nine occupation categories to describe within establishment employment. Prior research shows that increases in the level of occupational and organizational


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detail uncovers dramatic increases in sex segregation relative to occupationbased estimates (Bielby & Baron, 1986; Robinson et al., 2005). Therefore, ideally, I would have job-level data so that I could show differences in types and levels of managers. Further, I do not have information on tenure, skill, or education levels of the millions of workers in these establishments and so I cannot assess the contributions of women’s increasing human capital to temporal change in managerial representation. Finally, I only examine the composition of medium and large private sector establishments. Research suggests smaller establishments, on average, offer fewer opportunities for women (Carrington & Troske, 1995; Reskin & McBrier, 2000). In sum, although my estimates of women’s representation in management are drawn from workplaces over time, I may still be overestimating progress.

Measures Women’s Representation in Management The percentage of managers in an establishment who are female is simply a probability (percentage of female managers/total managers) multiplied by 100 and hence limited in its range (from 0 to 100). In 1966, 9.82% of managers in EEO-reporting workplaces were women. Thirty-four years later in the year 2000, 33.28% of managers were women in this population of medium to large private sector employers. Women’s representation in management increased across the time period by 23.46%, which averages to a change of 0.69% per year. Labor Market Supply To measure the external supply of labor I add measures for the percentage of females (for all nine occupations) in all EEO reporting establishments in the commuting zone. I use commuting zones as the operational geography for defining labor markets (Tolbert & Sizer, 1996). Commuting zones are aggregations of counties that are calculated based upon 1980 and 1990 decennial census survey’s data on county-to-county commuting patterns. Therefore, they describe social and geographic spaces that constitute a ‘‘local labor market’’ unbounded by state geographic lines that share commuting populations. In this sense, commuting zones act as a geographic unit of analysis just as a state, labor market, or county would. Therefore, the representation of women in all the establishments within a commuting zone changes over time even though the commuting zones remain constant over the years.

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In addition to the proportion of women in the commuting zone, the labor market supply of racial minorities may affect women’s representation in management. I know of no research on the impact of racial minority concentration on women’s share of management. I control for the percentage of African Americans and Hispanics in all EEO-1 reporting establishments in the commuting zone. The representation of racial minority in management, like female representation, is a time-variant measure. Of course, these measures have limitations since I am measuring the supply of women and racial minorities who are actually employed in these establishments and do not include unemployed individuals. I also eliminate commuting zones with less than 10 establishments in them. These small, outlier-commuting zones have a scarcity in the number of employers, and therefore, a nearly total lack of competition in the labor market. Eliminating the establishments in these unique commuting zones reduces the sample size from 238,674 to 237,934 establishments over the entire period (a loss of 740 establishments, though the reduction is less than 0.5% of the sample). Percentage of Female and Black Nonmanager In addition to the external supply of women and racial minorities, there is also an internal pool of workers already working in the establishment who could be promoted into management. I follow Reskin and McBrier (2000) and use the female composition of nonmanagers in the establishment to represent the internal pool of potential managers. I similarly use the black composition of nonmanagers in the establishment to represent the internal pool of African American workers. These measures are all implicated by theories of bottom-up ascription, strength in numbers, and segregated managerial hierarchies. Demand I conceptualize demand in terms of the demand created from industrial change, which is measured using a fixed effect for industry at the three-digit SIC level. Greater industrial detail increases the amount of variance explained; therefore, I use three-digit industry fixed effects in the analysis (Tomaskovic-Devey et al., 2006). Using a fixed effect for industry allows me to capture demand in much the same way as prior researchers (Cotter et al., 1997; Cohen & Huffman, 2003) have used weighted measures for the occupational distribution of women to examine what proportion of change is a function of change in the occupational structure. The difference between observed change in women’s representation in management and change

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Changes in Women’s Share of Management 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1966

1971

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

agriculture, forestry, fishery

mining

construction

non-durable manufacturing

durable manufacturing

transportation,communication, utilities

wholesale

retail services

producer services

social services

personal services

Fig. 1.

Women’s Share of Management in United States Workplaces by Industrial Sector, 1966–2000.

after controlling for the industry fixed effect can be attributed to change in the industrial structure. Bivariate analyses also inform this measurement strategy (see Fig. 1). Clearly, industry has an effect on women’s representation in management and the industrial structure has changed significantly in the United States since 1966, when the data series begins. Fig. 1 shows the effect of industry visually. Here, industry is the two-digit SIC indicating industrial sector. In the figure, all of the dashed lines represent service industries and solid lines illustrate nonservice industries. As suspected, women have greater representation in management in service industries throughout the period and additionally these industries begin the period with much higher percentages of managers who are female. I expect in these industries that female managers are more than likely supervising other women and in jobs with lower wages and authority as compared to many nonservice managerial jobs. Percentage of Total Managers Establishments with higher proportions of employees holding managerial jobs offer greater opportunities for women to enter management (Reskin & McBrier, 2000). I note, however, that highly bureaucratized workplaces with

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many managers may also have increased potential for job title proliferation and social distinctions among managers (Strang & Baron, 1990). Establishment Size Research shows establishment size affects women’s opportunities in management since larger establishments are more likely to have more managerial positions and the ability to institute hierarchical and status distinctions among managers. Since formalization tends to increase with employment size, part of the size effect may actually reflect formalization, rather than job title proliferation. Given the skewed distribution of establishment size in the data, I take the natural log of total employment size. Nonmanagerial Segregation I use the index of dissimilarity (D) to measure the evenness of the distribution of nonmanagerial workers in an establishment. The index of dissimilarity is computed across occupations within establishments as follows: D¼

N oe 1X jPoe1x Poe1y j 2 oe¼1

where Poe1x and Poe1y are the proportions of group x and y, respectively, within an occupation, in an establishment.

Analytic Approach I examine my hypotheses using a series of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models. The first model contains a dummy variable for each year using 1966 as the reference year to track observed change in women’s share of management in the observed establishments over time. Next I add measures for labor force supply, including the percentage of females and racial minorities employed in the commuting zone. In the third model, I add measures of internal labor supply (race and gender composition of the workplace). If changes in labor supply explain temporal changes in women’s proportion of management, I expect both an improvement in model fit and a reduction in the coefficients associated with time relative to model 1. The fourth model, measuring demand, includes only a fixed effect for industry, which I measure at the three-digit level. In the fifth model, I combine supply and demand measures.

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The sixth model introduces measures of organizational processes, while controlling for the level and changes in supply and demand. In this model, I add the size of the establishment (ln), the percentage of total employment in an establishment that consists of managers, and the level of nonmanagerial segregation in the establishment. In the last model, I am not as interested in the consequences for temporal change as I am interested in the hypotheses about inter-organizational variation in representation in management. Since researchers typically treat supply and demand as causally prior to organizational processes, I estimate these models with controls for both.

RESULTS Table 1 includes the descriptive statistics for the dependent and independent variables, except three-digit SIC codes. There are too many industry codes (N ¼ 462) to list in the table. Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics (N ¼ 237,934). Mean

Standard Deviation

22.68

25.58

0.10 0.12 0.14 0.10 0.13 0.14 0.16

0.31 0.33 0.35 0.30 0.33 0.35 0.37

Percentage of female in commuting zone Percentage of black in commuting zone Percentage of Hispanic in commuting zone

41.18 11.86 6.49

7.86 9.03 9.32

Percentage of female nonmanagers Percentage of black nonmanagers

45.51 11.53

28.05 16.64

–

–

Dependent variable Percentage of management that is female in establishment Explanatory variables Year 1971 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000

Industry (three-digit SIC) Establishment size (ln)

4.69

1.09

Percentage of total managers

12.03

10.93

Establishment level non-manager, D

42.50

26.69

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Table 2 shows the results of the multivariate models. The increments to R2 (except where zero) and almost all of the coefficients in the models are statistically significant due to the large sample size. I assess the contribution of variables to models based on the substantive significance of the changes in R2 and the coefficients. I begin with a baseline model that includes only the year dummy variables to capture the trend in female representation in management over time. The coefficients are relative to the intercept, Table 2.

Regression Models Predicting Women’s Share of Management in United States Workplaces (N ¼ 237,934).

Explanatory Variables

Year 1971 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 Percentage of female in commuting zone Percentage of black in commuting zone Percentage of Hispanic in commuting zone Percentage of female nonmanagers Percentage of black nonmanagers Industry (three-digit SIC) Establishment size (ln) Percentage of total managers Establishment level nonmanager, D Intercept R2

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) Year External External Demand Supply Organization Supply and Internal and Supply Demand

1.23 4.40 9.65 15.19 18.32 20.95 23.46

0.23a 2.92 7.53 12.51 15.29 17.79 20.17

1.54 0.13a 3.39 7.38 10.43 13.17 15.80

1.37 0.54a 5.29 9.16 12.03 13.94 16.31

1.62 0.13a 3.87 7.4 10.21 12.39 14.81

1.61 0.18a 3.61 7.01 9.67 11.70 13.98

0.04

–

0.04

0.05

0.13

–

0.06

0.05

–

0.18

–

0.02

–

0.03

0.07

–

0.05

0.04

–

–

0.48

–

0.29

0.28

–

–

0.14

–

0.08

0.07

–

–

–

– – –

– – –

– – –

Fixed effect – – –

Fixed effect – – –

Fixed effect 0.10 0.07 0.06

9.82 0.11

19.44 0.11

8.38 0.39

– 0.44

– 0.49

– 0.49

All effects are significant at po0.0001 unless indicated as follows: significant at po0.01. Effect is not statistically significant at the 0.05 level or better.

a


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which represents the value for 1966. Women’s share of management has clearly increased over time.

Supply I report a model for the external supply of workers (labeled ‘‘External Supply’’) and then add another model that includes the internal supply of workers (labeled ‘‘External and Internal Supply’’). In the first supply model, I include the year dummies from the prior model and add the percentage of employees in the commuting zone that are female. This measure taps the changing supply of women, which the establishment has to draw upon in the local labor market. Additionally, I include potentially competing groups in the labor market, black and Hispanic workers. These measures add no explanatory power to the model; the R2 does not increase at all and the coefficients for all three variables are very small. Focusing on the coefficients, the larger the percentage of female nonmanagers available in the commuting zone for an establishment, the less representation women have in management (b ¼ 0.18), which offers some support for the second hypothesis, that increases in women in the labor market will reduce women’s representation in management. However, the coefficient for the year 2000 is 16% lower in model 2 (20.17) than in model 1 (23.46) suggesting that changes in labor supply are associated with increased representation in management. Further, the failure to improve model fit suggests that this effect is entirely a function of the correlation between women’s increased labor supply and time, rather than any direct influence on organizational behavior. Although treated as control variables, the other two supply variables have differing effects. The percentage of black in the local labor market is unrelated to women’s representation in managerial jobs. The percentage of Hispanic in the labor force is associated with higher representation of women in management in those labor markets. There is no evidence from these models that women and racial minorities are alternative sources of managerial labor. In the second supply model, I add the internal pool of workers. This model captures both the women available to a workplace in the labor force as well as the pool of nonmanagerial women available for promotion. Adding the internal supply of women workers substantially improves the model fit with a statistically significant change in R2. Adding this variable more than triples the variance the models explain. The external supply of women is now positively associated with women’s representation in management, as is the internal supply of women. I would argue, given the

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underlying social psychological mechanisms, that Kanter’s hypothesis is more about workplaces than about labor markets. Therefore, I find support for the first hypothesis, but not the second. Women do gain ‘‘strength in numbers.’’ The findings here could be interpreted a few ways, but I will save this discussion for the following section. In this model, I also included a measure of the percentage of nonmanagerial workers who are black. The addition of this variable has a modest effect, though it is positively associated with women’s share of management. The modest effect is likely due to the distribution of black workers in United States workplaces. For instance, while the mean is 11.53% and is consistent with the general population demographics, the median is 5% and the mode is nearly 0%. Over the time period, in 26.5% of the workplaces in the sample, less than 1% of nonmanagerial workers are black. Considering blacks made up between 11 and 12.8% of the general United States population over the period, black workers are underrepresented in 73% of the sample (73% is 173,692 of 237,934 workplaces). The numbers for Hispanics were even lower, hence their exclusion from the models. The distribution of black workers also made including race and gender interaction effects statistically problematic. In other words, the absence or under-representation of black workers in workplaces reporting to the EEOC is quite telling. Although effects are significant due to the sample size (of workplaces), the distribution of black workers among the workplaces means these effects are quite modest and should be interpreted with some caution.

Demand The next model examines the effect of demand created from industrial restructuring on women’s management progress. I remove the supply variables and add the fixed effect for industry to the baseline model. Here, the R2 increases dramatically from 0.11 to 0.44 compared to the model that includes only year dummies. Stable industry differences in the incidence of women in management explain an additional 33% of the variance. In addition, the coefficients for time are also reduced. The year 2000 coefficient is 16.31, 30% lower than the actual time trend reported in model 1. It is clear industry has a large effect on women’s representation in management and is an important explanation of the temporal increase in female managerial employment. Therefore, I do find support for the third hypothesis. Changes in the industrial sector of the economy have significantly affected women’s representation in management.


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Supply and Demand Combining supply and demand measures improves the model fit over supply or demand models alone. An additional 10% of variance is explained by adding demand to supply and 5% more variance is explained by adding supply to demand. This also suggests that supply and demand processes are indeed interdependent and overlapping. Finally, combining supply and demand measures further reduces the time coefficients showing, net of supply and demand, temporal change is lessened. Although I did not have a formal hypothesis here, this model certainly confirms my suspicion that these processes are related. Also note that the coefficients for the external and internal supply of workers are all substantially reduced except the external supply of females. Again, this suggests that industrial structuring is important, and perhaps growth in service industries is dependent on a readily available supply of female workers.

Organizational Processes The next model (labeled ‘‘Organization’’ in Table 2) controls for supply and demand change and adds three additional organizational process variables (size, managerial pool, and segregation). The addition of these variables does not increase explanatory power at all as the R2 is identical. This suggests, as above, that supply and demand processes are overlapping and occurring in workplaces. Thus, changes in the specific workplaces that women are hired into and the growth of both establishment size and managerial jobs explain some of women’s increased temporal representation in management. These organizational coefficients are partially consistent with the theoretical predictions. Women gain representation in management as they increase as a proportion of nonmanagerial employees. The coefficient of 0.05 (Table 2) suggests that this is not a one-to-one process. For every 1% increase in the female nonmanagerial workforce, female representation in management increases by about 0.75%. Large establishments and establishments with a larger proportion of the workforce in management are actually negatively associated with women’s share of managerial jobs, but the effects are very small. One interpretation of these findings is that commonalities within industries (such as normative isomorphism) may mediate the predicted effect of organizational and managerial size. We do know from other research that these larger organizations are likely to generate more management jobs overall and more low-level management jobs. Thus, there

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is both more opportunity and the potential for internal status distinctions among managers, which does not bode well for women. The effect of nonmanagerial segregation is modest, but statistically significant. In establishments with lower gender segregation among nonmanagers, women have a greater share of management. The coefficients for time trend in women’s representation in management positions are further reduced by adding organizational variables. The coefficient for the year 2000 is now 13.98, 40% lower than in model 1, and 6% lower than in the prior model. Integrating nonmanagerial workforces is associated with increased female representation in managerial roles. In addition, the long-standing assumption that increased gender integration would lead to increased female representation in management is supported. Sex integration in nonmanagerial jobs, at least on average, increased women’s share of management. Fig. 2 illustrates the contribution of each explanation to changes in women’s share of management over time. I use the 1966 intercept (9.82 from the first model) as a starting point and show the influence of external supply, internal supply, supply and demand, and organizational determinants on the observed time trends in women’s share of managerial jobs. The reader 35

30

25

20

15

10

5 1966 Observed

Fig. 2.

1971

1975

1980

1985

1990

External Supply External and Internal Supply Supply and Demand Organization

1995

2000 Demand

Observed and Predicted Changes in Women’s Share of Management in United States Workplaces, 1966–2000.


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might first notice the range of the Y-axis is from 0 to 35% illustrating that, while women make up nearly half the labor force, they have not reached anything close to the same representation in management. Beginning with the top line and going down the chart, the addition of more controls in each model results in a flattening of the trend line. With only the dummies for year included, there are sharp increases in women’s representation in management after 1980, which is consistent with much of the literature. At the end of the period, 2000, less than 35% of managers are female. Adding the commuting zone labor supply significantly flattens the curve and while there is a sharp increase after 1980, women still only make up approximately 30% of managers in 2000. This percentage lowers to just over 25% when I controlled for only the demand created from industrial change or when considering external and internal supplies of workers. Finally, we see the overlapping effects of supply, demand, and organizational processes as all of these trend lines are remarkably similar. Women’s share of management is further reduced when I control for these factors. Another way to view these trends is to look at them as changes in women’s progress if you took away, for instance, industrial restructuring. The degree of progress changes with each explanation and clearly the difference in the trend line from the year dummy variables to the addition of the fixed effect for industry is tremendous. In short, it appears that since the passage of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, structural changes in the United States economy have had a significant effect on women’s representation in management such that controlling for the changes greatly flattens the trend line of progress.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS How do we as a society define progress? Is it women’s greater representation in management in only some industries or greater representation in management in all industries? In this chapter, I assess women’s progress in workplace equality. Although I note segregation is important, true progress comes at achieving representation in quality employment. Management positions offer the most rewards, including pay, authority, and status. Therefore, I wanted to examine women’s share of management. Prior researchers have offered several explanations for women’s greater representation in management and have relied on occupation-level data of individuals, missing the dynamics of workplaces. The explanations have included supply, demand, organizational determinants, and segregation,

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which are largely workplace explanations. In this chapter, I have offered the first examination of these explanations using workplaces across time, space, and industry. I do not discount the importance of occupation data; however, decisions on promotion and hiring into management are made in workplaces. In this sense, I hope this research compliments existing research using occupation and labor market data. Some proponents of the supply explanation argue that women’s greater entrance into the labor force would create greater representation in management. In other words, women would find strength in their numbers as workplaces move from token/dominate proportions to more sex balanced (Kanter, 1977). Whether it is through normative change caused by women ‘‘proving’’ themselves or shear strength in numbers, this would lead to progress. The other side of the supply effect is that women’s growing proportions in the labor force creates a threat to male privilege (Blalock, 1956). The findings show that the effect of labor supply may not be as simplistic as the hypotheses suggest. Clearly, women do gain strength in numbers, but from internal pools of women, not external pools. However, it is possible these theories are not competing, but are instead complimentary. The difference in the two may be a matter of level of analysis. Blalock’s focus was on geographic areas in which minorities gained a large enough proportion to be a visible threat. Therefore, women’s growing strength in the labor market may in fact be threatening to some workplaces that will exclude them. In this respect, I would argue similarly to past research (Huffman & Cohen, 2004) that Blalock’s hypothesis warrants a more sophisticated analysis. I hope future research will consider this challenge. Finally in terms of supply, I find that the internal supply of women is far more powerful a predictor than the external supply of women. No doubt this effect is related to demand. Workplaces demanding women will promote more women. In other words, some workplaces hire more women to begin with and these same workplaces offer women more advancement opportunities. Like other researchers (Bridges, 1982; Singelmann & Browning, 1980; Jones & Rosenfeld, 1989; Lorence, 1992; Cotter et al., 1997), I find strong effects of demand on women’s progress. The tremendous change in the economy due to the amazing growth that has occurred in the service sector has created incredible opportunities for women in management. In fact, this increased demand no doubt absorbed the dramatic increases of women entering the labor force, as these findings show considerable overlap when I combine both supply and demand in the models. In the earlier years in the period, women did increase their supply dramatically in the labor market.


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To do this though, there had to be employers willing to hire them. My theoretical focus and findings, therefore, agree with researchers who have argued that supply and demand explanations should be complimentary and not competing (Oppenheimer, 1973; Reskin, 1993; Cotter, DeFiore, Hermsen, Kowalewski, & Vanneman, 1998; Cohen & Huffman, 2003). Entrance into the service sector was easier for women for a number of reasons. First, the demand for workers was great and with highly routinized jobs, employers are less discriminating in the attributes of the workers. Second, these jobs often offer lower pay, and therefore, women face less competition from men. Finally, I believe women’s entrance into the service sector is a smaller infringement on traditional gender beliefs. Women are able to move into the service sector as they are either performing tasks that are often done in the home, only now for pay, or that the philosophy of the paid work is no different than unpaid ‘‘women’s work.’’ Oppenheimer (1973) noted years ago that women made great gains into occupations such as teaching, nursing, and clerical work. These occupations have all historically involved providing care for children, people who are ill, and male bosses, respectively. That is, ‘‘women’s work’’ has long been providing various services for their families. This change from reproductive labor in the home to ‘‘reproductive/productive’’ labor in the labor market simply allows women to provide services to nonfamily members for pay. This effect is quite similar to what Messner and Bozada-Deas (2009) call ‘‘soft essentialism.’’ That is, women ‘‘choose’’ to do women’s work to help their family and customers, while men ‘‘naturally’’ do ‘‘men’s work’’ to provide for families. Although I do not intend to devalue service work, researchers also should not romanticize the sector either. Progress has clearly not been anywhere near uniform across industries. I again want to reemphasize the importance of workplaces. In the analysis moving beyond supply and demand, there is no significant improvement in the explanatory power when adding organizational processes, including segregation. Although the R2 is identical, the finding is no less important. Both supply and demand factors ‘‘play out’’ in workplaces. That is, actors in workplaces respond and adapt to supply and demand in the labor market. This is manifested through the organizational structure (including establishment size and the size of the managerial hierarchy) and through segregation mechanisms. Recall that when I examine organizational processes, including segregation, the effect of the external labor market supply and the internal supply effect weaken, as do the time effects. In other words, to some extent, we are not only seeing social embeddedness, we are seeing the interaction between the macro and the micro.

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Although there are many advantages and strengths of the data, there are some limitations. Although I do have data on workplaces, I am limited by only having nine occupation categories. This results in overestimating progress, as I am not completely capturing the glass ceiling effect. That is, the glass ceiling is about top managerial positions and not lower level or entrylevel jobs. Examining the differentiation within the broad category ‘‘officials and managers’’ is unfortunately beyond the data capabilities. The findings do shed some light in this area though. Women have greater representation in management in workplaces with more women and more black workers and in the service industries (as the bivariate analysis shows). This suggests that women have the greatest access to management when they are supervising other women and when there is a great deal of differentiation in the managerial ranks. In short, the findings suggest the glass ceiling most certainly does still exist. In short, I hope to have contributed to the literature by bringing the workplace back in, to paraphrase Baron and Bielby (1980). In conclusion, I would like to end by returning to the original question about the state of women’s progress in workplaces. After more than 40 years of equal opportunity legislation, there has been some progress, but this has not been across the board. Women’s gains have come in certain industries but not others. Women have done better in terms of labor force participation, but this has not transferred to equality in other areas. My focus is that labor force participation gains have not meant managerial gains. Nationally across industries, women have gained less than 1% of management per year. Finally, there is evidence in other research that women are mostly supervising other women in the service industries. This suggests that when women are gaining representation in management, it is often in jobs that offer fewer rewards including lower pay and fewer opportunities for advancement. These are jobs dominated by women. Here, women pose no threat to men, especially white men. In fact, my prior research with several colleagues (Tomaskovic-Devey et al., 2006) clearly shows that white men are not working in the same workplaces as everyone else. In other words, white male privilege stands preserved. I hope that future researchers will critically examine the progress that is often taken for granted, and as I have shown, has even been overestimated.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation (SES-0216424 and SES-0216843). The author would like to


187

thank Katrina Bloch, Kevin Stainback, Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, and especially Catherine Zimmer for comments on earlier drafts of this chapter.

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Jones, J. A., & Rosenfeld, R. (1989). Women’s occupations and local labor markets: 1950 to 1980. Social Forces, 67(3), 666–692. Kanter, R. M. (1977). Women and men of the corporation. New York: Basic Books. Lorence, J. (1992). Service sector growth and metropolitan occupational sex segregation. Work and Occupations, 19(2), 128–156. Messner, M., & Bozada-Deas, S. (2009). Separating the men from the moms: The making of adult gender segregation in youth sports. Gender & Society, 23(1), 49–71. Oppenheimer, V. K. (1973). Demographic influence on female employment and the status of women. American Journal of Sociology, 78(4), 946–961. Reskin, B. (1988). Bringing the men back in: Sex differentiation and the devaluation of women’s work. Gender & Society, 2(1), 58–81. Reskin, B. (1993). Sex segregation in the workplace. Annual Review of Sociology, 19(1), 241–270. Reskin, B. (2000). Proximate causes of employment discrimination. Contemporary Sociology, 29(2), 319–329. Reskin, B. (2003). Including mechanisms in our models of ascriptive inequality. American Sociological Review, 68(1), 1–21. Reskin, B., & McBrier, D. B. (2000). Why not ascription? Organizations’ employment of male and female managers. American Sociological Review, 65(2), 210–233. Robinson, C. L., Taylor, T., Tomaskovic-Devey, D., Zimmer, C., & Irwin, M. (2005). Studying race/ethnic and sex segregation at the establishment-level: Methodological issues and substantive opportunities using EEO-1 reports. Work and Occupations, 32(1), 5–38. Semyonov, M., & Scott, R. I. (1983). Industrial shifts, female employment, and occupational differentiations: A dynamic model for American cities, 1960–1970. Demography, 20(2), 163–176. Singelmann, J., & Browning, H. I. (1980). Industrial transformation and occupational change in the U.S., 1960–1970. Social Forces, 59(1), 246–264. Smith, R. (2002). Race, gender, and authority in the workplace: Theory and research. Annual Review of Sociology, 28(1), 509–542. Smith, R., & Elliott, J. (2002). Does ethnic concentration influence employees’ access to authority? An explanation of contemporary urban labor markets. Social Forces, 81(1), 255–279. Strang, D., & Baron, J. N. (1990). Categorical imperatives: The structure of job titles in California state agencies. American Sociological Review, 55(4), 479–495. Tolbert, C., & Sizer, M. (1996). U.S. commuting zones and labor market area: A 1990 update. Economic Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture. Tomaskovic-Devey, D., Zimmer, C., Stainback, K., Robinson, C. L., Taylor, T., & McTague, T. (2006). Documenting desegregation: EEO-1 estimates of U.S. gender and ethnic segregation 1966–2000. American Sociological Review, 71(4), 565–588.

EXPERIENCING GENDER, RACE, AND CLASS IN REAL LIFE: HOW LOW-INCOME WOMEN OF COLOR STRIVE FOR ECONOMIC SELF-SUFFICIENCY AND HOMEOWNERSHIP Sharon Lindhorst Everhardt ABSTRACT Purpose – This chapter examines the complex, multilevel barriers low-income women of color in a medium-sized Midwestern city face when trying to achieve economic self-sufficiency and homeownership. The aim of this study was to determine whether women attempting to achieve self-sufficiency and/or homeownership face different barriers than men as a result of multiple and intersecting social locations. Design/methodology/approach – The study sample includes 24 lowincome women of color, all of whom participated in in-depth interviews in Fall, 2008. Low-income women also completed short demographic surveys. Intersectionality represents the conceptual framework for this study, and data analysis followed phenomenological inquiry. Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 189–212 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014012

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Findings – Some barriers low-income women of color face are unacknowledged and are gendered and racialized. Many women in this study faced personal barriers (e.g., low-income, lack of savings, poor credit, lack of mentors) and system-level barriers (e.g., banking account requirements and lenders’ downpayment requirements) to obtain economic self-sufficiency and/or homeownership simultaneously. Research limitations – This study only examined 25 women’s experiences in one location. These findings can only be generalized to low-income women of color in this study. Originality/value – This study addresses the gaps in existing literature about low-income women’s journeys toward economic self-sufficiency, and highlights that many women have goals of homeownership as well. Data analyzed here also illustrated the complex nature of barriers.

INTRODUCTION This study examines the complex, multilevel barriers that low-income women of color in a medium-sized Midwestern city face when trying to achieve economic self-sufficiency and homeownership. Although the existing literature on economic self-sufficiency, homeownership, and women’s experiences with poverty highlights some of the barriers women face when striving for self-sufficiency, there are many unacknowledged barriers. The findings of this study demonstrate that some of these acknowledged and unacknowledged barriers are gendered and racialized. Intersectionality is the conceptual framework for this study, and data analysis followed phenomenological methods of inquiry (Creswell, 1998). Existing literature suggests the following barriers to self-sufficiency: low income, lack of savings, debt, poor credit, financial illiteracy, low education, job instability, transportation, lack of access to childcare, and discrimination by lenders. Except for literature about discrimination by lenders, barriers are characterized as occurring at the personal level. Most existing literature also fails to point out that low-income women may face barriers on multiple levels simultaneously, at both a personal level and a system level. Women in this study also face barriers that intersect, which further complicates their realities and makes individual and/or structural barriers harder to overcome. In addition, barriers may be gendered, for instance, these women may have childcare expenses that make it difficult to save or gain training to access jobs.

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Importantly, women in this study face many unacknowledged barriers, such as not having mentors and lacking of self-esteem. This article describes how women talk about barriers and why they may be gendered and racialized. Most qualitative research on economic self-sufficiency discusses strategies for survival when faced with few resources, hardships women experience on the road to self-sufficiency and barriers they face in achieving economic self-sufficiency, but existing work does not focus on homeownership (Edin & Lein, 1997; Albelda, 2001; Ehrenreich, 2001; Christopher, 2004; Pinsoneault, 2006). Perhaps because some qualitative researchers and feminist scholars have been so focused on critiquing new welfare reform policy, they have dismissed or ignored homeownership as a dimension of economic selfsufficiency. There is a need for researchers to examine women’s homeownership (or, as examined here, women’s goals of homeownership) as a measure of economic self-sufficiency (or goals of self-sufficiency in the case of this study), since single mothers are less likely to be homeowners and the greater majority of households receiving government cash assistance are female-headed households. This qualitative study tracks 24 women’s recent jobs and housing histories, as well as their homeownership goals and experiences, as they participate in a local family self-sufficiency program in a medium-sized Midwestern city. In this way, I am to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the barriers and their complexity faced by women as they attempt to achieve economic self-sufficiency. Attention to the complicated relationship between system- and personal-level barriers and the intersections of gender and race inequalities, which also add to this understanding.

LITERATURE REVIEW Barriers are defined here as any factor that makes it difficult to make progress toward economic self-sufficiency and/or homeownership. Specifically, two types of barriers are important for these analysis – personal- barriers and system-level barriers. Personal-level barriers are individual factors such as having a low income or a low level of education. System-level barriers are conditions or factors such as institutional discrimination that are imbedded within social, political, and economic institutions. In 2000, homeownership rates hit record highs in the United States with 68.2% of the population owning a home (U.S. Census, 2007). Nonetheless, a homeownership gap persists among different income brackets and

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confirms that low income is a real barrier to achieving this part of the American dream. Furthermore, because they have on average, lower incomes, racial and ethnic minorities are less likely to own a home (Collins & Dylla, 2001; DeZube, 2006). The Joint Center for Housing Studies estimated that, in 2006, the difference in homeownership rates between whites and minorities remained near 25%. Finally, female-headed households are often disadvantaged by lower-income levels (DeZube, 2006). The financial barriers that lower-income, minority, female-headed families face in obtaining homeownership are not limited to income.1 The authors cited above argue that offering specially tailored mortgage products to this subpopulation is not enough to move lower-income families into homeownership. Lack of savings and high debt loads on the part of many Americans also become major obstacles when considering the purchase of a home. However, these barriers may hit lower-income, minority, and female-headed households especially hard. It is estimated that one-third of low-income households (those earning less than 80% of the median income in the region where they reside) are restricted from buying a home because of lack of savings (Katz & Retsinas, 1999). Collins (2002) argues that the accumulation of savings and reduction of debt is difficult for nonhomeowners because it requires these households to consume less and save more, or receive inheritances from relatives. These households often rely on credit cards and installment loans as well (Collins, 2002). The result is little savings and high debt loads for many Americans, making the dream of homeownership just that, a dream.2 Low- and moderate-income families often lack relationships with banks and other major financial institutions as well (Collins & Dylla, 2001). In 2001, 80% of the 12 million unbanked households had incomes under $25,000 (Collins & Dylla, 2001). A large majority of low-income, unbanked households are headed by single females (Anderson-Porisch, 2007). In 2001, approximately ‘‘44% of African-American renters under $40,000 income do not have banking relationships.’’ (Collins & Dylla, 2001, p. 5). Most literature on low-income women and job instability focus upon the barriers women face in gaining employment such as: low education levels, little work experience, lack of job skills, mental and physical health problems, adequate and affordable childcare, learning disabilities, discriminatory practices by employers, substance abuse, attending to children’s needs, domestic violence, and access to transportation (Brown & Barbosa, 2001; Lee & Vinokur, 2007; Hildebrandt & Stevens, 2009). Generally, the more barriers low-income women face with regard to employment, the less they will work over time and have more difficulty keeping a job


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(Lee & Vinokur, 2007). Brown and Barbosa (2001) argue the combination of inadequate job skills and low levels of education (typically only a high school diploma or less) forces low-income women into low paying, dead end service sector jobs like housekeeping or fast food restaurants. In addition, low-income women may have little motivation, spotty attendance and frequent changes in jobs making it harder for them to gain better employment that provides higher pay and benefits (Brown & Barbosa, 2001). The low quality of jobs with regard to wages and benefits are a barrier to low-income women and may explain why some women struggle with the motivation to keep them (Lee & Vinokur, 2007). The barriers that may stand in the way of low-income women becoming employed also impact their abilities to become self-sufficient. In particular, as documented in existing literature, lack of cash assistance, cash assistance requirements and, limitations can affect low-income women’s abilities to become self-sufficient and homeowners.3 Childcare is also a barrier lowincome women must contend with to gain employment, self-sufficiency, and homeownership. Childcare can be a significant barrier because the cost of care for one child exceeds the earnings of many low-income mothers (Hildebrandt & Stevens, 2009). While some welfare reform policies provide childcare subsidies, they are often limited in terms of monetary amounts, allowable use and how long women receive the subsidy (Hildebrandt & Stevens, 2009). This leaves many with few options for continuous employment. It is important to note there has been virtually no discussion of the particular hardships women of color may experience when attempting to achieve economic self-sufficiency such as discrimination in the delivery of welfare benefits and disparities in access to and utilization of services such as childcare subsidies and job-readiness skills (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2002). Banerjee (2003) and Cooney (2006) are important exceptions. Thus, the main aim of this study is to determine whether or not women attempting to achieve self-sufficiency and/or homeownership face different barriers than men as a result of gender, race or ethnicity, family status, age, and other intersecting points of social locations.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The main argument put forth by intersectionality theory is that the effects and experiences of gender, race, class, and other categorical differences cannot be understood separately from one another; not only separately but also together, each of these categories shape people’s experiences and life

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outcomes (Weber, 2001; Davis, 2008; Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2008). Intersectionality theory was originally set forth by Kimberle´ Crenshaw (1989) to encourage feminist and antiracist scholars to recognize all women’s experiences and not simply those of white, middle class women (McCall, 2005; Jordan-Zachery, 2007; Simien, 2007; Davis, 2008). In other words, scholars must recognize that women experience life in varying ways because of their multiple social locations and social contexts. What is a privilege for one woman could be oppressive and a liability for another (Hill Collins, 1990; Ritzer, 2007; Davis, 2008; Denis, 2008; Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2008). For example, the Consumer Federation of America (CFA) found that women at all income levels are more likely to receive subprime home mortgages than men, making it more difficult for them to accumulate wealth through homeownership (Heavens, 2006). This seems to be especially true for single women of color who have the highest incidence of receiving subprime lending. Subprime lending comes with high interest rates that often extract any equity built in a home through high mortgage payments (Fishbein & Bunce, 2002). Since single women only have one paycheck to depend upon, this puts them at risk when unexpected repairs to their home or car occur or unanticipated bills must be paid. While homeownership likely benefits some women such as white married women who may have safety nets in higher incomes and dual income marriages, it can be a liability for single women of color who have no such safety nets to support them. Furthermore, class is an intersecting location that may affect a woman’s experience in obtaining a loan in the first place, in that some women can escape subprime mortgages and so benefit from homeownership. Institutional discrimination as well as prejudice on the part of mortgage lenders also can greatly contribute to women’s varied experiences in being or attempting to become homeowners. Weber (2001) argues that we are obligated to look at both macro and micro systems with regard to the intersections of difference because these levels interact with one another. For example, we can look to individual women to describe their experiences as potential homeowners or as homeowners to determine how gender, race, and class differences may intersect. Nevertheless, we also have to review lending practices to understand larger group patterns through which women actually do or do not become homeowners. A focus on both macro and micro systems allows us to better understand privilege and oppression within social structures like mortgage lending corporations and at the micro level, in individuals’ lives. To employ intersectionality not only as a theory but also as an analytical tool in this study, it was important to make some comparisons between


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women and their multiple sites of social location (Baca Zinn & Thorton Dill, 1996; Hill Collins, 1999, 2000; Weber, 2001; Davis, 2008; Samuels & Ross-Sheriff, 2008). For example, it was relevant to compare women on the basis of race, ethnicity, employment status, whether or not they are parents, education, and marital status to see the intersections of these social locations in women’s experiences and the differences across the selected group of women in this study. Although using intersectionality theory as an analytical tool is complex, its application is well-suited for this study. First, this theory was developed from a woman-centered perspective, but recognizes that particular groups of women experience oppression in more poignant ways (Hill Collins, 1990; Lengermann & Niebrugge-Brantley, 2004). Second, this theory is appropriate for use in this investigation of the barriers low-income women face in achieving self-sufficiency and homeownership because it seeks to identify changes that can benefit women and the larger social world (Lengermann & Niebrugge-Brantley, 2004).

METHODS This project used a qualitative design for inquiry because most of the research that addresses women, economic self-sufficiency or homeownership has utilized quantitative methodologies, which do not allow us to hear women’s voices. This study utilized phenomenological inquiry. Phenomenology operates under the assumption that people actively construct their own realities through social interaction (Blumer, 1969; Creswell, 1998; Seccombe, James, & Battle Walters, 1998). Economic self-sufficiency will be generally defined as economic independence from government or family assistance (Shlay, 1994). An important goal of this study was to uncover what being ‘‘economically self-sufficient’’ means to these low-income women. This study also attempted to determine whether or not women consider homeownership to be an important part of economic self-sufficiency. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to describe and understand the lived experiences of low-income women trying to become economically self-sufficient and/or homeowners in Truetown.4 The guiding research questions for this study are: (1) How do women’s background characteristics or social locations affect their ability to become economically self-sufficient (that is, race/ethnicity, presence of children, health/disability, age, experience of paid work, education and so on)? (2) How do women’s background characteristics or social locations affect their ability to become homeowners more specifically?

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Participants and the Research Site Selection and recruitment of participants for this study took place in 2008. Because I was interested in studying women who were striving for selfsufficiency, I gained access to my participants through a local housing authority. A housing authority located in a Midwestern city proved to be the perfect fit for this project, as it offered self-sufficiency and homeownership programs to its low-income residents. All of the programs offered through this housing authority are designed to move residents to economic self-sufficiency meaning residents move from being economically dependent (requiring assistance from government agencies to have their basic needs met) to economically independent (being able to meet one’s basic needs without government assistance. Truetown Metropolitan Housing Authority (TMHA) typically serves Truetown residents with extremely low incomes, between 0% and 30% of the area median income. Approximately 73% of households waiting to receive housing assistance from TMHA have children. According to TMHA administrators, the Public Housing Family Self-Sufficiency (PH-FSS) program (from which participants for this study were selected) participants are 21% male and 79% female. Currently, PH-FSS participants’ racial and ethnic backgrounds are 83% African-American, 8% White, 7% Hispanic/ Latino, and 2% are classified under the ‘‘Other’’ category. According to PH-FSS managers, the ultimate goal of the services provided by the program is to allow participants to become completely independent of government assistance. To help participants become economically self-sufficient, TMHA provides employment and training opportunities, educational programs, homeownership and financial management classes, escrow savings and individual development accounts, and linkages to other community services such as the Job Placement Center.5 I gained access to the housing authority population and recruited participants between February and August 2008. To facilitate initial contact, another local university researcher served as a liaison between me and the housing authority. I then met with housing authority administrators and received approval for the project. Subsequently, I sent out letters to 88 potential participants on agency letterhead explaining my study. Participants were offered a $30 Walmart gift card as an incentive.

Sample Characteristics The participants for this study were selected using criterion sampling and snowball sampling procedures (Creswell, 1998). The final sample included


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24 low-income women and mothers who were part of the PH-FSS program and 4 administrators employed at the TMHA. In terms of marital status, this sample includes 15 single women, three married women, three women in cohabiting partnerships, two divorced women, and one widowed woman. While racial diversity was sought during recruitment – 20 women in the study were African American, three women were self-reportedly bi-racial, and one was Hispanic American. Of the 24 women in this study, 16 were mothers, 9 had three or more children, 6 had two children, and 3 had only one child. Out of the 16 women who were mothers, 7 had children under the age of five. Only 9 out of the 24 women owned cars and 12 reported to be employed at least on a part-time basis.6

Data Collection and Analysis Data collection was carried out through a one-time, in-depth interview with 24 low-income women. Participants also completed a brief demographic survey after the interview. During the interview, participants were asked questions about their financial assets, number of children, age, marital status, residential history, employment, history of and interest in homeownership, health status, future goals, and experiences with the FSS program. I transcribed all interview tapes and reviewed field notes during and directly after data collection. Each statement was treated equally in that phase of the data analysis and a list of nonrepetitve, nonoverlapping themes (Creswell, 1998) was created based on what the women in the study said were important. I then examined how each participant discussed key themes already defined by the interview guide, such as ‘‘barriers,’’ ‘‘self-sufficiency,’’ and ‘‘homeownership,’’ but also attempted to recognize new themes and keywords that arose directly from the data. I also developed an overall description of each of the women’s lived experiences, and highlighted similarities and differences in women’s perceptions and experiences. That is, I explored whether women from different social locations (race, marital status, age, number of children) reported varying experiences under each theme. I tried to uncover the central meaning of these women’s lived experiences and how similarities, such as gender, and differences, such as race and ethnicity, may have an impact on the barriers women face in achieving economic self-sufficiency and/or homeownership. Data analysis began right after data collection started, so that the investigator themes in early interviews could be clarified with more probing in later interviews.

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FINDINGS Barriers Acknowledged in Existing Literature Many of the barriers these low-income women faced when pursuing selfsufficiency and homeownership are documented in the existing literature, but some of the barriers identified by women in this study are not acknowledged by previous research. Direct quotations from interview transcripts are used to highlight the barriers that affect women in their journey to obtain economic self-sufficiency and homeownership. One case study from this sample is utilized to explain each barrier. Additional case studies are used to explain each theme in Lindhorst Everhardt (2009).

Low Income Some of the most common barriers to economic self-sufficiency and homeownership for the women in this study were economic. Similar to participants in other studies, for instance, women in my study cited low income and lack of savings as barriers. All 24 participants acknowledged that having a low income made it difficult to progress toward self-sufficiency. Case 1: Anne Anne, a single, 56-year-old African American woman with four adult children who is employed part-time as a neighborhood custodian talked about her income as a major barrier for achieving her self-sufficiency goals. ‘‘How is $315 a month income? How is that income when you got bills you gotta pay? Hell, I just had to pay $6 today just to get a $200 damn check cashed.’’ Anne’s statement is representative of many women who have low incomes and are frustrated by their situations. The underlying message in Anne’s statement is that low-income women struggle to achieve any measure of economic selfsufficiency because of little access to economic resources. Earning only $315 per month is a barrier to achieving her goal of purchasing a car, one example of self-sufficiency. Anne’s situation was further complicated by the fact that she did not have a relationship with a bank. As a result, she had to pay high check cashing fees, which contributed to her economic woes by further constricting her income. What is not stated in the current literature about low-income women and their relationships with banks, or lack thereof, is the system’s role in creating situations such as Anne’s. Although not being able to meet a financial institution’s requirements to open an account can be viewed


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as a personal-level barrier, the requirements that banks and other financial institutions impose on individuals are system-level barriers. Anne may be able to establish a relationship with a financial institution if the institution is flexible with its requirements, such as the amount of money one must have to open an account and/or the type of identification that must be provided. Yet most institutions are not so flexible. On the one hand, Anne’s personal economic situation does not allow her to establish a relationship with a bank; on the other hand, financial institutions impose standards that are designed to keep poor ‘‘risky’’ people out of from holding accounts. This is an example of how macro- and micro-level barriers can intersect to create complicated realties for women. Anne is a woman of color. Like all other women who are part of this study, she lives in public housing because of her economic situation. She, like many women in this study, reports struggling to achieve economic selfsufficiency because of little income. Anne, like other women in this study, discusses having to do things she does not want to do because of her lack of economic resources. For Anne, this means having to spend $6 to get a check cashed because she does not have access to a bank as a result of her low income (not to mention a lack of transportation and health problems). Another woman in this study discussed her consideration of going back to selling drugs because she cannot find a job and needs to pay her rent. In the face of personal- and system-level economic barriers, many women like Anne try to develop creative ways to survive when there are no other economic resources available. It is the lack of economic resources that forces these women to engage in a wide range of behaviors from paying fees for check cashing to hustling illegal drugs. All women in this study want more economic self-sufficiency for themselves and their families, yet some, like Anne, did not mention homeownership as one of their immediate goals, simply because they are focused on meeting more immediate needs. For Anne, her immediate need is purchasing a car. For other women in the study obtaining an income to pay their bills maybe the immediate need, Anne’s low income is such a major barrier that she cannot even think about the idea of homeownership. She is focused on survival because it must take priority over luxuries like homeownership.

Lack of Savings Like participants in other studies, 18 women in this study cited lack of savings as a barrier to economic self-sufficiency and/or homeownership.

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Most women who reported lack of savings as a barrier discussed having no money saved in any account for a car, home, paying off old debts, school, or any other measure of economic self-sufficiency. For those who did report having some savings in an account, however, it never amounted to more than a few hundred dollars, with the exception of one participant who had saved $5,000.7 Generally, participants in this study did not hold savings accounts that they initiated on their own through a bank or credit union. If a participant reported savings of any kind, it was typically in an escrow account set up through a savings incentive program. Out the 24 women in this study, six stated they had an escrow account at the time of interview. These six women differed from other women in this study because they were employed at least part-time and had homeownership as a primary self-sufficiency goal. Case 2: Laura Laura, a single, 53-year-old African-American TMHA resident with three adult children, who works as a part-time school bus aide, talked about her savings experience. Well, yes [I was saving]. But I had to help my son, it was a family emergency so it depleted my funds. But I was saving and I was happy about it. But savings is a hardship. I had been saving for one year. I wish they had more programs for people like me.

Laura was part of a savings incentive program through a local non-profit organization that works with low to moderate-income people to help them save for long-term goals such as furthering one’s education or purchasing a home (Lindhorst Everhardt, 2009). Laura was saving money until her son asked her for money. From Laura’s perspective, she will not be able to purchase a home until she saves 20% of the purchase price of a home for a downpayment. This is an example of how structural- and personal-level barriers can intersect. Lenders specifically told Laura that they would require a 20% down payment to approve her for a mortgage, causing a structural barrier to interfere with her homeownership plans. Even though Laura made a personal decision to give her son money, social institutions like banks have the ability to determine the outcomes of an individual’s life (Collins & Dylla, 2001; Turner et al., 2002; Heavens, 2006). Thus, Laura’s story illustrates that economic barriers are not always the sole result of individual action. Laura’s situation is consistent with the current literature that suggests that renters or nonhomeowners struggle with saving money because they typically have lower incomes and spend the majority of their incomes on


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necessities such as basic needs and family emergencies (Edin & Lein, 1997; Ehrenreich, 2001; Collins, 2002; Hays, 2004). Although sharing resources can sometimes be beneficial, it can also be damaging, as is the case with Laura. She has no savings left as a result of placing her son’s needs before her own – a common survival practice among low-income mothers. Women’s care-giving responsibilities are gendered as well. Laura felt obligated to place her son’s needs first because society socializes women to think this is what ‘‘good mothers’’ should do (Arendell, 2000). Although Laura was at a more advanced stage of the home-buying process than other women like Anne, the gendered obligation for care-giving further reinforced the barrier of lack of savings and pushed back her plans for homeownership. Current literature suggests that lower-income single female minority individuals are hit especially hard by a lack of savings. That appears to be the case with Laura and other women like her in this study. One point of difference between Laura and the others, however, was her enrollment status in this savings incentive program. Although Laura reported that she had to deplete her savings account to help her son, she did report savings activity for one year’s time placing her at a more advanced stage of the home-buying process. In Laura’s case, being part of a savings incentive program seemed to have had an impact on her ability to save. Many women in this study were not enrolled in any savings incentive programs and did not report any savings activity. The women without savings activity illustrate another point where personal- and structural-level barriers intersect. Although the inability to save money can be viewed as a personal-level barrier, it can also be a structural-level barrier because of the requirements some saving incentives programs place on potential participants. The savings incentive program available to women in this study required them to increase their earnings so that the additional income could be placed in their escrow account. For some this requirement was extremely difficult, if not impossible, because of low-paying jobs or fixed disability incomes.

Barriers Still Unacknowledged in Existing Literature Many barriers to self-sufficiency and homeownership are not acknowledged in the current literature. Specifically, lack of mentoring and low self-esteem were both commonly cited reasons why women in this study thought they struggled in pursuit of economic self-sufficient and/or homeownership.

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Lack of Mentoring Out of the 24 participants in this study, 13 acknowledged that not having a mentor, or someone to provide them with guidance, made it difficult to progress toward self-sufficiency. Case 3: Briann Briann, a single, 36-year-old African American with no children who is employed part-time as a financial advisor and is also a full-time student, describes her attempt to save money for a downpayment for a duplex through a land contract. At the time of the interview, Briann was selling insurance policies to clients, which she described as a hit or miss business. When she did sell an insurance policy, her income was good. However, she never knew when she would get her next client, making her income unstable. Briann talked about her need for a mentor to achieve her self-sufficiency goals. I need, I need for someone to work with me, to show me the ropes, to train me, to get me up to the point where I can sit down and be independent and present my own presentations. I think a mentor would be good for me.

Briann is describing her experiences in trying to become an independent financial advisor. The underlying message in Briann’s statement is that lowincome women such as those in this study need and could potentially benefit from mentorship. She believes her business would flourish if she just had the right person – a person in the financial advising sector – to show her how to grow and improve as a financial advisor. Briann expressed disappointment in a previous mentor because ‘‘he did not take enough interest in me’’ and often did not return her phone calls. At the time of the interview, Briann was searching for another mentor, since she believed this would improve her chances of finding strong support and keeping her business afloat. Not having a mentor was a major barrier for Briann because she worked in an industry that is largely dependent upon social networks (Ozgen & Baron, 2007). Briann needed a person to consult and offer possible resolutions when things become difficult, to give advice on how to attract more clients, how to improve presentations or generally how to run a successful business. Although Briann seems to be doing quite a bit to move toward economic self-sufficiency (getting a bachelor’s degree, starting a business, looking for part-time supplemental work, and networking to find a mentor), she still has made little tangible progress toward her goals. In her opinion, the missing ingredient for Briann is a mentor.


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Briann’s statement is representative of a major problem many women have in the career world: no mentors. Briann, is a single African American woman with high aspirations, perhaps one of the most motivated women in this study. Near completion of a bachelor’s degree in finance at the time of her interview, Briann wanted to own a financial advising agency. In theory, Briann and single women like her have more time, fewer distractions, and greater potential to save money to reach their self-sufficiency goals and become homeowners. This also means that Briann and women with similar situations potentially have more time to network and search for a mentor who could assist them with their goals. Although it is possible that mothers in this study could have equal potential for finding a mentor, it may take them more time to get one, since their time is split between family and their career. For Briann and women like her in this study, personal- and system-level barriers intersect to create their struggles and realities. In one sense, not having a mentor to guide one through the process of having a successful business or becoming a homeowner can be defined as a personal-level barrier. However, the lack of mentors available to women like Briann could also be a structural-level barrier. There are no formal mentoring programs associated with the FSS program in which Briann and other women in this study participate. When an FSS administrator was approached with the study finding that the women in their program need mentors, she simply said ‘‘We do not have the resources. Women who successfully complete our FSS program and leave the projects, do not want to look back.’’ This administrator describes the general attitudes of the few women who graduate from this FSS program and leave public housing; they have no desire to return and therefore they have no desire to be mentors to other women. Because formerly low-income women would make the best mentors but are not interested in this role (because they ‘‘do not want to look back’’), FSS administrators do not know how to provide a mentoring program. This makes lack of mentoring a structural-level barrier because gaining a mentor does not solely rest on the shoulders of the women who need them; potential mentors also must have an interest in the relationship to make mentoring work. Gardiner et al. (2000) discuss the lack of mentoring as largely dependent upon women in powerful positions taking an interest in potential prote´ge´s or seeing the start of a mentoring relationship as being worth their time. Gardiner et al. (2000) point out in their study of women prote´ge´s and mentors that women of color often feel that they face double jeopardy because of their race and gender. Laura illustrated this point when she said ‘‘I have been mistreated because of my race. I believe the hospital

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[former employer] mistreated me because of my race and women are looked down upon as the weaker vessel or second best.’’ Laura’s statement reinforces Gardiner et al. (2000) point that women of color in particular need mentors to build up their self-confidence, skills, and knowledge because of their intersecting social locations.

Low Self-Esteem Out of the 24 women who participated in this study, 9 said that low selfesteem was a barrier for them. Low self-esteem can be defined as having a negative outlook or dissatisfaction with some aspect of one’s self or identity (Beane & Lipka, 1986; Maestas et al., 2008). According to Beane and Lipka (1986), how people feel about themselves is tied to the attitudes, beliefs, and values they hold. For example, if a woman values and believes in the importance of paid work but is not currently employed, this could have a negative impact on her self-esteem. Case 4: Lucinda Lucinda, a single, 40-year-old African American mother of two who is disabled, explains how her low self-esteem has affected her ability to meet her self-sufficiency goals of obtaining a general equivalency diploma (GED) and gaining employment. Lucinda stated: Myself, I have been put down with no support. I have no self-esteem. Every time I go to therapy I end up losing the therapist. They always end up getting promoted or leave. They try to play head games with me. They are two-faced.

Lucinda describes her past experiences with therapists as the reason she cannot meet her self-sufficiency goals. She first explains why she has a low self-esteem by stating ‘‘I have been put down with no support.’’ She is making reference to her poor relationships with partners and loved ones in this statement. She also expressed disappointment with past therapists because they often leave their professional position, forcing her to find another therapist. In addition, Lucinda often finds therapists’ approaches to be unhelpful and expresses a general distrust in her relationships with them. This decreases her chances of feeling better about her own life situation. Lucinda explained that, at least in part, her low self-esteem stemmed from poor relationships with partners, family, and her disability; other women explained they felt down on themselves because of low job satisfaction, living situations, and their children’s problems and concerns. Lucinda’s low


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self-esteem is a barrier for her because it restricts her not only from seeing her own potential, but also from the confidence she needs to accomplish her goals. It is difficult to take on new challenges such as obtaining a GED when one feels negatively about oneself. Being able to obtain employment also requires self-confidence, and self-confidence requires one to feel positive about his/her abilities and identity as a human being (Van Stone et al., 1994) Lucinda’s self-esteem and her problems with therapists are another example of how personal- and system-level barriers interact with one another. On the one hand, Lucinda’s self-esteem issues can be considered a personal-level barrier. However, Lucinda’s self-esteem problems could also be considered a system-level barrier in that she has not received adequate treatment from or been able to form a trusting professional relationship with a therapist, largely because of structural factors such as therapist mobility, turnover, and health insurance coverage. Lucinda, like many other women who participated in this study, wants employment opportunities, however, she struggles with self-esteem and other mental health issues. Lucinda and other women also mentioned the need for more support from family in their lives, inferring that support and self-esteem could be related issues. Like Anne, Lucinda did not discuss homeownership as one of her self-sufficiency goals. Lucinda had more pressing concerns like dealing with her low self-esteem and other mental health issues, being a single parent with few economic or support resources and needing to complete her GED so that she could find employment. The American Psychological Association (2001) suggested the creation of mental health clinics in areas easily accessible to low-income women because these women experience higher rates of mental health issues such as low selfesteem and depression than do women with higher incomes. Lucinda and other women in this study doubt their abilities to accomplish their goals. Although having a low self-esteem can be viewed as a personal-level barrier, it is also a structural-level barrier as well. According to the American Psychological Association (2001), low-income women are not receiving the treatment they need because current welfare programs like TANF and FSS are not making it a priority, lack appropriate screening mechanisms, and under-report the number of women who need mental health services. As described above, personal-level barriers to economic self-sufficiency and homeownership make it difficult for many individuals, especially lowincome single mothers and persons of color to achieve any type of economic success. Existing literature on barriers to economic self-sufficiency fail to make the distinction between personal-and system-level barriers or show how these barriers intersect. This distinction is important to make because

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the barriers individuals face in becoming self-sufficient are not just related to personal characteristics but, are also linked to structural forces such as discrimination on the basis of class, race, ethnicity, gender, motherhood status. For example, financial institutions’ requirements for bank accounts and mortgage lending can be discriminatory not only on the basis of class (low-income families often cannot these requirements), but also race and gender because these requirements are more inclined to affect women and people of color first, since they are more likely to be poor. Another example is the lack of available mentors to women, especially to women of color because so few women hold positions of power in society. Although personal-level barriers should be viewed differently than system-level barriers, both are equally important in explaining the hardships individuals experience in striving for economic self-sufficiency and/or homeownership because they often occur simultaneously with one another and intersect. In addition, new studies on the barriers low-income women face to economic self-sufficiency need to address how barriers such as lack of mentoring and self-esteem are gendered.

CONCLUSION This study finds that low-income women struggle to achieve any measure of self-sufficiency, let alone homeownership, because of the financial constraints they face, such as having no to little income or lack of savings. Low-income women need stable earnings beyond minimum wage to be able to truly be economic self-sufficient and/or homeowners. One of the major findings of this study is that, although barriers to self-sufficiency have been well researched, there are still undocumented barriers, such as lack of mentorship and low self-esteem, which low-income women face. In other words, there are still things we need to understand about low-income women’s journeys toward economic self-sufficiency and homeownership. This study of low-income women and self-sufficiency uniquely and specifically utilizes qualitative methods to examine low-income women’s experiences in trying to become homeowners as well. Studies that have examined economic self-sufficiency and homeownership together have largely utilized quantitative methodologies. A major contribution this study makes to existing literature on the barriers to economic self-sufficiency is that all the barriers low-income women face occurs on a personal- and structural-level simultaneously. As a result, when examining ways in which these barriers to self-sufficiency


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and homeownership could be removed for low-income women, we need to look beyond the women themselves and to the social institutions they are part of including social service agencies and financial institutions. In addition, attention needs to be paid to just how gendered these barriers are for the low-income women who try to overcome them. Low-income women of color with children make up a high concentration of the poor, who struggle with low income and little or no savings because they have to meet their family’s basic needs first to be ‘‘good’’ mothers. In the same way, many low-income women of color lack mentors because there are few who successfully make through FSS programs and become homeowners and have the willingness to be reminded of their struggles to get out of poverty by mentoring someone else. Finally, low-income women’s need for mental health services in accessible places and the lack of available quality providers and centers are also gendered considering poor women are more likely to suffer from these problems. Low self-esteem can be a symptom of greater conditions like depression and women need access to resources to address them. All of the women talked about how gender and race impacted the ways in which women support themselves financially and achieve self-sufficiency goals. Anne states, ‘‘Men don’t have no babies. Women are stuck with babies falling out of their ass unless they are crackheads, alcoholics or just don’t give a damn. Yes, it is very easy for a man.’’ Anne describes that she feels it is easier for men to support themselves than for women because women have the ultimate responsibility of children. From her perspective, men can just walk away from fatherhood whereas women do not have the luxury of walking away from motherhood, unless they have drug problems or do not care about a child. When asked whether or not race impacted the ease of supporting oneself, Anne stated, ‘‘It can’t just be a colored thing because you got your ghetto[black] and you got your trailer trash [white].’’ Anne describes race as not being important in supporting oneself in her above statement. It may be that Anne really thinks that race does not impact chances of support for oneself. However, it could also be that Anne feels too vulnerable as a low-income woman of color to mention it. As discussed earlier, women of color face double jeopardy, making them more vulnerable because of racialized and gendered barriers. Laura illustrated this idea of intersecting inequalities when she tells the story about mistreatment while working at a hospital, as quoted earlier. Laura’s statement reinforces the fact that women, especially low-income women of color, are vulnerable to prejudiced attitudes and discriminatory behavior. Lucinda’s conversations also suggest that women always struggle to support themselves.

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From Briann’s perspective, however, neither gender nor race is important in discussing one’s ability to survive economically. Briann, like Anne and Lucinda may have been uncomfortable having discussions about race with me as a White researcher. In addition, the discussion of gender and supporting oneself may have made Briann feel vulnerable, considering her aspirations to become a business owner. Most of the women in the study thought gender was an important part of one’s social location when discussing the ability to support oneself, but participants were less likely to suggest that race held importance. Women in the study who thought race held importance tended to be older mothers with grown children. Based on the women’s cases presented here, homeownership remains an important goal for low-income women. Most women in this study were determined to be homeowners some day. However, there was substantial variation among the women in terms of what stage they were in the homebuying process, some were far from beginning the process like Anne, and others were more advanced in the process like Laura. One explanation for this variation in progress among women is whether or not their basic needs were being met. Some women were not even considering homeownership because they had to focus on survival and more immediate needs like rent and food. Others like Laura had an easier time initially working toward the goal of homeownership because they were already in a position to meet their basic needs. The fact many women in this study are thinking about homeownership, but not placing it as an immediate goal for themselves is reflective of the current homeownership crisis and what Shlay (2006) says may be a delusion of economic self-sufficiency for the low income. Shlay (2006) argues homeownership may not be realistic for low-income families because it requires wealth, income, human capital, and stable employment. In addition, Retsinas and Belsky (2002) point out that it is still unknown if homeownership is a good asset-building strategy for low-income families compared with renting a home. A potential risk for low-income homeownership is the timing of purchasing and selling a home and how long they stay in a home in terms of seeing a return on their investment (Shlay, 2006). Shlay (2006) also points out that minority households are more likely to revert back to renting without pursuing homeownership again because they lack financial support and are at greater risk for subprime loans. Femaleheaded households are also more likely to receive subprime loans and less likely to achieve homeownership (HUD, 2001; Lipman, 2005, 2006) Low-income homebuyers may be at greater risk for expensive home repairs, lower rates of appreciation, and lower quality neighborhoods based upon what they are able to afford. However, those minority families who stayed in


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their purchased homes did accumulate more wealth than those families who rented. Intersectionality is the tool that allows us to examine these barriers to self-sufficiency and advance gender research by examining the multilevel complexities women’s lives hold that are necessary for greater understanding of women and equality. In sum, homeownership, then, may not be realistic or a good goal for every American. In determining whether or not it is a good goal for a low-income family is homeownership, the intersections of race, class, and gender and the multilevel nature of barriers to economic self-sufficiency warrant attention.

NOTES 1. The additional obstacles they may face could be affected by the following: limited savings, debt, credit problems, housing affordability, low levels of education, financial literacy or an understanding of the home buying process, job stability, money management, and home maintenance, according to Collins and Dylla (2001) and Santiago and Galster (2003). 2. For more detailed descriptions of financial barriers such as low-income, lack of savings, poor credit, financial illiteracy and high debt loads, see Lindhorst Everhardt (2009). 3. For more detailed discussions about cash assistance (TANF), its requirements and limitations for women, see Lindhorst Everhardt (2009); also see Gatta in this volume. 4. The name of this medium-sized Midwestern city has been changed to protect all of those involved in this study. 5. More details about Truetown, its population and the Truetown Metropolitan Housing Authority (TMHA) can be found in Lindhorst Everhardt (2009). 6. Four administrators of the PH-FSS program also participated in this study, two were African American mothers. The other administrators included one white mother and one white father. Please see Lindhorst Everhardt (2009) for more detail and analysis of the administrators in this study, this article is narrowly focused on low-income women and their experiences. 7. The woman who managed to save $5,000 was different from many women in this study. In comparison to other women in this study, she was near completion of the FSS program, had successfully set up an escrow account and saved $5,000 for a down payment on a home, was employed full-time as a state licensed nursing assistant, and had older children.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author thanks Marcia Segal, Vasilikie Demos, Heather Dillaway, Barbara Chesney, and anonymous reviewers for suggestions and comments

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on drafts of this manuscript. I also thank all women who agreed to be interviewed for this study; without their participation this work would not be possible.

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IT’S MORE THAN JUST JOB PLACEMENT! RETHINKING WORKFORCE DEVELOPMENT POLICY TO RAISE SINGLE MOTHERS OUT OF POVERTY Mary Gatta ABSTRACT Purpose – In this chapter I unpack the public workforce system, with a gender lens, to detail and assess its ability to provide job training and education to single mothers. Based on that analysis, I suggest strategies to develop job training policy that attends to the needs of single, working, poor mothers, and can help provide them with the education and skills training to raise themselves and their families out of poverty. Methodology – Analytical review of existing policy and research. Findings – With 1996 welfare reform, the United States ‘‘reformed’’ welfare policy so that recipients would be immediately attached to the labor market, and have a specified lifetime limit to receive public assistance. As a result, millions of single mothers are now working, but still poor. A companion piece of legislation to welfare, and what is the country’s federal employment and training legislation – the Workforce Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 213–231 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014013

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Investment Act – does not provide single mothers with the human capital skills to escape poverty. The United States need a job training policy that actually does provide single mothers with routes out of low-wage work and includes attention to gender in constructing and implementing that policy. Practical implications – The chapter provides recommendations to craft workforce policy in ways that will help women attain education and training in ways that acknowledge the complexity and structural constrains in their lives. Value of chapter – The chapter presents a new vision for workforce development policy that takes into account gender and women’s lived experiences.

INTRODUCTION All too often public policies are developed and implemented without acknowledging women’s experiences, needs, or circumstances. Over 20 years ago, Dorothy Smith (1987) argued for the importance of taking women’s standpoint into account to meet policy goals that are directed toward them. As Smith (1987, p. 19) noted: ‘‘our culture does not arise spontaneously; it is manufactured. The ideological apparatuses are part of the larger relations of ruling the society, the relations that put it together, coordinate its work, manage its economic process, generally keep it running, and regulate and control it. Since the positions of power are almost exclusively held by men; men’s perspectives, needs, interests, and experiences are represented as general and natural.’’ By not including or acknowledging women’s standpoints men – and in particular white men – are the ones who then define women’s needs and experiences, and develop the policy and programmatic responses intended to address those needs. Since women’s experiences are marginalized and excluded in public policy discourses, the policies themselves are often constructed in ways that reproduce traditional gender ideology and relations. Indeed it is not until we integrate women’s standpoints into policy formation and analysis that we can begin to reveal hidden (and sometimes not all that hidden) ideologies that underlie policy, along with the ways men and women may experience that policy intervention. Gottfried and Reese (2003, p. 4) urge that we must bring gender into analytical focus in our policy work, as ‘‘gender enters both

It’s More Than Just Job Placement!

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into the framing of policy and its differential impacts.’’ They note that distinct from traditional policy work, a feminist policy analysis questions ‘‘how gender is constructed in welfare state policies and how these policies are a force in ordering gender relations.’’ Increasingly more sophisticated feminist policy analyses explore how gender along with other variables (such as race, class, or marital status) intersect and form axes of oppression, creating unique experiences for different groups of women (Collins, 1999; Dill, Jones-DeWeever, & Schram, 2004). In doing so, an intersectional lens highlights that women are not an undifferentiated category. Public policies then not only differentially impact women as compared to men, but also privilege certain groups of women over other women. The lack of attention to women’s experiences and voices is particularly apparent in policy discussions regarding welfare and workforce development. Despite the fact that single-mother-headed households have the highest probability of living in poverty, a comprehensive analysis of their lives has not been part of the conventional policy dialogue. As a result, welfare and antipoverty public policies continue to differentially and often negatively impact their lives. Much of the scholarly attention has focused on the impact of welfare reform via the passage of the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity and Reconciliation Act (PROWRA) on single mothers’ chances of escaping poverty. While this emphasis is important and appropriate, much less attention has been paid to the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) – the federal employment and training legislation that provides the framework for the current public workforce training system in the United States. In this chapter, I unpack the public workforce system, with a gender lens, in order to detail and assess its ability to provide job training and education to single mothers. Following that analysis, I suggest strategies to develop job training policy that attends to the needs of single, working, poor mothers, and can help provide them with education and skills training to raise themselves and their families out of poverty.

WELFARE POLICY The latter part of this past century was a pivotal turning point in social welfare history. Public discourse was dominated by fierce attacks on welfare in the 1990s that led to the eventual passage of the PRWORA in 1996. PRWORA was a significant piece of legislation that overhauled the U.S. welfare system by replacing Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) with Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF). Unlike its

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predecessor, TANF has a five-year lifetime limit on receiving assistance, and is a work-based system that requires recipients to participate in work or work-based activities in order to receive cash assistance. The 1996 law was publicized as ‘‘welfare reform’’ and President Bill Clinton promised to ‘‘end welfare as we know it.’’ Yet while President Clinton was successful in ‘‘ending welfare,’’ his administration’s policy reform simultaneously rang in a disastrous new beginning in our social history. Welfare reform has served to exacerbate single mothers’ already difficult time of trying to make ends meet. The workfirst policies implemented during 1996 welfare reform primarily used ‘‘job placement’’ as the performance measure of success. Since the goal was to place clients in paid employment, any job was often considered a ‘‘good’’ job, regardless of wages earned, benefits provided, opportunities for advancement, or control over one’s hours. As a result many welfare recipients, among them a disproportionate number of single mothers, flooded into the labor market during the late 1990s. In particular, the numbers of single mothers entering paid work rose by 25 percent between 1993 and 1999. Within this group, there was a 50 percent increase in the employment of the never-married-single-mothers (Jones-DeWeever, Petersen, & Song, 2003). These women, along with other low-wage workers, entered into lowpaying jobs performing the labor that allows many middle and upper class families to thrive. They take care of children and the elderly; they prepare and serve food; they clean homes and hotels; they sell retail goods. Yet despite the fact they are working, they typically do not earn enough money to support themselves and their families. Often they may have to cobble together more than one job; make difficult decisions to go without food, medicine, or housing at times; accrue insurmountable debt; and risk their health in order to just for day-to-day survival. While the promise of welfare reform to place recipients into jobs had materialized, there was no companion promise of economic self-sufficiency. Instead the reality was that many women traded in welfare just for low-wage jobs, and remain trapped in poverty even today. Welfare policy forced immediate labor market attachment for welfare recipients, a policy tenet many scholars have strongly critiqued. In addition, TANF also decreased access to education and training for welfare recipients. Under TANF, the number of single low-income parents who completed with some college courses decreased from 24 percent to 17 percent (Jacobs & Winslow, 2003). Despite evidence of increased labor market returns to education, access and availability of education was not


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considered central to welfare reform. A 2002 study of the Center for the Education of Women at the University of Michigan found that welfare agency staff typically did not inform recipients of what little education and training support was available. Specifically, 45 percent of Michigan welfare recipients reported that education was not a priority for their welfare agency. In contrast, only seven percent of welfare recipients felt that their caseworker encouraged them to pursue their educational goals. This lack of attention to education is further evidenced as 89 percent of welfare recipients reported that their caseworker did not provide them with any information on ways to count education hours toward work requirements of TANF. The work-first policy had a drastic impact on low-wage women’s ability to attain the education and training that would qualify them for higher paying jobs. The National Research Council for Women, summarizing key research on welfare and education, found that over 80 percent of welfare recipients surveyed by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) stated they wanted to attend college to improve their economic well-being. Their belief that education would improve their financial situation is substantiated with a good deal of evidence. Indeed, women who earn a bachelor’s degree experience a 59 percent increase in income, compared to only a five percent income increase for women who only have enrolled in some college (but no degree). Across racial categories, the impact of education on earnings is even more profound: African American women with a college degree earn 92 percent more than those with only a high school diploma. Latina women with some postsecondary education had a poverty rate of 12 percent, while Latina women with a high school education had a poverty rate of 32 percent. So while the connection between education and economic self-sufficiency for low-wage women is clear and women overwhelmingly wanted to improve their education, welfare policy left them with little opportunity to do so. This scenario suggests that not only must we reexamine welfare policy, but we must also develop job training and education policy for single, working, poor mothers and other low-wage workers. However, while many scholars have documented how 1996 welfare reform, and its subsequent reauthorizations of TANF, disproportionately impacted single mothers; fewer scholars have examined how the nation’s preeminent employment and training legislation – the WIA of 1998 – impacts single mothers. This is particularly troubling as almost two-thirds of all adult WIA exiters in recent years were women (Women Work!, 2007). With time limits and the work-first focus of TANF, many single mothers are employed in

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entry-level jobs with little hope of escaping. Job training and workforce policy that responds to the needs of single mothers is the only hope they have of achieving the skills and education necessary to qualify for jobs that offer higher wages to support themselves and their families. If we are committed to raise low-wage women out of poverty, we need to develop a comprehensive workforce development system to provide access to good-paying jobs and targeted education and training. Yet not only do women have a greater chance of being in poverty, they are also differentially impacted by the policies charged with developing our workforce and placing individuals in self-sufficient jobs. This is particularly timely as policy makers attempt to develop policies and programs to ‘‘put Americans back to work’’ amid our current economic downturn. Central to the economic recovery must be the workforce development system. Workers will need training and education to qualify for jobs in growing new industries such as ‘‘green,’’ health care, and public infrastructure construction, and also must have access to this work. Yet questions regarding access to such training and jobs for women remain unanswered. Indeed President Obama’s economic stimulus package has been criticized by several scholars and practitioners as overly focused on traditionally male occupations in the building trades and technology (Albelda, 2008). This has the potential to exclude women if they are not provided with access to targeted job training and educational opportunities that would prepare them for these jobs, along with transparent access to enter this work. Gender thus matters in regard to women’s experiences, but often the gender impacts of policies are neither attended to nor addressed. Sound research detailing the experiences of women in the workforce system will be necessary to craft policy programs so that women are not marginalized in either the economic recovery or broader workforce policies. The current economic problems of the country, and subsequent economic recovery programs, provide an opportunity to give greater attention to the chronic problems of those at the bottom as difficulties spread to more and more of the population. In particular, it requires us to understand single, working, poor mothers with an intersectional lens – taking into account such characteristics as race, marital status, caring labor responsibilities – to craft and implement workforce development programs that allow women to attain education and training in ways that are cognizant of their work and family demands (Gatta, 2005, 2009). In the remainder of this chapter, I examine current workforce development policy with a lens that attends to the lives of single, working, poor mothers, to highlight how the United States’ employment and training


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legislation does not adequately support single mothers’ attempts to achieve job training and education via the public sector. Instead, its focus on shortterm job training, a continued extension of welfare reform’s work-first approach (which translates into denying job training to women who may have skills regardless of whether these skills have translated into goodpaying jobs), and a lack of flexibility to integrate job training with family demands, often makes current policy ineffective for single, working, poor mothers. Moreover, I argue that job training policy must examine (among other things) the characteristics of the occupations that women are located in (including the opportunities for advancement, the gender pay gap, and the low-wage labor market itself) to determine how they contribute to women’s poverty. Alternatively I suggest how rethinking workforce policy with an understanding of the impact on single, working, poor mothers will help to improve their opportunities for job training and education.

WHAT IS WORKFORCE DEVELOPMENT POLICY? Workforce development policy, in various forms, first emerged in our national discourse as part of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. Programs such as: the Work Progress Administration, the Civilian Conservation Corps, National Youth Authority, and Civil Works Administration, provided hundreds of thousands of unemployed workers with targeted training to qualify for subsidized employment in the public sector. These New Deal programs focused on job creation, along with training to prepare workers for those jobs. In the decades immediately following the New Deal, the federal government continued to play a significant role in developing and implementing policies to assist low-wage and unemployed workers attain the skills and education to compete in the labor market, and provide access to good publically created jobs. Indeed, the goals of many initiatives from the New Deal to the Great Society and beyond have been to make work ‘‘pay’’ – to assist individuals by providing skill training and educational opportunities to help them achieve and secure jobs that will enable them to provide themselves and/or their families with the security necessary for day-to-day living. What this translates to is improving workforce preparedness of low-skills workers, enabling low-wage workforce avenues of mobility (the ability to move up, secure job retention, and increase promotion), practices that demonstrate care for workers and preempt worker difficulties, and access to higher education and vocational training.

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Yet similar to the attacks on welfare during the latter part of the 20th century, comparable attacks – while less publicized – were also leveled against workforce development policy. By the 1980s, federal employment and training policies were criticized by both Republicans and conservative Democrats as simply public job creation programs. In 1982, this critique was central to the successful passage of the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA). JTPA ‘‘signaled a new approach to employment policy: eschewing public jobs, JTPA sought to enhance skills building through a greater focus on improved training outcomes and stronger involvement of the private sector to meet the needs of local employers’’ (Shaw, Goldrick-Rab, Mazzeo, and Jacobs (2006, p. 25)). The idea was that the government’s role was not to provide jobs, but instead to provide trained workers for jobs in the private sector. Indeed the idea of workforce development policy responding to private sector employers’ needs became even more pronounced in 1998 when JTPA was replaced with the WIA. Sharply departing from the country’s history of job creation and education to address the workforce needs, WIA instead focused on short-term training for immediate placement in the private sector. To accomplish this, One-Stop Career Centers – a mix of privately and publically managed local agencies – have been institutionalized to organize delivery of the workforce development system into state and local Workforce Investment Boards (WIBs). In this system the WIBs – representing both the public and private sector – coordinate and oversee education and job training at the state and local level. In addition to the administrative overhaul of the workforce system, WIA organized a three-tiered system of core, intensive, and training services. Core services, the most basic form, include informational resources, self-services, job search, and job research assistance. These services are available to all workers, regardless of income, job, or educational level. The next level, intensive services, include short-term assistance to provide individuals job opportunities given their existing skills. This level is reserved for unemployed or underemployed individuals as long as the One-Stop operator determines that they need more services to obtain or retain employment that would lead to self-sufficiency. The highest level, training services, include on the job training and classroom skills development that lead to a credential and/or occupational specific skills. In order to access training, participants are supplied with an Individualized Training Account (ITA) that serves as a voucher that the individual can use to ‘‘purchase’’ training from an eligible provider. Similar to intensive services, eligibility for training services is determined by the One-Stop operator. In order to advance through the tiers it must be demonstrated that one’s employment objectives cannot be met at the lower tier.


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WHAT IS THE WIA REALITY FOR SINGLE MOTHERS? In a work-first world of workforce development policy, access to education and training for those already employed but still in poverty is quite difficult to attain. Within WIA the funding is actually tied to performance measures that make directing resources to any low-wage workers seem unproductive. ‘‘Some of these measures – namely, newly entered employment levels and earnings gains – provide disincentives to serving individuals who are already working and instead favor the unemployed or other groups’’ (Miller, Molina, Grossman, & Golonka, 2004). As a result fewer individuals have received skills training through the One-Stop system under WIA, than under its predecessor JTPA. According to the United States Department of Labor in Program Year 2000 approximately 50,000 adults received training under WIA, as compared to 150,000 annual in the final years of JTPA1 (Chicago Job Council, 2003). These trends continued through subsequent WIA program years. The Center for Law and Social Policy (2005) noted that single parents, in particular, have experienced a decline of training services under WIA. For example, in 1998 (the last program year of JTPA), 43.7 percent of adult training exiters were single parents. By 2000 (the first full year of WIA data) that percentage had fallen to 34.5, and has continued to decline each year since then, falling to 24.6 percent in 2003. The decline in the numbers of individuals who receive training is directly related to the three-tiered levels of service. Indeed, WIA appears much more of an employment policy (particularly for private sector jobs) rather than a training policy, as individuals must pass through core and intensive services before they can access new training on occupational specific skills. Most distressing is that if the client can be employed without training, that client is typically denied access to training. The tiered services have the effect of serving as a barrier to skills training for many single poor working mothers, who were able to secure entry-level low-wage work. For instance: A Vermont woman sought the help of the One-Stop Center after a long history of employment as a housekeeper. Recently divorced and unable to support her family on her housekeeper wages, she wanted to participate in a skilled trades training program to improve her earnings potential. She was turned away because she had success in the housekeeping field and therefore was not eligible to participate in the training program, which she was told, was for people with no skills and with a long history of unemployment. (Wider Opportunities for Women, 2003, p. 5)

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Within the sequential series of services, eligibility in training program often is subjective, with education and job training being seen as the last resort, not a core need of all workers. In addition, it sets forth a prescribed menu of options that may or may not fit with the individual’s preferences. Indeed, this is also echoed by members of community organizations who are charged with connecting women to training via WIA. As one Women Work! community college workforce practitioner testified before Congress: The One-Stop makes our participants jump through too many hoops. It is almost as if they don’t want to provide funding for participants to attend school. They seems to make it very difficult for participants to receive services.

The mandate to meet performance measures then directly impacts the services that clients receive. Shaw et al. (2006, p. 128) finds that ‘‘caseworkers pick clients for services on the basis of their perceived ability to complete those services, and find work, rather than on their need for increased skill and education.’’ Quite clearly such performance driven practices question individuals opportunities for education, and instead focuses on targeted occupations that are needed for the state’s economic benefit, often without consideration of the client’s educational and career goals. Indeed, the focus on short-term job training quite simply, has the impact of discouraging long-term educational investments. For example, Marya Sosulski’s (2004) study of Illinois welfare recipients found that lowincome women would often be discouraged by caseworkers in nonoccupational based training. Yet the focus on short-term job needs, not only limits the occupational and educational choices of women, it also hinders their long-term prospects to attain economic self-sufficiency. Even when WIA does provide access to community college courses, the training is typically short-term, nondegree bearing, and highly job specific training, despite the clear evidence that there are higher, long-term economic returns for degree and credential granting programs. WIA defines self-sufficiency as the Lower Living Standard Income Level (LLSIL), although it does encourage states to set higher levels. The LLSIL minimally takes geographic location into account by calculating the standard across four broad geographic regions (Northeast, Midwest, South, and West), and by metropolitan and nonmetropolitan area. Unlike the selfsufficiency standard, the LLISL calculates cost based on the basic family budget approach (based on the prices of a market basket of goods), and does not take into account childcare costs, or the changing consumption patterns within the family budget such as housing, food, and transportation, along with their share of expenses over time (Working For America


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Institute, 2003). As such, this measure is really a rough tool to measure poverty, and many individuals are excluded to access to second- and thirdlevel WIA services. Moreover, it is hard to know exactly who is being served by WIA because many Workforce Investment Boards do not collect data on the individuals they serve. Findings from Wider Opportunities for Women/National Association of Workforce Investment Boards (2003) report indicate that 35 percent of WIBs do not analyze demographic data including race, sex, ethnicity, and age of program participants. In addition, 58 percent of WIBs said they did not know if women were placed in nontraditional occupations (occupations that are less than 25 percent female) or whether their agency even had those data available to analyze. Not surprisingly then, only 2.9 percent of women adult exiters were employed in nontraditional jobs after WIA (Women Work!, 2007). This is particularly problematic because nontraditional occupations offer women opportunities high-wages, health benefits, and pensions not typically available in traditionally female fields. In addition, there is little attention paid to gender in implementing policies. Seventy-three percent of WIBs did not collect data on how displaced homemakers are served disaggregated from information on dislocated workers. About half of the WIBs surveyed did not have representation from organizations that primarily focus on low-income women, making it hard to ensure that women’s programs are developed with a gendered lens. This is clearly evident in that the disparity between the numbers of displaced homemakers in the United States and the number of those displaced homemakers served by WIA. Specifically, while Census data estimates that over 7.3 million women are displaced homemakers (via divorce, separation, or widowhood), two-thirds of workforce boards report serving fewer than 25 percent of women who fit this category annually. Specifically in 2003, only 1.5 percent of the dislocated worker population who was provided intensive or training services was displaced homemakers. Women Work! further reports that over 60 percent of women’s service providers reported that One-Stop service delivery to women in economic transition was poor to fair, as typically One-Stop staff lack the expertise and training to effectively serve women with multiple employment barriers. These inequities in services also contribute to the earnings disparity for women exiting WIA relative to comparable men, with women earning about $1,000 less per quarter. Of course, while this is inextricably tied to the gender wage gap and occupation sex segregation, a lack of attention to gender issues in policy development and implementation, and in particular, a lack of direct focus on nontraditional opportunities for women are significant contributors.

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When we look at different racial categories of women, even more disturbing patterns emerge. Black women on welfare receive far less support with job search education and training than white counterparts, and when they are referred to possible jobs via the public sector, employers treat lowincome women differentially based on race (Abramovitz, 2001). Specifically Black women received shorter interviews, more preemployment drug tests, criminal background and other checks, greater differences between the job offered and the tasks actually performed, and more evening hour work and a negative relationship with supervisors (Gooden, 1999). Differential access to support services along race and ethnicity are further supported by the National Urban League Institute for Opportunity and Equality (2002). They found that more than 70 percent of Hispanic and African American women did not receive any subsidies (including childcare, transportation assistance, and college degree assistance) for work-related activities. In contrast, 62 percent of white women did not receive any subsidies. In addition, sanctions within the public workforce and welfare system are disproportionately leveled against women of color. The Women of Color Policy Network’s 2003 report found that states with the greatest share of Black women on welfare were more likely to impose full family sanctions, which means if a mother does something to lose her benefits, her children also lose their benefits. They further reported that while white women were more likely to exit welfare rolls for employment, Black, Latina, and Native American women were more likely to have been sanctioned off the rolls. Findings such as these seriously question how the educational and career needs of single, working, poor mothers, and in particular single, working, poor mothers of color, are met by the current Federal employment and training legislation.

GENDER AND JOB TRAINING POLICY An analysis of the experiences of single mothers and WIA highlights that gender matters in policy discourses. Policy is not gender (or race, class, and so forth) neutral, and as a result women are differentially impacted by policies. Yet all too often, as O’Connor (2001) notes, in current poverty policy, gender (along with class and race) is reduced to ‘‘little more than demographic, rather than structurally constituted categories’’ (p. 9). Policy performance measures and evaluations that are based on the quantitative numbers of women who enter the workplace, miss whether or not the paid work has improved their lives and helped them reach economic self


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sufficiency. Moreover, it does not challenge the type of work women are receiving, and how the low-wage labor market is (and, more aptly, is not) structuring their opportunities to escape poverty. In addition, such analyses do not uncover the underlying moral thinking that implicitly guides workforce policy, often regulating poor women (and in particular poor women of color) and situating them in stigmatized and marginalized locations. Instead, the current targeting of poor female-headed households obscures both the precise character of social ills and the appropriate and complex remedies for their resolution. Quite simply, job training policy consistently has had less and less to do with training and education, and more to do with placement into a job, and perhaps more aptly, ensuring that single poor mothers are employed. In addition, WIA, like welfare reform policy with its work-first approach, assumes that the individual shares the bulk of the responsibility for why she is not employed, and does not attend to structural factors that impact one’s ability to secure a job and be economically selfsufficient. As such, the interventions for single mothers (and indeed all WIA recipients) focus on how they must change to find ANY job, and not how education and training can provide human capital to improve their lives. To accomplish this, the core service of WIA then provide potential workers with what are referred to as ‘‘job readiness skills,’’ with the relatively explicit assumption that the problem is simply that single mothers are not ready to work. As Korteweg (2003) notes these ‘‘exercises reflected the belief that women on welfare lacked the ‘soft skills’ or job-related social skills required to find job leads and to overcome the hurdle of a job interview. A lack of hard skills, work-related technical knowledge, and expertise that would require education was not considered problematic’’ (p. 455). Furthermore, such thinking obscures the lives of single mothers, which impact job prospects. Most notably, childcare demands – finding affordable, adequate and accessible childcare – limit single mothers’ job opportunities. In addition, transportation can also be a significant barrier. Nationally, one-third of households earning less than $15,000 a year do not own a car (Van Horn & Schaffner, 2003). This is especially relevant in suburban and rural areas with limited public transportation systems, as the very act of getting to a job can be a challenge. In addition a ‘‘job-readiness’’ focus also denies that the low-wage labor market is a significant factor in single mothers’ ability to secure work that helps them attain economic self-sufficiency. Indeed single mothers face a clear structural constraint to their economic viability – that they must earn an income to support themselves and their children and provide the unpaid labor to care for their children, often with little or no support. As such, job

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training policy that simply ensures for all clients the core services of resume writing and Internet job search engines, not only denies the complex life situations of single mothers, and but also the labor market into which they are forced. In doing so, like welfare reform, WIA ignores the low-wage labor market, and instead continues to trap women in it. Quite simply the low-wage job market, characterized by low-pay, lack of health benefits and pensions, little control over one’s hours (and nonstandard work), and little opportunity for advancement, has been a stopping ground for single mothers entering work post-welfare reform. Women comprise 60 percent of the low-wage labor market, and they are employed in occupations such as retail salespeople, education assistants, childcare workers, waitresses, cashiers, fast food cooks, bartenders, home health aides, housekeepers, and package handlers. Indeed when we examine the entire female labor force, close to one-third of the women workers are in the low-wage labor market (as opposed to one-fifth of men), and earn less than $25,000 annually. In addition, low-wage work is difficult to escape. Joel Handler and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (2007) note that while there is movement in and out of low-wage jobs, two-thirds of those who moved to better paying jobs, returned to low-wage work, with women in particular exiting and then returning to low-wage work. Moreover, women are not evenly distributed in low-wage work. Instead gender intersects with race, ethnicity, and class to marginalize groups of women within service work. While researchers have often focused on the gender division of labor in service work, this focus can mask differences among women, particularly around race and ethnicity in services. Evelyn Nakano Glenn (1992) has demonstrated that white women tend to be in the jobs in services that are in the ‘‘public’s eye,’’ and require the most interactions and emotional labor; while women of color are over represented in ‘‘dirty back room’’ jobs, such as maids and kitchen workers. Rachel Sherman (2006) in her ethnographic account of luxury hotel work found similar patterns. She noted that hotel work is divided into two main categories: interactive and noninteractive positions. Interactive or ‘‘front of the house’’ work consists mainly of intangible emotional labor, while ‘‘back of the house,’’ noninteractive work mainly involves physical labor. Sherman goes onto note that interactive workers are usually white (with the exception of bellman and door attendants, who provide more physical work and are usually men of color), and ‘‘back of the house’’ workers are typically people of color and immigrants. In addition, Sherman found wage differentials with each category of hotel work. Not only were back of the house workers paid less than front of the house workers (about one to two dollars less per


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hour in Sherman’s sites), they also did not typically receive the tips that front of the house workers received from hotel guests (pp. 49–50). Why women are concentrated and stuck in low-wage work is complex and gendered. For decades researchers have demonstrated that the skills associated with service work (which comprise a significant portion of the low-wage market) – the emphasis on sociability, caring, nurturance, communicating and making customers feel good, among other characteristics – are frequently deemed as natural feminine qualities and the skill content of these jobs is typically unnoticed and poorly rewarded in the labor market. Not surprisingly, data bear out that the service jobs that emphasize these skills are also characterized by a large composition of female workers, low wages, and limited opportunities for advancement. These jobs typically represent the only opportunities for single mothers, especially those who are TANF and post-TANF, to secure work. Yet while education and training are key to moving out of the low-wage market, the public training system, intended to provide such venues, leaves these women behind.

A NEW VISION FOR JOB TRAINING AND EDUCATION POLICY FOR SINGLE MOTHERS With 1996 welfare reform, the United States ‘‘reformed’’ welfare policy so that recipients would be immediately attached to the labor market, and have a specified lifetime limit to receive public assistance. However, the result was millions of single mothers who are working and still poor. Moreover, what can be conceptualized as a ‘‘companion’’ piece of legislation to welfare, and what is the country’s federal employment and training legislation – the WIA – does not provide single mothers with the human capital skills to escape poverty. Indeed the United States need a job training policy that actually does provide single mothers with routes out of low-wage work. A new vision for employment and training that meets the needs of single mothers, must first acknowledge the complexity of their lives. That is, single mothers are not alone – any policy that attends to their lives, or educational programs they may undertake, must take into account they are the primary caregivers to their children. Indeed, in a recent Women Work! survey of service providers, 80 percent of the providers reported that childcare demands prevented women from succeeding in training programs, and 63 percent of the providers reported that a lack of access to transportation to a training site prevented women’s success in training programs.

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Single mothers face multiple barriers to success in employment and training; workforce staff must be cognizant of the needs of single mothers, in addition to knowledgeable about all the potential services they may qualify. To accomplish this states need funding to provide the technical assistance to local staff to effectively serve these women. In addition, to technical assistance, workforce investment systems need to ensure that all single mothers have access to childcare, transportation, and other supportive services in order to achieve success in training and education. The current provisions in WIA require that clients’ needs be assessed, but not necessarily addressed. In addition, funds for supportive services can only be spent in WIA if those services are unable to be obtained through other programs. This leads to a significant underutilization of supportive services, and leaves single mothers unable to fulfill training and education. For example, Wider Opportunities for Women’s 2003 study of local workforce investment boards found that 43 percent of them reported that less than 10 percent of clients were receiving WIA funded supportive services. Such findings indicate an inability to fully provide women with the help they need to achieve success in the labor market and educational arenas. Moreover, because of the multiple barriers that single mothers face, training and education that is based on a classroom model of the ‘‘traditional student,’’ is not the most effective way for them to obtain education and job training. Of course, this is a vicious cycle as education and training is necessary to help this population attain the skills to advance into higher paying jobs; yet the complexity of their lives make opportunities difficult. Childcare demands, transportation inequities, and irregular work schedules make attending classes that are inflexible in time and place difficult. One way to address these challenges is to provide education and training to single mothers via online learning. By making allowable expenses of computers and Internet access (the same way books are an allowable expense in the WIA), as these items are ‘‘supplies,’’ single mothers can gain education and training in their own homes, around their childcare demands.2 In addition, bringing a computer into the home will help increase family literacy, and also begin to bridge the digital divide. In addition to finding ways to improve access to education and training, WIA must remove the sequential series of services; as such a process actively prevents access to education and training. Further, the performance measure of ‘‘having a job’’ must be replaced, as employment is a key factor as to why women do not receive education and training via WIA. Instead, by eliminating the sequence of services, and replacing it with a comprehensive assessment of each client (including aptitude and educational attainment, income, career, and educational goals), will help to tailor options to each

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woman individually so that their needs are best met, and they will receive the resources they need to reach economic self-sufficiency. In doing so, this will help workforce systems focus on a woman’s life-long learning and selfsufficiency plan, and not on short-term alternatives. As evident throughout this chapter, single mothers are often funneled into job specific, short training programs that do not necessarily increase the human capital or income levels of the women, but instead is solely tied to meeting local employer needs. Instead a menu of training and education options should be presented to each woman to address, not only for her immediate needs, but also provide the skills and credentials for long-term success. This includes community college and college courses, vocational training, and nontraditional education options. Finally, data must be collected on each participant in order to access how local workforce systems are meeting the needs of single mothers. Data must be conceptualized not only on demographic characteristics and performances measures, but also in order to understand the experiences of women as they transition through the workforce system. Inquiries such as how women navigate the workforce system, their experiences in jobs and training programs, and their long-term self sufficiency must be collected to inform policy. This calls for both quantitative and qualitative data. Such information must then be funneled back into the workforce system in order to continually improve the options available to single mothers.

CONCLUSION It has been 10 years since the WIA was first enacted and the U.S. Congress continues to debate over its eventual reauthorization. In the meantime the numbers of single mothers who are working and in poverty continues to grow. It is obvious that our public workforce system’s basic tenets need to be redesigned so that the experiences of single mothers are acknowledged and taken into account. By making a firm commitment to fashion the workforce system with the lives of single mothers in mind, job training policy can truly provide single mothers with human capital skills to improve their lives.

NOTES 1. Many reasons account for this including: a workfirst approach to WIA implementation, restrictive eligibility requirements for use of Individualized Training Accounts (ITA), and too little funding appropriated to infrastructure support. 2. See Gatta, 2005, 2009, for a full discussion of online learning for single mothers.

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REFERENCES Abramovitz, M. (2001). Race, class, and welfare reform. Paper presented at the National Association of Social Workers Welfare Reform Task Force, New York. Albelda, R. (2008). The Macho Stimulus Plan. Boston Globe online 28 November. Available at: http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2008/11/28/the_macho_stimulus_plan/ Center for Law and Social Policy. (2005). Declining share of adults receiving training under WIA are low-income or disadvantaged. Available at: http://clasp.org/publications/ decline_in_wia_training.pdf Chicago Jobs Council. (2003). Improving our response to work needs: recommendations for reauthorization of the workforce investment act of 1998. Available at: http://www. cjc.net/publications/files/2_Workforce_Investment_Act_PDFs/wia_improving_response_ rpt.pdf Collins, P. (1999). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). London: Harper Collins. Dill, B., Jones-DeWeever, A., & Schram, S. (2004). Racial, ethnic and gender disparities in access to jobs, education and training under welfare reform. Consortium on Race, Gender and Ethnicity, College Park, MD. Gatta, M. (2005). Not just getting by: The new era of flexible workforce development. Lanham, MA: Lexington Books. Gatta, M. (2009). Developing policy to attend to the lived experiences of single working poor mothers. In: B. Dill & R. Zambrana (Eds), Emerging intersections: Race, class, and gender in theory, policy, and practice (pp. 101–122). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Glenn, E. (1992). From servitude to service work: Historical continuities in the racial division of paid reproduction labor. Signs, 18, 1–43. Gooden, S. (1999). The hidden third party: Welfare recipients’ experiences with employers. Journal of Public Management and Social Policy, 5(1), 59–83. Gottfried, H., & Reese, L. (2003). Gender, policy, politics, and work: Feminist comparative and transnational research. Review of Policy Research, 20(1), 3–20. Handler, J., & Hasenfeld, Y. (2007). Blame welfare, ignore poverty and inequality. New York: Cambridge University Press. Jacobs, J., & Winslow, S. (2003). Welfare reform and enrollment in post-secondary education. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 586, 194–217. Jones-DeWeever, A., Petersen, J., & Song, X. (2003). Before and after welfare reform: The life and well-being of low-income single parent families. Washington, DC: IWPR. Korteweg, A. (2003). Welfare reform and the subject of the working mother: Get a job, a better job, than a career. Theory and Society, 32, 455–480. Miller, J., Molina, F., Grossman, L., & Golonka, S. (2004). Building bridges to self sufficiency: Improving services for low-income working families. New York: MDRC. National Urban League, Institute for Opportunity and Equality. (2002). Differences in TANF support services utilization: Is there adequate monitoring to ensure program quality. New York: National Urban League. O’Connor, A. (2001). Poverty knowledge: Social science, social policy and the poor in twentieth century U.S. history. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Shaw, K., Goldrick-Rab, S., Mazzeo, C., & Jacobs, J. (2006). Putting poor people to work: How the work-first idea eroded college access for the poor. New York: Russell Sage.


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Smith, D. (1987). The everyday world as problematic: A feminist sociology. Boston, MA: Northeastern Press. Sosulski, M. (2004). A road to inclusion: a combined-methods analysis of access to post-secondary education for women in the Illinois Public Aid System. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA. Van Horn, C., & Schaffner, H. (2003). Winning the workforce challenge: A report on New Jersey’s knowledge economy. New Brunswick, NJ: John J. Heldrich Center for Workforce Development. Wider Opportunities for Women. (2003). WIA reauthorization: What local workforce boards say about services for women. Available at: http://www.sixstrategies.org/files/local% 20WIB%20survey%20factsheet.PDF Women Work!. (2007, July 11). Available at: http://www.womenwork.org/policy/WIA recommendations112408.pdf Working for America Institute. (2003). Raising the bar: A report on policies and practices related to self-sufficiency standards in the nation’s public workforce development system. Washington, DC: AFL-CIO Working for America Institute.

‘‘THE VERY HIGHEST THING IS FAMILY’’: MALE ASSISTANT PROFESSORS’ WORK/FAMILY MANAGEMENT$ Catherine Richards Solomon ABSTRACT Purpose – Interest in work/family management among professors has lead to a plethora of research about female professors with children. Very little research exists about professors who are fathers. What does exist is comparative in nature. In this chapter, the author takes an in-depth look at such men’s work/family management. Methodology/approach – This chapter presents research from a qualitative study with 25 fathers who are untenured tenure track assistant professors at research universities. Findings – Most men state a commitment to and valuing of family above all else. Yet the two fatherhood ideologies of breadwinning and involved fatherhood privilege these men by allowing them substantial flexibility in $

This chapter was presented at the 2009 winter meeting of the Sociologists for Women in Society. It won the ‘‘Outstanding Submission by a Student or New Professional’’ award from the Research and Theory Section of the National Council on Family Relations.


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their day-to-day lives and an affirmation of masculinity. At the same time, many struggle to minimize their work involvement to be involved with the day-to-day care of their children. Originality/value of chapter – This study demonstrates how prevailing ideologies about fatherhood allow men a structural double privilege when constructing their work and family lives.

Scholarly interest in professors’ work/family management has grown since the 1990s, with a focus on the experiences of women with children. Extensive research documents the difficulty women experience balancing work and family responsibilities given the expectations and demands of the academic career (e.g., Drago, Crouter, Wardell, & Willits, 2001; Mason & Goulden, 2004a, 2004b; Solomon, 2004). Despite this large body of research on female professors’ work/family issues, no in-depth research exists about how male professors manage work and family responsibilities. Not examining men’s work/family management takes their labor force participation for granted and ignores their contributions to family care. Given that societal expectations for fathers’ hands-on involvement have increased (Daly, 1996), fathers’ experiences may prove interesting. Male faculty members with children may experience tensions between work and family similar to those experienced by female faculty members as a growing number of them have employed spouses (Jacobs, 2004). Because of their occupational privileges (e.g., scheduling flexibility, professional autonomy), these fathers may be able to invest more time in family care than men in occupations without such benefits. More investment in family care may be especially true for this population given that previous research shows men with high levels of education to be more involved with childcare than men with low levels of education (e.g., Jacobs, 2004). Fathers in general still enjoy relative privilege compared to mothers because societal expectations of fathers do not require them to be the primary caretakers of their children. They may be able to opt in or opt out of childcare on a daily basis depending on their work demands. Thus, they might enjoy substantial flexibility when it comes to scheduling their work and family responsibilities and experience less (internal or external) pressure to be the male equivalent of ‘‘superwoman.’’ In this chapter, I seek to explore this issue by addressing the following question: How do male assistant professors experience and manage their work and family responsibilities?

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The Very Highest Thing Is Family

RELEVANT LITERATURE In this section, I first describe the general literature on fatherhood. I then focus on research about male assistant professors’ work/family management.

Fatherhood Research on fatherhood generally falls into two categories. First, scholars describe an evolution of the father role from one of a breadwinner to a new ‘‘involved’’ father (e.g., Lamb, 2000; Pleck & Pleck, 1997). Second, scholars emphasize the continuing centrality of breadwinning to fatherhood (e.g., Lamb, 2000; Pleck & Pleck, 1997). Involved Fatherhood The concept of involved fatherhood appeared somewhere between the 1960s and the 1980s when nurturing emerged as a salient aspect of fathering (Lamb, 2000; Pleck & Pleck, 1997; Sayer, 2005). Attributes of involved fathering include engagement, accessibility, responsibility (Lamb, 2000), and sensitivity to kids’ needs (Milkie, Simon, & Powell, 1997). However, not much agreement exists on the degree to which involved fathering embodies these attributes (Lamb, 2000). Some research demonstrates an increase in involved fathering. The amount of time fathers spend with children has increased since the 1960s (Sayer, 2005). Hertz (1999) found that some men significantly decrease their paid work hours to take care of their children. Other research shows that men often take advantage of flexible work schedules for childcare responsibilities (Noonan, Estes, & Glass, 2007). Changing work patterns seems most prevalent among certain groups of fathers, however. Fathers with egalitarian attitudes are more likely to cut back on work hours to take care of children (Cooper, 2002; Gerson, 1993) as are men born after 1960 (Carr, 2002) and those with high levels of education (e.g., Jacobs, 2004). Continued Relevance of Breadwinning Several studies have shown no evidence of involved fathering (Yeung, Sandberg, Davis-Kean, & Hofferth, 2001), with some indication of an increase in the disparity between men’s and women’s childcare contributions since the late 1980s (Milkie et al., 1997). Some scholars argue that breadwinning is the most central aspect of fathering (Lamb, 2000; Pleck & Pleck, 1997;

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Sayer, 2005). Because men’s wages continue to surpass women’s, their economic contributions to their families’ well-beings remain important (Lamb, 2000). The emphasis on breadwinning may encourage men to increase work hours once they have children, as some research shows that fathers work more hours than nonfathers (Eggebeen & Knoester, 2001). Given this emphasis on breadwinning, some fathers see their role as co-parental rather than as primary, acting as a ‘‘backup’’ or ‘‘helper’’ parent (e.g., Craig, 2006, p. 275; Yeung et al., 2001). Being the backup parent allows fathers to conform their childcare time around their work schedules instead of vice versa, as many mothers do (Daly, 1996; Cooper, 2002; Gerson, 1993). In addition, being the backup parent frees men from the guilt some women feel about working for pay (Wall & Arnold, 2007). Work demands affect fathers’ levels of involvement with their families (Matta & Knudson-Martin, 2006; Shows & Gerstel, 2009), with husbands generally spending less time with their children than their wives (e.g., Craig, 2006; Lamb, 2000; Noonan et al., 2007; Sayer, 2005; Shows & Gerstel, 2009). When they do spend time with their children, fathers engage in recreational activities rather than hands-on childcare tasks (e.g., feeding, bathing, and dressing) (Yeung et al., 2001). This sustained emphasis on breadwinning may result from pressure men experience from colleagues, family members and friends to minimize their involvement in childcare (Cooper, 2002; Sayer, 2005; Shows & Gerstel, 2009). Significant involvement in family life might hurt men professionally. Professional uncertainty might be why men are less likely than women to structure work around family life (Carr, 2002). In addition, full-time employment and the ability to support a family confirm men’s masculinity (Cooper, 2002; Gerson, 1993; Connell, 1995; Messner & Bozada-Deas, 2009; Shows & Gerstel, 2009; Townsend, 2002). Men might view working parttime or nonstandard hours to care for children (both work and family strategies women commonly use) as challenges to this masculinity criterion.

Fatherhood in the Context of Academe Except for Cooper’s (2002) study of IT workers in Silicon Valley, most studies have included men in various occupations along the socioeconomic strata (e.g., Gerson, 1993; Townsend, 2002). In this study, I examine the work/family management for a privileged group of fathers – male assistant professors employed at research-intensive universities. These men have considerable amounts of privilege compared to many other working fathers.


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For one, if they earn tenure, they essentially have job security until they retire. Seen through the lens of gender, securing tenure would be an ultimate example of affirming one’s masculinity because it means providing for one’s family indefinitely. Combining this benefit with their high levels of education, these men have a vast number of resources to construct their work and family lives. Such resources include the ability to afford quality day care for their children, flexible schedules, and a high level of autonomy over their work. Outside of class times, they can generally choose the specific hours and location in which they work. Such flexibility and autonomy could enhance their ability to manage work and family responsibilities according to personal desires and family situations. Research has shown flexibility to benefit workers’ management of work and family in corporate settings (Hill, Hawkins, Ferris, & Weitzman, 2001). There are considerable creative pressures during the pretenure years at research universities, however. The pretenure phase is a very time-sensitive, pressure-filled stage in the faculty career, when one tries to establish a record for tenure and a place in one’s field (Jacobs, 2004; Riemenschnieder & Harper, 1990; Solomon, 2004). Assistant professors know if they are denied tenure, they may have a difficult time finding employment at comparably ranked institutions, as some consider the tenure process a ‘‘single-round elimination tournament’’ in which professors may lose many of the investments they have made in their careers (Jacobs, 2004, p. 22). Working long hours under such stress could hinder male professors’ abilities to create work schedules that make time for family responsibilities. In addition, like other professionals, professors work long hours. Some research indicates that professors work longer hours than ‘‘their counterparts in high-status occupations’’ (Jacobs, 2004, p. 5). According to Jacobs’ survey data, male assistant professors, the focus of this study, work an average of 56 hours a week whereas other male professionals or managers work an average of 46 hours a week. In addition, male professors have a higher likelihood of working over 60 hours a week. Such long hours reflect the intense time and creative pressures that many untenured assistant professors experience as they work toward tenure. These long work hours and creative pressures may minimize the work/family benefits generally associated with autonomy and flexibility. Nevertheless, compared to other working fathers who lack flexible schedules, autonomy, good salaries, health benefits, and job security, these men represent a privileged group of fathers. How, then, does this group of privileged men manage work and family? I seek to address this question through my research.

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Fathering among Academics Despite a large body of quantitative and qualitative research that focuses on the experiences of mothers, few studies exist about faculty men’s work and family management. When studies include fathers, researchers usually compare their experiences to that of mothers. Some research exists showing men receive more praise and support from colleagues for investing time in caregiving activities than women do, which falls in line with the involved fatherhood ideal (Drago et al., 2001; Jacobs, 2004; O’Laughlin & Bischoff, 2005). This may be because male professors are more likely than female professors to have spouses who work less than full-time (O’Laughlin & Bischoff, 2005). Such informal support at home means these men might not significantly minimize their work engagement for childcare. Indeed, the presence of children in the home does not seem to negatively affect fathers’ scholarly productivity (Sorcinelli & Gregory, 1987), and men with children are more likely to receive tenure than women with children (Mason & Goulden, 2004a). Interestingly, male and female faculty members report similar levels of work–family stress in comparative studies (O’Laughlin & Bischoff, 2005), although one study showed that women experience more than men (Riemenschnieder & Harper, 1990). Some male professors with children report limiting their personal life activities for professional demands (such as delaying having children or remaining single) (Drago et al., 2001). Other research, however, shows that women are much more likely to delay or forgo childbearing and marriage than men (Mason & Goulden, 2004a, 2004b) and that men are more likely to be married and have children (Mason & Goulden, 2004b).

GENDER AND UNDERSTANDING WORK/FAMILY MANAGEMENT This study utilizes a gender perspective to explore fathers’ work/family management. Feminist family scholars highlight the ways in which gender shapes men’s and women’s work and family experiences (Osmond & Thorne, 1993). They call attention to the ways in which gendered assumptions about work and family responsibilities afford men power and privilege in families and at work (Ferree, 1991). These assumptions rest on gendered beliefs that women are ‘‘naturally’’ more nurturing and better suited to family caretaking than men. For example, feminist sociologists

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have extensively documented how such assumptions contribute to an unequal division of household and childcare labor (e.g., Coltrane, 2000). The unequal division of household labor results in women being responsible for the daily time-consuming tasks of home and family maintenance (e.g., cooking, cleaning, childcare), whereas men take on the occasional less-timeconsuming tasks (e.g., home repairs, yard work, car repair). Such division of household labor leads to increased time available for paid work for men, compared to women (e.g., Coltrane, 2000). Feminist scholars argue that these disparities contribute to men’s economic stability over the life course and their lower involvement with family life. Feminists argue that men’s privileged experiences in families are not just a result of individual resources (such as wages or education) or interpersonal relationship factors but a result of men’s systematic advantage sustained through social structures and ideologies (Osmond & Thorne, 1993). Men’s paid employment remains generally unquestioned, as the ‘‘demands it may place on other family members [are] normalized, and men excused from active participation [from family life] when their jobs interfere’’ (Ferree, 1991, p. 867). Since industrialization, men’s masculinity rests on their roles as family breadwinners (Connell, 1995; Cooper, 2002; Ferree, 1991). Embodying this role reaffirms men’s sense of masculinity, as well as maintains their economic advantage over women. However, meanings of masculinity have evolved into what Cooper (2000, p. 5) calls the ‘‘new masculinity,’’ which allows for greater involvement with family life as well as employment. If both of these types of masculinity are considered as organizing factors in men’s work/family management, they can both be understood as upholding men’s masculine identities. In this study, I seek to understand the relationship between these gendered constructions of fatherhood and these privileged men’s work and family management.

METHOD I use qualitative data from in-person interviews with 25 fathers working at four large comparably ranked research universities in the Northeastern United States. One university was private; the rest were public universities. These fathers were interviewed once in two separate studies. The first study, connected during the 2002–2003 academic year, examined the work/life management of professors with and without children (Solomon, 2004). There were nine fathers from this study. I conducted the second study during the 2006–2007 academic year, sampling 16 fathers. I used the same

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sampling technique, systematic random sampling, for both studies. Systematic random sampling involves selecting a random starting point and then choosing every kth item after that on the list of items (participants) (Schutt, 2001). To develop my sampling frame, I used faculty listings of each department at the universities. I successively selected small samples from these lists to email professors about my project. If a professor responded with interest to my initial email, I asked for specific sociodemographic information an effort to get a diverse sample to represent the racial-ethnic composition of each university (about 15–20% racial-ethnic minority).

Description of Sample Participants’ ages ranged from 30 to 46 (one participant did not wish to disclose his age). All participants were married. Because most of these fathers were White, it is important to note that for the majority of these participants, their work/family management occurred in the context of racial privilege. Without larger comparative groups, it is difficult to pinpoint the ways in which race shapes men’s work/family management. The ages of their children ranged from infant to high-school-aged (Table 1). I conducted semi-structured interviews during which I asked participants about various topics related to their work and family lives such as work responsibilities, divisions of household labor, division of childcare duties, childcare arrangements, and university work/family policies. Topics in both studies were identical. I tape-recorded all interviews and transcribed them verbatim for analysis. Analysis of the interview data followed the approached outlined by Bogdan and Biklen (1998). Using this approach, I looked for patterns and topics in the data, grouping them into codes that represented key categories in the data. I then grouped these codes into larger themes that illustrated the various dimensions of participants’ experiences, with particular attention paid to gender and work/family management. Unless otherwise noted, participants’ quotes used in this chapter do not represent the only incident of a specific sentiment among participants. I used pseudonyms for all participants in this chapter. Let me note here that participants’ years on the tenure track did not seem to shape their work/ family management. Participants in each category of childcare investment had varied years of service. However, discipline did seem to be a factor in men’s participation in childcare. There were more men from hard sciences in the ‘‘wives did all childcare’’ and ‘‘wives did most of childcare’’ categories. I discuss the implications of this finding in the results section.

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Table 1. Name

RaceEthnicity

Wives did Gary Jeremy Carl

Discipline

all childcare White Hard Science Asian Math White Hard Science

Wives did most of the Morgan White Skip White Mike Asian Jin Asian James White Scott White Shane White Clark White Sam Refused Tucker White Husbands Mick Steve Ian Mark Nick Jacob Alex Jeff Joel Tupac Todd Tony

Description of Participants.

childcare Social Science Social Science Hard Science Social Science Health Science Hard Science Education Hard Science Social Science Social Science

did close to 50% of childcare White Social Science White Communications White Social Science White Humanities White Education White Hard Science White Social Science White Humanities White Humanities Black Social Science White Humanities Asian Hard Science

Children

Year on the Wife’s Labor Tenure Track Force Status

2 (elementary) 2 (elementary) 1 (infant)

1st 2nd 4th

Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Part-time

1 (toddler) 4 (infant-elementary) 1 (infant) 2 (infant & toddler) 2 (elementary) 2 (toddlers) 2 (toddlers) 2 (toddlers) 1 (high school) 2 (elementary & high school)

1st 5th 1st 2nd 3rd 2nd 3rd 4th 2nd 2nd

Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Stay-at-home Part-time Part-time Part-time Part-time

1 2 2 1 1 1 3 2 2 1 1 1

2nd 2nd 3rd 1st 3rd 5th 5th 5th 3rd 1st 3rd 4th

Part-time Part-time Part-time Part-time Part-time Full-time Full-time Full-time Full-time Full-time Full-time Full-time

(toddler) (toddlers) (preschool) (infant) (elementary) (elementary) (toddlers-elementary) (elementary) (elementary) (infant) (toddler) (toddler)

RESULTS Four categories of themes emerged from my data: respondents’ descriptions of managing work and family, their families’ effect on their work habits, their level of involvement with childcare and housework, and gendered scripts about fatherhood. Men’s Talk about Work and Family: Family First (Sometimes) Men described family as the highest priority in their lives, despite intense work pressures. These men talked about the stress involved with working in

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a very demanding career in which they felt implicitly expected to minimize family involvement. For example, Shane said, ‘‘We certainly don’t factor [family] into our evaluation of careers y Somehow they think we’re gonna wave the magic wand and we won’t have a family.’’ Most of these men balked at this expectation, describing family as something more important than getting tenure or being successful professors. James expressed a typical sentiment when he said: Family’s important because when the job’s done and I retire, my relationships with my sons, my relationship with my wife, those things are gonna last. When I’m in a coffin laying there at my memorial service, I’d like to think that there will actually be people other than my family in the room. So I just made a conscious decision that those things are important. I understand there’s a cost associated with that professionally and I just had to decide that I’m willing to pay that cost.

The cost that James referred to is one that several men mentioned – a slower publication record than men without children or men who worked longer hours. A slower publication record could mean that these men were jeopardizing their chances of getting tenure or promoted and forfeiting the chance to be a star in their field, a status against which many academics feel judged (Solomon, 2008). These men valued their family life over their work life, but recognized (and sometimes struggled with accepting) the potential professional downside to such prioritizing, similar to other involved fathers in previous research (Gerson, 1993). A few exceptions to this overall trend existed, however. Men with different priorities made sense of their choices by emphasizing the importance of their breadwinning duties. I return to the idea of breadwinning in a subsequent section. Family’s Effect on Work Habits To make time for family, most of these men employed various workminimizing strategies, including reducing their work hours after the birth of a child, structuring their work schedules around their children’s school or sleep schedules, or limiting travel to conferences. For example, Joel made sure he picked up his son from school almost every day, an activity he described with pride. He said, ‘‘How many kids have their father with a fulltime job and this salary picking them up off the bus 4 out of 5 days a week? Not most kids.’’ Other men came into work after they dropped their kids off at school or daycare, such as Nick. He said, ‘‘I get our daughter up, I make her breakfast, get her ready for school, take her to school, all of that stuff, drop her off, and then I come to work.’’ Some men even mentioned asking


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colleagues to reschedule meetings if they conflicted with family life. One such father was Jeff. CRS: So when you say to colleagues ‘oh, I can’t go to this because of the kids,’ how do people react to that? Jeff: I don’t think they have too much of a problem with it. More often than not it just means that we have to reschedule things. I’ll say, ‘can we move this? I drop my daughter off at 9 and it takes me an hour to get there so can we do this at 10 instead of 9?’

Mick was among several men who reduced his work hours after the birth of a child. He said about his less than 40-hour-work week, ‘‘I’m working less than I would be if I didn’t have a baby. But I knew that was going to happen and it’s definitely worth it to me y I would hate having a baby and feeling like I couldn’t be there and take care of the baby a fair amount of the time.’’ A handful of men mentioned choosing university work over the private sector because of its flexible schedule, similar to men in Gerson’s (1993) study on fatherhood who took jobs that allowed them to spend substantial amounts of time with their children. For example, Mark said ‘‘the university schedule, it’s great, it’s really great y I think about going off to an office job 8 to 5 and getting home and basically putting my daughter to bed and not spending any time with her and also leaving my wife with her all day long, which is terrible, terrible y so my schedule works and it’s perfect in a way.’’ Most men did express some concern that they would appear less than dedicated to their careers because of their schedules, however. They felt conflicted between ‘‘nurturing a family and nurturing a career’’ (Gerson, 1993, p. 218). Steve was one such father. He worried that his decision to spend mornings getting his kids ready for day care with his wife might negatively affect his colleagues’ perception of him. He said, I get into my office then at 10:30. So right there, there’s a chunk of the morning and it’s like, sure I know other people get in here at 8:30. Of course, it doesn’t help my psyche that the dean’s office is right over there [Points across the courtyard]. I know he can tell when I’m in my office. Not that he-I’ve never really seen him sitting over there with binoculars or anything. But anyways, I think that right there that enters into my psyche of okay, I made the choice to spend time with my family instead of basically letting my wife take care of all that morning stuff while I drive into work.

By adjusting when they worked around their family life, these men adopted similar strategies to professional mothers, who often work around children’s and husbands’ schedules (Blair-Loy, 2003; Solomon, 2004). By doing so, these men were perhaps taking chances with their careers.

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Not all the men followed this overall pattern, however. Scott described how his work schedule depended on his work demands. He shared, I remember growing up my father left [work] every day at the same time and came home every day at the same time and I will probably go a month before I have 2 days that overlap exactly . y So sometimes I’ll forget about a meeting until I get here and check my date book and I’ll say [to my wife] ‘‘Oh, I forgot about that meeting tonight, so I won’t be home until 8 or 9.’’

Other men worked full nine-hour days, only to return to work (either at home or at their campus offices) after dinnertime. Jeremy described his schedule: I stop working at 5 o’clock and I go home. I talk to my children and wife and then we have dinner. Then I try to relax a little bit by watching TV or reading magazines or just sitting and doing nothing. Then I come back to school Monday through Friday between 7 and 8 pm until about 10 or 11. I don’t go past 11; 11 is the maximum.

Although the majority of men spoke of developing schedules around family life, several gave work precedence over family. Like Jeremy, most of these men were in the hard sciences or math. Their research entailed working in their lab on campus or on multiple computers (for running programs) in their offices. Thus, the work they needed to do to produce scholarship was not as portable as men in the social sciences or the humanities. This could account for their longer work days.

Childcare: Overall, Still Gendered For most of these men, their description of their childcare duties reflected their stated dedication to family. I use Gerson’s (1993, p. 216) definition of participation as an emphasis on ‘‘sharing and flexibility in parenting and domestic tasks.’’ I categorized these men into three groups: men whose wives seemed to do it all, men whose wives seemed to do most of the childcare, and men who seemed to contribute close to 50% of the childcare duties. Let me note that I am basing this assessment on what these men told me. As other research shows men often overstate their contributions (Coltrane, 2000), I recognize that many of the men in the final category may not have been actually contributing 50%. Only three men described childcare arrangements in which their wives seemed to do everything or very close to everything. One man’s wife worked part-time, and the other two men’s wives were stay-at-home moms. For example, Carl worked every weekday, often until he went to bed. During the weekends, his wife also did the majority of the childcare while he did yard


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work or house repairs. His wife worked two nights a week for a couple of hours in a part-time job. He described their childcare arrangement this way, ‘‘She’s now working Wednesday and Thursday [nights] and since I’ve talked to her and arranged this, she’s now gotten a babysitter for the Thursdays because it was too much, I couldn’t do two days a week, it was driving me nuts. We were having huge fights about it.’’ Carl’s situation with his wife and his effort to protect his work time is similar to fathers in Gerson’s (1993) study. In her study, men who saw themselves as breadwinners (and not caretakers) exerted substantial effort to keep that status. The other two men who did very little childcare or housework, Jeremy and Gary, did not describe their childcare arrangements with their wives in the same way as Carl. They did not mention conflict with their spouses over their lack of involvement in childcare. Instead, their relative absence from family life seemed to be taken for granted so that they could devote substantial amounts of time to work. As mentioned earlier, these three men worked in either hard sciences or mathematics. Their scholarship work was less flexible and less transportable than other professors’. However, as shown in Table 1, there were other men in these same disciplines who invested more time in childcare. Thus, discipline seemed to play a role in the work/family management for some men, but not all. There were 10 men whose wives seemed to do most of the childcare, with the husbands pitching as helpers. Six of these men were married to stay-athome moms and four were married to women who worked part-time. They helped their wives by taking care of their children in the evenings after they got home from work or by sharing care on the weekends. Mike, who was in a hard science discipline, described his responsibilities, Because I have a small kid, I just can’t let my wife take care of the kid a whole day and [when I] come back [from work] she has to take care of him again. Because I know no matter how cute a kid is, [taking care of him] will become tiring. So in a way I’m kind of relieving her duty after I get back. Usually after 5:00 p.m., I would leave the department and go home and take over the responsibility basically at that point.

Unlike the men in the first category who worked in a hard science discipline, Mike limited his work hours to share childcare (to a certain extent) with his wife. Five of these ten men had preschool or school-aged children, thus minimizing the number of hours necessary for hands-on care. One such man, Tucker, had school-aged children. He got his kids ready for school in the morning and his wife took over care after school and in the evenings. He said, ‘‘I do the morning 1½ hour shift, and then she takes care of everything else, for the most part.’’

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About half of the men (12) were more involved in the day-to-day care of their children. Most of these men, but not all, had young children (infants or toddlers). Five were married to women who worked part-time and seven were married to women who worked full-time. Only two of these men worked in the hard sciences. Thus, most of these men’s scholarship work was portable and not tied to labs or campus offices. These men described their schedules and their duties as indicating they did close to 50% of the childcare duties in their family, compared to the participants described earlier. They provided detailed accounts of their children’s schedules and activities. It should be noted that four of these men’s wives worked full-time outside of academia. Thus, given their flexible schedules, participants perhaps had to do more childcare (than other men) because their wives worked inflexible schedules. However, as research shows men married to women employed full-time do not contribute more to childcare than men married to stay-at-home mothers, these men provide an exception to this trend (Coltrane, 2000). In addition, these men differ from the professional men in Shows and Gerstel’s (2009) research, who engaged in ‘‘public fatherhood’’ instead of hands-on caregiving. Jacob, whose wife worked full-time from 8 to 5, is one example. He had a school-aged son and was one of the two men in this category who worked in a hard science discipline. They had their mothers (who lived outside the United States) live with them (separately) for six months total out of the year. Even though he (and his wife) relied on gendered labor to help with childcare for these six months, when the mothers were not in the United States, Jacob took on the majority of the daily duties. Even when his wife got home, he continued to be involved in his son’s care. He described a normal day (when his mother or mother-in-law weren’t present), A lot of stuff, like preparing him for school falls on me. So I prepare breakfast, get him all dressed and then see him off to the bus. Then, I pick him up [from school] so I leave [work] around 3. I play with him for a couple of hours. Actually, until he goes to sleep I don’t do any work. We get to do the homework together, we have snack, then we do something, play, until dinner. After dinner, we play board games and that kind of stuff and then he reads for 20 minutes.

Mark took care of his infant daughter when she got up, and he enjoyed the one-on-one time they spent together, as he said, ‘‘I’m really happy with the time that I spend with my daughter. I feel really great about her first 15 months because she’s got a lot of good attention. A lot of days it’s 4 or 5 hours with her and that just great so I’m really happy.’’ Several of these men, including Mark, would take their infants or toddlers during the


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mornings before their children’s first nap (for many which was around 10 or 11 am), and then come into work. Ian took turns with this wife, who worked part-time teaching at his university. He had an infant and a toddler. He worked Tuesday through Thursday, shared care on Monday and Friday with his wife, and did everything Wednesday evening since his wife taught that night. He said, Both the kids are at home. Neither of them goes to daycare. My wife and I do a kind of juggling act. She does some teaching on those days that I stay home y [In terms of specific duties] we share. Neither of us has exclusive things that we do. It’s interchangeable y we have to be fluent in essentially everything.

On the basis of Ian’s description of his schedule, he appeared to be one of two men (Todd being the other man) who did the most care out of my sample. Other men who had school-aged children would take the morning ‘‘shift,’’ whereas their wives did the afternoon, and then share care in the evenings. Alex shared his experience since his wife went to work part-time, indicating that he took a lot of responsibility for his morning time with his school-aged kids, It’s actually working out great now that she’s back [at work] because we know what our roles are. I have the kids in the morning, she gets them when she comes back in the afternoon and then we share them in the evening. In the mornings, I made a schedule of this is what needs to be done. I don’t want the kids racing around, putting their homework together at the last minute.

The fact that only seven of all the men’s wives worked full-time and five of the men’s wives worked part-time made it possible for participants’ childcare labor to be significantly less than their wives’. Thus, compared to mothers in academe, they were privileged in terms of time management because they were not the ‘‘primary’’ parent in their households. This meant that they could easily fit their portion of childcare duties around their work hours. Still, their descriptions of their childcare involvement indicated that it was an important component of their day, if only symbolically. This finding mirrors Pleck and Pleck’s (1997, p. 35)assertion that professional men ‘‘are often more involved in their attitudes rather than in their actions,’’ also demonstrated in Shows and Gerstel’s (2009) research on physicians. Although most men talked about implicitly resisting the traditional (uninvolved) breadwinner role and wanting to be involved fathers, their wives’ unpaid labor supported their efforts to manage work and family responsibilities.

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Gendered Scripts of Fatherhood: Privileged Status Despite changing gender attitudes about men’s family involvement, the role of breadwinning represents a major component in societal notions about masculinity (Connell, 1995). The talk of these men mirrored other research on fathers, which shows that men often equate parental contributions with economic contributions (Cooper, 2002; Gerson, 1993; Townsend, 2002). This finding also reflects Messner and Bozada-Deas’s (2009) concept of ‘‘soft essentialism,’’ a gendered concept of parenthood and family responsibility. According to Messner and Bozada-Deas, working for pay is seen as a natural and inevitable part of being a man. Thus, working confirms men’s sense of masculinity. When talking about family as a priority, various work-reducing strategies, and childcare and household activities, these men relied on gendered scripts about fatherhood that gave them flexibility in their family life involvement. Even though they mentioned disliking being away from family, these men (except one) did not talk about feeling guilty for the times they were working or of not being a good enough parent, as mothers in other studies have (Hays, 1996; Riemenschnieder & Harper, 1990; Solomon, 2004). This is perhaps because, according to traditional masculinity, societal expectations dictate that they should be family breadwinners. Such an expectation supports their work involvement, whereas traditional femininity does not (Connell, 1995), although research has shown some women do include employment as a component for their mother/wife role (Blair-Loy, 2003; Gallagher, 2008; Hays, 1996). For example, Skip said, ‘‘My work benefits the whole family. Job security benefits the whole family.’’ His wife supported his role as the breadwinner as he said, ‘‘A couple of nights ago, she said, ‘our ultimate goal is to get tenure so bring some stuff home to work on after the kids go to sleep.’ ’’ Skip also used the ideology of involved fatherhood to construct his own fatherhood identity. He said, ‘‘Our kids are not just her responsibility and work is not just my responsibility y Our kids in their development, even though she’s involved with it more, I’m still responsible. I’m still obligated to make sure I have a good relationship with them.’’ Thus, the breadwinning ideology and the pressure to get tenure allowed Skip to feel good about his commitment to his work. However, the involved fatherhood ideology gave him means to put some limits on that commitment so that it would not completely interfere with family. It was not just fatherhood ideologies that supported these men’s work involvement. The reality of being the sole breadwinner also made investing in work a priority, as Skip mentioned above. Most of these men’s wives


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worked part-time or did not work for pay. Thus, these fathers were their family’s sole or primary source of income. This reality put pressure on these men, as they knew that getting tenure meant economic security for their families. Ian described how he worried over getting tenure for this reason when he said, It’s also anxiety provoking personally because my wife is working part-time. The lion’s share of our income comes from me, from my job. Health care comes from my job. I mean we would be fucked if I somehow lose this job y This job is essentially responsible for four people.

The financial reality for most of these men meant that they understandably would rely on the breadwinner ideology. But like Ian, who spent two days at home sharing care with this wife, many men combined the traditional breadwinner fatherhood idea with the involved fatherhood image to construct their family role. The economic security that accompanied tenure compensated for the sacrifices Gary made at home (spending less time than preferable with family). He worked in a hard science so he spent substantial amounts of time in his lab working on his research. He said, ‘‘I see my son very little, relatively y So the best that I can do for him is to provide [him with a] good school. And with my salary, I don’t think we can afford the private schools so we are looking for good public school.’’ Gary felt what his son lacked in quantity of time with him, Gary made up for by providing good quality schools through his home ownership. This mirrors Townsend’s (2002) research on fatherhood, in which men saw providing for a good home and education as an integral part of fatherhood. Todd perhaps described this connection the best when he said, The very highest thing is family. Unfortunately, [work and family] are interlinked. And especially, as a man, whether you want to or not, you still have a lot of internally generated pressure to be the provider. It’s like I need to work hard to do a good job to be able to get raises, to make sure that I get tenure so that we can be secure as a family. And that pressure dial gets turned up another few notches to the right. So you definitely feel that more intensely [as a man].

The linkage of fatherhood and economic provision gives these men a gendered experience of fatherhood that is very different from the one many women experience, in academia and elsewhere (Hays, 1996; Riemenschnieder & Harper, 1990; Solomon, 2004). Thus, they operated under a different set of expectations, which they seemed aware of on some level, like Mick. Mick wanted to be an involved father, but he

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accepted the privileges the breadwinner fatherhood script afforded him. He shared, It’s difficult for me to schedule this time away from him and get enough work done y [but] it is a help to me in dealing with these conflicts that on some level there is a very, very weak but unmistakable presumption that my wife is going to pick up a little more of the slack y I, on some at least conscious level, am committed to trying to make that presumption as weak as possible y But it happens and she’s happy with it and I’m pretty happy with it and so I’m not going fight at it all the time.

He continued by saying There are definitely times when I am on some level happy to have the excuse. I do find myself perhaps slightly disingenuously saying to my wife, ‘Oh I have to be in work.’ I have some lame little meeting, like some student wants to talk to me about the Center y And without thinking about it I scheduled it at some time when it would actually be convenient for my wife if I were to stay home y But I say ‘well, really it’s sort of hard for me to get out of this. I should go in,’ and so I go in and I go in for a 15 minute meeting. What I’m really glad to do is to have the extra time, the several hours around that to be doing work y And on the other hand there are many times when I’m happy to have the baby excuse, which trumps all others. I have been very gratified by the reaction of all my colleagues that when I say ‘look I’m on baby duty now and so I have to leave this meeting after an hour,’ and they all say, ‘oh okay’ y So I do play it both ways, definitely.

Mick’s quote demonstrates both his individual struggle to be the kind of professor and father he wanted to be and the structural double privilege that these men experienced. These men were not primary caregivers for their children, and they could more easily choose when to be, as Mick said, on ‘‘baby duty.’’ In addition, Mick’s struggle between being an involved father and a traditional breadwinner is in some ways a struggle with identity. Because a man’s identity is so tied to his work, it can feel uncomfortable when he makes concessions at work for family life because it challenges masculinity. The awareness of the societal pressure to be very committed to work and to be an involved dad meant that these men had to come up with a new understanding of fatherhood and work. James described how he felt about when he said, ‘‘I’ve made a conscious decision that family is my first priority. I don’t try to define myself by my work. Who I am, as a person, my self-esteem, is not defined by my work, which is tough for a man. Men meet each other and the first thing you say is ‘so what do you do?’ That’s the male culture.’’ Thus, these men relied on traditional gender expectations of fatherhood to support both their commitment to work and they relied on the involved fatherhood ideology to support their commitment to their family.


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They could rely on the involved fatherhood without challenging their masculinity because new masculinity means that identity does not have to be solely defined by work (Cooper, 2002). The duality of these fatherhood scripts allowed them a great deal of psychic and actual flexibility as well as the advantage of opting in or opting out of family time, depending on the demands that they face at work or at home and their wives’ expectations.

CONCLUSION Most fathers in this study used their structural double privilege of gender to manage their work and family responsibilities. Some men relied solely on the model of breadwinner to make sense of their work/family arrangement. A few men only drew support from the involved fatherhood ideal. Many, though, drew on both models of fatherhood. Using both allows men choice about how much to involve themselves at home and at work, without guilt or concern that they are not ‘‘good enough’’ fathers (Hays, 1996). The ability to use both of these models is made possible by the fact that both confirm masculinity. Traditionally, masculinity and breadwinning were connected, but the involved fatherhood ideal is linked with a new masculinity (Cooper, 2002), so that men’s masculinity is not challenged by using either of these discourses. And because most of these men were their families’ breadwinners, drawing on the involved fatherhood ideal did not challenge their breadwinner status. This allowed them a great deal of latitude in work and family involvement. These men were not the primary caregivers for their children and they could more easily limit their childcare and housework than professional women with working husbands. Even those men who took on a substantial amount of childcare were married to women who did not work full-time. This meant these men could be relieved from childcare and housework duties if their work demands made it necessary. These men exercised their gender privilege to invest in family life to varying degrees without judgment and with instrumental support from a spouse. They had more choice about their investments than professional women because of the duality of fatherhood models. This duality placed these men in a win-win situation. They ‘‘win’’ if they were breadwinners because they were allowed to devote substantial amounts of time at work and still have a family (with someone else to do the daily caretaking). Likewise, these men can ‘‘win’’ by having a career and being very involved with family even receiving kudos at work for being ‘‘involved’’ fathers (similar to men in Drago et al.’s (2001) study). Although it could be argued

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that breadwinners ‘‘lose’’ at home because they may not be as emotionally close to their children as their wives, they win compared to women professors who often have to choose between having a family and having a career (Mason & Goulden, 2004a, 2004b). Likewise, involved dads may be ‘‘losing’’ at work because they doubted they would ever attain star status, although they felt likely to get tenure. It is not as simple as men opting in or opting out of family labor, however. Their work/family concerns may not mirror mothers’ (Riemenschnieder & Harper, 1990; Solomon, 2004), but they prioritized spending time with their family. Almost all fathers described trying to resist occupational expectations which would require them to sacrifice family time or childcare involvement. They struggled to create family lives that made sense to them in light of personal desires, conflicting ideological messages about fatherhood, and work demands. Many of them used the flexibility in their work schedules and the autonomy inherent in their careers to construct schedules that enabled them to spend substantial amounts of time caring for their children during the day. Nevertheless, they were structurally privileged by the gendered systems of family and work that support women’s sole responsibility for family care and rewards men for their work commitments and the times they are involved fathers, even if that involvement is less than their wives’. That these two gendered scripts about fatherhood are at men’s disposal points to the idea that they can be both involved fathers and breadwinners. The availability of these two different gendered scripts gives them ideological support for varying degrees of involvement as well as privilege in their family life and with their professional careers. In absence of major cultural changes in the expectations for men’s work and family involvement, gender continues to be a deep-seated and powerful force in shaping men’s family experiences, even among the educated elite.

Recommendations for Policy Universities can foster greater gender equality and encourage men’s family involvement through the development of family-friendly policies. For example, universities could allow for paid parental leave for any faculty member who is a primary or co-caregiver for a child instead of allowing only for maternity leave for women (WorkLife Law, 2009). Several universities across the United States already have such policies [e.g., Harvard Law School, Stanford University, Syracuse University, the University of


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California system (WorkLife Law, 2009)], but they are far from being a routine policy offered to faculty members. Although the federal government allows for 16 week of family leave through the Family Medical Leave Act, this leave is unpaid. It is important that universities offer a paid parental leave policy as many men are their families’ sole or primary breadwinner. It is unlikely that without a paid leave policy, many men would be able to take time off to care for a new baby because of the financial hardship it would impose on their families. In addition, such policies should be offered on an ‘‘opt-out’’ basis rather than an ‘‘opt-in’’ basis (WorkLife Law, 2009). Offering policies on an ‘‘opt-out’’ basis means that using a parental leave policy is the norm, rather than the exception. Research has shown that faculty members are often hesitant to ask for leave because of concern that doing so indicates a lack of commitment to their careers (e.g., Drago et al., 2001; Solomon, 2004). By automatically allowing faculty members to use the policy (and requiring them to opt-out if they do not wish to do so), universities create a climate in which family involvement is expected and supported, rather than questioned. Doing so would create a more familyfriendly environment in which faculty members do not feel expected to minimize their family involvement to be professionally successful.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research and manuscript was supported by a Pre-Dissertation Fellowship from the American Education Research Association and the Spencer Foundation, a Dissertation Fellowship from the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University, and a Grant-in-Aid and a Summer Research Grant from the College of Arts and Sciences at Quinnipiac University. I thank Jill Weigt and Theresa Severance for their insightful comments, Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos for their editorial suggestions, Joanna Destro for her invaluable research assistance, and the participants for sharing their experiences with me.

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WOMEN’S LEISURE IN GREECE: FIGHTING FOR ‘A TIME OF ONE’S OWN’ Alexandra Koronaiou ABSTRACT Purpose – Since the 1970s, with the end of dictatorship and accession to membership of the European Union, women’s status and social image have dramatically changed in Greece. The chapter investigates the extent to which a space for women’s leisure has evolved in Greece in the last years. Indeed, leisure time has been widely seen as a modern social temporality where processes of individuation, cultural participation, and appropriation intersect. The purpose of the research is to investigate not only the uses and meanings of leisure by working, married women, but also their desires, aims, and attitudes regarding this social temporality. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative research methodology is employed involving semistructured interviews with 40 women living and working in Athens. Findings – The findings of the study show evidence of the growing importance for Greek women of leisure time as an opportunity for more autonomy and independence in the mid of various social, economic, and familial constraints. Leisure activities, especially in the public sphere, are increasingly demanded by women as a right to ‘‘a time of one’s own’’ Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 257–273 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014015

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distinct from family leisure. Within this framework, leisure activities become a source of transformations, especially in the familial life, as new values and lifestyles emerge from the sphere of free time forming new subjectivities. Thus, leisure time represents a base from which many Greek women fight against traditional stereotypes and roles daring to confront a male dominated society in economic, political, informational, and scientific spheres. Research limitations/implications – The social homogeneity as well as the small size of the sample do not allow for wider generalizations. Originality/value – The chapter discusses a largely neglected aspect of women’s everyday lives in Greece. It analyses the gendered nature of leisure and offers insights on its significance for women’s individuality and recognition in Greece.

INTRODUCTION The present study focuses on an everyday life issue that has not yet become an object of systematic social investigation or an element of the policies that promote gender equality in Greece. Women’s leisure is a privileged field for understanding the social transformations regarding work and family life. The chapter is based largely on the findings of a qualitative study of 40 women that took place in Athens during the year 2008. The purpose of the research was to investigate not only the uses and meanings of leisure by working, married women, but also their desires, aims, and attitudes regarding this social temporality. In this chapter, I here will address some of the most challenging problems regarding women’s leisure in a society where gender inequalities persist to a considerable extent in both private and public lives. By taking into account women’s point of view on leisure, light will be shed on processes of gender change, and some evidence will be offered that through their personal leisure, women have an opportunity to discover empowerment and autonomy in a society where the perpetuation of gender ideologies and inequalities is strongly grounded in traditional patterns. Taking gender and family changes in Greece as starting points, I will seek to provide a brief review of the main trends involved in the recent changes occurring in women’s place in the labor market, family life, and gender relations. This chapter is divided into three parts. The first part aims to describe some major changes affecting women’s status in Greece, namely,

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those changes associated with women’s participation in the labor force. The second seeks to summarize the main transformations in family life over the last decades. In the third part, I will briefly summarize current research on leisure time, given that recent developments have contributed to a wider understanding of the significance of this social time in women’s personal development and autonomy. Last, I shall present the main findings of the research focusing on the meanings given to women’s experiences of leisure by the women themselves, as well as my interpretations of women’s discourse on leisure.

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS ON WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOR MARKET IN GREECE In Greece, since the 1970s, with the end of the military dictatorship and the accession to membership of the European Union, women’s status and social image have dramatically changed. Greece, at the intersection of Western and Eastern Europe and the Middle East, has become a modernizing urban society. A substantial part of the farming population has settled in large cities, especially in the capital, Athens, where 4 million out of the 11 million Greeks now live. This ‘‘rural exodus’’ has had an important consequence for Greek women. The number of those who, for centuries, toiled in farms started to decrease rapidly. According to national statistics 320,000 women left the agricultural sector between 1961 and 1981, whereas, during the same period, the number of women working in factories increased only by 40,000. In contrast the number of women employed in the service sector increased strikingly by 260,000, an increase of 218%. However, in Greece, women’s participation in the labor force has progressed at a slower pace than in most other European countries. Although the activity rate of the native-born population in Greece is still below the EU-15 average (48.9%), women’s participation has increased from 27% in 1981 to 32% in 1991, to 36.2% in 1997 and to 41.9% in 2001 (European Commission [EC], 2003). The recent increase in the employment rates can be attributed to the fact that societal attitudes toward gender roles have changed in Greece, and new employment opportunities have opened to women, especially among younger women (20–39 years old) with children (Symeonidou, Mitsopoulos, & Vezyrgianni, 2002). As could be expected, this increase is concentrated in the so-called ‘‘feminine’’ jobs

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(education, health, low-level office work). The entrance of Greek women in the labor market is indisputable; although, according to the 6th National Report of Greece, the percentage of the female employment is one of the lowest in the European Union (42.5% in 2002), while the unemployment rate is one of the highest (about 16%). At the beginning of the 21st century, despite the inequalities that persist regarding professions and wages as well as the dilemmas women face in negotiating work, home, and children (Garey, 1999; Drew, Emerek, & Mahon, 1998; Barre`re-Maurisson, 1992; Hantrais, 1990), Greek women, have won a significant place in the labor market, thus, putting an end to the traditional image of the confinement of the household woman. Therefore, employment and a professional career cease to be the exclusive duty and privilege of men.

MAIN TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE FAMILY AND CHILDREN’S CARE There is no doubt that fundamental transformations can be observed on the level of the family in the last decades (De Singly, 1991, 1993; Commaille, 1992; Roussel, 1987). Traditional family roles change as a result of female employment as well as birth control and the consequential decrease in the amount of time women dedicate to social and biological reproduction. As a significant number of international studies demonstrate, since women live longer and have to care for fewer children, they seek opportunities beyond motherhood to give meaning to their lives (Samuel, 1996; Lipovetsky, 1997; Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw, & Freysinger, 1989; Sullerot, 1978). It is worth noting at this point that in all countries women continue to bear most of the responsibility for the organization and accomplishment of housework as well as for the upbringing of children, even when they work outside the household. As a result, the distribution of the use of time between men and women is characterized by significant differences and wide inequalities. Time-budget surveys show that men have more free time than women (Hufton & Kravaritou, 1999; Samuel, 1992; Samuel & Romer, 1984; Roy, 1980). In Greece, according to the few available surveys, men have more free time (about 2–3 hours per day) than women and employed women have less free time in comparison to nonemployed women (Koronaiou, 2007; Maratou-Alipranti, 1995). The study of Greek society confirms, with minor


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exceptions, the central tendencies that can be observed in the case of other European countries, especially since 1980. Although the institutions of marriage and family are still of great importance, women have gradually achieved many positive changes in their roles as mothers. The possibility of choosing and programming motherhood resulted in a fertility rate of less than two children per woman (Symeonidou et al., 2002). Nevertheless, compared with other European countries, welfare provisions, and services are lacking. Social protection in Greece is mainly restricted to income allowances. The underdevelopment of the welfare state in Greece has traditionally burdened women who had and still have to fulfill roles that in other societies are undertaken by the state (Maratou-Alipranti & Nikolaou, forthcoming in 2010), especially concerning domestic responsibilities and the care of children and the elderly. Thus, in Greece, according to empirical findings, working women continue to carry over 80% of household and family chores (Symeonidou et al., 2002; Maratou-Alipranti, 1995). However, some recent developments such as the creation of a network of services – nursery schools, day centers, activity associations and children’s camping, and the like – aim to relieve women from the responsibilities of motherhood. It should be noted that this policy, which undoubtedly remains inadequate and unequally distributed to women in terms of their social position and place of residence, has as its primary objective the integration of women to the labor market. Social policies regarding motherhood have never taken into account mothers’ right to leisure. Thus, while it is considered legitimate for women to look for the appropriate ways and means to relieve themselves from childcare in order to work, at the same time, it seems provocative to be preoccupied with themselves and to pursue athletic or other leisure activities. Consequently, the important conflicts that Greek women are still experiencing between traditional lifestyles and emerging new values in all fields of their life are more tenacious in the use of leisure time (Koronaiou, 1996a, 1996b; Symeonidou, 1994).

WOMEN AND LEISURE STUDIES Although the study of leisure as such came into being in 1899 with Veblen’s (1934) Theory of Leisure Class, leisure studies did not wholly develop as an autonomous field of research until the period following the Second World War. Interest in the relationship between leisure and the family was to emerge very soon. In 1959, Fougeyrollas claimed that the family was tending to lose its economic role and becoming a ‘‘leisure community’’

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(Fougeyrollas, 1959). Many scholars noted that the family was losing its traditional repressive role, and was transformed into a site of recreation. In these studies, little attention was paid to the leisure of women. However, the French sociologist Joffre Dumazedier, famous as father of sociology of leisure, observed that women’s household tasks generated a problem for understanding leisure. He described women’s domestic responsibilities as ‘‘semi-obligatory, semi-pleasurable activities’’ including activities in what he called ‘‘semi-leisure,’’ a category of activities that contains, for example, D.I.Y, gardening, sowing, and other activities simultaneously obligatory and leisure-like, a characteristic of housewives’ everyday lives (Dumazedier, 1967). In the following 25 years, gender scholarship developed showing the complexity of expectations, roles, and behaviors associated with being male and female. The attention paid to gender since the 1980s has indeed been a crucial development not only in women’s leisure studies, but also in the whole field of leisure research. Simultaneously, it is worth noting that leisure studies scholars continue to examine the question of the scientific definition of leisure. As a result definitions and approaches to the study of leisure have proliferated. The sociologist of leisure Gilles Pronovost (1993) proposes the following categorization of certain key approaches: An approach that could be called ‘‘residual’’ stresses the availability of time: leisure is defined as available time, notably beyond the bounds of work and family obligations. Such an approach has led to the study of leisure via the concepts of time and free time. An approach based on the study of activities: leisure is more or less identified with free-time activities and a certain number of subfields have sometimes been defined, such as sports and cultural activities, in regard to leisure. An approach that instead stresses the presumed distinctive traits of leisure, generally in terms of psychological attributes or sociological significance, such as pleasure, spontaneity, play, and freedom. An approach based on the notion of culture. In this case, we can identify two orientations: the first is inspired implicitly or explicitly by the notion of mass culture and leads either to making severe criticisms of modern leisure or to proposing a sort of elitist concept of leisure; the second is inspired either by notions of culture in the anthropological or sociological sense of the term, or else by notions of cultural development and changing values, making leisure one of the major fields of study of cultural changes into contemporary societies.


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An approach stressing the relationship between leisure and other phenomena principally work and the family: in this case the usual tendency has been to try to establish the reciprocal influence and the impact of leisure on work and the family. The strongest criticism of this approach emphasizes the simplistic definitions of work and the family upon which such a view rests. This taxonomy alone, although incomplete, offers a glimpse of the diversity of, and the interest in, this preoccupation with finding a definition for leisure. The aims and of leisure studies have constantly been reexamined, but the critics’ usual conclusion has been to underline the rather simplistic character of the definitions. Consequently, the ultimate goal of my study on women’s leisure is not to give another definition that would be particular to the domain, but rather to develop new ways to examine and understand individuals and communities, behaviors and values, power and cultural changes, and to offer new perspectives from which to reflect on and understand contemporary Greek society and its organization. From this point of view, the fundamental presumption in my research is that leisure is worth exploring scientifically, not only because such knowledge may eventually allow for a certain technical mastery of the field, but also because it is in itself valuable for our understanding of society.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, FIELDWORK, AND THE WOMEN’S SAMPLE The theoretical framework of my research was elaborated upon and largely discussed with the students attending the course ‘‘Culture and Leisure’’ at Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences during the first semester of 2008. Fieldwork was developed during November and December 2008. The statistical data that do exist in Greece on the time-use patterns and leisure activities of adult men and women provide ample illustration of the influence of gender relations on women’s experience of time, and they enable me to consider women as an ‘‘underprivileged’’ category in relation to access to free time that may be used for leisure. On the other hand, the total absence of qualitative data concerning the meanings of leisure encouraged me to use qualitative research techniques in order to stress the complexities and contradictions that characterize the social construction of leisure time. For the collection of data I used semi-directive interviews, which were in the Greek language and later translated by me into English. The flexibility of

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this type interview as a method of research in the social sciences allowed new questions to be brought up during the interviews in response to things the interviewees said. The sample consists of 40 women aged 35–50. They are all married and live in Athens. The majority of them (52%) have two children, 43% have one child, while 5% have three children. The age distribution of the youngest children shows that the majority of the women sampled (63%) are experiencing the most demanding moments of motherhood in terms of parental work. They either have very small children below the age of three (24%), who for the sake of their special needs, demand constant care from mothers, childcare-learning skills, and a reorganization of family life or they have children from three to six years old (39%), who are still very dependent for care and also claim more of their mothers’ attention and participation in shared activities. Last, 37% of the women have children between 6 and 12 years old, who still have needs and demand different kinds of attention and attendance. Concerning socioeconomic variables, one of the main characteristics of the sample is its social homogeneity. A majority of the women in the sample have high levels of education and professional qualifications. Thus, 60% of the women have completed a university degree, while the rest have completed a secondary degree. In terms of social class, 41.9% of the women have intellectual and scientific occupations, 38.5% have technical and intermediate management occupations, and 19.6% are self-employed. In short, we have a relatively homogeneous sample regarding the socioeconomic characteristics of the women characterized by high levels of educational and professional homogamy. The nature of the sample confers an advantage to the analysis. The limited variation in terms of social class allowed me to look at the diversity of leisure practices and representations within a group of women with high educational levels and professional qualifications. Intragroup diversity is looked for in gender roles women are constructing in family and in motherhood. The analysis of women’s discourse (Maingueneau, 1991) in this respect is revealing and daring. Almost all the women who took part in my survey attributed their lack of leisure not to their professional responsibilities but to their total charge with the upbringing and education of the children. This is, in my opinion, a field in which contemporary women are called upon to fight: that is, to claim a time of one’s own. This is a demand that addresses the issue of domestic democracy while it challenges the preconceived roles of both sexes regarding the upbringing of children (Sullivan, 2004; Gorz, 1991). For, although it is now clear that motherhood has ceased to be a sacred value (despite what is still claimed by various traditions), the child, as well


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as, childhood are elevated to ethical and social values, a fact that increases the responsibilities of the contemporary nuclear family (De Singly, 2004, 1987). Undoubtedly, women do not constitute a homogenous category for analysis and we have to be sensitive to the relationship among their experiences in all the spheres of their life: work, family, and leisure. For that reason, I avoid generalizing these findings. My purpose is to identify some new trends in women’s leisure in a society where women’s free time is still strongly constrained by traditional ideologies and gender relations.

BRINGING UP CHILDREN: A REAL SACRIFICE In this respect, it is surprising that the women of this survey dared to name their children as the main reason for the restriction of their leisure time. The gap between men and women regarding domestic responsibilities is enormous. As I have noted, women bear the main responsibility for the upbringing of the children and the organization of the domestic space and time. Housework is based on gender inequality where the cleaning of the house, ironing, cooking, as well as domestic hygiene are exclusively women’s responsibilities (Koronaiou, 2007; Maratou-Alipranti, 1995; Nikolaidou, 1978). Apart from numbers and percentages, it is primarily women’s discourse that reveals this dynamic of inequality that characterizes the genders regarding housework and children’s upbringing. The majority of men tenaciously reject the care of the children, especially when the latter are very young and their needs are greatest. The situation with the baby was really difficult. The rejection was total. There was a certain irritation at home, the baby cried, Dimitris (the older son) went to school, the first classes. I was nervous. Probably he (the husband) had the disposition/inclination to be involved in the care of the baby. Indeed, there are some men that they say ‘‘I can’t be involved in the care of the baby, because I’m afraid’’. Note that we have to do with a doctor here, not an ordinary man. What do you mean ‘‘I’m afraid’’? (Anna, 36 years old, two children)

Men cannot answer Anna’s question. Men’s silence is characteristicly frustrating, and there are many women who face a ‘‘wall’’ in their attempts to raise the issue of the children’s care. However, women’s responsibilities regarding the care of very young children are just the beginning of a much longer story, since Greek mothers undertake the permanent responsibility of helping their children throughout their course through the educational

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system. This is an issue of great importance considering the inadequacy of the Greek educational system that forces the so-called ‘‘second school’’ at home, a task to which mothers are usually assigned. The majority of Greek fathers believe that the upbringing of children is mothers’ responsibility. And they have found many excuses: because mum is more cool-headed, because mum understands children better, because mum knows how to teach children, while it is very difficult for them to teach the child that one plus one equals two in the first class of the primary school. They don’t have patience. Here, he couldn’t argue that he works while I don’t, because we both work. So what’s left? (Vasso, 40 years old, two children)

Surprisingly, traditional roles are conserved even in the cases where an apparent equality between the sexes seems to operate. It is extremely difficult to interpret satisfactorily the long story of women’s exclusive occupation with children. Even when they understand the inequality that characterizes the liberties and responsibilities of the couple within the family, it is very difficult to be freed from the responsibility of children’s care. It could be argued that, to a large extent, Greek women define themselves as duty-bound and constrained beings. It is my duty from now on to help my son with his homework, because I’m more coolheaded and more patient. And the child expects me now to help him with his homework. Of course when I’m not here, his father helps him, no rejection in this case. It’s just that the schedule is thus constructed that it has become self-evident that I – and not his father – will help him. And it is also self-evident that S. (her husband) will be able to play tennis or anything else when he feels like. While I will tell him: I will be out for three hours on Wednesday. You see? There’s the difference! (Maria, 45 years old, one child)

What is self-evident, however, is merely the socially constructed and deeply internalized conception that men are the masters of their own time, which is of their own selves. Even when women have some leisure time at their disposal, it is subject to family-time planning; they are obliged to lay out and, of course, to keep the husband and, later, the children informed. It’s not that you don’t have time for leisure, when the kids are young or when you are totally occupied with the kids. It’s that you don’t have any moment to stand on your own and do nothing at all! I’m not talking about going out for a walk or to read a book or to be occupied with a hobby. I’m talking about just sitting on your own for 10 minutes, if you know what this means. It’s even worse than being in the army, I mean I get up at 7:30 am and I have everything on my hands. Sure, I like having the kids. They may complain but I like them very much. But I need a few breaks. Just a break. (Helen, 39 years old, two children)

To interpret this attitude, we must go beyond views regarding inheritance from past roles and the reproduction of the stereotypes. It is not enough to


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invoke the power of tradition and of inertia that conflict with the mobility of contemporary societies in other areas of life. Women themselves point to men’s unwillingness as well as their strong opposition to being involved in children’s care, a fact that obliges women to assume full responsibility. This ‘‘responsibility’’ of women is the object of many sociological and feminist studies (De Singly, 1987; Deem, 1986; Sullerot, 1978). However, this responsibility is not imposed solely by external factors. It has also to do with the quality of women’s relationship with their children, as well as with the satisfaction they feel when they offer what nobody else can and from the resulting possibility of influencing children’s development. I think I don’t let the others to go wrong even in the relationship with my young kid. Although I have to accept it as it is, I try to cast it in certain moulds, but I can’t. Sometimes I say ok let’s not push things, let’s relax. But I can’t. It may be my character; I mean perhaps I want to take the responsibility on me. I can do everything and I do it consciously. Surely, if I was tired to the extent not to be able to stand it anymore, I would have blown everything out. I sometimes shout at them in order to relieve my feelings. But I know that there’s no chance of change. (Dimitra, 46 years old, two children)

The relationship with children is undoubtedly a ‘‘sacrifice,’’ as the women themselves report. It is a sacrifice, however, that they accept as they look for a meaning regarding their emotional and psychological identity. The sacrifices made for the children are huge and the older you are the more you sacrifice for them. For, you understand that you offer too much, you give away too much from yourself. However, it gives you also a sense of fulfillment; it’s nice to see them. But you offer them too much. (Georgia, 40 years old, two children)

LEISURE AND INDIVIDUALITY: THE EMERGENCE OF THE FEMALE SUBJECT Traditionally brought up to be in the service of others, women will need much time in order to be able to express themselves freely. Indeed, in order for someone to form a self, time is needed, something that many women continue to be short of. When women become accustomed to actualizing themselves through the offer of services to others, they have to fight hard against their environment as well as their own selves in order to express their desires. From this point of view, leisure becomes a personal and ‘‘existential’’ time aiming at the development of personality and selfrealization (Sue, 1994, 1985; Pronovost, 1993; Dumazedier, 1988). It is not by accident that most women dream about leisure away from the context of

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home and freed from the burden of the other’s and the children’s care. What a few decades ago appeared as unthinkable for Greek women, what their mothers could not even articulate, contemporary women dare to formulate in discourse. However, this is just the desire to enjoy, even for a small period of time, for a few days or hours, their freedom, though it might be followed by feelings of guilt. Leisure in this case becomes an individual and social right that, even when they do not really enjoy it, they legitimately dream about it and demand it (Dumazedier & Carisse, 1975). Escape, yes, to get away, yes. There are moments that I say that I would like to be all alone, with nobody else. I think of this frequently. Ok I discuss this with my husband and sometimes I take a weekend off. There may also be a week or ten days during the year that I will be on holidays alone or with my husband but without the children’s concern. I’ll go to relax for ten days. (Martha, 35 years, two children)

Alone or with the persons they choose, women know that in order to relax, to express themselves or to engage in something that interests them, they need what they call ‘‘time for themselves.’’ Moreover, it has been noted that family leisure often means responsibilities and duties for women while their own leisure is subjected to the service of the other members of the family and especially of children (Shaw, 1994). There’s no time. Me, in order to save up time for myself, I visit my parental family once a month in order to do something I want. Don’t think that I do crazy things. I just take up my work and myself the way I want. (Sophia, 38 years old, one child)

Indeed, many centuries were needed in order for working people to win the right of leisure. But even more of them were needed for women to be able to formulate a discourse of individuality as social subjects. To dispose off the time the way they want to, this ‘‘the way I want,’’ is no longer a social disgrace and a stigma of ‘‘bad’’ mothers and wives. I think that I exploit my leisure time doing what I want. Leisure, I think is this: to do what you want. Spending time trifling on the phone I think it’s silly. My time is to do what I want and in the end I do it. (Gianna, 36 years old, one child)

This aspect of women’s discourse is extremely interesting because it reveals a meaning of leisure that is related to the emergence of the subject in the modern age. The women’s claim to individuality within leisure takes many forms today. Sometimes it means the right to dream, to escape from reality, at other times it means relaxation or the practice of a specific activity aiming to personal development. Leisure is to be able to think, to dream, to mentally go out for a ride, to cross the seas without desiring what most of the people usually do. (Marianna, 40 years old, two children)


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Leisure for me is primarily relaxation. You have to relax, to be relieved from the stress of the day as well as from tension. (Alice, 49 years old, one child) I go for gym three days per week. I believe it is essential, because you sit when you read a book, or when you work, it may also be that I reach menopause. I think gym is important. (Niki, 48 years old, one child)

These activities generate new values that often clash with the values imposed by social institutions. But the main thing is that the value of selfexpression at the individual and social levels signifies a contemporary tendency manifesting that what was suppressed or repressed under social conventions, is now freely expressed. This relative freedom is obviously wider during leisure, while the subjects extend their knowledge of it to the other social temporalities as well. The recognition of the self as a value and the satisfaction of personal desires are today a demand expressed and claimed by women not only within leisure but also within work, family and education (Thompson, 1983). Each time women claim leisure and the right to employ it as they wish, they, simultaneously, point to the most important issue of individuality (Elias, 1991; Lipovetsky, 1992, 1983; Lasch, 1979), that is to the right to be recognized as distinct individuals and autonomous subjects.

LEISURE: A FIELD OF CONFLICT FOR AUTONOMY Women’s demand for leisure often leads to conflicts not only with their husbands and children but also with the extended family. The control exercised over women’s lives can result in major restrictions regarding their disposal of time. However, as it has been shown by many surveys (Samuel, 1992; Shaw, 1994; Shank, 1986), leisure is a unique opportunity for many women to raise the issue of their autonomy and independence within the framework of family responsibilities. From this perspective, it is, indeed, a surprise that contemporary Greek women dare to fight against the dominant patriarchal models. I worked my will on my family this year, because nothing else could be done and because things regarding the kids had been improved. I established that I could be away from home three days per week during these hours. I established that. I said, I will be out of here and you can do as you wish. I tried for two years and I almost went mad. I was in a very bad condition. I was saying I’ve had enough, I can’t stand it anymore and I was facing a ‘‘wall’’ that kept on repeating ‘‘I can stand it anymore me neither’’. (Vana, 38 years old, two children)

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It seems that women reinforce their personalities, gain self-esteem, and feelings of greater autonomy through this conflict that they are compelled to face. It is not easy for women to articulate their own choices within a society, such as the Greek one positioned as it is between tradition and modernity, and in which patriarchal models continue to be powerful. Women develop a variety of strategies, ranging from silent revolution to fierce fight, making the issue of women’s strategies in the vindication of their own time worthy of further study (Commaille, 1992). I started a silent revolution as well as a conscious one. I mean, I fought consciously not only against my husband but also against my father. My father, when I started to paint and I spent hours painting, made that naı¨ ve comment: ‘‘But, what are we doing now? We paint, scrawling papers, without having laid the table for the children?’’. Because they had taught me to be always a soldier that offers, cooks, lays the table and cares for everything that the others need. Then, sometimes mildly and others roughly I started my revolution. I declared that I wanted to do – at last – something for myself and for my own pursuits. And, in the end, everybody came to terms with that and adjusted to that. (Thalia, 37 years old, two children)

This ‘‘revolution,’’ as women themselves call their vindication of a leisure time distinct from family leisure, is slowly but firmly coming to the fore as a new field of action for Greek women, which, not only as consumers but also as producers of social development.

CONCLUSION Despite the variety of restrictions women are subjected to, the vindication of the demand for personal leisure time offers them the possibility of their independence from traditional roles. Leisure becomes a dynamic process with positive content for women offering a resistance potential vis-a`-vis institutional and other constraints. It seems that when women struggle to appropriate leisure for themselves they gain strength, they learn to contend and resist institutionalized authority and constraints. Furthermore, as Shaw (1994) notes, resistance is a process that becomes possible under conditions of relative freedom. Such conditions become familiar to the women who dare to commit themselves to leisure activities. Indeed, if it is true that the experiences of leisure presuppose personal choices, self-esteem, and self-determination, then they constitute a chance for women to enhance their personal and social abilities. This process enables women to resist the constraints posed by gender discrimination. Thus, leisure offers women the opportunity to exercise a certain form of

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control over their lives. A characteristic example of this attitude is the one concerning athletic activities. Participation of girls and women in what are traditionally taken as male activities, such as sport, offers them the opportunity to strengthen their bodies (For more on women and sport, see Follo in this volume.). But this dynamic process constitutes also a training that aids the strengthening of their mental faculties. Women, thereby, learn to claim their right to self-expression and to challenge male authority in other levels of life as well (Kleiber & Kane, 1984). In this sense, women’s leisure appears as a productive field of research, the investigation of which requires a dialectical approach. One that is able to combine the interaction of the constraints women are subjected to, on social and familial levels, with the possibility for the assertion of autonomy and personal expression that leisure offers. The topic of women’s leisure is a complex and contradictory field of inquiry that addresses many questions regarding the concept of leisure in contemporary society more generally. The research findings lead to the conclusion that leisure – though not yet realized for many women – constitutes a set of dynamic demands that have important consequences for all aspects of women’s lives, especially women’s relationships with husbands, children, extended families, and the social environment. From this perspective, Greek women’s struggle for ‘‘a time of one’s own’’ establishes leisure as a privileged field for the study of the transformations of contemporary Greek society.

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DOES AGE MATTER IN SPORT: DIFFERING EXPERIENCES AMONG WOMEN IN RUGBY AND MARTIAL ARTS Giovanna Follo ABSTRACT Purpose – The purpose of this exploratory research study was to bring the experiences of women in contact sport to the forefront of the discussion of gender and sport. The findings that I present here focus on the unique group of six female martial artists between the ages of 40 and 44 and the similarities and differences that emerged in comparison with the younger group of female rugby players and martial artists. Methodology – A Standpoint Feminist approach was used through in-depth interviewing in a nonprobability purposive sample. The sample consisted of 15 female rugby players and 15 female martial artists. Findings – In many ways, women in the younger and older groups have similar perceptions about the body and femininity. However, age may produce different perceptions about femininity in terms of gendered life stages. Age also appears to influence women’s perceptions about femininity being an issue for athletes. In terms of the body, several of the


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women in the older group did begin comparing their older body to their younger body, although all mentioned weight. Limitations – The research concentrated on only two contact sports, future research should be expanded. In addition, only 30 participants were interviewed in Canada. Future research should include a larger number of participants in an international sporting environment. This would increase generalizability. Originality – This research presents an opportunity to explore age differences in sporting experiences, a topic whose coverage is limited in the literature.

LITERATURE REVIEW Most of the research on gender and sport has focused on gender-neutral or what might be considered gender-appropriate or traditional women’s sports such as gymnastics and figure skating, sports that emphasize the female athlete as feminine, incorporating traits such as a thin body and graceful movement [Alley & Hicks, 2005, with the exception of Nancy Theberge’s (1997, 2003) work on ice hockey, non-traditional sports have not received the same attention]. Contact sports, such as rugby and martial arts, where rules permit direct physical contact between the participants (Smith & Stewart, 2003), are seen as breeding grounds for hegemonic masculinity (Light & Kirk, 2000; Schacht, 1996). From this perspective, women who enter these male-dominated sports are resisting gender norms and challenging gender ideology. This research brings women’s voices to the body of knowledge that exists in terms of gender and contact sport. The scant literature on gender and the martial arts focuses on women and the self-defense culture (Searles & Berger, 1987; McCaughey, 1998). Other research on female martial art practitioners appears to be limited to Guthrie (1995. 1997) who studied a female-oriented martial arts (karate) dojo (club). She found that women’s self-concepts were altered by the physically empowering activities within the martial arts class, such as kicking and punching. When women began to use their bodies, foster their full range of motion, and break the rules that have been accepted as norms within society, their own self-perceptions became more positive. Much of the research that focuses on rugby examines injury, training, and equipment.

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Other rugby research has focused on rugby as a tool for reinforcing masculinity. For example, Pringle and Markula (2005) researched male rugby players and found that rugby seemed to encourage males to distance themselves from practices deemed feminine and reinforced masculine traits such as toughness, competition, pain tolerance, and physical dominance. Schacht’s (1996) and Light and Kirk’s (2000) research on male rugby players suggests that rugby reproduces gender roles because rugby supports masculinity and the subordination of women. Existing research that addresses female rugby players examines issues of femininity, masculinity, and the body. Many of the women in Chase’s (2006) study of female rugby players realized they challenged images of the ideal female body and appropriate female behavior. Yet, in this study, rugby provided a sporting space where women of all sizes were welcome and where a woman was allowed to be physical in ways that other spaces did not allow. The women in the sample constructed their bodies to make them more effective for playing rugby. In other words, their bodies were disciplined as much by the norms of competitive athletics as by norms of femininity. The women felt that their bodies were different from the typical female body. They reconstructed their bodies to be bigger, stronger, and more muscular and did not want to lose weight when playing rugby. According to Chase, women’s participation in rugby challenges normative femininity by giving them the opportunity to participate in an aggressive and physically demanding collision sport. Fallon and Jome (2007) suggest that this resistance to gendered expectations creates conflicts within female rugby players. The literature concerning female participation in rugby and martial arts is not extensive. Nevertheless, it represents the beginnings of our understanding of women in contact sport. Thus, the present study continues the process of filling the knowledge gap. Rugby and martial arts both allow contact within the rules thus conforming to the previous definition of contact sport. Rugby was the precursor to American football. It has been described as football without pads, chaotic, and violent. Each team consists of 15 players per side with two 40-minute halves. The players are divided into backs and forwards. The forwards are similar to the offensive and defensive lines of a football team with stronger, bigger, and more muscular bodies. The backs are similar to the wide receivers and cornerbacks of a football team with sleeker and faster body types. Even though there is a distinction between body types, both are expected to run, tackle, and score. The match is played on a field called a pitch, which is roughly the size of a football field. Rugby rules are no different for the men’s or women’s game.

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Rugby is a team sport; martial arts are an individual practice. For the purposes of this research, martial arts have been referred to as a sport, although most practitioners would refer to martial arts as a lifestyle, in the traditional sense. The female martial artists in this study are martial arts practitioners, women who have not merely taken a few self-defense sessions but study the martial arts and are committed to rank progression. Martial arts are typically associated with the military, violence, and self-defense. Practitioners usually take part in sparring (fighting), kata/forms (a series of offensive and defensive techniques performed in sequence against one or more imaginary attacking opponents), and self-defense (practical application of strikes and kicks) (Corcoran, 1992).

Doing Gender Hegemonic femininity is constructed within a white, heterosexual, and class-based social structure with a strong emphasis on appearance, such as a thin and toned feminine body (Krane, Choi, Baird, & Aimar, 2004). Women, both athletes and nonathletes, struggle with achieving hegemonic femininity. However, women who participate in sport experience added pressure to display hegemonic femininity. Teachers, coaches, and parents encourage young women to excel in the sport of their choice yet, at the same time, urge them to pay attention to their feminine appearance (Lenskyj, 1994). The idea of female athletes becoming masculinized is an ongoing social concern. Most people voluntarily do gender, going along with socially prescribed norms and expectations because they are internalized and become part of one’s sense of worth and identity (Lorber, 2003). In their focus group study, Krane et al. (2004) found that women constantly created comparisons to the cultural ideal of femininity in which ‘‘normal’’ women were defined as those who were nonathletic. There is a need for further research to examine female athletes’ self-comparisons to cultural ideals and sporting ideals to see how/if they intersect. Shakib and Dunbar (2002) show us how sporting institutions support gender inequality through constructing differences between men and women who appear to be natural and based on common sense, not a result of a gendered society. Historically, for example, different versions of sports were created and adopted to accommodate the presumed inferiority of the female athlete. Their findings also suggest that women who succeed athletically are stigmatized as lesbians. Paradoxically, sport has not only maintained but also challenged hegemonic feminine and masculine ideology.

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The Paradoxes of Gender and Sport Sports, especially contact sports and sports that are not dance-like such as gymnastics or figure skating, are coded and structured to be hegemonically masculine. Women and girls have internalized societal structures and expectations. They are expected, by others and by themselves, to do gender as socially constructed, that is, to be feminine, to have bodies that look, as Nelson (2001) points out, like those of cheerleaders rather than like those of athletes. At the same time, to succeed in most sports, even those considered gender-appropriate, even in cheerleading, they must be strong and competitive, and in most cases, have body shapes that do not conform to social definitions of female beauty. What has been called ‘‘the female apologetic’’ is the balancing act of challenging societal expectation without appearing to do so. In the essay ‘‘I Won. I’m Sorry’’ Nelson illustrates the concept. A nonsport example is the woman at a meeting who says, ‘‘I’m sorry, maybe someone has already stated this idea, buty’’ (p. 3) when she knows perfectly well it is her idea. A sport-related example is an advertisement featuring a prominent woman athlete selling a very feminine-coded product such as nail polish. Research on women body builders (Shea, 2001; Boyle, 2005) suggests that to succeed they must perform the feminine apologetic. The paradox is that women who are athletes simultaneously conform to and subvert expectations; they accommodate and resist. The question explored by Weitz (2003) is whether the internalized discourse that women create when they simultaneously resist and accommodate actually subverts or upholds gendered ideology.

Beauty Norms Hegemonic femininity is a concept that encompasses the general standards or benchmarks that women within Western society must try to attain. Under the influence of hegemonic femininity, women must deal with beauty norms, which define what it means to have a feminine appearance, a feminine body or feminine physical characteristics. These include, but are not limited to, appropriate weight, muscle tone, height, body shape, hair, facial characteristics, skin color, make-up, clothes; and behavior or mannerisms such as being dainty, soft spoken; and displaying feminine traits such as passivity, docility, weakness, and being emotional and irrational (Dowling, 2000). The size, shape, location, and function of the physical body are a central issue within sport but also within gendered society at large. According to

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stereotypical gender norms, the ideal masculine body represents physical strength, large size, and aggressiveness, whereas the feminine ideal body is beautiful, small, thin, and weak (Roth & Basow, 2004). The ideal female body of recent decades represents a combination of past requirements, that is, a body that is erotic and naı¨ ve, delicate and muscular, thin with large breasts; slenderness is part of the contemporary beauty norms but so is voluptuousness (Bordo, 1993). Western beauty norms have race- and age-based dictates as well, preferring a young, white body (Saltzberg & Chrisler, 2003). The body is shaped, constrained, and invented by society (Caudwell, 2003). When images of beauty change, the female body is expected to change (Saltzberg & Chrisler, 2003). As a result, women constantly try to reinvent their external bodies to achieve current beauty norms because they come to know that they are defined by their physical appearances (Saltzberg & Chrisler, 2003). Weight is a central focus of beauty norms and distorted concerns about weight are internalized. Girls begin learning to control their weight early in their lives (Bordo, 1993). There are several reasons why individuals diet: aging – weight increases with age; disease – losing weight for health reasons; physical life event – such as gaining weight during pregnancy; style – dieting for appearance; smoking cessation – losing weight after quitting smoking; and innovation – trying out a new diet (Goldfarb, Leonard, & Suranovic, 2006). In trying to maintain beauty norms, women lose weight for stylemotivated purposes. The internalization of beauty norms is illustrated by Poole (2001) who observed and interviewed women over the age of 50. These women self-described their bodies in terms of these norms, in particular body shape and weight, and used physical activity to maintain their bodies.

The Frailty Myth Collette Dowling (2000) discusses the social construction of the female athlete, the body, and sport as the frailty myth. In the 19th century, the female body was deemed the reason why women were not capable of participating in society, from athletics to politics. Definitions of the female body were used as a form of social control and discipline. Nineteenthcentury women were taught to believe that weakness was their natural condition and, therefore, that they could not perform any acts that required physical or mental exertion. Whitson (2002) shows this was a self-fulfilling prophecy. In childhood through sports boys are taught to use their bodies in skilled, forceful ways, whereas girls were not taught to use or think about

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their bodies in the same manner. From an early age boys learn to live their bodies, experience themselves in active and powerful ways and seem to have healthy relationships with their bodies, whereas girls do not learn the same lessons. The frailty myth involves the constriction of physicality. This creates the perception that women do not want to be physical, especially in contact sport. Physical participation is the key in taking hold of the body, where the body can no longer be used as a means of domination (Dowling, 2000). Dowling saw that control of the body and use of the body had far reaching societal implications. Bodies are used to explain differences in behavior, which in turn relates to power. Power is created by an active and free body. A strong, physical body gives an individual the mental confidence to succeed within society. MacKinnon (1987) agreed with the relationship that Dowling drew between physical activity and self-esteem seeing sport participation as a liberating mechanism, one that gave the body agency instead of the body remaining an object. Once a girl or woman is taught to use her body in an active way, she is able to empower herself within sport and a gendered society.

METHODOLOGY Between April 17, 2006, and June 7, 2006, I interviewed 15 female rugby players and 15 female martial artists in Southwestern Ontario, Canada. I interviewed women ranging from 18 to 44 years of age. The ages of the women have a unique and unintended distribution. Fourteen rugby players were under the age of 30. Their ages ranged from 20 to 26 with one rugby player 30 years of age. The martial artists, however, displayed a distinct age split. Nine of the martial artists ranged from 18 to 31, whereas six martial artists ranged from 40 to 44 years of age. The sample (Table 1) was approximately evenly divided into the categories of never married and married. The race/ethnicity of the women was predominately white (21 or 70%), which suggested some race/ethnic bias. There also appeared to be some educational bias, where 90% of the women had various degrees of post-secondary education. Duration in their respective sport indicated a generally similar range of years spent. However, three of the martial artists had spent more than 16 years in the martial arts. Overall, the sample was overrepresented by single, white, educated women. Nonetheless there was some sample diversity in income, age, and occupation. And while findings from this sample cannot be generalized to a larger population, based on my

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Table 1. Variable Age (in years)

Sample Demographics. Rugby

Martial Arts

Total for Both Groups

%

n

%

n

%

18–20 21–23 24–26 27–29 30–33 W34 Total

2 13 5 33 7 47 0 0 1 7 0 0 15 100

3 1 2 1 2 6 15

20 8 13 7 13 40 101

5 6 9 1 3 6 30

17 20 30 3 10 20 100

Ethnicity English Canadian East Indian European Middle Eastern French Canadian Multicultural Other Total

10 67 1 7 1 7 1 7 0 0 2 13 0 0 15 101

11 1 0 0 1 1 1 15

73 7 0 0 7 7 7 101

21 2 1 1 1 3 1 30

70 7 3 3 3 10 3 99

Marital Status Never Married Married Common Law Total

7 47 7 47 1 7 15 101

8 7 0 15

53 47 0 100

15 14 1 30

50 47 3 100

53 13 13 13 0 7 0 99

2 1 2 2 1 6 1 15

13 7 13 13 7 40 7 100

10 3 4 4 1 7 1 30

33 10 13 13 3 23 3 98

1 7 0 0 9 60 Some University 3 20 University Degree (3–4 year program) 0 0 Post Secondary 2 13 Total 15 100

2 2 5 3 1 2 15

13 13 33 20 7 13 99

3 2 14 6 1 4 30

10 7 47 20 3 13 100

n

Household Income (in Canadian Dollars) o$19,999 8 $20,000–29,999 2 $30,000–39,999 2 $40,000–49,999 2 $50,000–59,999 0 W$60,000 1 Missing 1 Total 15 Education High School College Diploma (2-year program)

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Table 1. (Continued ) Variable Age (in years)

Rugby

Total for Both Groups

%

n

%

n

%

7 47 3 20 5 33 0 0 0 0 15 100

8 4 0 1 2 15

53 27 0 7 13 100

15 7 5 1 2 30

50 23 17 3 7 100

n Duration in Sport (in years) 0–5 6–10 11–15 16–20 W21 Total

Martial Arts

own personal experiences with these two sports, this sample does approximate the demographics of the sampling frame for this project – that is, Southwestern Canadian women who participate in rugby or martial arts. The demographics of the older group were similar to the demographics of the overall sample in terms of race/ethnicity and education. Apart from this similarity, this was a distinct group. All the older women had completed their education; household incomes were greater than $40,000 and had professional positions such as social worker, early childhood educator, and application programmer. All but Nikki were married and had children. The participants were not directly asked about their children; however during the conversations their children were mentioned. It appeared that their children ranged in age from elementary to high school and perhaps even college and university. It was also apparent that these women still played an active role in their children’s lives. On the basis of the review of the literature, I wanted to examine several areas through the interview schedule including the women’s perceptions of femininity and masculinity, experiences within contact sports, the body and the influence of sport on self-conception (e.g., body image, self-esteem). This was the basis for the creation of the interview schedule, which was organized into themes with the questions geared toward exploring these general themes. I began the interview process with general themes in mind. Even though I followed the interview schedule for all participants, I allowed flexibility within the interview to take into consideration any topics that the participants brought up themselves (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Probing questions were used to further explore these topics. In exploring women’s experiences within contact sport, I wanted women’s voices to be heard. To achieve this goal, I used a Standpoint Feminist

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approach in conducting in-depth interviewing. In-depth interviewing ensured that the women participating in this research would be able to construct their own realities. This corresponds with Standpoint Feminist theory in which the focus is to look at the perspectives and realities of the female athletes, and to look at sport through the point of view of individual women (Hartsock, 1998). I developed my sample through snowball and purposive nonprobability sampling. Eligibility criteria required that rugby participants had played at least one season, which was at least six months. This time frame allowed for the participant to have experienced practices, games, and social events associated with rugby. Female martial artists had to practice the martial arts for at least 12 months before the time of the interview. This allowed for the participants to have learned how to kick, punch, and spar (fight) and possibly to have graduated from being a white (beginner) belt. There were no restrictions for participants in regard to race/ethnicity. To begin data collection, I decided to conduct five interviews with the rugby players and martial artists and then look over my results and review the interview guide. I received ethics approval in 2005 for the pilot study. Using a recruitment script, I contacted the first five rugby players. Once the five interviews were conducted, the first five martial artists were contacted. Again, as a result of my experience within the martial arts culture, I was able to contact five female martial artists through one of the martial art clubs and other personal contacts. In both cases, consent was given, and the interviews were conducted at a mutually determined location. The interviews lasted approximately two hours and were audio-recorded and transcribed. After the first 10 interviews, I confirmed that the interview schedule was appropriate and continued my recruitment. Once the interviews were transcribed, I read over the interviews to re-familiarize myself with the conversations and begin to get general ideas in terms of main themes that the women in the sample were discussing. I used HyperResearch 2.6.1 (qualitative analysis software) to organize my coding and analysis of the interview transcripts as well. The ability of HyperResearch to create a master list allowed me to create codes that could be applied to all of the transcripts. I used the capability of the program to print out collections of text highlighted according to specific codes and placed these text excerpts in word files. Once the reports were printed, I read and analyzed text excerpts further. Sorting and summarizing involved pulling together data with the same codes, summarizing what is written, and asking what is missing (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Sorting and comparing consisted of sorting obvious differences in background characteristics and comparing to help better understand and theorize about

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what was going on (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). These methods of analyzing data helped to group together the various commonalities and differences that seemed to be apparent in the interviews. I also used the method of weighing and combining the data, which suggested synthesizing different versions of the same event or different versions of the same concept of a theme (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). The process of coding and analyzing was continuous. I pulled together the same experiences and explanations but at the same time tried to point out unique explanations and experiences. The purpose of this exploratory research was to bring the experiences of women in contact sport to the forefront of the discussion of gender and sport. The findings that I present focus on the unique group of six female martial artists (the older group) and the similarities and differences that emerged in comparison with the younger group of female rugby players and martial artists. Even though the older groups consisted of only six women, it presents an opportunity to explore age differences in sporting experiences that is limited within the literature.

FINDINGS The focus of this analysis of age, gender, and sport is on the six women who are 40 years of age and over. An overview of the older group will be given to establish their experiences with being physically active, how they feel about that physicality, and why they started the martial arts. This will give a better understanding of the older group when comparisons are made between the older group and the younger group.

The Older Group The older group of six martial artists are: Abby (40), Jessie (43), Karly (45), Niki (44, and only single woman in the group), Ruth (42), and Suzie (42). These women became physically active at several different stages in their lives. Abby, Niki, and Suzie started being physically active in childhood. Karly and Ruth approximated their initial participation in their mid-teens. Jessie was the most interesting woman in that she began being physically active when she was 38. Other than bowling, Jessie’s only other activity is the martial arts. Growing up she was not allowed to participate in activities; her family thought it was not proper for young women.

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These women chose martial arts and remain in martial arts for various reasons. Jessie, Ruth, and Abby began martial arts for family and boyfriend reasons. Abby was introduced to the martial arts by her boyfriend. They are married now and her husband has his own club. It has become a family activity, and one of the reasons that Abby remains in the sport. She also remains in the sport because of time issues and because it is a sport that is adaptable to her age. Ruth came to the martial arts because of her daughter being bullied. Once one daughter was in, Ruth also brought her other daughter into martial arts because it increased confidence levels. Ruth then followed her second daughter. She stayed because it became a family activity. Jessie joined after she put her son into the martial arts, for self-defense, to meet people and to get in shape. Niki, Karly, and Suzie joined for reasons similar to those that will be identified in the younger group. Niki joined because the club was close to her, for self-defense, to meet people, and because she always wanted to practice the martial arts. Suzie first went with a friend. Karly joined because she wanted to be independent. Karly, Jessie, Niki, and, to some degree, Suzie have remained in the martial arts for empowerment reasons. Karly likes the strength that martial arts provides, mentally and physically, because of the ability to empower herself and others, and the ability to take care of herself in any situation. This is similar to Jessie where she not only identifies an increase in her self-confidence, but she likes the ability to take care of herself and her children in threatening situations. Niki also found it empowering to be able to hurt people. This is an illustration of Dowling (2000) and MacKinnon’s (1987) connection between being physical and empowered. Karly and Niki were physically active from a young age, so they continued to be physically active for a long time. However, the ability to be physically able to take care of themselves is connected to empowerment. Jessie accentuates how an unrestricted body or a trained body can increase a woman’s self-confidence and her ability to take care of herself. In essence, these women have taken themselves out of the victim role, a role in which society has socialized them to be through Dowling’s (2000) concept of the frailty myth. This connection between physicality and empowerment was furthered when I asked these martial artists what they defined as physical, how it was seen within their sport and how they felt about being physical. All of the women perceived their sport as a physical sport, which was defined as sweating, constantly moving, body aches, using muscles, potentially hurting someone else, contact with other people, heart pumping, cardiovascular and


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mind and body working together. No matter how physicality was described, the feeling surrounding being physical in martial arts was positive. For example, Abby suggested that it is empowering to rely on herself. For Karly, being physical is not only being strong and powerful, it also makes her an effective mother because she can protect her children. Jessie was frightened at first, but now feels capable, accomplished, powerful, and in control. This is not surprising in Jessie’s situation, since she started to be physically active when she was 38. Before this time, she was accommodating societal expectations of femininity (Weitz, 2003), the woman as victim, passive and restricted. As she started to train her body, she gained confidence and became empowered. As these women have highlighted their role within their family and work, their commitment to martial arts can be perceived as serious. All the women wanted to continue within the ranks of the martial arts to achieve their black belts and then to become second, fourth, and even sixth degree black belts (the highest is 10th degree black belt). I asked these martial artists how long they wanted to remain in the martial arts; two interesting themes emerged. The first came from Abby and Karly, who suggested that their continued participation and devotion to the martial arts was determined by their familial obligations. The other was the mention of their body. Abby, Jessie, Ruth, and Suzie suggested that it depended on how long their body would hold out. Their mentioning of the body holding out was not in relation to injury but can be interpreted as referring to an aging body. For example, Jessie stated that age was an issue as to how long she would remain in the martial arts. Suzie also referred to age and body when she stated that her continuation of practicing martial arts would depend on her doctor’s approval. For all these women, sport was an important part of their lives. These martial artists alluded to the positive effects of sport in terms of mental or physical well-being. Abby, Jessie, and Ruth mentioned that without sport, their body would be affected negatively. Jessie, Niki, Ruth, and Suzie referred to sport as a positive influence on their self-confidence, and Suzie specifically mentioned sport as a stress release. Jessie’s comment about sport helping keep a healthy body was mentioned in the context of seeing the bodies of other women of her age falling apart. These women are referring to an ideal body image that needs to be maintained and observed as they become older, which corresponds to a societal perception of the female body. However, their inclusion of mental health in terms of confidence, esteem, and management of stress reflects their resistance to society’s perception of the irrational, emotional older woman.

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Comparison: The Older versus the Younger The comparison between the young and older groups will focus on why the women began rugby and the martial arts, the importance of sport within their lives, age and the body, and perceptions of femininity. The women in the older group all related sport to their experiences of gendered life stages, that is, marriage and motherhood.

Why Rugby and Martial Arts, and Is Sport Important? When discussing why the younger group began in their respective contact sports, I had to differentiate between rugby and the martial arts. The rugby players appeared to join because friends had introduced them to the sport. Once they joined and started to participate, they fell in love with rugby, and some suggested it became an addiction. The younger martial artists, on the contrary, expressed reasons similar to those of the older group, where self-defense was a dominant reason to begin. There were also similarities in terms of family. Lucy, 31, had no choice but to participate in the martial arts because her family is a martial arts family. Also, Jessica who was 18 reported that her dad enrolled her so she could learn self-defense. However, Jorgy who is 26 and married was introduced to martial arts by her husband. She specifically wanted to join because she was fat. Niki, who is single, is the only one from the older group who did not experience the same gendered life stages that the other women did. It appears that age, when it intersects with gendered life expectations, affects why women joined martial arts and rugby. No matter how different rugby is in purpose, the women who began rugby joined because of acquaintances and stayed because of friendship and social reasons. For several of the rugby players, it became an all consuming event, and something that women, who have to fulfill several gender roles, would not be able to experience. Sport selection and retention can be attributed to gendered life stages, which typically come with age. This is not to suggest that women who are married and have children do not devote time to sport, but their prioritization of roles and stages could differ from younger women allowing them less time for time specific sport and searching for a more flexible sport. The importance of sport in the lives of these women, young or old, is similar. All those in the younger group stated that sport was a positive influence in their lives. They raised issues of a healthy body, self-confidence, and self-esteem. An interesting difference is that the younger group referred


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to instances where sport was all consuming, it shaped their lives, and it was second only to church and family. For the younger group it appeared to be a more personal self-reflection dealing with issues of confidence, motivation, and generally the ability to focus on oneself versus the family and work roles. When comparing the younger and older groups, gendered life stages, that is marriage and motherhood, also influenced how sport is important in their lives.

Age and Perceptions of the Body The participants were asked about body perceptions. The rugby players’ and martial artists’ (younger and older groups) self-descriptions often used beauty norm terminology. Sixty percent (n ¼ 18) self-described their bodies by referring at least indirectly to their weight. Forty-seven percent (n ¼ 14) self-described their actual bodies using some measure of height as well. Actual bodies were also described according to strength and muscle (n ¼ 10, 33%), body shape (n ¼ 11, 37%), and broad shoulders (n ¼ 3, 10%). In describing their actual bodies, while the women did refer to typical beauty norm characteristics, they also included characteristics that described a sporting body. It was evident that internalized beauty norms are significant, but so are the norms for bodies within women’s sports. Especially since the women were asked to describe their bodies right after they were asked about the typical bodies in their respective sports, their self-descriptions often included a wide range of characteristics. It is telling, however, that regardless of the terms they used to describe their bodies, a majority of participants prioritized a discussion of weight. The younger group discussed typical issues surrounding weight in terms of body image, athleticism, and femininity. Tess, 22, a rugby player, seemed to describe herself in ways that emphasized the importance of weight, on or off the pitch: ‘‘I used to be really skinny and I have worked hard, you know. I’ve worked hard to have a body that’s, I don’t know, what I want it to be y an athletic body because I like sports so much, to me [that] means a stronger body.’’ Tess described a skinny body, referring to her weight, as one that was inappropriate for sport; in other words, a skinny body was not a strong body. Tess wanted the strong, athletic, heavier body because she liked to participate in rugby. In addition, Jorgy, 26, described herself as a ‘‘chunky monkey, that is having a few extra pounds, but not obese.’’ Other terms that were used by other participants included ‘‘small,’’ ‘‘short,’’ ‘‘solid,’’ ‘‘pear,’’ ‘‘chubby,’’ ‘‘muscular,’’ ‘‘overweight,’’ ‘‘strong,’’ and

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‘‘healthy,’’ but also ‘‘not completely happy.’’ Most striking were the interviewees’ descriptions of being ‘‘solid and healthy, but not completely happy.’’ ‘‘Solid’’ was the term used by Jessie, 43, to describe her body which could be a compliment for a female athlete, but it was offensive to her if used in a social, nonathletic context. These descriptions of body image and beauty norms were similar in both younger and older participants. It can be assumed that age does not contribute to a decline in perceptions of body image and beauty norms. These are internalized gendered ideologies that are begun at a young age and remain as one gets older. These are similar to Poole’s (2001) conclusions of her observations of women over the age of fifty, where they were concerned about their body shape and weight. In discussing the body, a unique finding occurred in how the older group compared their older bodies to their younger bodies. As these women discussed how they would change their bodies, if they could, they referred to internalized expectations of beauty norms and body image. Suzie, 42, stated that she felt good at 42 and thought her body was getting stronger as she became older, but she was also trying to counteract her aging body. She was getting slower as she got older and simultaneously was trying to get better and stronger. Suzie was the only participant who was specific in her comparison between a younger and older body. Niki also implied this comparison. Niki, a martial artist, age 44, described a body with weight and a body without: ‘‘With or without the fat? (Laughter) Um, when I wasn’t overweight, I had, um, like, a, what do they call it, I was like muscular.’’ At 44, I assumed that Niki was referring to her body when it was younger, thinner, and muscular compared to her older body, which she described as having fat. Both Suzie and Niki compared different versions of themselves. Perhaps at some point in their lives they saw themselves as having attained some form of the ideal body and were striving to regain that body as they aged. However, they still may not have perceived their bodies to be ideal when they were of a younger age. This should be of no surprise. Western’s perception of hegemonic femininity not only includes a thin body but also youth. Individuals’ pursuit of younger bodies may be a relevant theme to consider for future research conducted on older athletes.

Definitions of Femininity The general definitions of femininity by younger and older participants were similar and were stated nonchalantly, very much in a neutral manner. Several themes emerged: physical appearance, behavior, roles, comparing to


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a man/masculinity, and confidence. In all the themes, age was not a factor in defining femininity. In accordance with beauty norms, Campbell, a rugby player, aged 20, defined femininity as ‘‘looking the part’’: ‘‘Looking the part, like, everything has to match, you have to be pretty or your hair is always done and your make up is always on with not a smear on your face y If you’re feminine, you’re all, like, dainty, you know what I mean? If you’re feminine you care what you look like, just your whole style and how you carry yourself.’’ Abby, a martial artist, aged 40, and Karly, a martial artist, aged 45, referred to ‘‘mannerisms’’ as part of ‘‘feminine’’ behavior too. Language was also briefly mentioned as part of the definition of femininity. Abby saw it as ‘‘an actual language that would be accepted.’’ Defining femininity in general terms, both the young and older women used gendered terms. This similarity re-enforces how internalized gendered perceptions remain an influential part of a woman’s life. The older women defined femininity in terms of roles. Two of the women who included roles in their definition of femininity were younger but referred to relationships and partners. Here I focus on the older women who referred to caregiving and motherhood. Abby, aged 40, included her role as mother in her definition of femininity and discussed instances when she needed to display this role: For example, if a child has fallen and hurt themselves and if mom is there to provide the comfort or dad, I’m not saying that dad can’t bring that comfort, I think that moms, potentially, in my own dynamic, would be sought out for that comfort as opposed to seeking it from the dad. There is a different level of- it’s just a different feeling. When the kids are sick, they want mom. We’re both parents, but they want mom. Mom has a different way of doing it.

In relaying this example, Abby showed her femininity through her role as a mother. Abby also suggested a definition of femininity that referred to a gendered life stage. The definitions of femininity also consisted of childrearing responsibilities as mentioned by Karly. Karly, age 45, saw her role of mother as being the epitome of femininity. ‘‘There’s nothing more feminine than a mom who can take care of her kids. Nothing [is] more feminine!’’ Thus, motherhood and perhaps caregivers, in general, represent femininity. Niki, aged 44, explained: ‘‘For me it’s like, I said, being the caretaker, the caregiver, you know, always putting everybody else’s needs and wants ahead of yours.’’ Niki made it clear that it was the self-sacrifice of the caregiver and her prioritization of others’ needs that she equated with femininity.

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The roles that were mentioned by these women in the sample were genderspecific roles but they were also life-stage roles. The marital status and ages of women who mentioned roles varied, thus suggesting that these are not stand alone factors affecting women’s definitions of femininity. However, age as a characteristic of social location could be a factor. A more relevant factor may be the relationship between age, life stage, and gendered perceptions. Femininity was defined according to hegemonic feminine perceptions. I asked these women if femininity was an issue for a female athlete, in general. Four women of the older group did not perceive femininity as an issue for female athletes. Surprisingly, 22 women of the younger group perceived femininity as an issue for female athletes in terms of the feminine paradox and apologetic. Their concerns focused on issues that included sexual orientation and female athletes not being feminine. Generally, women who are athletes are not seen as being feminine. Cindy suggests that a woman can be labeled a lesbian; as a result she may have to be extra feminine. Lilly alludes to presentation, ‘‘It’s really how you present yourself.’’ Presentation may refer to the feminine apologetic. The female body is dressed to re-enforce hegemonic femininity and beauty norms, ensuring societal acceptance. Sexual orientation was an issue for several of the younger group. Brenda makes this connection, ‘‘If you’re not feminine and you are female in sport, then automatically they assume you’re a dyke.’’ The perception is that sport is masculine and if women participate in sport, they cannot be feminine. They fall into the feminine paradox. Female athletes who participate in male-dominated sport must show their femininity. Abby, from the older group, also made this connection, where she believed that it would be an issue if the sport was male or female dominated. The sample is too small to come to a definitive conclusion in terms of age and perceptions of femininity and female athletes. Nevertheless, the younger group, as a result of not having many gendered life roles to contend with, focused on fulfilling beauty norms and following the feminine apologetic. Continuing the discussion of femininity and sport, the women were asked whether they were concerned about being feminine in rugby and martial arts and whether they had to show their femininity in rugby and martial arts. The older group continued to suggest that femininity was not a concern in their sport or when they were taking part in a martial arts class. The younger group differed. Fourteen women of the young group considered femininity an issue with rugby or the martial arts. Betty best exemplifies a balance that must be created, ‘‘Saturday night most of us go home and shower and try

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and look completely different from our rugby selves’’. However, there does not appear to be any confusion when performing the martial arts or actually playing rugby. Nineteen women of the young group stated they did not have to show their femininity on the pitch or performing martial arts.

DISCUSSION Age has been a missing variable in the literature addressing gender and sport. This presentation of research findings begins to fill that gap. Unique in this discussion of age, gender, and sport is the ability to compare the experiences of older and younger women. Age was framed in terms of internalized gender ideologies such as doing gender, feminine paradox and apologetic, and the frailty myth. These gendered ideologies have been taught to young girls and women as tools for control. As Dowling (2000) suggests, the frailty myth has socialized women to perceive themselves as devalued and inferior. The comparison between the younger and older groups illustrates how internalized beauty norms and the need to do gender do not simply disappear, but the focus shifts as one gets older. Women of the older group have shown that sport can be empowering. They have resisted the underlying ideologies that have maintained their subordination (Weitz, 2003). However, at the same time they compare their older body to a younger body or refer to weight as a means of describing how they would change their body to achieve their younger body. They accommodate to the societal perception of the ideal body, a young, vivacious body (Weitz, 2003). Resistance and accommodation was illustrated by the younger group as they suggested that femininity is an issue for female athletes. Even though the sample of the older group is small and cannot be generalized to the larger population, this discussion of age, gender, and sport identifies a deep concern as to how women at a young age accept beauty norms, doing gender, the feminine paradox and apologetic and the frailty myth. It is disconcerting to realize that as women age, we do not gain wisdom in terms of completely resisting these ideologies. These ideologies are re-enforced and maintained by society and women. Further research should explore and examine age and sport, how gender ideologies can be dismantled so that female athletes will not have to prove they are feminine enough.

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REFERENCES Alley, T. R., & Hicks, C. M. (2005). Peer attitudes towards adolescents participants in maleand female-oriented sports. Adolescence, 40(158), 273–280. Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, western culture, and the body. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Boyle, L. (2005). Flexing the tensions of female muscularity: How female bodybuilders negotiate normative femininity in competitive bodybuilding. Women’s Studies Quarterly, 33(1/2), 134–149. Caudwell, J. (2003). Sporting gender: Women’s footballing bodies as sites/sights for the (re)articulation of sex, gender, and desire. Sociology of Sport Journal (20), 371–386. Chase, L. F. (2006). (Un)disciplined bodies: A Foucauldian analysis of women’s rugby. Sociology of Sport Journal, 23, 229–247. Corcoran, J. (1992). The martial arts companion: Culture, history, and enlightenment. New York: Michael Friedman Publishing Group, Inc. Dowling, C. (2000). The frailty myth: Women approaching physical equality. New York: Random House. Fallon, M. A., & Jome, L. M. (2007). An explanation of gender-role expectations and conflict among women rugby players. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 311–321. Goldfarb, R. S., Leonard, T. C., & Suranovic, S. (2006). Modeling alternative motives for dieting. Eastern Economic Journal, 32(1), 115–131. Guthrie, S. R. (1995). Liberating the Amazon: Feminism and the martial arts. Women & Therapy, 16(2-3), 107. Guthrie, S. R. (1997). Defending the self: Martial arts and women’s self-esteem. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 6(1), 1. Hartsock, N. C. M. (1998). The feminist standpoint revisited and other essays. Oxford, England: Westview Press. Krane, V., Choi, P. Y. L., Baird, S. M., & Aimar, C. M. (2004). Living the paradox: Female athletes negotiate femininity and muscularity. Sex roles, 50(5/6), 315–329. Lenskyj, H. J. (1994). Girl-friendly sport and female values. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 3(1), 35. Light, R., & Kirk, D. (2000). High school rugby, the body and the reproduction of hegemonic masculinity Sport. Education and Society, 5(2), 163. Lorber, J. (2003). The social construction of gender. In: E. Disch (Ed.), Reconstructing gender: A multicultural anthology (pp. 96–103). Boston: McGraw Hill. MacKinnon, C. A. (1987). Feminism unmodified: Discourses on life and law (pp.117–124). London: Harvard University Press. McCaughey, M. (1998). The fighting spirit: Women’s self-defense training and the discourse of sexed embodiment. Gender and Society, 12(3), 277–300. Nelson, M. B. (2001). I won. I’m sorry. Available at http://www.womenssportsfoundation.org/ Content/Articles/Issues/Equity-Issues/I/I-Won-Im-Sorry.aspx. Retrieved on October 6, 2009. Poole, M. (2001). Fit for life: Older women’s commitment to exercise. Journal of Aging and Physical Activity, 9, 300–312. Pringle, R., & Markula, P. (2005). No pain is same after all: A Foucauldian analysis of masculinities and men’s experiences in rugby. Sociology of Sport Journal, 22, 472–497.


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Roth, A., & Basow, S. A. (2004). Femininity, sports, and feminism: Developing a theory of physical liberation. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 28(3), 245–265. Rubin, H. J., & Rubin, I. S. (2005). Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Saltzberg, E. A., & Chrisler, J. C. (2003). Beauty is the beast: Psychological effects of the pursuit of the perfect female body. In: E. Disch (Ed.), Reconstructing gender: A multicultural anthology (pp. 167–177). New York: McGraw Hill. Schacht, S. P. (1996). Misogyny on and off the ‘‘pitch’’: The gendered world of male rugby players. Gender and Society, 10(5), 550–565. Searles, P., & Berger, R. J. (1987). The feminist self-defense movement: A case study. Gender and Society, 1(1), 61–84. Shakib, S., & Dunbar, M. D. (2002). The social construction of female and male high school basketball participation: Reproducing the gender order through a two-tiered sporting institution. Sociological Perspectives, 45(4), 353–378. Shea, C. (2001). The paradox of pumping iron: Female bodybuilding as resistance and compliance. Women and Language, 24(2), 42–46. Smith, D., & Stewart, S. (2003). Sexual aggression and sports participation. Journal of Sport Behavior, 26(4), 384–395. Theberge, N. (1997). It’s part of the game: Physicality and the production of gender in women’s hockey. Gender and Society, 11(1), 69–87. Theberge, N. (2003). No fear comes: Adolescent girls, ice hockey, and the embodiment of gender. Youth and Society, 34(4), 497–516. Weitz, R. (2003). Women and their hair: Seeking power through resistance and accommodation. In: R. Weitz (Ed.), The politics of women’s bodies: Sexuality, appearance, and behavior (pp. 135–151). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Whitson, D. (2002). The embodiment of gender: Discipline, domination, and empowerment. In: S. Scraton & A. Flintoff (Eds), Gender and sport: A reader (pp. 227–240). London: Routledge.

SLAM DUNK: STRATEGIC SPORT METAPHORS AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF MASCULINE EMBODIMENT AT WORK Michele Rene Gregory ABSTRACT Purpose – This article examines the relationship between strategic sports metaphors, such as ‘‘slam dunk’’ and ‘‘trash talk,’’ and white middle-class heterosexual masculine embodiment in competitive work environments. Competitive organizations, like sports arenas are contested spaces, and in these environments employees, like athletes, work to ‘‘position’’ themselves to maximize their chances of winning valuable projects and clients from other employees and competing companies. Value of chapter – Unlike previous research which finds that men’s use of sports at work is primarily a feature of male networks and socializing, the argument presented here is that sports tropes are used and enacted by men to structure the production process, including intra- and interorganizational business meetings, client projects, and committee work. Sports references are also used to construct hegemonic masculinity


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at work, which results in women, gays and black men being constructed as inferior. Research implications – The issues raised in this chapter will be useful for empirical studies that examine the relationship between the importance of sports at work, and whether groups such as women, gay men and lesbians, the disabled, older, and overweight business professionals identify with sports and whether this destabilizes assumptions of embodied heterosexual able-bodied male superiority. Approach – The data used in this analysis draw upon the my background as a Division I collegiate basketball player and 10 years of experience and observations as a marketing professional and business executive in the financial services industry in the United States.

[y] these men speak a language of power learned on playgrounds and playing fields, and the media’s presentation of sport contributes to the ideological legitimization and naturalization of their power and privilege over women and other marginalized and subordinated men. (Statement about American men who hold powerful positions, Messner, 1992, p. 170)

Valerie, you’re not a guy but let me explain it to you in sport terms. It’s like we’re in a basketball game, and I’m gonna fumble the ball, and someone’s gonna steal the ball, and I’m gonna miss a free throw, but we’re gonna win the game. (Quote from United States Senator Barack Obama, cited in MacFarquhar, 2007, p. 57).

In the second quote above, made during the campaign period leading up to the Democratic Party Presidential primaries, then Senator Obama invokes numerous sports references in explaining to a female staffer his strategy for handling negative press. The fact that Obama makes a connection between the gender of this staff member and her presumable lack of knowledge about sports is revealing. What is even more telling is the association he makes between sports and his ability to tackle the myriad challenges affecting presidential candidates. Both quotes ultimately illustrate that for many men in highly competitive professions, their actions and positions are anchored in sports references and strategies. Embodying an athletic masculinity at work – through speech or behavior – symbolizes the prized attributes of domination and winning. To what extent, then, are sports metaphors and strategies constructed in the workplace to provide meaning and identity for men?

Sport Metaphors and Masculine Embodiment at Work

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INTRODUCTION This article examines the relationship between strategic sports metaphors and white middle-class heterosexual masculine embodiment in competitive work environments. A key question is whether men use sports to construct workplace narratives of competency and domination. For example, how do these men, who associate sports with their workplace identities and actions as men, perpetuate beliefs about their domination and superiority over other marked groups – women, ethnic minorities, and gays and lesbians? In addition, how do sports metaphors and strategies reaffirm white-male-hegemonic masculinity? This question is particularly important given the visibility and success of many African-American male athletes. Most sports metaphors refer to aggressive behavior that is deemed necessary to accomplish projects, to secure business deals or to overcome adversity. Because sports are instrumental in linking masculinity with aggressive behavior, hegemonic masculine cultures at work are likely to embrace forceful and audacious behavior as part of the production process. Jay Coakley suggests that ‘‘being tough, disciplined, and physically strong enough to dominate others often is the central criterion for evaluating everyone from coaches to business executives: ‘doing it like a man’ is usually the way to gain power and influence’’ (2004, p. 268). Additionally, Connell and Messerschmidt argue that, although most men do not represent hegemonic masculinity, its power lies in constructing masculinity through esteemed ‘‘exemplars of masculinity (for example, professional sports stars), symbols that have authority despite the fact that most men and boys do not fully live up to them’’ (2005, p. 846). There has been a growing volume of work examining male bodies in maledominated spaces at work (McDowell, 1997; Pierce, 1996; Wolkowitz, 2006). Writing about sports and masculine embodiment outside of sports arenas contributes to the growing body of research that examines gender and other forms of workplace disparities. Greater acknowledgement of this phenomenon by senior executives at work can be beneficial in addressing the way in which sports are sometimes used to construct inferior spaces for women and other marked groups, potentially affecting not only their workplace relationships but also their productivity. Although former male athletes have used their sports experience to analyze gender inequality (Messner, 1992; Messner & Sabo, 1994), my analysis of this workplace phenomenon is from an unusual perspective of both former female athlete and corporate employee.

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The next section examines the relevant literature on sports and masculine embodiment at work and explains the methodology. The sections that follow will analyze how sports metaphors and sports strategies are used to create masculine embodiment at work.

SPORTS, MASCULINITY, AND IDENTITY AT WORK The relationship between competitive sports and the construction of hegemonic masculinities in western cultures has been well documented (Connell, 1990; Kimmel, 1987; Messner, 2003; Messner & Sabo, 1994). Studies also show that aggressive and violent contact sports have been important in the construction of male superiority (Connell, 1983; Messner, 1992, 2002). This type of hegemonic masculinity contributes to the valorization of male heterosexuality as a form of conquest over women. Messner (1992) and Messner and Sabo (1994) argue that male athletes’ locker room discussions about sex are often misogynistic depicting themselves as hyperheterosexual and women as sexual objects to be conquered. However, the influence of sports in constructing the praxis of masculinity extends well outside of the athletic arenas, as the ‘‘locker room,’’ a metaphor that in part symbolizes sports talk and sexist language and behavior, also exists in male-dominated companies (Connell, 2005; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Gregory, 2009a; Marshall, 1984). Although the studies mentioned above examine forms of athletic masculinity in highly skilled white-male-dominated organizations, an analysis of sports and masculinity would be inadequate without a discussion of how race intersects with sports and masculinity.

Black Male Athletes and the Embodiment of Nonmanagerial Masculinities Black, biracial, and other ethnic minority male athletes have achieved unparalleled status and financial success, especially in the United States. However, African-American men’s dominance in team sports only extends to two high-profile sports, football, and basketball. Messner (1989) notes that in these two sports young black men are more likely to be found in ‘‘low-prestige and high-risk positions’’ (for injuries) and few leave with the skills necessary for employment (p. 72). The role of black men in American institutions in more ‘‘intellectual roles’’ as coaches and managers from sports to business is limited (Hanis-Martin, 2006, p. 280; Hoberman, 1997, p. 4).


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However, black men’s embodiment is crucial in the discourse of professional sports, race and power in the United States. Athletic performance is often racialized and essentialist – black athletes are viewed as more physical, fervent, unpredictable, and naturally good players, compared to white athletes who are seen to be more logical, dependable, and better at controlling and managing other players (Davis & Harris, 1998; Knoppers & Anthonissen, 2005; McCarthy & others, 2003; Simons, 2003). These racially divided masculine embodiments help white men maintain their racial (in addition to gender) superiority. This has been particularly noticeable in the National Football League (NFL) where the most important position requiring leadership and intelligence – starting quarterback – is dominated by white players (approximately 80%), although 65% of NFL players are black. The images and characteristics that are used to define black men (and women) – sometimes regardless of their class – do not for the most part consist of attributes considered important for cerebral and highly skilled positions in sporting arenas and in corporate business environments. If black men are largely not seen to embody intelligence or leadership skills, what do they represent? Media representations of black men in America often frame them as athletes, criminals, and rap artists – physically menacing hypersexual men who pose a constant danger to wider (white) society. Tucker (2003) argues that even famous professional black male basketball players are constructed as ‘‘other’’ in the media and off the court, so their ‘‘black man’’ marking follows them wherever they go and whatever they do. Given the portrayal of black male athletes, it is important to ascertain how the issue of race, sports, and masculinity enter into predominantly white-male-dominated organizations.

Competitive Sports and White Masculine Embodiment at Work The relationship between sports and masculinity at work is primarily viewed as a form of ‘‘masculine performance’’ (Butler, 1990). Although some women embody forms of masculinities (Halberstam, 1998; Messerschmidt, 2004), the performance of masculinities represents behavior routinely connected with men, including ‘‘stereotypes about male bodily strength and athleticism, sexual and physical assertiveness and aggression, competitiveness and control’’ (Knoppers & Anthonissen, 2005, p. 124; Whitehead & Barrett, 2001). In addition, multiple masculinities (Carrigan, Connell & Lee, 1985), a term commonly used to indicate that intersections of race, ethnicity,

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sexuality, and class, must be taken into account when examining the behavior of different groups of men. Knoppers and Anthonissen (2005) reference work by Burstyn (1999) and Messner (2002) to argue that, despite the fact that increasing numbers of women and girls take part in athletics, ‘‘more men than ever before attend, read, watch and talk about sport and have increasingly more opportunities to do so’’ (2005, p. 125). A growing number of studies illustrate that professional, managerial, and executive men’s discussions about sports are prevalent at work, are constructed as part of male bonding, have material benefits in areas such as hirings and promotions and are sometimes detrimental to women (Collinson & Hearn, 1996; Martin, 2001a, 2001b; Morgan & Martin, 2006; O¨zbilgin & Woodward, 2004; Persaud & others, 1990). Martin (2001a, b) uses the term ‘‘mobilizing masculinities’’ to refer to practices that two or more men engage in, such as talking about sports, and her data suggest that women find this disturbing because such practices have nothing to do with work. Although these women’s assessments have validity, it is important to analyze how sports in the workplace constitute more than idle watercooler talk and to recognize that sports metaphors and strategies are part of the production process (e.g., intra- and inter-organizational business meetings, client projects, and committee work) in competitive environments. Messner’s (1989) research on male athletes finds that occupational norms for white upper-class men do not include becoming professional athletes, although many ‘‘transfer’’ their inculcation regarding masculine embodiment learned through sports to their ‘‘education and careers’’ (p. 79). Messner also suggests that former white upper-class male athletes view sports as a key factor in male bonding and also continue to use sports to express their superiority over women (p. 79). Moreover, Coakley (2004) finds that since sports are a critical component of corporate culture, women who lack an interest in ‘‘national men’s sports tend to be excluded from’’ business and social events which place a premium on sports (p. 367). Despite the relationship between sports and hegemonic masculinity, few studies are devoted to analyzing the connection between the importance of sports metaphors and strategies and professional and executive masculine work environments.

Sports Metaphors at Work In their empirical study of teamwork metaphors in a variety of organizations, Gibson and Zellmer-Bruhn (2001) state that ‘‘the metaphor


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is evoked whenever a pattern of inferences from one conceptual domain is used in another. In this way, metaphors are a key mechanism through which we comprehend abstract concepts and perform abstract reasoning’’ (p. 276). Some metaphors are used to symbolize strategy – a plan designed to achieve a particular outcome. Strategies are often deliberate and detailed and can be enacted to achieve long- or short-term goals. Although teamwork metaphors are important in the analysis of any organization, Gibson and Zellmer-Bruhn do not analyze these sports tropes as a construction of power and masculine embodiment. In corporate environments, language and behavior represent power and authority or metaphors of conquest. In addition, male professionals, managers, and executives use sports tropes at work as a way of embodying competence. For example, in Sally Ann Davies-Netzley’s (1998) study of how female and male chief executive officers working in small to mid-sized corporations in Southern California accounted for their success, a number of the male executives articulated their performance in terms of aggressive competencies associated with sports analogies and successful athletes, such as the ‘‘star quarterback’’ (p. 343). Although many of the women executives argued that men at the top had shared interests and that the existence of informalmale-dominated networks worked against women, only one of her female interviewees referred to the importance of sports as a masculine preserve at work. This may suggest that women have not been socialized to integrate sports as part of their identities, and are thus oblivious to the importance of sports at work. Accounts of men’s use of sports references to frame themselves and others at work appear to be largely documented by other men. In his ethnography of masculine embodiment on the floor of a commodities trading floor in a Mid-western American city, Peter Levin’s (2001) key argument is that temporality regulates a great deal of the gendered and sexualized workplace behavior exhibited by men. During busy periods of work, male traders use sports and military metaphors to symbolize good and bad performances. Levin also finds that some employees are former athletes, certainly enhancing the association between competitive sports and competitive work as masculine. Although women participate in sports and the military, Levin notes, ‘‘the metaphor of sports denoted manliness as much as masculinity’’ (p. 121). Levin then argues that during slow times, or what he refers to as ‘‘play,’’ traders exchange sexually demeaning insults about one another’s wives, girlfriends, family members, and each other. Although temporality does structure employees’ actions, it is an understatement to relegate sexually demeaning comments only to ‘‘play,’’ when in fact they can

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constitute part of the knowledge or creative processes in the service economy (Gregory, 2009a; Nixon, 2003). Not surprisingly, some studies that examine sports references and metaphors in competitive work environments find that these tropes symbolize heroic athletic feats and conquests (Kilduff & Mehra, 1996). In addition, Knoppers and Anthonissen (2005) suggest that metaphors such as ‘‘game plan’’ and ‘‘dropping the ball’’ have important meaning for entrepreneurial managers (p. 129). Most sports tropes denote actions associated with winning and conquest, such as ‘‘touchdown,’’ or loss, as in ‘‘dropping the ball.’’ Therefore, the use of certain sports metaphors at work symbolizes perceived masculine competences or feminine incompetences in that environment. If sports contribute to the construction of workplace masculinities and winning symbolizes masculine domination, then losing to any opponent represents female submission or even male homosexual submission. In Rambo Litigators, Jennifer Pierce (1996) illustrates how male litigators use emotional and intellectual performances to construct masculine domination in order to win cases, and she argues that male litigators who lose to their opponents ‘‘become feminized’’ (p. 3). Similarly, Knoppers and Anthonissen (2005) maintain that masculine athletic practices result in men seeking to avoid ‘‘a lack of physical aggression’’ and capitulating to others because these behaviors become associated with ‘‘femininities or gay masculinities’’ (p. 126). Although Pierce refers to sports analogies only occasionally rather than as a central core of her analysis, her empirical work suggests that athletic conquest on the field, in court, or at work means not acting like a woman or an ‘‘effeminate’’ man. Through competitive sports, the male body is equated with competence, power, and superiority. In the act of competition, in sports, or at work, perceived personal liabilities, including gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, class, and immigration status, may be seized upon as a ‘‘legitimate’’ strategy of domination. Another competitive strategy is to engage in adversarial behavior at work, which can include making uncomplimentary comments about a work colleague or opponent in an effort to provoke an emotional reaction, which will serve to undermine the competition (Gregory, 2009a; Nixon, 2003). For instance, during the 2006 World Cup between Italy and France, French captain Zinedine Zidane suggested that the reason for his infamous head butting of Marco Materazzi was because of offensive comments allegedly made by the Italian player about Zidane’s mother being a single parent and his immigrant status. Whatever the nature of the comments, they may have been key in Italy’s victory.


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Although most research on sports references and masculine embodiment at work stresses the connection that men make between their own competencies and their success at work and sports metaphors, few studies examine how sports tropes and strategies are actually used by men in the workplace. Moreover, studies have rarely examined the relationship between sports, masculinity, work, and race, despite the extensive presence of ethnic minority men as athletes. The data used in this analysis draw upon my background as a Division I collegiate basketball player and 10 years of experience and observations from 1990 to 2000 as a marketing professional and business executive in the financial services industry in the United States. During this period, I worked for three of the largest multinational financial services corporations in the world in three similar capacities. Two of the three divisions were prominent and highly competitive – in one division, I was the only woman and in the other, the only ethnic minority. The use of reflective analyses and one’s practical knowledge in research on gendered embodiment is not unusual, as seen in studies on the gendered experiences of male athletes and men who play sports (McLaughlin, 2004; Messner, 1992; Messner & Sabo, 1994), gendered bodily performances at work (McDowell, 1997; Wolkowitz, 2006), and the sexualized embodiment of black professional women in white collar jobs (Forbes, 2009). Whether used exclusively or as part of additional research methodologies, drawing upon one’s previous experiences can be beneficial in the examination of underresearched and hard to access phenomena, especially research on middle and upper-class white men in corporations.

SPORTS, BODIES AND SPACES AT WORK I drive to my left side – my strong side – with the basketball, and as he moves behind me, ready to block my shot, I position myself to fake the shot. As he goes for my fake – leaping up to block what he thinks will be the ball – the front of his body makes contact with my right shoulder and he summersaults over my shoulder onto the pavement. Physically he’s not hurt, but he’s angry and leaps up from the ground, fists clinched ready to hit me. During the earlier all male (except for me) pick-up games today, he was berated by the young male onlookers and his male teammates for not being able to guard a ‘‘girl.’’ Now that he has challenged me to a game of one-on-one, and is close to losing to me once again, his frustration is palpable. Because we are the only two players left on the court and it’s dark outside, I suggest that we call it an evening with no winner declared. (Incident on a public basketball court involving me – at the time a college student – and an African-American man who appeared to be in his 30s.)

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I’ve been watching you and the way you walk around with your hands in your pockets, and you act just like those white male managers. (African-American female administrative technician from a financial services organization referring to my behavior at work.)

For nearly two decades, I played competitive sports, mainly basketball with boys and men, watched years of professional male athletes on television and subsequently learned to embody a form of athletic masculinity. The connection between the incident on the basketball court and the quote from the colleague above is that in both instances I am (unconsciously) performing hegemonic masculinity as defined in each setting – athletic competition and work – through physical posturing, positioning, and attitude. Moreover, the experience as a competitive basketball player has greatly influenced my actions and interactions at work. Although my colleague also tells me that she likes what she sees – privileged white male embodiment enacted by an African-American female – my white managers largely do not. Employees’ use of their bodies and space at work usually affects those watching the ‘‘performance’’ and often gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, and class are key factors in how the bodily presentation is legitimized. My 10 years of work experience in three multinational financial services corporations shows a definite relationship between competitive sports and workplace masculine hegemony. Obsessions and competitiveness over winning prestigious clients from colleagues and competing organizations, throwing footballs and baseballs around the office, golf outings, back-slapping, and rough-housing were much more common among my male colleagues than my female colleagues. However, the most salient factor connecting men with sports was their use of sports references, metaphors, and strategies to symbolize their work-related achievements and images. Sports analogies are more than just fatuous water-cooler talk among certain men, but are important in the construction of hegemonic masculine embodiment at work. Deconstructing the use of sports tropes by business professionals provides a useful analysis of how certain employees embody athletic masculinities when dealing with intra- and inter-organizational competition. For example, in the quest for enhanced salaries and benefits and high-profile clients, projects or territory, employees’ ‘‘performances’’ resemble the mental and physical actions and positioning common among athletes in sporting contests. During contested workplace interactions, much like athletic games, the use of space matters can be analyzed as a process of angles and positioning. This means knowing where your opponent is (in the work or sports arena), and anticipating his or her next tactic is crucial. For example, when ‘‘playing offense’’ in basketball, the angle at which I position myself on the court in


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relation to the basketball net will determine whether I shoot the ball using the backboard (bank shot). The more aware and knowledgeable I am of the angle at which I stand in relation to the basketball net, the more likely I am to take high percentage shots – shots that are easier to make. In addition, being conscious of my defensive position on the court relative to my opponent gives me greater latitude when attempting to steal the ball from my opponent. Because I must score points or steal the ball against my opponent’s will, I must have strategies regarding how I function mentally and physically on the court. A substantial percentage of collegiate and professional team practices consist of basic running, jumping, throwing, shooting, and passing drills repeated in specific positions on the court and creating and executing well thought-out game plans. Knowing how to use and take space effectively is ultimately what basketball players, and indeed other athletes, practice. In competitive male-dominated business organizations, defeating opponents, be they colleagues or competing firms for clients and enhanced jobs, is a substantial component of the job. In addition, rivalries exist over which sales person or sales team will achieve their sales quotas first, how quickly another team will finish a client project, or how close a coworker is to taking a key client from you. Using effective strategies requires conscious attention to one’s own and others’ spatial position at work. Organizations, like sports, are environments where space is contested, and ‘‘having game’’ (being able to play effectively) becomes a crucial form of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986). In Lefebvre’s (1991) analysis ‘‘spaces of representation,’’ which is space that is directly experienced by individuals, such as employees at work and athletes engaged in sporting contests, struggle for power, and counter resistance is crucial (van Ingen, 2003). In her analysis of Lefebvre’s broader concept of space, Kristen Ross (1988) suggests that social space ‘‘is always political and strategic and needs to be understood as a social structure that we help create’’ (cited in van Ingen, 2003, p. 202). Organizations’ quests for greater corporate profits and market share directly affect the actions of financial services employees in key divisions, such as investment and corporate banking, finance, sales, marketing, and operations, where ‘‘playing to win’’ is the mantra. The next section will examine how ‘‘sports capital’’ exists at work through the use of metaphors and strategies.

Metaphors and Strategies of Domination Sports metaphors and references are ubiquitous in competitive work environments largely dominated by men and are often used to symbolize

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conquest. For example, terms commonly used by football players such as ‘‘blitz,’’ ‘‘sudden death,’’ ‘‘take down,’’ and ‘‘annihilate,’’ reveal that bodies, whether on the field, on the court or in the office, are ready for battle. Professional athletes or corporate employees who embody these references are, or certainly want to create the impression of being dangerous and threatening in order to dominate others. Although many football metaphors have militaristic connotations, their analysis through a sports lens is essential as more boys and men have more direct experience of competitive sports than of military engagement, and sports are one of the main arenas through which they learn how to seize and to defend ‘‘their’’ territory. Many sports metaphors focus on physical acts of offensive prowess, such as taking possession, scoring, and winning. For example, the sport metaphor ‘‘step up to the plate,’’ often used in baseball, refers to a batter who has either hit a homerun (a metaphor denoting the ultimate scoring performance), or a triple, double, or single. Additionally, the trope is used to describe the actions of a player who was able to hit the ball strategically and thus enable his teammates already on base to score (sometimes referred to as a sacrifice fly). Another widely used metaphor is ‘‘slam dunk,’’ used in basketball to indicate easy or superior scoring abilities. It also implies that the team that was scored upon is an unworthy opponent. The physical image of a ‘‘slam dunk,’’ a lean muscular body aerodynamically soaring through space, ball in one hand and legs bent, in preparation for the easy, yet flamboyant dunk, epitomizes superiority. Although the overwhelming majority of men cannot ‘‘slam dunk,’’ those who perceive and exclaim that their workplace achievements are effortless due to their remarkable abilities are embodying a form of athletic masculinity. Subsequently, some employees position themselves during high-profile assignments and business meetings so that their performances – real or perceived – emphasize that ‘‘they have stepped up to the plate’’ or ‘‘delivered a slam dunk.’’ Sports tropes have meaning beyond being merely descriptive of workplace interactions favored by men in power. Business executives also use competitive sports strategies in their conquest of resources, staff, money, and clients. One strategic metaphor is the term ‘‘blitz,’’ an all-out assault against an opponent. Although blitzing is a football defense strategy in which greater numbers of defensive linemen and guards rush to overpower the offensive linemen in order to sack the quarterback and take possession of the ball, its use denotes a sneak attack through unbridled aggression. Not surprisingly, in workplace settings this term is used to describe a highly engaged offensive. I often heard service representative managers telling their


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employees to ‘‘blitz their clients,’’ meaning to go all out on an aggressive client-calling spree. On a few occasions I overheard male managers use the term, ‘‘I blitzed him,’’ meaning that the ‘‘blitzer’’ used every available resource to win or take a client, project, or promotion away from another colleague – and that the ‘‘losing’’ colleague did not have enough time to mount an effective defense. I have added a less well-known athletic trope to illustrate another form of strategic behavior at work – the ‘‘pick and roll.’’ On the basketball court, the ‘‘pick and roll’’ performed by two offensive players, is best executed when the entire offensive team is no more than 20 feet away from the net. It is also a strategy requiring precise body positioning and timing. The ‘‘pick and roll’’ begins with a surreptitious, prearranged signal between two offensive players – the first of whom is dribbling the ball. Seconds later the second offensive player ‘‘sets the pick’’ by positioning his or her body to block the left (or right) side of the defensive player who has been closely guarding the player dribbling the ball. The latter must then quickly dribble to the left (or right) side behind the ‘‘pick setter’’ who has, through positioning, just rendered the defensive guard ineffective. The ‘‘pick setter’’ then quickly turns toward the net and ‘‘rolls’’ around the defensive guard. This coordinated performance allows the player dribbling the ball to be unencumbered of the defensive guard for the few seconds necessary to shoot or to pass the ball to the ‘‘pick setter’’ who, in the process, has ‘‘rolled’’ toward the net to score. After a successful sales presentation that a male colleague and I made to a client who was aggressively being courted by two of our competitors, my male colleague used the term ‘‘pick and roll’’ to describe our team effort at ‘‘beating’’ our competitors for this prestigious investment account. The term is applicable because we were able to acquire valuable information about our competitors’ weak spots, which constitutes setting the ‘‘pick,’’ and then once we had this information we ‘‘rolled’’ to the basketball net to ‘‘score,’’ or in this case win the client account. In competitive business interactions, as in basketball games, it helps to set the pick on your opponent’s weak side.

Trash Talk: Psyching Out Your Opponent Masculine embodiment through sports strategies at work not only incorporates images of bodies in the act of scoring and dominating adversaries, but also includes the use of provocative behavior and language directed toward an opponent. Competitive athletes understand that being

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successful is as much about mental toughness as it is about physical prowess. Insults that aim to humiliate or intimidate an opposing player to ‘‘get underneath his or her skin’’ are a useful strategy when it results in one’s opponent becoming so distracted or angry that he or she commits a foul or loses possession of the ball. Abusive remarks include referring to an opponent’s sexuality (especially implying that he is gay), pejoratively commenting on his or her physical features, performance, mistakes, and insulting his or her spouse and family. Varying physical dimensions accompany trash talking, from the subtle to aggressive ‘‘in your face’’ gesturing. ‘‘Trash talk’’ is an effective tool used by players on team sports where there is close physical contact with the opposing team, such as, soccer, basketball, football, and hockey. It is important to note that in the late 1990s the NBA banned taunting between players and certain forms of touching in an effort to reduce on court violence (Shields, 1999). It is interesting that in a physically competitive game like basketball that is approximately 70% black, the players are forbidden to provoke each other, while in the National Hockey League (NHL), which is approximately 95% white – and where violence is a standard feature of the game – and in competitive white-maledominated business environments this behavior is ‘‘fair game.’’ At work, I observed men teasing each other playfully – and sometimes I joined in. However, sometimes men made incendiary remarks to others to discredit and to ridicule their performance or a perceived weakness – definitely a form of workplace bullying. Unlike athletic contests where verbal taunts usually end with the game, these types of attacks in the workplace are likely to be more omnipresent, having a long-term effect on employees’ performance and health (Hearn & Parkin, 2001). For example, when a group of marketing, investment, and administrative managers discovered that a sales executive of the company was afraid to fly because of a previous incident on an airplane, his ‘‘fear’’ was often mentioned and joked about in meetings and in front of him as a reason that sales were down. Although Levin (2001) suggest that men engage in banter during slow periods – at ‘‘play’’ – this example illustrates that denigrating another employee is part of the production process (that is, business and client meetings). References to sexuality and insinuations of homosexuality rate high on the list of ‘‘trash talk,’’ and this includes linking a colleague’s ‘‘inadequate’’ performance, or even the color of his tie or suit with being gay, a label that the overwhelming majority of my male colleagues sought to avoid. On a number of occasions I heard my male and even a few female colleagues refer to the ‘‘faggoty’’ performance of an ‘‘inferior’’ colleague or external competitor. Inferior performances by men get linked to ‘‘female


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embodiment,’’ as men will sometimes refer to less successful colleagues as ‘‘playing or throwing like girls.’’ Men who were observed touching or referring to each other in a fond manner would also come in for this form of criticism. For example, a male executive was standing behind the president of the company, fixing his shirt collar, and the positioning of one man close behind another lead to other men standing around to utter comments about the men’s sexual preferences. At this point both men broke away from each other, stating their own concerns about what colleagues might conclude about their sexuality. In another example, a group of my colleagues, male executives and managers, physically stood around a male manager inflicting a rash of verbal taunts designed to exclude him from the ‘‘hegemonic’’ club. During this incident a number of men stated that their colleague’s virility, athleticism, and subsequently his manhood were in direct proportion to his short stature and diminutive genitals. As the manager being attacked become visibly upset and began to beg our colleagues to stop – serving to reinforce their sense of superiority over him – it was clear that his inability to devise a strategy of counter-attack would ultimately contribute to his downfall. In competitive masculine environments men who get ‘‘trashed,’’ who may be considered weak, effeminate, ultimately ‘‘losers,’’ must show that they can defend themselves. This is because ‘‘trash talk,’’ even in highly skilled middle-class professional environments, is a crucial element in the physical and mental embodiment of hegemonic masculinity. The connection with these strategies to sports and domination suggests that they are largely gendered, although it is less clear how racialized they are.

Black Male Athletes As Metaphors This is a test of ‘‘natural ability,’’ Jeff Stone and his colleagues informed some of the kids. This is a test of ‘‘the ability to think strategically,’’ they told others. Then the students – nongolfers all – played the course, one at a time. Among those told the test measured natural ability, black students scored, on average, more than four strokes better than whites. In the group told the test gauged strategic savvy, the white kids scored four strokes better [y]. When people are reminded of a negative stereotype about themselves – ‘‘white men can’t jump’’ or ‘‘black men can’t think’’ – it can adversely affect performance. (This quote is from research carried out by Jeff Stone who used 40 black and 40 white Princeton undergraduates, cited in Begley, 2004, p. 480.)

The quote above illustrates that there is a relationship between ethnic stereotypes and athletic performances. However, racial (or gendered) performances extend well beyond the athletic grounds of an elite institution,

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especially considering that students at Princeton have a higher probability of eventually holding key corporate positions. Despite the high profile of professional and collegiate African-American male athletes in football and basketball (Dworkin & Messner, 2002), the success of Tiger Woods and Hispanic baseball players and boxers, the presence of senior-level ethnic minority men (and women) in corporations is dismal (Cohen & Huffman, 2007; Johnson, 2005). In fact, Karsten suggests that ‘‘95 percent of top executives in U.S. corporations are white males’’ (2006, p. xi). From all statistical accounts, success for ethnic minority men in the United States is to be found through certain sports, rather than in elite corporations and organizations. As the only African-American in two of the three corporate divisions I worked for, and in the third, the only woman and ethnic minority, I observed that despite the absence of black men, many of my white male colleagues made references to and discussed specifically ‘‘black male athletes.’’ Some of my white male colleagues expressed admiration of the athletic exploits of certain African-American athletes, while others referred to black male athletes to express negative attitudes and contemptuous beliefs about black men in general. Tucker (2003) argues that media images of professional black male basketball players are used to construct pejorative images of black men in general. For many of my white male colleagues, black men, as athletes or non-athletes, embody a nonconformist, criminal, hypersexual dangerous type of masculinity (Diuguid & Rivers, 2000; Majors & Gordon, 1994; Tucker, 2003). As the majority of my white colleagues have few interactions with ethnic minorities at work or at home, most of the images of black men that they see are in the media, where black men are often represented as criminals, athletes, and rap artists with little attention to their cerebral, business, and managerial skills. Black male athletes were sometimes used as a metaphor by my white male colleagues to symbolize uneducated, aggressive, sexually promiscuous, and criminal behavior. Hoberman (1997) suggests that there is a ‘‘dangerous twinning of the violent black male with the sensational black athlete’’ (p. xix). Workplace discussions occasionally uphold certain black male athletes as the standard bearers or as ‘‘ideal blacks’’ or ‘‘good negroes,’’ who do not question racial injustice (Shropshire, 2000), appear easy to control and are ‘‘blackless,’’ and therefore do not threaten whites. For instance, I once overheard a group of my white male and female colleagues discuss how blacks were having too many children and living on welfare. One white male asked if blacks were going to have ‘‘too many’’ children, why couldn’t they at least be someone like Michael Jordon?


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I have also witnessed white male colleagues parodying the dialect and football victory dances enacted by some black athletes (Gregory, 2009b). What Tucker (2003) refers to as ‘‘Blackface minstrelsy’’ is enacted by whites as a way of ‘‘managing their fear and fascination with Black men’’ (p. 307). She further argues that: The Blackface minstrel show, as a method of ‘corporeal containment,’ functioned as a site of representation in which white men performed their obsession with the parts, functions, and attributes to which they reduced Black male bodies. (Tucker, 2003, p. 309)

White men’s performances of black masculinity allow the former to try on or to wear the latter, and then discard them. In addition, when some white men wanted to convey an aggressive, menacing stance at work to invoke fear or boast about an achievement, they would perform and embody the language and physical positioning that they observe and hear from some African-American athletes and non-athletes in the media and in public places. Verbal rants include ‘‘where you be,’’ and asking ‘‘who da man?’’ and hailing another’s achievement with ‘‘you da man.’’ Used as metaphors for aggression or success, black male athletes are singularly depicted and contained. These examples illustrate that the portions of black men’s speech and physical expressions are taken and constructed as foolery in a game in which their disjointed parts are used to equal the sum of what black men are supposed to be. Performing ‘‘black men,’’ even though they are physically invisible at work, illustrates how some white men construct black masculine embodiment – a display that contributes to the marginalization of black men. Similarly, professional and collegiate team names such as ‘‘Indian’’ and ‘‘Red Skins,’’ where the team mascot is usually dressed up as a menacing Indian, tomahawk in tow, upholds revisionist accounts depicting Native Americans and other marginalized groups in America as dangerous and minimizes the brutality inflicted upon these groups at the hands of white European settlers (see Springwood & King, 2006). In other instances, black male athletes who have had dealings with the criminal justice system are used to frame all black people. After a sales presentation that I made to a group of all-white male financial services representatives in the mid-west, the manager of this division asked me, in the presence of everyone else, about my thoughts on the alleged criminal activity of two black male athletes from the North-East who had recently played on the state’s nationally ranked football team. As a number of the men expressed their dismay over these college athletes’ behavior, what struck me was that they decided to bring this up to me in a professional

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business meeting. This sales division never sent my company any business, and I could only wonder whether these men’s fears and anxieties over black men were displaced onto me. This example is analogous to Ross’s (1988) analysis of Lefebvre’s concept of the production of space which, she argues, is not devoid of power relations. The gender and race of bodies in a room together occupying space is rarely neutral or equal because, depending on their bodies, some are perceived to represent knowledge and safety, while others represent danger and untrustworthiness.

CONCLUSION Deconstructing the use of strategic sports metaphors by business professionals provides a useful analysis of how certain employees embody a white middle-class heterosexual athletic masculinity when dealing with intra- and inter-organizational competition. In addition, the examples illustrate that the strategies used by white male professionals embody competence, success and domination of others. Although all of these strategies discussed are critical components in the construction of masculinity at work, they also sometimes serve to create inferior and demeaning representations of women, ethnic minorities, and gay men. The illustrations and analyses of sports metaphors and strategies presented here will be useful for future empirical research on the relationship between competitive sports and the gendered, racialized, and sexualized embodiment of work. Although professional sports, like many highly skilled professions in corporations, are male dominated, the arrival of women’s professional boxing and the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) – in addition to generations of women competing in a range of sports at the collegiate level – suggests that some women view themselves in relation to a competitive athletic model. In addition to my own experiences as a former athlete, studies have found that successful women at work perform hegemonic masculinity (Baril, Elbert, Mahar-Porter, & Reavy, 1989), and the question is, in so doing, are they merely perpetuating the dominant culture or are they devising new and inclusive organizational cultural norms? Research is also needed on the relationship between sports, identity, and ethnic minorities at work. Although in the United States, African-American males are overrepresented as athletes, especially in football and basketball, they also embody a ‘‘nonconformist’’ masculinity that results in their dismemberment by some whites. Discussing black male athletes at work as metaphors for danger, aggression, or ignorance does little to enhance


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representations of black men as ‘‘whole’’ human beings. The illustrations also reveal that homophobia constructs men’s identities at work, and therefore an analysis drawing more fully on queer theory would be useful. Additionally, if sports have a direct effect on how able-bodied men view themselves at work, how does the use of combative sports strategies – encompassing a strong physical presence – affect the physically disabled at work? Do marginalized employees gain access to organizations but not to the key activities? These questions are particularly important given the growing importance of the global capitalist economy where corporations become more ruthless and competitive as they strive for profits and market share. Does being ‘‘conditioned’’ psychologically, emotionally, and physically as a blue chip athlete allow organizations and employees to compete more effectively? Although the strategic metaphors that men use illustrate aggression and conquest, it would be important to determine if marked groups such as women, ethnic, and sexual minorities employ more defensive strategies.

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ENGENDERING ETHNICITY: FEMININITY, MASCULINITY, AND ETHNIC JEWISH IDENTITY Marianne Cutler ABSTRACT Purpose – This chapter analyzes the ways that gender expectations shape the process of ethnic Jewish identity construction. Methodology – I spent approximately 18 months conducting participantobservation with Shalom, an independent social group comprised of young adult (primarily secular) Jews, whose mission was to facilitate a ‘‘cohesive Jewish community.’’ I then conducted 25 in-depth interviews with group members. Findings – My data suggest that Shalom’s negotiation of Jewish identity was actually a negotiation of Jewish male identity and Jewish female identity, with the assumption of heterosexuality in both constructs. Often using language reflecting gender-coded anti-Semitic stereotypes, members of Shalom constructed Jewish identity in ways intimately intertwined with their perceptions of ‘‘typical’’ Jewish men and ‘‘typical’’ Jewish women. Research limitations/implications – Further empirical studies of the gendered construction of ethnic identity in the United States (particularly among more recent ‘‘white’’ immigrant groups like Greeks, Eastern Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 319–337 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014018

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Europeans, and Middle Easterners) could help illuminate the ways gender concerns influence efforts to move to the cultural center by those situated at the cultural margins. Originality/value of chapter – Published accounts of the intersectionality of identities have been either largely theoretical in nature or comprised of personal identity narratives. However, there has been little systematic, empirical study of the interactional processes that shape the identities produced through the simultaneous doing of both gender and race/ ethnicity.

Gender identity and ethnic identity are inextricably intertwined, and the formation, expression, and policing of one is concurrent with the formation, expression, and policing of the other. It is a sociological truism that gender and race/ethnicity are not merely ascribed characteristics that humans have; rather they are socially constructed achievements that humans do. Their meanings are culturally and historically circumscribed, and their expression is shaped and constrained through interactions with others, who use various means to convey their acceptance or rejection of identity performances. As West and Zimmerman (1987) noted, we ‘‘do’’ gender. We also do ethnicity, as noted by Waters (1990), Roediger (1991), and Mercer (1990).1 However, we don’t do them in isolation from each other. In the course of lived experience, one does both simultaneously, and each informs, reflects back on, and shapes the other. Published accounts of the intersectionality of identities have been either largely theoretical in nature or comprised of personal identity narratives. For example, Patricia Hill Collins (1990) and Chandra Talpade Mohanty (2003) have theorized the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity in ways that have broadened scholarly analysis of the social construction of identity. Others, like Rebecca Walker (2001), Letty Pogrebin (1991), and Patricia J. Williams (1991) have written compelling narratives about their personal experiences of identity formation. However, there has been little systematic, empirical study of the interactional processes that shape the identities produced through the simultaneous doing of both gender and race/ethnicity.2 The symbolic interactionist perspective views identity as ‘‘an interactional production y embedded in those interactional places that give recurring meaning to ordinary experience’’ (Lindesmith, Strauss, & Denzin, 1999, p. 17). Although one’s sex is typically established at birth, one’s gender identity is acquired over time, facilitated by the acquisition of

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language and ongoing socialization into the roles embedded in language. Similarly, although one may be assigned a racial and/or ethnic classification at birth based on her/his parentage, it is through interaction that s/he acquires the language, symbolic codes, and behaviors that give meaning to that classification. Using data from an ethnographic study of young adult Jews living in a Southern community, I argue that we cannot fully understand the construction and performance of gender identity nor the construction and performance of ethnic identity when disconnecting them. On the contrary, my data indicate that, interactionally, one is virtually inseparable from the other.

METHODS AND SETTING I spent approximately 18 months studying Shalom, a group in located in a Southern state, whose mission was to ‘‘identify, network, and socialize’’ with young Jewish professionals in order to facilitate the development of a ‘‘cohesive Jewish community.’’3 Unlike many other Jewish communal organizations, Shalom began without formal ties to local synagogues, nor was it an official project of a local Jewish Federation. Described varyingly as a ‘‘social group,’’ a ‘‘friendship group,’’ and/or a ‘‘singles group,’’ Shalom counted among its members Jews of different denominational affiliations (primarily Reform and Conservative), converts, and secular (or ‘‘ethnic’’) Jews. The organization did not keep membership records, and participation in group activities varied across events, making it difficult to provide an exact composite of Shalom’s membership. Approximately 150 people subscribed to the group’s list serve, but attendance at events was typically much lower, ranging from 10 to 50 at the events I attended. Despite this imprecision, it was apparent that most members of Shalom ranged in age from the late 20s through early 40s. Virtually all were college-educated, many with advanced degrees. The vast majority of those who participated on a regular basis were employed in professional capacities. I attended and participated in Shalom activities, planning meetings, and board meetings. In addition to participant-observation, I conducted in-depth interviews with 25 Shalom members. Those I interviewed represented the diversity of the group in sex, age, and denominational affiliation/nonaffiliation. Because Shalom included both Jews born and raised locally and those who had relocated to the area, I strove to interview substantial numbers of each. In the end, I interviewed 15 ‘‘transplants’’ and 10 ‘‘natives.’’

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As is standard practice for qualitative research, I wrote detailed field notes after each event (see e.g., Lofland & Lofland, 1995). In addition, I wrote periodic analytic memos about my own reactions to and interpretations of the meanings imputed to Jewish gender identity by my subjects. This type of ‘‘auto-ethnography’’ (Van Maanen, 1988) helped me to refine the questions I asked during interviews and allowed me to consider the impact of my own emotional reactions on my analysis. Kleinman and Copp (1993) argue that paying attention to one’s own emotions can enhance the insight gained during research and analysis. This awareness was especially useful to me over the course of my research. Like many Shalom members, I am a secular Jew who attended college in the 1980s, during which I saw my share of Jewish-American Princess (‘‘JAP’’) graffiti scratched into the furniture in my university’s library, as well as ‘‘JAP-Busters’’ t-shirts (modeled on the logo of the film ‘‘Ghostbusters’’). At the time, I was angered by these expressions of anti-Semitism, but I also remember experiencing concern and uncertainty about the consequences that might occur if I were viewed as a ‘‘JAP’’ rather than a ‘‘regular’’ Jew. The significance of gender in these representations of Jewish identity escaped my attention, and I merely tried to distance myself from the negative imagery. Arguably, my reactions reflected what many scholars (see, e.g., Bartky, 1991; Hooks, 1993) have discussed as the phenomenon of internalized oppression, in which members of culturally subordinate groups internalize the negative representations of their group constructed and promoted by that society’s culturally dominant group(s). As I explored the intersection of gender and ethnicity among Shalom members, I found that their constructions of Jewish femininity and Jewish masculinity reflected a similar kind of internalized oppression. The centrality of gender in Jewish identity can be glimpsed in the comments of Jack, a 42-year-old member of Shalom. Among the things Jack liked best about the women he met through the group was that there were very few ‘‘typical’’ Jewish women there: I think that’s a good thing. I mean, ‘cause that is a bonus, not to have to deal with that. I wouldn’t be surprised if more of the Jewish single women that are in the community that don’t attend Shalom might [have] more characteristics of a Jewish American princess.

Jack went on to list the characteristics of a JAP as spoiled, hard to deal with, and excessively concerned with jewelry and clothing. Jack was not alone in his view of Jewish women. Elaine, aged 36, also noticed a


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difference between the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish woman and those she met through Shalom: I think there’s a stereotypical Jew, the Jewish princess y the kind that have the nose job and their daddies buy them everything and they get a car when they’re sixteen and they have tons of gold jewelry and the latest fashions and big hair, and all that stuff. I don’t encounter those people here. I really don’t think I’ve met any Jewish person here who fits that stereotype that I’ve seen everywhere else I’ve lived. Chicago, Indianapolis, down in Florida. I just don’t see it, and the people just seem like they’re people who happen to be Jewish, but they’re not in some kind of contest with other Jews.

By participating in Shalom, both Jack and Elaine were seeking out a place to connect to a local Jewish community that was small and not very visible, in a Southern community where Christian identity was normative. However, each had specific ideas about what kinds of Jews they wanted to connect with. Their perceptions of ‘‘desirable’’ Jewish friends and/or romantic partners were structured by prevailing ideas regarding acceptable gendered behavior. Inferences that group members made about those who appeared ‘‘too Jewish’’ rarely had anything to do with religious observance or Orthodox appearance (e.g., the side locks of Orthodox men); instead, they centered on what they perceived to be excessive displays of ‘‘unattractive’’ Jewish behavioral traits.4 These objectionable traits, however, were not equal opportunity afflictions. They were usually (although not exclusively) associated with Jewish women rather than with Jewish men. I repeatedly heard members of Shalom use language that invoked anti-Semitic stereotypes (e.g., using the term ‘‘JAP’’ or ‘‘Jewish American Princess’’), to describe themselves and each other. Yet I heard nothing to suggest that anyone within the group interpreted these stereotypes as anti-Semitic. According to the symbolic interactionist perspective, humans develop self-conceptions by seeing themselves reflected in other people’s attitudes and behaviors toward them (Cooley, 1902). It follows that people with culturally marginalized or stigmatized identities may come to see themselves, at least in part, the way those with greater social power or esteem portray them. Internalized oppression has been observed in colonized populations (Memmi, 1965) and in racial minorities (Fanon, 1967; Hooks, 1993). The concept might similarly be applied to the case of Jews living in a predominantly Christian culture and may account in part for the use of anti-Semitic imagery among members of Shalom. It does not, however, explain why this verbalized anti-Semitic imagery was so heavily gendered. Over the course of my research, it became clear that prevailing perceptions of Jewish femininity and Jewish masculinity played a central role in the negotiation and enactment of Jewish identity

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among Shalom members. Those perceptions, and their implications for gender equality within the Jewish community, are my focus here.

JEWISH WOMEN: HAIR, NAILS, AND GRANOLA The women I interviewed were quick to describe for me the ‘‘unattractive’’ face of Jewish femininity, typically without any prompting. Bobbie, age 32, divided Jewish women into two categories, ‘‘hair and nail Jews’’ and ‘‘granola Jews.’’ She saw herself as the latter, describing the former as shallow and interested primarily in finding husbands who could support their ‘‘hair and nails’’ lifestyle. Bobbie was unable to elaborate on the specific attributes of a ‘‘granola’’ Jew; to her it was self-evident: a Jewish woman who was not a ‘‘hair and nails’’ Jew defined more by the absence of particular attributes (e.g., shallowness) than by the presence of alternative ones. Although Bobbie never used the acronym ‘‘JAP,’’ her description fit the stereotypical image of the pampered, image-conscious ‘‘Jewish American Princess.’’ Elaine also drew this distinction, using tone of voice to illustrate what happened when the ‘‘princess’’ grew up. Describing an interaction she observed between an older man and woman at a Judaica store in south Florida, Elaine shifted into ‘‘character’’: I was in this store and I was looking at all these beautiful things that were incredibly overpriced, and there was this woman carrying the most humongous handbag I had ever seen. And she said, [in loud, stereotypical New York Jewish bark] ‘‘Harold, Har, Harold, put that down. Haaarold.’’ I mean the sound of her voice was literally painful to me. And I just went, ‘‘oh my God, why do they have to talk that way,’’ you know? And it was just kind of like ‘‘eewww.’’ That’s the kind of thing that I try to dissociate myself [from].

It is interesting that Elaine used the pronoun ‘‘they’’ to refer to Jewish women, although she was herself Jewish. This type of pronoun ambivalence accomplished a kind of distancing from ‘‘unacceptable’’ Jewish female behavior and was evident in the comments of many of my interviewees. In their study of the homeless, Snow and Anderson (1993) noted that those who bear stigmatized social identities often engage in associational distancing, using identity talk to distinguish themselves discursively from others who bear the same stigma. Elaine’s use of ‘‘they’’ to describe a general social category of which she is a member served a similar purpose: by differentiating herself from the negatively evaluated ‘‘typical’’ Jewish woman, she substantiated her own claim to a more acceptable version of Jewish womanhood.


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When describing the ‘‘Jewish princess’’ earlier, Elaine noted that, ‘‘their daddies buy them everything.’’ This critique of ‘‘typical’’ Jewish women implies a parasitic relationship between Jewish women and Jewish men, with the woman as parasite, and the man as host. Arguably, in this construction the princess’ wealth has been inherited, rather than ‘‘earned;’’ what she has (and flaunts) has been given to her, and her constant consumption of expensive clothing and jewelry represents an ongoing drain on the resources of those who have ‘‘earned’’ the wealth on display: Jewish men. The perception that Jewish princesses move from draining the resources of their fathers to draining the resources of their husbands was reflected in Bobbie’s belief that ‘‘hair and nails’’ Jewish women are focused on finding husbands who can support their ‘‘hair and nails’’ lifestyles. In Elaine’s story about Florida, it appeared that Harold’s wife, with her ‘‘humongous handbag,’’ spends their money, while Harold, who presumably earns it, was prevented from touching the merchandise by his wife. Paralleling the notion of ‘‘hair and nails’’ Jews, Abby, aged 27, described herself as ‘‘Long Island Jewish.’’ Although she was unabashed about her desire for ‘‘nice’’ things, Abby realized soon after arriving in the area that she needed to modify her appearance to fit in at Shalom events: If I came out now and got a little more showy, I don’t think there’d be any consequences, because I’ve already established who I am. When I came to my first Shalom [event] at Larry’s house, I was wearing something a little more New York. My hair was pretty New York, my style was a little more New York, and I was trying to talk to Jerry. But my feeling of the way he was reacting to me was, you know, another JAPPY girl – acting like that’s how he saw me.

Abby’s perception was that Jerry rejected her efforts at conversation because he found her self-presentation too ‘‘JAPPY,’’ that is, too shallow and materialistic in a stereotypically Jewish female way. After adopting a more casual style of dress and overall appearance, Abby found more acceptance by members of Shalom and more comfort participating in the group’s social activities. Abby changed her self-presentation to ‘‘fit in.’’ Like many newcomers in social situations, she engaged in impression management (Goffman, 1959), attempting to display an image of herself as worthy of the friendship and/or romantic attention she sought. To do so, she exchanged her performance ‘‘props,’’ altering her clothing, dressing ‘‘down’’ rather than ‘‘up’’ for most social occasions. She changed to a more relaxed hairstyle and limited the amount of jewelry she wore. Abby attributed the need to make these changes in appearance to differences in the value systems

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of Jews in the Northeast and Jews in the South regarding the appropriateness of displaying one’s wealth: My impression is even if you have a lot of money here, you still just get a one-carat diamond for an engagement gift, you know? You have a nice home, but it’s a lot less ostentatious. And I think I do want more than a one-carat diamond.

Although Abby was talking about the display of one’s socioeconomic class, the examples she used to illustrate her point rely heavily on gendered displays of wealth – specifically, displays of wealth that are gendered ‘‘female.’’ Rather than citing signs of wealth that are more typically gendered male in American culture, such as imported sports cars or season tickets for the local National Hockey League franchise, Abby talked about the size of the diamond in her engagement ring and her $300 Prada handbag. Although it became clear to me over the course of my fieldwork that members of Shalom disapproved of ‘‘JAPPY’’ behavior, at no time did I ever hear the pejorative ‘‘JAP’’ used to describe a man (i.e., ‘‘Jewish American Prince’’), despite the fact that many of the young, single men in the organization owned their own homes in expensive subdivisions, drove late model expensive cars, and traveled extensively. Some also wore expensive jewelry. These displays of wealth were not subject to question or ridicule within the group; in fact, they were never even remarked upon. The double standard regarding ‘‘unattractive’’ Jewish behavior was evident here. When women displayed their wealth, it was ‘‘too Jewish’’ for most of the men and women of Shalom. When men displayed their wealth, it was so ordinary as to essentially be invisible.

JEWISH MEN: ATHLETICISM, EMASCULATION, AND THE HETERONORMATIVE IMPERATIVE Dominant constructions of Jewish men offset cultural suspicions regarding their economic strength by emphasizing the frailty of the Jewish male constitution – in terms of both his physicality and his resolve. Harold, the man in Elaine’s story, appeared to fit neatly into the stereotype of the weak, emasculated, and easily dominated Jewish male. Jack, quoted earlier, spent quite a bit of time during our interview explaining to me how he differed from the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish man. He told me repeatedly that he worked out frequently, liked to party, and can be a bit of a ‘‘player.’’ Typical Jewish men, on the contrary,


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are not too athletic, like I don’t hear too many of them talk about going to the gym and working out. And they don’t talk about sports! They don’t! I know women in Shalom that follow [the local university’s] basketball [team] more seriously than the guys. Now that’s scary. And I’ve never [had] a guy say to me, ‘‘no, I can’t do this ’cause I’m watching football’’ or ‘‘I’m watching hockey.’’

The cultural perception of Jewish men as lacking ‘‘normal’’ masculinity is not unique to contemporary times. For example, in medieval and early modern Europe, Jewish men were sometimes believed to menstruate, a ‘‘female’’ (and tainted) bodily function.5 Although this particular belief no longer holds any cultural sway, the idea of compromised Jewish male masculinity manifests in other ways. For example, in the popular comedy film ‘‘Airplane,’’ one of the characters is seen reading a book on ‘‘great Jewish athletes in history.’’ The punch line of this visual joke is that the book is only a few pages long. Michael Kimmel (1988) argues that Jewish men are considered ‘‘less than men’’ because traditional Jewish culture emphasizes literacy and learning for men, ultimately privileging mind over body in ways that contradict mainstream American values. In sharp contrast to the dominant construction of the Jewish man as ‘‘incompetent bookworm’’ (Brod, 1994), however, athletics featured prominently among activities suggested by male Shalom members. One event that asserted an alternate representation of Jewish masculinity – one that was athletic and thereby consistent with dominant constructions of ‘‘real’’/Gentile masculinity – was an annual touch football game called the ‘‘Jew Bowl.’’6 Both men and women participated in the Jew Bowl, although the content of their participation differed. Many of the women at the two games I attended during my fieldwork chose not to play, identifying their roles as ‘‘cheerleaders’’ or spectators rather than players. All the men who attended, however, played; there were no male spectators. The ‘‘Jew Bowl’’ presented a rare opportunity for Shalom’s male members to perform their masculinity within a context (i.e., sports) that is widely viewed in American culture as expressive of normative masculinity. In the case of Shalom, however, this performance not only expressed male members’ masculinity, it also served to construct a version of Jewish masculinity that directly contested the ‘‘typical Jewish man.’’ A number of scholars have explored the relationship between athletics and the social construction of masculinity (see, e.g., Messner, 2002, 1990; Connell, 1990; Sabo, 1985). According to Messner (1990, p. 438), sports ‘‘reflect dominant conceptions of masculinity and femininity’’ and play a significant role in the construction of our society’s gender order, in part ‘‘accomplished through the ‘masculinizing’ of male bodies and minds.’’

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The perception of Jewish men as physically unattractive and ‘‘wimpy’’ was shared by many of the women who participated in Shalom. Despite their acceptance of the ‘‘truth’’ of the ‘‘unmasculine Jew’’ cultural stereotype, however, many of the women of Shalom attended events hoping to meet a potential (male) romantic partner. Most of the women whom I interviewed hoped to marry Jewish men, despite their prevailing perceptions regarding the overall physical unattractiveness of Jewish men. Jill, aged 31, was engaged to a man she met through Shalom. She recalled seeing him for the first time at an event held in a local ice cream shop and assuming that he was there as a non-Shalom member of the general ice cream buying public: I [was] in line, and then I saw a guy who was good-looking, who I’d never seen before. A lot of people [in the ice cream shop] were there for the Shalom event, but other people could’ve been there just to hang out or whatever. And I looked around and my first thought was, ‘‘oh, he’s too good-looking to be Jewish.’’

Jill told me that she was upset with herself for having had this thought, and asked me not to ‘‘hate’’ her for her ‘‘ingrained anti-Semitism.’’ Yet she then repeated, ‘‘I had never seen him before, and you know, it was just this really good-looking [guy], and I was like, ‘oh, I’m sure he’s not here for this, this guy’s too good-looking to be Jewish.’ ’’ Jill’s fiance´, it should be noted, was not an American Jew, but rather a recent immigrant to the United States. Although he possessed many of the same physical attributes of the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish man (e.g., dark hair and eyes, prominent nose), he also had the carriage (and self-presentation) of someone who spent a good deal of time outdoors. Apparently, this was enough to lead Jill to conclude that he couldn’t possibly be Jewish. In contrast to the women, most of the men I interviewed were open to dating, and potentially marrying, non-Jewish women. Ken, aged 29, often dated non-Jewish women, because ‘‘a lot of the Jewish women just physically aren’t attractive.’’7 In fact, Ken was dating a non-Jewish woman at the time of this interview, and participated in Shalom in large part as a means for expanding his ‘‘pool of datable women.’’ Ken distinguished himself from the ‘typical’ Jewish male using many of the same tropes as Jack, referring to his interests in sports, heavy metal music, and maintaining an ‘‘active’’ dating life as distinguishing him from most of the other men in Shalom and from Jewish men in general. Interestingly, Ken cited these traditional markers of masculinity as that which distinguished him from ‘‘typical’’ Jewish men, even though he was visibly biracial and identified himself as Chinese as well as Jewish. Ken was the only biracial member of Shalom of whom I was aware, and his emphasis on masculinity rather than


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race as a point of distinction from other Jewish men could be interpreted to signify the primacy of gender over race in his personal identity. Since Asian men, much like Jewish men, are stereotypically characterized as emasculated and weak (Espiritu, 1997), it is also possible that his gender concerns may have been, at least in part, a function of racial concerns. Either way, Ken expressed a clear sense of his own masculinity as distinguishing him from other Jewish men. Drawing on Connell (1987), Michael S. Kimmel (1994, p. 125) describes ‘‘hegemonic masculinity’’ as the ‘‘image of men who hold power y a man in power, man with power, and a man of power.’’ This image, according to Kimmel, is predicated on the ‘‘repudiation of femininity’’ and is thus ‘‘irrevocably tied to sexuality’’ (p. 126). In addition to emphasizing athletics, male Shalom members also contested the construction of Jewish men as emasculated through the overt display of heterosexual desire. Several of the most popular men in the group had reputations among the women of Shalom for dating extensively, both within and outside the group. Men who did not have this reputation appeared to be at something of a disadvantage, however. For example, I observed Danny, aged 28, repeatedly ask women in Shalom for dates, for which he was repeatedly rejected. His lack of popularity among the women in the group made it difficult for Danny to publicly demonstrate his rejection of the emasculated Jewish male image. Nevertheless, he found a different way to express his heteronormative masculinity: he organized a ‘‘guys’ night out’’ in which Danny invited others to join him for an evening of ‘‘male-bonding,’’ starting with dinner at a Hooters restaurant and followed by a trip to a local strip club. I asked Danny how he came to plan this event: It was just one of those things where I was thinking, ‘‘well, I’ve been going to this group for like, four or five months, or however long I’ve been going. I’m not doing any, I’m not having any luck with the, on the women side,’’ so I figured, ‘‘well, maybe I could come up with an event where I can get a bunch of guys together so at least [I] could make some friends.’’ I figured that would be a good event to attract men to, so that’s how it basically came about. It was an effort to say, well, for the one time I’ll do something where it isn’t geared towards meeting a woman, it’s just actually geared toward making some friends.

Although several of the men I spoke with felt that Danny’s choice of venues had been in poor taste, only one noted that the event was by its very nature ‘‘offensive to women.’’ However, this member also told me that he saw the event as ‘‘harmless fun’’ and had not really objected until several of the women in Shalom ‘‘explained’’ to him the reasons for their negative reactions. Had there been no outcry from female members of Shalom, it appeared, Danny’s provocative display of (heterosexual)

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masculinity would have gone without comment or critique by most male members of Shalom. As Daniel Boyarin (1997, p. xiii) points out, there is ‘‘a widespread sensibility that being Jewish in our culture renders a boy effeminate.’’8 This perceived effeminacy is often equated with ‘‘sissy’’ status, which is then understood (and culturally reviled) as homosexual. By organizing an event that trumpeted his heterosexual desires, Danny refuted the application of the ‘‘Jewish man ¼ sissy ¼ homosexual’’ equation to himself. Although Danny’s act could be viewed merely as an individual assertion of heteronormative identity, the responses of other men in Shalom suggested implicit support for Danny’s efforts, perhaps because his repudiation of the ‘‘Jewish sissy’’ construct simultaneously rebuked the application of the equation to Jewish men as a whole. In a society in which heterosexuality is ‘‘compulsory’’ (Rich, 1981), Danny’s actions represent a clear distancing from the anti-normative ‘‘feminized Jewish male’’ (Boyarin, 1997). For the men of Shalom, heterosexual identification sat squarely at the intersection of gender and ethnic identity construction.

GENDER AND THE JEW AS ‘‘OTHER’’ During the second half of the twentieth century, Jews assimilated into American culture with a level of success unusual in the history of immigrant groups in the United States (Brodkin, 1998). Jews used post–World War II government programs to attend colleges and professional schools, move to the suburbs, and achieve a class status that, in effect, ‘‘whitened’’ them. This progression, from immigrant ‘‘Other’’ to mainstream American, has led many contemporary social theorists and cultural studies scholars to ignore the question of Jewish marginality in American culture, or reject the notion of Jewish marginality altogether. Cheyette and Marcus (1998, p. 3) note that: Mainstream cultural studies have, routinely, written out the question of Jewishness, assuming it as part of a supposed all-powerful ‘‘Judaeo-Christian’’ tradition. On the other side of the barricades, however, those apologists for the efficacy of western modernity have continued to banish Jewish difference from their brave new world in a desperate bid to signify the universality of the modern project y The Jewish Other is both at the heart of western metropolitan culture and is also that which is excluded in order for ascendant racial and sexual identities to be formed and maintained.

Consistent with Cheyette and Marcus, my data suggest that despite the decline of an identifiable Jewish community in the United States


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[as suggested by the latest National Jewish Population Survey (United Jewish Communities, 2002)], the assimilation of Jews is less than complete. Although few will argue with the notion that Jewish Americans have been successfully integrated into the United States’ economy, it is arguable whether that economic assimilation translates into seamless cultural absorption. Although Jews in the past half-century have successfully entered social domains previously unavailable to them, including professional employment, higher education, and interfaith romance, Jews are still ‘‘Other’’ in our culture, and gender plays a key role in the process of constructing them as such. Stereotypes that trivialize Jewish men and women are present throughout our popular culture. From ‘‘The Nanny’’ (and her mother) to various Woody Allen caricatures to ‘‘Seinfeld,’’ popular images of Jewish women and men capitalize on and perpetuate these stereotypes. It is as if there is a cultural equilibrium at work: stereotypes that construct the Jew as ‘Other’ serve to offset the degree of cultural assimilation into mainstream, de facto Christian, America experienced by this ‘‘unusually successful’’ immigrant group.9 Although Jews have certainly ‘‘melted’’ into the general American/ Christian culture, there is still just enough mainstream ‘‘othering’’ of Jews to keep the assimilation from becoming absolute, maintaining a social order that privileges a normative ‘‘American’’ experience that is Christian, white, and heterosexual. And, as is often the case among subordinate social groups, Jews can be active participants in this cultural process. Much like my own experiences with internalized oppression, the kinds of ‘‘othering’’ in which Shalom members engaged serves to maintain the position of Jews, as a social group, nearer the center of American culture by explicitly positioning those represented as ‘‘ugly’’ Jews at the margins of that culture. In doing so, however, they also participated in the maintenance of the same ‘‘ascendant racial and sexual identities’’ that preclude their arrival at the actual ‘‘center’’ of American culture. Stereotypes that caricature Jewish men and women play a considerable part in the othering of Jews in American culture, and gender was integral to how members of Shalom talked about and experienced Jewish identity. Yet their discourses of Jewish femininity and Jewish masculinity in effect reinforced the notion of the ‘‘ugly Jew’’ (physically and socially). As Judith Lorber (1994) has noted, one of the ‘‘paradoxes of gender’’ is that the means with which we contest the construction of normative gender identities can serve to reify, and therefore validate the social ‘‘reality’’ of, the rejected construction. In Shalom, for example, women characterized the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish woman as unattractive physically and unappealing

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behaviorally, simultaneously distancing themselves from this image and portraying themselves as a superior version of Jewish femininity. Although I once overheard a member describe her own hair as ‘‘thick and kinky JAP hair,’’ I rarely heard the term ‘‘JAP’’ used to describe anything other than a set of behavioral traits. Riv-Ellen Prell (1992) has argued that the concept of ‘‘Jewish American Princess’’ denotes not only the materials used to adorn the body, but the body itself, yet the women of Shalom rarely spoke of the ‘‘JAP’’ as embodied, as something intrinsic to the ‘‘essence’’ of Jewish womanhood. This is understandable, since to do so would have undercut their efforts to construct an alternative version of Jewish femininity. Nevertheless, efforts by the women of Shalom to distinguish themselves from ‘‘typical’’ Jewish women, whether they used the explicit pejorative ‘‘Jewish American Princess’’ or subtler phrases like ‘‘hair and nail Jews’’ suggested that, to at least some degree, they had internalized dominant cultural images of Jewish femininity. In Talking Back: Images of Jewish Women in American Popular Culture, Joyce Antler (1998, pp. 244–246) discusses the popularity of actor/comedian Fran Drescher’s television character ‘‘The Nanny.’’ According to Antler: Although Fran’s Jewishness is not essential to the plot y aspects of the character’s Jewish background are featured in most episodes. From the nasal whine y to the nanny’s Jewish female desires – like getting married, preferably to a nice Jewish doctor – and certainly, shopping, mannerisms that are identified as Jewish along with Jewish Princess stereotypes fill the air.

Although the men of Shalom also sought to distance themselves from the dominant cultural images attached to them, the repercussions they faced for being ‘‘too Jewish’’ appeared less consequential than those faced by the women in the group. Over the course of my fieldwork, even the men who appeared to fit the stereotype of the emasculated Jew were able to find women within the group to date; women who were perceived as ‘‘JAPS’’ were far less able to do so. Although dominant constructions of Jewish men may include a lack of ‘‘normal’’ masculinity, their stereotypical qualities arguably also contain some ‘‘attractive’’ elements that may serve to lend some balance to the otherwise negative portrayals – for example, they are smart, successful, and affluent, and they do not beat their wives.10 The economic success of Jewish men, as a group, serves to some degree as a proxy for traditional masculinity, an achieved state in a capitalist culture that carries an allure analogous to the desirability of physical attractiveness in a culture that valorizes the body. Western culture privileges both the financial and the physical, and for Jewish men, the former may compensate

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for the lack of the latter in the construction of masculinity. Jewish women, on the contrary, are shallow, demanding, whiny, and ostentatiously statusand money-conscious – without the ‘‘attractive’’ by-products of these traits available to them.

CONCLUSION It can be argued that, as a religious/cultural minority in the overwhelmingly Christian context of the American South, the Jews of Shalom may have used the rhetorics of gender discussed in this chapter as a means to establish a viable Jewish identity in an inhospitable environment.11 Although this question certainly deserves further research and consideration, the similarity of the tropes invoked by my interviewees to describe the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish man and woman bear remarkable resemblance to the stereotypes that persist in parts of the country with more visible Jewish communities (e.g., the northeastern city of Philadelphia, as characterized by Rabbi Hirschfield’s comment discussed in Note 7). Interestingly, members of Shalom appeared to accept many culturally dominant constructions of Jewish masculinity and Jewish femininity as true of other Jews, but not of themselves. Many were eager to explain to me the ways they differed from the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish man or Jewish woman. Rather than seeing themselves as contributing to the cultural othering of Jews, however, my interviewees saw themselves as ‘‘other’’ in terms of the overall Jewish population. They saw their otherness, though, as a good otherness in that they provided an alternative to typical ‘‘ugly’’ Jews – an alternative that looks and acts less stereotypically Jewish. They did not consider the ways that their espousal of this alternative may serve to reinforce popular constructions of the ‘‘ugly Jew.’’12 The women of Shalom believed that the caricatured ‘‘Jewish female desires’’ that Antler refers to constitute the bulk of information that many of their Southern Christian neighbors and co-workers have about what it means to be a Jewish woman. They made a good deal of effort to refute the applicability of this image to themselves, but in doing so they also reified the stereotypic caricature of a spoiled, shallow, image-conscious woman as the ‘‘typical’’ Jewish woman. The men of Shalom expressed less overt concern about the version of ‘‘Jewish man’’ they were portraying for their neighbors, although their discourse and behavior suggested that they have clear ideas about what constitutes a desirable version of Jewish masculinity. By loudly proclaiming their heterosexual desire and asserting a culturally valued masculine athleticism, the men of Shalom are doing the same gender

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stereotypical reification as the women in distancing themselves from the ‘‘JAP’’ persona. By portraying themselves in contrast to assumptions (grounded in stereotypes) held about Jews, the women and men of Shalom may in fact be contributing to breaking down these stereotypes. However, by using the archetypal ‘‘Jewish American Princess’’ and the ‘‘Jewish sissy’’ as referents for doing so, they are also reasserting and perpetuating the very stereotypes they seek to dismantle. Further empirical studies of the gendered construction of ethnic identity in the United States (particularly among more recent ‘‘white’’ immigrant groups such as Greeks, Eastern Europeans, and Middle Easterners) could help illuminate the ways gender concerns influence efforts to move to the cultural center by those situated at our cultural margins.

NOTES 1. For an interesting discussion of the strengths and limitations of West and Zimmerman’s concept, see Jurik and Cynthia (2009) in the Symposium on ‘‘Doing Gender’’ as Canon or Agenda, published in the February 2009 issue of Gender & Society (Volume 23, No. 1). 2. See Frankenberg (1993), Hondagneu-Sotelo (1996), and Kibria (1996) for works that approach the kind of empirical study of identity intersectionality that I am. 3. I conducted this research from fall 1998 through early summer 2000. Names of all individuals and the organization are pseudonyms. I have chosen to call the group Shalom, a Hebrew word meaning ‘‘hello,’’ ‘‘goodbye,’’ or ‘‘peace.’’ The phrases in quotations are taken from the group’s mission statement. 4. For more on the concept of ‘‘too Jewish,’’ see Kleeblatt (1996). 5. Thomas de Cantimpre´ (cited in Gilman, 1986), a thirteenth-century anatomist, drew upon the work of St. Augustine when describing Jewish male menstruation as ‘‘the Father’s curse.’’ The denial of Christ, in other words, resulted in this male aberration. 6. For an interesting personal account of participation in sports as an assimilation strategy, see Klein (2000). Growing up in Buffalo, NY, in the 1950s and 1960s, Klein viewed sports as ‘‘so non-Jewish, so ‘goyish,’ as we say. Worlds away from the orthodox Jewish world of my parents y Lionizing the body was, if not repulsively Gentile, then at least kept at arm’s length and counseled as unimportant. Sport? Sport valorized Gentile masculine values like aggression, strength, speed, and combativeness y I loved it’’ (p. 215). 7. A bold illustration of the prevalence of Ken’s view of Jewish women can be found in a recent comment made by Rabbi Bradley Hirschfield, the vice president of the National Jewish Center for Learning and Leadership, while praising Lindsey Vuolo, Playboy magazine’s Miss November 2001, and apparently the first ‘‘openly Jewish’’ Playmate. According to Rabbi Hirschfield, ‘‘it’s a full corrective: you have

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Jewish men who will go home and they’ll masturbate to a Jewish girl for a change’’ (Issenberg, 2002, p. 72, 134). 8. Boyarin makes an interesting argument regarding the possibilities inherent in reclaiming the ‘‘feminized Jewish male’’ as a model for a ‘‘gentle, nurturing masculinity.’’ As Boyarin argues, ‘‘the feminized Jewish (colonized) male, may be useful today, for ‘he’ may help us precisely today in our attempts to construct an alternative masculine subjectivity, one that will not have to rediscover such cultural archetypes as Iron Johns, knights, hairy men, and warriors within’’ (p. xiv). Although this is interesting, it does little to illuminate the behavior of the men of Shalom, whose interest was primarily in obliterating the feminized Jewish male. 9. I draw on Judith Bennett’s (1997) discussion of patriarchal equilibrium here. 10. This ‘‘positive’’ stereotype of Jewish men serves to obscure, both within the Jewish community and outside it, the situation of Jewish battered wives. For more on the challenges faced by Jewish women married to Jewish men who beat them, see Scarf (1995). 11. I am grateful to the editors of Advances in Gender Research, Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos, for suggesting this line of thinking. 12. Although it may be argued that the emphasis on displays of affluence as typifying ‘‘ugly’’ behavior among Jewish women masks a more generalized class anxiety rather than an ethnic, racial, or religious one, I would disagree. Certainly class is a significant component in the process of assimilation, but I would argue that the absence of culturally meaningful terms like ‘‘CAP’’ (Catholic American Princess) or ‘‘PAP’’ (Protestant American Princess) suggests that conspicuous consumption among affluent Christian women is viewed differently from that of Jewish women.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thanks to Sandy Bardsley, Karen Booth, Sherryl Kleinman, Richard Simpson, Christian Smith, and the Advances in Gender Research editors for their helpful comments on this chapter.

REFERENCES Antler, J. (1998). Talking back: Images of Jewish women in American popular culture. Hanover, NH: Brandeis University Press. Bartky, S. (1991). Femininity and domination: Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Routledge. Bennett, J. M. (1997). Confronting continuity. Journal of Women’s History, 9(3), 73–94. Boyarin, D. (1997). Unheroic conduct: The rise of heterosexuality and the invention of the Jewish man. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Brod, H. (1994). Some thoughts on some histories of some masculinities: Jews and others. In: H. Brod & M. Kaufman (Eds), Theorizing masculinities. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Brodkin, K. (1998). How Jews became white folks, and what that says about race in America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Cheyette, B., & Marcus, L. (1998). Modernity, culture, and ‘‘the Jew’’. Oxford, England: Blackwell. Collins, P. H. (1990). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge. Connell, R. W. (1987). Gender and power. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Connell, R. W. (1990). An iron man: The body and some contradictions of hegemonic masculinity. In: M. A. Messner & D. F. Sabo (Eds), Sport, men and the gender order: Critical feminist perspectives. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Press. Cooley, C. H. (1902). Human nature and the social order. New York: Scribner. Espiritu, Y. L. (1997). Asian American women and men: Labor, laws, and love. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Fanon, F. (1967). Black skin, white masks. New York: Grove. Frankenberg, R. (1993). White women, race matters: The social construction of whiteness. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Gilman, S. (1986). Jewish self-hatred: Anti-semitism and the hidden language of the Jews. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Anchor. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1996). Overcoming patriarchal constraints: The reconstruction of gender relations among Mexican immigrant women and men. In: E. N.-L. Chow, D. Wilkinson & M. B. Zinn (Eds), Race, class, and gender: Common bonds, different voices. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hooks, B. (1993). Sisters of the yam: Black women and self-recovery. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. Issenberg, S. (2002). Jewish American Pinup. Philadelphia Magazine, October. Jurik, N. G., & Cynthia, S. (2009). ‘‘Doing gender’’ as canon or Agenda: A symposium on West and Zimmerman. Gender & Society, 23(1). Kibria, N. (1996). Power, patriarchy, and gender conflict in the Vietnamese immigrant community. In: E. N.-L. Chow, D. Wilkinson & M. B. Zinn (Eds), Race, class, and gender: Common bonds, different voices. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kimmel, M. S. (1994). Masculinity as homophobia: Fear, shame, and silence in the construction of gender identity. In: H. Brod & M. Kaufman (Eds), Theorizing masculinities. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kimmel, M. S. (1988). Judaism, masculinity, and femininity. In: H. Brod (Ed.), A Mensch among men: Explorations in Jewish masculinity. Freedom, CA: Crossing Press. Kleeblatt, N. (1996). Too Jewish? Challenging traditional identities. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Klein, A. (2000). Anti-semitism and anti-somatism: Seeking the elusive sporting Jew. Sociology of Sport Journal, 17(3). Kleinman, S., & Copp, M. A. (1993). Emotions and fieldwork. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Lindesmith, A., Strauss, A., & Denzin, M. (1999). Social psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lofland, J., & Lofland, L. H. (1995). Analyzing social settings: A guide to qualitative observation and analysis. Boston: Wadsworth. Lorber, J. (1994). Paradoxes of gender. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Memmi, A. (1965). The colonizer and the colonized. Boston: Beacon Press.


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Mercer, K. (1990). Black hair/style politics. In: R. Ferguson, M. Gever, T. T. Minh-ha & C. West (Eds), Out there: Marginalization and contemporary cultures. Cambridge: MIT Press. Messner, M. (2002). Taking the field: Women, men, and sports. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Messner, M. A. (1990). Boyhood, organized sports, and the construction of masculinities. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 18(4), 416–444. Mohanty, C. (2003). Feminism without borders: Decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Pogrebin, L. (1991). Deborah, Golda, and me: Being female and Jewish in America. Crown: New York. Prell, R.-E. (1992). Why Jewish princesses don’t sweat: Desire and consumption in postwar American Jewish culture. In: H. Eilberg-Schwartz (Ed.), People of the body: Jews and Judaism from an embodied perspective. Albany: State University of New York Press. Rich, A. (1981). Compulsory heterosexuality and lesbian existence. London: Onlywomen Press. Roediger, D. (1991). The wages of whiteness: Race and the making of the American working class. New York: Verso. Sabo, D. (1985). Sport, patriarchy, and male identity: New questions about men and sport. Arena Review, 9(2), 1–30. Scarf, M. (1995). Marriages made in heaven? Battered Jewish wives. In: S. Heschel (Ed.), On being a Jewish feminist. New York: Schocken. Snow, D., & Anderson, L. (1993). Down on their luck: A study of homeless street people. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. United Jewish Communities. (2002). United States Jewish population fairly stable over decade, according to results of National Jewish Population Survey 2000-2001. Available at http://www.ujc.org/content_display.html?print ¼ 1&ArticleID ¼ 60654&page ¼ 1. Retrieved on November 4, 2002. Van Maanen, J. (1988). Tales of the field: On writing ethnography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Walker, R. (2001). Black, white, and Jewish: Autobiography of a shifting self. New York: Riverhead. Waters, M. (1990). Ethnic options: Choosing identities in America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. West, C., & Zimmerman, D. H. (1987). Doing gender. Gender & Society, 1(2). Williams, P. (1991). The alchemy of race and rights: Diary of a law professor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

YOUNG WOMEN’S FEMINIST IDENTITIES: THE IMPACT OF FEMINIST STEREOTYPES AND HETEROSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS Alison Dahl Crossley ABSTRACT Purpose – The purpose of this chapter is to analyze how young women from diverse national backgrounds adopt or resist feminist identities. This research is founded on three questions. First, what role does feminism play in the lives of young women from varying geographical and cultural locations? Second, how do media represent and shape understandings of feminism and enactments of femininity? Third, what is the interplay between the perceived relevance of feminism and focus on heterosexual partnering? Methodology/approach – The research is based on semistructured individual interviews with 13 women. The theoretical framework is based on social movements, feminist, and postfeminist literature. Findings – I found that the women adhered to media-fabricated stereotypes of feminists such as bra burners, and that despite their differing cultural backgrounds, they shared strikingly similar understandings of feminism. When asked questions about the film Bridget Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 339–355 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014019

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Jones’s Diary, many of the women were conflicted with a simultaneous desire for independence and a yearning for traditional heterosexual relationships. The tensions surrounding tradition and modernity, coupled with the perception that feminism is the purview of lesbians resulted in many of them resisting feminist identities. Originality/value of chapter – This chapter highlights the complexities and contradictions exhibited by young women negotiating feminist identities. It demonstrates how difficult it is for feminism to change with respect to broader shifts in social life when it is saddled with such monolithic and static stereotypes. We must strongly consider the future of feminism if young women fail to see its relevance to their lives.

Helen was a 22-year-old British woman studying for an undergraduate degree in psychology at Goldsmiths College, University of London. Although she described herself as a feminist, was the women’s officer of the university’s student union, and belonged to an on-line feminist group, she recognized the complexities and stereotypes of feminism. She said that much of feminism was alienating and ‘‘a bit too much,’’ and ‘‘for most people it has the connotations of being radical, or lesbian man haters.’’ Despite her positive experiences and involvement in feminism, our conversation had an undercurrent of acknowledging the negative stereotypes associated with feminism. Later in our conversation we spoke about representations of women in film and television, and Helen exhibited further conflicting feelings: ‘‘I like Sex and the City, and I like Marilyn Monroe films, which are totally against all of my beliefs. I don’t know, there’s a conflict between femininity and also wanting to be a modern independent women.’’ In my interviews with young women from diverse cultural and national backgrounds, these themes arose consistently. Although many of the women felt that feminism remained relevant in important ways, our conversations were dominated by references to negative stereotypes. The women surprisingly adhered to the same stereotypes despite their very different backgrounds. The women also overwhelmingly thought that they had infinite choices in their lives, but were simultaneously embarrassingly enamored with the protagonist of the film Bridget Jones’s Diary and her desperate search for a man. In this chapter, I will discuss meanings ascribed to feminism and young women’s relationships to feminist identities. Key themes that emerged from my research include the long-lasting impact of stereotypes of 1970s feminism

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and the emphasis placed on heterosexual romantic love. My interest is in the intersection of feminist stereotypes and an emphasis on romantic relationships, and its ramifications for feminist identities. This research is founded on three key questions. First, what role does feminism play in the lives of young women from varying geographical and cultural locations? Second, how do media represent and shape understandings of feminism and enactments of femininity? Third, what is the interplay between the perceived relevance of feminism and a focus on heterosexual partnering? Although this research is based on a small sample, the women offered important insight into the navigation of feminist identities. This research extends our understandings of the impact of feminist stereotypes and the complex connections between feminist identity and heterosexuality.

LITERATURE REVIEW In understanding young women and their relationship to feminist identities, three bodies of literature help us navigate the terrain. First, a collective identity and social movements approach allows us to understand how a feminist identity may unify a group of people, and how feminism is perpetuated despite social and cultural change. Second, popular feminism, in the form of accessible books and websites provides a description of the discourses ascribed to feminism circulating in a variety of social and cultural contexts. Finally, the postfeminist framework allows for analyzing representations of feminism in popular culture and the many ways such representations may be meaningful. This three-pronged approach provides a full picture of the complexities of feminist identities, and the thoughts and opinions of the women I interviewed can be understood using aspects of each of the three frameworks.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY Social movement research on feminist identities signals the importance of a nuanced feminist identity and the organizing features of collective identity. Early research on the complexities of feminist identities acknowledged the ‘‘I’m not a feminist, but’’ phenomenon of women who believe in the importance of common feminist ideologies (equal pay, reproductive rights), but who would not embrace a feminist identity (Schneider, 1985). More recent research builds on this phenomenon and acknowledges that feminist

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identities form a continuum. Individuals may reside at various points and their positions may even fluctuate from point to point along the continuum at different moments in their lives (Taylor, 1996; Aronson, 2003; Reger, 2005). Not only are feminist identities not fixed or static, but the identity may be relational and contextual. Additionally, in order to recognize different forms of feminism and how feminism remains relevant despite cultural and social changes, we must acknowledge how the boundaries and definitions of feminist identities shift, and at some points in time are more fixed than others (Whittier, 1995; Staggenborg & Taylor, 2005). Because of the nuanced and complex nature of feminist identities, defining feminism is a problem with which scholars continually struggle. A collective identity approach highlights the constructed and interactional nature of feminism, which allows room for the analysis of a variety of feminist identities. In their research on lesbian feminist communities, Taylor and Whittier (1992) define collective identity as a process of boundary creation, the establishment of collective consciousness, and the incorporation of movement politics and practices in everyday life. In emphasizing the processes rather than ideologies by which feminist collective identities are created, Taylor and Whittier provide a foundation for understanding differences amongst feminists and the interactions through which varying feminist identities are created. Building on this framework, Rupp and Taylor (1999) analyze the international women’s movement in the early 20th century to develop a collective identity typology that is amenable to a variety of feminist identities, specifically related to differences in geographical or historical positionalities. In emphasizing the three interrelated layers of ‘‘organizational, movement, and solidary’’ identities, the salience of institutional processes, intramovement collective identity, and individual social locations may be understood as continually interacting to shape a feminist collective identity (p. 366). The complexities of feminist identities are highlighted by the negotiations that take place around embracing the identity, exhibited by the continuum of feminist identities and the ‘‘I’m not a feminist, but’’ phenomenon. While it is important to understand the strategic deployment or resistance to feminist identity, in order to gain an analytic foothold on the meaning of feminism, we need more than nebulous and amorphous identity categories. In grappling with such differences in feminism, the collective identity approach provides a perspective of feminist identity that, although recognizing differences, establishes an analytic framework to analyze and understand the dynamic nature of feminist identities.


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FEMINIST REPRESENTATIONS IN MEDIA The media are important elements in the discussion of feminist identities insofar as news and entertainment media have significantly shaped and disseminated perceptions of feminism since the 1970s. One of the earliest examples was at the 1968 Women’s Liberation demonstration at the Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City, New Jersey. The protestors threw symbols of women’s oppression into a trashcan, including girdles, bras, and high-heeled shoes, but the trashcan was never burned. As Jo Freeman writes on her website: ‘‘the 1968 demonstration also saddled women’s liberation with the myth of bra burning. Forevermore the press would repeat that women burned their bras. They never remembered where this was supposed to have occurred, let alone that it never happened’’ (Freeman, 2005, para 6). In its coverage of the event, the New York Times reported that no bras were burned at the pageant protest. However, in a striking illustration of the fabrication, only three weeks following the event the same paper reported on the bra burning as though it had happened (Rosen, 2000). The bra-burning phenomenon, which was entirely fabricated and distributed by news media, has the power to not only trivialize, but also to sexualize feminism (Rosen, 2000). Additionally, over 40 years after the event supposedly occurred, it remains an often-used stereotype to describe and to discredit feminism. More recently, a 2002 content analysis of feminist representations in news and public affairs media found that feminists are ‘‘significantly more likely to be demonized’’ and 10 times more likely to be coupled with words such as ‘‘jerks, bitches, radical or bad’’ than the more general category of women (Lind & Salo, 2002, p. 224). While studies of representations are limited insofar as we may not attribute any direct causation between media representations and individual’s perception of feminism, mainstream media are the primary sources where many women learn about feminism. When the media create and perpetuate negative images and stereotypes about feminists being hysterical, out-of-touch, or simply unpleasant, individuals are less likely to be sympathetic to feminism or adopt a feminist identity (Williams & Wittig, 1997). While nonfeminist news and entertainment media have greatly affected dominant perceptions of feminism, there are many popular sources that present feminism in an accessible and positive light (Valenti, 2007; Siegel, 2007). Many popular texts rely on an individualist perspective of feminism, emphasizing that women should be empowered to make choices that are right in their lives (such as taking their husbands’ names, wearing make-up, etc.), without attending to larger issues of power and domination

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(Baumgardner & Richards, 2000). This stands in stark contrast to both a collective identity approach to feminism as well as the ideals of 1970s feminism, in which feminism is perceived to have been both restrictive and judgmental of individual choices (Hercus, 2005). For many feminists, the personal is political. In popular feminist texts, the personal is simply personal. The feminist model of emphasizing choice both eclipses the central tenants of feminism (attention to sexism, racism, classism, homophobia, and interrelated social injustices) and has the potential to turn feminism into a consumerist commodity. What is most striking about the language around this type of feminism is that it adopts a privileged perspective as universal, one in which women have a smorgasbord of choices related to their personal and work lives with no recognition of the constraints of class, race, or sexuality.

POSTFEMINISM A central part of popular feminism is the notion that women do not need to attend to issues of sexism because ‘‘feminism is in the water,’’ meaning that the successes of feminism have led to a universal base level of feminist understanding (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000, p. 80). The ‘‘feminism in the water’’ standpoint alleviates any pressure to acknowledge and work against social injustices and is closely related to postfeminism. Judith Stacey (1987) used the term postfeminism to describe the women who distanced themselves from feminism due to the postindustrial condition and the failure of feminism exhibited by the feminization of poverty. Stacey argued that women were simultaneously adopting and rejecting feminist goals with an overall orientation to depoliticization. In contrast to the postfeminist model, scholars of social movements argue that feminism ebbs and flows over time in relation to political, economic, and social conditions (Rupp & Taylor, 1987; Whittier, 1995). Although controversial, the scope of the term postfeminism has been expanded by many scholars, including cultural studies and media scholars. Angela McRobbie argues that postfeminism is a valuable framework to understand current enactments of feminism (2004). She argues that postfeminism ‘‘positively draws on and invokes feminism as that which can be taken into account, to suggest that equality is achieved, in order to install a whole repertoire of new meanings which emphasize that it is no longer needed’’ (p. 255). Conventional modes of feminism are seen as outmoded, nonrelevant, and unappealing, and the new era of postfeminism allows for greater flexibility and appreciation for tradition.


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This renewed appreciation for tradition attributed to postfeminism has been dominated by discussions of heterosexual marriage. The relationship between feminism and traditional weddings is contested, to say the least, because of the wedding ritual’s basis in traditional gender roles for women. In her article on postfeminism, Angela McRobbie (2004) writes of a wedding fantasy in Bridget Jones’s Diary: ‘‘ y Bridget fantasies tradition y she imagines herself in a white wedding dress surrounded by bridesmaids, and the audience laughs loudly because they, like Bridget, know that this is not how young women these days are meant to think. Feminism has intervened to constrain these kinds of conventional desires.’’ She continues discussing postfeminism: ‘‘It is then, a relief to escape this censorious politics and freely enjoy that which has been disapproved of ’’ (2006, p. 262). Thus, the postfeminist moment allows women to guiltlessly adopt traditional rituals such as marriage and weddings that reproduce conventional gender roles, but it may be done now with a sense of relief that we no longer have to worry about the judgment that feminists may have imposed. Not coincidentally, in the last 10 years, weddings and wedding planning has dominated popular culture. Popular reality television programming includes shows like ‘‘Bridezilla’’ (WeTV), ‘‘My Big Redneck Wedding’’ (CMT), ‘‘Whose Wedding is it Anyway?’’ (Style Network), and ‘‘A Wedding Story’’ (TLC). Indeed weddings and wedding planning have become an industry, named ‘‘the wedding industrial complex’’ by Sociologist Chrys Ingraham (1998). Because weddings tell us so much about culture, gender, and sexuality, I was surprised that many of my interviewees talked about the connections between feminism, femininity, and heterosexual weddings, despite the fact this topic was not included in my interview schedule. Their discussions of ‘‘finding a man’’ highlighted the connections between feminist identities and other gendered social rituals. Each of these perspectives – collective identity, popular feminism, and postfeminism – provides a nuanced perspective of feminist identity. The collective identity approach allows us to understand the structural and individual conditions that facilitate social movement organizing, and the postfeminism and popular feminist perspectives allow for a consideration of cultural representations and the tensions that arose following the successes of feminism.

METHODS I conducted my primary research in March 2003 at Goldsmiths College, London. I conducted semistructured interviews with 13 women, all

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attending Goldsmiths at the time. The women ranged in age from 21 to 28. I connected with the women by making announcements in a compulsory undergraduate class, in the Women’s Club from the Goldsmiths’ Student Union, and through acquaintances in my residence hall and classes. I interviewed 10 students at a cafe´ at Goldsmiths, and the other 3 in my flat. We had a coffee and conversation before the interview itself, and the interviews lasted between thirty and forty minutes. I used feminist methodologies in both my research design and interviews, considering matters of reflexivity, life experiences, and participation in social change efforts (Fonow & Cook, 1991; Taylor, 1998; DeVault, 1999). Adopting Fonow and Cook’s (1991) guidelines for destabilizing the power structure in traditional research, I spoke casually with the interviewees and encouraged them to discuss feminism in the terms that were relevant to their lives. However, I am aware of the problematic nature of studying feminist identities. Although I indicated in each of the interviews that I did not have a particular definition of feminism in mind, there is the possibility that the manner in which the interviewees spoke to me about feminism was influenced by my scholarly interests. Because the research was crosscultural, I was acutely aware of my status as a white woman researcher from the United States. My identity was particularly salient in light of the international turmoil during the time I conducted my research (Former President Bush announced the beginning of the Iraq war during the time I was conducting my interviews). Finally, although I am modest about this research and its contribution to social change, I hope that it contributes to continuing discussions of feminist identities and representations. The women I interviewed were enrolled in university; 10 in masters programs and 3 as undergraduate students. Eight of the women were studying Media and Communications, two were studying Sociology, and one each Transnational Media and Communications, English Literature, and Psychology. The women come from the following 12 countries: Argentina, Ethiopia, England, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, India, Malaysia, Norway, Portugal, Singapore, and the United States (see appendix). The women all reported that they were middle-class, ranging from lower-middle to upper-middle class. Twelve of the 13 women had a boyfriend, husband, or expressed desire for a male mate. The women had a variety of career goals and thoughts for their future, although many of them were unsure what they would do or where they would move after graduation. Aditi, Carolina, and Sara were hoping to travel; Sian and Stella wanted to get jobs in the media field in their home countries; Li Ming and Megan wanted to be teachers; Helen, a clinical


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psychologist; Sabine, a Ph.D. student; Eva, a NGO employee; and the rest were unsure what their future held. After asking them background questions, I asked about their opinion of feminism and feminists, their perception of dominant understandings of feminists, and whether gender equality has been achieved. Next I asked them about their media consumption and finally about the film Bridget Jones’s Diary, which at the time was generating a lot of attention regarding the protagonist’s enactment of femininity and possibly postfeminism. I used a discussion of the film Bridget Jones’s Diary as a methodological tool to reveal the interviewees’ thoughts on what feminism means in their lives. It showed vivid complexities and contradiction in their negotiations of feminism. I chose this film because it was a turning point in media and cultural studies scholars’ discussion of feminism and postfeminism insofar as the heterosexual protagonist embraced a love of traditional notions of femininity and man-chasing, in addition to a pursuit of career success and independence. This methodology adopts the technique of sociologist France Winddance Twine (2006), who utilizes photographs as a tool to collect data and create theory. The film Bridget Jones’s Diary served as a contemporary visual text for the interviewees’ analysis. Although I was prepared to screen the film to interviewees, all but one of the women had already seen the film and had thoughtful insights. The film, starring Renee Zellweger, Hugh Grant, and Colin Firth, broke numerous box office records and was followed by a 2004 sequel. Bridget is a 32-year-old unmarried heterosexual white Londoner working in publishing. Desperate to find a suitable boyfriend and husband, she uses a diary to document her emotional, social, and work life. Bridget dates white men, obsesses ad infinitum, and ultimately finds a male partner. This film diverged from others of its genre in its focus on a woman protagonist’s single life as well as her family and job, although it is similar to other romantic comedies in its heteronormativity and emphasis on the importance of marriage. Feminist theorists have analyzed the film and its representation of women and feminism (McRobbie, 2004). Helen Fielding and many feminist media bloggers have suggested that Bridget is postfeminist insofar as she has independence, a job, home, and friends, but still yearns for a conventional heterosexual dependent relationship. There are many inconsistencies in the film in terms of empowerment and dependence. However, precisely because the film is contentious in its representations of women, it unfailingly inspired lively discussion. Such contradictions, involving simultaneous empowerment and resistance to feminism, desire for independence but concern about

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a future without a male partner, and skepticism about the relevance of feminism ran throughout my interviews. Discussions of the film echoed and highlighted how the women negotiated and understood feminism in their own lives.

INFLUENCE OF STEREOTYPES The majority of the women interviewed were unsure whether they identified themselves as feminists. Such ambivalence has been documented widely (Aronson, 2003; Hercus, 2005; Schneider, 1985; Stacey, 1987; Whittier, 1995). The women employed a variety of reasons for resistance or ambivalence to feminism, including feminism’s ‘‘perceived incompatibility between marriage and motherhood’’ and disparaging comments about feminism from family and friends (Hercus, 2005, p. 67). Echoing the findings about negative representations of feminism in the media, Aronson found that many women resisted feminism because of negative images of feminists or because of the ambiguity of feminism’s meaning (2003). The women in this research used combinations of these reasons in discussing their hesitation or resistance to feminism. The women were confused and unsure about the meaning of feminism. For example, 22-year-old Sabine said: ‘‘I don’t know if I’m a feminist, I don’t think so, but let’s come back to that question later.’’ ‘‘How do you define feminism?’’ asked 25-year-old Li Ming. Sabine, Li Ming, and Aditi were all ambivalent toward feminism, although what stood out is that each of these women had taken Women’s Studies courses and had previous experiences with feminism. This is in contrast to recent research that indicates that women in higher education, specifically women who have taken Women’s Studies courses, are more likely to adhere to feminist identities (Hercus, 2005; Aronson, 2003). A surprising majority of the women interviewed mentioned mediaperpetuated stereotypes of feminism including bra burners, butches, and lesbians. Although not all the women who mentioned these stereotypes resisted a feminist identity themselves, I was surprised that women from such diverse national origins used similar language and drew on what appear to be transnational stereotypes when thinking about how feminism relates to them. Such stereotypes have not only traveled transnationally, but have become etched in many people’s definition of feminism. Bra burning, a fabricated event from New Jersey in 1968, has had incredible staying power. In my research, it influenced how women from across the world understand feminism over 40 years after the myth was first created. Additionally, such


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stereotypes are centered on the collective identity of feminists and are reliant on images of women protesting in solidarity, while in reality feminism is oftentimes more about day-to-day individual action (Whittier, 1995; Hercus, 2005; Reger, 2005). Also striking about the women’s use of these stereotypes was the idea that lesbians are the spokespeople for feminism, implying that their heterosexual privilege must be compromised in order to embrace feminism. Although lesbians have certainly played an important role in the evolution and perpetuation of feminism, the women in this research seemed to use the stereotype as rationale to avoid a feminist identity. Heteronormativity and the assumption of heterosexuality in this case were employed as buffers or instruments of resistance to feminism, insofar as lesbians and bra burners were perceived as the bearers of true feminist culture. Despite young women being involved in same-sex relationships or the trend of young women kissing their female friends at parties, recent research has indicated that there is a common resistance to the lesbian identity (Rupp, Taylor, & Schindler, 2009; Thompson & Morgan, 2008; Diamond, 2005). This suggests the possibility of the processes of the interrelation between feminist identity and lesbian identity with the women I interviewed; trends in feminist identities and trends in lesbian identities may be related. Although I would have to ask more direct questions to ascertain the correlation between feminist and lesbian stereotypes, the interviews in this project suggest that resistance to feminism was tied up with adherence to heteronormativity and a resulting distancing from lesbianism. Negative stereotypes associated with feminism are detrimental to young women adopting feminist identities. They also lead us to consider the broader implications of adherence to such stereotypes. Social movements scholars have demonstrated how feminism is sustained through times of inhospitable social climates (Rupp & Taylor, 1987; Taylor & Rupp, 1993), and how the women’s movement persists throughout periods of social change (Whittier, 1995; Ferree & Hess, 2000). But how can feminism remain relevant and change with respect to broader shifts in social life when it is saddled with such monolithic and static stereotypes?

INDEPENDENCE AND COMPULSORY HETEROSEXUALITY In discussing the film Bridget Jones’s Diary and by using the film as a foundation for additional questions, I was able to elicit different

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perspectives on the negotiation of feminism. The film was an excellent juxtaposition to the rest of our conversations about feminism because the protagonist in many ways stands in opposition to how the women described feminism and gender roles in their own lives. The majority of women had very mixed feelings about the protagonist, simultaneously despising parts of her personality and admitting she was reflective of themselves and their friends. Additionally striking was the women’s lack of critique of the heteronormativity, whiteness, and class representation in the film. The interviews illuminated the complicated entanglements of feminism and heterosexuality, tradition, and independence. A central theme of the film is Bridget’s status as an unmarried woman and her desire to be in a heterosexual relationship. The women I interviewed and the character Bridget Jones assumed heterosexuality, recalling the compulsory heterosexuality criticized in the 1970s and 80s (Rich, 1980). I was deliberately noncommittal in my references to sexuality throughout my interviews. Although the sexual orientation of my sample was not addressed in the interviews, there were no remarks made by my interviewees about the presumption of heterosexuality or even the possibility of homosexuality. All but one of the interviewees who saw the film could identify with Bridget’s strong need for companionship and romance. Carolina understood how Bridget behaved as she did because: ‘‘I think that I wouldn’t be happy if I didn’t have someone to share my life with.’’ Aditi said ‘‘I would not be able to imagine myself without a man. But, I wouldn’t speak of it in a gendered sense y Just in the sense of companionship y If you click with a person, you do, but you don’t keep going on this mad hunt to find him, because I think it is rather pointless.’’ Megan found Bridget’s sense of humor likable and could ‘‘identify with someone who is lonely, and who wants a relationship y and it’s about finding someone who can like you for you even if you’re not perfect.’’ Although Li Ming couldn’t identify with Bridget in many ways, she sympathized with Bridget’s feeling about companionship: ‘‘I don’t drink, I don’t smoke, I think I am less adventurous then her. But I can identify with her need to feel loved.’’ These comments were striking for many reasons, namely for the near universal concern about establishing a life with a male partner. Like Bridget, the women in my sample were overwhelmed by a discussion of romantic heterosexual love and allowed little else into our conversation about the film. When I asked them about Bridget’s relationship to gender and feminism, the women did not critique the film’s representation of compulsory heterosexuality, the privilege of Bridget and her friends, or the inconsistencies between her employment and her economically privileged life.


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Because my interviewees were young, financially stable students, it explains part of their identification with Bridget. Given their socioeconomic status, the women had not experienced consistent or major financial struggles. Because they had been in school for most of their lives, they also didn’t have prolonged employment experience. This may explain their lack of a critical approach to the inconsistencies in Bridget’s employment and social life. Although I was initially surprised at their fear of being alone at a relatively young age, this fear may be due in part to their overall inexperience with long-lasting relationships. One of the women was married and others had been or were currently in partner relationships. However, the nature of being an international student involves moving and traveling, and certainly may prohibit long-term relationships. However, the interviewees’ focus on heterosexual romantic love surprisingly eclipsed further discussions regarding racial, class, and gendered power structures. This echoes the discourse found in popular feminist texts, emphasizing the importance of individual choice over recognition of inequalities (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000). Their language also is reflective of how McRobbie describes postfeminism as embracing traditional gender roles and a ‘‘relief to escape the censorious politics and freely enjoy that which has been disapproved of ’’ (McRobbie, 2004, p. 262). Cheryl Hercus (2005) found a ‘‘perceived incompatibility between marriage and motherhood, and being feminist,’’ and perhaps the stark separation between heterosexuality and feminism allowed the women to embrace femininity and the assumption of heterosexuality without consideration of feminisms’ critique of heterosexuality and power structures (p. 67). While the stereotypes of feminism, the women deployed certainly acknowledge these aspects of feminism, they distanced themselves from them. The women’s focus on heterosexual relationships combined with their comments about feminists as bra burners and lesbians provided an illustration of the nuanced perspective of the complex negotiation of feminist identity. Since the 1970s, the constancy of feminist stereotypes has persisted. However, it is only more recently that young women’s obsession with a heterosexual romantic partner has been documented in research and popular culture. It may be at this particular historic moment that the combination of the longevity of negative stereotypes and the value placed on postfeminist ideals of traditional relationships means that for many women an adoption of a feminist identity is unappealing. However, the women’s identification and fondness for Bridget was certainly conflicted. Helen, Nicola, and Li Ming said that although they didn’t want to identify with her, they couldn’t avoid it. When I asked Nicola

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whether she identified with Bridget, she said ‘‘sometimes, but I wish I didn’t.’’ Although Nicola was very irritated with Bridget’s antics, she felt that ‘‘everybody sort of battles’’ their insecurities and loneliness as does Bridget. Part of Helen’s uneasiness with her identification with Bridget is that while in many ways she ‘‘lacks substance,’’ she identified with her struggles with relationships and lack of confidence. As quoted at the beginning of the chapter, Helen said that although she is fond of shows such as Sex and the City and films starring Marilyn Monroe that stand ‘‘against all her beliefs,’’ she attributed it to a ‘‘conflict between femininity and also wanting to be a modern, independent woman.’’ The tension between wanting a successful career but also a family and children was dominant throughout the interviews. It appeared that the women perceived the challenges of heterosexual romance and raising a family as a universal phenomenon, as opposed to feminism, which may be connected to a rigid collective identity they do not embrace. In this case, the women seemed to associate feminism not with a fluid and shifting identity residing on a continuum, but rather with a collective identity with which they did not identify. Their preference is more akin to the popular feminist notion of individualism and choice.

CONCLUSION Feminist identities are complex, nuanced, fluctuating, and often difficult to pin down. In this chapter I attempted to create a multidisciplinary perspective that allows us to understand how media-perpetuated feminist stereotypes and an emphasis on heterosexual relationships interact. It provides a contextualization for the negotiation of feminist identities. I have demonstrated that given the long-lasting and far-reaching stereotypes of United States 1970s feminism, even women who have positive experiences with feminism are likely to resist or negotiate feminism in a complex manner. Additionally, our conversations about Bridget Jones’s Diary highlighted just how complicated many of the women’s orientations were in desiring independence as well as a traditional dependent heterosexual relationship. I hope this chapter adds to our understanding of feminist identities, specifically related to representation in film and media. The interaction of negative stereotypes and a resurgence of traditional romantic rituals, such as weddings, remind us of the multiplicity of layers that need to be taken into consideration in the evaluation of feminist identities. Although the


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postfeminist framework overlooks the existence and nuances of feminist organizing, it does remind us to study how shifting social terrain affects how we analyze social movements, and encourages us to consider the powerful and organizing nature of cultural representations and discourses. We must continue to research feminist identities, particularly during moments when their death is proclaimed. Because gender remains a primary organizing institution with significant material consequences, there will always be need to mobilize for our rights as women, despite the vast differences among women. Gender-related economic, social, and political disparities remain, despite the assertion among many women that they have infinite possibilities in their lives. Although we are fortunate that many advances have been made regarding sexism, racism, and homophobia, we must not feel relived or satisfied. As social movement scholars remind us, feminism perpetually ebbs and flows, rises and falls, according to social and historical contexts.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks to Verta Taylor, Leila Rupp, France Winddance Twine, and Angela McRobbie for their support, advice, and guidance. Thanks also to Dee Ann Crossley and Advances in Gender Research editors Marcia Texler Segal and Vasilikie Demos for their helpful feedback.

REFERENCES Aronson, P. (2003). Feminists or ‘postfeminists’? Young women’s attitudes toward feminism and gender relations. Gender and Society, 17(5), 903–922. Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesta: Young women, feminism and the future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. DeVault, M. (1999). Liberating method: Feminism and social research. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Diamond, L. M. (2005). ‘I’m straight, but I kissed a girl’: The trouble with American media representations of female-female sexuality. Feminism and Psychology, 15, 104–110. Ferree, M. M., & Hess, B. B. (2000). Controversy and coalition: The new feminist movement across four decades of change (3rd Ed.). New York: Routledge. Fonow, M. M., & Cook, J. A. (Eds). (1991). Beyond methodology: Feminist scholarship as lived research. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Freeman, J. 2005. No more Miss America (1968–1969). Available at: http://www.jofreeman. com/photos/MissAm1969.html. Retrieved on March 2007. Hercus, C. (2005). Stepping out of line: Becoming and being feminist. New York: Routledge.

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Ingraham, C. (1998). White weddings: Romanticizing heterosexuality in popular culture. New York: Routledge. Lind, R. A., & Salo, C. (2002). The framing of feminists and feminism in news and public affairs programs in U.S. electronic media. The Journal of Communication, 52(1), 211–228. McRobbie, A. (2004). Post-feminism and popular culture. Feminist Media Studies, 4(3), 255–264. Reger, J. (Ed.) (2005). Different wavelengths: Studies of the contemporary women’s movement. New York: Routledge. Rich, A. (1980). Compulsory heterosexuality and lesbian existence. Signs, 5(4), 631–660. Rosen, R. (2000). The world split open: How the modern women’s movement changed America. New York: Viking. Rupp, L. J., & Taylor, V. (1987). Survival in the doldrums: The American women’s rights movement, 1945 to the 1960s. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rupp, L. J., & Taylor, V. (1999). Forging feminist identity in an international movement: A collective identity approach to feminism. Signs, 24(1), 363–386. Rupp, L. J., Taylor, V., & Schindler, G. (2009). Why girls who aren’t lesbians make out with girls. Paper presented at the Pacific Sociological Association Annual Meetings, San Diego, CA, USA. Schneider, B. (1985). I’m not a feminist but: Feminist disclaimers, stigma, and the contemporary women’s movement. Paper presented at L.A. Chapter, Sociologists for Women in Society, Los Angeles, CA, USA. Siegel, D. (2007). Sisterhood, interrupted: From radical women to grrls gone wild. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Stacey, J. (1987). Sexism by a subtler name? Postindustrial conditions and postfeminist consciousness in the Silicon Valley. Socialist Review, 17, 7–28. Staggenborg, S., & Taylor, V. (2005). Whatever happened to the women’s movement? Mobilization, 10(1), 37–52. Taylor, V. (1996). Rock-a-by baby: Feminism, self-help, and postpartum depression. New York: Routledge. Taylor, V. (1998). Feminist methodology in social movements research. Qualitative Sociology, 21(4), 357–379. Taylor, V., & Rupp, L. (1993). Women’s culture and lesbian feminist activism: A reconsideration of cultural feminism. Signs, 19(1), 32–61. Taylor, V., & Whittier, N. (1992). Collective identity in social movement communities: Lesbian feminist mobilization. In: A. Morris & C. Mueller (Eds), Frontiers in social movement theory (pp. 104–129). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Thompson, E. M., & Morgan, E. M. (2008). ‘Mostly straight’ young women: Variations in sexual behavior and identity development. Developmental Psychology, 44(1), 15–21. Twine, F. W. (2006). Visual ethnography and racial theory: Family photographs as archives of interracial intimacies. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 29(3), 487–511. Valenti, J. (2007). Full frontal feminism: A young women’s guide to why feminism matters. New York: Seal Press. Whittier, N. (1995). Feminist generations: The persistence of the radical women’s movement. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Williams, R., & Wittig, M. A. (1997). ‘‘I’m not a feminist, but y ’’: Factors contributing to the discrepancy between pro-feminist orientation and feminist social identity. Sex Roles, 37(11/12), 885–904.

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APPENDIX. INTERVIEWEES’ BACKGROUND INFORMATION Namea

Age

Home

Sofia Helen Stella Carolina Sian Megan Sara Nicola Li Ming Susan Sabine Eva Aditi

22 22 25 25 28 22 25 21 25 23 22 21 21

Oslo, Norway Newcastle, England Athens, Greece Figueira da Foz, Portugal Singapore New Hampshire, United States Hong Kong Oxford, England Malaysia California, United States Stuttgart, Germany Ethiopia and Argentina Mumbai, India

a

Pseudonyms

TOWARD A FEMINIST METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE INTERSECTION OF RACE, CLASS, AND GENDER: LESSONS FROM CUBA Anne R. Roschelle, Maura I. Toro-Morn and Elisa Facio ABSTRACT Purpose – Recent theoretical analyses examining the intersection of race, class, and gender have resulted in exciting new epistemological frameworks in the social sciences. However, feminist researchers have yet to articulate concrete strategies for capturing this intersectionality empirically. Methodology – On the basis of ethnographic research conducted in Cuba, we build on previous feminist epistemological insights and begin to develop methodological strategies that can be used to capture the intersection of race, class, and gender in the context of cross-cultural research. Findings – The major contribution of our work is the articulation of theoretical insights into methodological guidelines that can guide research Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play Advances in Gender Research, Volume 14, 357–380 Copyright r 2010 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 1529-2126/doi:10.1108/S1529-2126(2010)0000014020

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both inside the United States, the site where much of this theorizing takes place, and beyond our borders. Research limitations – The primary limitation of our research is the lack of collaboration with Cuban researchers. Given the political rancor between the United States and Cuba, and limitations on their academic freedom, is difficult to work with Cuban scholars without compromising their security. Cuban scholars who are critical of the state are fearful of potential reprisals. Originality – Nonetheless, our work provides a unique analysis of how to capture the intersection of race, class, and gender empirically from a cross-cultural perspective.

Research is made from the hesitations of experience, common mistakes, misguided desires, lost opportunitiesy[T]he making of insight proceeds in fits and starts, in the inconsolable breech between the public and the private, in the awkward sentence, in the breaking of the rule. The story of the research, then becomes the story of the researcher’s questions. (Bloom, 1998)

INTRODUCTION Over the past two decades, feminist scholars have been theorizing about the centrality of race, class, and gender in daily life (Andersen & Collins, 1992; Blea, 1992; Collins, 1990; Davis, 2008; Dill, 1983; Glenn, 1985, 1999; Hooks, 1981; McCall, 2005; Roschelle, 1997; Sacks, 1989; Zinn, 1990). Although theorizing about the interlocking nature of race, class, and gender oppression has resulted in exciting new epistemological frameworks, feminist researchers have yet to articulate concrete strategies for capturing this intersectionality empirically. Using examples from our own research in Cuba, we build on previous feminist epistemological insights and begin to develop methodological principles that can be used to capture the intersection of race, class, and gender in the context of cross-cultural research. Between 1999 and 2000, we engaged in the unique and challenging experience of doing ethnographic research in Cuba. This experience provided us with an opportunity to reflect on the basic tenets of feminist methodology and their applicability to conducting cross-cultural research. Our training as feminist researchers allowed us to be reflexive of the political and ethical ramifications of our work and to develop meaningful relations

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with our respondents. In addition, we recognized that the historical, political, and socio-cultural context under which one’s research takes places is an important component of any research process. Throughout our research, we were keenly aware of the significance of race, class, and gender asymmetries both in our research team and as North American researchers in Cuban society. On the basis of past theorizing and on our collective experiences in Cuba, we recognized the necessity of being attentive to the complexities of the ever-shifting social location of both researchers and respondents. It became apparent that our friendship functioned as a political site in which the flexibility to transform our identities according to the power dynamics of a given situation allowed us to create ideological coalitions across our own differences as well as with our respondents. This differential mode of oppositional consciousness (Sandoval, 1991, 2000) allows researchers to interrogate and cross social locations and actively dismantle traditional research hierarchies based on race, class, and gender differences. Ultimately, this chapter is intended to contribute to the ongoing dialogue among feminist and nonfeminist scholars about epistemic approaches to study the intricacies of women’s and men’s lives. We bring to this conversation the lessons we learned as feminist scholars doing research in Cuba. Clearly, the politics of doing feminist ethnography is a delicate balancing act; one must constantly balance the research goals and objectives with an awareness of the social and political context in which the research takes place (Heyl, 2001). Throughout this chapter, we examine the fundamental precepts of feminist methodology and extend them to include research on third-world women and United States women of color.

RESEARCH BACKGROUND Our desire to engage in collaborative work in Cuba emerged while we were attending a Women’s Studies Conference at the University of Havana in the Fall of 1999. We were fascinated by the ramifications of Cuba’s movement from a socialist to a market economy. While attending the Women’s Studies Conference, we met with Cuban academics and began to ask questions that intrigued us about what we saw. At the hotel, we took notes and reflected on what Cubans were telling us about their lives. As our trip came to an end, we discussed returning to Cuba to conduct research on the impact of the economic crisis known as the ‘‘Special Period’’ on the lives of Cuban women and men.

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On our return home we each began to review the literature, talk to colleagues, gather contacts, and study the kind of questions that Cubanologists in Cuba and in the United States were asking (Campbell, 1999; Lara, 1999; Pastor, 1996; Pe´rez, 1999; Ruiz, 1998). We found that although there is a substantial amount of research on the impact of the Revolution on Cuban women (Cole & Reed, 1986; Dı´ az-Vallina & Page´s, 1999; Fleites-Lear, 1999; Lutjens, 1995) and some on the general conditions of their lives (Catasu´s Cervera, 1996; Vasallo Barrueta, 1998), a critical analysis of how gender shapes their daily existence was missing (Safa, 1995). These preliminary research strategies allowed us to acquire the necessary background knowledge as well as an understanding of the material, cultural, and interpretive circumstances (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995; Heyl, 2001) of Cubans. In keeping with anti-ethnocentric reflexive sociology, we crafted our research questions based on the initial conversations we had with Cubans on our first trip (Reinharz, 1992). In the summer of 2000, we returned to Cuba to conduct our research. In general, we were concerned with the social and economic repercussions of the emergence of a two-tiered economy. In addition, we were interested in investigating how the newly implemented economic reforms impacted both the workplace and the family (Toro-Morn, Roschelle, & Facio, 2002). As feminists, we were also intrigued by the current situation of the ‘‘woman question’’ in the Cuban socialist project at the turn of the twenty-first century (Toro-Morn, Facio, & Roschelle, 2004; Roschelle, Toro-Morn, & Facio, 2005). We conducted 35 interviews with Cuban women and men across a broad range of social locations. Interviews were conducted in Spanish but translated into English throughout the course of the interview. This strategy was necessary because one member of the research team had some knowledge of Spanish, but was not fluent. Subsequently one researcher asked a question in Spanish, another researcher translated it into English, and the third researcher wrote it verbatim in English. In addition, field notes were simultaneously taken in Spanish. A strategy that proved extremely useful was our ability to collectively process data, field notes, and interview transcripts immediately after they were collected. In addition, every night we made a concerted effort to discuss and write about our experiences. The unique composition of our research team, discussed later in this chapter, facilitated the interpretation and analysis of data from three different perspectives. As three active interviewers we were able to trace how interviewees responded physically and emotionally to questions. We watched closely for shifts in the conversation, for hesitations and


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expressions that indicated a struggle to communicate a coherent answer and to contradictory stories indicative of the various identities and meanings embodied by respondents. Having three people involved in the research process allowed us to witness and discuss these shifting identities and reconcile how seemingly contradictory meanings reflect what Holstein and Gubrium (1995) refer to as ‘‘alternative validities’’ in which multiple narratives based on various roles and self identities are indeed legitimate (Heyl, 2001). By nature, cross-cultural research entails a range of difficulties, among the most critical is access to respondents. In our case we had the advantage that one member of our research team had been doing political work and research in Cuba for over a decade. Through Elisa’s friendship networks, we were able to gain access to a diverse group of respondents who trusted us and felt comfortable sharing their experiences. In any research project gaining access and trust from respondents is often extremely difficult. In a country that is undergoing radical economic and political transformation, gaining trust can be even more challenging. In our case, as a result of one member of our research collectives’ entre into the Cuban community, we had the trust of many people who referred us to their friends and family. This connection provided us with our initial contacts which ultimately became a snowball sample. Interviews took place in the homes of respondents and in our temporary residence in Cuba. We purposely stayed with a Cuban family at their guest house to gain a first-hand account of Cuban life. By staying with a family, we participated in the daily routine of Cuban experience, attended parties, and witnessed neighborhood life unfold, something that would not have been accessible to us had we stayed at a hotel.

FEMINIST RESEARCH AND THEORY: THE INTERSECTION OF RACE, CLASS, AND GENDER Our work as feminists has been shaped by the literature on feminist epistemology and methodology (Burt & Code, 1995; DeVault, 1999; Harding, 1987; Harstock, 1987; Reinharz, 1992; Stanley & Wise, 1990). We begin with a synthesis of feminist epistemological principles articulated by Judith Cook and Mary Margaret Fonow (1990). Although many of these principles focus specifically on gender and researcher subjectivity to the exclusion of race and/or ethnicity, they reflect the early work of feminists to

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construct alternative ways of knowing that demythologized patriarchal notions of value-free research. These principles provide researchers with valuable insight into feminist epistemological approaches, although they ultimately must be expanded to include attention to issues of race, ethnicity, and class. The basic premise of this perspective is the recognition of gender inequality as a fundamental feature of social reality and of social research. Doing feminist research necessitates challenging the norm of objectivity that requires researchers to separate the subject and object of research and marginalizes the everyday subjective experiences of women as being unimportant. In fact, feminist methodologists reject the argument that maintaining a strict separation between researcher and research subject produces a more valid, objective account of social reality. Rather, feminist researchers regard women’s subjective experience as integral to research and argue that the fetishization of objectivity in social science research has resulted in ignoring women’s lives as an area worthy of scientific study. In addition, feminist researchers must be self-reflexive, must identify ethical dilemmas inherent in the research process, and must acknowledge the potential exploitation of women as objects of knowledge. Finally, research must be used to empower women and to transform patriarchal social institutions, creating a more just society. These epistemological principles have been translated into various methodological strategies that have been applied to research across a range of disciplines (see, e.g., Burt & Code, 1995; Hartmann, 1987; McCall, 2005). While conducting research one must be careful to ask research questions which acknowledge and validate women’s experiences. Whenever feasible, researchers should try to collaborate with participants as much as possible so that obtaining new knowledge is based on cooperation and reciprocity. An analysis of how social, historical, and cultural factors shape the research site as well as the goals, values, and experiences of individual respondents is essential. Social scientists must be extremely self-reflexive about how their own experiences, identities, training, and theoretical traditions shape the research agenda, data analysis, and findings. Feminist researchers must question androcentric norms underpinning traditional research methods and invoke alternative epistemological strategies. Scholars must take responsibility for the representation of others in research reports by being cognizant of the potential effects different audiences can have on participants’ lives. Finally, feminist researchers must always acknowledge the limitations and contradictions inherent in the research process itself. Although this overview of feminist research principles represents a commitment to improve women’s lives and to eliminate inequalities between


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researchers and participants, it nevertheless reproduces inequality by ignoring how hierarchies of race and class shape the research process, an issue that feminists of color have more recently brought to our attention (Alcoff, 1994; Collins, 1990, 1998; Mohanty, 1991a, 1991b; Patai, 1994). Therefore, we draw on the work of various interdisciplinary third world feminists and scholars of color who have been marginalized and excluded from the hegemonic discourse of white, middle-class, feminism (Alcoff, 1994; Anzalduá, 1990; 1987; Davis, 1983; Espiritu, 1992; Hooks, 1989; Lorde, 1984; Moraga & Anzalduá, 1983; Patai, 1994; Sandoval, 1991, 2000; Spivak, 1988). From sociology, we incorporate the groundbreaking theoretical work of scholars who have provided a critique of hegemonic feminism from the perspective of how race, class, and gender intersect (Andersen & Collins, 1992; Collins, 1990; Dill, 1983; Glenn, 1985; Zinn, 1990). Black feminist sociologists were the first to examine the interlocking nature of race, gender, and class oppression (Collins, 1986; Dill, 1983; Lewis, 1977). The crux of black feminist thought is predicated on the simultaneity of oppression. Minimizing one form of oppression, although essential, may still leave Black women subjugated in other equally dehumanizing ways (Collins, 1986). Analysis of the interlocking nature of oppression shifts the investigative focus from merely explicating elements of race, gender, or class oppression to determine what the links are among these systems. Past approaches typically prioritized one form of oppression as primary, then examined remaining types of oppression as less important variables. This more integrative approach treats the interaction among multiple systems as the object of study. Instead of simply adding to existing theoretical paradigms by inserting previously excluded variables, Black feminists aspire to develop new theoretical interpretations of the interaction itself (Collins, 1986). Because other women of color are also similarly disadvantaged (Smith & Tienda, 1988), this theoretical perspective, with its focus on the linked nature of oppression (Collins, 1990), is also applicable to their experiences (see also, Andrade, 1982; Glenn, 1985; Romero, 1992; Zinn, 1989). Anne’s (1997) work on extended kinship networks among racial ethnic families is an excellent example of applying these theoretical principles to a concrete empirical study. In her work, Anne analyzes the intersection of race, class, and gender by examining both cultural as well as structural determinants of participation in informal social support networks. Her research illustrates that social reality must be examined from the perspective of race, class, and gender because these interlocking systems of oppression are deeply embedded in the U.S. society (Zinn, 1990) and profoundly impact family life. Subsequently, she argues that when building and testing

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empirical models, race, class, and gender must become the center of the analysis not simply another variable to be examined. In fact, her research is predicated on the fact that ‘‘it is imperative to identify the association between the internal dynamics of women’s family lives and economic conditions as they are bound up in broader systems of class and race inequality’’ (Roschelle, 1997, p. 70). Clearly, when theorizing about women, social scientists must examine the complex interrelationship between race, gender, and class (Roschelle, 1997). However, scholars must be careful not to assume that minority women’s experiences are interchangeable. Because of the distinct socio-historical experiences of racial-ethnic women, scholars must examine how specific societal conditions at a particular historical moment affect these interlocking systems of oppression. We extend these theoretical insights to examine empirically the intersection of race, class, and gender in the context of Cuba, a racially integrated, seemingly classless society.1 The unique contribution of our work is the articulation of these theoretical insights into methodological guidelines that can guide research both inside the United States, the site where much of this theorizing takes place, and beyond our borders. Scholars outside of sociology have extended this analytic perspective to theorize about race, class, and gender within and across geographic boundaries. For example, Chela Sandoval (1991, 2000) names the political efforts of resistance among diverse groups of women of color ‘‘United States third world feminism.’’ She recognizes that in their particularities lies a common theme of resistance to oppression that reflects the differential ideological positions and tactical strategies utilized by women of color historically. According to Sandoval (2000), women create alliances with each other through what she termed differential modes of oppositional consciousness. She suggests that diverse groups seeking to transform oppressive powers must first constitute themselves as resistant and oppositional subjects. Only through the use of subjective forms of resistance can women of color decolonize their disenfranchised positions. Sandoval is cognizant of the differences within and between oppressed groups and does not offer her perspective as a monolithic one. Rather, she contends that differential modes of consciousness depend on the ability of feminists to choose the ideological position best suited to challenge specific power structures at a particular moment in time. U.S. third world feminism offers a way for diverse women to build political alliances and to move between different ideological perspectives without one perspective becoming dominant. According to Sandoval (2000), it is out of this differential consciousness that disparate groups of women can unite in their fight against social injustice.


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Alcoff (1994) and Mohanty (1991b) extend the feminist analysis of women’s lives beyond U.S. borders. They argue that social scientists must examine the daily activities of third world women in the context of the colonial relations that shape their oppression. In addition, Mohanty (1991b) suggests that third world feminists must challenge the individualism of hegemonic Western feminist writing. ‘‘She argues that the feminism of women of color calls for rethinking the idea that ‘the personal is political,’ not because starting from experience is wrong, but because of the richness of collective rather than individual stories of agency and resistance.’’ Drawing from Gloria Anzalduá and echoing Sandoval’s notion of differential consciousness, she points to the strategic value of a multiple or ‘‘mestiza’’ consciousness, attentive to borders and negotiations through multiple locations (DeVault, 1999, p. 44). Finally, Mohanty (1991b) urges North American feminist scholars to refrain from homogenizing the experiences of third world women. She argues that using ‘‘women’’ as a category of analysis is dangerous because it prevents individuals from being historically situated and masks their race, class, religion, nation, culture, and ideological differences.

A JEW, A CHICANA, AND A PUERTORIQUENÃ: A CROSS-CULTURAL FEMINIST COLLABORATION Cross-cultural and cross-racial loving can take place, through the ability of the self to shift its identities in an activity [Lugones] calls ‘‘world traveling.’’ (Sandoval, 1991, p. 15)

According to Patricia Hill Collins (1990), feminist praxis is about building coalitions across race, class, and gender lines. Here we extend this argument to say that feminism is also about building cross-cultural feminist collaborations (Sandoval, 2000). Over the years, our conversations about our own work and the struggles we have had theorizing about race, class, and gender in the U.S. context have nurtured a growing friendship. Our friendship is a political act and the site where our feminist theorizing and praxis coalesced. Traveling to Cuba gave us the opportunity to not only strengthen our friendship, but more importantly offered yet another context to continue to problematize the intersection of race, class, and gender. What began as a conversation over mojitos developed into a research project that sought to extend our growing awareness of how these intersectionalities manifest themselves in another cultural context and how best to capture them.

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Our expertise, experience, and training complement each other very well. We are all trained as feminist sociologists who do research on communities of color. All three of us have extensive ethnographic research experience using the tools of feminist methodologies. Anne is Jewish and was born and raised in Long Island, New York. She has done research on extended kinship networks in Puerto Rican, Chicano, and African-American families (Roschelle, 1997, 2002). Her recent work focuses on racial-ethnic family poverty and homelessness (Roschelle, 1999, 2008, 2011). Anne is currently writing a book on homeless families in San Francisco, California. Maura is a Puertoriquenã, born and raised in Puerto Rico, who migrated to the United States in the early 1980s, has studied the intersection of race, class, and gender in the Puerto Rican community of Chicago (Toro-Morn, 1995) and changing notions of home among second- and third-generation Puerto Ricans in Chicago (Toro-Morn & Alicea, 2003). She is also writing a book about the gendered dimensions of international migration. Elisa, a Chicana, born on the Yakima Indian Reservation and raised in Northern California, does research on aging in the Chicana community (Facio, 1995) and jineterismo (Facio, 1999). She is currently writing a book on sex workers (jineterismo) in Cuba. As a cross-cultural research collective, we bring to our research what Maria Mies has called a double consciousness. Double consciousness is the idea that as researchers we must see ourselves and our respondents as we each exist in a social, cultural, and material world (cited, Heyl, 2001). It became clear to us that our individual race, class, and gender location informed the development of our double consciousness in our work both in the United States and in Cuba. This double consciousness allows us to recognize that our own historical and cultural biases shape the research questions, methods, interpretation of interviews, and our own collaboration. An important step in recognizing how this double consciousness operates is to understand that as individuals there are power differentials in the field and more importantly in our case between the United States and Cuba. Our double consciousness prevented us from (re)producing the hegemonic relationship of the United States government over Cuba in our interactions with respondents and with each other. Out of this double consciousness comes the ability to do research about people who are different from ourselves in a respectful and empathetic way. Although some feminists methodologists would argue that it is very hard to truly gain an ‘‘insiders’’ perspective when doing research across differences (Smith, 1987) and that ethical research on third world women by North American feminists is nearly impossible (Patai, 1994) ‘‘[T]rying to put oneself in the place of the


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other lies at the heart of the social contract and of social life itself’’ (Liebow, 1993 cited Heyl, 2001, p. 30). In sum, our friendship and collaboration is not only a source of emotional sustenance but also an important political space to theorize about race, class, and gender oppression in both the United States and Cuba. In addition, our race, class, and gender locations informed our double consciousness, which then allowed us to build bridges across our own ideological differences, enabling us to actualize the oppositional modes of transformation delineated by Sandoval in the research process.

REFLEXIVITY, POSITIONALITY, AND ETHICS Reflexivity In the tradition of qualitative researchers, our research in Cuba allowed us to address the issue of reflexivity (Atkinson, 1990; Clifford & Marcus, 1986; Emerson Fretz & Shaw, 1995). Much has been said and written about reflexivity in the context of doing ethnographic cross-cultural research (Alcoff, 1994; Patai, 1994; Mohanty, 1991b). Drawing from Barbara Heyl’s (2001) work, we present a brief summary of the major issues related to reflexivity. Heyl defines reflexivity as an awareness of ‘‘the interconnections and mutual influence’’ between the researcher and those being researched. Reflexivity also involves an understanding of the political, material, and cultural contexts in which research occurs. According to Wasserfall (1997), there are two types of reflexivity: weak and strong (Heyl, 2001). Weak reflexivity is a conscious awareness of the relationship between researcher and respondents and how the social location of the researcher influences knowledge production. Strong reflexivity moves beyond mere recognition of differences in power relationships in an attempt to dismantle inequitable power relationships between researcher and respondent. Strong reflexivity also includes a recognition that the researchers’ race, class, and gender location influences the research site. Our attempts to minimize these differences are embedded within the notion of double consciousness discussed earlier. Finally, strong reflexivity challenges researchers to take responsibility for the influences that research has on the lives of the people we study (Wasserfall, 1997; Heyl, 2001). In our research, we enacted strong reflexivity in our interactions with respondents and with each other. In our relationships with each other, we were careful not to reproduce hegemonic colonial relationships by sharing

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equally in the division of labor. While in Cuba, Maura and Elisa carried out the emotional and draining work of making contacts, setting up appointments, and facilitating transportation arrangements. Anne, on the contrary, had the exhausting and physically demanding task of writing verbatim interview notes that were frantically translated in the process of each interview. In addition, Anne was particularly reflective of the racial location of her whiteness in the research process and in our discursive interactions. As a non-Spanish speaker, she was conscious of how language is also another dimension of colonial power relations. In order not to reproduce hegemonic white power relations and privilege, she volunteered to do other research related work both in Cuba and upon our return to the United States. We were also self-reflexive of our relationship with our Cuban respondents. Throughout our research, we were careful not to place respondents in a social space that was politically precarious. For example, although one respondent agreed to be interviewed at an outdoor cafe´, upon meeting her we recognized the politically dangerous act of interviewing someone in such a public space. Consequently, we asked her whether she preferred to be interviewed at our residence. After she agreed we ensured that we provided her with transportation in order not to burden her economically. Reflexivity also entails questions about voice, representation, and collaboration. As feminist researchers and scholars of color we are cognizant of the importance of placing the voices of Cuban people at the center of our work. This strategy is in keeping with our own feminist ethos of doing anti-colonial research. The issue of voice emerged during one interview when a respondent questioned and challenged our roles as North American researchers doing research in Cuba. Isabella (not her real name) asked ‘‘what type of research are you doing and why are you doing it?’’ She forcefully expressed her concern ‘‘that Cuban history should be written by Cubans.’’ Isabella added ‘‘the story of our Country should be told by our people.’’ We explained that we were in agreement with her that Cuban history should be written by Cuban scholars. However, because of the political relationship between Cuba and the United States, most of the literature available in the United States tends to bifurcate the Cuban experience (Michalowski, 1996). Leftists scholars in the United States often present uncritical celebratory analyses of Cuban socialism. Alternatively, conservative American scholars vilify Cuba and Castro as the incarnations of evil. We added that through our research we aspire to bring some balance to discussions about Cuba and provide a more nuanced depiction of the diversity of Cuban life. Satisfied with our response to her challenge, Isabella spoke with us for over three hours and gave us access to members of her immediate and extended family.


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The question of representation embedded in her challenge is also a methodological issue that feminist scholars confront in doing ethnographic research (Alcoff, 1994; Mohanty, 1991a; Heyl, 2001). In our case we were aware of the risk of reproducing colonial structures through our representations of the Cuban experience. We recognized that it is the researcher who has the power to select what excerpts get used which then in turn shapes whose story gets told and how. We attended to this problem by making a conscious effort to interview a wide array of Cubans from different social classes, racial-ethnic backgrounds, and with differing political and religious views. In addition, our informal dialogue with friends, people in the streets, and others gave us an opportunity to corroborate the saliency of the issues that were raised during the interviews. Our evening debriefings also allowed us to keep issues of representation at the forefront during the data gathering process. Each evening we discussed and recorded respondents’ body language, intonation, and voice inflections as a marker of issues of great significance to them. In our case language translation further complicated questions of representation and voice. Since two researchers in our team spoke fluent Spanish, they we able to check and recheck translations. In addition, Elisa’s familiarity and long-term involvement with Cuban culture provided yet another countercheck on the colloquial meanings underlying language. These efforts at addressing voice and representation during the data gathering process allowed us to connect and share stories with Cuban respondents without projecting our own experiences onto them (Reinharz, 1992). In addition, as we began to write our research results, we became acutely aware that our findings could be (re)interpreted based on the historical rancor between the United States and Cuba (Michalowski, 1996). It is clear to us that our work has the potential to perpetuate the bifurcated discourse mentioned previously. To avoid this pitfall in our writing, we selected narratives that represented a wide range of socio-political perspectives. One shortcoming of this study is the lack of collaboration with Cuban researchers (Heyl, 2001; Sandoval, 2000; DeVault, 1999). In our conversation with Isabella, she also said that ‘‘foreign researchers should conduct research with Cuban scholars.’’ In our case, collaborating with a Cuban feminist scholar could have been extremely difficult because there are limitations on academic freedom in Cuba. Cuban scholars cannot be openly critical of the government for fear of losing their jobs. For example, we learned that one Cuban academic was fired after publishing an article critical of Cuban society in an American anthology. In addition, one member of our team was thwarted in previous efforts to publish an edited volume in the United States that included several articles by Cuban

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scholars who withdrew their submissions for fear of censure. Her attempts at cross-cultural collaboration ultimately failed because of the potential reprisals for publishing outside the gaze of the Cuban state. Furthermore, the communication and intensity necessary for a cross-cultural feminist collaboration could be made extremely difficult given the potential monitoring of phone conversations and electronic correspondence, when available. Finally, the U.S blockade against Cuba further complicates the potential for cross-cultural feminist collaboration. It is extremely difficult for Cuban scholars to come to the United States to discuss research findings, to write research results, and to present papers at academic conferences. In 2004 Cuban scholars were systematically denied visas to the United States and were therefore unable to attend the Latin American Studies Association (LASA) Conference in Las Vegas. In addition, the Bush Administration threatened economic sanctions against LASA if they published any articles by Cuban scholars in their association journal. Cuban scholars are also wary of the potential political and ideological risks of doing collaborative work that is critical of Cuba. Cuban researchers fear that any internal critique of Cuban socialism may be used to bolster anti-Cuban sentiment, already pervasive in the United States. The long-standing hostility between United States and Cuban governments informs every aspect of the research process. As Michalowski (1996, p. 61) has pointed out ‘‘any attempt at field work in Cuba takes place within a vortex of geo-political conflicts between the governments of Cuba and the United States.’’

Positionality In this section, we return to the concept of double consciousness because we recognize that our race, class, and gender identities afforded us a range of privileges that manifested themselves in the research process. These privileges are shaped by the larger socio-political forces of the United States blockade against Cuba and the exigencies of Cuban socialism. For example, under State Department regulations at the time of our research we had relative freedom as academics to travel to Cuba to conduct research. However, once in Cuba our ability to exchange ideas freely was constricted by a state apparatus that is suspicious of an outside researcher’s inquisitive gaze. As North American teachers and researchers, we have the privilege to speak and write openly, a freedom that we were careful not to transfer to the research site in Cuba. Had we demanded this kind of openness from our respondents, we would have been imposing hegemonic power relations on to


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them. Instead, we recognized that there was a possibility of serious political consequences for Cubans participating in our research. These political consequences range from the benign slap on the wrist, to disapproving looks from neighbors, to being socially ostracized, to loss of jobs and state intimidation. Despite these socio-political forces, Cubans spoke with us openly and oftentimes irreverently. Yet another way in which our positionality accorded us privilege was manifest in the quality of our everyday existence. We had access to abundant food, transportation, material goods sold in dollar stores, hotels, and tourist sites, unavailable to Cubans. As researchers we had the privilege to escape the daily difficulties of living in Cuba by seeking refuge in air conditioned hotel lobbies and other public spaces that excluded Cubans. An example of how our status as American researchers disadvantaged us was the expectation that we had unlimited resources, specifically money. We made an attempt to obtain documents from a Cuban scholar affiliated with a research center. We were taken aback when he requested $100.00 for an unpublished paper that he himself had written and had just printed off his computer. He also tried to sell us other documents that had been published by other research centers. It was at this moment that we recognized how our positionality as American researchers also entailed some disadvantages. Clearly, the social, material, and cultural location of both the researcher and respondent is ever shifting, yet consistently shapes the research enterprise.

Ethical Issues In addition to the traditional ethical issues of informed consent, voluntary participation, ability to withdraw from the study at any time, minimization of risk, and confidentially, our study also contained ethical issues unique to doing cross-cultural research in Cuba. First, there is the ethical issue of requesting interviews with people who cannot speak openly about their lives. When we initially approached people for interviews, they were sometimes hesitant to participate. However, suggesting a safe space in which to be interviewed frequently resulted in lengthy and fruitful interviews thus highlighting the importance of the effects of the social structure in which interviews take place (Heyl, 2001). Providing a safe space for interviews in turn guaranteed respondents anonymity; an important ethical consideration in any research project. Second, in most Latin American countries, gift giving by family members and visitors is an important cultural tradition. This practice has become

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even more essential in Cuba, because of the economic crisis. Gift giving presented us with yet another ethical dilemma. We wanted to be culturally sensitive by providing people with a symbolic gesture of our appreciation, with un carin˜ito, a term coined by Maura connoting a gesture of love. However, we did not want to contaminate the interview process and data. We resolved this dilemma by agreeing to present gifts only after the interviews were completed. Respondents were not told in advance that they were going to receive gifts for participating in the research study. Even though our gifts seem meager by American standards, our informants graciously accepted them because of their practical value. A third dilemma that emerged during the research process can be best articulated as a question. How does one walk the fine line between being a sociologist and being a friend? Cotterill (1992) suggests that feminist ethnographers distinguish between ‘‘friendship’’ and ‘‘friendliness’’ because after all ‘‘close friends do not usually arrive with a tape-recorder, listen carefully, and sympathetically to what you have to say and then disappear’’ (Cotterill, 1992, pp. 595, 599, cited Kirsh, 1999). As sociologists we were always open and honest about the purpose of our visit. Despite our warmth and sympathetic demeanor, we never feigned friendship. By listening to their life stories with sensitivity, we offered an outlet for Cubans to express the pain of their daily struggles. As one informant put it we ‘‘offer a cathartic moment.’’ Several other respondents indicated that they felt empowered and affirmed by being listened to (Opie, 1992). This type of cooperation and attentive listening characteristic of women’s interactions is what De Vault (1999, p. 67) refers to as ‘‘women talk.’’ We reconceptualized ‘‘women talk’’ as the kind of friendliness that is essential for exceptional ethnographic research. However, in some cases, we did cross the boundary between friendliness and friendship and in fact created lasting meaningful relationships with some respondents. As friends, we became an important connection to respondents’ family members and friends abroad by bringing gifts and letters back and forth.

TOWARD A METHODOLOGICAL SYNTHESIS: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION We conclude our chapter by highlighting the epistemological principles and methodological strategies that emerged from our research in Cuba and that are embedded within this essay. By using examples from our research in


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Cuba, we build upon previous feminist epistemological insights and begin to develop methodological principles that can be used to capture the intersection of race, class, and gender empirically. We offer a synthesis of methodological guidelines for doing feminist research that extends previous scholarship by incorporating third world women and U.S. women of color into the research process. These strategies are intended to undermine and dismantle hegemonic feminist research that continues to monopolize the social sciences and consistently ignores the experiences of women of color and third world women. The methodological principles we have developed are applicable to research conducted in the United States as well as in different cultural contexts. Before articulating our methodological guidelines, it is useful to reiterate the feminist epistemological strategies synthesized by Cook and Fonow (1990) because they serve as a springboard for our work. Throughout the research process, feminists scholars must recognize gender inequality as a fundamental feature of social reality, use consciousness raising as a methodological tool to provide alternative epistemological frameworks, challenge the norm of objectivity, be self-reflexive, identify inherent ethical dilemmas in the research process, refrain from exploiting women as objects of knowledge, and empower women to transform patriarchal institutions (Cook & Fonow, 1990). In addition to these principles, we maintain that feminist scholars conducting research on women’s lives must place the intersection of race, class, and gender at the center of intellectual discourse and frame their research objectives and methodological strategies accordingly. Furthermore, feminist scholars must shift the investigative focus from merely explicating elements of race, gender, or class oppression to determine what the links are among these interlocking systems. Because race, class, and gender are shifting categories that are constantly (re)constructed across geographic locations and historical moments, feminist research must examine the particular contexts in which these socially constructed categories interact. In the case of cross-cultural research, scholars must pay particular attention to the geo-political relationship between the United States and the country under study. Foreign policy, economic sanctions, banking restrictions, arms deals, military hostility, drug policy, cultural imperialism, and so on all impact the daily lives of citizens in developing nations and must become part of the analytic framework of any research. Clearly, this theoretical perspective cannot be applied uniformly in the tradition of grand theory. Rather, researchers must examine how these fluid categories interact within the context of a specific concrete empirical study in a particular geographic

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region (for an insightful analysis of how to examine the specific categories of intersectionality see McCall, 2005). In addition, interconnections between the public and the private sphere must be articulated since there has been a tendency in the social sciences to falsely dichotomize these two dimensions of social reality. Given that American women of color, white working class women, and impoverished third world women have always participated in both home and market labor (which often intersect), feminist researchers must unearth these interconnections and their significance throughout the interview process. Questions about the types of work women do in the paid and unpaid labor market and their interrelationships are essential. In the case of sexual slavery and indentured servitude, researchers must examine the socio-economic, familial, and patriarchal underpinnings of a particular culture that facilitate this hideously violent and onerous labor. It is also imperative for feminist scholars to resist the impetus to universalize women’s experiences and impose the discourse of hegemonic cultures onto the research site. North American feminist scholars must reflect on their own ideological and discursive biases throughout the research process and refrain from imposing anglocentric views onto their research subjects. For example, when examining the role of Cuban women in the labor market, questions about sexual harassment reflect the experiences of United States women workers and are irrelevant to most Cuban women who are rarely subjected to this type of workplace exploitation. In addition, feminist researchers must resist the impulse to reproduce colonialism in the research process, data analysis, and in our academic collaborations. Feminist scholars must take responsibility for their influence over the research site and over research participants. In addition, we must acknowledge the privilege of our own social locations and find ways to minimize power differentials inherent in the research process. Allowing potential respondents to set the research agenda based on issues of importance to them is one way to refrain from imposing hegemonic norms onto the research site. Doing preliminary field work before constructing the research design and crafting interview questions based on initial conversations while in the field is another way of minimizing colonial relationships with respondents. When collaborating with scholars cross-culturally, it is essential to be respectful of their viewpoints, insight, and expertise and to establish an equitable division of labor. In addition, it is imperative to be mindful of the political consequences that may result for some third world scholars who collaborate with American feminists. When presenting research results, it is essential to include the voices of individuals from a


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wide array of social locations and ideological perspectives. Incorporating narratives about collective action, community and religious life, resistance to oppression, and individual acts of agency prevents the universalization of women’s experiences and the (re)production of colonial discourse. Finally, feminist scholars should build coalitions across different communities allowing us to reflect upon, honor, and acknowledge our differential modes of consciousness and create more just societies. One way to achieve this goal is through public sociology.

PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY AND THE FUTURE OF GENDER RESEARCH IN CUBA In April 2009, President Barack Obama eliminated draconian travel restrictions for Cuban Americans and the amount and frequency of remittances they can send to family members on the Island. Under the Bush administration Cuban Americans were limited to travel to Cuba every three years and could only send relatives $300.00 every three months. In addition, President Obama opened up telecommunications by increasing access to cell phones, satellite radio, and television. However, humanitarian and scholarly travel permitted during Clinton’s presidency, which were eliminated by George W. Bush, have yet to be reinstated. In addition, the United States blockade, in effect since the 1960s, remains in tact. Although this policy shift represents a positive change toward Cuba, it does not normalize relations (Stolberg & Cave, 2009) nor does it open up trade. Nonetheless, this first step signifies a potentially new relationship with our Island neighbor and has implications for researchers. As relations between Cuba and the United States improve and travel restrictions are eliminated, there is enormous potential for public sociology. Public sociology is essentially a conversation between sociologists and the public with the goal of creating a more just society. Traditional public sociologists create debates about society based on their research publications and their willingness to comment on public matters. By presenting their research in an accessible manner aimed at a wide audience outside of the academy, public sociologists become the catalyst for public debates about important social issues. Traditional public sociologists do not, however, engage in these debates with the constituencies they are studying. Rather, traditional public sociologists identify marginalized communities, set their own research agendas, and present their research findings to the

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general public (Burawoy, 2005). As Cuba’s borders become more fluid, the potential for organic public sociology becomes possible. Unlike traditionalists, organic public sociologists work in close connection with the particular communities they are studying. The sociologist and members of the community engage in a dialogue in which each learns from the other. Issues of importance to a particular community are made visible to the sociologist who designs the research based on the needs of that community. On the basis of this collaboration, the organic public sociologist aims to construct a dialogue about particular social issues that extends beyond the academy into public life and ultimately creates positive social change. Organic public sociologists have the potential to create new publics among previously marginalized, and often invisible groups, and to participate in their transformation. Because it has no intrinsic normative framework (Burawoy, 2005), public sociology is particularly suited to feminist cross-cultural research in Cuba. In fact, feminist research, like public sociology, is a catalyst for finding new and unconventional ways of understanding social reality and creating positive social change. As Davis says ‘‘Intersectionality [theory] does not produce a normative straightjacket for monitoring feminist inquiry in search of the ‘correct line.’ Instead, it encourages each feminist scholar to engage critically with her own assumptions in the interests of reflexive, critical, and accountable feminist inquiry’’ (Davis, 2008, p. 79). Organic public sociology, informed by feminist thinking, shares the same underlying premises that we have outlined in our chapter. Both organic public sociology and feminist methodology encourage strong reflexivity. Both see research as a collaborative process that brings previously marginalized groups into the center of public discourse and leads to social justice. Researchers must be self-reflexive even as we constitute ourselves as a public that engages in political activism (Burawoy, 2005). Although public sociology does not specifically articulate feminist or critical race perspectives, it is certainly amendable to feminist epistemological and methodological approaches. In fact, public sociology, like feminist methodology, is predicated on the desire to empower individuals who have been restricted from participation in public policy and decision making. Subsequently, public sociology is also extremely valuable for scholars and activists interested in doing applied research, in doing action research, and in formulating public policy. The recent changes introduced by President Obama potentially represent a significant opportunity for researchers like ourselves to return to Cuba to continue our work, but most importantly it also gives us the opportunity to collaborate with Cuban scholars in the spirit


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of academic freedom and collegiality. However, the increasing economic and social integration of Cuba into the global economy can give one a false sense of the fluidity of crossing borders. In Cuba, and other socialist countries that are moving into the global economy, economic changes do not necessarily translate into political freedoms and sociologists must remain mindful of this social reality. As we engage the public, we must keep in mind the potential risks Cubans face as research subjects even as relations between our two countries improve.

NOTE 1. We had numerous debates over imposing Western notions of class on a socialist economy. However, given the burgeoning tourist trade, the subsequent emergence of a two-tiered economy, and the economic marginalization of Cubans without access to U.S. dollars, class became an important discursive analytic category.

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS Desire´ J. M. Anastasia received her PhD in sociology from Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan, in September 2008. Before attaining her doctoral degree, she received her Bachelor of Arts degree in Interdisciplinary Studies in Social Sciences: Law & Society from Michigan State University in East Lansing in December 1999, and her Master of Liberal Arts in Women’s Studies from Eastern Michigan University in Ypsilanti in August 2001. Her areas of specialization include sociology of the body, body modification, gender inequality, domestic violence and sexual assault, social control, deviance, feminist theory, and feminist research methods. She has taught Women’s Studies courses at both Oakland University in Rochester, Michigan, and San Diego State University as well as Sociology courses at both Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan, and the University of San Diego. In addition to her sociological and phenomenological dissertation on extensively tattooed women, her research has included an analysis of theoretical perspectives on same-sex domestic violence as well as female violence against men, a statistical analysis of survivors of domestic violence in San Diego County, and content analyses of educational television programs on tattoos. Dina Banerjee is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Center for Faculty Success, Purdue University, West Lafayette, Indiana. She graduated with her PhD from Purdue University in May 2009. After her admission in Purdue University in 2002, she graduated with her third Masters with a major in sociology in 2004. Her areas of specialization are gender, work, and occupation; development and social change; transnational feminism and globalization; and sociology of developing nations. In her doctoral dissertation, she has examined the effects of sex-segregation and racial/ ethnic segregation on the job-related well-being of women workers in the United States. She is also associated with the Women’s Studies Program at Purdue University. Before coming to the United States as a graduate student, she worked as a lecturer in the University of Calcutta (Kolkata, India) teaching courses on gender, industry, and labor market; gender and social change; women and development; and sociological theories and methods. 381

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Tamar Ben Dror has a Master’s degree in Sociology and Anthropology from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem with a primary focus on qualitative research. During her studies, she was engaged in research focused on issues of ethnicity and identity among Ethiopians who immigrated to Israel in the early 1990s and Yemenite women who immigrated in the 1950s shortly after the establishment of the State of Israel. During the past few years, she has worked with Dr. Feinson on various studies of disordered eating among Israeli women including the personal narratives of women in recovery. Krista M. Brumley is an assistant professor of sociology at Wayne State University. Her research interests include work, organizations, gender, and social movements. Her current research focuses on gender and work through a study on the impacts of globalization on organizational change at a Mexican multinational corporation. Her earlier research is on non-governmental organizations and political participation in Mexico. She is the author of ‘‘Understanding Mexican NGOs: Goals, Strategies, and the Local Context’’ in Qualitative Sociology (2010) and ‘‘Power and resistance in post-NAFTA Mexico: Transformational and System-Stabilizing NGOs’’ in Social Change, Resistance, and Social Practices (Brill, 2010). Alison Dahl Crossley is a PhD student in the Department of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara, with an emphasis in Feminist Studies. She has completed a Bachelor’s degree in Women’s Studies at Smith College, a Master’s degree in Media and Communications at Goldsmiths College, University of London, and a Master’s degree in Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Marianne Cutler is an assistant professor of sociology at East Stroudsburg University of Pennsylvania. Her research focuses on the interaction of personal identity and collective identity within socially marginalized groups/populations. She has published in Qualitative Sociology, Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Contemporary Jewry, and Making Connections: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Cultural Diversity. Vasilikie ‘‘Vicky’’ Demos is Professor Emerita of Sociology at the University of Minnesota-Morris. She obtained her PhD in Sociology from the University of Notre Dame. She is co-editor of this series and of ‘‘Race, Gender and Class for What?’’ a special issue (2007) of Race, Gender & Class. Her most recent publication (2007) co-authored with Anthony J. Lemelle, Jr., and Solomon Gashaw is ‘‘System of Oppression: Ten Principles’’ in Gender, Race, and Class: Central Issues in a Changing Landscape. Her research is in the areas of the history of sociology, race/ethnicity, and gender,

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which includes her current study of ethnicity and gender in the United States, Greece, and Australia. She is a past president of the North Central Sociological Association and Sociologists for Women in Society, and she is the recipient of the 2008 Harriet Martineau Sociological Society Award. Elizabeth M. Esterchild (formerly Almquist) changed her last name to honor her mother whose first name was Ester. Elizabeth is Regents Professor Emerita after 39 years at the University of North Texas with teaching and research interests in inequality, especially race, class, and gender inequality. Research on political office has been an interesting sideline while she concentrated on inequality in work, occupations, and earnings. As well, for the past dozen years she has been studying gender, generations, and ranching in a remote Wyoming community, focusing on the gender-based division of labor as it is related to household decision making and inequalities between daughters and sons in inheritance patterns. Elizabeth has pursued feminist issues on her campus and in her community. She has been committed to furthering women’s interests in service to professional organizations, as chair of the Section on Sex and Gender of the American Sociological Association, as the president of the Southwestern Sociological Association and later, as president of the Southwestern Social Science Association. She plans to continue her research and feminist activism so long as health and circumstances permit. Elisa Facio is an associate professor in the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of Colorado, Boulder, where she teaches courses on Chicana Feminist Thought, Critical Issues on Age, Aging, and Generations, Chicana-Indigena Spiritualities, and Globalization and Transnational issues related to gender, race, and sexuality. Elisa’s publications include a book on older Mexican women titled Understanding Older Chicanas: Sociological and Policy Perspectives (SAGE 1996). Currently, she is co-editing an anthology on Chicana, Latina Indigena spiritualities with Irene Lara, co-editing an anthology on Colorado histories among people of color, co-authoring a book on Chicana activist scholars with Adaljiza Sosa Riddell, and completing a manuscript on sex workers in Havana, Cuba. Marjorie C. Feinson has made women’s mental health a central focus for the past 30 years. Toward this end, she has been teaching university courses in Israel and the United States, directing policy research investigations, conducting seminars for mental health professionals, and creating spiritualbased healing circles for women with eating problems. Most recently, she has been writing a series of articles about the connection between disordered

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eating and domestic violence, drawing on the first community study of adult women in Israel, which she has been directing over the past decade. Giovanna Follo is an assistant professor of sociology in the Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Crime and Delinquency Studies at Emporia State University. Her research is in the areas of sport sociology, gender, popular culture, child safety restraint use, and intervention programs. Her current research focuses on women in contact sport, specifically women in rugby and martial arts. Her future research will address women’s place within the martial arts and expand her work within popular culture by examining social network sites, as described in the literature, particularly MySpace. Mary Gatta is Director, Gender and Workforce Policy at the Center for Women and Work, and on the faculty in the Department of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. She holds a PhD and an MA in Sociology from Rutgers University and a BA in Social Science from Providence College. Her areas of expertise include gender and public policy, low wage workers, earnings inequality, and evaluation research on workforce projects. She has published several books, articles, and policy papers. Her latest book, Not Just Getting By: The New Era of Flexible Workforce Development released from Lexington Press’s imprint Press for Change, chronicles groundbreaking thinking and research on new and innovative workforce development initiatives that delivers skills training to single working poor mothers through the Internet. Her book, Juggling Food and Feelings: Emotional Balance in the Workplace was released in 2002 and, she has published numerous scholarly articles and public policy papers on topics including gender equity in academia, the gender based pay gap, and welfare policy. Finally, Gatta was recently elected to a three year Council term of the American Sociological Association’s Sociological Practice Section. Michele Rene Gregory is an assistant professor of sociology at York College of The City University of New York where she teaches Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of Work, Complex Organizations and Race and Ethnicity. One of her current research projects examines gender and sexuality in the British advertising and computing industries, and another analyzes the relationship between competitive sports and forms of sexualized and racialized masculine embodiment in organizations. She holds a PhD in sociology from the University of London, Institute of Education and an MSc in industrial relations and personnel management

About the Authors

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from the London School of Economics and Political Science. In addition to majoring in economics as an undergraduate at Northeastern Louisiana University, she was also a Division I basketball player. Before she became an academic she spent 10 years working in sales and marketing for three multinational financial services organizations. Her most recent publications include, ‘‘Inside the Locker Room: Male Homosociability in the Advertising Industry,’’ Gender, Work and Organization and ‘‘ ‘Talking Sports’: Sports and the Construction of Hegemonic Masculinities at Work,’’ in Mustafa F. O¨zbilgin’s anthology entitled, Equality, Diversity and Inclusion at Work: A Research companion (Edward Elgar Press). Marla H. Kohlman is currently an associate professor and chairs the Department of Sociology at Kenyon College. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the University of Maryland, a JD from the Washington College of Law at The American University, and an MS in Law and Justice from the School of Public Affairs at the American University. Dr. Kohlman’s primary area of research is intersectionality in the experience and reporting of sexual harassment and sexual assault. She is in the final stages of completing a comparative project on race and gender differences in the reporting of sexual harassment in the labor market and the military, a project partially funded by a 2006–2007 AAUW Educational Foundation Fellowship. Dr. Kohlman is also working on a study investigating the negotiation of work and family dynamics by attorneys across the United States. Alexandra Koronaiou graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Janina (Greece). She holds a PhD in social sciences from the University of Paris V (Sorbonne). She was a lecturer in this university from 1985 until 1988. She taught in the Department of Pedagogy at the University of Athens from 1990 until 1998. Currently she holds the position of Associate Professor of Sociology in Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences in Athens. She is also a scientific associate in the Research Centre for Gender Equality (KETHI) in Athens. Her publications include three books, Youth and Mass Media (1995), Sociology of Free Time (1996), Teaching outside School (2001), and several articles dealing with gender, work, free time, education, and the mass media. Sharon Lindhorst Everhardt was born in Indianapolis, Indiana, and earned her PhD in sociology from Wayne State University. Her research interests are concentrated in the areas of social inequality especially as it relates to race, class, and gender. Specifically, she is interested in women’s experiences

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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

and how their experiences differ based on their social locations. Although, she is currently focused on low-income women’s experiences in achieving economic self-sufficiency and homeownership, she has also a secondary interest in women and crime. Her interest in women and crime has led to a study of prostitution law in Ohio and Nevada and how these laws impacted prostitutes operating within those jurisdictions. The future research studies she conducts will continue to focus on women, their life experiences and how their experiences may differ based on their social locations. Carolyn Cummings Perrucci is a professor of sociology at Purdue University where she has enjoyed a 40-year career teaching in the areas of gender, work, and family and conducting research focusing on gender and socioeconomic achievement, social impacts of plant closings, the economic status of retirees, and graduate educational attainment. Dr. Perrucci is coeditor of Marriage and the Family: A Critical Analysis and Proposals for Change; Women in Scientific and Engineering Professions; and The Transformation of Work in the New Economy: Sociological Readings. She is co-author of Plant Closings: International Context and Social Costs, which won the Outstanding Scholarly Achievement Award of the North Central Sociological Association, and most recently America at Risk: The Crisis in Hope, Trust, and Caring. She has also authored over 40 articles in the leading journals in sociology and related disciplines. Anne R. Roschelle is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology at the State University of New York at New Paltz. She earned her PhD at the State University of New York at Albany in 1993 and is author of numerous articles on the intersection of race, class, and gender with a focus on extended kinship networks, family poverty, and homelessness. She is the author of No More Kin: Exploring Race, Class, and Gender in Family Networks, which was a recipient of Choice Magazines 1997 Outstanding Academic Book Award. Anne is currently writing a book about homeless families in San Francisco and has published a series of articles on work and family in Havana, Cuba. Anne is an avid hiker and plays flute in a local rock band called Questionable Authorities. Marcia Texler Segal is professor of sociology and Dean for Research Emerita at Indiana University Southeast. She is co-editor of this series as well as of Intersections of Gender, Race, and Class: Readings for a Changing Landscape (2007, with Theresa A, Martinez). She has also co-edited volumes of teaching resources available from the American Sociological Association, and she currently serves on the editorial boards of Sociological Perspectives

About the Authors

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and the gender section of the online journal Sociology Compass. Her research, teaching, and administrative consulting have taken her to countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia. She is a past president of the North Central Sociological Association and has held elected and appointed offices in the American Sociological Association, Sociologists for Women in Society, and Research Committee 32 (Women in Society) of the International Sociological Association. In 2008 she received the SWS Mentorship Award. Catherine Richards Solomon is a feminist sociologist who studies how individuals construct their work and family lives in relation to one another. Most recently she has explored the work/life management of assistant professors and their experiences with university work and family policies. Catherine is an associate professor in the Sociology Department at Quinnipiac University. Her work has been published in Journal of Family Issues, Family Relations, and Gender, Work and Organizations. Tiffany Taylor is an assistant professor of sociology at Kent State University. In her research, she examines a number of topics related to inequality. Her work includes studies of workplace inequality and women’s access to management, a comparative case study of the ability of two women’s organizations to recruit and retain volunteers, an intersectional analysis of the differences in feeling and expressing of anger, and gender differences in work and family balance. Additionally over the last two years, she has been exploring policy implementation of programs for the poor in North Carolina and Ohio using both qualitative and quantitative methods. Maura I. Toro-Morn (Ph.D.) is the Director of the Latin American and Latino Studies Program, Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois. Her first book Migration and Immigration: A Global View (co-edited with Marixsa Alicea) was published by Greenwood Press in 2004. Through both her research and her teaching, she is interested in deepening our knowledge of the intersections of race, social class, and gender in the Latino experience. She is the author of numerous articles on the migration of Puerto Ricans and gender issues in the Latino experience. She is currently working on a second book manuscript that seeks to address the gendered dimensions of global migrations.

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Interactions and Intersections of Gendered Bodies at Work, at Home, and at Play (Advances in Gender Research)

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Work at home wisdom

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Gender and Communication at Work (Gender and Organizational Theory)

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Power at Play: The Relationships between Play, Work and Governance

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Innovation and Imagination at Work

Consumption and Identity at Work

Art and Aesthetics At Work

Rollo at Play

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