Indian Folklore, Volume 1

INDIAN FOLKLORE VOLUME 1

D P Pattanayak Peter J Claus

Introduction [Peter J.Claus] The Uses and Misuses Of Folklore [Wendy Donige O'Flaherty] Indian Folk Epics [Peter J. Claus] Proverbs and Riddles [Velcheru Narayana Rao] Social Categories and Their Transformations [Brenda E.F. Beck and A.K. Ramanujan] Indian Performance Traditions [Stuart Blackburn]

Introduction This book represents more of a collective effort than any other I can remember having encountered before in scholarly circles. The reports which it contains are the products of workshops in each of which a half dozen or more folklorists shared their knowledge and ideas about an aspect of Indian folklore. None of the reports represents the thoughts of a single author. it is appropriate, though, that I express our collective appreciation to those who coordinated and faithfully recorded the workshop proceedings. For those of us who participated, the workshops will remembered as the most valuable parts oft e Indo-American Conference on Indian Folklore, and we have to thank D.P. Pattanayak and Jawaharlal Handoo of the Central Institute, Mysore, for scheduling them and bringing us together. To help the reader place the papers which follow into their generic context, I should briefly describe the scene of the workshop sessions. The workshop groups each gathered for two or three hours a day for four days, each

in a separate corner of the larger seminar hall of the Central Institute of Indian Languages. We met after lunch, following the three to four hour morning sessions at which individual scholars had presented their papers. We were all genuinely tired, but the high caliber of morning papers inspired in us a thoughtful mood. None of us had access to our libraries; but this had the benefit of directing our discussions toward the larger picture and the more immediate problems facing folklorists on both sides of the world. We all knew we had written reports to produce at the end of the week. We all wanted these to be as good a statement as possible of the state of scholarship in each of the different areas of folklore represented by the workshop titles. So we pressed on, and I think these workshop reports reflect a certain amount of collective courage and perseverance. One of the most exciting aspects of the workshops was the diverse composition of the participants. For perhaps the first time folklorists, classicists, anthropologists and historians specializing in different linguistic regions and theoretical backgrounds met face to face to focus their attention on Indian folk traditions. As a result, the

papers in this small book contain more general statements about Indian folklore than most other publications on the subject. And, more importantly, these generalizations are not based on stereotyped preconceptions of "the village folk" and their "lore", but instead are based on perceptions of the regularities obtained by the comparison of actual traditions. The workshop reports also reflect the first scholarly awareness of the enormous quantity and variety of India's folk traditions, as well as the importance of their proper study. This is brought up consistently in each of the workshop reports. Why, in this day and age, should a group of scholars only now discover such a rich field of inquiry? There are many reasons. Wendy O'Flaherty reports the general level of identity crisis associated with folklore studies. Another problem, obviously, is a language barrier: each regional specialist can draw upon large and valuable collections published in one or two of India's many languages, but equally large and valuable collections in other language are simply not accessible to him because he can not read them. a third problem, emphasized in V. Narayana Rao's and Stuart

Blackburn's papers, is that many of the existing collections are based on antiquated or out-right shoddy methodology. Thus, much of the existing folklore material is of limited interest to and usefulness for the modern scholar. These workshops stand to play a significant role in the development of Indian folklore studies. Important steps were taken to correct methodological shortcomings of current folkloristic research. There were at least three areas in which important leads were developed: comparative research, research on performance traditions, and research on culture-specific patterns in Indian folklore. Comparative research in Indian folklore is essential if we are to go beyond a piece-meal understanding of what it is all about. We must have some idea of the actual variability and commonality of a host of different aspects of folklore in order for us to come to an understanding of the relation of folk traditions to other features of culture. We can not presume certain constancies or relatives, we must demonstrate them.

We must, furthermore, go beyond the simplistic and fragmentary classification of tale-types and motifs, which have been so far largely of interest in historical investigations. We must look at, for instance, variability in the nature of performances, the performers, the performers, the occasions of performance and so forth. Whole complexes - epics, as exemplified by one workshop - are usefully compared in this manner. Out ability to compare, and to draw useful conclusions from comparisons, in this sense is presently in its infancy, but it has begun. Research on performance traditions focuses our attention directly on the distinctive essence of folklore. This is so not only in a general sense, but also, as noted by Blackburn, because it reveals a series of indigenous distinctions often already made by the various cultures of India. Of equal importance is that inclusion of performance traditions in our studies introduces whole new sets of interests and lends relevance to innumerable folk traditions previously ignored. One of the most exciting new areas for future investigation is the study of performance form, and variability in form

between and within folk tradition complexes. As Blackburn points out, Indian folkloristics could lead the world in the study of performance traditions if it took up in the immediate future the suggestions set forth in this workshop. Research on the specific themes and cultural patterns of Indian folklore, as represented by the analyses in the workshops on folk tales and folk epics, marks another important advance. Virtually all previous analysis (as opposed to description and collection) of Indian folk texts has utilized methodologies developed for use on European material. In investigating new themes (e.g., social status transformations specific to Indian social ideology) and ignoring conventional distinctions between tales, myths, legends, epics, etc., - distinctions based on definitions which do not fit Indian types well in any case - the workshops were able to go directly to some of the core concerns of Indian thought. Such patterns and themes, as well as many other kinds of imagery, metaphors, formal structures and the like, are not contained in only one or another genre but cross-cut such diverse folk forms as games, rituals, marriage

ceremonies and theater. Indian folkloristics could add a great deal to complement our understanding of Indian thought which has been well explored in this manner in the past only by scholars of classical traditions. Thus the workshops have shown the way to a number of new types of studies and new ways to study old material. Already, as I write this introduction several months after the event, I hear of plans for future conferences on the comparative study of India's oral epics, and proposals for coordinated field research projects on key culture-specific themes cross-cutting Indian folk genre. There can be little doubt that Indian folkloristics will be an important branch of study in the near future. Peter J. Claus California State University, Hayward

The Uses and Misuses of Folklore

What good is folklore? Before one can answer this question, one must clarify it by asking several others, such as, To whom? Now, or in the past? As a phenomenon, or as the academic study of a phenomenon? In summarizing the discussion that took place on this issue at the Indo-American Seminar on Indian Folklore at the Central Institute of Indian Languages in Mysore on August 22 to 26, 1980, it will be useful to separate few of the defining issues: a) What does folklore do for the folk? How is this different from what it has done in the past for the folk? There are several subsidiary problems caught up in this question, such as the argument that folklore is antiquated and is no longer useful to people, or the counter-argument that folklore constantly revises itself and adapts to contemporary issues. In addition, it is probably best to distinguish practical issues. In addition, it is probably best to distinguish practical uses of folklore (political, materialistic, socializing uses) from spiritual uses (the creating or enhancing of a sustaining world-view or sense of identity).

b) What does folklore do for the folklorists? This implies both the question of why we should study folklore (what use it has for the academic community) and of what folklorists do for the folk (what use the study of folklore is to the folk). Here, as in question (a), it is essential to distinguish folklore itself (the phenomenon that is produced by the people) form folklorists (the study of the phenomenon), and to assess their uses separately. c) What changes or adaptations can or should be made in folklore to make it more useful? This question hides a number of treacherous shoals, among them an implicit answer to one of the questions in (a) (i.e., the implication that folklore has not been able to remain relevant to the changes that have accompanied modernization) and the implication that the two questions in (b) are interrelated (i.e., that by studying folklore, folklorists are in a position to advise about changes that should be made in folklore for the sake of the folk, as well as of the folklorists).

To begin with (a): what does folklore do for the folk? Numerous examples arose form the field data presented at the conference: folk-games that perform a socializing function (allowing the families of bride and groom to become better acquainted in a safe, ritualized setting); the creating of a sense of group identity on the one hand (a shared body of "our" stories, often about "us" and "them" [the aham and puram dichotomy]), and, on the other hand, creating a sense of national solidarity through the broad corpus of folk materials that are recognizably pan-Indian. A kind of national solidarity is further enhanced by the way in which chauvinistic jokes of the "we-are-s-much-cleverer-than-they-are" genre served as a safety-value to defuse aggressions that might otherwise erupt in communal violence. Folklore serves to express life-values and to offer metaphors for the shared understanding of life; it beautifies the banal (one thinks of the decorations on bullocks' horns and tractor pistons); it sharpens wits and provides a natural outlet for artistic talents. It also preserves the past in areas where there are no historical records, linking the past to the present; and even where there are such

records, it provides an alternative history, a democratized history that tells quite a different story from the facts selected by the journalists and historians. To the argument that "education is detrimental to folklore" (either by replacing it with other kinds of history, or by scorning it as "low"), the folklorist points out that folklore is education; folklore is the way that people have always educated themselves and their children, and even when other forms of knowledge are available, the vivid charm of the folk tradition serves often to sugar-coat the pills of philosophy and utilitarianism (as witness the Panchatantra and Hitopadesha). From this summary, it should be clear that the overwhelming opinion of the members of the conference was that folklore is by no means archaic, though it does indeed preserve the past; that it up-dates itself in various ways (such as the proverbial blessing, "Be a king," that was changed to, "Be a policeinspector"; or, more complex, the rebounding into archaism from modernity: the introduction of the classical Navagrahas on Assamese folk-paintings as a

reaction to the interest in planets created by the space programs). Though there are numerous examples of superficially antiquated petrified survivals (such as the now rather inappropriate benediction, "Have a hundred sons," throwing down the gauntlet to the birth control problem), these were by far out-shadowed by the ways in which folklore remains highly relevant, either by preserving values which have not changed (largely spiritual and psychological values) or by adapting to social and practical areas that have undergone change. To go on to question (b), the uses of the academic discipline of the study of folklore (folkloristics), examples were equally forthcoming. We learn much from the folk; it is not our job to teach them. The study of folklore is an important branch of the study of human knowledge for its own sake (are gratia artis). And it is essential that the material be collected now, while it is still there, before it succumbs to the pressures of social change that threaten to dilute it, at the least, or even to destroy it.

In addition to this use (which must always be primary), it is necessary to understand the folk tradition in order to understand the so-called "Great Tradition" properly. Indeed, as we have come to understand more about the "Little Tradition" (and more about the "Great"), we have come to realize now misleading and inadequate this dichotomy is; the two interact at almost every stage. Thus we must study oral epics in order to understand how Valmiki composed the Sanskrit Ramayana; we must hear folk glosses to illuminate unclear passages in the Epic. We must learn to "understand India from the bottom" as well as from the top. Finally, it could be argued that it is indeed good for the folk to have folklorists study folklore, that the academic study of folklore encourages those who create it to value and preserve what they have; that the study of folklore nourishes folklore as it is, working against the natural attrition caused by the adoption of modernized values. It could also be said that the study of folklore educates the "educated" (where folklore itself educates the "uneducated"), that it teaches the soi-disant élite of India to respect parts of their own heritage that they

might otherwise scorn. Thus, for example, the scholarly attention paid to the paintings of the women of Mithila has encouraged them to preserve their art and to understand ways in which they can use it as a means of livelihood, at a time when they were beginning to discard it in favor of other, more lucrative occupations. Other examples of practical uses of folklore (as opposed to purely spiritual uses) began to spill over into the third category, the "adaptive" program. the "soft" version of this program required no change in the actual content of the folk material (i.e., this program was not based upon the assumption that folklore is archaic and must be up-dated), but rather required the mere introduction of folk material into areas of public life where it has not yet naturally penetrated. Thus it was suggested that folklore could be incorporated into medical programs to help people find metaphors to express their illness and to accept medication; that it could be used on questionnaires in order to present contemporary issues in ways that would be more emotionally stirring and more likely to trigger genuine value judgements than conventional questionnaires can

do; that it would be wise to integrate a knowledge of folk traditions into government planning programs in order to avoid failures based upon unanticipated reactions to the programs on "non-scientific", traditional grounds (such as the disastrous treatment of white leghorn chickens introduced by the government in village that be lived that white-legged animals were inauspicious). Finally, it should be possible to fight fire with fire, to use folklore on the media against the media that threaten it (television, movies); this is amore preservative and conservative program than the first three, designed on the "run as fast as you can to stay in the same place" principle, merely to keep folklore alive, where the others would attempt both to do this (to pump new life into folklore by giving it new tasks to do) and to enhance other aspects of Indian life through folk traditions. The members of the conference expressed general approval of these measures, though some warned that such self-conscious programs often failed ludicrously (a puppet show put on by the government was so poor that on one went to it). A more serious doubt was expressed

about the potential effects of the "hared" version of the adaptive program: the use of folklore as propaganda (birth control posters, political advertisements, school textbooks with specifics "socializing" goals). That such uses came to mind so easily for the members of the conference is evidence of the degree to which folklore has already been used in this was, as well as, perhaps, an indication of the need for self-justification that folklorists feel at a time when there are so many other claims on government funding. Nevertheless, it was strongly felt that this "hard" use of folklore was likely to lead to numerous evils of various sorts: 1. It was not likely to be successful even as propaganda. Folk themes by their very profundity are ambiguous, and likely to have different meanings in different parts of the country; this can lead to grave misunderstandings when they are lifted out of their proper context and twisted to make new points. 2. By flooding the culture with "false" folklore, one would be diluting and ultimately destroying "true" folklore (Gresham's law: bad money drives out good).

3. The moral issues raised by this use of a natural folk expression are complex, and the moral issues implicit in the involvement of "pure" academics in a program of specific political goals in a hazardous one indeed. Finally, it was felt that folklore did not need to tart itself up to be "relevant"; its usefulness, sociological and otherwise, has been demonstrated beyond doubt. So, too, the existence of folklore studies as an essential link in the chain of human civilization need not be justified, any more than the existence of the study of literature of sculpture or religion. There are enough legitimate uses of folklore and of the study of folklore to justify a plea for every possible source of support to keep both of them alive.

Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty University of Chicago Indian Folklore Introduction

The Workshop on Epic Tradition explored Indian oral epics from a comparative perspective. The epics we took under consideration came from widely dispersed regions of India: Manipur, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh. There was no pretense intended that these epics were representative of the hundreds of oral epics found around India. The epic traditions which happened to be available to us did not include several of the more renowned oral epic traditions such as the Guga Epic or the Alha Khanda; nor, for that matter, any of the oral epics of the Indo-European languages. We were aware that the epics we chose not even adequately represent the full range of epic we choose not even adequately represent the full range of epic traditions existent in the particular regions we studied. However, each of the epics is authentic. Each is popular in its region and shows the characteristic form of elaboration found among other epic traditions in that region. In any case, the purpose of the workshop was to demonstrate the usefulness of applying comparative methodology to these folk traditions. No doubt the

generalizations and extrapolations we made on this small data base would be altered greatly if more epic traditions has been included. But what was remarkable was that so many new and useful observations could be made on even this limited sample. Some of these observations stand to contradict (as well as greatly broaden) an understanding of Indian epic traditions based only on the "great tradition" epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Oral Epic Traditions Interestingly, while the great tradition epics are termed itihasa (history) or kavya (poem), folk epics find different terms in the various languages. Only Manipuri seems to have a distinct term for epic, wori or sayon (incarnation) wori. Kannada and Telugu use kathe and katha, respectively, meaning literally 'story'. Tulu and Gujarati use a term connoting 'song', pad?dana and gana respectively. In each case, the folk epic appears to be some sort of compilation, rather than a single extended narrative, or story line. In the Manipuri case, the epic is a part of a

seven-cycle dealing with one of the incarnations of the hero and heroine. However, the order is important, giving recognition to the native concept of seven cycles. In this case, each of the cycles deals with a single episode in the hero's life and each episode may be sung independently, without regard to the chronological order on successive nights. The Telugu epic, too, consists of loosely knit parts, each of which can be sung independently. The Tulu epic also shows evidence of having been pieced together from independent sources, and the parts-most commonly the large last section may be sung separately. Given the nature of the terminology for epics in the various languages and the divisibility of the components in each case, one might question the applicability of the label "epic" to this material. Indeed, in some ways the more vague term "extended oral narrative" might be a preferable label. On the other hand, each of the traditions deals with a popular folk hero (or heroine), however on might define the term, and each tradition is very long and popular. It appears that in the Indian context it is only when the extended narratives become

a part of the literary tradition that they become more tightly and invariably welded in a fixed narrative series. However, when even "great tradition" literary epics are performed at the folk level, frequently only episodic fragments are elaborated with little concern for placing these in their larger context. In both the great and local traditions the characters and the general story line are known to even the illiterates among the village audience. There thus appears to be a conceptual reality to epic traditions even though they are usually performed only in fragments- often, in fact, informs having distinct genre identities. In the following paragraphs we present synopses of the four epics. Following this we discuss very briefly certain common features of themes and the context of presentation. Finally, we present in tabular form comparative material on the larger epic performance tradition.

Khamba and Toibi (Manipuri)

The story of Khamba and Toibi is the seventh part of an epic cycle called Moirangsayon. Each of the cycles in the epic concerns the incarnation (sayon) of two lovers of the place called Moirang. The Khamba and Toibi cycle is the most popular and the longest in the epic cycle. It relates the lives of the lovers and the struggles they underwent before their love could be fulfilled. The story is said to exemplify pure love and devotion between man and woman. While Khamba exemplifies Manipuri heroism, Toibi personifies the ideal womanhood. Both are regarded as deities. Khamba was born the son of a great general of Moirang. But Khamba was orphaned, along with his elder sister, when he was very young. Without mother or father the young children were neglected and ill treated. They were forced to beg for their food. Khamba, in search of work, went to the palace. Although the Prince (brother of the childless King) did not recognize him, he was so moved by Khamba's condition that he offered Khamba generous charity. But Khamba refused, telling the Prince he had come for work. So, the Prince gave Khamba the job of tending a ferocious palace bull.

Khamba accepted the job, but let the bull roam freely around the town. The bull caused such mischief that the people complained to the Prince. The Prince in turn instructed Khamba to get hold of the bull and restrain it. When Khamba went up to the bull, the bull immediately submitted to Khamba's control. The Prince then wanted to adopt Khamba, but Khamba refused. Khamba returned to where his sister awaited him and related his adventure to her. She was horrified that others should recognize him and find out that they were orphans. She advised him to remain incognito. Khamba returned to Moirang but avoided association with others. One day, though, the Prince's daughter, Toibi, decided to organize a fishing party made up of her female friends at Lake Lok Dak. The Prince ordered that no man should go near Lok Dak on that day. Khamba, however, didn't pay heed and went in his boat near to where the girls were fishing. There he saw Toibi and immediately fell in love with her. Toibi, too fell in love and with the excuse of capturing this errant boy,

went up to him and prevented him from passing. They told one another of their past and vowed to marry. When told of their plans, Toibi's father did not agree. He had planned that Toibi should marry Kongyamba. Khamba was caught and tied up. the Prince threatened that unless Khamba renounced his desire for Toibi he would have him crushed by an elephant. Khamba refused to quit his love for Toibi. Toibi, meanwhile, saw the threat against her lover in a dream which was sent by a deity. She rushed to the place and freed Khamba and accused her father and Kongyamba of mistreating Khamba. The evil-doers were tried and sent to jail for six months. But even when they were let out they continued to scheme against Khamba and Toibi. So Toibi and Khamba suffered many trials and tests of their mutual devotion. In one, Khamba is order to capture the royal bull of Burma. After doing so, the bull promises to submit to sacrifice and then to change into a tiger and, in that form, to kill Kongyamba. The Prince one day arranges a duel between Khamba and Kongyamba but it

is interrupted by the roar of a nearby tiger. The duel changes to a competitive hunt in which Kongyamba is killed by the tiger - the bull is changed form. Eventually Khamba and Toibi marry. One day, though, Khamba decided to test the faithfulness of his wife. Late at night he stood outside the door and pretended to be a past lover and entice her out. Toibi became angry with this presumptious "stranger" and thrust a spear in the direction of the voice in the dark. The spear struck Khamba and killed him. When Toibi saw what she had done she committed suicide.

Madeswara (Kannada) The Madeswara epic consists of seven cycles, or episodes, depicting the life of a religious saint, or hero, called Madeswara. Each episode centers around one or more miracles Madeswara performs. In each case the miracle serves to demonstrate Madeswara religious power in the face of those who challenge or doubt it. As such, the Madeswara epic bears many resemblances to both oral tradition and literary puranic accounts of the

exploits of deities. Indeed, Madeswara is regarded by his followers as an incarnation, or amsha, of Shiva. 1. Talugathe (the first episode) Madeswara appeared for the first time in a place called Bhi"manakali as a Shaivite saint (jangama). He went to the house of a pious couple where he performed a miracle and they became his devotees. He then proceeded to Suttur, a Virashaiva mat?h. The guru of the mat?h refused to acknowledge Madeswara's powers until he proved himself by undertaking a certain task. Madeswara again proved himself by performing a miracle. Then, after visiting other mat?hs and at each performing a miracle he retired to a valley in the mountain country to the East and practiced tapas (meditation).

2. Killing a Demon There was a terrible demon called Shravan?a in Bankapura, a place in the mountainous country. The demon had such tremendous power he was able to

capture many gods and kept them as servants at this palace. When Madeswara went to test the demon's powers he saw the gods serving in their various capacities. Shravan?a ordered Madeswara to make special sandals for him. Madeswara agreed, but while making the sandals, concealed explosives in them. When the demon put them on he was killed and the gods were released from his service.

3. Junje Gowda Madeswara then visited the house of Junje Gowda, a wealthy landlord of the Kuruba (shepherd) caste and a devotee of the god Beredevara. There he performed miracles to convince Junje Gowda of his power and in the end won Junje Gowda to his following. Junje Gowda is said to be responsible for all the temples built in the mountainous region of eastern Karnataka called the Madeswara Hills.

4. Sankamma

Sankamma was a beautiful woman and a devotee of Madeswara. She was married to a cruel man called Nele Gowda. One day Nele Gowda left her tied up in the forest while he went in search of food for himself. Madeswara encountered Sankamma, untied her and blessed her that she might have many children, on the condition that they should be given over to him as devotees when they were born. Nele Gowda returned home after several days and Madeswara punished him for his cruelty. Nele Gowda, too, became a devotee and gave his children to Madeswara.

5. Bevinakali Originally Bevinakali was a devotee of Madeswara and by the grace of Madeswara became very rich. Afterward, Madeswara wanted to test her gratitude. He appeared before her at harvest time and asked for a small portion of grain, but Bevinakali refused. Her harvest and all of her wealth were magically destroyed by Madeswara as a punishment.

6. Devamma Devamma was an evil woman who would invite Shaivite saints (jangama) to her house and feed them poisoned food. When Madeswara came to her house he was given poisoned sweets. He, in turn, gave them to Devamma's son, who ate them and died. Thus Madeswara taught her a lesson. He later brought the son back to life and both became his devotees.

7. Saragur Madappa Ramavve, the mother of Saragur Madappa, at first refused to allow her son to become a devotee of Madeswara. She was a follower of Biligiri Rajaiah. Madeswara performed several miracles but failed to convince her of his powers. Finally, when her son was killed by the bite of a poisonous snake and Madeswara brought him back to life. Both she and her son became devotees. Madappa was selected to be in charge of preparing Madeswara's oil bath.

The Epic of Kot?i and Chennaya (Tulu) The epic of Kot?i and Chennaya is linked with a cult devoted to their worship as heroes. The epic is usually only sung as a part of the cult activities. There it is sung only by members of the Parva caste, a low untouchable caste of sweepers, despite the fact that the caste of the epic is the Billava (Toddy-Tapper) caste, whose members make up most of the cult's devotees. The epic is recited throughout the night after a ritual funeral feast in honor of the slain heroes in a shrine structure called a garad?i, or gymnasium. On the following night, a dance dramatization (kola) of their story is performed by the same Parva caste members. The story begins at a cosmological level with two birds created by Shiva. The eggs which they laid gave birth to several heroes whose legends are sometimes sung in conjunction with this one. On egg fell to earth and was found by a childless Brahman family, where it opened to reveal a baby girl. The girl, named Deyi Baidedi, when she was grown, attained puberty before marriage and had to be abandoned in the forest. There she was found

by a Toddy Tapper. She married and had a daughter. When she was pregnant her second time she save the life of the King with her knowledge of medicine. The King promised to treat her as his mother, and her children as his brothers. The children she gave birth to before she died were the twins, Kot?i and Chennaya. Much of the story relates their various acts of violence and heroism. Even as children they became rivals of the Kings' minister. In several episodes this minister attempted to cheat and deceive them, but always the twins were able to see through the minister's wiles. Eventually, the younger brother, Chennaya, loses his temper over the minister's insults and kills him. The King, too, ill treated them and they left for another kingdom where they fought a battle over a boar which they killed at the border of the two kingdoms. They died heroically in battle and became protective spirits, promising to return to the world when their devotees need them.

The Epic of Kat?amaraju (Telugu)

The Kat?amaraju epic- is often refereed to as a ballad cycle by Telugu scholars. It is comprised of a number of episodes which are often sung independently. During the annual ceremonies honoring the lives of the deified heroes of the epic, large numbers of people of the Shepherd (yadava) caste and kommavaru, an untouchable caste, gather on the banks of the Paler River where the great battle took place and perform a ritual dramatization in connection with the recitation of the epic. The epic recounts the story of Kat?amaraju, a Yadava king who fought a battle with nalla Siddi, the king of Nellore, on the banks of the Paler River in the Thirteenth Century. Kat?amaraju, due to severe drought conditions, had migrated with his people to the fertile lands of Nellore. There he entered a covenant with the king of Nellore for grazing his cattle and sheep. Due to a misunderstanding, the covenant was broken and resulted in a tremendous battle in which many of the great heroes on both sides lost their lives.

Discussion of the Narratives The central characters of the four epics range from low caste warriors to kings; from religious saints to devoted lovers. There appears to be little consistency between the social relations of the main characters. Although each of the epics concerns a hero, or set of heroes, it does not seem likely that the standard lists of heroic characteristics apply very broadly to them. In each of the male characters we find their heroic acts defined in terms of defeating an adversary. But, curiously, the morality of their actions is obscure. In most cases, they cause the very disarray that their valor corrects. There is more consistency in the fact that the heroes become deified, and in that epics form a part of a performance tradition. In most cases, the performance is a part of a larger ritual in which the hero is worshipped as a deity. These characteristics together perhaps link folk epics to a very widespread and ancient mode of hero worship in India.

The following table looks more carefully at the potential variables inherent in the performance traditions associated with these epics.

Each of the epic traditions reflects aspects of society in the manner of their performance more so than in the narrative text. Among the Manipuri (a Tibeto-Burmese language-speaking people) there is no caste system.

Audience and performers and drawn form the community at large. Among the Telugus, Kannadigas and Tuluvas---- all Dravidian language speakers --- a caste system is an important part of the social context. The epic heroes, the performers and a large part of the audience are in some way associated with particular castes. Thus, the Kat?amaraju epic is especially associated with the Shepherd (yadava) caste and the Kot?i - Chennaya epic is associated with the ToddyTapper (bil?l?ava) caste. The Madeswara epic is more generally associated with a local Shaivite sect, but draws heavily from the Shepherd and Untouchable castes, a feature which perhaps could be linked to references in the text to Madeswara's leather-working and early conversion of Shepherd caste leaders. The persistent association of Untouchable castes to the South Indian epic narrative and ritual performance traditions, as well as the specific link between Shepherd castes and Untouchable castes (seen in other epic traditions as well, such as the Telugu Palnad?u Epic) cry out for more extensive research and comparison.

Another common feature of the South Indian Epics is the absence of Brahman caste participation. This becomes more significant when we learn (below) that each of the traditions is associated with religious ritual, a cultural arena usually strongly associated with Brahmans. It does not seem to be the case, however, that Brahmans are excluded from participation, and some do occasionally take up even specialist participatory functions, but rather, simply that these folk traditions are not theirs. Each of the epics is found in a performance tradition which includes some form of dramatization, song and instrumentation. Some are known less by the name of the epic than by the name of the performer, the performance or the special instrument (eg., the Kannada kamsale, a large cymbol). The nature of the performance and instrumental ensemble, however, varies quite widely among the different epic traditions. The inclusion of a percussion instrument in order to provide rhythm seems to be the only common feature to be seen in each of the traditions.

An important common feature of the South Indian performance traditions is that they include a form which is part of a religious celebration. This form (the epic tradition may include other forms which are also influenced by religious beliefs) is specific with regard to its time and location of performance. It is enclosed in a more or less elaborate ritual context which includes a variety of ritual activities. Commonly, possession by the epic heroes is a part of this ritual repertoire. The recitation of the epic is altered as a part of the ceremony, and may also be regarded as one of the ritual acts. These ritual celebrations of the epic heroes are such tightly integrated complexes, in fact, that it does not seem unwarranted to suppose that this is the "original" context from which South Indian epic traditions arose. Certainly, a great deal more research should be done in all areas of India on epic traditions in their ritual context. As it stands, even our scanty knowledge of Indian oral epic traditions is largely based on texts taken down in secular recitations, presumably with the aim to record the most elaborate and literarily sophisticated version.

Conclusions The need for more research on Indian oral epics is clear. With hundreds of oral epic traditions found around India today, the standard work on comparative epic studies, Heroic Epic and Saga, by Felix J. Oinas (1978), represents India with a brief account of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Even in this case it is a single literary version which is chosen, and no mention is made of the myriad of folk versions of these epics. This conference and workshop devoted to Indian oral epics has only touched upon the surface of the phenomena yet to be uncovered. There is an enormous amount of collection work to be done in all parts of India. This workshop has, however, been somewhat of a breakthrough in that perhaps for the first time folk epic traditions have been looked at comparatively. Up until now the vast majority of folk epics which have been collected have not been translated into a common language such as English which would facilitate their comparison. We have learned much from this brief

exercise, and we have pointed the way toward some intriguing future research. A second breakthrough may be that it is now clear that it is essential to collect, as well as to analyze, India's folk epics in their performance context. Much of the commonality of the folk epic traditions lie in the manner in which they are performed and perpetuated. In any case, collection and translation of only the more literarily sophisticated oral forms distorts and misrepresents the folk mode of expression. Several important studies by Professor Brenda E.F. Beck (1978, 1979) on the An?n?anmar Kathai ("The Epic of the Brothers", Tamilnad) have shown that some versions of folk traditions may represent transformations of local folk themes in the direction of universalization by reference association to the literary epics, the Mahabharata and Ramayana. If this is so then we stand to learn less about folk epics by collecting the more elaborate bardic and local printed versions than we do by studying the ritualistic versions of the traditions. We should keep in mind, too, tat the Mahabharata and Ramayana are continually localized in a welter of folk

performance forms all over India. The mutual exchange of folk and literary traditions is, obviously, complex and intricate and central to our study. To end on an encouraging note, one may say that despite the vast amount of research that still needs to be done, a rather substantial amount of work has already been done on Indian epic traditions. There is enough, at least, to begin to put the pieces together and begin to see patterns emerge.

Peter J. Claus California State University, Hayward Notes 1. The following paper was generated from the discussions at the Workshop on Indian Oral Epics held during the Indo-American Seminar on Indian Folklore at the Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore. The participants at the workshop were: Peter J. Claus (coordinator and editor), Nabanita Dev Sen, Wendy O'Flaherty, J.S. Paramasivaiah, Irom Babu Singh, B.

Rama Raju, David L. Szanton, S.A. Gulverjau, V.N. Shivaramu, and D.G. Veena. The workshop also benefited by the comments made by the conference participants during an oral report of its findings. 2. In each of the regions chosen a large number of epic traditions could be mentioned. But, for only a very few do we have even minimal published research reports. Notable in this regard are: Roghair 1977, 1978, (in English) and Subba Rao 1976 (in Telugu), for Andhra; Hodson 1908 (in English) for Manipuri; Rajasekhar 1973 (in Kannada); and Manner 1886 (in Tulu), Burnell 1894-1897 (in English) and Claus 1973, 1975, 1978 (in English). 3. It may be noted that the story line of most of the folk epics of India may be found in a variety of genre. Several important criteria associated with the epic genre have been emphasized by several scholars. Oral epics find their fullest expression in public performances of regional bardic professionals. A wide-spread distinction is made between these occasions in which the story in sung, and the more variable situations in which the

story is merely told (usually in personalized synopsis). Sometimes a further distinction is made within sung versions between shorter formulaic versions associated with cult rituals which often concentrate on specific quintessential episodes of the heroes lives, and longer, more elaborately descriptive versions sung by traveling bardic professionals. 4. A brief synopsis of the entire Moirangsayon may be found in Hodson, 1908, pp. 130-151. This also contains the entire Khamba and Toibi episode. 5. A transcription of the Madeswara Epic has been published in Kannada (Rajasekhara, 1973), but there is no English translation available. The Kannada work is over 1,600 pages long, including a 100 page introduction. 6. The Epic of Kot?i and Chennaya was transcribed and published in Tulu by A. Manner in1886. Three versions - the above and two other - were translated and published by Burnell in Serial form in the Journal Indian Antiquary between 1894 and 1897.

7. The Kat?amaraju Epic was transcribed and published in Telugu by T.V. Subbarao in two volumes (1976) of nearly 800 pages each. No English translation is available as yet. Bibliography Beck, B.E.F. 1978 "Transformations: An Epic at the Civilizational and Regional Levels (India)". Paper prepared for the Canadian Ethnological Society Meetings, London, Ontario. 1979 "Oral, Ritual and Printed Texts: Six Versions of a Folk Epic Compared." Presentation in the Symposium on Oral, Written and Printed Media in South Asian Folklore, American Folklore Society Annual Meetings, Oct. 24-28, Los Angeles. Burnell, A.C. 1894-7 "The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas." Indian Antiquary. 23 Seq.

Claus, P.J. 1973 "Possession, Protection and Punishment as Attributes of the Deities in a South Indian Village." Man in India, 53:231-242. 1975 "The Siri Myth and Ritual: A Mass Possession Cult of South Kanara." Ethnology, 14:47-58. 1979 "Mayndala: A Legend and Possession Cult of Tulunad." Asian Folklore Studies, 38:95-129. Hodson, T.C. 1908 The Meitheis. London: David Nutt. Manner, A. 1886 Pad?danolu (in Tulu using Kannada Script). Mangalore: Basel Mission Press. Oinas, F.J. 1978 Heroic Epic and Saga: An Introduction to the World's Great Epics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Raghavan, V. 1959 "Methods of Popular Religious Instruction in

South India." in Traditional India: Structure and Change, ed. By Milton Singer. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, pp. 130-141. Rajasekhar, P.K. 1973 Maleya Madeswara - A Folk Epic in Kannada Studies (in Kannada). Mysore: Institute of Kannada Studies. Roghair, G.H. 1977 The Epic of Palnadu: A Study and Translation of Patnati Vi"rula Katha, A Teluga Oral Tradition as sung by Alisetti Galeyya. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 2 vol., University of Wisconsin, Madison. 1978 "The Role of Brahma Nayuda in the Epic of Palnadu". Journal of Indian Folkloristics. Subbarao, T.V. 1976 Kat?amaraju Kathalu (in Telugu). Two volumes. Hyderabad (A.P.): Nagalakshmi Art Printers, for the Andhra Pradesh Sahitya Academy. Proverbs and riddles

The discussion at the workshop began with each member reviewing the work done in his language on proverbs and riddles. Later, each member provided information from his language about different varieties of proverbs and riddles as well as about their function and context. The following essay is based on the material supplied by the members of the group. Proverbs and riddles have attracted the attention of many folklorists in India. The importance which folklorists give to this genre of folk speech is evidenced by the numerous volumes of proverb and riddle collections which exist in the many languages of Indian. Each member of the group recalled at least six or seven examples of published prov erb collections in his language. The bibliography is not evidence provided by the participants indicates that the amo unt of work done thus far in this area is very large indeed. Nevertheless, on closer inspection, it became clear that nearly all the work has been limited to alphabetical listings of proverbs, sometimes itemized by subject. Riddle collections have always included solutions to

riddles, and often, though not always, the riddles were also alphabetized. Some anthologies of proverbs have included comparative material from other languages to the extent that the compiler presented, along with each proverb, proverbs from other languages which translate similarly. It is apparent from this information that a study of the context of proverb used and of their function with reference to their users is sadly lacking in work done to date by proverb collectors and compilers of proverb anthologies. An additional problem in proverb anthologies for some language, chiefly Telugu, is that their editors and compilers oft en altered the text of the proverbs to conform to the standards of accepted scholarly language. this practice distort ed the texts, making it difficult to determine their origins. Consequently, although the work on proverbs and riddles in Indian languages is available, most of it needs to be done again with appropriate methodological care.

To begin with, the term proverb seems to be a cover word for a complex cluster of folk speech forms. Borrowed by nearly every writer who wrote in English on this subject, this term masks a number of terms in regional languages. A survey of these terms reveals a variety of concepts. Some terms, such as kahania (Gujarati) and soloki (Bengali), indicate a genre. kahania represents a song in couplets sung by women. Soloki means a proverb with a story. Words like sameta (Telugu) and samite (Kannada) point to the concept of analogy underlying the use of proverbs. Both of these terms are derived from Sanskrit samyata, "equivalence". The Bengali term provad, as well as theTamil p?r?muri suggest the legitimizing function of proverbs. The words mean "words of the ancients" or "saying of the community". Also, sastram, used in Telugu and lokokti, attested to in several languages, indicate a similar legitimiz ing function.

A significant feature of proverbs in all the Indian languages discussed by the group is that they are attributed to unidentified persons from the past. Also, many proverbs, when they are used in specific contexts, are structures as reported speech. They are embedded in sentences such as "They say…" or "It is like saying…..", "Someone(male or female, depending on the context) said …..", and so on. An example from Telugu: ma tatalu netulu tagaru ma mutulu vasana cud?amannad?at?a "They say, he said, 'my ancestors ate (clarified) butter. You may smell it from my mouth?" This proverb is used to comment on the futility of ancestral pride. Eating clarified butter indicates a rich life style. One's ancestors might have been rich, but if a person is poor himself, his ancestors' riches have no value for him. The flavor of good food does not show in one's mouth unless one eats it himself. Similarly, one cannot use wealth unless one owns it himself. Among

many creative uses of this proverb is the ridicule of people living with dreams of past glory. Attributing this statement to a person from legendary times confirm it as a real occurrence. The user of the proverb is only utilizing it as an analogy. Unlike the previous example, proverbs which present a value to be emulated or a convention to be observed are attributed to a group and not to a single person. This group, by implication, is the group of community elders from unknown, old times. An example from Telugu: appulunnavad?itonu ceppu unnavad?itonu vel?l?oddannaru "(Elders) say, 'Do not go with one who has debts and one who has shoes". A person who owes money to people in the village takes a circuitous route to reach a place in order to avoid meeting his lenders. If you accompany such a person, you always walk longer than necessary to reach your

destination. A useful piece of advice, indeed, since debt is usually considered ruinous to one's finances in the traditional economy of India. An analogous image of the converse situation is presented in the case of a person who has shoes. His feet are protected and, therefore, he can walk over thorns and rocks with no concern for his companions who might not have shoes. Some proverbs which look like aphorisms are not necessarily used in the structure of reported speech. An example has been provided by Ved Vatuk in the following Rajasthani aphorism. ek akkhar pad?hai raja banai do akkhar banai di"van ti"n akkhar pad?hai banai bam?n?a "One who learns one syllable becomes a king; One who learns two syllables becomes a minister; One who learns three syllables becomes a Brahman begging from house to house". This proverb, referring to the poor life of learned Brahmans, does not seem to be used in discourse as a

reported statement. How, then, it is precisely utilized in discourse is not clear. Investigation needs to be done to determine if such aphorisms have an implied reported structure. Also unclear from the example is whether the proverb functions as an analogy to comment on the condition of a particular Brahman who may be poor and learned or if it is used more abstractly to comment on the uselessness of book learning which leaves a person without skills to make a living, except to beg, as Brahmans sometimes do. Monitoring the actual use of proverbs in real life situations would give rich detail essential for determining their actual function and meaning. Most proverbs discussed by the group have an analogy either explicit or implied. If the use of a proverb as a reported statement endows it with legitimacy, its analogical form establishes it as evidence of the point of view presented. The following Bengali proverb, supplied by Dulal Chaudari, is a good example. naste na janle uthan banka

"One who does not know how to dance (well) blames it on the platform". This proverb is used to indicate that the person given by a person for his or her inability to accomplish a task is only a cover for lack of skill. The situation in which this proverb is used itself is not accompanied by any substantial evidence of the alleged lack of skill. It is significant that the use of the proverb effectively substantiates such absence of skill. In the past, there was a person who blamed his inability to dance on the platform. This instance is shown to be similar to the present situation in which a person offers a specific reason for his failure. The analogy here is not meant to be merely illustrative; it is provided as proof that the person in question is behaving in the same way as the unskilled dancer in the past who blamed the platform. That such analogies function as evidence of an accusation is characteristic of proverb use. Example from several languages indicate that in many instances analogy serves as an equivalent for proof. This appears to be an essential feature of folk thinking. Further investigation could reveal significant information

leading to possible application in many areas of Indian culture. Another important aspect of the use of proverbs relates to the hierarchy of the users of proverbs. A proverb is considered appropriate only when the user is superior in status to his or her listeners. Like water, proverbs flow from a higher to a lower level and never vice versa. Proverbs are used by older men when they talk to younger persons or by socially superior persons to socially inferior persons. Also, they may be used among social equals. But even then, the person who uses them establishes for himself the status of a wise man. Or, if the user of proverbs happens to be a woman in mixed company, she is either older and also of higher status than all the men in the group or at least of equal age and status as the men. in the case of husband and wife, a wife could, and often does, use proverbs aimed at her husband only if such proverbs are "female proverbs", about which more will be said later. Use of proverbs by children in the company of elders is strictly prohibited, as is their use by servants before

their masters. A proverb often used to reprimand a younger person who uses proverbs before elders is reported from Hindi. an?d?a kahe beccese chichi matkar "The egg says to the bird, 'Don't make noise.'" Proverbs with similar uses are attested in many languages. In Telugu, they say: gud?d?occhi pillani vekkirincindit?a "The egg (it is reported) made fun of the bird." pit?t?a konchem, kuta ghanam "The bird is small but its sound is big." If servants or persons of low status ever have to use a proverb to liven up a conversation, they often preface their proverb with a humble statement, "As they say in the proverb" or a similar phrase. Even then, the proverbs they use may not be critical of the actions of their listeners.

Evidence presented by Mrs. Sashikala Chandervakar, who assisted her husband in quoting a number of Gujarati proverbs, suggests that a division exists between male and female proverbs. Proverbs related to relationships between mother-in-law and daughter-inlaw and a married daughter's attitudes towards her father-in-law's household are included in the category of female proverbs. Telugu also distinguishes between male and female use of proverbs. One such proverb: cinnan gavali cintaku kavali melimi gavali med?a diragali "Although the gold be no more than a cinnam (a tiny quantity, not more than a grain). I want it to be made into tamarind leaf (design). It should be pure (no other metal should be added to it), and I want to go around my neck." When a housewife is asked to use a small quantity (of food or money) and make it last for a long time, she quotes this proverb. A woman who demanded of her

goldsmith to make a necklace of intricate design using only a small weight of gold serves as an analogy in this proverb. Proverbs of this type are not usually quoted by men; if so, this suggests that they have an effeminate quality. Similarly, the male proverbs used by women indicate a socially undesirable, masculine tendency in them. more evidence is necessary to establish the context of these proverbs as well as to find out if such division operates in other languages of India. Further, it appears that there are only a certain number of proverbs perceived as male or female. Many proverbs seem to belong equally to either group. It is only stating the obvious to observe that proverbs reflect the wisdom of the community. Even a sample list of what they include is staggering. Caste tensions, personality conflicts, relations between kin groups, selfcriticism of communities, tips about family skills, medical information including knowledge of herbs, seasonal changes of weather, crops, qualities of food items, childrearing practices, behavior codes for different social situations ----- these are just a few of the items noticed in the sample provided by the group.

That proverbs acquire textual status when they are perceived by the community as collective wisdom authored by elders form legendary times is evidenced by an experiment made by Pushkar Chandervfakar in 1936. he coined new proverbs and published them in his journal, Rekha. He reported in the workshop that they failed to acquire acceptability among the people of Gujarat. To succeed, proverbs must not have known authorship. However, antiquity is not by itself a deciding factor in acceptance of a proverb. New ideas and new items form new proverbs all the time. Ved Vatuk presented a proverb of recent origin in Hindi. chor khaddar me, khadar me "There are thieves in khaddar (handspun clothes) and in khadar (a place known for thieves)". Apparently, this proverb incorporates the recent feeling among many people that members of the Congress Party who wear handspun khaddar to symbolize

honesty have been corrupted by power and are no better than thieves who live in khaddar.

Riddles As contrasted with the multiplicity of terms used for proverb in Indian languages, the term used for riddle are equivalents of the English term. vid?ukathai (Tamil), ukhana (Marathi), prahelika dhandha (Bengali), varat (Gujarati), paheli (Rajasthani), catur (Assamese), pod?upukatha (Telugu)----- all these words, the members of the group felt, may be comfortably translated by the term riddle. Riddles are more formally structured than proverbs. Available in rhythmic prose, verse, or song, they have a tighter text that is less frequently changed in use than are the texts of proverbs. It was suggested that riddles are more frequently used by children and young adults than by older people. Further discussion of this suggestion indicated that children use riddles in games while adults use them in rituals. Also, adult use of riddles occurs in tales presenting problem situations,

such as marriage, selection of a husband by a woman, selection of a minister by a king, and selection of a successor to the throne. Utterances of wise people, statements of lovely ladies to young men, and utterance of deities or their priests are made up of riddles. It was also suggested that children's riddle games are close to adult rituals. A riddle is an open-ended problem with only one correct solution. One who knows the answer by virtue of prior knowledge alone will be able to give the right solution. By definition, it is not resolved by intellectual abilities such as logical thinking or methodological investigation of information. Therefore, it is significant that riddles should be related to rituals and tales of problematic occasions. Like terms associated with ritual around the world, may of the terms for riddle in Indian languages literally mean some sort of opening up to find out the answer. This suggests that knowledge pre-exists, and it is revealed to the knower. Problematic situations such as choosing a husband, king, or minister in folk tales reflect the world view that a certain person is predestined to fill the role. The task is not choice of a suitable person for the

position so much as learning who is destined for that particular purpose. Viewed as such, it is interesting that what appears open-ended is actually a closed statement to be opened by the person with the right knowledge. Another interesting aspect of the group discussion was the opportunity for each member to see how similar or different are the text and/or the function of proverb and riddles in the various language areas. A comparative study of proverb use in Indian languages has immense potential for mapping folk concepts and themes. It is too early to predict, but a dense, shared occurrence of similar proverb structures and functions across two or more language areas would indicate a pattern of shared wisdom or world view. In any case, it is doubtless that an exciting field of study is available for folklorists in this area which remains largely untapped.

Velcheru Narayana Rao University of Wisconsin, Madison 1. The following paper was generated form the

discussion at the workshop on Indian Riddles and Proverbs held during the Indo-American Seminar on Indian Folklore at the Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore. The participants at the workshop were: Velcheru Narayana Rao (coordinator and editor), Pushkar Chandervakar, Dulal Chaudhuri, Prabhakar Mande, M. Shanmugam Pillai and Ved Vatuk. Social Categories and Their Transformation in Indian Folktales At our first meeting we solicited from one another a body of folktales on which we could then concentrate analysis and interpretation. This initial collection of tales exhibited a variety of traditional folkloristic themes: the ogress queen, cruel in-laws, contests between spouses, rivalry between wives, the folklore of objects like mirrors, the capture of women, pursuit, forgetfulness, and substitution. The problem was to find a focus. Each story we told suggested new themes and new avenues to explore. Eventually we settled on a single idea: certain key positions or social categories

depicted in folktales, along with their transformations, we then agreed to explore exchanges or movements of characters between any two of the following positions: Brahman, Ks?atriya, low caste, and outsider/sage. We considered each of the logical possibilities, in turn. The details are described below.

Brahman> Low Caste, and Low Caste >Brahman The first topic discussed concerned Brahmans who become transformed through a folktale, into a low caste character. One Shaivite story, told both in Kashmir and in South India (Telugu, Tamil, Kannada) speaks of a Brahman names Cirutton?t?ar, who is put through an ordeal by Shiva. This great god is described visiting his devotee in disguise. Cirutton?t?ar, suspecting that his guest might be a god, offers to serve him anything he requests. The god then asks that he slaughter his own son, cook him, and serve up a dish of human flesh. Carrying out this horrible request makes the devotee into a kind of outcaste, because of his involvement with a bloody (and terrifying) sacrifice. In another Shaivite

story Shiva uses a similar disguise, making a faithful follower slice up a dead buffalo to serve his guest. The worshipper then suffers a loss of status due to his work as a butcher. In one Tamil villupat?t?u (bow song) a Brahman named Muttuppat?t?an, is said to fall in love with the daughters of a low caste cobbler chieftan; the latter makes the suitor prove his eligibility by his willingness to take up an untouchable cobbler's tasks; he has to cut up a dead cow, skin it, and tan the hide. In all these stories, a Brahman willingly becomes an untouchable by his own deeds, either done to show his love of god or his love of a woman. The reverse transformation, low caste >Brahman is illustrated by several South Indian goddess stories where an untouchable marries a Brahman girl by trickery. He takes on all the outward ways of a Brahman, but in the end does not get away with this ruse. When such a deception is discovered by the man's Brahman wife, she feels violated or defiled. Fury possesses her and she becomes a powerful goddess.

Another example of the low caste >Brahman transformation is found in a story of Bangaladesh. This folktale describes a bad Brahman who has a low caste servant named Ghughu. Ghughu was staved, overworked and beaten until he died. On his deathbed he prayed that he be reborn transformed into a Brahman. In his new life he becomes Farid, a poor Brahman boy. In this condition he sought out his former master and became his servant, insisting on the condition that he never be dismissed. One day, the oneyear-old son of this Brahman dirtied himself. The master therefore asked his servant to wash the child in the river. Farid literally followed his master's orders: he washed the child on a wooden platform as he would a piece of cloth. Then he brought back a well-washed but dead infant to his master. Another time the Brahman master asked this servant to escort his wife to another village. He gave Farid orders to protect her if the two were attacked by thieves, using a Bengali word which could be mistaken for 'rape'. Sure enough, they were attacked on the way, and the servant first saved the woman but then raped her in the jute

filed. The Brahman was bound by contract not to dismiss his servant. So he complained instead to the king. The king sentenced the servant to be burned on the riverbank. Just before the funeral pyre was lit Shiva appeared and asked the Brahman master to show mercy and take his servant back. The Brahman did. One day, tormented by this man, the master used a desperate Bengali phrase: "Farid, why don't you take my ears (literally 'find my ears and cut them off') and leave me along?" Farid, as usual, followed his master's instructions literally and brutally. He at once cut off the ears of the Brahman, and while leaving said to him, "ghughu dekhechoo kintu farid dakoni." From these words one gets a proverb which says: "You've seen the dove, but you haven't seen the snare." In the above story, a low caste man's rage at oppression finds revenge in a second birth, where he becomes a Brahman. In the story of the Transposed Heads (e.g., Yellamma in North Karnataka), both halves of the above cycle can be seen together. Here a sage suspects his Brahman wife of infidelity, if only in thought, and asks his son to behead

her. In her distress this woman embraces an untouchable female, and both their heads are cut off simultaneously by the angry boy. Then the sage relents, grants both women new life, and asks his son to put their heads back on their bodies. In the confusion, however, these two heads become transposed. Now two goddesses are created, one with a Brahman boy and untouchable head, the other with an untouchable body and Brahman head. In this folktale, then, Brahman and untouchable bodies become merged, each trunk led by a head of the opposite social category.

King >Low Caste, and Low Caste >King The story of Hariscandra who becomes an attendant at the cremation ground as a can?d?ala, or of Draupadi becoming a chambermaid in the mahabharata are good examples of kings who become transformed into low status persons much as Brahmans sometimes are. Similarly, low caste persons sometimes become kings in Indic folktales. In a story form Bangaladesh a barber boy eats the magic heart of a bull (variant of the magic

bird heart motif), and is reborn as a Brahman. He subsequently arrives in a kingdom where a king has just died. According to custom in that area, an elephant is sent out with a garland to seek a new ruler. The elephant garlands the Brahman youth and he becomes the next monarch. Here the sequence Low Casteè (Brahman) èKing is seen. Brahman >King, and King >Brahman In a tale from Kashmir, a cruel king falls ill and dies. But the soul of a sage then enters his body and he is soon revived. Sri Bhat, a wise minister, sees that this transformation involved the change from a cruel king into a good one. he therefore burns the body of the sage so as to prevent the sage's soul from returning to its original container. By this strategy he forces it to stay on in the (now good) king's body. In this story then a Brahman (or sage) becomes a king. Several epic characters like Dron?a, born as Brahmans, similarly take on the marital qualities and duties of Ks?atriyas. In Vis?vamitra, we have the opposite transformation. Here a Ks?atriya becomes a Brahman sage (brahmars?i).

Now it is an uphill struggle, both in terms of effort and in terms of social categories. In all of these examples there is an implicit cycle characterized by movement along the path high à low à high, never lowà high à low. A half cycle, either high à low, or low à high, could perhaps be called a module or part of this larger sequence which returns to its initial, high, starting point as a fitting conclusion. The strong oppositions are thus Brahman low caste, and Brahman/ Ks?atriya; they account for most of the transformations, and the most dramatic ones. The sage / Brahman opposition is weak by comparison and so is sage / low caste. A sage resembles a Brahman, both in common folk stereotypes and according to philosophical theory. Yet the transformation from sage to a low caste man does not discomfort a sage as it does a Brahman. Instead, as in the case of both Siva and Gandi, the sage may seek a service or outcaste status gladly. Hence the "weak" quality of this final type. It holds within it little tension or surprise.

So the basic structure of transformations in Indic folktales resembles the outline for Hindu social organization more generally:

The sage could be said to reside outside the system, which could equally be described as its still center, especially where the traditional metaphor of the wheel of life is brought into play. Finally, one can find stories where all these major possibilities operate in sequential fashion, so as to produce the extended cycle of Brahman è low caste è Brahman (memory) è Ks?atriya è low caste è Brahman. The following folktale from Kashmir illustrates this well. A Brahman's soul once left his while he was at the river saying his morning prayers. This soul then entered the body of an infant cobbler. The cobbler grew up among cobblers, married, and had children. But one day he suddenly became aware of his previous high caste

origins and therefore abandoned his cobbler life and family. He then wandered off and arrived in another country. There he was chosen king by an elephant who chose to garland him in the traditional fashion. Afterwards the king ruled this country for some years. However, his cobbler wife came to recognize him and eventually rejoined him. The king's subjects were horrified when they discovered his low birth. They then began to leave his court and country in disgust. The king responded by immolating himself in a fire. His soul next reentered the Brahman body that was still worshipping at the river bank. This Brahman then returned home, as if he had woken up form a strange dream. His wife asked him, "Why did you came back from the river so soon?" he was baffled by his wife's question and wondered whether his life as cobbler and king has been a dream. Just as he became lost in wonder, a beggar arrived at his door and told him he had just come from the kingdom where the king was disgraced when identified as a cobbler. The above story is fascinating for its interweaving of hallucination and reality, and because of its parallels

with classical traditions. No sage is mentioned, but the play on memory and mirage make the sense of illusion and of meditation central to all six transformation described.

Conclusion Our workshop discussions attempted to move away from earlier folktale classification schemes that rest on concepts of type, motif, function and genre. Instead we tried to move towards patterns that might be found to be special to Indian materials. We also ignored the conventional distinctions between legend, myth and tale. And we did not concern ourselves with a separation of classical and local materials. While oppositions and transformations exist in all folk traditions, we argued that the following three might be particularly important keys to the study of Indic examples: high / low power / purity inside / outside

These basic themes and transformations transcend genres and distinctions like myths / folklore and can best be identified by comparative or complementary studies. This workshop provided a starting point in the search for newer, more culture-specific models. Brenda E.F. Beck University of British Columbia

A.K. Ramanujan University of Chicago

1. This paper was generated from the discussions at the Workshop on Myth and Folktale held during the IndoAmerican Seminar on Indian Folklore at the Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore. The participants at the workshop were: Brenda E.F. Beck and A.K. Ramanujan (coordinators and editors), Jan Brouwer, Jawaharlal Handoo, Lalita Handoo, A. Hiriyanna, Mazharul Islam, Raghavan Payyanad, Ramachandra Gowda, and David Shulman.

Indian Performance Traditions Introduction This workshop group discussed aspects of performance in Indian folklore. Its focus was not any particular genre, but an approach to the study of folklore. In pursuing this topic, the discussions were both theoretical and empirical. Possible definitions of "performance" and "text" were debated, and concrete examples of each were described. One issue which embraced both these concerns was the variation between textual and performance versions of the same narrative and this was discussed in some detail. These concerns (definitions, description of examples, and variation in performance) are the subjects of the first three sections of this report. The last section is a short, concluding statement which also suggests directions for further research. The primary intention of this report is to summarize the group's discussions by covering the information shared and the issues debated. The theoretical questions raised during the course of the four days achieved no final

consensus among the participants. Nevertheless, the debates were often stimulating and challenging. Since the study of performance is still in a formative stage internationally, as well as in India, many similar debates are needed before fundamental conceptions can be hammered out.

Definitions The initial, and recurrent, problem was the definition of the very subject of discussion, performance. Definitions, current in international folklore scholarship were brought forward. For example, the idea that performance is an event for which the actor accepts the responsibility to be evaluated as a bearer of traditions was discussed. Another current concept of performance emphasizing its self-referencing qualities was also mentioned. With these ideas in the background, the discussion then turned to specific events proposed as performance. Among these events, those commonly accepted as "performing arts", e.g. folk drama and oral narrative,

posed no definitional problem. However three events not universally recognized as "performance" were debated. Two of these, icon-making and possession dance, seemed questionable because they lack a strong verbal component. The third debated event, folk expression in a marriage, was problematic because, although verbal, it is only a segment of a larger event. In the course of this debate, it was pointed out that the absence of a verbal element should not disqualify an event from consideration as "performance" unless other non-verbal events, such as instrumental music and mime, are also to be excluded. It was further argued that in each of the questionable events at least some of the elements common to other "performances" were present: (1) an audience, (2) assumption of a role, (3) a "frame" marking the event off from everyday reality. The importance of the last of these, the frame, in delineating performance events was emphasized at several points later in the discussion. For example, greater specificity of the framed boundaries of the iconmaking event, it was noted, would strengthen the argument for its consideration as performance.

A second and related definitional problem was that of "text". Again, the narrative text was not easily identified in those events nor readily accepted as performance. One opinion expressed was that no such text need be identified, i.e., that performance need not be conceptualized with reference to a text. However, in order to make the later discussion of textualperformance variation consistent for all presentations, a broad concept of "text" was generally, though not unanimously, adopted. A text was understood to be a prior, fixed standard which gives at least partial form to performance. In these terms, a text can be verbal (narrative, song, folk expression) or non-verbal (musical notation, kinesic patterns, iconic forms). It can also exist in a written form or only in the mind of the performer, or in both. Finally, it was argued that previous performances of an event became part of the standard "text" and, thus, influence future performance of that same event.

Presentations of Folk Performances

As the substantive part of the group's discussions, each member presented an example of a performance and described the larger tradition in which it occurs. After these presentations, a standard format was designed to throw into prominence those details considered most significant when comparing performance tradition at hand. It should be clearly understood that this data format was intended for use only for the material presented during the workshop and was not proposed as a tool for more extensive collection and comparative research. Several obviously important dimensions of performance traditions, such as full details on the performers and historical information on the performance, were omitted. However, it should help the reader gain a good idea of the kinds of performances discussed in the group. The profiles of these presentations are given below.

PERFORMANCE PROFILE 1 1. Name of the Tradition

:

kushān gān

2. Region

:

Western

Assam (Goalpara) 3. Context A.

:

spatial

any open place,

shrines; public institutionspreferred. B.

temporal

:

all year, but

winter preferred; night C.

audience

:

cross section of

local people. D.

available no. of actors

:

no fixed

number, same person may take many roles. E.

financial support

:

minimal,

performers are not professional. 4. Function

:

entertainment. 5. Performer(s) troupe may becomposed 6. Audience Role interaction.

:

not professional,

ad hoc. :

active

7. Medium

:

song, dance,

dialogue. 8. Type of Innovation

:

songs,

:

actors’

mostly humorous 9. Cue for Innovation choice or audience request. 10. Content

:

purān,a and

:

no written

epic mythology. 11. Textual Forms texts, some narrative segments taken from written literature. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 2 1. Name of the Tradition

:

bhāonā

(This is the term for performance versions.) 2. Region and eastern parts

:

Assam, central

3. Context

:

A. spatial

in a chatra

(monastery) or nāmghar (chapel), other institutions, or open place in village. B. temporal

:

death anniversary

of founders of monasteries, other special occasions. C. audience

:

on religious

occasions, it is confined to the monastery community, on other occasions, the whole village may attend. D. available no. of actors

:

fixed

E. financial support

:

rarely performed

for money. 4. Function

:

ritualistic

when in monastery, entertainment elsewhere.

5. Performer(s)

:

no information.

6. Audience Role

:

active, e.g.,

:

song, dance,

escorting actors to stage, prompting. 7. Medium dialogue. 8. Type of Innovation

:

messenger

:

choice of

(dressed as buffoon), inserted humorous songs. 9. Cue for Innovation performers or audience. 10. Content

:

mythological

theme, but performance need not have religious significance. 11. Textual Forms

:

written,

published texts (known as ānkiyanāt). PERFORMANCE PROFILE 3 1. Name of the Tradition

:

teru kūttu

2. Region

:

3. Context

:

A.

Tamil Nadu

spatial

temple, open

places, institutions. B.

temporal

:

night, all year.

C.

audience

:

generally non-

Brahmin castes. D.

available no. of actors

:

10-15 actors.

E.

financial support

:

private

contracts, temple funds. 4. Function

:

mostly

entertainment. 5. Performer(s)

:

not professional,

middle castes, (mostly). 6. Audience Role

:

active.

7. Medium

:

song, dance,

dialogue. 8. Type of Innovation

:

through

messenger, episodes, can be lengthened or cut-off, local issues and politics can be inserted. 9. Cue for Innovation

:

actors’

choice. 10. Content

:

episodes from

:

written

purān,a epics; local stories. 11. Textual Forms scripts, but oral transmission. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 4 1. Name of the Tradition

:

jarano pāt

(scroll painting) 2. Region Midnapur District.

:

West Bengal,

3. Context A.

:

spatial

village homes,

village commons. B.

temporal

:

day, all year

(except monsoon) 15-20 minutes duration. C.

audience

:

villagers,

heterogeneous, varies by locale. D.

available no. of actors

:

a single

:

some grain and

performer, the patua. E.

financial support

small monetary gift. 4. Function

:

entertainment, to make political commentary; also to increase religiousmerit. 5. Performer(s) low and middle castes.

:

not professional,

6. Audience Role

:generally active, varies

according to whether Hindu or Muslim, young or old. 7. Medium

: painted panels on scroll, verse,

prose commentary. 8. Type of Innovation

: determined by audience;

variation in stories correspond to variation in painted scrolls. 9. Cue for Innovation

:

performers’

choice. 10. Content

:

mythological

:

oral only.

themes, local events, hero tales. 11. Textual Forms

PERFORMANCE PROFILE 5 1. Name of the Tradition

:

man, cilia

ceytal (clay figure-making)cāmi ceytal (god-making) 2. Region

:

Tamil Nadu.

(Madurai District, although similar ritual found in other districts). 3. Context A.

spatial

: locale shifts

from potters’ home to house temple, to village temple. B.

temporal

:

for festival, 7-10 days in

making. C.

audience

:

heterogeneous, some from

potter’s village; some from village of festival. D.

available no. of actors

:

5-7 men

:

approx. Rs.

involved. E.

financial support

50/- and 1-3 bags paddy. 4. Function

:

ritual

5. Performer(s)

:

vēl,ār potters (in

Madurai District) 6. Audience Role :

help in moving figure to

temple, limited criticism. 7. Medium

:

8. Type of Innovation

clay. :

some

changes in pattern of ritual according to generosity of patrons. 9. Cue for Innovation

:

from

patrons. 10. Content

:

Aiyanar

:

possibly

(Sās,ta) image. 11. Textual Forms

Sastraic literature; all previousrituals of this type form a “text” subsequent performances. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 6

For

1. Name of the Tradition

:

saptha pati

(7 steps) in marriage ceremony. 2. Region

:

Tamil Nadu

(Other parts of India, as well). 3. Context A.

:

spatial

temple, marriage

hall. B.

temporal

:

marriage season,

lasts a few minutes of marriage ceremony C.

audience

:

crowd at marriage

ceremony. D.

available no. of actors

:

marital

financial support

:

no

couple. E.

separate fees (part of marriage festival). 4. Function 5. Performer(s)

: :

ritual. marital couple.

6. Audience Role

:

crowd acts as

:

oral, mime.

witness. 7. Medium 8. Type of Innovation

:

slight

:

from

variation in verbal component. 9. Cue for Innovation marriage priest. 10. Content

: a folk expression:

“Having steped on the grinding stone, look at the Arundathi star”. 11. Textual Forms

: mime, oral, derived

from the story of Arundathi in mahābhārata, rāmāyan,a and purān,a. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 7 1. Name of the Tradition 2. Region Kerala.

: :

mut,i yērru Central

3. Context A.

spatial

B.

temporal

: temple area. :

night, March-

:

villagers, Hindu,

April, 4-6 hours. C.

audience

upper castes. D.

available no. of actors

:

6 main

characters and a number of spirits (gan,as). E.

financial support

:

temple funds

:

ritual.

or local donations. 4. Function 5. Performer(s)

:

not

6. Audience Role

:

passive.

7. Medium

:

dance, song,

professional; nāyar, mārār.

dialogue, masks.

8. Type of Innovation

:

episodic

sequence may be altered in regular ways. 9. Cue for Innovation

:

time limit,

desires of temple officials. 10. Content

:

dārikavadham. 11. Textual Forms

:

from

mārkan,d,eya purān,a, but oral transmission. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 8 1. Name of the Tradition

:

bommalāt,t,am (shadow puppet play) 2. Region

:

Andhra

Pradesh. 3. Context A.

spatial

open area, institutions in cities.

: village, temple or

B.

temporal

:

all year (except

monsoon), day and night. C.

audience

:

may be all strata

of society. D.

available no. of actors

:

usually 5-8

:

minimal, fixed

puppeteers. E.

financial support

contract. 4. Function

:

mostly

entertainment. 5. Performer(s)

:

not professional, Marathi-

speaking caste (ārē). 6. Audience Role 7. Medium

: :

passive.

narrative verse, song,

prose dialogue, puppets. 8. Type of Innovation

: elaboration of scenes

through song, omission of some scenes, appearance of vidushaka; verses form other Telugu rāmāyan,a, (e.g.,

Koru konda rāmāyan,a, molla rāmāyan,a, bhāskār rāmāyan,a) are borrowed and inserted in performance. 9. Cue for Innovation

: time limit, choice of

performers. 10. Content:

sections from the rāmāyan,a

mahābharata. 11. Textual Forms : primarily ranganātha rāmāyan,a, but orally transmitted. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 9 1. Name of the Tradition

:

2. Region

:

3. Context

:

A.

spatial

khyal Rajasthan.

village, open

places, towns, institutions. B.

temporal

monsoon), night.

:

all year (except

C.

audience

:

D.

available no. of actors

heterogeneous. :

drama troupe

:

minimal.

size varies. E.

financial support

4. Function

:

mostly

:

not professional,

entertainment. 5. Performer(s) hereditary. 6. Audience Role

:

active; vocal

interaction with performers. 7. Medium

:

song, prose dialogue,

mime, dance. 8. Type of Innovation :

comic interludes,

embellishment by inserted songs, vidushaka. 9. Cue for Innovation performers’ choice.

:

context,

10. Content

:

mostly mythological,

some modern themes (15 themes in all). 11. Textual Forms

:

written, published texts,

used for prompting; two types of texts: (1) “Straight”, with little deviation from plot line, (2) “Imaginative” (“mānorangani”), with more poetic, florid style. PERFORMANCE PROFILE 10 1. Name of the Tradition

:

vil pāt,t,u

(bow song) 2. Region

: Tamil Nadu,

Kanya Kumari, Tirunelveli Districts (and rivandrum District, Kerala). 3. Context

:

A.

spatial local temple, village or town.

B.

temporal

:

May), day and night, 2-8 hours.

season (January-

C.

audience

:

heterogeneous, local

village or town population. D.

available no. of actors

: minimally 5, as

many as 10. E.

financial support

:

4. Function

:

ritualistic, rarely for

:

not professional, lower,

entertainment. 5. Performer(s)

middle castes (particularly nādāa and vel,l,āl,ar). 6. Audience Role

:

mostly passive, limited

criticism, giving small amounts as gifts. 7. Medium

:

song, narrative prose,

dialogue. 8. Type of Innovation

:

episodic

:

context, i.e.,

omission, addition. 9. Cue for Innovation

position of performance in festival sequence.

10. Content

:

historical of

local deities, 2 types: (1) human, born on earth, (2) divine, born in kailas. 11. Textual Forms

: palm-leaf manuscripts

(sometimes used as reference or as “script” for performance);

hand-written

copies and printed pamphlets. Varieties of Variation in Performance After each of the presentations summarized in the profiles above, a general discussion was held on the various details of the performance and its tradition. One specific issue functioned as a focal point in these discussions and provided a basis for comparison among them. This issue was the relationship between textual and performance versions of the same narrative. During his or her presentation, each participant was asked to cite one or more specific examples of how the "text" was altered in performance.

The range of examples of these variations in performance displays certain regular features. First, on the level of narrative content, performances show different degrees of correspondence to, or divergence from, a textual standard (see above the definition of text in the section on definition). Accordingly, these performances may be placed on a continuum between fixity, on the one hand, and variation or innovation, on the other. For example, at the pole of extreme fixity, certain performances in the Tamil vil pat?t?u tradition were noted to be verbatim recitations of texts. For all other performances, greater divergence from a text would move them closer to the opposite pole of extreme innovation. In most of these performances, it was found that content was altered by omitting, adding, contracting or expanding certain episodes. Three specific examples were given. In bommalat?t?am, performances of lanka dhanam (from the ramayan?a) include a detailed description of Lanka which is absent in the texts. In vil pat?t?u, the entire second half of a narrative is often omitted in performance. Finally, mut?i yer?r?u

performances of darika vadham use three different sequences, two of five and one of seven episodes. In other performances, the general observation was made that the insertion of songs and dialogue could alter minor aspects of content. Next, on the level of function, another continuum can be drawn between ritualistic performances and entertainment-oriented performances. Almost all the performances presented involve some ritual function. However, in a few (e.g., clay icon-making and folk expression) it is paramount, while in others (e.g., folk drama of bommalat?t?am, teru kuttu and khayal) it is minimal. In still other traditions (e.g. vil pat?t?u), performances range considerably in the degree of their ritualistic function. Significantly, this variation in function appears correlated to that noted already on the level of content. Performances with greater fixity in content tend to be more ritualistic in function. Conversely, those with greater innovation in content tend to be entertainment-oriented in function.

One reason for this correlation between content innovation and entertainment function is that an innovative technique common to many of the traditions is the use of a buffoon (vidushaka). This character simultaneously introduces new story elements and a farcical mood in performance. Another character commonly inserted in performance is the messenger (dutha) who may similarly provide scope for humorous dialogue. This use of dialogue links the correlation between content and function to a third variation - - the use of media. All narrative performances were found to combine the use of at least two oral delivery styles, verse and prose. Additionally, song (or a special kind of verse) and dialogue (or a special kind of prose) were identified in several presentations. The texts, however, are mostly in some versified form. Thus, those performances with a greater use of verse delivery style tend also to be those with greater content fixity. On the other hand, those performances with more prose tend towards innovation.

Moreover, since the verse-dominant performances tend to be fixed in content, according to the correlation between content and function described above, they also tend to be ritualistic. By the same correlation, the prose-dominant and innovative performances tend to be entertainment-oriented. Another frequently mentioned technique for altering the text in performance was the use of song. Although this delivery style is versified, it is not narrative like the main body of the text, Rather, the songs are detachable units distinct from the main narrative. Also, like the prose medium, the songs usually deviate form the central story line and introduce a humorous or erotic note, or comment on, a local issue or political issue or political problems. The use of this special form of verse, therefore, is associated with entertainment, rather than ritualistic, performances. This set of correlations among the three levels of variation in performance is summarized below. (content) Fixity Innovation

(function) Ritual Entertainment (medium) Narrative Prose, Dialogue, Song Verse It should be emphasized that the above diagram illustrates only tendencies along continua, and tendencies only among the performances surveyed in the group. The correlations it suggests are not absolute, nor are they intended to apply to all types of folk performance in India.

Conclusions This report is presented with the hope that it will be useful in several ways to scholars of Indian folklore. Firstly, it introduces a relatively new approach in folkloristics and one that has been rarely used to analyze Indian materials. A brief bibliography of important performances studies is provided at the end of this report for interested persons.

Secondly, at the descriptive level, it supplies details about several performance traditions in India. These descriptions should be useful as starting points for comparative research with other similar traditions. The individual participants may be contacted directly for further information concerning their research on these traditions. Thirdly, the profile designed for summarizing the salient features of performance may assist other faced with a similar task. Again we wish to add that the profile is not perfected and is offered as a working format only. Fourthly, the set of correlations analyzed in the previous section should provoke further discussions on these questions. Only such a cumulative process can confirm, reject or modify its tentative hypothesis and bring greater clarity. Fifthly, the speculative nature of the definitions discussed in the first section is likewise a call for more discussion and greater precision. This area of perception and models of performance is still in a nascent stage and requires serious attention.

In an attempt to refine our conceptualizations of performance in Indian folklore, on line of inquiry would seem particularly productive. This is the identification and examination of indigenous concepts of performance. For example, during our discussion it was brought out that in Assam there is "set" of performance events. Items in this set are marked by the terminological tag "gan" (e.g., kushan gan, pala gan, dotra gan, etc.,). After surveying all the events in this set, one could then analyze how they differ from other events in the same region. This analysis would then suggest some distinctive features of performance would contribute to the eventual formation of a pan-Indian definition. Indigenous concepts of performance are indicated by terminology in another way. Again in an Assamese tradition, textual versions (ankiya nat) are terminologically distinguished from their enactments (bhaona). This type of distinction is immeasurably crucial. It suggests that local people themselves recognize that the performance of a story is something different from its textual form. Further study,

observation and interviewing would reveal the subtleties upon which this distinction rests and supply additional material for a definition of Indian folk performance. Both these examples of performance concepts come from Assam. Similar terminology that either delimits a set of performance events, or that separates enactment from text should be isolated in other regions. Only after such concepts are systematically analyzed will it be possible to outline the unique elements of performance in Indian folklore. Another important issue in folklore scholarship only cursorily discussed in the group is the relationship between composition and performance. This connection between a prior written and/or oral text and its later oral delivery is, despite oral formulaic studies, not well understood. However, it is precisely this interplay between fixity and variation (discussed in general terms in the third section of this report) that animates performance. A careful study of this interaction promise to uncover some of the now unknown processes which

constitute a performance. Another process related to those of composition and performance is that of transmission. This is the final area which we mention in this report as a topic for future research on performance. Like composition and performance, transmission may involve written or oral forms, both. Thus, an understanding of how an oral tradition is transmitted will shed needed light not only on what happens in performance, but also on the developmental processes in Indian literature more generally. We wish to close this report by emphasizing the value of the study of Indian oral traditions to international folkloristics. The central problems is verbal folklore research are the interlocking processes of transmission, composition and performance. Of these, only the first two have been even partially studied. If the whole complex is to be adequately understood, obviously performance must be intensively and extensively examined. Here, the tremendous diversity and availability of performances in India holds extraordinary potential. This report, we hope, will

provide some impetus to the realization of this potential. Stuart Blackburn Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H. Notes 1. The following paper was generated from the discussion at the Workshop on Indian Performance Traditions held during the Indo-American Seminar on Indian Folklore at the Central Institute of Indian Language, Mysore. The participants at the workshop were: Stuart Blackburn (coordinator and editor), Birendranath Data, Choomar Choondal, Stephen Inglis, David Runder, Muthu Chidambram, Erica Claus, Ramnivas Sharma, and Amy Catlin. Addresses of the participants may be obtained by writing to Dr. Jawaharlal Handoo, Folklore Unit, Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore, 570006, Karnataka, India; or, Dr. Stuart Blackburn, Department of Religion, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire, 03755, USA

SUGGESTED READING Abrahams, Roger 1968 Introductory remarks to a rhetorical theory of folklore. Journal of American Folklore. 8: 143-158. 1977 Toward an enactment - centered theory of folklore. In W. Bascom (ed.) Frontiers of Folklore. Westview Press: Boulder, Colo. Pp. 79-120. Bauman, Richard 1978 Verbal Art as Performance. Newbury: Rowley, Mass. Bauman, Richard and A. Paredes (eds.) 1974 Folklore: Communication and Performance. Mouton: The Hague. Blackburn, Stuart 1981 Oral performance: narrative and ritual in a Tamil tradition. Journal of American Folklore 94: 207-27. Scheub, Harold 1977 The technique of the expansibleimage in Xhosa

Ntsomi performances. In B. Lindfors (ed.) Forms of Folklore in Africa: Narrative, Poetic, Gnomic and Dramatic. Pp. 37-63. Austin: University of Texas Press. Snith, John D. 1977 The singer of the song? a reassessment of Lord's "oral" theory. Man 12, 1: 141-53.