History of Universities: Volume XXI 1

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History of Universities VO L U M E X X I / 1 2006

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Page i

History of Universities

VO L U M E X X I / 1

2006


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History of Universities is published bi-annually Editor: Mordechai Feingold (California Institute of Technology) Managing Editor: Jane Finucane (Trinity College, Dublin) Editorial Board: R. D. Anderson (University of Edinburgh) L. W. Brockliss (Magdalen College, Oxford) C. Toniolo Fascione (University of Rome, Tor Vergata) W. Frihoff (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam) N. Hammerstein (University of Frankfurt) D. Julia (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence) M. Nelissen (Leuven) H. de Ridder-Symoens (Ghent) S. Rothblatt (University of California, Berkeley) N. G. Siraisi (Hunter College, New York) A leaflet ‘Notes to OUP Authors’ is available on request from the editor. To set up a standing order for History of Universities contact Standing Orders, Oxford University Press, Saxon Way West, Corby, NN18 9ES; email: [email protected]; tel: 01536 741017.


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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Oxford University Press 2006 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2006 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available Typeset by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Biddles Ltd., King’s Lynn, Norfolk ISBN 0–19–929738–X

978–0–19–929738–2

1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2


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Contents

Articles An Early Oxford Riot: Oseney Abbey, 1238 David L. Sheffler

1

The Fifteenth Century Accademia Pontaniana—An Analysis of its Institutional Elements Shulamit Furstenberg-Levi

33

Martinus Hortensius, Oration on the Dignity and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences (1634) Annette Imhausen and Volker R. Remmert

71

‘Redbrick’s Unlovely Quadrangles’: Reinterpreting the Architecture of the Civic Universities William Whyte

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The Secularization of the Chaplaincy: A Brief History of the Columbia University Chaplaincy, 1908–1969 Albert Wu

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Essay Reviews Logic Teaching at the University of Prague around 1400 A.D. (E. P. Bos, Logica Modernorum in Prague about 1400) (E. Jennifer Ashworth) Grammar, Reading, and Cultural Change in Early Modern Europe: Two Studies (W. Keith Percival, Studies in Renaissance Grammar: Raymond Gillespie, Reading Ireland: Print, Reading and Social Change in Early Modern Ireland ) (Jason Harris)

211

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Contents

History of the University of Salerno (Aurelio Musi, Massimo Oldoni, Augusto Placanica (eds), L’età antica, L’età medievale, L’età moderna; Antonio Braca (ed.) Appendice e percorsi iconografici) (Elena Brambilla)

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Paul R. Deslandes. Oxbridge Men: British Masculinity and the Undergraduate Experience, 1850–1920 (Robin Darwall-Smith)

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Bibliography

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An Early Oxford Riot: Oseney Abbey, 1238 David L. Sheffler

The Crime

On the 23rd of April 1238, a group of Oxford students traveled the short distance from the university to Oseney Abbey. Earlier that day they had sent gifts to the papal legate, Cardinal-Deacon Otto, who was staying at Oseney Abbey during his visit to Oxford. The students, who appear to have expected an audience, were dismayed when they were curtly rebuffed. Tempers flared and the situation became violent when the legate’s chief cook poured boiling water on a poor Irish clerk who had come to beg alms. One of the students, according to Matthew Paris a Welshman, shot the offending cook with an arrow, killing him on the spot. Alarmed by the clamour of the ensuing melee, the legate withdrew to the church tower, where he waited until nightfall before fleeing to the safety of the king.1 Despite the fact that the case is well documented (accounts of the incident appear in numerous chronicles, and both the Close Rolls and Patent Rolls contain related entries) the Oseney riot itself has been discussed by historians generally only in passing.2 This is particularly surprising given the number of names that appear in connection with the early years of Oxford’s history, the notable personalities involved, and the tumultuous period in which the riot occurred. Moreover, a close analysis of the riot, its aftermath, and its participants, yields insights into the university’s relationships with ecclesiastical and lay authorities, the living arrangements of students and masters, and the later careers of individuals who studied at Oxford in the first half of the thirteenth century.


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History of Universities Historical Background

The twenty-four years between the reopening of Oxford in 1214 and the riot of 1238 were critical for the university. Beginning in 1214, the university received a series of privileges that served to establish its legal status as a corporate institution, and defined the relationship between the scholars and secular authorities more clearly. As in Paris fourteen years earlier, these privileges were granted in the wake of violent clashes between the scholars and the town.3 In 1209, several Oxford students were hanged for their involvement in the killing of a townswoman. In protest, the masters and scholars abandoned Oxford for nearly five years.4 They returned, in 1214, only after the papal legate, Nicholas de Romanis, brokered a settlement between the masters and the town. Included in the agreement were provisions for the control of rents, and an annual indemnity paid by the town on behalf of the scholars.5 Finally, and most important, the legate confirmed the right of the scholars to be tried exclusively in ecclesiastical courts, giving them effective immunity from secular authority.6 This was, of course, hardly the end of conflict between the scholars and the citizens of Oxford. Indeed, the explosive growth of the university in the years following 1214 clearly increased opportunities for friction, both intra- and extramural.7 The growing need to enforce scholarly discipline is clearly reflected in the earliest university statutes. Dating from sometime before 1231, these statutes required that every scholar matriculate under a regent master, who, in theory at least, would help to ensure the good behaviour of his scholar.8 The privileges granted by Henry III in 1231 offer further evidence of the perceived need to restrain a restless and expanding student body. These writs, which also provided the first official recognition of the corporate status of the university, reiterated earlier university statutes requiring that scholars matriculate under recognized masters. In addition, they granted the chancellor the right to use the prison in Oxford and to call on the assistance of the sheriff during periods of unrest.9 As a result, by the time of the Oseney riot the university had emerged as a recognized corporate body with attendant powers and privileges, powers and privileges which were sorely tested in the weeks and months following the violence. The offence committed by the scholars was particularly troubling given the political turmoil Henry III faced in early 1238. In the months preceding the riot, the king’s brother and many of the magnates had


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An Early Oxford Riot: Oseney Abbey, 1238

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rebelled. According to Matthew Paris, only the Earl of Kent adhered to the king, ‘and no fear was entertained of him, both because he had sworn never to carry arms, and also on account of his old age . . .’.10 Although the brothers were reconciled quickly, thanks in part to Otto’s mediation, the underlying political tensions remained. Under such circumstances, Henry could hardly have been expected to accept the scholars’ attack on the legate with equanimity. That in the end the royal response was restrained is a remarkable testament to the prestige and strength Oxford had attained by the second quarter of the thirteenth century.

Motives

Since the time of Matthew Paris, the blame for the riot has rested heavily on the shoulders of the ‘numerous and troublesome’ Irish clerks.11 However, the outbreak of violence likely had much more to do with concerns over access to benefices, and the advancement of careers than the oft-cited ‘Celtic temperament’, or indeed any particular regional concern. According to the Tewkesbury Chronicle the students had come to Oseney to present business at the legate’s court.12 They announced their intentions in advance, sending gifts to the legate in the morning and arrived at Oseney later that day.13 The chronicles do not state the precise nature of the business they wished to present. However, the legate was often presented with appeals for preferment and, as noted above, earlier legates had been instrumental in securing many of the most important university privileges.14 Such a scenario helps to explain the violent reaction of the students. It was not simply that they felt slighted. They were denied access to a highly influential court, at which they believed they had every right to be heard, and on which their hopes for advancement may have depended. According to Matthew Paris, the students’ anger was further exacerbated by outrage over the ‘despoiling’ of the English Church for the benefit of foreigners. He reports that the rioters were heard shouting, ‘where is that simoniacal usurer, that plunderer of revenues and thirster for money, who perverts the king, subverts the kingdom, and enriches foreigners with spoil taken from us?’15 Leaving aside the mob’s fictive eloquence, there are other reasons for taking Matthew Paris’s account cum grano salis. First, Paris frequently indulged his anti-foreign sentiments,


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portraying the Italian clergy in a particularly unflattering light. Second, it is likely that his account, written many years after the events of 1238, was shaped by later efforts to exclude foreigners from positions of power within the kingdom.16 Nevertheless, there is some evidence of more generalized anti-Roman and anti-foreign sentiment in the years preceding the riot. Both Matthew Paris and Roger Wendover report popular anger directed at non-English clerics, including the seizing of crops belonging to the Italian clergy in England in 1232.17 Even the Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste, who did not object to the appointment of foreign clerics per se, expressed concern about their ability to fulfil pastoral obligations and the perception by others that they had received their positions through special favours.18 In addition, resentment towards the legate himself seems to have been building since his arrival in 1237.19 Otto’s grant of a thirtieth from ecclesiastical revenues to Henry III cannot have been very popular with the English clergy,20 and his condemnation of pluralists at his council later that year was a source of considerable dissent.21 As a result, Matthew Paris’s assertions that the scholars were motivated, at least in part, by anti-foreign sentiment, cannot be dismissed lightly. It is quite possible that the initial outbreak of hostilities brought to the surface latent anti-Roman feelings, which contributed to the escalation of violence.22 Whatever their motives for the attack, Henry III was outraged. The Oxford clerks had violated the king’s peace and assaulted a fully empowered papal legate who had proven himself a valuable ally. Otto had been a source of critical support during the recent quelled revolt, and had been instrumental in advancing the king’s interests.23 According to Matthew Paris, on at least two occasions the legate was recalled to Rome but remained in England at Henry’s request. The offence is further compounded if one can accept Matthew Paris’s assertion that the murdered cook was the legate’s brother.24

Punishment

The initial response to the riot was swift and severe. The legate placed Oxford under interdict, and the king dispatched the Earl of Warenne to


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restore order and to arrest the perpetrators. Twenty-two named individuals were arrested and imprisoned at Oxford, and in the Tower of London.25 According to the Tewkesbury Annals, Odo de Kilkenny and many others, including the sons of magnates, were vilely treated by their captors. This set off a dispute among the people and clerics ‘some saying it was just, others that it was not’.26 Matthew Paris reports that they were excommunicated, deprived of their incomes and delivered to London in carts like common robbers.27 Seven days after the incident, the king issued an order that no clerks be allowed to leave Oxford until a complete investigation could be made.28 On the 7th of May, he ordered all masters and clerks who held ecclesiastical benefices to provide letters patent in the presence of the king’s agents Robert Bacun29 and John de Regate. Those clerks who were not regent masters or did not hold benefices were required to provide pledges for their conduct. If such could not be found they were not to depart Oxford.30 However, the king and legate seem to have softened their stance toward the university and the rioters. This was due in no small part to the intervention of the bishops, especially of Grosseteste, who had strong ties to Oxford.31 The legate met with the bishops in London on the 17th of May to discuss the incident and the ‘perilous condition of the clergy’. In the end, Otto agreed to grant his mercy if the scholars participated in a penitential procession.32 Two days after the London meeting, many of the scholars imprisoned in Oxford and London, including Odo de Kilkenny, were released to ecclesiastical authorities. Approximately one week later, the legate lifted the interdict and restored the university to his favour (excepting those who had been personally involved in the attacks).33 On the 15th of July, he urged the scholars involved to present themselves for penance, adding that they need not fear for either their freedom or their belongings.34 The treatment of the scholars clearly illustrates the careful distinction between laymen and scholars. Even in such a serious incident the students were turned over to ecclesiastical authorities relatively quickly.35 The wording of the orders to release the prisoners underscores this distinction, always including the stipulation ‘si clerici sint’.36 The difference in status seems to have had a significant impact on the length of stay in prison as well. More than three months after Odo de Kilkenny was ordered released from the Tower of London, his servant William Joscelin still languished there.37


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History of Universities Later Careers

The later careers of some of the participants also suggest that in the end the official response to the riot was mild. Several of the students arrested went on to have successful, even noteworthy careers. Foremost among these was Odo de Kilkenny himself, who played a central role in the events leading up to the disturbance. Odo was clearly the best known of those involved; indeed he is the only one arrested who appears by name in the chronicles. At the time of his arrest he was rector of Brantingham in Yorkshire, a position he held until his death in 1260, and he was obviously a man of considerable substance.38 In 1241, a scant three years after the riot, he served as the agent of the dean of the chapter of Lincoln in his dispute with Bishop Grosseteste.39 In 1244, he appeared as the king’s advocate in the court of the King’s Bench.40 Some fifteen years later he was party to the dispute between Oseney Abbey and the dean and chapter of Lincoln over the chapel of St George-inthe-Castle.41 Odo’s service to the royal court suggests that he may have been a relation of magister William de Kilkenny, who was active in Oxford in the 1230s and served as the king’s clerk and proctor in Rome before becoming bishop of Coventry and royal Chancellor. Documents associated with the riot strongly suggest that Odo had a relative of this name, including a reference to the release of Odo’s belongings to a William de Kilkenny.42 Further biographical information is available for three other clerks arrested following the riot. The first, Walter de Aylesbury, held several benefices between 1223 and 1240. These included the rectorship of Chalfont St Peters in Buckinghamshire, which he resigned in 1239, and the rectorship of South Newington. At the time of his appointment to the latter position he is called magister.43 The second, John de Brideport was rector of Upper Heyford in Oxfordshire from 1245–7, and appears as the physician to William Valence in 1258.44 A third clerk, Magister Peter de Gosington (Cusington) was notably successful in procuring benefices. He served simultaneously as Rector of Burton Overy (1258), Rock Worcester (1263) and Haltham-on-Bain (1264). In 1263 he received a papal dispensation for multiple benefices with cure of souls. He seems to have maintained his connections with the university throughout his life and is listed as the donor of a manuscript to Balliol College, presumably left to the college at his death in 1276.45


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Living Arrangements

Beyond the evidence relating to the later careers of university students, the documents created in response to the riot also illuminate the living arrangements and lodging patterns of Oxford scholars prior to the foundation of the colleges.46 In the months following the riot, the king dispatched his men to Oxford to record the names and residences of many of the scholars, and to collect the statements of those willing to go surety on behalf of clerks implicated in the riot. In some cases the officials recorded the specific location of individual houses; in others it is often possible to make reasonable guesses as to their location.47 The documents record the landlords of some fifty scholars and unnamed socii.48 Approximately thirty-seven lived outside the north gate in the parishes of St Giles and St Mary Magdalen. The heaviest concentration of scholars appears to have been in the northern suburbs east of St Giles and north of Horsemonger Street, an area that would come to house many of the universities academic halls and colleges, including Balliol and Durham colleges. Some eighteen lived in tenements held by a single landlord: Osmund Molendarius.49 Ralph Godenave rented rooms to five scholars, most likely in his property located near the intersection of St. Giles and Horsemonger (the future Sparrow Hall).50 Another twelve to fourteen students had rooms in houses located along the road to St. Giles.51 Only four students can be identified with lodgings within the city walls, all of these near the Church of St Mary.52 Clearly most students chose lodgings outside the city proper, close to Northgate and Smythgate. This location had two significant advantages. First, it was close to the schools, which were concentrated between St Mary’s and Smythgate. At the same time, its location outside the walls meant cheaper rents than in the more crowded walled sections of Oxford. Those associated with the university who could afford to live within the walls were often masters.53 The students also tended to group together along familial or regional lines. Richard, Daniel, and Alan de Kildelou (Killaloe) lived together in the house of Richard le Barbur. Ralph Godenave rented rooms to five students from the marches of Wales. Roger and Peter Scoticus lived together, as did William and John de Hoyland.54 By grouping together in this manner, the students were able to share expenses, and, equally


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important for students far from home, had a valuable network of support. Nevertheless, it should be noted that those implicated in the Oseney riot do not appear to have come exclusively from any particular region. This fact suggests that the students participating in the riot were bound together by their identification with the university and that older attributions of the violence to one particular regional group are inaccurate. The landlords themselves were drawn from various groups within the city. Some, like Osmund Molendarius, had substantial holdings and a considerable number of tenants. In some cases, students rented rooms from their masters. This appears to have been the case for Roger and Peter Scoticus, who lodged with magister William Lichfield, and possibly for Richard de Camail.55 In addition, landlords belonged to the professions that directly serviced the university community. In particular we find among those who provided lodging to students a barber, necessary for the maintenance of the clerical tonsure, and a scribe. The documents also reveal an additional layer of connections. Clerks implicated in the riot who were not regent masters or did not hold a benefice were required to find pledges for their good conduct. In some cases, the relationship between the clerks and those who stood surety for them is clear. Ralph Godenave and Gilbert Compeden appeared on behalf of their tenants, as did Walter Galle.56 In other cases, however, one can only speculate as to the nature of the relationship. It is likely that magister William Drogheda who stood surety for Richard de Camail was the student’s master, and perhaps his landlord.57 This could also be the case with magister Robert de Lichfield,58 magister Reyner de Stokes,59 and magister Simon de Neville,60 who stood surety for Richard, Daniel, and Alan Kildelou respectively.61 David de Dudelig de Dublin stood surety for two fellow Irishmen.62 In addition, a large number of students found citizens of Oxford who were willing to stand surety for them, suggesting that relations between the town and the students could be more amiable than is commonly assumed.63

Conclusion

The documentation gathered in the aftermath of the Oseney riot provides some of the earliest and most detailed evidence relating to Oxford’s

St. John

Turner (2) Street Kybald

Drogheda

Hospital of St. John

Scriptor (2)

East Gate

St. Cross


Name of landowner with number of tenants in parentheses

Dominican Convent

South Gate

St. Frideswide Priory

St. Aldgate

et

Franciscan Convent

Stre

Osney Abbey

St. Ebbe

St. Edward

St. Mary All Saints t Stree High

Fish

West Gate

Castle

te thga Nor et Stre

St. Thomas

o Scho t Stree et l Stre

Neville Licchefield (2)

St.Peter in the East

Maynard (2)?

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St. Martin Carfax St. Peter le Bailey

Catte

St. Michael

Molendarius (18) Godenave (4) eet er Str mong Horse

Sweteman (7)

Stanford

Gos (2)

Landlords and Scholars 1238

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North Gate

St. Mary Magdalen

Campeden (2)?

Ingeram (2)

St. Giles

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university community. It also provides an opportunity to observe the practical application of university privileges that had been won a scant twenty-four years earlier. The riot having occurred during such an unsettled period, it is telling that the rights of the university and its scholarly community were largely upheld. In addition, the documentation relating to the riot provides a wealth of valuable information that sheds light on the living arrangements, social background, and careers of some early students at Oxford. Although we know much less about the fate of the individuals than we would like, the names themselves, linked to a specific place and time, are at least a starting point. Further research may reveal more about the intricate connections that no doubt existed between the students involved in the riot, as well as the connections between the students and those who stood surety for them. Even lacking this, the riot at Oseney and the official response provide an opportunity to observe the complex interactions of episcopal, lay, and papal authority during the early years of the Oxford University.

Appendix I

Clerks named in connection with the Oseney Riot Aylesbury, Hugh de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, another John also from Bridesthorn, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, and Lawrence de Eston, all of whom were from Buckinghamshire, Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety for these eight, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. A Hugh de Aylesbury is also listed as living in the house of Walter Galle with Ralph Wokind and Walter de Burewardscot, it is not clear if this is an error or a different Hugh de Aylesbury. [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king, 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]. Aylesbury, Walter de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. One of eight clerks for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (see lists under Hugh de Aylesbury). Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king, 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]. Magister by 1240. Rector of Chipping Norton, presented by Eynsham Abbey, Oxon. Withdrew 1223.


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Rector of Chalfont S. Peter’s Buckinghamshire, admitted 1224. Vacated 1239. Rector of South Newington, Oxon., presented by Eynsham Abbey [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 15]. Aqua, John de: Seized with Odo de Kilkenny and held in the Tower. However, no evidence was found implicating him in the riot [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Aundely, Ralph: Lived in the house of Gilbert Compeden with Alexander Gretton. Gilbert Compeden and William Molendarius stood surety for the two, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king, 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]. Balliol, Engeram de: Allowed to travel freely notwithstanding the royal mandate, Henry Balliol having mainprised to have him (as well as Adam de Buckfeld, Bernard de Hindele, and Robert de Paxton) before the legate when commanded, 12 May 1238 [CPR 1232–47, 219]. Birchmoor, Hugh de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven others from Buckinghamshire. Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius served as pledges on behalf of Birchmoor and seven others, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (See lists under Hugh de Aylesbury). Blundus, William: Ordered released from the Tower of London where he was being held with magister Odo de Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Buckland (Bocland), Galfridus de: Received permission to travel and secured the release of his horse which had been seized, notwithstanding the royal edict prohibiting clerks to leave Oxford, 7 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 129]. Likely the same as Galfridus de Bocland who witnessed ca. 1220 the granting of a market stall by Henry Simeon to Robert son of Peter in the drapery (located on Northgate street just north of High street) [Salter, Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 46]. In 1240 Galfridus de Bocland also witnessed the sale of a rent to Peter Thorold in St. Mildred’s parish (the future Chimney hall). Robert de Oxonia, canon of Suwell diocese of York, also appears as a witness (see below, Robert canon of Suthwell) [Salter, Cartulary of Oseney, i, 149]. Buckfeld (Bokinfeld), Adam de: Northumbria. Son of Robert de Cranteleye. Granted permission to leave Oxford notwithstanding royal decree forbidding all clerks to leave Oxford, Henry de Balliol having mainprised to have him and three other clerks before the legate when commanded, 12 May 1238 [CPR, 1232–47, 219] (see list under Engeram de Balliol). MA by 1243. Rector of West Rounton in Yorkshire, 20 July 1243. Rector of Iver Buckinghamshire (subdeacon), admitted on the recommendation of Adam Marsh O.F.M. in 1249. Canon and prebendary of Lincoln 1264/5 [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 297]. Bracy de Stanes, Robert: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. One of eight clerks for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (see lists under Hugh de Aylesbury).


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Brackley (Brakele), Simon filius Warini de: Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney where he had appeared armed with a bow and arrow. Fled Oxford and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. In 1220 a ‘Simon Brakkele’ (perhaps an uncle?) held a tenement in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen on Horsemonger street [Salter, Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, iii, 317]. This property was later incorporated into Bodin Hall [Salter, Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 342]. Possibly the same as magister Simon de Brackley subdeacon who was presented by Thomas de Molton to the church of All Saints in Saltfleetby (Lincolnshire) in 1279 [Rotuli Gravesend, Lincolniensis, 84]. Bridesthorn, John de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. One of two clerks with this name and eight clerks in total for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (see lists under Hugh de Aylesbury). Bridesthorn, John de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. One of two clerks with this name and eight clerks in total for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (see lists under Hugh de Aylesbury). Brideport, John de: Ordered released from the tower of London where he was being held with magister Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Rector of Upper Heyford, Oxon., subdeacon, 1246–6; vacated by 1247–48 [Rotuli Grosseteste, 488, 491]. Physician of William de Valence, count of La Marche, and earl of Pembroke in April 1258 [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 264]. Brok (Broch’), John de la: Welsh marches. Lived in the House of Ralph Godenave with William de Kenefeg, Richard de Kenton, Gregory de Oggemor, and Statius de Sancto Donato (all of the marches of Wales). Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico stood surety for the five, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king, 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]; Emden, Biographical Register, i, 271]. Buketon, Stephen de: Gloucestershire. Listed among those clerks who had fled, 30 May 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Burwardscot (Burnardescot), Walter de: Lived in the house of Walter Galle with Ralph Wokind and possibly Hugh de Aylesbury. Richard parson of Saint Clement Oxford and Walter Galle stood surety for the three, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king, 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72; See also Emden, Biographical Register, i, 307]. Perhaps connected to magister Roger de Burwardscot who acquired a tenement at the east end of All Saints in Oxford between 1240 and 1250 [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 322].


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Burgo, Hugh de: Magister by 1238, Granted permission to leave Oxford, royal order to the contrary not withstanding, 7 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 128]. Granted three bucks by Henry III for his inception feast as Doctor in Canon Law, 11 November 1260 [Emden Biographical Register, i, 307]. Camail, Richard de: Clerk for whom magister William Drogheda stood surety following the Oseney riot. Accused of inciting others against the legate and his familia, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 135; Emden, Biographical Register, i, 342]. Cassel, John: Lived in the house of John de Ingeram with Walter Yreis (his socius) and Henry capellanus de Edwardstone. Missing from Oxford along with Walter Yreis, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Cocus, William: Gloucestershire. Missing from Oxford after the riot at Oseney, 30 May 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 133]. (On the same day a William Cocus de Myda is mentioned in a letter to the Earl of Hereford.) Colin (otherwise unknown): Eighteen years of age at the time of the riot. Was present during the attack on the legate and had thrown stones at the gate. Surname and patronym unknown, could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Craneford, Simon de: Magister by 1238. Ordered released from Tower of London where he was being held with Odo de Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53; Emden, Biographical Register, i, 510]. Croilland, William de: Lincolnshire. Socius of Richard de Warwick. Implicated in the riot at Oseney. William de Plumton served as pledge, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 136]. Possibly the same as magister William de Croyland rector of Achurch, Northamptonshire 1247–8. [Rotuli Grosseteste, Lincolniensis, 238]. Crumb, Reginald de (scriptor): Lived in the house of John Scriptor in the parish of St Cross with Hamo de Strafford. Missing from Oxford, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Curry de Scotia, John: Indicted, fled and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Dukeston, Stephen de: Probably from Herefordshire. Listed among those clerks who had fled, 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Duyne, Phillip de: Probably from Herefordshire. Listed among those clerks who had fled, 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Eadwardestone, Henry capellanus de: Probably Norwich. Lived in a house belonging to John Ingeram with two other students (for list see Cassel, John). Was indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney and had left the city, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Elias: Lived with a certain John in the house of John le Turnur in Gropelane. Indicted and could not be found, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Eston, Lawrence de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. One of eight students for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. (See lists under Hugh de Aylesbury).


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Estreleg, Robert capellanus de: Oxfordshire: Resided in the house of Gilbert de Hanneya. Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot. Simon Edtrop (citizen of Oxford) stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Fercekeyroth, Gregory de: Ordered released from the tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Fundlington, John de: Clerk for whom William rector of Langeton and William Rector of Stokes stood surety (also for Hugh de Welles), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Glovernia, John de: Gloucester. Clerk who lived in one of the houses of Osmond Molendarius. Indicted in connection with the riot. Osmund Molendarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Gosington (Cusington), Peter de: Leicestershire. Magister by 1238. Listed among those clerks who had fled, 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Accused of inciting and aiding the riot. Said to have presented himself to the Bishop of Lincoln before 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Rector of Burton Overy, Leicestershire 1258. Rector of Haltham-on-Bain, Lincolnshire, 1264. Rector of Rock Worcestershire in 1263. Granted dispensation to hold one other benefice with cure of souls in addition to Rock and Haltham-on-Bain, 4 May 1263 [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 531]. Gretton, Alexander de: Northamptonshire. Lived in the house of Gilbert Compeden with Ralph Aundely indicted in connection with the riot. Gilbert Compeden and William Molendarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Grosseteste, Richard: Released from the tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 830]. Henry: Carlisle. Socius of Peter de Karleolo (Carlisle). Given permission to travel, notwithstanding the royal edict restricting travel of Oxford clerks following the Oseney riot. Bishop of Carlisle mainprised for him and for John de Neketon, Michael de Sancto Albano, Geoffrey de Sancta Agatha, his socius, Nicholas, Peter de Karleolo, and Ralph, another of Peter de Karleolo’s socii, 11 May 1238 [CPR, 1232–47, 219]. Hereford, Galfridus de: Filius persone de Bromyard and brother of John de Brummerd. Accused of participating in the Oseney riot and of beating Thomas Terry de Oxonia whom he believed was a Roman. As of 11 June 1238 could not be found. His brother John and Thomas capellanus de Santo Martino mainprised to have him return and appear before the legate when required [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Hibernia, Reginald de: Had fled Oxford with seven of his socii (their names unknown) with whom he had lived in the one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Hiberniensis, Christian: Resided with his socius Patrick Prodom, Maurice Walensis, Nicholas Hiberniensis and Hugh Norrensis in a house belonging to a certain Sweteman. Indicted 11 June 1238; had fled and could not be


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found. David de Dudelig de Dublin stood surety for him and for Patrick Prodom [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Hiberniensis, Nicholas: Resided with Christian Hiberniensis and three others in a house belonging to a certain Sweteman (see list under Christian Hiberniensis), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Hindele, Bernard de: Granted permission to travel 12 May 1238, Henry de Balliol having mainprised for him and for three others. (See list under Engeram de Balliol for others) for others [CPR, 1237–47, 219; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 937]. Hoyland, John de: Lincolnshire. Ordered arrested, 30 May 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Tenant of William Maynard. Fled Oxford with his brother William the day after the riot, still missing 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 978]. Hoyland, William de: Lincolnshire. Ordered arrested, 30 May 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Tenant of William Maynard. Fled Oxford with his brother John the day after the riot, still missing, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133–34; Emden. Biographical Register, ii, 978]. Illewyc, William de: Magister by 1238. Granted permission to leave Oxford 1 May 1238 notwithstanding the royal injunction following the riot at Oseney [CCR 1237–42, 128; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 999]. John: Resided with a certain Elias in the house of John Turnur. Both were indicted could not be found in Oxford, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Karleolo (Carlisle), Peter de: Given permission to leave Oxford notwithstanding the royal edict to the contrary along with six others. (See list under Henry). The Bishop of Carlisle mainprised, 11 May 1238 [CPR, 1232–47, 219]. Kenefeg, William de: Marches of Wales. Resided in the house of Ralph Godenave along with four others. Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot. Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico, citizen of Oxford, stood surety for all five, 11 June 1238 (See list under John de la Brok) [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Kenton(Keneton), Richard de: Marches of Wales. Resided in the house of Ralph Godenave along with four others. Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot. Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico, citizen of Oxford, stood surety, 11 June 1238. (See list under John de la Brok) [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Kildelou (Killaloe) Alan de: Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney. Resided in the house of Richard le Barbur along with Daniel and Richard de Kildelou; there were also other socii residing in the same house who were indicted and could not be found. Magister Simon de Neville stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Kildelou (Killaloe), Daniel de: Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney. Resided in the house of Richard le Barbur along with Alan and Richard de Kildelou and other unnamed socii. Magister Reyner de Stokes stood surety, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Kildelou (Killaloe), Richard de: Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney, 11 June 1238. Resided in the house of Richard le Barbur along with Daniel


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and Alan de Kildelou and other unnamed socii. Magister Robert de Lichfield stood surety. [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Kilkenny, Odo de: Magister by 1238. According to Matthew Paris imprisoned first in Wallingford castle and then the tower of London. Ordered released 19 May 1238 [Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, i, 484; CCR 1237–42, 53]. Party to the settlement of a dispute between Oseney Abbey and the dean and chapter of Lincoln, 8 July 1259. Also rector of Brantingham Yorks., 28 July 1237, King’s advocate in the court of King’s Bench in 1244. Given his later ties to Henry’s court it seems likely he was a relative of William de Kilkenny who had a long and distinguished career in royal service, attaining the office of royal chancellor in the 1250’s [Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1048]. Langel, William de: Diocese of Durham. Listed among those clerks who had fled 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Leicester, Robert de: Ordered released from the Tower of London where he was being held with magister Odo de Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Possibly the same as magister Robert de Leicester who resigned as rector of Sproxton portions (Leicester) 1244–45 [Rotuli Grosseteste, Lincolniensis, 426] and Robert Leir’ subdiaconus presented as rector of Eastwell 1239–40 [Rotuli Grosseteste, Lincolniensis, 206]. Lewes, John de: Ordered released from the Tower of London where he was being held along with magister Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Lichfield (Liccefeld), Thomas de: Ordered released from the Tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Possibly the same as the ‘magister Thomas de Liccefeld’ commended to the church of Bluntisham by Bishop Gravesend in 1273 [Rotuli Gravesend Lincolniensis, 178–9].64 Lichfield (Liccefeld), William de: Magister by 1238. Provided lodging for two Scottish clerks at the time of the Oseney riot [CCR 1237–42, 134; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1145]. Held tenement in St Peter in the East on High Street just west of Queen’s Lane from 1233–4 until 1245–6 [Salter: Cartulary of Oseney, i, 290–3; Salter, Survey of Oxford, i, 138; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1145]. Rector of Harleston, Northamptonshire, 1228 vacated by Feb. 1241. Canon of St. Paul’s, London and prebendary of Holborn, 1229–1231. Rector of Ardeley, diocese of Lincoln, 1241. Rector of the mediety of Brayton 4 June 1246. Granted 5 marks a year by Worcester Priory for legal services. Papal subcollector in England 1256, vacated by 18 February 1257. King’s clerk 1257 [Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1145]. Locard, William: Gloucester. Listed among the clerks missing from Oxford following the riot at Oseney, 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133 ]. On the same day a William Locard, layman, is also mentioned in a letter to the Earl of Hereford, whether this is the same William Locard is unclear [CCR 1237–42, 133 ]. Martinstowe, Nicholas de: Gloucestershire. Listed among those clerks who had fled 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Mauricius: Magister, clerk of the Archbishop of Dublin who came to England in the business of his lord, received permission to travel together with his men 7 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 129].


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Middleton, John de: Fled Oxford before 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Mortimer, John: Resided with Robert Norrensis in the house of Augustine Gos. Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot and fled before 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Neketon, John de: Magister by 1238. Granted permission to leave Oxford: Bishop of Carlisle mainprised for him and six others, (See list under Henry) 11 May 1238 [CPR 1232–47, 219]. Rector of Cottesmore, Ruland, in 1228–9, and still in 1229–30 [Rotuli Welles, Lincolniensis, ii, 144, 232; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1342]. Nicholas: Socius of Geoffrey de Sancta Agatha. Given permission to travel 11 May 1238 along with Geoffrey de Sancta Agatha, John de Neketon, Michael de Sancto Albano, Peter de Karleolo, Henry and Ralph (socii of Peter de Karleolo). The Bishop of Carlisle mainprised [CPR 1232–47, 219]. Norrensis, Hugh: Resided in the house of a certain Sweteman with four other students (see list under Christian Hiberniensis), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] Norrensis, Robert: Resided in the house of Augustine Gos with John Mortimer. Listed among the clerks who had left Oxford and could not be found, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Oggemor, Gregory de: Resided in a house of Ralph Godenave with four other students. Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico (citizens of Oxford) stood surety for all five. (See list under John de la Brok) [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]. Oxonia, Adam de: Ordered released from the tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Oxonia, Peter de: Ordered released from the tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Paxton, Robert de: Clerk. Granted permission to leave Oxford notwithstanding royal decree forbidding all clerks to leave Oxford, Henry de Balliol having mainprised to have him and three other clerks before the legate when commanded. (See list under Engeram de Balliol). [CPR, 1232–47, 219]. Magister by 1230. Rector of Fordington, Lincolnshire, 1230–1, vacated by 1232–3 [Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1440]. Prodom, Patrick: Socius of Nicholas Hiberniensis. Resided in the house of a certain Sweteman with Hiberniensis and three others. (See list under Christian Hiberniensis). Indicted left Oxford and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Prout, Lucas le: Clerk for whom Durand Hann de Lancavaton, Elyas Parson of Curiton, and Walter de Dorkecester(citizen of Oxford) stood surety [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ralph: Socius of Peter de Karleolo. Given permission to leave Oxford notwithstanding the royal edict to the contrary along with sixothers. (See list under Henry). The Bishop of Carlisle mainprised, 11 May 1238 [CPR 1232–47, 219].


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Robert canon of Suthwell: Clerk of the Archbishop of York. Given permission (along with Thomas de Stanford and Richard de Hadeston in the service of the Archbishop of York) to leave Oxford and travel to York 1 May 1238 by Henry III [CCR 1237–42, 47]. Sancta Agatha, Geoffrey de: Given permission to travel 11 May 1238, along with John de Neketon, Michael de Sancto Albano, Peter de Karleolo, Henry and Ralph (socii of Peter de Karleolo), and Nicholas socius of Geoffrey de Sancta Agatha. The Bishop of Carlisle mainprised [CPR 1232–47, 219]. Sancta Agatha, Robert de: Magister by 1238, Master of Thomas filius Brienn’. Given permission to travel along with Thomas 5 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 128]. Possibly chancellor of the University 1256 [Snappes Formulary, 322; Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1623]. Archdeacon of Durham in 1265, and still 1267. Official of Lincoln April 1256 [Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1623]. Sancto Albano, Michael de: Given permission to leave Oxford notwithstanding the royal edict to the contrary along with six others. (See list under Henry). The Bishop of Carlisle mainprised, 11 May 1238 [CPR 1232–47, 219]. Renounced rectory of Cosgrove, Northamptonshire [Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1623]. Sancto Donato, Statius de: Marches of Wales. Resided in the house of Ralph Godenave along with four others from the Marches of Wales. Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot. Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico, citizen of Oxford, stood surety for all five, 11 June 1238 (See list under John de la Brok) [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Sandrig (Sondrich’), Robert de: Buckinghamshire. Lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius with seven other students. Arrested in connection with the riot at Oseney. One of eight clerks for whom Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stood surety, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] (see lists under Hugh de Aylesbury). Arrested in connection with the riot at Oseney. Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72]. Scoticus, Peter: Resided in the house of magister William de Lichfield along with Roger Scoticus. Fled Oxford and could not be found, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Scoticus, Roger: Resided in the house of magister William de Lichfield along with Peter Scoticus. Fled Oxford and could not be found, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Stanford, Thomas de: Clerk of the Archbishop of York. Given permission to leave Oxford and travel to York with Robert canon of Suthwell and Richard de Hadeston in the service of the Archbishop of York, 1 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 47]. Possibly the same as a magister Thomas de Stanford who purchased a rent of 8d. per annum in 1250 from John Crumpe between the property of Adam de Middleton to the north and Nicholas son of Miles to the south in the parish of St. Giles [Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 212; Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1754]. Perpetual vicar of St. Giles 1265 [Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 235; Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1754].


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Stanton, Thomas de: Herefordshire. Fled Oxford before 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Strafford (Stratford), Hamo de: Buckinghamshire. Fled Oxford before 30 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 133]. Lived in the house of John Scriptor with Reginald de Crumb. Still missing from Oxford, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Stures, William de: Ordered released from the Tower of London where he was being held with master Odo Kilkenny and others, 19 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 53]. Terry de Oxonia, Thomas: Richard Segrim and Lawrence Prepositus (both citizens of Oxford) stood surety on his behalf. Thomas was present during the riots and had been beaten by Galfridus de Hereford who had mistaken him for a Roman [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Thomas filius Brienn’: Given permission to travel with Robert de Sancta Agatha (Thomas’s master) 5 May 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 128]. Verrur, Hugh le: Clerk who lived in one of the houses of Osmund Molendarius. Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney, fled and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Walensis, Maurice: Resided with four other students in a house belonging to a certain Sweteman (see list under Christian Hiberniensis), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Walton, Adam de: Perchamenarius in Catte street, participated in the riot armed with a bow, fled and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. In 1266 an Adam Walton witnessed the granting of a messuage to Simon Scot by Walter de Welles in the parish of St. Peter in the East [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John i, 378; Salter, Survey of Oxford, i, 98]. Warwick (Warrewik), Richard de: Indicted in connection with the riot. Magister Robert de Burgo stood surety [CCR 1237–42, 136]. Welles, Hugh de: Indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney. William Rector of the Church of Langeton, and William Rector of the Church of Stokes stood surety for Hugh de Welles and John de Fundlington, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. William scriptor Roberti de Giffard: Indicted in connection with the Oseney riot, fled and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Wodkind (Wokendon’), Ralph: Ordered released from the prison in Oxford to the bishop of Lincoln or his representative by order of the king 8 July 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 72; Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 2076]. Yreis, Walter: Socius of John de Cassel. Resided in a house of John de Ingeram along with John de Cassel and Henry capellanus de Edwardstone. Missing from Oxford along with Walter Yreis, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 134].

Landlords and Pledges Barbur, Richard le: Oxford landlord in whose house Richard, Daniel and Alan Kildelou resided, vouched for his tenants, 11 June 1238 There were also other socii residing in the house who had been indicted but could not be found [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Barbers, along with scribes, parchment makers,


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bookbinders, and bakers provided essential services to the university community and were often found in the close proximity to students and schools. That they should also serve as landlords is not surprising [Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, 156]. Compare also John Scriptor, and Richard Furnarius (baker) below both of whom rented rooms to scholars Brummerd, John de: Mainprised along with Thomas capellanus de Sancto Martino for Galfridus de Hereford [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Compeden (Cumton), Gilbert: Oxford landlord who stood surety along with William Molendarius for his tenants Ralph Aundely and Alexander Gretton, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Likely the same as the Gilbert de Campeden’ who witnessed the granting of a messuage to John Plumbar by John Ingeram in the parish of St Mary Magdalen on the west side of Broad Street just south of St Giles ca. 1240 [Cartulary of Oseney ii, 291–2; Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 216]. Dorchester (Dorkecester), Walter de: Citizen of Oxford, served with Durand Hann de Lancavaton, and Elyas, parson de Curiton as pledge for Lucas le Prout who was indicted in connection with the Oseney riot, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Dudelig de Dublin, David de: Stood surety for Nicholas Hiberniensis and Patrick Prodom (his socius), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Edtrop, Simon de: Citizen of Oxford. Stood surety for Robert capellanus de Estreleg, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Elyas Parson of Curiton: Stood surety for Lucas le Prout with Durand Hann de Lancavaton, and Walter de Dorkecester, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Furnarius, Richard: Stood surety along with Osmund Molendarius for Hugh de Aylesbury (in another list Richard parson of Saint Clement and Walter Galle stand surety for a Hugh de Aylesbury, whether this is an error or a different Hugh de Aylesbury is unclear), Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, a second John de Bridesthorn, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, Lawrence de Eston (all from Buckinghamshire) [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Galle, Walter: Oxford landlord who stood surety for his tenants Ralph Wokind, Hugh de Aylesbury, (A Hugh de Aylesbury also appears as a tenant of William Molendarius it is not clear if this is an error or a different Hugh de Aylesbury) and Walter de Buwardscot along with Richard parson of Saint Clement Oxford, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Godenave, Ralph: Oxford Landlord who stood surety (along with Richard de Norwico) for his tenants William de Kenefeg, Richard de Kenton, John de la Brok, Gregory de Oggemor, and Statius de Sancto Donato (all of the marches of Wales), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Held tenement just north of Horsemonger Street and west of Broad Street in 1238 [Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 190; Mediaeval Archives of Oxford University, 307]. May have also held property in the parish of St Peter in the East where he appears as a frequent witness to property transactions [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, i, 23–4, 27].


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Gos, Augustine: Oxford landlord. His tenants John Mortimer and Robert Norrensis had fled and could not be found, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135] Witness to a grant of land to Ranulf de Brill by Richard Consort ca. 1240 in the parish of St Giles (east side of Broad street just south of St Giles) [Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 198]. In 1279, he held property halfway between St Mary Magdalen and St Giles on east side of the street [Salter, Survey of Oxford, II, 201; Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, 809]. Also witnessed the granting of a tenement to the University by Petronilla and her husband Roger Stacionarius de Oxonia (Addington) in the parish of St Giles just north of the future Balliol Hall ca. 1250 [Mediaeval Archives of the University of Oxford, 320–1; Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 203]. Hann, Durand de Lancavaton: Stood surety for Lucas le Prout along with Elyas Parson of Curiton, and Walter de Dorkecester (citizen of Oxford), 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Hanneya, Gilbert de: Landlord of Robert capellanus de Estreleg who was indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Ingeram, John de: Oxford landlord. His tenants John de Cassel, Walter Yreis (his socius) Henry capellanus de Eadwardestone were indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney and had fled [CCR 1237–42, 134]. A John de Ingeram (textor) granted a messuage to John Plumbar c. 1240 in the parish of St Mary Magdalen on the west side of Broad Street [Cartulary of Oseney, ii, 291, 93; Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 216]. Langton, William rector de: Stood surety along with William rector de Stokes for Hugh de Welles and John de Fundlington, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Lichfield, William de: See above under clerks. Maynard, William: Landlord of William and John Hoyland, scholars indicted in connection with the Oseney riot [CCR 1237–42, 134]. Possibly the same as the William Maynard who held property in Beaumont in the parish of St Mary Magdalen before 1263 [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, ii, 320]. Circa 1240 witness to Geoffrey the Carpenter’s granting of all his holdings in Holywell to the Hospital of St John. Other witnesses include John Scriptor and Walter Godenave. Also frequent witness to property transactions in Holywell near the Church of St Cross outside the northeastern walls of the city from the 1230’s to 1260’s [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, ii, 353, 356, 357, 362, 365, 371, passim]. Molendarius, Osmund: Oxford landlord in whose houses at least eighteen students involved in the Oseney riot resided. First House: Hugh le Verrur. Second House: Reginald de Hibernia and seven of his socii. Third House: Hugh de Aylesbury (A Hugh de Aylesbury is also listed as residing in the house of Walter Galle, whether this is an error or another Hugh de Aylesbury is unclear), Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, another John of the same name, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, Lawrence de Eston. Fourth House: John de Glovernia. Stood surety with


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Richard Furnarius for Hugh de Aylesbury, Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, Another John of the same name, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, Lawrence de Eston. Also stood surety for John de Glovernia, [CCR 1237–42, 134–5]. Held property outside the northern gates of the city on Horsemonger street. Frequent witness to property transactions in this vicinity. Held property just southwest of the future Durham College on the west side of Park Street outside the northern walls of the city [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, i, 325]. Norwico (Norwich), Richard de: Stood surety along with Ralph Godenave for William de Kenefeg, Richard de Kenton, John de la Brok, Gregory de Oggemor, Statius de Sancto Donato, all tenants of Ralph Godenave originally from the marches of Wales, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Possibly the same as the ‘Richard de Norwic’ who held a tenement in the parish of St. Mary Magdalen on the east side of Broad Street just north of the church of St. Mary Magdalen circa 1235 [Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 208]. Prepositus, Lawrence: Citizen of Oxford. Stood surety, along with Richard Segrim for Thomas Terry de Oxonia who was indicted in connection with the Oseney riot 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Richard parson of Saint Clement Oxford: Stood surety along with Walter Galle for Ralph Wokind, Hugh de Aylesbury, (in another list Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius stand surety for a Hugh de Aylesbury. It is unclear whether this is an error or a different Hugh de Aylesbury) and Walter de Buwardscot [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Admitted as parson of St. Clement, Oxfordshire 1232 [Rotuli Welles, Lincolniensis, ii, 37; Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1624]. Sancto Martino, Thomas capellanus de: Mainprised along with John de Brummerd for Galfridus de Hereford [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Scriptor, John: Oxford landlord. Two clerks indicted in connection with the riot, Reginald de Crumb scriptor and Hamo de Strafford, lived in his tenement in the parish of St Cross, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134]. A John Scriptor rented property from Philip Molendarius in the parish of St Cross (near the Cherwell) 1230–35, [Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John, ii, 352]. Segrim, Richard: Oxford landlord held a large number of properties throughout the city, especially in the northeast and southeast [Salter, Survey of Oxford, i, 76, 87, 148, 151, 180, 208; ii, 38, 83, 84, 178; Cartulary of Oseney, i, 135]. Stood surety, along with Lawrence Prepositus (both citizens of Oxford), for Thomas Terry de Oxonia [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Stokes, William rector de: Stood surety along with William rector de Langton for Hugh de Welles and John de Fundlington, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Sweteman: Oxford landlord in whose house Nicholas Hiberniensis, Patrick Prodom (his socius), Maurice Walensis, Christian Hiberniensis and Hugh Norrensis resided [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Held property just north of St Mary Magdalen on the east side of Broad Street [Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii, 197]. Turnur, John le: Oxford landlord rented a tenement in Gropelane to the clerks Elias and John, 11 June 1238, [CCR 1237–42, 134].


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Masters as Pledges Burgo, Robert de: Magister in 1238. Stood surety for Richard de Warwick following the riot at Oseney [CCR 1237–42, 136; Emden, Biographical Register, i, 310]. Drogheda, William de: Magister by 1238. Stood surety for Richard Camail who was implicated in the Oseney riot, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Leading English canon lawyer of his day. Owned hall north of High street (later Drawda Hall). Left property and theological books to Monk Sherborne priory. Rector of Grafton Underwood, Northamptonshire. Granted indult to hold additional incompatible benefice. Murdered by valet in 1245 at Oxford [Emden, Biographical Register, i, 594]. Lichfield, Robert de: Magister by 1238. Stood surety for Richard de Kildelou, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1144]. Neville, Simon de: Magister in Art. by 1237. Stood surety for Alan de Kildelou following the Oseney riot, 11 June 1238 [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Received 3 bucks from Henry III for his inception feast 21 May 1237 [CCR 1234–37, 445]. In 1252 granted Oseney Abbey a messuage (the future Black Hall) in the parish of St Mary’s north of St Mary’s on the east side of School Street [Cartulary of Oseney, i, 176; Salter, Survey of Oxford, i, 73; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1350–1]. Rector of Terrington in Yorkshire 2 July 1233 [Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1350–1]. Rector of Slingsby in Yorkshire 1248, and still in 1280, when he was excused from attending synods and convocation on account of age [Cartulary of Oseney, i, 176; Emden, Biographical Register, ii, 1350–1]. Plumton, William de: Magister by 1238. Stood surety for William de Croilland a socius of Richard de Warwick who was indicted in connection with the riot at Oseney [CCR 1237–42, 136]; [Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1440]. Stokes, Reyner (Reginald) de: Magister by 1238. Stood surety for Daniel Kildelou following the riot at Oseney [CCR 1237–42, 135]. Described by Adam Marsh as ‘a physician, a mature and upright man, expert and wellinformed in arts and medicine’, when he recommended him to Simon de Montfort [Emden, Biographical Register, iii, 1784].

Appendix II

Clerks Permitted to travel Robert canon of Suthwell and Thomas de Stanford, clerks of the archbishop of York, and Richard de Hadeston serving the same archbishop. Magister William de Illewyc, 1 May 1238.


24

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Thomas filius Brienn and Magister Robert de Sancta Agatha (his master) 5 May, 1238. Magister Hugh de Burgo, Magister Mauricius clerk of the Archbishop of Dublin, Galfridus de Buckland 7 May 1238. John de Neketon, Michael de Sancto Albano, Peter de Karleolo, and Henry and Ralph his socii, Geoffrey de Sancta Agatha and his socius Nicholas. Bishop of Carlisle mainprised 11 May 1238. Engeram de Balliol, Bernard de Hindele, Robert de Paxton, Adam de Buckfeld. Henry de Balliol mainprised 12 May 1238.

Clerks released from the Tower of London 19 May 1238 Magister Odo de Kilkenny, Magister Simon de Craneford, John de Lewes, William de Stures, Gregory de Fercekeyroth, Thomas de Lichfield, Robert de Leic[ester], John de Brideport, William Blundus, Richard Grosseteste, Peter de Oxonia, Adam de Oxonia.

Missing clerks ordered arrested 30 May 1238 William de Hoyland, John de Hoyland, Hamo de Strafford, William de Langel, Phillip de Dunye, Thomas de Stanton, Stephen de Buketon, Nicholas de Martinestowe, William Cocus, William Locard, Peter de Gosington, Thomas de Stanton, Stephen de Dukeston, John de Middleton.

Clerks missing from Oxford 11 June 1238 William scribe of Robert de Giffard, Simon son of Warin de Brackley, Adam de Walton (perchamenarius in Cattestrate), Elias and John (last names unknown), John Curry de Scotia, Magister Peter de Gosington, William de Hoyland, John de Hoyland, Hugh le Verrur, Reginald de Hibernia (and seven of his socii), John de Cassel, Walter Yreis (listed as John’s socius), Henry capellanus de Edwardstone, John Mortimer, Robert Norrensis, Roger Scoticus, Peter Scoticus, Reginald de Crumb, Hamo de Strafford, Colin (last name unknown) .

Clerks and pledges as of 11 June 1238 Durand Hann de Lancavaton, Elyam Parson of Curiton, and Walter de Dorchester (citizen of Oxford): for Lucas le Prout. Magister William de Drogheda: for Richard de Camail. Osmund Molendarius and Richard Furnarius: for Hugh de Aylesbury (Walter Galle and Richard Parson of St. Clement also were recorded as standing surety for a Hugh de Aylesbury), Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, another John of the same name, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, Lawrence de Eston (all from Buckinghamshire).


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Osmund Molendarius: John de Glovernia. Magister Robert de Lichfield: for Richard de Kildelou. Magister Reyner de Stokes: for Daniel de Kildelou. Magister Simon de Neville: for Alan de Kildelou. Ralph Godenave and Richard de Norwico (citizen of Oxford): for William de Kenefeg, Richard de Kenton, John de la Brok, Gregory de Oggemor, Statius de Sancto Donato (all of the marches of Wales.) David de Dudelig de Dublin: Stood surety for Nicholas Hiberniensis, and Patrick Prodom (his socius). They had fled Oxford to Bristol, and David de Dudelig was sent after them. Richard parson of Saint Clement Oxford and Walter Galle: for Ralph Wokind, Hugh de Aylesbury, and Walter de Burwardscot. Simon de Edtrop (citizen of Oxford): for Robert capellanus de Estreleg. Richard Segrim and Lawrence Prepositus: for Thomas Terry de Oxonia. John de Brummerd and Thomas capellanus de Sancto Martino: for Galfridus de Hereford (filius persone de Bromyard) who has disappeared. John de Brummerd (his brother) and Thomas capellanus de Sancto Martino promise that Galfridus will return to be judged. Galfridus is also accused of beating the above mentioned Thomas Terry believing him to be a Roman. Gilbert Compeden and William Molendarius: for Ralph Aundely and Alexander Gretton. William Rector of the Church of Langeton and William Rector of the Church of Stokes: for Hugh de Welles and John de Fundlington. Magister Robert de Burgo: for Richard de Warwick. Magister William de Plumton: for William de Croilland (socius of Richard de Warwick).

Clerks released from Oxford 8 July 1238 Ralph Aundely, Ralph Wodkind, Hugh de Aylesbury, Walter de Aylesbury, Robert de Sandrig, Walter de Burnadescot, John de la Brok, Gregory de Oggemor.

Ordered Released 22 August 1238 Simon de Blacbolloc released from prison at Oxford. William Joscelin (servant of Odo de Kilkenny) ordered released from the Tower of London.

Names of Landlords and their tenants House of John le Turnur located in Gropelane: Elias and John. House of William Maynard: William Hoyland, John Hoyland. Houses of Osmund Molendarius: First House: Hugh le Verrur. Second House: Reginald de Hibernia and seven of his socii. Third House: Hugh de Aylesbury


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(A Hugh de Aylesbury is also listed as a tenant of Walter Galle), Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, John de Bridesthorn, another John of the same name, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, Lawrence de Eston. Fourth House: John de Glovernia. House of John de Ingeram: John de Cassel, Walter Yreis (his socius) Henry capellanus de Eadwardestone. House of Augustine Gos: John Mortimer and Robert Norren[sis]. House of magister William de Lichfield: Roger Scoticus and Peter Scoticus. House of John Scriptor: Reginald de Crumb, Hamo de Strafford. House of Richard le Barbur: Richard Kildelou, Daniel Kildelou, and Alan Kildelou. House of Ralph Godenave: William de Kenefeg, Richard de Kenton, John de la Brok, Gregory de Oggemor, and Statius de Sancto Donato (all of the marches of Wales). House of Sweteman: Nicholas Hiberniensis and Patrick Prodom (his socius), Maurice Walensis, Christian Hiberniensis and Hugh Norrensis. House of Walter Galle: Ralph Wokind, Hugh de Aylesbury (a Hugh de Aylesbury is also listed as a tenant of Osmund Molendarius), and Walter de Burwardscot. House of Gilbert de Hanneya: Robert capellanus de Estreleg. House of Gilbert de Compeden: Ralph Aundely and Alexander de Gretton.

Department of History University of North Florida Jacksonville, FL 32224–2645 USA

REFERENCES 1. Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard (7 vols, Rolls Series, Vol. LVII, London, 1872–3), iii. 481–3. In translation, Matthew Paris, English History from the Year 1235 to 1273 (3 vols, trans. J.A. Giles, London, 1852, rprn New York, 1968), i. 126–7; Paris’s account of the cardinal’s reaction is thick with irony. He writes, ‘at hearing which the legate was astounded, and struck with fear, which can overtake even the boldest man’. Reports of the riot also appear in Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum sive, ut vulgo dicitur, historia minor. Item, ejusdem abbreviatio chronicorum Angliae, ed. Frederic Madden (3 vols, Rolls Series vol. XLIV, London, 1866–9), ii. 407–8; Annales de Theokesberia, in Annales Monasticon, ed. Henry Richards Luard (Rolls Series, Vol. XXXVI, London, 1869; rprn Wiesbaden, 1965); Chronicon vulgo dictum chronicon Thomae Wykesin, ed. Henry Richards Luard (Rolls Series, Vol. XXXVI, London, 1869; rprn Wiesbaden, 1965). Matthew Paris generally gives the most detail, although the Tewkesbury Annals provide an independent and informative source. The chronicle of Thomas Wykes also provides some information not included


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2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

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in the others. The Annales de Burton, ed. Henry Richards Luard (Rolls Series, Vol. XXXVI, London, 1869; rprn Wiesbaden, 1969) are less useful, and give the wrong year (1237) for the riot. However, they do include immediately after the account of the riot a list of clerical grievances. Most of these complaints concern the rights of clerks to be tried and held only by ecclesiastical authority, and no doubt constitute a reaction to the mass arrest of clerks following the riot: Annales de Burton, 254–7. Vivian Green mentions the event in a discussion of ‘troublesome’ nature of the Irish scholars. Vivian Green, A History of Oxford University, (London, 1974), 25; Hastings Rashdall, in his classic work on medieval universities, discusses the riot briefly as one of several events that precipitated significant university migrations: Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F.M. Powicke and A.B. Emden (3 vols, London, 1964), iii. 87; The fullest account appears in C.H. Lawrence, ‘The University in State and Church’, in The Early Oxford Schools, ed. J.I. Catto (The History of the University of Oxford, vol. I, Oxford, 1984), 97–150, 144. In an article in the same volume, Catto uses evidence from the riot for his discussion of the relationship between the scholars and the town and living arrangements among the scholars. J.I. Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, in The Early Oxford Schools, 151–93, 168, 175, 188. In 1200, following a brawl involving German university students and a Parisian tavern keeper, the provost of Paris and a mob of Parisian townspeople attacked a hall where a number of German students were known to lodge. In the ensuing struggle several students were killed, including the Bishop-elect of Liège. In response, the king arrested the provost and others involved in the attack. In addition, the university received a number of royal privileges including the right to have members tried in ecclesiastical rather than secular courts. Much has been written about this event and its role in the legal history of the University of Paris. See Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 294. For a more recent discussion, see Stephen C. Ferruolo, The Origins of the University: the Schools of Paris and their critics, 1100–1215 (Stanford, 1985). The suspension of lectures at Oxford is discussed in, among others, Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Aldershot, 1988), 44; Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, iii. 33–4; M.B. Hackett, ‘The University as Corporate Body’, in The Early Oxford Schools, 37–96, 43. As Lawrence has noted, the agreement avoided the use of language that provided official recognition of the corporate status of the Oxford schools. Lawrence, ‘The University in State and Church’, 99. However, it is a clear testament to the growing organization and cohesion of the Oxford masters. Compare Hackett, ‘The University as a Corporate Body’, 43, 48–9. The legatine ordinances of 1214 are printed in Mediaeval Archives of the University of Oxford, ed. H.E. Salter, i. 2–10. See also Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, iii. 33–4; Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities, 257–9; Lawrence, ‘The University in


28

7.

8.

9. 10. 11.

12.

13. 14.

15. 16.

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History of Universities State and Church’, 97–100. The agreement included the stipulation that the city pay the sum of 52s annually into a fund administered initially by the abbot of Oseney and the prior of St. Frideswide. In addition, it stipulated the rents landlords could charge students for the next twenty years. Salter, Mediaeval Archives, 203; See Cobban, 45–6 and Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, 163. The privileges granted to both Cambridge and Oxford in 1231 specifically mention the ‘multitudo studentium’, and the many rebellious and incorrigible clerks. CCR 1227–1231, 586. Strickland Gibson (ed.), Statuta antiqua Universitatis Oxoniensis (Oxford, 1931), 82. ‘Item, mandat Cancellarius quod quilibet scolaris habeat magistrum proprium actu regentem . . .’. These statutes were almost certainly in place prior to 1231: Hackett, ‘The University as a Corporate Body’, 52. On these statutes see also A.B. Emden, An Oxford Hall in Medieval Times: Being the early history of St. Edmund Hall (Oxford, 1927, repr. Oxford, 1968), 17–8. CCR 1227–31, 469, 586–7; Lawrence, ‘The University in State and Church’, 139. Matthew Paris, English History, 121. Both Vivian Green and Hastings Rashdall single out the Irish. Rashdall in particular characterizes them as ‘numerous and troublesome’: Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, iii. 57. Matthew Paris’s account also emphasizes the prominent role played by Welshmen, Scotsmen and other ‘barbarians’ in the riot. Matthew Paris, Historia minor, 408. Although the primary figure, Odo de Kilkenny, was from Ireland, most of the clerks arrested with him were not. Among those held in the Tower with Odo de Kilkenny were Simon de Craneford, John de Lewes, Robert de Leicester, John de Brideport, and Adam and Peter de Oxonia, hardly a predominantly Celtic contingent. Close Rolls of the reign of Henry III preserved in the Public Record Office, 1237–42 (London, 1911), 53 (Hereafter CCR 1237–42). Ibid., 107: ‘pro negotiis expediendis in cura ipsius’. For the importance of Otto’s court see Dorothy M. Williamson, ‘Some Aspects of the Legation of Cardinal Otto in England, 1237–41’, The English Historical Review, 49 (1944)’, 145–73, 149–50. Otto settled numerous complaints and was also actively involved in the procurement of benefices for his own familia and other supplicants. Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum, ii. 407. This is also suggested in Lawrence, ‘The University in State and Church’, 103. On several earlier occasions papal legates were instrumental in securing university privileges as settling disputes involving the university. See Hackett, ‘The University as a Corporate Body’, 46–9. Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum, ii. 127. For a discussion of the growing anti-foreign sentiment during the later part of Henry III’s reign and of the statute against aliens see D.A. Carpenter, The Reign of Henry III (London, 1996), 260–80.


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17. Roger Wendover reports that in 1231 popular anger at the Italian clergy had grown so strong that a group made up of both nobles and non-nobles threatened to take matters into its own hands. Roger Wendover, Flores Historiarum (4 vols, London, 1841–2), iv. 230–1. A year later they appear to have made good on their threats ‘Eodem anno [1232] distracta horrea Romanorum per totam fere Angliam, a viris quibusdam armatis et adhuc ignotis, bonis conditionibus et ad commodum multorum . . .’. Roger Wendover, iv. 240–1. Cf. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, iii. 211. 18. Robert Grosseteste, Roberti Grosseteste episcopi quondam lincolniensis Epistolæ, ed. Henry Richards Luard (Rolls Series, Vol. XXV, London, 1861, rprn Wiesbaden, 1965), 241–2. Grosseteste’s reply to Otto’s attempt to have his clerk Atho appointed to a benefice in the diocese of Lincoln is tactful and charming but his position is clear. He compares Atho to a fruit tree native to warm southern climes, which, though superior to those native to the north, is unable to bear fruit in the more hostile environment. 19. Matthew Paris reports that the legate was recalled by the pope in 1238, ‘timebat enim ne aliquid sinistri ei accideret, eo quod multa immutavit et innovavit’. Matthew Paris, Historia Anglorum, iii. 404. 20. Chronicon Thomae Wykesin, 81–2. See also Dorothy M. Williamson, ‘Some Aspects of the Legation of Cardinal Otto in England, 1237–41’, The English Historical Review, 49 (1944), 145–6. 21. This of course was not the first time that such practices had been condemned, but the recent council, and Grosseteste’s reforming zeal, would have given them new vigour. Concerned that these reforms might lead to unrest, Gregory IX wrote to Otto: ‘Eidem mandat qua tenus, si contra quosdam clericos regni Angliae plura beneficia habentes, non possit, propter parentum potentiam, sine turbatione regni et scandalo juxta generalis concilii statuta precedi ad praesens, super pluralitate beneficiorum revocanda supersedeat’. Les registres de Grégoire IX. Recueil des bulles de ce pape publiées ou analysées d’après les manuscrits originaux du Vatican, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols. (Paris, 1896–1955), 898–9. 22. One should be careful, however, about overstating the importance of antiforeign sentiment. John de Brideport, who was arrested along with Odo de Kilkenny, became the private physician of William de Valence in 1258. William was the half brother of the king and perhaps the most hated of the foreigners involved in Henry III’s government. A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (3 vols, Oxford, 1957–9), i. 240. See also Carpenter, The Reign of Henry III, 269–70. 23. He had become so closely identified with the king’s policies that resistance to the legate was seen in some circles as resistance to the king. See Williamson, ‘Some Aspects of the Legation of Cardinal Otto in England’, 146. 24. There is good reason to question Matthew Paris’s assertion on this point. Other chronicles refer to the victim only as a member of the legate’s familia, as do the Close Rolls. It also seems unlikely that the legate’s brother would be employed as a cook, even if, as Matthew Paris claims, Otto feared poisoning.


30 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

31.

32.

33.

34. 35. 36. 37.

38.

39.

40. 41.

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History of Universities See appendix II. Annales de Theokesberia, i. 107. Matthew Paris, History of England, 128. CCR 1237–43, 127. Possibly a relation of Roger Bacun. Emden, Biographical Register, i. 87. Patent rolls of the reign of Henry III, 1232–1247, (London, 1901–13; Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1970), 218. In all, more than one hundred clerks are named in connection with the incident and twenty-five individuals who stood surety for particular students are identified. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, iii. 40–1; It has traditionally been assumed that Grosseteste’s ties to the university dated from 1214 at latest, when Archbishop Langton was readmitted to Canterbury and the university reopened. Recently, R.W. Southern has argued that Grosseteste’s association with the university did not begin until about the year 1225. R.W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste. The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1992), 69–70. Matthew Paris, English History, 128–9: ‘All the scholars there assembled should proceed on foot, in company with the bishops, also on foot, from St. Paul’s church, which was nearly a mile distant from the abode of the legate, until they reached the abode of the bishop of Carlisle, and from thence should go . . . to the abode of the legate, where they would humbly ask pardon, which would be granted them, and they would become reconciled’. Henry Anstey, Munimenta Academica or Documents Illustrative of Academical Life and Studies at Oxford, part I, Libri Cancellarii et Procuratorum (London, 1868), 6–7. Anstey, Munimenta Academica, 7–8. In the immediate aftermath of the riot the clerks were arrested and held along with laymen under lay authority. CCR 1237–42, 53. Ibid., 95. Although he too was ultimately released under fairly generous terms, including the stipulation that ‘ad deliberationem suam ei non noceat quod captus fuit pro insultu predicto’. At the time of his arrest he was attended by at least two servants. On May 23 the king ordered the release ‘of the horses and all the harness of magister Odo de Kilkenny and of his men . . . to master William de Kilkenny or his appointed representative’, CCR 1237–42, 55: ‘Mandatum est vicecomiti Oxonie quod equos et totum hernesium Magistri Odonis de Kylkenn’ et suorum et omnes res suas que remanserunt in custodia sua tradi faciat sine dilatione Magistro Willelmo de Kylkenn’ vel ejus certo nuntio’. Roberti Grosseteste episcopi quondam Lincolniensis epistolae (London, 1861), Letter XCIV, 294. Grosseteste also mentions the agent of the dean of Lincoln in a letter from 1239. Though he is not mentioned by name, it appears likely that this was Odo de Kilkenny. CCR 1242–47, 245. H E. Salter, Cartulary of Oseney Abbey (6 vols, Oxford Historical Society, vols 89–91, 97, 98, 101, Oxford, 1929–36), iv. 47; Emden, Biographical Register, ii. 1048.


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42. Emden, Biographical Register, ii. 1049. Early in 1238, Cardinal Otto granted William de Kilkenny a dispensation to hold multiple benefices with cure of souls. Shortly after Odo de Kilkenny’s release from the Tower of London, his possessions were placed in the care of a magister William de Kilkenny or his representative, further suggesting the possibility of a connection between these two men. CCR 1237–1242, 55. See note 38, above. 43. Emden, Biographical Register, i. 15. 44. Ibid., i. 264. According to Emden he may also be the same as J. de B. who was rector of Axminster in 1277. 45. Ibid., i. 530–31. More speculatively, it is possible to suggest that the magister Thomas de Liccefeld who was commended to the church of Bluntisham by Bishop Gravesend in 1273 was the same as Thomas de Liccefeld held with Odo de Kilkenny in the Tower of London. Similarly, the Robert de Leicester subdiaconus presented as rector of Eastwell in 1239–40 and the magister Robert de Leicester who resigned as rector of Sproxton Portions in 1244–5, may be the Robert de Leicester arrested and held in connection with the Oseney riot. See appendix I: ‘Clerks named in connection with the Oseney riot’. 46. Catto discusses this evidence briefly, concluding that the majority of students identified in the riot lived outside the walls in the suburb of Northgate: ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, 175. However, he does not attempt to quantify this more exactly or place them in specific tenements. 47. The most important sources are the numerous cartularies relating to Oxford published by the Oxford Historical Society. Also invaluable is H.E. Salter, Survey of Oxford, eds. W.A. Pantin and W.T. Mitchell (2 vols, Oxford Historical Society New Series vols. 14, 20, Oxford, 1960–69). See map. 48. In this context a socius was usually a poorer student who accompanied one who was better off, often providing menial services in exchange for financial assistance. 49. CCR 1237–42, 134; H.E. Salter, Cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist (3 vols, Oxford, 1914–7), ii. 325, 326. 50. CCR 1237–42, 135; Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii. 190. 51. These were owned by a certain Sweteman, Augustinus Gos, Gilbert Compeden, and John de Ingeram. The names of the landlords and tenants appear in CCR 1237–42, 134; For the likely location of these houses see Salter, Survey of Oxford, ii. 197 (Sweteman), 201 (Gos), 216 (Ingeram). A Gilbert Campeden appears as a witness to a property transaction in this neighbourhood, suggesting that his tenement was located nearby. Salter, Cartulary of Oseney, ii. 291–2. 52. Magister William Licchefeld rented rooms to Roger and Peter Scoticus in the parish of St Peter in the East. CCR 1237–42, 134; Salter, Cartulary of Oseney, i. 290; Salter, Survey of Oxford, i. 138. John le Turner rented to two students, Elias and Johannes, on Gropelane. CCR 1237–42, 134; Salter, Survey of Oxford, i. 207. 53. The canon lawyer William Drogheda owned a hall north of High Street (The future Drawda Hall). Salter, Survey of Oxford, i. 135–6. Magister William de Lichfield held a tenement on High Street in the parish of St Peter


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54.

55. 56. 57.

58. 59.

60.

61.

62. 63.

64.

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History of Universities in the East. Salter, Survey of Oxford, i. 138. Finally, magister Simon de Neville held a messuage on the east side of School street which he granted to Oseney Abbey in 1252 (the future Black Hall). Salter, Survey of Oxford, i. 73. See CCR 1237–42, 134–5 and Appendix II. Other examples include groups of Irishmen and Scots and eight students from Buckhinghamshire: Hugh de Aylesbury, Walter de Aylesbury, Hugh de Birchmoor, Johannes de Bridesthorn, another of the same name, Robert Bracy de Stanes, Robert de Sandrig, and Laurentius de Eston. CCR 1237–42, 135. Compare Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, 175. CCR 1237–42, 134. CCR 1237–42, 135. Ibid. William Drogheda had perhaps the most interesting career of the individuals named in connection with the riot. He gained fame as the most distinguished canon lawyer in England. He held numerous benefices and left an unfinished work on court procedure. His life was cut short in 1245 when he was murdered in Oxford by his own valet. Emden, Biographical Register, i. 594. Robert de Lichfield is known only in connection with this case. The physician recommended to Simon de Montfort by the influential Franciscan Adam de Marsh, a close friend of Grosseteste. Emden, Biographical Register, iii. 1784. Simon de Neville served as rector of Terrington, Yorkshire 1233, rector of Slingsby, Yorkshire 1248. 1280 excused from attendance for old age. Emden, Biographical Register, ii. 1350. Other examples include magistri Robert de Burgo and William Plumton, who stood surety for Richard de Warwick and William de Croilland respectively. See appendix I. As Catto has pointed out, it is possible that the relationship between these students and the master who stood surety for them is a reflection of the statutes of 1231, which required all students to matriculate under a regent master. Cf. Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars, and Masters’, 188. CCR 1237–42, 135. The clerks were Nicholas Hiberniensis and Patrick Prodom, his socius. Among the citizens of Oxford who stood surety for clerks were Walter de Dorchester, Simon de Edtrop, and Richard Segrim. In some cases neighbouring landlords were also willing to vouch for clerks. This appears to have been the case with Richard de Norwich. Richard held a tenement near the Church of St Mary Magdalen and stood surety for several students living in the neighbourhood. Appendix I: Landlords, Richard de Norwico. Cf. Catto, ‘Citizens, Scholars and Masters’, 168. F. N. Davis, C. W. Foster, and A. Hamilton (eds), Rotuli Ricardi Gravesend diocesis lincolniensis, (Oxford, 1925), 178–9.


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The Fifteenth Century Accademia Pontaniana— An Analysis of its Institutional Elements Shulamit Furstenberg-Levi

Recent scholarship has invested much effort in proving wrong certain ‘myths’, which, until lately, have nourished Renaissance Studies.1 One of these ‘untrue’ myths is that of the ‘Platonic Academy’. James Hankins, in an essay that has become mandatory reading for Renaissance scholars,2 revives with modifications Gustavo Uzielli’s claim that the Platonic Academy of Florence was nothing but a fable.3 Hankins bases his central argument on the variety of meanings the term ‘academy’ had in the fifteenth century, and contends that scholars before him often limited the term to the meaning most akin to its modern usage, i.e., ‘a regular gathering of a literary group of people’, while ignoring other possible meanings. In Hankins’s view, the term ‘academy’ as found in connection with Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499), should be understood in most cases as Ficino’s delivery of private lessons to individual students.4 It is true that in his critical essay Hankins relates this argument only to the ‘Platonic Academy’, and differentiates between this academy and other contemporary academies—the academy of Pomponio Leto in Rome and that of Pontano in Naples.5 We would like to suggest, however, that there might be more similarities than differences among these ‘early academies’. In making the comparison, certain considerations need to be taken into account: a) A clear lack of documentation exists in the cases of the other two academies as well. b) The connections already existing between the early academies in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries6 lead us to conclude that these academies should be viewed not as separate unconnected circles, but as a network—which served as a mode of communication among intellectuals of the period.7 Hankins’s thesis is unarguably a highly erudite work, with its prime importance lying in his redefinition of the role of Platonism in Florence


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during the second half of the fifteenth century. Yet, the importance of the various informal gatherings of intellectuals should not be underestimated. It deserves re-evaluation before being mistakenly cast into ‘the dustbin of cultural myths’8 along with similar fallacies. In fact, one of the major problems of Renaissance Studies today, we could say, is the dearth of research on informal groups and institutions like the fifteenth-century academies. These academies probably generated some of the most significant intellectual activity of the period, and applied most seriously the classical ideals, such as the ideal of the dialogue. Although Renaissance scholarship has considered the Academy a ‘child of the Italian Renaissance’9 (as opposed to the University which ‘has its roots in the Middle Ages’), the early humanistic academies have been largely neglected by Renaissance scholars.10 This indifference to the subject can probably be attributed to the difficulty scholars have in applying an historical methodology of research to an informal intellectual institution like the humanistic academy, for which conventional historical documentation is lacking. While studies of intellectual institutions such as the university have been based on formal documents, including lists of student enrolment, and records of the curriculum and of professors’ salaries, research on the early academies must be based primarily on literary sources. That explanation, however, is less than satisfying when we examine a parallel area of research that has become an important and flourishing trend in Renaissance Studies today:11 the social history of the lower classes and minority groups. These groups, for the most part, left no solid historical documentation behind. We would argue that, just as social historians have taken on the challenge of finding new and creative sources and methods of research in studying these social groups associated with an oral tradition, so intellectual and institutional historians should seek new sources enabling them to study informal groups, ‘societies of conversations’, and academies. This study focuses on the fifteenth-century Neapolitan Accademia Pontaniana, one of the first Renaissance academies,12 a centre of learning which, we believe, constituted an alternative to the university. The aims of this essay, which is part of a larger study, are: to ‘reconstruct’ the Accademia Pontaniana despite of the lack of conventional historical documentation; to reveal its institutional elements and analyse the institutional traditions underlying it; to examine the academy members’ perception of ‘academia’ as a concept; and to offer a conjecture as to the goals of these intellectual gatherings.


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The Fifteenth Century Accademia Pontaniana

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One assumption underlying this study, as noted above, is that although the Accademia Pontaniana can and should be viewed in the specific political and cultural context of Naples, some conclusions to be drawn here may be applied to the general phenomenon of the early Renaissance academies as well. The present study is founded on literary sources, particularly the literary genre of the dialogue and epistolary correspondence. These have the advantage of being products of the ‘oral culture’13 of the period; they can thus be considered as documents reflecting the historical reality. Some might contend that these sources should be regarded as mere literary accounts that fashion an idealized representation of the Academy. I would counter, however, that these ‘literary’ sources are indeed valid elements of historical documentation, as some recent historians have argued.14 The sources used in this paper are primarily the literary works of Pontano (1426–1503), the head of the Accademia Pontaniana, and especially his dialogues, which Renaissance scholars have defined as reflecting the ‘experience of the academy’.15 In this vein, we consider these dialogues, with the exception of his dialogue Charon16 (1491), as ‘documentary dialogues’, to use Virginia Cox’s term, in basic imitation of the Ciceronian model of dialogue, rather than as ‘fictional dialogues’.17 Pontano’s dialogues include highly theoretical discussions on themes such as rhetoric, poetics, grammar, and history, on the one hand, and theology on the other hand, with occasional comments alluding to academy life. The interlocutors in his dialogues are almost exclusively scholars who belonged to Pontano’s circle of intellectuals. A second fundamental source of information in this paper is the epistolary correspondence of Italian humanists of the period, especially humanists of southern Italy.18 This correspondence contains either descriptions of activity in the academy,19 constituting a record of the Academy’s working in conversational rather than rhetorical style, or theoretical issues. Other types of sources used here in addition to the dialogue and the epistolary, include Pontano’s moral treatises, poetry, prose, and historical writing of humanists who participated in the ‘Pontaniana’ gatherings. An especially interesting source providing valuable descriptions is the jurist Alessandro d’Alessandro’s (1461–1523) Dies geniales (1520). This work, written in encyclopaedic style, describes among other cultural and social events discussions that took place in various intellectual circles. The opening chapter of the book, in fact, portrays


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a meeting of Pontano’s circle in which Alessandro d’Alessandro participated. Most of the sources used in this study have already been considered in previous studies. The intent here is to re-examine these and other sources, focusing on new questions and observing the evolution of terms used in the documents of the different periods. Due to the limited documentation, the attempt will not be to reach a precise dating of each event, but rather to delineate the main stages of development of the Academy. To reconstruct the Accademia Pontaniana, we will focus on two aspects: a) Those elements engendering the clear distinction between the interior and the exterior of the academy. It is these that transform the meeting of scholars around Pontano into something beyond the everyday life of Neapolitan society, different from a casual meeting of intellectuals— that is, an institution. Amadeo Quondam defines three such elements in his discussion of the ‘Accademia’ versus the ‘non-Accademia’: the time, place, and communicative ritual of the academy. These three ‘enunciate their full autonomy, especially in the ways they diverge from the time, place, and rituals of real society’.20 b) The non-formal elements that bond individuals into what we perceive as a ‘society of conversation’. These include factors such as the leader’s character, the personal contribution made by each participant to the meetings, and especially the unique bond of friendship developing between members of the group. These factors are especially important in the early academies, in which the formal elements aren’t yet fully developed.

Name and Place of the Gathering

We will begin with the location of the Accademia Pontaniana, a telling factor in defining its character. Changes in location can reflect change and development in the character of the academy. For example, they may demonstrate how open or closed to the public the academy is, whether it seeks secretiveness or publicity. An academy that regularly meets in the catacombs, such as the Accademia Pomponiana in Rome,21 supports a concept of the academic gathering very different from that of the meeting of a group of intellectuals outdoors in the marketplace.


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Secondly, the spatial aspect bears special importance for the humanistic academy. The humanistic academies were engendered with the intent to ‘return’ to the ancient classical academies and ‘revive’ them; in essence, this implies remembering them. In contrast to the ancient texts, the academies now have the advantage of a spatial element. This adds a crucial dimension to the revival of antiquity. We become aware of the importance of the spatial component in the art of memory as we read in Cicero’s De finibus: Cicero (106—43 BC) describes an afternoon stroll with his friends to the Academy. As they approach the Academy, his friend Piso remarks: Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can’t say; but one’s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first Philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed his garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes . . . . No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based on locality. 22

In the case of the Accademia Pontaniana, the architecture evokes both the collective memory of antiquity and the personal memory of Pontano, the leading figure of this academy. The following brief survey of the academy’s location highlights the gradual transition from an open space to a more closed and personal space. During the period when Naples was under the rule of its first Aragonese king, Alfonso the Magnanimous (1443–58), intellectual gatherings took place in the Royal library. After Alfonso’s death and during the rule of Ferrante (1458–94), the gatherings were no longer limited to a few humanists in the court; they were opened up to a larger public, and began to develop into what we later clearly distinguish as an academy. While Alfonso had indisputable intellectual interests, Ferrante had a clear social vision. This probably explains why it was only during Ferrante’s rule that this intellectual circle opened up to Neapolitan society. The first stage of this expanded meeting centres on the humanist Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) (1394–1471). Those meetings took place outdoors,23 under the arcades, close to Panormita’s home, as we read in Pontano’s dialogue Antonius (1491): This, I say, is the Porticus, where the most jovial of the elders used to sit. There a large number of learned and noble men gathered. Since he lived very close


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by, when the Senate24 would gather he would be the first to appear here, whether to play with the passers-by or to sing to himself for pleasure.25

We find an additional reference to those meetings in a letter written by Galateo (Antonio de Ferrarriis) (1444–1517) to Ermolao Barbaro (1453–93). In contrast to the citation above, though, here he offers a negative evaluation of a typical conversation during the period when academy meetings took place ‘under the Arch’ [sub Arcu]: He took part with us, as you know, in what was then the Neopolitan Academy under the Arch. It was usually affirmed that the dialecticians and philosophers argued for the most part about frivolous and ridiculous subjects, that if the shoemakers would understand what they were saying, they would cover them with the forms of the shoes.26

This stage, then, consisting primarily27 of discussions open to all passersby, is characterized by a lack of structure and rules, and an openness both of the architecture and in mentality. After Panormita’s death the second stage begins, focused on the figure of Pontano. This stage is oriented toward a self-definition manifested in a more closed structure—architecturally28 as well as institutionally. At this stage the meetings take place in a variety of locations, all of them indoors and all linked to Pontano personally: a) In his house on via dei Tribunali, which, according to Percopo, Pontano received from Ferrante.29 The dialogue Aegidius (1507) opens with a description of this house. It tells of two strangers who reach Naples in search of Pontano’s house; in the course of their exploration, they offer a concrete visual image of a ‘tall square tower rising over an intersection, in the most noble area of the city’.30 It is there that the discussions constituting the dialogue occur. This reference, prefacing the dialogue, to the ‘place’ where the intellectual gatherings were set emphasizes the importance of this dimension in Pontano’s eyes. We might consider it as the inception of the concept of a ‘fixed place’, which Michele Rak sees as one of the ‘common rules of the academic meetings’ (‘regole correnti delle adunanze accademiche’).31 b) Some of the meetings were held in Pontano’s villa in Antignano, in the neighbourhood of Vomero overlooking the city of Naples.32 This villa, where, according to Pontano, the nymph Antiniana dwelled, is praised often in Pontano’s writings33 as a place of inspiration where he gleaned much joy from his gardening. The meeting Alessandro d’Alessandro


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describes, mentioned above, begins with the words, ‘Giovano Pontano would often invite us to the most pleasant gardens, where he had a home, in our Naples’, and was probably held in the gardens of villa Antiniana. We also associate the scene in Pontano’s dialogue Asinus (1507), portraying a conversation among four academy members as they walk toward Pontano’s villa, with the Antiniana. The scene ends with Pontano’s welcome: Yes, and you can imagine with what pleasure I embrace you in this villa of mine—You, my most dear friends and the students of our Muses. [It was] with the same pleasure that in all these days, closed in solitude, I contemplated on celestial matters. And it will be most pleasant to share with you the results of this contemplation, since you scholars are already interested in the same topics.34

c) A third locale for a few of the meetings Pontano held was the cappella in which his wife was buried, which he called his tempietto.35 These meetings, referred to in Pontano’s De prudentia36 (1508), included some discussions of a serious character between a limited number of participants.37 In this gesture of Pontano’s, inviting the academy members into the place of his mourning and sorrow, we see a further movement towards gathering together in a closed private space, as opposed to the open spaces in which these gatherings began. How are we to understand this progression from an ostensibly more ‘public’ to a more ‘private’ domain? A movement toward self-definition seems evident here. As opposed to Panormita’s times, when no attempt was made to define a specific view as representing the academy or to exclude other views as unacceptable, Pontano presents an articulated philosophy.38 Yet, while the later academies defined their main idea or philosophy through a motto and an impresa,39 the members of Pontano’s academy defined themselves, to a large extent, through the figure of Pontano. This self-definition finds additional expression in the location of the academy—in Pontano’s own home. Interestingly, this move into a more private space does not imply an attitude of exclusiveness or secretiveness. On the contrary—there seems to be a clear policy of spreading the ‘philosophy’ of the academy. Let’s consider one example demonstrating such a policy. The meetings in Pontano’s home(s) are still characterized by an explicit openness toward guests and people from the outside, and by equality of treatment. This openness is especially evident in Pontano’s dialogues, in which the figure of the guest is quite common. In the Aegidius, for instance, we read of


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Pontano’s warm welcome to the guests Francesco Pucci and Pietro Tamira: Pontano: This porticus of ours awaits you with pleasure, and I myself embrace both of you with all my heart, that you have arrived safe and whole from Cassino. And what do you bring new from there, Pucci, actually old? As I know that Thamyra is staying here for a short time, tell me, can you contribute to this porticus something ancient and valuable?40

Such visitors often subsequently spread the knowledge they had acquired during their stay in Naples. We have clear documentation of one of these visits, which provides significant testimony regarding both the nature of an academy meeting and the diffusion of the academy’s knowledge. Its author is Bernardo Rucellai41 (1448–1514), a representative of the Florentine aristocracy, a politician and a humanist, who spent some time in Naples on diplomatic missions. In a letter forwarded to Roberto Acciaiuoli42 (1467–1547), Rucellai describes a meeting of the Accademia Pontaniana he attended, at which a discussion on historical writing took place.43 At the end of the letter he claims that the discussion had a profound influence on his own historical writing.44 It is interesting to note that changes take place not only in the location of the Neapolitan intellectual gatherings but also in the terms used to depict these gatherings. During the period under discussion (the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries), the various academic gatherings and institutions are referred to in terms borrowed from the main classical Greek schools: Lyceum45, Academia46 and Porticus47 rather than the barbaric medieval terms ‘universitas’ and ‘studium’. In the case of the Accademia Pontaniana we have traced the appearance of a variety of terms. Investigation of Pontano’s dialogues shows that the term for the Academy used throughout the dialogues is ‘porticus’. This term seems particularly suited to the gatherings of intellectuals lead by Panormita, which took place outdoors under the arcades close to Panormita’s home. In fact, the gatherings around Panormita are given the name ‘porticus’ in all the sources we have found relating to these gatherings. Although in the 1440s a discussion apparently took place between Panormita and King Alfonso I concerning the founding of what is explicitly called an ‘academy’,48 during Panormita’s time the entity called ‘academy’ seems to have existed only as an idea. Even Pontano, in his De prudentia, considers the meetings around Panormita to merit neither the term ‘lyceum’ nor ‘academy’49. And yet the term ‘porticus’ remains throughout


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Pontano’s dialogues, in his descriptions of the academic meetings he led,50 and even in the case of meetings that clearly take place in a closed architectural structure. Pontano’s house, for instance, which is described in the opening of the dialogue Aegidius, here receives the title ‘porticus’: ‘This building is of Giovanni himself, and his is the tower and the frequented Porticus’.51 Even after Pontano’s death the meetings of the Accademia Pontaniana52 are referred to by some contemporary authors53 as ‘Pontano’s porticus’. Application of this term in later stages as well might be associated with a certain notion of yearning, encountered in the dialogues, to return to the original model established by Panormita. In the dialogue Actius (1507), for example, we read of a discussion held by some scholars while walking. At one point the scholar Pardo proposes to ‘sit under the Portico, as our predecessors used to’ (italics mine).54 The purpose of this constant reference to Panormita’s model of an ‘intellectual gathering’, encapsulated in the term ‘Panormita’s Porticus’, may be to emphasize two important sources of inspiration of the Accademia Pontaniana: that of Socrates, embodied in the figure of Panormita, and that of Zeno, who taught his philosophy at the ‘stoa’ (‘porticus’) in Athens. Yet, despite this affinity for the term ‘Panormita’s Porticus’, we do find documents referring to Pontano’s intellectual gatherings as an ‘academy’. This term is especially prevalent in writings and letters of humanists55 who participated in these meetings, and occurs occasionally in Pontano’s own letters as well. Careful examination of these sources leads us to the conclusion that references to the ‘Pontaniana’ circle as an ‘academia’ begin in the late period of Pontano’s gatherings, i.e., not before the second half of the 1480s, as the following examples show: a) The earliest document, to our knowledge, using the term ‘Academia’ is a letter written by Gabriele Altilio (c.1440–1501) to Benedetto Chariteo (Benet Gareth) (1450–1514).56 In this letter, Altilio responds to a letter written by Chariteo to which the latter had attached a copy of Sannazaro’s invective against the detractors of what Altilio defines as ‘Academia nostra’. Percopo has claimed that the letter ‘was perhaps written in Rome in 1484’.57 b) Another source in which the terms ‘Academia nostra’ and ‘Academia neapolitana’ recur is Galateo’s correspondence, dating from the late 1480s until after Pontano’s death. The term ‘academia’ is evoked a number of times. In one letter, forwarded to Crisostomo Colonna (1460–1539) just after the death of Pontano’s son Lucio in 1498,58 Galateo lists all


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the academy members, from the various periods, who may be a consolation to Pontano. Galateo’s method of listing all the members is by dividing them into three groups: Those members who are no longer alive59, the members of what he calls the ‘new academy’ (‘novae neapolitanae academiae’), and those who also participated in the ‘old academy’ (‘vetere academia’). c) In the Latin manuscript library of the Vatican60 we find a copy of Pontano’s Urania (1505) that belonged to Girolamo Borgia (1475–1550), containing notes he added beside the text. The first note appears on the opening page; there, Borgia writes that on February 1501 Pontano started reading this work ‘in sua Achademia’. d) Pietro Summonte (1463–1526), who took over the academy after Pontano’s death, writes a dedication to another member of the academy, Francesco Poderico (d. 1528); it appears in the beginning of the dialogue Actius. In this dedication he praises Poderico for being a careful scholar and a strict judge of the harmonic style of the poetry particularly characteristic of the humanists of the ‘Pontana Academia’. e) Notably, Pontano himself uses the term ‘academy’ only after 1496. In letter to Suardo Suardino in 1502, for instance, he writes: ‘Tucta la Academia é vostra et io pricipalmente . . .’61 We would like to contend that the Pontaniana academicians used the term ‘academia’ in a Ciceronian manner, adopting both characteristically Ciceronian terminology and at times also the meaning Cicero himself intended. The examples cited above demonstrate that when the academicians are not using the most obvious adjectives ‘Pontaniana’ or ‘Neapolitan’ to define the academy, they turn to Ciceronian terms such as ‘nostra Academia’ or to the Ciceronion language that distinguishes between the ‘Old Academy’ and the ‘New Academy’, although they use the ‘old’ and ‘new’ distinction differently from Cicero.62 In addition, they use the unqualified term ‘academia’ which, as we mentioned above, has multiple meanings, using the Ciceronian connotation. Cicero refers to the academy, at times, in terms of a specific location, i.e. his private villa, where he held intellectual activities as we read in his seventh letter to Atticus: Please send the things you have got for my Academy as soon as possible. The very thought of the place, let alone the actual use of it gives me enormous pleasure.63


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Cicero also refers to his academy (‘Our New Academy’) when speaking of a certain approach to knowledge and to debate, i.e. open-mindedness in a philosophical debate: Our New Academy, however, allows us wide liberty, so that it is within my right to defend any theory that presents itself to me as most probable.64

Returning to Pontano, though, the following question arises: How can we explain this late appearance of the term ‘academia’ (when referring to Pontano’s circle) in comparison to the much earlier appearance of the term ‘porticus’, or to the earlier appearance of the term ‘academia’ in the other ‘academies’ of the period? Altamura raised this question indirectly in referring to Pontano’s academy, ‘che é stata la prima a nascere, sará l’ultima ad assumerne il nome’.65 I would suggest that this distinction between the term ‘academia’ and ‘porticus’ is more or less parallel to Galateo’s division, mentioned above, between the ‘new academy’ and the ‘old academy’. While it seems that the term ‘academia’ refers only to what Galateo relates to as the ‘new academy’, ‘porticus’ is used for both periods. This division may be related to changes in the life of the head of the academy, Pontano. It is known that Pontano served in many important public positions for the Aragonese rule, among them as prime minister.66 In 1495, after the invasion of the French, Pontano distanced himself completely from public affairs and, as he himself testified in his De prudentia, he retired into his own intellectual world, which he defines as an ‘otium’ or as a ‘completely tranquil and secure port’.67 It may well be that this period enabled Pontano, more than before, to hold regular academy meetings, which would justify the usage of the more institutional term ‘academia’. An additional connotation of the term ‘academia’ is school of thought. It may be that only in this later period of Pontano’s life did he reach the point of overseeing the crystallization of a defined school of thought, which he hoped to bequeath to the following generations. In fact, the dialogue that best documents the academy’s life is the Aegidius, which was written in 1501, a few years after Pontano’s retirement from his public role. In this dialogue, Pontano refers to various institutional aspects of the academy, such as some of the academy’s rules.68 In addition, Pontano expresses awareness of his old age and worries about what he is leaving behind him.69 Turning from this description of the various meeting places of the academy, let us now consider what went on in the internal realm of the


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academy: what was the framework of the meetings? When did they meet? What was a meeting like?

Time

The temporal dimension of the academy is much more difficult to reconstruct than the spatial dimension. No more than a few scattered references to it are extant. Pontano indicates in his late dialogue Aegidius that the gatherings took place every day (or regularly): Peto: In any case, Giovanno, not only do we not regret the journey we made from Rome, moreover, as long as we remain in Naples, we will participate regularly in those daily meetings.70

This rhythm was maintained after Pontano’s death as well, as we see in the following passage by Antonio Minturno (d. 1574): In fact, Summonte had a great friendship with him, who was born and reared in that [milieu] of discussion and instruction within the Porticus of Pontano, and strengthened by the daily attendance in that union of study . . . (my italics)71

It is quite plausible that during Pontano’s last years, after retiring from his public service, he managed to hold daily or regular meetings in the academy. We also know of special meetings that took place in honor of the various academy members. The most common type was the celebration of a member’s birthday. In Alessandro d’Alessandro’s Dies geniales we hear of the celebration of Pontano’s birthday,72 and in an elegy of Jacopo Sannazaro (1456–1530) In festo die divi Nazarii martyris, qui poetae natalis est (Liber II, 2)73 we find a detailed description of the celebration of his own birthday, to which he looks forward. Interestingly, in the academy of Pomponio Leto in Rome, as in our academy, one of the major occasions for meeting was for a birthday, not of the members of the academy but of the city Rome. Aside from birthdays, other important moments in the lives of the academy members were also celebrated in the framework of the academy gatherings. The celebration of Gabriele Altilio’s appointment as bishop is a case in point; it is also described in Alessandro d’Alessandro’s Dies geniales.


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To conclude this short section on the temporal element of the academy, it seems that for a certain period at least, we can say that the activity of the academy consisted of both regularly scheduled meetings and extraordinary gatherings in celebration of special occasions for academy members, such as birthdays. What, though, transpired during these meetings, whether regular or extraordinary?

The reading aloud of ancient and modern texts

From existing testimonies, it appears that the main activity of the academy focused on a public reading and commentary of ancient texts, or occasionally of a work by an academy member. This reading aloud was considered intrinsic to a humanistic education, as Pontano states in his De principe (1490): It is astonishing, in fact, how instrumental an assiduous and diligent reading can be in an optimal training for life.

This can be attributed to the powerful effect produced by the act of reading, which can be repeated many times over, on internalization of images from the past. On certain occasions, a work by an ancient author was read. Such was the case on one of Pontano’s birthdays, described in Alessandro d’Alessandro’s Dies geniales: And he ordered that Suentonius Tranquillus’ ‘Lives of the Caesars’ be brought to him. There was a young person with a joyful spirit, and not foreign to literary culture. He was given the reading of ‘The Life of Julius’ [the first biography in ‘The Life of the Caesars’]. He read neither disconcertedly nor ambiguously, until the time of the meal arrived.74

Another text that was read out loud, for which we have testimony, is Pontano’s astrological work, the Urania. Evidence to this appears in a manuscript of the Urania found in the Vatican library (Vat. lat. 5175). This manuscript belonged to Girolamo Borgia, who participated in the meetings in which this text was read, and documented the discussions with notes in the margins of the manuscript. The first note, in the beginning of the work, documents the reading of the Urania as follows: Pontano began reading his work the Urania in February 1501, in his academy, and in this reading almost fifteen learned and noble men participated. As for


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me, Geronimo, there wasn’t a day that I was absent, and I wrote in the margins the notes I managed to catch, which were spoken in the elevated words of the author himself.75

The notes throughout the texts are a very important testimony to the character of the reading and discussion that took place in the academy. They relate to details for the most part, and often serve to clarify the mythological or linguistic context, or, in other cases, the biographical background of Pontano. This character of the notes lead us to believe the Urania was read aloud not for the mere enjoyment of a piece of poetry, nor solely as an invitation to discuss the various themes raised in this poem (which Pontano considered his most important work76), but primarily as a way of preparing the text for publication. Another source documenting the reading aloud of ancient as well as modern works in the academy is Sannazaro’s elegy77 mentioned above, which speaks of his own birthday. Here we find a detailed account of the different works the various participants will read at the feast, each one according to his own nature, beginning of course with Pontano himself, who will read his Urania: Here Pontano’s Muse, with the crimson buskin, will sing me his song after the wine is poured; he will sing on the works of nature, on the beginning of the world, not yet solidified, and on all the things that are destined to die on a fixed day.78

The poet Lucio Crasso will read verses written by Sannazaro’s predecessors; the humanist Altilio will read the poem he composed in honor of the wedding of Gian Galeazzo Sforza and Isabella of Aragon, which won him fame: And Altilio, who will bring new glory to the gods, will sing on his skillful lyre [lyric songs], Pindaric [lofty] songs. He will sing of the wedding of the Sforza and Aragonese families, with verses worthy to be compared with your poems, O Homer!79

The humanist Michael Marullus (1453–1500) is expected to read some of his poetry; the specific poems are not indicated, but he is explicit about those that should not be read. The ‘ingenious Muse’ of Marullus should not mourn his exile but should imitate the words and the rhythm of Lucretius while honouring the gods with high praises.80 Francesco Poderico will read both from his own humorous verses and from Panormita’s erotic poetry.81 And the humanist and warrior Andrea Matteo Acquaviva (1458–1529) while returning from battle, will sing


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of the awards his army has won.82 And lastly, the young humanist Antonio Diaz Garlon is asked to use his poetic inspiration and sing of Alife, where he served as a count.83 This detailed description does seem to mirror realistic elements.

Conversations

The reading of texts, as we have seen, was accompanied at times by a commentary by the author and, we are led to believe, by a discussion as well.84 In addition, some academy meetings were completely devoted to learned conversations on a variety of themes that interested the humanists. The examples we know of could lead us to conclude that other conversations on a variety of other subjects took place, for which we have no documentation. Despite Pontano’s dominant personality and his tendency to dominate the conversation, the sources do suggest there were conversations in which a variety of opinions were presented. From Pontano’s dialogues we learn that the conversations were conducted according to certain rules. For example, all participants in a meeting were obliged to participate actively, as we read in the dialogue Aegidius: But, Puccio, it is essential that we remember the rules of the Porticus, and follow them in proper order. Consequently, everyone must absolutely be granted his turn to speak . . .85

or in the dialogue Actius: Then you and all of us here must keep this principle and save an obligatory place in the conversation, as this habit is a sacred rule for the Antoniana (academy).86

In addition, the participants were asked to speak in a certain predetermined order.87 These rules form a ‘structured conversation’, which can be seen as one of the first institutional expressions of the academy. The focus of discussions seems to have varied; some concerned methodology, others focused on content; some went back to ancient history and others dwelt on contemporary issues. The following subjects, for instance, were definitely raised in various academy meetings: 1. Historical writing: The above-mentioned letter by Bernardo Rucellai portraying an academy meeting in which he participated, describes


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a conversation among Marullus, Pucci, Lascaris and Pontano on the appropriate style for writing history. Rucellai’s report of the course of the discussion—each of the participants presenting an opinion slightly different than the others—and of the content of Pontano’s contribution in particular, confirms the importance ascribed by the Academy to the diversity of opinions in a conversation. 2. Grammar: Pontano’s dialogue Actius contains a reference to a conversation that took place a few days earlier on grammatical subjects, particularly spelling and etymologies.88 The recollection of that conversation has an important role in defining the configuration of the rest of the discussion. 3. Moral philosophy: In Pontano’s De prudentia we read of three academy meetings dedicated to the theme of prudence. One of these meetings, we are told, took place in the chapel in which Pontano’s wife, Adriana, was buried, and included a religious ceremony in her memory, on March 1st, on the ninth year of her death (1499).89 4. Current events: In the continuation of his De prudentia, Pontano refers to another discussion that took place ‘after yesterday’s discussion on prudence’, this time concerning King Alfonso.90 The subjects of the conversations varied, as we can see, and spanned both theoretical and applicable (or practical) domains. And yet there was apparently a particular emphasis on disciplines related to the improvement of written compositions, as the first two points above illustrate. One function of the academy, then, would be to provide a framework enabling the humanists to prepare and improve their writings before publication.

Ceremony

The ‘ceremony’ is an important factor in transforming a gathering of intellectuals into an ‘academy’. One of its merits is its power to bind the participants together, thus creating a unified body—the ‘academy’. David Kertzer explains the mechanism of the ceremony: ‘It is by offering the same cry, pronouncing the same word or performing the same gesture in regard to some object that they become and feel themselves to be in unison’91


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Our sources point to the following ceremonies: 1. One interesting ceremony is the latinization of members’ names. Although direct testimony from the academy members of such a ceremony is lacking, we have quite solid evidence of its existence. First of all, we know that all the academy members had Latin names. In Pontano’s dialogues and in other writings by humanists connected to the academy there is always reference to the humanist’s Latin name. Sannazaro, for instance, is called ‘Actius’, Pietro Golino (1431–1501) is ‘Compatre’, Benet Gareth is ‘Chariteo’, etc. Reference is also made to the fact that a change of the name had taken place, as in this passage from a letter Galateo writes to Summonte. He relates to the change that has been made in his name from Simoenzio to Summonte: ‘Salute ottimo Summonte, dacché non vuoi chiamarti Simoenzio dalla sacra onda del Simoenta . . .’.92 The earliest explicit description of the name-changing ceremony that took place in Pontano’s academy appears in writings from the sixteenth century. The identity of the source on which they are based is unclear. The earliest account of such a ceremony is in the Elogia doctorum vivorum (1548) by Paolo Giovio (1483–1552), in which we hear of a name changing done by Pontano. He recounts, for instance, how Sannazaro provided an example to others by rejecting ‘the noble name he inherited from his father’, and was re-named Azio Sincero by Pontano.93 In this work by Giovio, we also read that the event of a name-changing in Pomponio Leto’s circle took place in a ceremony in which the crowned poets celebrated the Muses: Indeed, names of famous ancient authors were given, while the laurelled poets celebrated the Muses in the gatherings with the members.94

Giovio’s text does speak explicitly of a ceremony of name-changing in regard to the Roman Academy alone, yet we assume that since the phenomenon of name-changing is mentioned both in the case of Pontano’s and Pomponio Leto’s academies, it is probable that it was accompanied by a ceremony. 2. Another important ceremony in the academy, which in many cultures functions as a socially unifying ceremony, is the common meal. We know that a number of the academy meetings were conducted around a feast, especially those celebrating a birthday.95 Pontano also expressed his view on the importance of eating together in his writings. In his short work De conviventia (1498), for example, Pontano emphasizes the importance of the feast in its ability to engender friendships: Although nature itself, dear Giovanni Pardo, is what connects one man to another, two things are of primary importance in enhancing this natural


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friendship—they are gathering around common interests and eating in company.96

Both ceremonies mentioned, the latinization of names and the feast, are intended to draw the academy members back into the world of the ancient Greek and Roman authors. Pontano’s writings, however, indicate that he saw the purpose of the ceremonies more in a social context: creating a unified group, encouraging friendship among the members of the group, and evolving a collective common interest, the return to the ancient world. *** The Accademia Pontaniana still exists today. Seeking the traces of this academy leads to via Mezzocannone 8 in Naples, where monthly meetings of the academy members are held. These meetings consist of organizational debates and scientific presentations, which serve as the basis for the academy’s publication, the Atti della Accademia Pontaniana. The aim of this periodical is to represent the original ‘philosophy’ of the academy, which is, according to the present academy members, the bringing together of diverse disciplines. It does indeed include articles on a variety of academic disciplines, from mathematics and philology to the history of Naples. In their combination, however, a common denominator shared by the varied articles often seems to be missing. Returning to the origins of the Accademia Pontaniana a wide variety of voices is indeed audible in that academy. This variety is apparent already in Pontano’s dialogues, in which the participants represent diverse areas of interest, opinions, and social classes. For example, we hear the voices of Poderico, who expresses particular interest in social issues, that of Elisio Calenzio (1430–1502), who is drawn to poetry, and the voice of religion in the person of Egidio da Viterbo (1469–1532). These multifarious voices, however, are presented as a unified entity, a collective, rather than as an aggregate of individual speeches. Who, then, are the carriers of these diversified voices and what adhering force helped bind them together?

The Members of the Academy

One fundamental question confronted in many studies on the Accademia Pontaniana, beginning with the earliest among them, is the identity of


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the academy members.97 Numerous lists of the academy members have been compiled. In the eighteenth century, the priest Roberto De Sarno, in a book written in Latin on Pontano’s life, presented fifty-nine names. This list, according to De Sarno, is based on a variety of literary texts of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries by authors such as Pontano, Sannazaro, Giraldi, and Gianone.98 In the late nineteenth century, on the other hand, Minieri Riccio, who wrote extensively about the Accademia Pontaniana,99 produced a much longer list consisting of 202 names. He arrived at this list, it seems, by gathering the names of all the intellectuals who passed through Naples, some just for a visit, during the years 1442–1543. Among these names we even find Lorenzo de Medici (1449–92), who spent time in Naples for political reasons, as we know, and very possibly also participated in some of the academy meetings. This illustrates the difficulty scholars have had in studying groups that do not require formal membership. A perusal of the works and the correspondence of the Neapolitan humanists of that period reveals that they themselves composed such lists of the members of the Accademia Pontaniana. This demonstrates, in our opinion, that although openness towards visitors and strangers was important in the academy, a clear need remained to define a fixed group. These lists are quite useful to the enterprise of reconstructing the academy, and we have employed them in the following manner: a) On the basis of these lists, we have tried to define the core group of humanists whose names recur in the various lists. We analysed the profile of this group with regard to certain parameters: profession, education, place of birth, and social class. b) The lists of humanists are usually accompanied by a title indicating their identity (‘members’, ‘students’, etc.) We have tried to learn from these titles how the humanists conceived their belonging to the academy. The Neapolitan Humanistic writings include a few types of lists. The clearest references to a list of academy members appear in the letters written by the humanist Galateo, which we have referred to above. In the letter forwarded to Crisostomo Colonna in 1498, just after the death of Pontano’s son, the lists of the academy members are presented by Galateo as a sort of condolence for Pontano. In this case, Galateo’s use of a list can probably be understood as a way of reminding Pontano of another hereditary and posterity he possesses, namely the Accademia Pontaniana, already extant a number of generations (and therefore


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promising a future). It includes the generation of members no longer living,100 the embers of the ‘new Neapolitan academy’ (‘novae neapolitanae academiae’),101 and those of the ‘old academy’ (‘vetere academia’).102 In addition, in a letter to his friend Ermolao Barbaro, Galateo refers to ‘our Academy’ (‘Academiae nostrae’) and presents a more limited list of those he calls the closest friends of Pontano.103 Another list with a direct connection to the Pontaniana academy is found in Lilio Gregorio Giraldi’s (1479–1552) work on the poetry of his time. In this work he points to Pontano’s academy as the source of the most important authors of that period.104 Yet another and more common type of list is the enumeration of humanists not directly associated with the Pontaniana academy, but who, it is implied, are all members of a distinct group, with Pontano’s name usually at the head of the list. The humanist Marullus,105 for instance, forwards one of his epigrams to ‘The Fellows’ (‘Ad Sodales’), opening the epigram with a list of humanists: Laure, Compater, Altili, Elisi, Aeli Parde, Phosphore, Rhalle, Zemobi, Acci Pontane, unanimi mei sodales106

Or Egidio da Viterbo, in his work Historia viginti saeculorum, introduces a list of illustrious men, beginning with Pontano, which portrays the intellectual scene in Naples: . . . the place in which the elegant muse of Pontano thrives, the place in which Sannazaro, most beloved of this generation is, the place where Gravina, Carbo, Cariteo, and Summonte are, there from another origin are Agostino Suessano and Galateo—all illustrious men with rare erudition.107

These are but a few examples of lists of Neapolitan intellectuals who are associated with one another in a distinct group. Other sources that can be used to compose a list of academy members include: a) Pontano’s dialogues, which, as we have seen, are documentary in character.108 b) The dedications written by Pontano and the other Neapolitan humanists to their writings. These dedications apparently define an inner group, whose members dedicate their works to one another. Pontano dedicated most of his works to other Neapolitan humanists, and only in cases of desperate need of patronage do we find him dedicating a work to a political figure. In addition, by dedicating parts of his works to


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different people, he multiplied the quantity of dedications, enabling him to dedicate at least a portion of his work to a great number of humanists. It is interesting to note that Summonte, who published Pontano’s remaining works posthumously, dedicated those without dedications to members of the restricted ‘Pontaniana’ circle alone. An examination of the names appearing in many of the ‘lists’ we have mentioned leads us to the following compilation: Pontano, Compatre, Poderico, Altilius, Sannazaro, Giovanni Pardo , Chariteo, Girolamo Carbone (1465–1528), Marino Tomacelli (1429–1515), Marullus, the Acquaviva brothers (Andrea Matteo and Belisario (1464–1528)), Tristano Caracciolo (1437-c.1528), Crisostomo Colonna, Galateo (Antonio de Ferrarriis), Franceschello Marchese (1440–1517), Elisio Calenzio and Summonte.

This is a minimal list, the core group around which many other humanists could be placed. We would offer the following profile of this group using these criteria: profession, education, place of birth, and social class.

Profession

Most of the members of this group were in the service of the Aragonese government, in Naples and in Southern Italy, some as secretaries, diplomats, or other political roles, and others as tutors of various members of the royal family. In other words, the academy served as the main intellectual ‘home’ for these humanists, and not as a peripheral supplement of intellectual enrichment, as was the case for other academies, the majority of whose members also taught in the university of that city (as in the Pomponian academy in Rome). Most of the members were oriented toward Latin culture and writing, apart from two humanists, Sannazaro and Chariteo, who write both in Latin and in the vernacular (volgare).

Education

Wide variances in educational background are evident from these lists. They include figures who acquired a religious education, such as Altilio and Crisostomo Colonna, and those with a university education, such


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as Calenzio in law, Galateo in medicine, and Pontano in Greek and astrology. Many other academy members had no formal higher education, but obtained a humanistic education from private lessons, either from Pontano himself or from other teachers. The following academy members were in that category: the Acquaviva brothers, Caracciolo, Federico Poderico, and Compatre. Thus, as Gothein affirmed, ‘Per appartenere a questo circolo era quasi piú necessario essere un uomo addestrato alla pratica della vita che un dotto’.109 (In order to belong to this circle it was almost more essential to be trained for practical life than to be a scholar).

Place of Birth

Perusal of the lists indicates that part of the ‘core group’, including Pontano himself, is not originally from Naples, and that another part is not even from Italy. Focusing, however, on the last years of the fifteenth century, when the academy had become more established (the period of the ‘new academy’, as Galateo termed it), we see that a high percentage of the active members were already Neapolitans. Among them: Caracciolo, Sannazaro, Summonte, and others. We find an important group of humanists of Greek origin active in Naples; among them, in the ‘core group’ of the academy, we mentioned Marullus. In other sources consulted, however, additional names of Greek humanists appeared, such as Theodore Gaza (ca. 1398–1475) of Salonica and Manilio Rallo. Many of the Greeks who fled to Italy after the fall of Constantinople came to Naples. The humanists among them were rather well accepted in Pontano’s circle. This is in contrast to the general atmosphere among the intellectuals in Italy, which was hostile towards the Greek immigrants and to what they represented.110 The most cogent example is the Florentine humanist Politian’s (1454–94) attack against Marullus.111 Pontano himself was quite critical of contemporary Greeks, their language, and their education, and claimed that it was preferable to study ancient Greek literature in Italy rather than in Greece. And yet he accepted these and other foreign humanists into the academy in his characteristic hospitable manner. The same applies to the Spanish humanists, such as Pardo and Chariteo, who were gradually integrated into the Neapolitan intellectual scene.


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The Accademia Pontaniana, then, appears to have been a meetingpoint for varied humanistic groups from within and outside Italy.

Social Class

The rise of Aragonese rule in the fifteenth century led to a drastic decline in the status of the Neapolitan nobility. This new situation engendered a new motivation for the nobility to acquire a higher education, especially regarding the study of law,112 in the hope this would improve their status, if not actually open up the possibility of being employed in the service of the king.113 Investigation of the names that appear in the ‘core group’ of the academy demonstrates that various classes are represented: the city nobility, the barons and the new nobility, as well as the Neapolitan bourgeoisie. We do not find members from the common class although, as Gothein stresses (91-101), they were the subject of many academic discussions. Some specifics exemplifying the diversity in social backgrounds of the academy members follow. Caracciolo was from the city nobility, but lost power with the rise of Alfonso; the Acquaviva brothers were representatives of the Neapolitan barons, a factor evident in their humanistic works. Enrico Poderico, Compatre, and Sannazaro, in contrast, are from the bourgeois class. As a result, a variety of approaches in the social philosophy of the various members might be expected. What unified this diverse group of learned men, beyond the spatial and temporal framework they shared and the ceremonies they held, considered above, was a special friendship. In the various lists of academy members, we note that certain titles recur. An examination of the frequency and significance of the different titles suggests the conclusions outlined below. The titles appearing repeatedly are: a) Sodales, which indicates the belonging to a common association as well as a certain comradeship and intimacy binding the members. This title, which becomes very common in the later academies to indicate membership, also appears in regard to the early humanist academies.114 b) Alumnus, referring to a pupil who is similar to a child.115 c) Auditores, or listeners, in the sense of those participating in the lessons of a certain teacher or learned man. This title frequently


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appears in the humanists’ writings when relating to the ‘Pontaniana’ academy.116 d) Amici or friends, people who enjoy one another’s company. In all the documents relating to the ‘Pontaniana’ circle, this last title, which emphasizes the ideal relationship among its members, is the most common. It refers not to any institutional aspect,117 but rather to a basic pre-institutional state existing among the academy members. A consideration of the titles that recur, and their degree of frequency, among participants in the academy meetings may well indicate some essential elements concerning the group’s self-definition. We have found, on one hand, a primary sign of belonging to an association or institution in which Pontano’s figure is essential as ‘teacher’ to the members, usually entitled his ‘students’. On the other hand, we are led to understand that the primordial element of the group is the friendship that bonds its members. This friendship is manifested in the writings of the academy members in two ways. It appears as a light-hearted companionship between men who meet while drinking wine and speaking of women and erotica, echoing the atmosphere of the court. Yet traces of a profound ‘amicitia’ may also be found among these men. The first mode is expressed, for example, in Pontano’s Hendecasyllabes (1505), in his joyful erotic poems. In one of these (I, 10), Pontano invites his friends Albino, Calenzio, Compatre, Altilio, and Marullus (all members of the academy) to a party in celebration of the return to Naples of their common friend Marchese, at which they will drink and dance, each man enjoying the company of two women. The poem ends with the exclamation: ‘It is a joy to get drunk for the return of a friend’ (‘Dulce est ob reducem madere amicum’).118 The second mode of friendship, founded on a deep feeling of unity and solidarity among members, is expressed, for example, in Pontano’s dialogues. In the following passage, cited from the dialogue Aegidius, the participants in an academy meeting express their sorrow and concern for Sannazaro, who cannot join them in this ‘important meeting’ because he followed the King Federico of Aragon (1451–1504) into exile. The passage begins by describing how Altilio, a recently deceased friend and member of the Academy, will view this meeting (hoc consessu) from heaven. His joy that the meeting is taking place is mingled with sadness due to Sannazaro’s absence.


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Pontano: I believe one thing brings pain to him, if we are permitted to say that he feels pain, which is that in such an important meeting Sannazaro’s place is empty. He who for mere benevolence and gratitude gladly followed King Federico into exile . . . But Altilio, who lives among the gods, needs no consolation. As for us, who among us can but be tormented by the absence of a man of such great mind and doctrine? He, though, has nothing to fear, as the Muses accompany him, and we must refrain from lamenting his absence, especially in this case of voluntary and worthy sacrifice of a generous man. What do you have to say of this, Pietro Summonte? Pietro Summonte: I, to be honest, am worried about his weak health, being that he is often sick in the stomach . . .119

The concept of friendship that emerges in this passage seems to be related to the Ciceronian notion of ‘amicitia’ described in the Laelius de Amicitia, one of the first works of Cicero to be printed in Naples, and doubtless very influential among the Neapolitan humanist circle. As this passage from Aegidius makes clear, the profound feelings towards their friend Sannazaro are related to an admiration of his virtú, courage, and generosity. This corresponds well with Cicero’s description of friendship in his de amicitia V,18: . . . friendship can exist only among good men. In those whose actions and lives evidence loyalty and uprightness, fairness and generosity; who are free of all passion, caprice, and insolence and who manifest great strength of character.

It should be pointed out that, in addition to this strong friendship among the members (explicitly promoted and encouraged by Pontano), the humanists’ writings make clear reference to Pontano as a central figure hierarchically superior to all others. Expressions of respect and love for the figure standing above them are widespread. After Pontano’s passing, for instance, Galateo in his letter to Girolamo Carbone laments the death of ‘a wise, loved and most precious old man, the originator of our academy’.120 Some call him ‘Gran Pontano’, others ‘il mio gran Pontano’.121 Pontano himself took on this role, albeit not always humbly. In his Aegidius he describes himself as one who cultivated the liberal arts and sciences, and was cherished by excellent youngsters and elderly men who praised him for his honesty, belief and good deeds.122 At times, Pontano’s dealings with the other members of the academy had a provocative aspect. Sannazaro describes in a letter how Pontano would to turn to them saying: ‘Omini di paglia, e voi che fate’?123 (Men of straw, what are you doing?)


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Thus we see that the Accademia Pontaniana, in addition to the basic characteristics of an institutional academy brought to the fore in the first part of our discussion, is also founded on a primal relationship of friendship augmented with the factor of strong leadership. *** What motivated Pontano to give these meetings between friends a more institutional slant? We believe the answer may be found in Pontano’s desire to ensure that the special type of intellectual gathering which he initiated around himself would be perpetuated beyond his own lifetime. To that end, certain fixed elements and rules were needed to guard the conversation from deteriorating into the common type, to which Pontano sought to create an antithetical model. He expressed explicitly his negative feelings towards the mode of conversation heard around him, ‘this contentious manner of debating’,124 as well as his desire to establish as an alternative, ‘a more tranquil form of speech and conversation’. In his dialogues, Pontano refers to certain groups of intellectuals, namely the grammarians and the theologians, who, in his opinion, are completely incapable of conducting a dialogue due to their argumentative, violent modes of discussion and their coarse Latin. He speaks against them at length, usually in a satirical manner; this allows him to be critical without joining the very mode of argumentation to which he is opposed. For example, he calls the grammarians ‘angry dogs’ as their debates recall dogs’ squabbling over bones and leftovers fallen under the table;125 he tells sensational stories of how grammarians fell into violent combat though a discussion of the correct conjugation of a certain Latin verb.126 In contrast to these groups, the model of the Accademia Pontaniana was to create an authentic dialogue founded on friendship and the principles of mutuality. A consideration of the Accademia Pontaniana as an example127 of a humanistic academy highlights the important ideal of ‘conversation’ in the intellectual world of the period. To elucidate this point we can note that, in contrast to Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine’s conclusion in From Humanism to Humanities, that the ‘Perfect Orator’ is the ideal product of the humanist educational system,128 in this essay, the figure of the ‘conversationalist’ has been proposed as the ideal humanist emerging from Pontano’s model of the academy. If, indeed, it is the conversationalist rather than the orator who represents the new ideal, decisive changes should clearly be anticipated in


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our understanding of the intellectual institution that moulds that ideal humanist. Jewish Studies Program Universitá degli Studi di Siena Via Roma 47, Siena Italy REFERENCES 1. In ‘proving wrong certain myths’ we refer both to specific issues in Renaissance Studies such as the question of women’s inclusion in the Renaissance, and to more overarching issues questioning the conception of a real Renaissance. 2. James Hankins, ‘The Myth of the Platonic Academy of Florence’, Renaissance Quarterly 44 (1991), 429–63. 3. Gustavo Uzielli, ‘Accademie platoniche in Firenze’, Giornale di erudizione, 6 (1896), 227–35, 262–70, 295–304, 335–42, concerning the Platonic Academies of Florence. 4. Hankins, 448 ff. 5. Ibid. 434. 6. My forthcoming book on the Accademia Pontaniana includes a chapter on the connections between the early academies. 7. While recent Renaissance scholarship has emphasized differences in expressions of humanism in the various Italian city-states (see, for example: Alberto Asor Rosa, (ed.) L’eta’ moderna (Letteratura Italiana: Storia e geografia, Vol II, Turin, 1983); A. Rabil (ed.), Renaissance Humanism: Foundations Forms and Legacy (3 vols, Philadelphia, 1988)), this research on the Accademia Pontaniana has been twofold. On the one hand, an understanding of the academy is surely deeply connected to the local culture and politics. Yet much evidence attesting to a common culture, shared by fifteenth century humanists from all parts of Italy, has also emerged in this research. This common culture could be called a ‘communicative culture’, because it was formed, to a large extent, through communication between geographically distant humanists. Humanists residing in different cities communicated in Latin, the common language of the texts they studied. This common language overcame the differences of the local volgare. They communicated by means of letters or by visiting one another, moving from one centre to the next. 8. As Hankins puts it sharply: ‘At this point one might well be tempted to conclude that one is simply dealing with yet another instance of the tendency of historians to reify informal contacts into institutions, and consign the Platonic Academy of Florence to the dustbin of cultural myths . . .’: Hankins, 441 (italics mine).


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9. See Frances A. Yates, ‘The Italian Academies’, in Renaissance and Reform: The Italian Contribution (Collected Essays, Vol. II, London, 1993), 6–29, 7. 10. In a lecture dating from 1949 Frances Yates claimed that ‘we know nothing about the Italian academies’. More than fifty years later, we would suggest that while little is known today about the Italian academies, nothing whatsoever is known about the fifteenth century Italian academies. 11. In 1977 Arnaldo Momigliano claimed that the ‘most pervasive characteristic of the historiography of the past fifteen years is perhaps the focus on oppressed or minority groups within advanced civilizations: women, children, slaves, people of colour or more simply, heretics, peasants, laborers’: Arnaldo Momigliano, ‘Linee per una valutazione della storiografia del quindicennio 1961–1976’, Rivista storica Italiana, 89 (1977), 596. English translation of the citation in: Duccio Balestracci, The Renaissance in the Fields: Family Memoirs of a Fifteenth Century Tuscan Peasant, trans. Paolo Squatriti and Betsy Merideth (University Park, PA, 1999), xvii. 12. Two other academies established at more or less the same time are Ficino’s academy in Florence and Pomponio Leto in Rome. 13. Indeed these two genres were already associated in the Roman period with conversational language (sermo), as opposed to the formal language of the orator (contentio): Judith R. Henderson, ‘Defining the Genre of the Letter: Juan Luis Vives’ De Conscribendis Epistolis’, Renaissance and Reformation, n.s. 7 (1983), 90. In the Renaissance we find clear reference to the ‘oral’ character of the dialogue. For example, in a dedication of his interesting work Dies geniales, an encyclopedic work describing various gatherings of intellectuals in the early sixteenth century, the humanist and jurist Alessandro d’Alessandro emphasizes the realistic character of the dialogues written by his contemporaries: See Alessandro D’Alessandro, Genialium dierum libri sex (Frankfurt, 1594), *2v. 14. See for example Lauro Martines, An Italian Renaissance Sextet: Six Tales in Historical Context, (New York, 1994), 9–11. 15. Francesco Tateo, ‘La “Nuova Sapienza” nei Dialoghi di Giovanni Pontano (Charon-Antonius)’, Studi Mediolatini e Volgari, 9 (1961), 187–225, at 187. Eugenio Garin claims, similarly, that: ‘É difficile infatti separare dalle “accademie”—fermo restando il loro carattere di libere adunanze, convegni e circoli di dotti seguaci della nuova “moda”—il diffusissimo genere del dialogo, della orazione, dell’epistola stessa, non lettera familiare ma comunicazione a gruppi d’amici di studi fatti, di risultati raggiunti. Il dialogo quattrocentesco e’ spesso il ritratto fedele di questi incontri, e ne rievoca, idealizzate, le inflessioni . . .’: Eugenio Garin, ‘La letteratura degli umanisti’, in: Storia della Letteratura Italiana, eds E. Cecchi & N. Sapegno (Milan, 1965), iii. 7–279, at 108 (italics mine). 16. Which imitates the Lucian model. 17. See Virginia Cox, The Renaissance Dialogue: Literary Dialogue in its Social and Political Contexts—Castiglione to Galileo (London, 1992), 22–33. 18. One of the humanists who left many letters which document the Accademia Pontaniana is Antonio de Ferrarriis, also known as Galateo.


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19. This is common especially in the cases of humanists who were absent at the time from the academic meetings because of diplomatic missions. See for example Altilio’s letter to Chariteo in: Biblioteca Apostolico Vaticano, Vat. Lat. 2847, fols 8v–9v. 20. ‘. . . il tempo e lo spazio dell’accademia, il suo rituale comunicativo, enunciano la loro piena autonomia, speciale in quanto differenziale, rispetto al tempo, allo spazio, al rituale della societá reale . . .’: Amadeo Quondam, ‘L’Accademia’, in: Alberto Asor Rosa, (ed.) Il letterato e le istutizioni, (Letteratura Italiana, Vol. I, Turin, 1982), 829. 21. For a description of the ‘Accademia Pomponiana’ see: John F. D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation (Baltimore, 1983), 89–112; Richard Palermino, ‘The Roman Academy, the Catacombs and the Conspiracy of 1468’, Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 17 (1980), 117–55. 22. ‘Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptus aliquod legamus? Velut ego nunc moveor. Venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi propinqui hortuli non memoriam solum mihi afferunt sed ipsum videntur in conspectus meo ponere . . . tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina’: Marcus Tullius Cicero, De finibus bonorum et malorum (trans. H. Rackham, London and New York, 1914), 390–3. Later in our discussion (at note 54), we will consider the description of a moment in the later period of the Pontaniana academy in which the members express their desire to return to the earlier stages of the academic gatherings. This desire is satisfied by physically sitting together in the location of those early gatherings. On the art of memory and the spatial component, see Ann Vasaly, Representations: Images of the World in Ciceronian Oratory (Berkeley, 1993), 26–36; Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Middlesex, 1978). 23. While Alfonso was alive, Panormita led learned gatherings that took place in the Royal library. After Alfonso’s death, Panormita’s meetings moved to a public setting. 24. The meetings around Panormita were often called ‘Senatus’. 25. ‘Haec, inquam, illa est Porticus in qua sedere solebat ille senum omnium festivissimus. Conveniebant autem docti viri nobilesque item homines sane multi. Ipse, quod in proximo habitaret, primus hic conspici, interim, dum Senatus, ut ipse usurpabat, cogeretur, aut iocans cum praetereuntibus, aut secum aliquid succinens, quo animum oblectaret’: Giovanni G. Pontano, I dialoghi, ed. Carmelo Previtera (Florence, 1943), 50: 18–23 (my italics). 26. ‘Versabatur nobiscum, ut scis, in ea quae eo tempore erat sub Arcu neapolitana Academia; solebat dicere dialecticos ac philosophos plerumque in re tam frivola et ridicula rixari, quod, si sutores verba intelligerent, eos calceamentorum formulis obruerent’: Antonio De Ferrarriis (Galateo), Epistole, ed. A. Altamura (Lecce,1959), 93.


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27. We do know of other meetings that took place in the ‘Pliniana’, the villa Panormita received as a present from King Alfonso. Pontano, in his De principe describes a conversation Panormita held with a group of people in that villa. Giovanni G. Pontano, ‘Ad Alfonsum Calariae ducem de principe liber’, Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento, ed. Eugenio Garin (Milan and Naples, 1955), 1044. 28. It is interesting to note how, as the notion of the ‘academy’ evolves, serious discussions come to be related to a closed architectural structure. In Francesco Furini’s fresco in the Sala degli Argenti, for example, an outdoor casual meeting of the Platonic Academy is depicted. In it, one figure points to the Villa of Carreggi, as if to imply: let us enter that closed space, where we can have a real philosophical debate. 29. Erasmo Percopo, ‘La vita di Giovanni Pontano’, Archivio storico per le Provincie Napoletane, 61 (1936), 116–250, 140–1. 30. See Pontano, I dialoghi, 245: 4–8. 31. This formulation appears in an article that could serve as an interesting source of comparison, concerning discussion groups in seventeenth century Naples. See Michele Rak, ‘Il giardino del mondo: La genesi della tradizione letteraria in lingua napoletana’, in La Letteratura Dialettale Preunitaria, ed. P. Mazzamuto (Palermo, 1994), 957–986, at 960. 32. For an extensive discussion on this villa, and on the variety of sources that mention this place, see: Erasmo Percopo, ‘La villa del Pontano ad Antignano’, Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana, 56 (1926), 221–39. 33. See, for example: Pontano, I dialoghi, 248: 14–8; ‘De amore coniugali’, II, 4, in: Giovanni G. Pontano, Carmina, ed. Benedetto Soldati (2 vols, Florence, 1902), ii. 143–45. 34. ‘Ego vero amicissimos homines, ac Musarum nostrarum alumnos, ea voluptate his in hortis accipio amplectorque, qua coelestis res diebus his in hac ipsa solitudine vel magis secessu sum contemplatus, siquidem contemlationis ipsius communicatio cum studiosis rerum earundem viris is profecto fructus est etiam suavissimus’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 308: 31–6 (italics mine). 35. See Riccardo Filangieri, ‘Il Tempietto di Gioviano Pontano in Napoli’, Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana, 56 (1926), 103–39. 36. Giovanni G. Pontano, De prudentia (Florence, 1508), fol. 3r: (Lib. 1); fol. 53r: (Lib. 3); fol. 95r: (Lib. 5). 37. In the letter by Bernardo Rucellai cited at note 43, the author points out this cappella (with admiration) as the place in which he met Pontano, accompanied by a few students. Although not completely clear, the text seems to indicate that the conversation described in the letter took place in this cappella. 38. For an examination of Pontano’s philosophy see, for example: Ernesto Grassi, ‘Humanistic Rhetorical Philosophising: Giovanni Pontano’s Theory of Unity of Poetry, Rhetoric and History’, Philosophy and Rhetoric, 17 (1984), 135–55; Victoria Kahn, ‘Giovanni Pontano’s Rhetoric of Prudence’, Philosophy and Rhetoric, 16 (1983), 16–34; Rainer Weiss, ‘The Humanist


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39. 40.

41.

42. 43.

44.

45.

46.

47. 48.

49. 50.

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Rediscovery of Rhetoric as Philosophy: Giovanni Giovano’s “Aegidius” ’, Philosophy and Rhetoric, 13 (1980), 25–42. See Yates, ‘The Italian Academies’, 10. ‘Pontano: Et porticus vos nostra expectat magna cum voluptate et ego ipse advenientes vos Casinate ex agro sospites atque laetos amplector ex animo utrumque. Quid tu tandem, Pucci, inde novi, imo veteris ad nos affers? nam Thamyram satis scio eo in agro parum omnino esse versatum. Dic igitur si quid vetustum Porticuque hac ipsa dignum inde affers’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 255: 9–14. See the following article, which is one of the most fundamental studies on the figure of Bernard Rucellai: Felix Gilbert, ‘Bernardo Rucellai and the Orti Oricellari: A Study on the Origin of Modern Political Thought’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtald Institutes, 12 (1949), 101–31. P. Burmannus (ed.), Sylloges epistolarum a viris illustribus scriptarum (2 vols, Leiden, 1725), ii. 200–202. Bernardo Rucellai claims to have proposed the theme of this specific meeting. We read in his letter: ‘Neapoli cum essem, perlegeremque monumenta ingenii, quae Pontanus templi parieti incisa posteris reliquit . . . , ecce mihi senex supervenit, pedisequis nonnulis priscae disciplinae sectatoribus. Tum super ea re habito ultro citroque sermone, denique in eum devenimus, authore me, quisnam e veteribus praecipue deligendus foret, quem in Historia sequeremur. Insederat iam animo, exardescente armis Italia gesta Caroli mandare litteris, cupiebamque ex doctissimi hominis iudicio facere mihi documentum’. Burmannus, ii, 202. The strong influence of Pontano’s approach to historiography on Girolamo Borgia’s substantial work Historia is described at length in: Mauro De Nichilo, ‘Dal Pontano al Giovio: L’Historia di Girolamo Borgia’, La storiografia umanistica (Messina, 1992), i. 702–707. The gymnasium near Athens where Aristotle taught. Cicero used this term to refer to the upper part of his private villa, where lessons in rhetoric were given. The gymnasium near Athens where Plato and his successors taught and talked. Cicero used this term referring to the lower part of his private villa, where learned debates were held. The colonnade at Athens in which Zeno used to teach. It has remained a symbol of Stoic philosophy. In 1447 Francesco Martorell wrote a letter to Panormita telling him that king Alfonso I was interested in founding an ‘Achademia’ and that Panormita should go and speak to him about this: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticano, Vat. Lat. 3372, fol. 109r. ‘. . . ne Lyceum tamen appellaremus, tanti viri memoria nos deterruit, quodque esti nequaquam in academia . . .’( Pontano, De prudentia, fol. 3r). Other references to the term ‘porticus’ in Pontano’s dialoghi are: 255:7, 9; 260:13; 284:37; 190; 33. Pontano uses this term in some other writings as well. For example, in his De sermone, IV, 10, he speaks of ‘nostra in porticu’.


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51. ‘. . . eius ipsius Iovani hae sunt aedes, eius ipsius turris ac frequenta Porticus’. (Pontano, I dialoghi, 245: 15–16). 52. The academy founded by Pontano continued after his death (in 1503), usually in the homes of various members, until 1542 when it was subjugated by the Spanish government. See P.S. De Lisio, Gli anni della svolta. Tradizione umanistica e Viceregno nel primo Cinquecento Napoletano (Salerno, 1976), 87–117. 53. Such as Antonio Sebastiano Minturno, as demonstrated, for example, in the following passage: ‘Erat enim Summontio summa cum eo familiaritas, quae iam orta in illa dissertissima, erudititissimaque Pontani Porticu et educata, atque in illa studiorum coniunctione officiis aucta quotidianis, in dies ita magis vigebat, ut nunquam senescere posse videretur’: Antonio S. Minturno, De poeta Libri VI (Venice, 1559), 6 (italics mine). 54. ‘Quoniam autem, ut scitis, toto sum corpore ac pedibus praesertim imbecillis, considendum hac sub Portico censeo, de more maiorum nostrum; considentibus enim nobis ocio magis tranquillo et quaerere licuerit et dispotare et qui praetereunt tum ad sedendi ocium tum ad certamen disserendi invitare honestius multo fuerit’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 136: 18–22 (italics mine). 55. Most of the names of humanists mentioned in the following descriptions will be referred to later in the article in the context of discussion of the ‘Members of the Academy’. 56. Vat. lat. 2847 fols 8v–9v. 57. See Percopo’s introduction in: Le rime di Benedetto Gareth detto il Chariteo, ed. Erasmus Percopo (2 vols, Naples, 1892), i, ccxiv. 58. See De Ferrarriis, Epistole, 101–103. 59. Ermolao Barbaro, Giorgio Meonio, Ladislao De Marco, Giovanni & Paolo Attaldi, Compatre, and many others. 60. Vat. lat. 5175. 61. This letter was published in: P. De Nolhac, ‘Les Correspondants d’Alde Manuce’, Studi e Docum. di Stori. e Dir., 8 (1887), 280–1. 62. This distinction between two academies appears in Cicero’s dialogues. He distinguishes between two periods which represent two different philosophies: the Old Academy from Plato to Ptolemy which represents a more dogmatic philosophy, and the New Academy from Arcesilaus onwards, which represents sceptical tendencies. For this division, see for example: Marcus Tullius Cicero, De officiis (London, 1913) (III. iv. 20), 286–9. Ancient writers may be further divided: at most, five incarnations of the Academy are listed: the Old Academy, which lasted from Plato to Ptolemy; the Middle Academy founded by Arcesilaus; the New Academy inaugurated by Carneades; a fourth Academy under Philo and a fifth under Antiochus. 63. See Marcus Tullius Cicero, Letters to Atticus, ed. and trans. D.R. Shackleton Bailey (Mass. and London, 1999), letter 7 (I.11), 44–5. See also letter 5 (I.9) and letter 9 (I.4), in which Cicero speaks of the statues he would like to use to decorate his Academy.


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64. Cicero, De officiis (III. iv. 20), 289. David S. Chambers exploits these Ciceronian ways of understanding the term ‘academy’ in his article on the early academies: David S. Chambers, ‘The Earlier “Academies” in Italy’, Italian Academies of the Sixteenth Century, eds. David S. Chambers and F. Quiviger (London, 1995), 1–14, at 1–2. 65. Antonio Altamura, L’umanesimo del Mezzogiorno d’Italia (Florence, 1941), 28. 66. Carol Kidwell, Pontano—Poet & Prime Minister (London, 1991), 200–39. 67. See Pontano, De prudentia, fol. 30v. 68. See the discussion on the regulation of the academy, under ‘Conversations’ and ‘Ceremony’, below. 69. In the following citation from Aegidius, Pontano speaks in terms of a defined philosophy he calls the ‘Latin Philosophy’, which he hopes to establish before he dies. ‘Although I am old and weighed down with age, I am yet possessed of the hope that before I leave you I may see our Latin philosophy expounding its topics with a more refined style and elegance, and that abandoning this contentious manner of debating it may adopt a more tranquil form of speech and discussion, using its own proper and purely Roman vocabulary’. Translated in David Marsh, The Quattrocento Dialogue; Classical Tradition and Humanist Innovation (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1980), 100. ‘Itaque quanquam senem me annisque gravatum, spes tamen cepit fore ut, antequam a vobis emigrem, latinam videam philosophiam et cultu maiore verborum et elegantia res suas explicantem utque, relicta litigatrice hac disputandi ratione, quietiorem ipsa formam accipiat et dicendi et sermocinandi ac verbis item suis utendi propriis maximeque Romanis . . .’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 280: 4–9 (italics mine). 70. ‘Peto: Utcunque, Ioviane, itineris e Roma suscepti nec nos poenitet et Porticum hanc, quam diu Neapoli erimus, quotidianasque istas consessiones assidui frequentabimus’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 284: 36–8 (italics mine). 71. See Minturno, De poeta, 6. For the original Latin text, see note 53. 72. See d’Alessandro, Genialium dierum, 1 (1:1). 73. See Poeti Latini del Quattrocento, eds F. Arnaldi, L. Gualdo Rosa, and L. Monti Sabia. (Milan and Naples, 1964), 1134–7. 74. ‘Jussitque mox adferri sibi Svetonii Tranquili Caesarum vitas. Aderat inibi adolescens tunc quispiam laetae indolis, atque a litterarum cultu non abhorrentis: huic demandat, ut divi Julii vitam, donec maturum cenandi tempus foret, nec turbide nec ambigue legat’: d’Alessandro, 1. (1:1). 75. ‘Calendis februarii 1501 Pontanus legere coepit suam Uraniam in sua Achademia, cui lectioni fere semper quindecim generosi et erudtissimi viri affuere, nec vero ipse ego Hieronymus ullum unquam praeteri diem, quin adessem, et quae potui in margine anotando curaverim, quae quidem sunt ab eiusdem auctoris oraculo exprompta’: Vat. lat. 5175. 76. Pontano sees the Urania as his most perfect realization of the poetic theory which he presents in his dialogue Actius, and sees it as the


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77. 78.

79.

80.

81.

82. 83. 84.

85.

86.

87.

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History of Universities completion and enrichment of Manilius’ poem: Pontano, I dialoghi, 238:19–239:6. Poeti Latini del Quattrocento, 1134–7. Ibid: ‘Hic mihi Puniceo Pontani Musa cothurno, incipiet posito carmen hiare mero; naturaeque vias tenerique exordia mundi proferet et certa cuncta obitura die’. Ibid: ‘Altiliusque novos superis laturus honores, Pindarica feriat carmina docta lyra; Sfortiadum mox dicat Aragoniosque hymenaeos, iure quibus cantus aequet, Homere, tuos’. Ibid: ‘Nec gemat exilium Spartani Musa Marulli, ventura ad nostras ingeniosa dapes; verba sed antiqui reddat numerosque Lucreti, dum magnis divos laudibus accumulat’. Ibid: ‘Adde tuos, Puderice, sales, adde inclyta patris eloquia, adde animo tot bona parta tuo; iamque Panhormitae lusus et scripta recense et Ioviana ea tempora amicitiae’. Ibid: ‘Hos inter, meritis rediens Aquivivus ab armis, prodat honoratae praemia militiae . . .’. ‘Tu quoque, quem iuvenem veneror, dulcissime Garlon, incipe iam docta plectra movere manu; Allifasque tuas mihi concine . . .’. This conclusion is based, among other evidence, on the correspondence of the academy members, which can be considered to be a reflection of the academy meetings. If we examine some of their correspondence in the period after Pontano’s death, in which drastic political changes led to the dispersion of the humanists to different southern Italian localities outside of Naples, we discover this frequently recurrent pattern. A humanist sends a copy of a work he has just finished writing to a couple of former academy members, and they respond with critical and encouraging comments. The letters are written in a conversational style, and give the impression of being the continuation of previous similar discussions. The correspondence has been published in: Domenico Defilippis, Tradizione umanistica e cultura nobiliare nell’opera diBelisario Acquaviva, (Galatina, 1993). An examination of this correspondence is included in my forthcoming study of the Accademia Pontaniana. ‘. . . Sed nos, o Pucci, ita quidem consessionis huius memores esse oportet, ut quae Porticus ipsius lex est, eam cum primis sequamur, quippe cum disserendi locus suus sit cuinque relinquendus . . .’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 260: 12–17 (italics mine). ‘Habenda est igitur et tibi et nobis omnibus qui hic assumus illius ratio conservandusque ei debitus in disserendo locus, Antoniana lege hoc ipsum sanciente’: Ibid., 203: 23–5 (italics mine). As we read in Pontano’s Actius: ‘Ac tamesi scio dictionem eam esse multiplicem, nec unius fortuitaeque consessionis, velim tamen non oratum modo, verum etiam exoratum Altilium, uti Actio succedens in dicendi possessione hac ipse de re vel edisserat aliquid enucleatius . . .’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 192: 29–33 (italics mine). It is interesting to note that this model


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88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

95. 96.

97.

98. 99.

100. 101.

102. 103.

104.

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of a structured conversation, based on rules such as a pre-determined order of the speakers, is parallel to that described later in Castiglione’s Il libro del cortegiano. Pontano, I dialoghi, 190: 31–4. Pontano, De prudentia, fol. 53r-v: (Lib. 3). Ibid., fol. 95r: (Lib. 5). David I. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics and Power (New Haven, 1988), 61–2. Antonio De Ferrarriis, Gallipoli (Lecce, 1977), ii. 195. Paolo Giovio, Elogia doctorum vivorum. (Antwerp, 1557), 174. ‘Veterum enim ingeniorum illustria nomina sibi ipsis indiderant quum in coetu sodalium laureati Musas colerent. Ea nominum novitate, Pontifex elegantiae literarum imperitus . . .’(ibid., 87–8). See, for example, d’Alesandro, 1 (1:1). ‘Tametsi, Ioannes Pardo, hominem homini natura conciliat, ad hanc tamen naturae conciliationem duae cum primis res mihi videntur plurimum conferre, eorundem scilicet studiorum societas consuetudoque convivendi’: Giovanni G. Pontano, I trattati delle virtù sociali, Introd., trans. and notes F. Tateo (Rome, 1965), 141. Indeed, in Michele Maylender’s encyclopedic book on the academies in Italy, under the heading Accademia Pontaniana, we see that a significant part of his description of this academy is dedicated to a list of the academy members and a discussion of the list. Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d’Italia (5 vols, Bologna, 1926–30), iv. 327–37. Roberto De Sarno, Joannis Joviani Pontani Vita Auctore (Naples, 1761), 20–21. See Minieri Riccio’s main works on the Accademia Pontaniana: C. Minieri Riccio, Cenno storico della Accademia Pontaniana (Naples, 1876); ‘Cenno storico delle Accademie fiorite nella città di Napoli’, Archivio Storico per le Province Napoletane, 5 (1880), 353–65; Biografie degli Accademici alfonsini, detti poi pontaniani dal 1442 al 1543 (Naples, 1881). Ermolao Barbaro, Giorgio Meonio, Ladislao De Marco, Giovanni & Paolo Attaldi, Compatre (‘and many others’). Acquaviva, conte di Potenza, Sannazaro, Carbone, Baldassare Milano, Gabriele Altilio, Massimo Corvino, Giovanni Pardo, Benedetto Gareth, Giovanni Cotta, Francesco Pucci, Augustinus (Augustino Nifo?), Pietra Gravina, Pietro Summonte, Crisostomo Colonna. Tristano Caracciolo, Puderico, Girolamo Ingegno, Sergio Stiso. ‘Pontano pater ac princeps eiusdem Academiae nostrae . . . Compater, Pudericus, Accius, Altilius, Pardus, Chrysostomus, Chariteus, Summontius, amici optimi et suavissimi’: De Ferrarriis, Epistole, 93–4 (italics mine). Giraldi identifies the following academy members: ‘. . . Ex eadem Pontani academia fluxere Michael Marullus et Manilius Rhallus . . . Ex eadem academia fuit Gabriel Altilius . . . Est et adhuc Hieronymus Carbo ex eadem academia nobilis Neapolitanus . . .’: Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, De poetis nostrorum temprorum (Berlin, 1894), 16–17.


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105. For a monographic study of this humanist see Carol Kidwell, Marullus: Soldier Poet of the Renaissance (London, 1989). Marullus, Carmina, ed. Alessandro Perosa (Turin, 1951), 24, ‘Epigrammaton’ I:54. 106. Michael Tarchaniota Marullus, Carmina, ed. Alessandro Perosa (Turin, 1951), 24, ‘Epigrammaton’ I:54. 107. ‘ubi elegantissima Pontani musa viget, ubi Actius Sincerus Sannazarius, huius saeculi delitiae, ubi Petrus Gravina, ubi Hieronimus Carbo, ubi Chariteus et Summontius; ubi alio in genere Augustinus Suessanus et Galatheus: rara omnes eruditione illustres viri’: See Giovanni Parenti, Benet Garret detto il Cariteo: profilo di un poeta (Florence, 1993), 36. 108. The following humanists participate in Pontano’s dialogues: Enrico & Francesco Poderico, Pietro Compatre (The latinized name of Pietro Golino) Andrea Contrario, Elisio Calenzio, Actius (The Latinized name of Sannazaro), Giovanni Pardo, Summonte, Gabriele Altilio, Girolamo Carbo, Marino Tomacelli, Tristano Caracciolo, and Benedetto Chariteo. It is interesting to note that a few of the humanists who seemed very central in other lists, such as Galateo (Antonio de Ferrarriis), Belisario, and Andrea Matteo Acquaviva, do not appear in these dialogues. We assume that the omission of these personalities is not accidental and that Pontano chose to represent the academy humanists who had royal positions in Naples and not in other places in southern Italy, as was the case for the three mentioned above. 109. Everardo Gothein, Il Rinascimento nell’Italia Meridionale, trans. T. Persico (Florence, 1915), 256. 110. Mario Santoro,’La cultura umanistica nell’età aragonese’, Storia di Napoli (15 Volumes, Naples, 1974), iv. 371. 111. Gothein, Il Rinascimento, 119–21. 112. For a description and analysis of the creation of a new intellectual social group, substituting the traditional nobility, see Carlo De Frede, Studenti e uomini di leggi a Napoli nel Rinascimento: Contributo alla storia della borghesia intelletuale nel Mezzogiorno (Naples, 1957). 113. Another possible motivation of the nobility for turning to intellectual studies is, according to Mario Santoro, as a way to learn from the past something concerning the present, which had become insecure and incomprehensible. 114. This title appears in reference to the Accademia Pontaniana a number of times. For example: In Marullo’s epigram, discussed above, forwarded ‘Ad sodales’, and in Pontano’s Hendecasyllables in which he invites a few humanists, whom he calls ‘sodales’ to celebrate together the return to Naples of the humanist Marchese: ‘Persolvam? Puer, I, voca sodales Albinum, Elisiumque, Compaterque, Et dulcem Altilium, bonum Marullum’: Pontano, Hendecasyllables, I 10 (italics mine). We find this title also in regard to Pomponio Leto’s academy in Rome, for example, in Lazzaralli’s Fasti in which he describes the ‘sweet friendship’


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115.

116.

117.

118. 119.

120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126.

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between the members of the academy in Rome: ‘Est ubi nunc vatum dulce sodalitium . . .’: Angela Fritsen, ‘Lodovico Lazzarelli’s Fasti christianae religionis: Recipient and Context of an Ovidian poem’, Myricae: Essays on Neo-Latin Literature in Honor of Jozef IJsewijn, eds G. Tournoy and D. Sacré, (Leuven, 2000). As in the case of Galateo’s letter to Crisostomo Colonna after the death of Pontano’s son in which Galateo lists Pontano’s alumni who can act as a consolation: ‘Consulantur etiam Pontani orbitatem alumni quos, etsi non vili semine genuerit, mentis tamen et doctrinae illis fecundis seminibus et fovit et aluit’: De Ferrarriis, Epistole, 101–103 (italics mine). For example, Galateo also gives this title to the participants in Pontano’s academy: ‘Praecesserunt ex auditoribus Pontanum . . .’: ibid. (italics mine). This term also appears in Pontano’s dialogues, as at the beginning of the Antonius: ‘. . . auditores vero ipsos magis voluptatis cuiusdam eorum quae a se dicantur plenos domum dimittere quam certos rerum earum quae in quaestione versentur . . .’: Pontano, I dialoghi, 49: 11–13 (italics mine). Another title that can be found for the Roman academy of Pomonio Leto, but does not appear in connection with the Pontaniana academy, and has an institutional reference is the term ‘academicos’, for example: ‘Inclamat tum M. Barbus Sancti Marci cardinalis, nos non academicos esse, sed foedatores Academiae . . . Vetres academicos sequebamur . . .’: Bartolomeo Platina, Platynae historia Liber de vita Christi ac omnium pontificium, ed. Giacinto Gaida, (Cittá di Castello, 1914), 389. Pontano, Carmina, ii, 253–4. ‘Unum credo illi dolet, si dolere eum fas est dicere, quod in tanto conventu Actii locus sit vacuus voluntarium ob exilium, dum Federicum regem Neapolim relinquentem profisiciscentemque . . . benivolentiae tantum gratia sequitur ac gratitudinis. Sed Altilius consolatione nulla quidem indiget cum diis agens. Quod vero ad nos ipsos attinet, hominis maxime ingeniosi et docti quis nostrum non angatur absentia? Verum, Musis ipsum comitantibus, et illi nihil prosus timendum est et nobis ipsis desiderio absentis eius temperandum, in re praesertim voluntaria et homine generoso digna. Pietro: Me vero solicitat eius imbecillitas, cum saepicule quidem laboret de stomacho’, Pontano, I dialoghi, 267: 1–13. De Ferrariis, Epistole, 117. Erasmo Percopo, Vita di Giovanni Pontano, ed. M. Manfredi (Naples, 1938), 111. Pontano, I dialoghi, 245: 17–25. Jacopo Sannazaro, Opere volgari, ed. Alfredo Mauro (Bari, 1961), 387. See note 69. Pontano, I dialoghi, 58: 10–14. Ibid., 63: 4–15; 89: 17–25, where aside from the criticism of the violent way of discussion, Pontano also criticizes them for not being familiar with the texts of the classical writers in which the solution to their argument can be found.


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127. This study has focused on Pontano’s paradigm of an academy, which is undeniably influenced by his special character. An examination of the sources which form the basis of this paper, shows that they deal mainly with what can be called the ‘common culture’ shared by the humanists of the period, and not with Pontano’s idiosyncrasies. We therefore would suggest that an approach to sources similar to that used in this paper can be applied to the other humanist intellectual gatherings. 128. See Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities, 210–20.


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The Oration on the Dignity and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences of Martinus Hortensius (Amsterdam, 1634): Text, Translation and Commentary Annette Imhausen and Volker R. Remmert

Introduction

While discussing mathematics and philosophy in Proclus’s Commentary on Book I of Euclid’s Elements Ian Mueller observed that ‘Plato lived at a time when mathematical knowledge was expanding rapidly, and technical advance mingled with philosophical speculation to create a sense of unlimited possibility. Not until the early modern period, when mathematics again enters a period of rapid expansion, do we find as convincing a proclamation of the broad powers of mathematical science as we find in Plato’s Republic’.1 Although Mueller’s claim may be too strong, it is indeed striking that during the early modern period many proclamations were made, more or less convincingly, of the power of the mathematical sciences. An excellent example is Martinus Hortensius’s Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences (Oratio de dignitate et utilitate Matheseos). It provides an overview of an elaborate array of arguments for the power of the mathematical sciences, and its references range from the classical Greek tradition to contemporaneous developments. As such, it is indicative of a discipline, or rather a group of related disciplines, in search of a new position and an enhanced status within university systems and the hierarchy of the sciences.


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History of Universities The Mathematical Sciences in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

It had long been taken for granted that the mathematical sciences of the seventeenth century were at the core of what is commonly called the Scientific Revolution. They are no longer, however, thought of as the paramount factor in that period, as recent historiography, in step with current trends in the area of the sciences, has somewhat shifted focus. Much light has been shed of late on the important roles that other disciplines, such as natural history and biology, played in the great upheaval which, in a historiography preoccupied with European pre-eminence, has long stood uncontested as the founding myth of a world characterised by ongoing and accelerating processes of scientification. Nonetheless, the mathematical sciences are of particular interest if the historical development of the system of scientific disciplines that dominated much of nineteenth- and twentieth-century science and society, during which the mathematical approach prevailed, is to be understood. Physics, having taken the role of leader in the hierarchy of scientific disciplines (a ‘Leitwissenschaft’ as Norbert Elias described it), stands as an emblem of this process. But in the early seventeenth century the struggle for supremacy in the realm of knowledge was wide open. During the Middle Ages and up to the late sixteenth century, the mathematical sciences were subordinate to theology, philosophy and, particularly, natural philosophy. Even though the mathematical sciences then began to challenge the primacy of philosophy and theology, the regal insignia in the realm of academic disciplines had not yet been passed over to the mathematical sciences. During the seventeenth century, however, the picture changed: Cinderella became mathesis Regia, the Royal Mathematical Sciences, as the Jesuit Claude François Milliet Dechales proudly declared in the dedicatory letter of his Cursus seu Mundus Mathematicus (Lyon, 1676).2 The mathematical sciences started to play a leading role in the hierarchy of scientific disciplines, and modes of explanation informed by them increasingly dominated many branches of the sciences and segments of society. In early modern Europe, the term mathematical sciences was used to describe those fields of knowledge that depended on measure, number and weight, reflecting the much quoted passage from The Wisdom of Solomon 11, 20: ‘but thou hast ordered all things in measure and number


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Hortensius’ Oration on the Dignity of Mathematics

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and weight’. This included astrology and architecture, as well as arithmetic and astronomy. The scientiae, or disciplinae mathematicae, were generally subdivided into mathematicae purae, dealing with quantity, continuous and discrete as in geometry and arithmetic, and mathematicae mixtae or mediae, which dealt not only with quantity but also with quality: for example, astronomy, geography, optics, music, cosmography and architecture. The Jesuit Gaspar Schott even enumerated more than twenty fields among the mathematicae mixtae in his Cursus mathematicus of 1661 (Schott (1661)). It has been suggested that the term mathematicae mixtae came into use around 1600,3 but in fact, it was commonly used during the whole sixteenth century; Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499) had already distinguished between two grades (gradus) of mathematics, puri (arithmetic and geometry) and mixti (music, astronomy and stereometry) in his commentary on book VII of Plato’s Republic.4 The frequent analogy between mixed mathematics and modern applied mathematics is a misconception, because applied mathematics, like pure mathematics, is a subdivision of the modern scientific discipline of ‘mathematics’, which did not exist in its own right as a discipline around 1600. The mathematical sciences then, consisted of various fields of knowledge, often with a strong bent toward practical applications, and these only became independent as disciplines between the late seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries. One of the important preconditions of this process of the formation of scientific disciplines, and of the Scientific Revolution itself, was the rapidly changing social and epistemological status of the mathematical sciences as a whole from the mid-sixteenth through to the seventeenth century. The foundations of the social and epistemological legitimization of the mathematical sciences began to be laid by the work of mathematicians and other scientists from the beginning of this period. Justification of their activities was bipolar: since the late sixteenthcentury debate about the certainty of mathematics, the quaestio de certitudine mathematicarum,5 the mathematicae purae were taken to guarantee the absolute certainty, and therefore the intrinsic worth, of knowledge produced in all the mathematical sciences, pure and mixed, while, on the other hand, the mathematicae mixtae proved the utility of this unerring knowledge.6 In this context it is important to keep in mind the conceptual inconsistencies in the use of the terms—(1) mathematicus, signifying either the activities of a (pure) mathematician or those of a practitioner of the mathematical sciences performing


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(mixed) mathematics; (2) mathematica, normally used as an adjective and only rarely, but confusingly, employed as a noun meaning pure mathematics; and (3) mathesis or mathematicae, instead of scientiae or disciplinae mathematicae, denoting the whole ensemble of the mathematical sciences. This inconsistency often makes it, and made it, difficult to distinguish between the two branches of the mathematical sciences under discussion (mathematicae purae or mixtae), and this was readily exploited at the time to illuminate or promote both their intrinsic value and the advantages of their practical utility.7

Praising the Mathematical Sciences in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

In the seventeenth century, efforts to legitimize the mathematical sciences were being actively driven forward by mathematicians who tried to move the mathematical sciences out of their seclusion through the use of various deliberate strategies (not all of which have yet been researched and understood). These strategies usually involved the use of print media in one way or another—mathematical textbooks, practical manuals, books of mathematical entertainments, editions of the classics, encyclopaedic works, and also inaugural speeches or other orations on the mathematical sciences.8 Of these, inaugural speeches were particularly important, as they were presented publicly, usually in universities (or comparable teaching institutions). They were therefore addressed to mixed audiences of academic and non-academic, wealthy and noble, and young and mature listeners. Their goal was evident: to propagate and establish the relevance of the mathematical sciences. From the mid-sixteenth century on, they developed into a genre of their own, and by the early seventeenth century it had become common practice to praise and promote the mathematical sciences in inaugural lectures, quite a few of which were sent to the press by their authors.9 It seems that in the early seventeenth century, there was a real market for orations in praise of the mathematical sciences, and some publishers even looked to printing speeches from the sixteenth century. Thus, Tycho Brahe’s inaugural Copenhagen lecture of 1574 (De disciplinis mathematicis Oratio), first printed in 1610, was reprinted in 1621.


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During the fifteenth century, three aspects of the mathematical sciences were usually singled out as praiseworthy: their propaedeutic value for the study of philosophy, their practical advantage for the community and—in humanist vein—their antiquity.10 It has been shown that during the sixteenth century, the arguments used in orations and prefaces became fairly standardized, and drew on a common basis of argumentation (the practical and propaedeutic role of the mathematical sciences) and examples (Archimedes’s burning mirrors being among the most popular). The educational value of the mathematical sciences, to which their epistemological status was closely related, was usually seen to be in their importance for training the mind and in their recreational potential, but not often in their necessity or worth for other disciplines, such as philosophy, medicine, law or theology.11 This situation gradually changed until, in the first half of the seventeenth century, mathematicians, emphasizing the absolute certainty of mathematical knowledge which had been so hotly debated in quaestio de certitudine mathematicarum, boldly declared that the mathematical sciences deserved a new position in the modified hierarchy of scientific disciplines.12 Hortensius’s Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences reflects most of the strategies that were usually employed in the process of legitimization sketched above. Addressing a broad gamut of listeners—young students as well as mature merchants— Hortensius employed the whole range of standard arguments in praise of the mathematical sciences, covering biblical times and Greek antiquity, as well as the then most recent developments in astronomy, such as Galileo’s astronomical observations.

Maarten van den Hove/Martinus Hortensius (1605–1639)

Martinus Hortensius was born Maarten van den Hove in Delft in 1605.13 He was a student in the Latin school at Rotterdam, where he probably came under the influence of the natural philosopher Isaac Beeckmann. In 1625, he went to Leiden, but it was only in March 1628 that he registered as a student in the prestigious University of Leiden, where the well-known mathematician Willebrord Snel (1580–1626) taught from 1613 until his early death. It was probably under Snel’s guidance that Hortensius turned to the mathematical sciences and made astronomical observations in


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Leiden. After Snel died, Hortensius completed one of Snel’s books and translated it into Latin (Snel (1627)). Hortensius then came into contact with the reformed minister, physician, astronomer, and ardent propagator of the Copernican system, Philipp Lansbergen (1561–1632), with whom he closely collaborated, editing and translating some of Lansbergen’s works (Lansbergen (1630); Hortensius (1630), (1632)). In 1633, Hortensius published a small tract on the transit of Mercury of 1631 (Hortensius (1633)), which drew the attention of prestigious astronomers around Europe and which Pierre Gassendi treated in his Mercurius in Sole Visus et Venus Invisa (Gassendi (1632)). Hortensius endorsed Gassendi’s presentation of the measurements of the planets and fixed stars. On the basis of these and his own observations, he put forward his own table of apparent and actual planetary sizes, which was the first such table based on telescopic observations and which remained the only one of its type for almost twenty years.14 In the same year, Hortensius moved from Leiden to Amsterdam, hoping to get a position at the city’s recently established Athenaeum illustre. Several of these ‘illustrious schools’ had been founded all over the Dutch Republic in the 1630s in order to prepare students for the universities or even to compete with them (Deventer, Amsterdam, and Utrecht). Of these, only the Amsterdam Athenaeum illustre rose to a prominent position because the founding fathers used the immense wealth of the city of Amsterdam to lure professors away from Leiden with the promise of high pay. From 1632, Caspar Barlaeus (1584–1648) and Gerard Joannes Vossius (1577–1649) taught at the Athenaeum illustre, the former delivering an inaugural lecture on The Wise Merchant (Barlaeus (1632)), flattering the city fathers for their decision to establish the illustrious school.15 Barlaeus took a hand in recommending Hortensius to the authorities to teach mathematical sciences, and in particular navigation and astronomy, at the Athenaeum illustre. Hortensius began teaching there in May 1634, after first delivering his inaugural lecture, the Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences (Hortensius (1634)). If we are to believe his own testimony, his daily lecture courses were a success, attracting quite a number of listeners.16 The university authorities hired him as full professor in early 1635, and that summer he lectured on optics, again after delivering a formal inaugural lecture in July (Hortensius (1635)). But in this same year of 1635 he was complaining about a lack of students, which Vossius blamed on Hortensius’s frequent periods of absence travelling to Delft, The Hague, and Leiden.


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In the years to follow, Hortensius’s reputation continued to grow. He was known to be an able astronomer and a convinced Copernican, as well as an admirer of Galileo. In the summer of 1634, he had already secured for himself a copy of Galileo’s 1632 Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems.17 Among his correspondents were distinguished scholars and gentlemen, such as Fabri de Pereisc, Galileo, Gassendi, Grotius, Constantin Huygens, Mersenne, and Schickard. Much of his energy between 1635 and 1639 was absorbed by an unfulfilled plan to bring his hero Galileo to the Dutch Republic. This project was not only intended as a humanitarian gesture, but also entailed high hopes of obtaining Galileo’s method of determining longitude at sea by means of the moons of Jupiter for the Dutch Republic. Apparently, Hortensius received a considerable sum of money to go to Italy and negotiate the arrangement, but he never went and later was accused of having embezzled the money.18 At the height of his fame, Hortensius received a professorship in Leiden, but he died shortly after moving there in August 1639. Although he did not count amongst the great luminaries of seventeenth-century science, and Descartes even considered him ‘very ignorant’,19 his appointment at Leiden shows that he was highly esteemed in the Dutch republic of letters. In his Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences, as well as in his other writings (particularly in the Canto on the Origin and Progress of Astronomy (Hortensius (1632)), Hortensius showed himself well-versed not only in astronomy and the mathematical sciences, but also in classical writings and traditions, an important achievement in an academic world still driven, to a considerable extent, by humanistic impulses.20 The Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences is imbued with allusions to and quotations from the classical authors, so that it demonstrates not only the dignity and the practical advantages of the mathematical sciences, but also their antiquity. These aspects together made a convincing case for both the mathematical sciences and their representative, Hortensius (seeking a permanent academic position), in the prosperous city of Amsterdam in the Dutch Golden Age.

The sources used by Hortensius

As mentioned above, the Oration on the Dignitiy and the Usefulness of the Mathematical Sciences abounds with allusions to, quotations from,


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and paraphrases of, classical texts. While, in conformity with contemporaneous practice, Hortensius rarely divulges his sources, it seems clear that he frequently alludes to Proclus’s Commentary on the First Book of Euclid’s Elements (Barozzi (1560); Proclus (1992)) and to the writings of Christopher Clavius, which Hortensius highly recommends in his Dissertatio de studio mathematico recte instituendo (Hortensius (1637)). Where we have been able to identify the exact sources Hortensius used or copied, we have supplied that information in the footnotes (as, for example, in the cases of Polybius (XVI.8f), Martianus Capella (XIX.5–9) or the Bible). In the many cases where he paraphrases texts or draws on then well-known stories, our references are to the probable ancient sources, for example, Diogenes Laertius or Plutarch (cf. Bibliography II).

Note on text and translation

The original text is divided into 27 paragraphs, which we have identified with Roman numerals for easy reference. Within these paragraphs, the Latin sentences have been itemized with Arabic numeral suffixes, so that, for example, XV.(2) refers to the second sentence in paragraph XV. For cross-reference with the original of 1634, its page numbers have been included in square brackets, for example, thus: [13]. Every translator of an ancient language has to face the decision whether to translate literally, close to the original text, or, less literally, in a way that will be more accessible to the modern reader. As historians of mathematics, we have chosen the latter, but we are well aware of the pitfalls of dealing with the subtleties of the original—traduttore, traditore. Although neither of us is a native English speaker, our aim has been to render Hortensius’s speech in readable English and in that we are indebted to Jackie Stedall for her help in making the language of the translation flow.

Acknowledgements

Work on this project began at the Dibner Institute for the History of Science and Technology where we held fellowships in the academic year 2001/2002. We are grateful to the institute and its staff, especially Judith


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Nelson, for their support. The first draft of the translation has been gone through and corrected several times since, and it hugely benefited from the observations and suggestions of various colleagues and friends. We would like to thank Jochen Althoff, Colin Austin, Klaas van Berkel, Renate Emerenziani, Mordechai Feingold, Ben Kern, Eleanor Robson, David E. Rowe, Christine Salazar, Jackie Stedall, Anja Wolkenhauer, Liesbeth de Wreede and an anonymous referee for their kind support and comments. AG Geschichte der Mathematik und der Naturwissenschaften Institut für Mathematik FB08—Physik, Mathematik und Informatik Mainz University D-55099 Mainz Germany Department of History and Philosophy of Science Cambridge University Cambridge CB2 3RH United Kingdom

REFERENCES 1. Cit. Mueller (1987), 307f. 2. Milliet Dechales (1676): ‘Plebeiae sunt ceterae disciplinae, mathesis Regia’. 3. See Brown (1991), 81. 4. See Ficino (1561), ii., 1411; cf. Remmert (1998), 79–83 and the discussion of scientia media and mathematica media in the Middle Ages in Gagné (1969), 984; Mandosio (1994); Olivieri (1995), 66–71; on the arts in general, see Kristeller 1951–2. 5. We do not want to give an account of this rather extensive and highly important debate, but just to state the main result accepted by most mathematical practitioners by the beginning of the seventeenth century: if mathematical proofs were not the most powerful within the ideal scientific hierarchy of early modern Aristotelians (demonstrationes potissimae), they still guaranteed the highest degree of certainty attainable by humans (demonstrationes certissimae). This perception was central to the revaluation of epistemological categories and deliberately ignored and undermined the Aristotelian hierarchy of the scientific disciplines. Cf. Dear (1995), 34–42; Feldhay (1998), 83–100; Jardine (1988); Mancosu (1992, 1996); Remmert (1998), 83–90; Romano (1999), 153–162. 6. See, e.g., Bennett (1991). 7. On this, see Remmert (1998), 79–90; cf. the remark of Peter Damerow that up to the early eighteenth century ‘mathematics as a discipline did exist, the mathematician specialized in mathematics did not’: Damerow (1996), 128.


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8. Dear (1995); Mancosu (1996); Remmert (1998); cf. also Biagioli (1993); on visual strategies of legitimization, see Remmert (2006). 9. For a selection of these and related pieces see our bibliography IV; cf. the discussion in Remmert (1998), 152–165; Schüling (1969), 37–9; Swerdlow (1993). 10. On the praise of the mathematical sciences by Alberti, Pacioli, Regiomontanus, and others see Høyrup (1992), 87–90; Swerdlow (1993); on the importance of humanism the locus classicus is Rose (1975). 11. On this see Hooykaas (1958), 82–4; Jardine (1984), 263f; Keller (1985), 354–61; Rose (1975). 12. See Remmert (1998), 152–4. 13. On Hortensius and his publications, see our bibliography, I.1, I.2 and III.1. On the history of Dutch science in this period, see Berkel, Helden, and Palm (1999), 13–67; Davids (1986), (2001); Hooykaas (1976); Struik (1981); Vermij (1993); Vermij (2002), 126–9; for a more general discussion cf. the chapter Intellectual life, 1572–1650 in Israel (1995), 565–91; North (1997). 14. On these achievements of Hortensius, see Helden (1985), 101–104 and 120f. 15. A French translation of Barlaeus speech, a model of its kind, is given in Secretan (2002); on Barlaeus, see Secretan (2002); on Vossius Blok (2000), 13–17; Rademaker (1981); cf. Burke (1994), 91f; Israel (1995), 773f. 16. He mentioned this in a letter to Pierre Gassendi in June 1634. Gassendi (1658), vi., 422f: ‘Nunc quotidie doceo elementa Astronomica in satis magno Auditorum numero’. Cf. Berkel (1997), 209. 17. Galilei (1890–1909), XX, 579f. 18. On this see Blok (2000), 161–3; Rademaker (1981), 247–50; Waard (1911), 1163. 19. Descartes to Mersenne, March 31, 1638: ‘il est tres ignorant’, quoted from Berkel (1997), 219. 20. The literature on this is vast; for the case of the mathematical sciences, see Rose (1975); Swerdlow (1993); de Wreede (2002); (2006). On the context of Hortensius’s Canto that he dedicated to Lansbergen, see Remmert (2006), chapter 6.2.


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83

[1]

Oration of Martinus Hortensius on the dignity and the usefulness of the mathematical sciences, delivered in the famous Gymnasium1 of the Senate and the people of Amsterdam, when, by the authority of the honourable Councillors and Senators of this City, he began to lecture on the mathematical sciences, on May 8 1634


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[2] Magnificis, Amplissimis, Prudentissimisque V.V. ac D.D.

IOHANNI GROTENHVIS I.C. Inclytae civitatis Amstelodamensis Praetori, ANDREAE BICKER I.V.D. THEODORO BAS Equiti IOHANNI GEELVINCK, IACOBO BACKER, Augustae ejus Vrbis CONSVLIBVS, Nec non ejusdem Reip. SCABINIS, SENATORIBVS, & illustr. Scholae CVRATORIBUS,

O R AT I O N E M

hanc

officiosè dedico, humillimè offero, MARTINVS HORTENSIVS.


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Hortensius’ Oration on the Dignity of Mathematics [2] To the sublime, most eminent and most prudent gentlemen Jan ten Grootenhuys, lawyer.2 The burgomasters of the widely famous Town of Amsterdam, Andries Bicker, doctor of canon and civil law, Dirk Bas, knight, Jan Geelvinck, Jacob Backer.3 Councillors of this venerable Town, And also to the Jurors, Senators and the Curators of this famous School, I obligingly dedicate and humbly offer this speech, Martinus Hortenius

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[3] M A RT I N I H O RT E N S I I

O R AT I O De dignitate & utilitate Matheseos. Amplme D. PRAETOR, Magnifici spectatissque CONSVLES, prudentmi SCABINI, SENATORES gravmi. Curatores dignmi, Clarissmi Professores, Pastores Ecclesiarum vigilantmi, Doctores, Magistri, Scholarum Rectores, Mercatores humanmi, ornatissima studiosorum Iuvenum corona. I. (1) Quod maximis aliquando viris contigisse nostis, ut nempe quum in publico pararent dicere, timerent: id si & mihi hodie evenire affirmavero, non utique credo mirum vobis videbitur aut novum. (2) Quoties enim oculos conjicio in frequentissimum hunc Procerum atque eruditorum virorum confessum; quoties animum intendo in augustae Vrbis famam, cujus magnitudinem ipsa terra jam non capit: toties splendor vester & propriae tenuitatis conscientia me terret, ne aut vobis injurius sim, exspectationi vestrae non satisfaciendo; aut mihi, nec pro dignitate hujus loci, nec pro argumenti amplitudine accuratè satis disserendo. (3) M. Tullium illum Romanae eloquentiae patrem, virum luci & publico assuetum, nunquam sine metu ad dicendum venisse accepimus: quid mihi futurum censeam, cui privato hactenus & publicarum actionum insueto, derepente in tam illustri Auditorum corona verba facienda sunt, ex ea cathedra, quam viri summi & bina eruditionis lumina sic illustrant, ut tenuis nostrae lampadis lucula ad eorum radios facilè evanescat? (4) Accedit aetas, & quam lubenter agnosco curta doctrinae supellex: quae vel sola potuisset ab incepto deterrere; nisi & de aequitate vestra fuissem quodammodo certus, & parendum habuissem imperio Majorum, quibus refragari neque licitum duxi, neque honestum. (5) Istâ factum est ut audacior, hoc ut securior ad dicendum accesserim: quippe faciliùs sciebam audiri quod cum animis audientium conspirat, & tutiùs dici quod publicâ autoritate communitur. (6) Non diu est quod Magnifici DD. CONSVLES, consensu Amplissimi SENATUS inclytae hujus Reipublicae, inter medias civitatis turbas & operosa mercantium negotia, Phoebo Musisque excitarunt ac consecrarunt hanc quam videtis Palladis arcem & Palaestram bonae mentis. (7) In qua civium liberi intra paterna moenia, doctrinae ac sapientiae praeceptis instruerentur; & ipsi docti


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[3] Oration of Martinus Hortensius on the Dignity and the usefulness of the mathematical sciences Eminent Mayor, honourable and most respected members of the city council, prudent Jurors, venerable Senators, most worthy curators, most famous professors, most watchful ministers of the churches, Doctors, Masters, schoolmasters, most learned merchants, most distinguished band of young students. I. (1) What you know to have at times happened to the greatest men, namely, that they are afraid when they are preparing to speak in public, if I shall attest that this is happening today to me also, it will not, I think, seem strange or new to you. (2) For as often as I gaze at this audience, so crowded with noble and learned men, as often as I turn my mind to the fame of the venerable city [Amsterdam], whose greatness the earth itself does no longer hold, so often your splendour and the consciousness of my own unimportance make me fear that I shall be unjust, either to you by not satisfying your expectation, or to myself by not discoursing carefully enough with respect to the dignity of this place or the richness of the subject. (3) We know that M. Tullius [Cicero], that father of Roman eloquence, a man accustomed to public scrutiny and publicity, never came forward to speak without apprehension;4 what might I think will happen to me, a private citizen up to this time and unaccustomed to public deeds, now that I must deliver an oration, without preparation, to so noble a band of listeners, from that very seat which very great men and two luminaries of erudition so adorn5 that the faint glimmer of my lantern easily fades out in their rays? (4) Add my age, and, as I willingly acknowledge, my inadequate stock of learning; this indeed by itself might frighten me away at the start, if I were not somehow sure of your fairness; and also I had to obey the order of the elders, which I considered neither lawful nor honourable to disregard. (5) It happens that by the former I come to speak more boldly, by the latter more securely; since I knew that what accords with the minds of the audience would more easily be heard, and what is strengthened by public authority would more safely be spoken. (6) It is not long since the members of the city council, with the assent of the eminent Senate of this glorious Republic, in the middle of the city’s turmoil and laborious business dealings, raised up and consecrated to Phoebus Apollo6 and the Muses this stronghold of Pallas Athena7 and gymnasium of sound thinking that you see, and consecrated it to them. (7) May the children of the citizens, within the city walls of their fathers, learn in it


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invenirent, quo animum toedio [sic] negotiorum fractum subinde reficerent. Laudabili profectò ac sapientissimo instituto. (8) Quo postquam Vrbem suam magnitudine, opibus, potentiâ, Mercatorum [4] frequentiâ, aedium publicarum privatarumque splendore, maximis Europae urbibus aut parem esse viderunt, aut superiorem: mentis quoque culturâ, & literarum ac doctrinae mercatu, non tulerunt eam ab aliis superari; aut ullatenus esse inferiorem. (9) Qua quidem in re quantum sibi gloriae, literatis ac studiosae juventuti utilitatis ac delectationis paraverint; indigenarum publicae loquuntur voces, exterorum ostendunt judicia, neque à me pluribus opus est confirmari. (10) Illud potius dicendum propter quod praecipuè hanc sedem conscendi. (11) Nimirum iidem Amplissimi ac Spectatissimi DD. CONSVLES ac SENATORES uti & nunc sunt heroicâ prudentiâ & generoso ad promovendas bonas artes animo conspicui; Mathematicas quoque Scientias doceri hîc voluerunt: cùm ut juventus earum cognitionem hauriat juxta studium Philosophiae ac literarum; tum quoque ut satisfiat non paucis Vrbis incolis, qui assidua sua & jam penè improba vota dudum ad hunc eventum direxere. (12) Quam quidem provinciam nobis demandandam, & his humeris quodcunque id est oneris imponendum censuerunt; non ex quadam singularis nostrae scientiae persuasione, sed proprio gratiosi affectus impulsu: qui etiam, ut verum fatear, ad ingrediendum hoc iter haud minimos mihi addidit stimulos. (13) Quoniam verò ex usitato Scholarum more nonnulla dicenda video, quibus instituti mei reddam rationem; decrevi inpraesentiarum non aliud pertractare argumentum, quam quod ipsam vobis depingat Mathesin. (14) Ab hujus objecto & denominatione incipiam: inde per varias partes decurrens, ostendam dignitate eam inter alias scientias eminere, & summam cum dignitate habere utilitatem. (15) Favete modo animis, & conatus nostros benignis votis prosequimini; ut quae à me exspectare vos sentio, iis excipiantur auribus, quales adfuturas ob eximiam vestram benevolentiam totus mihi persuadeo. II. (1) Philosophiae ea pars quae Contemplativa dicitur, sic comparata est, ut circà res necessarias occupata, non alium sibi praefixum habeat scopum, quàm ipsarum rerum veritatem. (2) Vbi eam novit ac comprehendit, mentem humanam ulterius non perducit; sed finem propositum assecuta, subsistit solius scientiae terminis contenta.


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the precepts of knowledge and wisdom, and may they themselves, when taught, find in it a place where they may, from time to time, refresh their minds worn out by the tedium of business affairs. Certainly, a praiseworthy and most wise purpose. (8) By this they have since seen their own city to be equal or superior in size, wealth, power, large number of merchants [4], splendour of public and private buildings to the greatest cities of Europe; also in cultivation of mind, and commerce of letters, and learning they have not allowed her to be surpassed by others, or to be inferior in any way. (9) In this matter, indeed, the voices of inhabitants tell, the judgments of foreigners show how much glory for themselves, and utility and entertainment for the educated and studious youth they shall have provided, such as there is no need for me to confirm it with many words. (10) Rather, I ought to speak about the matter for which I have come up to this seat. (11) It is no wonder that these same most reverend and glorious members of the city council and Senate practiced even now a heroic wisdom and noble intent to promote the fine arts; they wanted the mathematical sciences to be taught here also, not only so that the youth might soak up this branch of knowledge along with the study of philosophy and letters, but also that they might satisfy not a few inhabitants of the city, who have directed their assiduous and now hardly presumptuous wishes for a long time to this end. (12) They have thought this duty ought indeed be demanded of me and whatever labour it entails imposed on these shoulders, not from some conviction of my outstanding learning but from the effect of their own gratiousness, which indeed, to be quite honest, was not the least stimulus to go along this road. (13) Since indeed, in the usual custom of scholars, I see a few things that ought to be said, in which I may give an account of my undertaking, I have decided at the present moment to treat at length for you no other subject than that which represents the mathematical sciences themselves. (14) I shall begin with their objective and name; passing from there through their various parts, I shall show that they surpass other sciences in dignity, and that, along with dignity, they hold the greatest usefulness. (15) Please be well disposed in your minds and follow upon my attempts with your good wishes, so that what I feel you expect of me may be received by such ears, as I wholly persuade myself will be present [now], on account of your exceeding goodwill. II. (1) The part of philosophy that is called contemplative is so disposed that, so far as it is concerned with necessary matters, it has no other aim (set up) for itself than the truth of those matters. (2) Where it renews and understands the truth, it does not lead the human mind any further; but, having attained its proposed end, it rests content with the boundaries of science only.


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(3) Rerum genera varia sunt, & sub triplici considerationis ordine, tanquam objecta cuique propria mentis oculis aprehensa, tres constituunt contemplativae Philosophiae partes, Metaphysicam, Physicam, & Mathematicam. (4) Objectum Metaphysicae sunt res seu entia, tam re quàm ratione abstracta à materia & omni ejus motu. (5) Objectum Physicae & re & ratione conjunctum est cum materia & ejus motu, utpote corpus naturale. (6) Objectum verò Mathematicae re innititur materiae & ejus conditionibus, sed ratione ab omni materia abstrahitur: estque Quantitas, quae mente concipitur ac definitur, etsi nunquam citra aliquod subjectum subsistat, aut substantiae non inhaereat. (7) Quamobrem Mathematica media habenda est inter Metaphysicam, quae mentem à sensibilibus rebus in summa simplicitate abstrahit; & Physicam, quae materiales qualitates considerat, & res sensibus ut plurimum subjectas. (8) Metaphysicae enim vicina est, cum nudam quantitatem ejusque affectiones varias contemplatur; Physicae, quando exercetur in rebus materiatis quantitati subjectis. III. (1) Vnde autem haec Scientia dicta sit , hoc est, disciplina, invenio [5] inter autores non convenire. (2) Proclus Geometra solertissimus, commentariis in primum librum Euclidis censet à Pythagoraeis nomen Matheseos exortum, argumento ’ d , recordationis, quod omnis quae dicitur disciplina, recordatio sit, sed praecipuè ea quae Mathesis appellatur, quod sit aeternarum cogitationum in animo recordatio, mentemque dirigat ad impressas quasi à Deo rerum formas recolendas. (3) Alii è Philosophorum arbitrio profectum putant: sive quod illis seculis Mathematicae ante alias pueris tradi solebant, & sic primae quasi erant disciplinae, quibus perceptis transibant ad altiores Physicam & Ethicam: sive ob subtilitatem & acumen rerum quas tractant, quo prae caeteris diligentiam & laborem in addiscendo exigunt, & vix absque praeceptoris opera percipiuntur. Neque id sine ratione. (4) Nam etsi per Md omnes disciplinae intelligantur, credibile tamen est has solas hoc nomine dignas aestimatas, eò quod certitudine singulari & invicto demonstrationis ordine discentium animos confirment. (5) Et hanc ob causam quicunque se huic studio penitus dederant, prisco aevo soli Mathematici dicti sunt, aestimatique prae caeteris Philosophis certiorem elegisse Philosophiae partem; cùm quae de causa prima & Deo inter eos


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(3) There are various kinds of things, and under a three-fold order of consideration, just as to him who having properly apprehended objects in the mind’s eye there are three parts of contemplative philosophy, metaphysics, physics and mathematics. (4) The subjects of metaphysics are things or beings, both by their nature and by reason abstracted from matter and all its motions. (5) The subjects of physics are by their nature and by reason joined to matter and its motion, namely the natural body. (6) Now, the subject of mathematics rests upon the nature of matter and its conditions, but by reason it is abstracted from all matter; and it is quantity, which is mentally conceived and defined, although it may never exist apart from some subject, or does not inhere to substance. (7) Therefore mathematics ought to be considered the mean between metaphysics, which draws the mind from perceptible things to the greatest simplicity, and physics, which considers material qualities and things more subjected to perception. (8) For mathematics is close to metaphysics in that it examines pure quantity and its various effects and influences; close to physics when it is occupied with material things subject to quantity. III. (1) Why indeed this science comes to be called Mathesis, that is, a discipline [disciplina], I do not find [5] authors to agree upon. (2) Proclus, a very skilled geometer, in his Commentary on the First Book of Euclid’s Elements, thinks the name Mathesis arose from the Pythagoreans, proving it by anamnesis, recollection, because everything that is called a discipline becomes recollection, but especially that which is called Mathesis, because it becomes the recollection of eternal thoughts in the human mind, and directs the mind to recollecting the forms of things, impressed [as they were] by God.8 (3) Others of the philosophers think it arose arbitrarily, either because in those times the mathematical sciences were usually taught to boys before everything else, and thus they were the first instances of disciplines, and when they had been absorbed, they crossed over to the higher studies, physics and ethics; or because of the precision and sharpness of the objects which it treats, so that it demands diligence and labour in learning beyond others, and the work can scarcely be seized without a teacher. And this is not without reason. (4) For although through Mathemata all disciplines are known, nevertheless it is credible that mathematics alone is considered worthy of this name, on this account, that it strengthens the minds of students with a singular certainty and unconquerable order of demonstration. (5) And for this reason those who in former times have given themselves wholeheartedly to this study were alone called mathematicians, and were highly esteemed compared to the other philosophers as they had chosen the more secure


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erat, valde incerta esset & conjecturis plenissima; quae verò de rebus naturalibus, ob insignem naturae obscuritatem etiam quoad minimas suas partes infinitis hallucinationibus obnoxia: haec contra, immotis nixa principiis, nihil concluderet, quod ex ante notis & concessis non esset confirmatissimum: & quod scientiae maximè est proprium, semper sine confusione eodem modo se haberet ac percipi posset. (6) Magnum quoque & venerabile inter Philosophos Mathematicorum fuit nomen. (7) Quippe viri summi de gravissimis Philosophiae controversiis disputaturi ad illorum confugiebant demonstrationes; iisque assertionum suarum fundamenta studebant stabilire; non ignari, eas & solas & firmas esse Philosophiae ansas, quod olim dixit Xenocrates. IV. (1) Sunt autem Disciplinae Mathematicae aliae purae & propriè sic dictae, abstractae ab omni materia; aliae mixtae & aliquatenus Physicae, conjunctae cum materia & ejus motu. (2) Purae duae sunt Arithmetica & Geometria, pro duplici specie quantitatis, discretae & continuae, numeri & magnitudinis. (3) Mixtae veteribus totidem, nempe Musica, quae quasi Arithmetica quaedam est in sonis; & Astronomia quae Geometria est in materia mobili, puta caelo & sideribus eo contentis. (4) Ad has quatuor, omnes alias partes existimarunt illi posse reduci: quales sunt Geodaesia, Optica, Geographia, Mechanica. (5) Sed recentiores Mathematici, partes Matheseos mixtas constituunt sex; Musicam, Logisticam, Geodaesiam, Opticam, Mechanicam & Astronomiam. (6) quarum prior versatur circà harmonicas concentuum rationes & sensus adminiculo utitur in distinguendis sonorum intervallis: altera exercet praxin numerorum: tertia metitur agrorum superficies & solida quaevis corpora: quarta considerat proprietates lucis & umbrae, variasque radiorum in speculis & corporibus pellucidis reflexiones, refractionesque: quinta machinarum & organorum rationes, quibus stupendi eduntur effectus, describit & explicat: sexta & ultima caelestium corporum scrutatur motus, eorumque magnitudines tradit ac distantias. (7) Sic in universum octo essent Mathesis [6] partes: quanquam alii sex duntaxat admittere velint, Logisticam subjicientes Arithmeticae, & Geodaesiam Geometriae: à quorum sententia minimè essem alienus, nisi Staticam quae ponderum momenta explicat, & Architecturam militarem quam barbarè Fortificationem dicunt, quae munimentis & vallis exstruendis incumbit, censerem adjungendas.


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part of philosophy; since amongst them [the philosophers] what concerned the first cause and God was surely uncertain and most full of conjecture; what concerned nature, liable to infinite delusions on account of the notable obscurity of nature as to its smallest parts; but mathematics, resting on unmovable principles, comes to no conclusion that is not fully confirmed by what has been noted and allowed before, and, what is especially characteristic of science, can always be perceived by the same method without confusion. (6) Great, also, and venerable was the name of the mathematicians among the philosophers. (7) Indeed, the greatest men, when disputing about the weightiest controversies of philosophy, took refuge in mathematicians’ demonstrations, and were eager to ground the principles of their assertions on them, not unaware that as Xenocrates once said, these are the only firm handles of philosophy.9 IV. (1) Now, some mathematical sciences are called pure, and rightly so, if abstracted from all matter; others are called mixed and up to a point physical, if connected with matter and its motion. (2) The two pure mathematical sciences are arithmetic and geometry, according to the two types of quantity, discrete and continuous, number and size. (3) The ancients had the same number of mixed mathematical sciences, that is, music, which is almost an arithmetic of sound, and astronomy, which is a geometry of moving matter, namely the sky and the stars contained in it.10 (4) The ancients thought that all other parts can be reduced to these four: such are geodesy, optics, geography, and mechanics. (5) But more recent mathematicians brought together six mixed parts of the mathematical sciences: music, practical arithmetic,11 geodesy, optics, mechanics and astronomy.12 (6) The first of these is engaged in harmonic theory and uses perception as a tool to distinguish intervals of sound; the second exercises the practice of numbers in its procedures; the third measures the area of fields and any solid bodies; the fourth considers the properties of light and shadow, and various reflections and refractions of rays in mirrors and clear bodies; the fifth describes and explains the theory of machines and tools by which marvellous effects are produced; the sixth and last explores the motions of the heavenly bodies and devotes itself to their size and distance. (7) Thus there would be eight parts of the mathematical sciences in all [6], although others might wish to allow only six, subordinating practical arithmetic to arithmetic and geodesy to geometry. I would differ very little from their opinion, if I did not think that statics, which explains the movements of weights, and military architecture (vulgarly called fortification), which concentrates on ramparts and walls, ought to be added.


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(8) etsi & hanc ad Geodaesiam aliquatenus revocari posse, illam verò etiam ad Mechanicam, non ignorem. (9) Interim cuilibet suum relinquentes judicium distinguemus inter partes Mathesis, dicemusque Theoreticas esse duas, Arithmeticam & Geometriam, Practicas verò pro subjectorum varietate in quibus occupantur decem, nempe Logisticam, Geodaesiam, Architecturam militarem, Mechanicam, Staticam, Musicam, Opticam, Astronomiam, Geographiam & Nauticam: quarum usum infra latiùs prosequemur. V. (1) Diximus ante Metaphysicam, Physicam, & Mathematicam partes esse Theoreticae Philosophiae; atque inter illas certitudine eminere Mathematicam. (2) Eam principiis niti firmissimis, & demonstrationum vi ita occupare discentium animos, ut in media luce fateantur se esse constitutos. (3) Quod sanè eximiam ei dignitatem conferre nemo potest diffiteri. (4) Scientiae dignitati convenientius nihil est, quàm ea sibi principia assumere, quae non tantum nota & intellectu priora sunt, sed & ne micam quidem ambiguitatis in se continent, aut ullis disputationibus queunt convelli. (5) Talia autem sunt principia Mathematicae: nobiscum nata, animis nostris ingenita, clara & aperta, ab ipsa natura expressa, & quae semel accepta cogant traditis assentiri absque ulla tergiversatione. (6) Atque hinc ea inter socias Philosophiae partes dignitatem suam tuetur ac servat illibatam. (7) Cui si adjungere lubeat veritatis splendorem qui ubique elucet, cum nihil probabile aut dubium admittit, sed ex certis & concessis omnia deducit; majorem etiam autoritatem sibi comparare deprehendetur. (8) Illa, illa Diva, mentis actionumque rectrix, cui quidquid meditamur, quidquid animis concipimus, inniti ac dicari debet; nusquam non augustae suae majestatis fulgorem per Mathematicum palatium diffundit. (9) Huic serviunt, huic litant, & quam dogmatibus suis quaerunt, ex semetipsis quoque depromunt. (10) Sic incedunt regiâ ad cognitionem rerum viâ, quâ nec planior ulla nec certior. (11) Cumque aliae scientiae quod incertitudine & conjecturis plenae sint, neque veritatem per se assequi valeant, neque falsorum quae continent medicinam ex se depromere; Mathesis sibi sufficit nullius indiga; solo naturae ductu contenta ipsam veritatem venatur & capit. (12) Digna ergo quae tantum super alias eminere scientias censeatur, quantò latiùs se diffundit, & objecta quaevis altiùs penetrat.


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(8) I am well aware that the latter could in some way be brought under geodesy, the former, also under mechanics. (9) Meanwhile, leaving each to his own judgment, let us distinguish among the parts of the mathematical sciences, and let us say that two are theoretical, arithmetic and geometry, and the practical are, by the variety of subjects with which they are occupied, ten: that is, practical arithmetic, geodesy, military architecture, mechanics, statics, music, optics, astronomy, geography and naval science. We will follow up on their practice more fully below. V. (1) We said earlier that metaphysics, physics and mathematics are parts of theoretical philosophy; and among these mathematics excels by its certainty;13 (2) and that it is grounded on the firmest principles and that by the strength of demonstrations it takes hold of the minds of the students that they are acknowledged to have been established in broad daylight. (3) No one can deny that mathematics is, indeed, of extraordinary dignity. (4) Nothing is more suited to the sublimity of a science than to take up those principles which are not only through intellect well-known and superior, but also contain in themselves not even the least bit of ambiguity and cannot be destroyed by any disputations. (5) Such indeed are the principles of mathematics, born with us, implanted in our minds, clear and easily understood, imprinted by nature herself and, once accepted, they compel agreement with the traditions without any hesitation. (6) And hence mathematics guards and preserves its dignity among the allied parts of philosophy. (7) If you wish, add the splendour of truth shining everywhere, as it allows nothing probable or doubtful but deduces everything from what is certain and conceded.14 You find that thereby it acquires an even greater authority for itself. (8) That Goddess [mathematics], guide of the mind and actions, whom we ought to rely on and obey, whatever we have in mind, whatever we conceive in our minds, never does she fail to diffuse the gleam of her noble majesty through the palace of mathematics. (9) Her they serve, her they pray to, and how much do they inquire into her doctrines, bringing them forth also from themselves. (10) Thus they walk on the royal road to the knowledge of things, the road more smooth and certain than any other. (11) Where other sciences, being full of uncertainty and conjecture, can neither reach the truth by themselves, nor produce a remedy for the falsities they contain, mathematics, lacking nothing, suffices unto itself; content with the guidance of nature only, it hunts and captures truth itself.15 (12) It is worthy, therefore, to be thought to predominate over other sciences insofar as it spreads itself more widely, and penetrates further into any subject.


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(13) Ipsa nimirum animum contemplantis dulcissimo veritatis gustu satiat, judicium excitat, ratiocinationem quammaximè [sic] confirmat. (14) Ad splendorem ejus oculi mentis conversi omnia vident aperta & in clara luce posita. (15) Quod cernens Plato non dubitativit Mathesin α n ` , viam ad eruditionem appellare: quod qui eam calluerit, non tantum sine ulla difficultate reliquas artes superare ac perdiscere possit; sed praecipuè argumentorum necessitati assuetas, nihil admittat quod vero non sit consentaneum; nullas praetendat autoritates cùm rationibus pugnandum est in rei demonstratione: quod verae eruditionis unicum est & proprium fundamentum. (16) Pythagoras [7] quoque discipulos suos ad Physicam & Politicam non ante admittebat, quàm doctrinae hoc genus α ` , continens institutiones Mathematicas, probè percepissent. (17) ineptos esse judicans ad rerum naturae contemplationem, aut civitatum & rerumpublicarum administrationem; qui non ante in pulvere Mathematico strenuè se exercuissent, mentemque haberent ejus Scientiae usu subactam ac confirmatam. (18) Talium virorum judicio, vim Mathematicarum disciplinarum quam in inquirenda veritate exerunt, tanquam in tabella habemus depictam. (19) Addamus ipsi turbam praestantissimorum Philosophorum, quibus ab omni aevo cordi fuerunt, & valorem sui probarunt: inveniemus inde à nata Philosophia nobilissima quaeque ingenia studiosè incubuisse in earum notitiam. (20) Mathemata ab Aegyptiis ad Graecos transtulit Thales Milesius. (21) Auxerunt Pythagoras, Plato, Eudoxus, Archytas, Xenocrates, Aristoteles, Euclides, Eratosthenes, Pappus, Theon, Proclus, viri ingentes & primarii humanae sapientiae antistites. (22) Partes singulares subtilissimis inventis ornarunt Apollonius, Hipparchus, Ptolemaeus, Geminus, Posidonius, Menelaus, Diophantus, divini artifices. (23) Apicem Scientiae attigit tot Scriptorum monumentis celebratus Archimedes Syracusanus, ubique mirandus. (24) Mitto alios minorum gentium Philosophos, quorum nomina duntaxat memorantur, aut pauciora fuere inventa, quàm ut inter aequales duxerint familiam: qui non minimo occurrunt numero, quibusque Mathesis digna semper visa est, in qua seriò exercerentur & bonam aetatis partem consumerent. (25) Quinimò si à splendore discentium quidquam accedere disciplinis autoritatis dicendum est, major adhuc dignitatis Mathematicae nota erit super purpuram conspici, & Principum ac Regum munificentiâ foveri; quod nec rarum est, nec novum.


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(13) No wonder that it satisfies the mind of the observer with the sweetest taste of truth, that it inspires judgment, that it especially strengthens reasoning. (14) The eyes of a mind turned to its splendour see all things open and positioned in clear light. (15) Seeing this, Plato did not hesitate to call mathematics kata paideusin hodon, the way to learning;16 because one who is versed in her can not only conquer and learn thoroughly without any difficulty the rest of the arts, but especially, accustomed to the necessity for proofs, will admit nothing that does not agree with the truth and offer no authority as an excuse when the battle in the demonstration of a thing must be fought using reason; and this is the only proper foundation of true learning. [7] (16) Also Pythagoras did not admit his disciples to physics and politics before they had well understood how much doctrines of this educational ( paideutic) type of teaching depended on mathematical instructions. (17) He judged those to be unsuited for the contemplation of the nature of things, or the administration of the state and republic, who had not previously strenuously exercised themselves in the field of the mathematical sciences, and had their minds disciplined and strengthened in the use of these sciences. (18) In judging such men we have portrayed the force of the mathematical sciences, which they reveal in investigating the truth, as in a painting. (19) Let us add the gathering of most pre-eminent philosophers, who took these disciplines to heart in every age and proved its value; we shall find from the birth of philosophy that the most noble talents were carefully incubated in the knowledge of these disciplines. (20) Thales of Miletus brought mathematics from Egypt to Greece.17 (21) Pythagoras, Plato, Eudoxus, Archytas, Xenocrates, Aristotle, Euclid, Eratosthenes, Pappus, Theon, Proclus, great men and the first experts in human wisdom, added to the mathematical sciences. (22) Apollonius, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, Geminus, Posidonius, Menelaus, Diophantus, the divine masters, enriched special parts by most ingenious inventions. (23) The height of science was attained by Archimedes of Syracuse, everywhere admired, celebrated in so many monuments of writings. (24) I pass over other lesser philosophers, whose names are merely remembered or whose inventions were too few to consider them equal to the former. They occur in no small number and with them the worth of mathematical sciences, in which they were trained seriously and which used up a good part of their lives, is always visible. (25) Why, indeed, if from the glory of their pupils anything must be said to add to the authority of their teachings, an even greater sign of the dignity of the mathematical sciences is to shine above the emperorship, and to be cherished by the munificence of princes and kings; which is neither rare nor new.


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(26) Euclides Geometra à Ptolemaeo Lagi filio primo Aegyptiorum rege, in Aegyptum evocatus, in honore habitus, & Rege familiariter fuit usus. (27) Eratosthenes Mathematum laude celeberrimus, & ob eruditionem minor Plato dictus, Regi item Aegyptio Ptolemaeo tertio charissimus fuit, & regiae bibliothecae ab eo praefectus. (28) Archimedes miraculosis machinationibus apud reges Siciliae Hieronem & Gelonem tantum sibi paravit gratiae & existimationis, ut de quacunque re dicenti credendum publicè jusserint. (29) Iulius Caesar rerum potitus & redactâ in provinciam Aegypto, studia Mathematica impensè coluit, & Sosigenem Astronomum assiduè in consortio secum habuit. (30) Et ne vetera tantum respiciam, invenerunt Mathemata fautores suos Carolum Magnum & Fridericum II Imperatores, Boëthium Romanorum Consulem, Alphonsum Castiliae regem, & Matthiam Hungariae; avorumque nostrorum memoriâ Imperatores item potentissimos Maximilianum & Carolum quintum; nostrâ, Fridericum II Daniae regem, & Mauritium Vraniae principem, qui tum foverunt Mathemata, tum & manibus suis tractarunt. (31) At nunquam ad tantum eminentiae gradum ascendere ea potuissent, nisi verè à Regibus & Principibus judicatum fuisset, dignissima esse quibus sublimes animae delectentur; & in quorum jugi tractatione curis politicis fatigatam mentem anxiâ sollicitudine quandoque resolvant. VI. (1) Accedat demum eximia voluptas quam secum adferunt, & vel ob hanc solam aestimari digna esse illicò patebit. (2) Quicquid expetimus, aut utilitatis aut [8] honestatis, aut denique jucunditatis gratiâ à nobis expeti, certum est. (3) Vtilitate Mathemata non carere mox ostendemus. (4) Inter jucunditates autem num major esse potest, quam Mathematica quae ipsam mentem afficit & intimos animi sensus plenissimo gaudio perfundit? (5) Historiarum cognitio & fabularum lectio occasionem praebet delectationis. (6) Politicae, Ethicae, Logicae studia, suas habent delitias. (7) Mathematicae verò voluptates tam sunt validae, tam acres, ut velut illicibus quibusdam ad se trahant, & summam in animis discentium excitent alacritatem. (8) Quam ob rem Mathemata Plato dixit Q n α in nempe quae alliciant, quae impellant mentem hominis ad abstrusarum rerum inventionem, & inventarum jucunditate ad ulteriora semper perducant. (9) Talis fuit voluptas, cujus sensu affectus Thales cùm inscriptionem trianguli


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(26) The geometer Euclid was called into Egypt by Ptolemy I, son of Lagos, king of Egypt, was held in honour and was treated on a level of familiarity with the king. (27) Eratosthenes, the most celebrated of mathematicians, called from his learning a lesser Plato, was likewise most dear to the Egyptian king Ptolemy III, and was put in charge of the royal library by him. (28) Archimedes by his miraculous machines gained for himself so much favour and reputation among the kings of Sicily, Hieron and Gelon, that they ordered the public to believe whatever he said on any subject.18 (29) Julius Caesar, after he was in possession of power and Egypt had been made a province, greatly cultivated the study of mathematics, and kept Sosigenes the astronomer continually in company with him. (30) And lest I look back to the ancients only, the mathematical sciences have been cherished by the emperors Charles the Great and Frederick II, by Boethius, consul of the Romans, Alphonse, king of Castile, and Matthew of Hungary; in the memory of our grandfathers, likewise by the most powerful emperors Maximilian and Charles V; in our memory, by Frederick II of Denmark and Maurice Prince of Orange, who not only fostered the mathematical sciences but also practised them with their own hands.19 (31) But never could they have ascended to such a level of eminence, if they had not indeed been judged by kings and princes to be most worthy to delight noble minds, and now and then to refresh their mind worn out by anxious care under the yoke of politics. VI. (1) Finally there may be added the exceptional pleasure that the mathematical sciences bring with them, and indeed on account of this alone it will be obvious that in that matter they are to be esteemed worthy.20 (2) Whatever we seek from them is certain, [8] whether it is sought by us for practical advantage and usefulness or merit or finally pleasure. (3) Soon, we will show that the mathematical sciences do not lack practical advantage and usefulness. (4) Among pleasures, can any be greater than the mathematical sciences stimulating the mind itself and flooding the inmost feelings of the spirit with fullest joy? (5) The knowledge of histories and the reading of tales offer occasions of delight. (6) The study of politics, ethics, logic, all have their pleasures. (7) But the joys of the mathematical sciences are so strong, so keen, that they attract as though by something seductive and excite the highest rapture in the minds of their students. (8) For which reason, Plato said mathematics was helktika kai agoga,21 that is, that which draws, which impels the mind of man to the discovery of hidden things, and always, by the pleasure of discovery, leads further on. (9) Such was the pleasure that Thales felt when he discovered the inscription of an equilateral


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aequilateri in circulo invenisset, Musis bovem, Pythagoras verò repertâ ratione laterum trianguli rectanguli multò liberalior, hecatomben immolavit. (10) Talis laetitia quâ perfusus Archimedes cùm in balneo rationem deprehendendi furti in corona regis aurea commissi invenisset, exiliens & nudus domum properans, identidem per plateas ingeminavit ; , ; , inveni, inveni. (11) Tanta fuit animi securitas, quâ idem captâ patriâ, schematibus geometricis quasi ignarus malorum intentus, ab imperito milite caesus, finem vitae simul & studiorum fecit. (12) Quâ Claudius Ptolemaeus Astronomorum Princeps, etsi mortalem se agnosceret, quoties sidera mente sequebatur, non jam pedibus terram se tangere, sed apud Iovem nectare & ambrosiâ frui gloriabatur. (13) Hoc est illud generosum sciendi desiderium, quo accensus Eudoxus Cnidius, industrius imprimis caelestium siderum contemplator, Phaethontis modo comburi voluit, eâ lege, ut sibi ante liceret ad Solem adstanti, figuram, magnitudinem, formamque astri perdiscere. (14) Tam solidis voluptatibus Mathemata cultores suos sibi devinciunt. & quanquam aspera initio ac dura videantur, gratâ mox dulcedine molestiam laboris attemperant. (15) Scilicet ut inter medios spinarum aculeos fragrantissima enascitur rosa; & nux pinea duritiem corticis dulcissimis redimit nucleis; sic & Mathesis, quicquid habet arduum ac difficile incredibili voluptate compensat. VII. (1) Honesta quoque esse exercitia Mathematica, & eo nomine expeti dignissima, non credo quenquam esse qui ambigat. (2) Quid enim honestius esse queat, quàm mentem tot ac tam variarum rerum scientiâ instruere? (3) quid liberali ingenio dignius, quàm ardua quaeque penetrare? (4) caeli terrarumque plagas emetiri? (5) siderum determinare magnitudines? (5) siderum determinare magnitudines? (6) regiones exteras ac toto orbe divisas intra paternas aedes pervagari? (7) Innocuae artes sunt, & quae mentem è terrenis hisce faecibus extollentes, hominem homini reddunt, imò super aethera evehunt, unde ortum habet haec aurae divinae particula. (8) Quod sciens Anaxagoras Philosophus generis gloriâ & opibus clarissimus, quum universum patrimonium suis concessisset, & ad contemplandam rerum naturam se conferens, rem & publicam & privatam omninò negligeret; cuidam ita


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triangle in a circle, that he sacrificed an ox to the Muses; and Pythagoras, much more generous, sacrificed a hecatomb when he found the proportion of the sides of a right-angled triangle.22 (10) Such was the pleasure which filled Archimedes when in his bath he discovered a method of discerning the fraud committed with the royal golden crown, that he leapt up and rushed home naked, repeating over and over again through the streets heureka, heureka, I have found it, I have found it.23 (11) So great was the peace of mind, with which, when his country was conquered, he was intent on geometrical schemes, as if ignorant of evils, that he was wounded by an ignorant soldier, putting an end to his life and his studies at the same time. (12) With this peace of mind Claudius Ptolemy, the foremost of astronomers, although he perceived himself as mortal, boasted that when his mind followed the stars, his feet no longer rested on earth but that he supped on nectar and ambrosia standing by Jove himself.24 (13) This is that noble desire for learning, to which arose Eudoxus of Knidos, an especially energetic watcher of the stars in the sky, when he was willing to be burned in the manner of Phaethon, with this proviso, that he first be allowed to stand by the sun and thoroughly learn its shape, size and configuration.25 (14) So genuine are the pleasures with which the mathematical sciences bind to themselves their devotees; and however hard and harsh they seem at first, soon they temper the trouble of the labour with pleasing sweetness. (15) Just as the most fragrant rose is born among the points of spines, and the nut redeems the hardness of its shell with its sweetest core, so also are the mathematical sciences; whatever laboriousness and difficulty they hold, they compensate with unbelievable pleasure. VII. (1) That mathematical exercises26 are also honourable and therefore most worthy to be sought, I do not believe anyone doubts. (2) For what can be more honourable than to instruct the mind in the knowledge of so many and such varied things? (3) What more worthy of the free spirit than to penetrate these difficulties? (4) To measure the spaces of heaven and regions of earth? (5) To determine the sizes of the stars? (6) To wander over foreign lands, divided over the whole globe, in your own home? (7) These arts are innocuous, which raise the mind from these earthly dregs, give back man to himself, even bring him up to the heavenly things, whence he rises, this small particle of the divine gleam.27 (8) In the knowledge of this, after Anaxagoras, a philosopher most famous for the glory of his family and his wealth, had given over his whole inheritance to his family and wholly neglected matters both public and private, taking himself to the contemplation of the nature of things, when


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compellanti, nullane tibi patriae cura? respondit, mihi verò patria cura & quidem summa est, digitum in caelum extendens. (9) Idem rogatus cujus rei causa natus esset? inspiciendi inquit, caeli, & Solis, & Lune. (10) Eodem sensu si & ego Mathemata nobis excolenda asseruero, ut per ea ad caelestium siderum [9] cognitionem adspirantes, & acutiùs illum naturae librum inspiciamus, & legamus attentiùs, non multum à vero abiturus sum; cùm & Plato oculos quidem homini ad contemplanda sidera datos esse dixerit, sed & Arithmeticam ac Geometriam tanquam alas additas, quibus in altissima Mundi subvolet spatia. (11) Quod ipsum nobile profectò & honestum exercitium reputandum est; quia per id ad primam omnium rerum causam, Deum, perducimur; & immensam Mundi molem, infallibilem durationem, ordinem admirabilem, edocti; humanae fragilitatis memores, spiritus ac fastum continere cogimur, & spes magnas mortales geniti abjicere. VIII. (1) Addam & antiquitatem Mathematicae, neque supremam dignitatis notam substraham principi scientiarum. (2) à qua si ulla omnino ars aut doctrina aestimari meretur, haec palmam caeteris facilè praeripiet. (3) Arithmeticae ortum ad Phoenices, Geometriae ad Aegyptios, Astronomiae ad Babylonios aut Assyrios referunt, sed immeritò: nisi fortè de usu harum artium intelligant. (4) Alioqui longè vetustiores censendae sunt, &ab initio Mundi earum arcessenda origo. (5) Non citiùs homines nati fuere, quàm numerare noverint; & sublatis in caelum oculis astrorum lucidos ignes & mirandas conversiones observarint. (6) Quin & primi illi ac sanctioris vitae Patriarchae ante Diluvium, concessâ Divino beneficio vitae diuturnitate, cùm bonitatem & sapientiam Dei ex operum ejus inspectione venarentur; Mathematicas adiere scientias, & caelestium siderum universum ornatum ac periodos etiam posteritati enarrare conati sunt, monumentis inventorum suorum in aeternam memoriam lapideis columnis, Iosepho teste, insculptis. (7) Geometria verò etiam aeterna fuit in mente Dei, & in ipsis mundi corporibus cùm esse inciperent expressa. (8) Solem adspicite, & Lunam, & Terram; rotundo sunt corpore. (9) Ipse Mundus cujus circumflexu teguntur omnia, sphaericus est, figurae Mathematicae inter omnes alias perfectissimae,


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he was asked, ‘Have you no concern for your fatherland?’ he replied, ‘Indeed I do care for my fatherland and in truth it is in the heights’, and pointed to the sky. (9) Likewise, when asked why was he born? he said, to watch the sky and sun and moon.28 (10) In this same frame of mind, if I also assert that the mathematical sciences ought to be cultivated and honoured by us and their reputation enhanced,29 so that through them, aspiring to the knowledge of the stars in the sky [9], we may watch more carefully that book of nature30 and we may read it more attentively, I will not go very far from the truth; since Plato also said that eyes were given to men to watch the stars, but also arithmetic and geometry were given as added wings, by which he might fly into the highest spaces of the world.31 (11) This ought to be considered in this assuredly noble and honourable exercise: because through it we are led to the first cause of all things, God, and are instructed in the immense structure/machine32 of the world, its infallible duration and admirable order, we are compelled, mindful of human fragility, to moderate our spirit and our arrogance, and, born mortal, to throw away great hopes. VIII. (1) Let me add also the antiquity of the mathematical sciences, nor let me take away the supreme mark of merit of the first of the sciences. (2) If any art or science at all deserves to be highly estimated, this one easily snatches the winner’s prize away from the rest. (3) By tradition they attribute the origin of arithmetic to the Phoenicians, of geometry to the Egyptians, of astronomy to the Babylonians or Assyrians, but undeservedly, unless by chance they are referring to the use of these arts. (4) If not, they are to be thought far older, and their origin ought to be sought from the beginning of the world. (5) No sooner was man born than he learned how to count, and with eyes uplifted to heaven observed the bright fires and wondrous movements of the stars. (6) Yes, and the first men and in particular the patriarchs of holy life before the flood, having been granted great length of life by divine blessing, when they were trying to aspire to the goodness and wisdom of God by inspection of his works, turned to the mathematical sciences and sought to report for posterity the universe adorned with heavenly bodies and their periods, by written monuments of their inventions carved on stone columns in eternal memory, as [Flavius] Josephus testifies.33 (7) Geometry has indeed been continually in the mind of God, and expressed in the bodies of the world themselves, since they began to be. (8) Look at the sun and the moon and the earth, they are of round body. (9) The world itself, by whose circumference everything is covered, is spherical, the mathematical figure which among all others is most


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excellentissimae, & capacissimae. (10) Vidimus Mathesi non parvam accessisse dignitatem, quod à Principibus & Optimatibus semper fuerit exculta, quibus placuisse non ultima apud Poetam laus est. (11) At quantae dignitatis esse putabimus, autorem habere ipsum Deum, conditorem universi & directorem; qui Mathematicis rationibus totum Mundi ornatum disposuit, & per eas actiones naturae quotidie dirigit ac conservat? (12) Oraculum Sapientis est, Deum omnia condidisse in Numero, Pondere, & Mensura, quibus Mathesis partes nobilissimae denotantur, Arithmetica, Statica & Geometria; ad quarum actionem, vim, & proportionem, totam mundi machinam & singula ejus membra disposuit Deus ac sapientissimè contemperavit. (13) Nec minus verum est Platonis ’ ´ quo judicavit `

` ’` ~ , Deum semper Geometriam exercere. (14) Quod etsi alii aliter interpretentur, ego sic intelligendum existimo, quod Deus O.M. non tantùm materiam Mundi indeterminatam & confusam in principio rerum definiverit, terminis ac figuris Mathematicis circumscripserit, numerorum ac ponderum proportionibus constrinxerit; sed & eandem indies ob innatam mobilitatem nullis non mutationibus, ortibus & occasibus obnoxiam, tanquam pater & opifex peritissimus iisdem mediis tueatur, & in optima compositione conservet. (15) Itaque ad Deum ipsum si Mathesis originem referamus, nullam erroris incurremus suspicionem; sed veritati [10] congrua dixisse, universa Mundi compages, indissolubilis rerum ordo, & vestigia Mathematum in corporibus mundanis expressa planissimè convincent. IX. (1) Tantum de Dignitate Mathesis, sequitur Vtilitas ad cujus adumbrationem nunc me confero. (2) Laudatus olim, & rectè, fuit Socrates, quod Philosophiam à contemplatione rerum naturalium primus ad vitam communem traduxerit & conformationem morum. (3) Vt enim qui ingentem thesaurum possidet, non habetur verè dives, quod repositam in loculis pecuniam contempletur, & solo nomine sibi gaudeat, nisi eâ commodè ad vitae utatur institutum; ita existimabat vir eximius Scientias omnes non tantum sui aut veritatis cognoscendae gratiâ excolendas, quod alioqui praeclarum quoque sit; sed ad usum praecipuè referendas, verum eruditionis nostrae scopum. (4) Idem nobis propositum in Mathesi. (5) Quam velut in contemplatione rerum alias scientias certitudine, subjecti nobilitate, & jucunditate, antecedere


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perfect, most excellent, and most capacious. (10) We have seen no small dignity accruing to the mathematical sciences, which have always been cultivated and honoured among princes and aristocrats, whom to have pleased is not the least praise in the opinion of the poet. (11) And how much dignity shall we attribute to them that have God himself as their founder, the creator and director of the universe, who has arranged the whole equipment of the world by mathematical principles and through them guides and conserves the course of nature day by day? (12) It is the saying of a wise man, that God has founded all things in number, weight and measure,34 by which the most noble parts of the mathematical sciences are known, arithmetic, statics and geometry; by whose action, force and proportion God has disposed and most wisely harmonized the whole machine of the world and each of its members. (13) No less true is the passage of Plato, where he judged ton Theon aei geometrein, God is always doing Geometry.35 (14) Although others may interpret this in other ways, I think it ought to be understood thus, that God Almighty not only defined the indeterminate and confused matter of the world in the beginning of things, circumscribed it with mathematical boundaries and shapes, constrained it with proportions of number and weight, but also constantly as most skilled father and creator [of the world] he guards it by those means, liable on account of innate mobility to every change, rise and fall, and keeps it in the best composition. (15) And so if we refer the origin of the mathematical sciences to God himself, we incur no suspicion of error; but to have said things [10] congruent with the truth, that demonstrate the universal framework of the world, through the indissoluble order of things and the traces of mathematics expressed most obviously in the bodies of the world. IX. (1) So much for the dignity of the mathematical sciences; there follow the usefulness and practical advantage, to whose description I now turn. (2) Socrates was once praised, and rightly, because he was the first to transfer philosophy from the contemplation of natural things over to communal life and the strengthening of morals. (3) Just as the one who possesses a huge treasury is not considered truly rich, because he contemplates his money stored up in secret places and rejoices in it by name only, unless he should make use of it fittingly for his living expenses, so an outstanding man did not think of cultivating all sciences for himself or for the sake of knowing the truth, which anyway is notable as well, but of referring them especially for use, the true aim of our learning. (4) The same is for us the aim of the mathematical sciences. (5) As we have shown, in the contemplation of things they surpass the


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ostendimus; ita usus quoque nobilissimos hominibus conferre reddemus manifestum. (6) Non ignoro equidem Matheseos sacra per se constare, neque opus habere ut ullis rebus materialibus immisceantur, sed ex sensu Platonis sedem posuisse in solâ actione mentis: qui cùm coaetaneos suos Archytam Tarentinum & Eudoxum Cnidium Mathemata ad usum popularem transferre vidisset; iratus dignitatem Philosophiae vulgo prostitui, utrumque ab instituto deterruit: verùm cum jam ante Theoreticas Mathesis partes à Practicis distinguendas esse monuerimus; in iis quidem judicio Platonis locum concedimus, in his minimè. (7) Illae ut lubet purae & abstractae considerentur; nos harum omnivario usu vitam humanam carere minimè posse liquidò demonstrabimus. X. (1) Consideranda autem est Mathesis utilitas in genere, quatenus se diffundit per omnes Disciplinarum ac Facultatum ordines; & in specie, prout cujuslibet partis est propria. (2) Inter Facultates prima sit Philosophia, cujus Mathesis & ipsa partem constituit haud postremam. (3) Vsum ejus hic insignem esse, tum pro se in contemplatione sui objecti per quod inter naturalem & primam Philosophiam media est; tum ad perscrutandum alias Philosophiae partes, scriptaque praestantissimorum Philosophorum intelligenda, adeo clarum est, ut vix ulla indigeat probatione. (4) Sectae Philosophorum praecipuae hodie duae sunt, Platonica & Peripatetica. (5) Si ad Platonicam te conferas, foribus Gymnasii inscriptum invenies ’N o ’ ’ g , nullus Geometria expers intrato. (6) Scilicet Mathematicis rationibus libros Philosophiae suae implevit Plato, eique quidquid in illis mirabile ac splendidum est, tanquam fundamentum substernens, occultam esse voluit Geometriae ignaris. (7) Ita in Menone Socratem dissertantem cum puero insert de quadrato quadrati duplo; in Theaeteto de numero aequaliter aut inaequaliter aequali. (8) Ita in Timaeo Deum mundi animam rationibus arithmeticis & geometricis componere statuit, ac deinde corpus geometricis figuris fabricari. (9) Multa quoque disserit de elementorum creatione & proportione juxta figuras varías triangulorum & corporum regularium. (10) In Peripatetica Philosophia & libris Aristotelis, infinita sunt è quibus nemo absque Mathematum peritia se extricaverit.


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other sciences in certainty, nobility of subject and delight; so we will make clear that they also confer the most noble benefits upon men. (6) In fact I know very well that the sacred matters of the mathematical sciences exist through themselves and there is no need for them to be mixed up with any material things, but in Plato’s sense they take their seat in the mind’s action only. When Plato’s contemporaries, Archytas of Tarentum and Eudoxus of Knidos seemed to be transferring the mathematical sciences to the use of the people, he frightened them both off the undertaking, angry that the dignity of Philosophy was being prostituted to the crowd.36 Indeed, since we have warned already before that the theoretical parts of the mathematical sciences ought to be distinguished from the practical, we yield to the judgment of Plato as to the former, but as to the latter, we yield not at all. (7) The former are to be considered pure and abstract as you wish; we will show clearly that by the multifarious benefits of the latter, human life can lack little. X. (1) Now, the advantage of the mathematical sciences ought to be considered in general, to what extent it spreads itself through all orders of disciplines and faculties, and in particular cases, according to what belongs to each part. (2) Among faculties, the first is philosophy, of whom the mathematical sciences constitute a part by no means the last. (3) That its advantage here is extraordinary is so clear that it exacts hardly any proof, both in itself in the contemplation of its own subject, through which it is the medium between natural and pure philosophy, and also for examining the other parts of philosophy, and in understanding the writings of the most outstanding philosophers. (4) Today there are two principle philosophical sects, Platonists and Peripatetics [Aristotelians]. (5) If you turn to Platonism, you will find written on the doorway of the gymnasium, ageometretos oudeis eisito, let no one ignorant of geometry enter.37 (6) Surely Plato filled the books of his own philosophy with mathematical reasoning, and whatever in them is wonderful and splendid, as it was the underlying foundation, he wished to be hidden from those ignorant of geometry. (7) So, in Meno, he brings in Socrates discussing how to double a square with a slave-boy, and in Theaetetus, about numbers equally or unequally equal.38 (8) So, in Timaeus, he declared that God put together the soul of the world with arithmetic and geometric proportions, and then its body was created with geometric figures.39 (9) He also said many things about the creation and proportion of elements according to various figures of triangles and regular bodies. (10) In Peripatetic philosophy and the books of Aristotle, there are infinite matters from which no one can extricate himself without skill in the mathematical sciences.


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(11) Physicam enim si consideremus, tota non solum [11] exemplis, sed & fundamentis Mathematica est. (12) Liber primus quadraturam habet circuli; secundus duos angulos rectos in triangulo plano; tertius gnomones numerorum è doctrina Pythagorica; alii alia. (13) Libri de Caelo, de infinitate magnitudinis agunt, de figura aquae, de compositione sphaerae ex pyramidibus, de figuris locum implentibus. (14) In Analyticis habetur tetragonismus circuli, lineae commensurabiles & incommensurabiles, parallelismus rectarum, anguli exteriores in figuris, aliaque complura. (15) In Meteoris, quot sunt loca Mathematicis rationibus explicanda? (16) De Cometis, de Galaxia, altitudine montium, de proprietatibus Iridum & Pareliorum. (17) Metaphysici quoque & Ethici libri, Geometricis aut Arithmeticis demonstrationibus scatent, & Peripateticam Philosphiam totam è Mathematicis rationibus constitutam arguunt & exstructam. XI. (1) Ad Theologiam Mathematum notitia tantum praebet utilitatis, ut nullâ ratione à cordato Theologo negligi debeant aut praeteriri. (2) Summum Theologiae scopum esse agnitionem Dei fatentur omnes. (3) Ad eam verò duplici viâ pervenitur, per intuitum nempe operum Dei, aut per lectionem S. Scripturae. (4) Vtrique Mathesis summè necessaria est, quia & manifestat mirabilia Dei in operibus ejus, & multorum Scripturae locorum faciliorem parit intellectum. (5) Quis enim Mundum & universum ejus ornatum rectè examinet sine auxilio Mathesis? (6) Aut quis potentiam Dei ac bonitatem erga filios hominum dignè suspiciat ac veneretur, nisi qui cùm Davide inspexerit Caelos opera digitorum ejus, & Solem ac Lunam quos praeparavit? (7) Immo quis haec corpora inspiciens, occasionem invenerit cum eodem vate exclamandi, Domine Deus noster, quam admirabile est nomen tuum in universa terra! nisi qui à Mathematicis acceperit motus, ordines, & vastas eorundem magnitudines: atque ab his mente ascenderit ad infinitam Dei potentiam? (8) Mathesis usu discimus, quanam ratione Caeli enarrent gloriam Dei, & opus manuum ipsius annunciet firmamentum: aut quo modo ex visibilibus hujus Mundi agnoscantur ejus invisibilia. (9) Eadem solidas subministrat rationes, quibus Mundum hunc non temerè sed certo ordine conditum esse, & sapientissimum habuisse Architectum evincitur. (10) Quibus finitum quidem eum sed infinito similem esse, & infinitudinis Divinae


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(11) Now if we consider Aristotle’s Physica, it is wholly mathematics, not only in examples, [11] but also in foundations. (12) The first book includes the squaring of a circle, the second two right angles in a plane triangle, the third has gnomons of numbers from Pythagoras’s doctrine, and the other books have other examples. (13) The books on the heavens, De Caelo, discuss the infinity of magnitude, the shape of water, the composition of the sphere from pyramids, the figures that fill a prescribed space. (14) In the Analytica priora et posteriora we find the squaring of a circle, commensurable and incommensurable lines, the parallelism of straight lines, the external angles of figures, and many others. (15) In his Meteorologica how many places are there explicable by mathematical reasons? (16) The sections on comets, on galaxies, on the height of mountains, on the properties of rainbows and parhelia. (17) The books of metaphysics, Metaphysica, and ethics, Ethica Nicomachea, also teem with geometric and arithmetic proofs, and reveal that the whole peripatetic philosophy is founded and built on mathematical reasoning. XI. (1) To theology, acquaintance with the mathematical sciences offers so much advantage that it in no way ought to be neglected or passed over by a wise theologian. (2) All agree that the highest aim of theology is the knowledge of God. (3) One may indeed come to that in two ways, through examination of the works of God, of course, or through reading of the Holy Scripture.40 (4) The mathematical sciences are highly necessary for both, because they make plain the wonders of God in his works, and provide an easier comprehension of many passages of scripture. (5) For who rightly examines the world and its whole ornament without the aid of the mathematical sciences? (6) Or who worthily admires and reveres the power of God and his kindness towards the sons of men, unless with David he has looked upon ‘the heavens, the works of his fingers, and the sun and moon that he has created’?41 (7) Indeed, who looking at these bodies shall have found occasion with the same bard to exclaim ‘O Lord our sovereign, how glorious is thy name in all the earth!’42 unless he has received from the mathematical sciences the motions, orders and vast size of these bodies, and ascended from these in his mind to the infinite power of God? (8) By the use of the mathematical sciences we learn how ‘the heavens tell out the glory of God’, and how ‘the vault of heaven reveals his handiwork’,43 or in what way from the visible things of this world the invisibles of it may be known. (9) They furnish the solid reasons with which this world was founded, in not rash but secure order, and prove that the Architect acted most wisely. (10) By these reasons, they show that the world is finite, but similar to infinite and that it bears


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elegantissimum ostenditur gerere typum. (11) Nec minor est ejus utilitas in explicandis quamplurimis S. Scripturae locis, è quibus pauca modò attingam. (12) Locum de creatione Mundi & luminarium caeli; dissertationem ipsius Dei de via lucis, Plejadibus, Orione, apud Iobum; eclipsin Solis miraculosam tempore passionis Domini; rationem anni Iudaici & festi Paschatis, ritè non explicabit Theologus sine cognitione Astronomiae ut nec sine Geographiae peritia, exitum Israelitarum ex Aegypto; distributionem Terrae sanctae; & peregrinationem Pauli. (13) Geometriae vestigia sunt in Arca Noei; Templo Salomonis; civitate Ezechieli per visionem ostensa; & nova Hierosolyma Apostolo Iohanni visa. (14) Arithmeticae in hebdomadibus Danielis; & numero electorum ex tribubus Israelis in Apocalypsi; ac passim alibi. XII. (1) Iurisprudentiam nunc adeamus, visuri an non & gravis illa ac severa humanae sapientiae vindex, Mathematicae operâ indigeat. (2) Romanae leges multis in locis Arithmeticas ac Geometricas requirunt demonstrationes, sine quibus [12] intelligi & explicari non possunt. (3) In quotidiana praxi absque iis nec judicium exerceri potest, nec lites dirimi, neque furta & infinitae inter mortales injuriae ac confusiones evitari. (4) Quacunque ortâ controversiâ, spatia temporum quibus quaeque res acta, pacta, aut locata est, petenda sunt ex Arithmetica & Astronomia. (5) Bello aut inundatione agrorum limitibus confusis aut injustè occupatis, geometrica dimensio suam cuique mensuram aequissimâ ratione restituit. (6) Haereditates si dividendae sunt, aut aestimanda noxa, dissolvenda vorsura [sic], foenus expendendum, distribuendum lucrum, ad Arithmeticam itur: si latifundia separanda, ducendae cloacae, paries inclinatus in alienum solum erigendus, arboris in confinio stantis partiendi fructus, insulae in alveo fluvii enatae adjudicandae, ad Geodaesiam. (7) Addo aridorum & liquidorum varias mensuras, staterae & librae momenta; quarum aequitas in republica servari nequit, nisi è Mathematicis fundamentis aestimentur, & publico examini subjiciantur. (8) Denique Astraea ipsa pro tribunali sedens, nihil efficit sine proportione Arithmetica & Geometrica, ad quas praemia & poenas distribuendo, aequae examine lancis Iustitiae pondera expendit; ostenditque Mathesin in ipsa curia, summo civitatis loco, aequi bonique arbitram esse, & unicam juris vindicem ac magistram.


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the stamp of divine infinity. (11) No less is their advantage in explicating very many passages of Holy Scripture, out of which I will only touch on a few. (12) The passage on the creation of the world and the lights of the sky, the discussion of God himself on the way of light, the Pleiades, Orion, in Job, the miraculous eclipse of the sun at the time of the Passion of the Lord, the calculation of the Hebrew year and the feast of Easter— a theologian will not rightly explain these without knowledge of astronomy. As without skill in geography he cannot explain the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, the distribution of the Holy Land and the journeys of Paul. (13) There are traces of geometry in Noah’s ark, the Temple of Solomon, the city shown to Ezekiel in a vision,44 and the New Jerusalem seen by the apostle John.45 (14) There are traces of arithmetic in the hebdomads of Daniel46 and in the number of the chosen from the tribes of Israel in the Apocalypse,47 and everywhere else.48 XII. (1) Let us now turn to jurisprudence, and we shall see whether or not that grave and severe protector of human wisdom needs the mathematical sciences in its work. (2) The Roman laws in many places require arithmetical and geometrical proofs, without [12] which they cannot be understood and explained. (3) In daily practice, judgment cannot be exercised without them, nor can disputes be brought to an end, nor can thefts and infinitely many injustices and confusions between mortals be avoided. (4) Wherever controversies arise, the space of time within which each action occurred, was agreed upon, or located, are to be sought by arithmetic and astronomy. (5) When boundaries of fields are confused or unjustly taken by war or by flooding, geometrical measuring restores its size by most fair calculation. (6) If inheritances are to be divided, or a damage to be estimated, a debt to be paid by a loan, interest to be paid, gain to be distributed, we go to arithmetic; if real estate is to be divided, sewers to be built, a wall slanting into another’s soil to be straightened, the fruits of a tree standing on a boundary to be divided, islands born out of the riverbed to be arbitrated, we turn to surveying. (7) I add the various dry and liquid measures, the weights of scale and balance, whose fairness cannot be kept in the state unless they are estimated through mathematical foundations and submitted to public scrutiny. (8) Finally, Astraea49 herself sitting in judgment does nothing without arithmetic and geometric proportion, according to which she has to distribute rewards and punishments, paying out the weights on the Scale of Justice impartially; and she demonstrates that in the court itself, the highest place of state, the mathematical sciences are an arbiter of what is fair and good, and the only protector and master of the law.


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XIII. (1) Ad Medicinam quod attinet, certum est Mathematum cognitionem eruditum Medicum non modo egregiè ornare, verum etiam multis modis felicitatem praxis adjuvare, quapropter à principibus Medicorum & exculta semper fuere, & honestissimo elogio commendata. (2) Magnus Hippocrates Thessalo filio Geometriam & Arithmeticam ediscendas praecipit, non solùm ad splendorem vitae, sed & ad artis Medicae usum. (3) Et Geometriam quidem ad ossium situm, luxationem, repositionem, exemptionem & omnimodam curationem: Arithmeticam ad intensiones, periodos, & mutationes morborum rectè dijudicandas. (4) Galenus Medicos culpat qui cum Hippocratem laudent, ipsi tamen omnes aliud potiùs agunt quàm ut ei quem praedicant similes efficiantur; cum ille Geometriam & Astronomiam Medico necessariam esse dixerit, hi verò ab utriusque studio usque adeo abhorreant, ut alios etiam id conantes coarguant. (5) Neque iis tantum summorum in arte medica virorum judiciis Mathesis in Medicina stat utilitas, sed & experientiâ ipsâ. (6) Morborum periodos & intricatas crisium rationes, nunquam feliciùs expediet medicus, quàm si praeceptis astronomicis instructus, praeter naturae impetum in agitatione materiae morbificae, etiam motum Lunae consideraverit, à cujus influxu ordo dierum criticorum dependet, & majores minoresve morbi mutationes procedunt, quemadmodum multis docet Galenus libro 3 de Diebus Decretoriis. (7) Epidemicos morbos nunquam rectiùs judicabit, quam si ex sideribus anni statum examinet, cum quo & ventriculi hominum mutantur. (8) exortus item & occasus siderum notet, quo mutationes & excessus ciborum ac potuum, & ventorum & totius mundi, ex quibus morbi hominibus oriuntur, sciat observare. quod studiosè praecipit Hippocr. in lib. de Aere, Aquis & Locis, & 1 de Diaeta. (9) Neque à Geographia minus habebit praesidii quàm ab Astronomia. (10) Vt enim illa servit Medicinae ad causas caelestes mutationum anni inveniendas; ita haec valet in discernendis particularibus regionis cujusque morbis, & contemperandis remediis [13] pro occasione & natura loci. (11) Plurimum facit ad praenoscendas climatum qualitates & familiares locorum ventos, pro quorum varietate aliae atque aliae occurrunt aegritudines: aut ad praecavendum morborum incursum qui à certis mundi partibus ad alias solent transmigrare: quod Hippocratem olim egisse legimus, cùm peste à barbaris ad graecos pervadente, dimissis


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XIII. (1) As far as Medicine is concerned, it is certain that knowledge of the mathematical sciences not only adorns a learned doctor very highly, but also aids the success of practice in many ways, wherefore it was always honoured by the first doctors and commended in most honourable praise. (2) The great Hippocrates advised his son Thessalus to learn geometry and arithmetic, not only for brilliance of life but also for use in the arts of medicine. (3) And geometry indeed ought to be studied for setting of bones, dislocation, repositioning, amputation and every kind of cure, and arithmetic for rightly judging the intensities, periods and changes of diseases. (4) Galen50 blames doctors who praise Hippocrates but themselves nevertheless all do something other than bring about results similar to those of him they praise. When he said geometry and astronomy were necessary for a doctor, they in truth shy away from the study of both to such an extent that they refute others who even attempt this study. (5) Nor is the advantage of the mathematical sciences in medicine obvious only from the judgment of these men who are greatest in the medical art, but also from experience itself. (6) A doctor will never set right the periods of diseases and intricate calculations of crises more fortunately than if, instructed by the precepts of astronomy, beyond the impetus of nature in the agitation of the sickness, he shall have taken into consideration also the motion of the moon, from whose arrival the order of critical days depends and the greater and lesser changes of illness proceed, just as Galen teaches in book three of his De diebus decretoriis.51 (7) He will never judge epidemics more rightly, than if he should examine the state of the year from the stars, with which also the ventricles of men change. (8) He likewise notes the risings and settings of the stars, by which there are changes and excess of food and drink, and he knows how to observe the risings and settings of winds and of the whole world, from which the diseases of men arise, which Hippocrates expressly advises in his book De aere, aquis, locis, and in the first book of De victu. (9) Nor will he find less support in geography than in astronomy. (10) For as the latter serves medicine in finding the celestial causes of the changes of the year, so the former has value in discerning the particular regions and their diseases, and preparing [13] the remedies according to the occasion and nature of the place. (11) This does a great deal for predicting the qualities of climates and local winds, on behalf of whose variety this or that disease occurs. It also does much for warding off the onset of illnesses that are accustomed to migrate from certain parts of the world to others, which we read that Hippocrates once did, when, as a plague was coming from foreign lands to the Greeks, he helped


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per loca discipulis patriae succurrens, medelas indicavit, quibus qui uterentur instantem pestem securè effugere possent. (12) Quapropter etiam in magnis mysteriis apud Athenienses non secus ac Hercules Iovis filius publicè fuit initiatus, & coronâ aureâ mille aureorum donatus, ac toto vitae tempore in Prytaneo victu & jure civitatis donatus. XIV. (1) Hactenus vidimus quantum Mathemata praebeant caeteris facultatibus; supersunt partes, quarum singulae singulares quoque usus continent, silentio haudquaquam praetereundos. XV. (1) Logisticae seu Arithmeticae practicae tanta est necessitas ut verbis satis nequeat describi. (2) Hac consistit humana societas, & vita hominum mutuâ rerum permutatione faciliùs toleratur. (3) Sine hac nec respublica regitur, nec familia administratur: non bellum geritur, non pacis fructus metuntur. (4) Haec hominem acuit & attentum facit ad rem, nec facilè alterius fraude patitur circumveniri. (5) Intuemini quaeso Auditores hanc vestram Vrbem, & utilitatis Logisticae vivum habebitis exemplar. (6) Civium maxima pars cum Italis, Gallis, Anglis, Germanis, Afris & Indis, commercia exercet; in summa varietate ponderum, nummorum, & mensurarum. (7) Si quis roget quâ arte freti rerum suarum reddantur securi? (8) Respondebunt Logisticam esse quâ in commutationibus & comparationibus mercium, difficultatem atque obscuritatem omnem superant: & servata accepti atque expensi ratione, facultates suas integro statu servant aut explicant. (9) Si quis de usu artis quaerat, fatebuntur tantas eâ commoditates comprehendi, ut carere illâ nequeant nisi cum manifesto rerum suarum dispendio & familiae detrimento. (10) A Mercatura ad militiam vos convertite; cernetis Logisticam ad distribuendas & ordinandas acies prorsus esse necessariam. (11) Ordinum ratione & commodâ subsidiorum emissione ingens saepe stetit victoria. (12) Macedonica Phalanx & triplex Romanorum acies, aliquoties innumeram barbarorum multitudinem sustinuit, profligavit. (13) Adeo ut Logistica pacis ac belli fida administra dicenda sit, & ingentia utrobique hominibus conferre subsidia. XVI. (1) Geodaesiae multiplex quoque est usus ac necessitas. (2) Haec illa est quae superficies corporum, longitudines, latitudines, & profunditates quaslibet metitur; montium & turrium inaccessas prodit altitudines; quae insularum ambitus explorat & fluviorum latitudines; quae tormenta bellica dirigit, & scalarum mensuras praebet ad invadendas stratagemate civitates.


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his country by sending his pupils all over and pointing out the cures to use for securely escaping the disease. (12) Wherefore also he was initiated into the Great Mysteries among the Athenians no less than Hercules the son of Jove,52 and given a golden crown of a thousand gold coins, and also dinner in the State House, Prytaneum,53 for the rest of his life, and the right of citizenship.54 XIV. (1) Up to this point, we have seen how much the mathematical sciences have to offer to the other disciplines; there remain the particular branches, containing particular benefits, not at all to be passed over in silence. XV. (1) So great is the necessity for logistica or practical arithmetic that it can hardly be described in words. (2) Human society stands on her [logistica], and the life of men is borne more easily by mutual exchange of goods. (3) Without her neither is a state governed, nor a family ordered; no war is waged, no fruits of peace gathered. (4) She has trained men and has made them attentive to affairs, and is not easily liable to be defrauded by another. (5) I ask my listeners, gaze upon your city and you will have a living example of the value of practical arithmetic. (6) The greater part of the citizens engage in trade with Italy, France, England, Germany, Africa and India, with the greatest variety of weights, coinage and measures. (7) If anyone should ask them, trusting in which art their goods return safely? (8) They will answer that it is logistica, by which in exchanges and comparisons of merchandise, they overcome every problem and obscurity, and, having kept a calculation of what is received and spent, they preserve their wealth in an impeccable state, or enlarge it. (9) If anyone should enquire about the profit of the art, they will confess that so many conveniences are comprehended in it, that they could do without it only with clear loss of their possessions and harm to their families. (10) From trade now look to war; you will see that practical arithmetic is necessary for the deploying and correct ranking of battle-lines. (11) A great victory often depends on the calculation of ranks and convenient flow of supplies. (12) The Macedonian phalanx and the Roman triple battle-line, as many times as they withstood the uncounted multitude of barbarians, it has overwhelmed them. (13) So it should be said that logistica is the trustworthy servant of peace and war and that it brings great support to men in both. XVI. (1) There is also a multiple advantage in and need for geodesy. (2) This is the art that measures the surface of bodies, longitudes, latitudes and depths, of all kinds; it gives away the inaccessible heights of mountains and towers, it explores the circuits of islands and the width of rivers, it directs catapults and offers the measure of ladders for invading cities by stratagem.


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(3) Ejus usu ut magna hominibus cedunt commoda, ita ignoratione gravissima eveniunt damna & errores periculosissimi. (4) Vulgaris opinio est, agrorum qui in ambitu eandem mensuram colligunt, contenta spatia esse aequalia; at Geodaesia docet, si dentur duo agri quorum ambitus sit decempedarum 160, unus verò sit figurae quadratae alter triangularis, illius aream esse decempedarum 1600, hujus tantum 1200, quartâ parte istâ minorem. (5) Ac tantum damni emptoribus accedit ex hac aut simili pseudographia, quando ex ambitu agrorum [14] putant se easdem emere areas, nisi contrarium edocti noverint esse cautiores. (6) Idem apud Historicos usu venit, cum insulas aut urbes pares esse tradunt quae eodem navigationis aut circuitionis ambitu continentur; quod falsum esse Geodaesia apertè evincit. (7) Ejus rei elegans locus est apud Polybium, quem non pigebit referre. (8) Megalopolis (inquit) ambitu fuit quinquaginta stadiorum, Lacedaemon quadraginta octo: & tamen Lacedaemon duplo major Megalopoli. (10) Hoc ignaris Mathematum incredibile videatur. (10) Quod si dixero, fieri posse ut civitas ambitu quadraginta octo stadiorum sit dupla civitatis centum stadiorum ambitu; insanum (ait) atque amens videatur; attamen utrumque verum est & geometrica neceßitate demonstratum. XVII. (1) Geodaesiae sociam demus Architecturam militarem, quae muniendis, defendendis & oppugnandis civitatibus inservit. (2) Hujus notitia regibus ac principibus maximè convenit, & militae ducibus est quasi propria. (3) A parvis initiis exorta eò necessitatis ac praestantiae ascendit, ut sine illa nec bellum gerere queant Principes, neque civitates proprias tueri, aut hostiles in suam redigere potestatem. (4) Quod notius est, & inter Belgas ubi ante omnes Europae tractus meliùs excolitur, frequentius; quàm ut multis à me postulet describi. (5) Hac enim arte, post benedictionem Dei, curas Patrum, & Principum Auriacorum vigilem industriam, respublica nostra ad illud columen quod hodie cernimus, evecta est: eâdemque contra omnimodas hostium technas, salvam tuemur & inconcussam. (6) Magna olim gessere machinationibus & castrametationibus suis, Pirrhus Epirotarum rex, Demetrius Poliorcetes, Cajus Caesar; sed ea, si cum Belgicis victoriis conferantur, vix in prima acie consistere possunt, quod civitates invictissimae brevi tempore expugnatae; aliae extremis hostium viribus tentatae, & felicissimè defensae; & quod amplius, usque in viscera soli hostilis prolata reipublicae pomoeria; irrefragabili testimonio evincunt.


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(3) As by its use great benefits come to men, so the weightiest harms and most dangerous errors result from the ignorance of it. (4) The common opinion is that the spaces of fields with the same measurement in the circuit are equal; but geodesy teaches that given two fields whose circuit is 160 yards, one in the shape of a square, the other of a triangle, the area of the former is 1600 yards, of the latter 1200, a fourth less. (5) And so much harm comes to buyers from this or similar false contracts, whenever from the circuit [14] of fields they think they are buying the same areas, unless having been taught the contrary they know to be more cautious. (6) It likewise comes in handy among the historians, when they say that islands or cities that have the same circumference by means of navigation or walking are equal; geodesy has plainly proved that this is false. (7) There is an elegant passage on this matter in Polybius, which it will not be annoying to quote. (8) ‘Megalopolis,’ he says, ‘was fifty stades in circumference and Sparta forty-eight; and nevertheless Sparta was twice as large as Megalopolis. (9) This may seem incredible to those ignorant of mathematics. (10) What if I say that it is possible for a state with a border of forty-eight stades to be twice the area of a state with a border of one hundred stades? It may seem astounding,’ he says, ‘and witless, but nevertheless both are true, and shown by geometrical necessity.’55 XVII. (1) Let us make military architecture, which serves to fortify, defend and assault cities and states, the ally of geodesy. (2) Knowledge of it is greatly suited to kings and princes and as appropriate to military leaders. (3) Arising from small beginnings, it rose to be so necessary and prestigious that without it, princes could not wage war, nor could states be defended or bring the enemy under their control. (4) This is better known and more common among the Dutch, where before all European regions it is better cultivated and perfected, than that it needed to be described in depth by me. (5) For by this art, after the blessing of God, the cares of fathers and watchful industry of the princes of Orange, our republic has been lifted up to that height that we see today; and by that same art, we keep it safe and unharmed against every type of enemy craft. (6) Pyrrhus, king of the Epireans,56 Demetrius Poliorates,57 Gaius Caesar accomplished great things once upon a time by war machines and camp planning; but these things, if they are to be compared with Dutch victories, can hardly stand in the first rank. For invincible states were conquered within a short time, others attacked by greatest strength of the enemy, and most fortunately defended, and what is more, the frontier of the republic was moved forward incessantly even into the inward parts of enemy territory, and they endure according to irrefutable testimony.


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XVIII. (1) Ad Mechanicam venio & Staticam, illas admirandorum operum effectrices, & insignia humanae solertiae documenta; in quibus praecipuè elucet quantum valeant Mathemata ubi rebus materiatis applicantur. (2) Facultas Mechanica non modò omnes alias amplitudine superat, sed & antiquissima est inter homines, & à mundi primordiis usurpata. (3) Ea principium dedit culturae agrorum, domorum aut tuguriorum structurae, confectioni vestimentorum, & innumeris deinde instrumentis ad opificum usum necessariis. (4) Ea est qua fabri & architecti vastissimas lapidum trabiumve moles attollunt, ac sine ullo fere labore quo volunt dirigunt: qua lapicidae durissima marmorum frusta dividunt: qua statuarii, sartores, aurifabri, typographi, quilibet materiam sui opificii incidunt, secant, cudunt, premunt: quâ nautae exiguo clavo ingentes naves pro lubitu regunt. (5) Staticis rationibus constant organa hydraulica & pneumatica: libra item & omne quod vehitur in humido. Ea est cujus usu Patriam nostram salvi incolimus, quando aut redundantes & terram obruituras machinis exhaurimus aquas; aut redituras ex mari catarractis aggeribusque cum stupore exterorum arcemus & excludimus. (6) quando ponderis majoris aedificia non extruimus locis uliginosis, ut in hac ipsa Vrbe, nisi fundamento palis sublicisque bene praemunito. (7) Mechanica & Statica in rebus ad voluptatem aut dolum comparatis, varias efficiunt praestigias: cùm modò [15] statuas ambulantes, modo vocem instar oraculi edentes machinantur, & automata construunt quibus tempora distinguimus aut rerum gestarum exhibemus historiam. (8) Tales fuere tripodes Vulcani apud Homerum qui sponte praeliabantur, Ctesibii merulae vocem humanam imitantes, & columba lignea volans Archytae Tarentini. (9) Vtriusque potentiam unus nobis ostendere potest Archimedes, qui sphaeram vitream fabricatus est, quae Solis, Lunae, & Planetarum motus caelestibus analogos perpetuò exhibuit; qui organis suis quinquies mille modiorum pondus solus attraxit; & navem regiam quam totius Siciliae vires movere non poterant, deduxit in mare; qui item Syracusas adversus Romanorum oppugnationes aliquandiu defendit; & artis suae fiduciâ jactare ausus fuit, si haberet ubi consisteret totam se moturum Terram. XIX. (1) Musica varios habet usus & delectationem non contemnendam. (2) Nam ut omittam omnis generis instrumenta quae singulari voluptate audientium animos afficiunt, facit ad contemperandos hominum affectus: generosas mentes excitat ad eminentiores actiones: morum ferociam


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XVIII. (1) I come to mechanics and statics, those producers of wondrous works, and famous examples of human skill, in which it is especially clear how much value the mathematical sciences have when they are applied to material affairs. (2) The applicability of mechanics not only overcomes all others in its extent, but also it is the most ancient among men, and employed from the beginning of the world. (3) It gives us the origin of agriculture, of the building of homes and huts, of the production of garments, and in addition to that of countless tools necessary for craftwork. (4) It is the one by which builders and architects raise the hugest masses of stones and beams, and direct them where they wish almost without any labour. It is the one by which stone cutters divide the hardest chunks of marble, by which sculptors, tailors, gold-workers, printers carve, cut, beat, print whatever material belongs to their craft, by which sailors direct large ships at their will by a small rudder. (5) Hydraulic and pneumatic instruments58 exist through static methods and procedures; the scales likewise, and everything that is carried in water. (6) By its use we inhabit our country in safety, because either we drain by machines waters that overflow and ruin the land, or we barricade and force out water about to return from the sea by sluices and dykes that are the wonder of foreigners, and because we have not constructed buildings of greater weight in damp locations, as in this city, unless on a pre-fortified foundation with stakes and piles. (7) Mechanics and statics create various wonders in matters designed for enjoyment or trickery, when [15] they contrive statues now walking, now emitting a voice like an oracle, and they construct automata59 by which we determine and measure the time or display the history of deeds. (8) Such were the tripods of Vulcan, according to Homer, which competed of their own accord,60 and the blackbirds of Ctesibios that imitated human voices,61 and the flying wooden dove of Archytas of Tarentum.62 (9) One man, Archimedes, can show us the power of both, in the glass sphere that he made, which continuously exhibited the motions of the sun, moon, and planets, analogous to the heavenly bodies; he alone drew a weight of 5.000 pounds by his own machines; and he led into the sea the royal ship, which the whole force of Sicily could not move; and he likewise defended for some time the Sicilians against the assaults of the Romans; and he dared to boast, in his faith in his skill, that if he had a place to stand, he could move the whole earth.63 XIX. (1) Music has various benefits, and a charm not to be despised. (2) For (I shall here pass over instruments of every kind that touch the minds of listeners with singular pleasure), it facilitates the tempering of men’s emotions. It excites noble minds to very great actions; it softens


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emollit & ad aequalitatem reducit. (3) Vnde Orpheus apud Poetas, feras, leones, tigres, sono testudinis placasse fingitur; & Amphion Thebarum conditor etiam saxa permovisse. (4) Magnas quoque vires habet in curandis morbis; quae quanquam hodie fere ignorentur, veteribus non fuere inexploratae. (5) Illi enim si Martiano Capellae credimus, febres & vulnera cantione curabant. (6) Asclepiades item tubâ surdissimis medebatur. (7) Theophrastus ad animi affectiones adhibebat tibias. (8) Thales Cretensis cytharae suavitate fugavit morbos ac pestilentiam. (9) Xenocrates organicis modulis liberavit lymphaticos. (10) cujus rei exemplum in sacris quoque literis est, ubi David cytharae cantu demulcet furibundum Saulem. XX. (1) Optica extendit se per universam Philosophiam, magistra ac directrix scientiae nostrae meritò dicenda. (2) De abstrusioribus enim Naturae miraculis philosophari non licet; nisi mentem adhibeamus opticis rationibus imbutam, quibus tuta, cum oculis simul in errorem non trahatur. (3) Sola optica est quâ instructus Philosophus discit nihil admirari, quae res & beatum facere potest & servare. (4) Quid dicam de portentosis effectis quos profert, cùm per speculorum compositiones pro una imagine refert centum; hominem capite deorsum verso ambulare facit; colorem faciei ad lubitum variat; radiis Solis ad certum punctum collectis plumbum liquefacit, lignum ac stipulas accendit? quod Archimedem fecisse tradunt in obsidione Syracusanâ quando ad teli jactum naves Marcelli velut fulmine ictas combussit & in cineres redegit: cùm manes ab inferis revocat, & per machinas catoptricas Hectorem in conspectum sistit, aut Achillem, aut Helenam? (5) Ejus beneficio pictores in tabulà planâ eminentes colles, protuberantes arbores, & atria (quod mirum) introrsum ducentia repraesentant. (6) Senes oculos aetate debilitatos adhibitis perspicillis emendant. (7) Haec est quae scalas mundo injecit, & distantiam ac magnitudinem Solis, Lunae, Planetarum, astronomos edocuit. (8) Quae plura nostro seculo in lucem protulit, quàm toti Philosophorum scholae ante nos datum fuit cognoscere. (9) Ad instrumentum illud respicio, nuper inventum, quod Tubum Dioptricum vocant, quo res longè dissitas intuemur tanquam propinquas. [16] (10) Hoc enim clausa mundi atria reseravimus, & mirandum eruimus naturae thesaurum. (11) Maculas in Sole, illo lucis fonte, oriri; Lunae superficiem inaequalem & montibus ac vallibus obsitam esse; viam lacteam & stellas nebulosas multarum stellularum conglomeratione constare, didicimus.


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the ferocity of behaviour and makes it smooth. (3) Wherefore it is said among the poets that Orpheus calmed wild animals, lions, tigers, by the sound of his lyre; and that Amphion the founder of Thebes even moved stones.64 (4) It also has great power to cure disease, which, although this is almost unknown today, was not unexplored by the ancients.65 (5) For they, if we are to believe Martianus Capella, cured fevers and wounds by incantation. (6) Asclepiades healed the deaf with the trumpet. (7) Theophrastus used the flute with mentally disturbed patients. (8) Thales of Crete dispelled diseases and pestilence by the sweetness of his cithara playing. (9) Xenocrates cured insane patients by playing on musical instruments.66 (10) There is an example of this in the Bible, where David soothed the maddened Saul by singing to the lyre.67 XX. (1) Optics extends itself through the whole of philosophy, worthy to be spoken of as teacher and director of our science. (2) For it is not allowed to philosophize on the more hidden wonders of nature, unless we use the mind imbued with optical theorems, by which it is kept safe, and not drawn into error along with the eyes. (3) It is only optics by which the learned philosopher learns to ‘marvel at nothing’, and this ‘can make a man happy and keep him so’.68 (4) What shall I say about the miraculous effects which it confers, when by the combination of mirrors it returns a hundred images for one; it makes a man walk upside-down; it varies the colour of a surface at will; it melts lead by the rays of the sun brought together at a certain point, and sets wood and straw on fire (which they say Archimedes did in the siege of Syracuse when by flinging a sunray he burned up the ships of Marcellus as if they had been struck by lightning and reduced to ashes69); when it calls back the souls of the dead from the underworld and by the use of catoptric machines puts Hector on view, or Achilles or Helen? (5) By its benefits, painters represent on a flat board high hills, bulging trees, and (what wonder!) halls that open inwards. (6) Old men improve their age-weakened vision by lenses. (7) This is the science that has put a ladder on the world and informed astronomers of the distance and size of the sun, moon and planets. (8) This has brought more light to our century than was given to all the schools of philosophy before us to know. (9) I look back to that instrument, recently invented, which they call a dioptric tube [telescope], by which we see things sited far off as if they were [16] close up. (10) By this means, we have unlocked the closed halls of the world, and we have discovered the miraculous treasury of nature. (11) We have learned that spots arise on the sun, that fount of light; that the unequal surface of the moon is covered with mountains and valleys; that the milky way and mists of stars consist of a conglomeration of many small stars.70


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(12) Mundum in mundo deteximus, Iovem nempe quatuor comitatum Planetis certis intervallis & periodis eum circummeantibus. (13) Eodem instrumento, Venerem Planetarum lucidissimum Lunae instar in cornua abire; Saturni globum tergeminum esse; Mercurium corpore opaco cum caeteris Planetis lucem omnem à Sole recipere deprehendimus. (14) Quorum omnium apud veteres nec certa ulla mentio exstat, nec observationis vestigium XXI. (1) Astronomia, regina Mathematum, caelestis palatii supellectilem nobis recludit, & velut inde contemplantibus, aeternas nobilissimorum corporum periodos, immensas caelorum moles, & stupendum ordinem ob oculos ponit: cujus usum insignem esse nemo ferè est qui ignorat. (2) Temporum, annorum, dierum distinctio nulla esset, nisi Astronomi conversionem Solis Lunaeque observarent. (3) At verò quàm utile sit certam exstare temporum rationem in vita communi, rem paulò attentiùs consideranti nequit esse obscurum. (4) Sine ea nec agi quicquam inter homines nec dirigi potest, sed vita vivitur inordinata ac confusa, velut inter bruta animantia. (5) Lapsu seculorum tempestates anni confunduntur, aestas transit in hyemem, hyems in aestatem, quod ex neglectu Sacerdotum Romanorum propemodum contigerat post mortem Iulii Caesaris, ni Augustus emendatione anni Romani maturè occurrisset. (6) Historiarum fides incerta est & suspecta, nisi ab Astronomia robur suum accipiat & firmamentum. (7) Quis enim in tanta varietate annorum, Aegyptiorum, Atticorum, Arabicorum, Iudaicorum, Romanorum, sine observationibus & canonibus Astronomorum, non facilè se confundat, & Aerarum intervalla malè constituat aut connectat? (8) Eclipsium Solis ac Lunae consignatio, sola intricatissimas Chronologorum rixas dissolvit, quando annus & anni dies quâ res gesta est, à caelesti charactere omnis dubitationis experte, confirmatur. (9) Eaedem eclipses anni lunaris modulum prodidere, ut Aequinoctiorum observationes anni solaris; quibus omnis constat numeratio temporis; & Paschatis legitimè celebrandi ratio, quae universam Ecclesiam superioribus seculis exercuit, determinatur. (10) Aequinoctia & Eclipses habentur ab observationibus, observationes perficiuntur organis debitâ magnitudine in hunc finem praeparatis. (11) Ab his est omne quod ex Astronomia ad nos redit utilitatis. (12) Habuitque ea cura Reges ac Principes tantopere quondam sollicitos, ut Alexandriae publicis sumptibus Armillae ac Regulae exstructae sint, ad capienda Aequinoctia: &


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(12) We have uncovered a world in the world, indeed Jupiter, accompanied by four planets orbiting him at certain intervals and periods of time.71 (13) By this instrument, we perceive that Venus, brightest of the planets, goes away into horns like the moon72, that Saturn has a triple globe73, that Mercury with its obscure body receives, with the rest of the planets, all its light from the sun. (14) Among the ancients there is no mention whatsoever of all these matters nor any trace of their investigation. XXI. (1) Astronomy, the queen of the mathematical sciences, reveals the treasure of the heavenly palace to us, and, for those contemplating thence from that source, places before the eyes the eternal periods of the most noble bodies, the immense structures of the heavens, and their astonishing arrangement.74 Its conspicuous benefit almost no one is unaware of. (2) There would be no distinction of seasons, years, days, if astronomers did not observe the changes of the sun and moon. (3) But indeed how profitable it becomes, to have a secure calculation of time in communal life, cannot be unknown to one examining the matter a little more attentively. (4) Without this, nothing can be done or arranged among men, but life would be out of control and confused, as among mindless animals.75 (5) In the flow of the centuries, times of the year were confused, summer crosses over into winter, winter into summer, which would nearly have happened from the neglect of Roman priests after the death of Julius Caesar, if Augustus had not at the right time come to the rescue of the Roman year.76 (6) The reliability of historical knowledge is uncertain and suspect, unless from astronomy it receives its strength and foundation. (7) For who, in so great a variety of years [calendars]—Egyptian, Attic, Arab, Jewish and Roman—would not easily become confused without the observations and rules of astronomy, and construct and connect the intervals of the chronologies badly? (8) Only the documentation of eclipses of the sun and moon can dissolve the most intricate quarrels of chronology, whenever the year and the days of the year about which things are reported are confirmed by a celestial sign, free from all doubt. (9) These same eclipses produce a model of the lunar year, as observations of the equinoxes do for the solar year, on which the accounting of all times rest, and the calculation of when to celebrate Easter correctly, which has exercised the whole church in preceding centuries, is determined. (10) Equinoxes and eclipses are gained by observations; the observations are achieved by tools prepared in due size for this purpose. (11) From these everything of use in astronomy comes to us. (12) And in former times its diligence and care won over kings and princes, such that in Alexandria parallactic rulers and armillary spheres were constructed at public expense to capture the equinoxes;77 and


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Aristoteles ante omnia Orientis spolia ab Alexandro Magno petierit, ut captâ Babylone observationes Chaldaeorum mitterentur in Graeciam, quae erant prope bis mille annorum. (13) Noverat scilicet vir maximus, tantum ac tam necessarium esse observationum astronomicarum usum, ut absque iis nec scientia caelestis constitui valeat, nec certa ulla annorum quantitas obtineri. (14) Conducit quoque Astronomia lectioni veterum Poetarum & rei rusticae Scriptorum. (15) Poetae enim antequam Calendarium Romanum à Iulio Caesare ad normam motus Solaris foret restitutum, tempora arandi, serendi, navigandi, descripsere per ortus [17] & occasus certorum siderum, ut Plejadum, Sirii, Arcturi, & aliorum, prout multis in locis apud Hesiodum, Virgilim, Ovidium, Columellam, alios, videre est; quae difficulter ab ignaris hujus scientiae percipiuntur. (16) In Politicis & Militaribus non minorem dicenda est habere necessitatem. (17) Quippe causarum & caelestium eventuum ignoratio aut praenotio, magnos interdum exercitus aut pessumdedit aut servavit. (18) Nicias Atheniensium dux pavore eclipsis lunaris veritus classem portu educere, opes eorum afflixit. (19) Contra Dio Siciliae rex adversus Dionysium navigaturus, eclipsi Lunae cujus causae gnarus erat, nil territus, rem prosperè gessit. (20) Christophorus Columbus novi orbis inventor, in Iamaica insula commeatus penuriâ circumventus, praedictâ eclipsi quam futuram ex Astronomia noverat, barbaros quasi deorum iram incursuros, in metum egit; se suosque servavit. XXII. (1) Verum longè magis enitebit Astronomiae utilitas, si illi conjunxerimus Geographiam & Nauticam, quibus fundamenti vice subjicitur. (2) Geographia oculus historiarum est, sine qua non rectiùs versamur in narratione rerum quàm noctua ad Solem, aut vespertilio in luce diei. (3) Habet hoc rerum gestarum descriptio, ut nisi ad circumstantias locorum & regionis indolem contemperetur, vix moveat lectorem, aut veram referat historiae imaginem. (4) Quoties Carthaginem à Scipione excisam, aut miserabilem Crassi cladem ad Carras legimus, parum dignâ cognitione fruimur, nisi conterminas regiones & situm locorum ubi haec contigere simul habeamus perspectum. (5) Carthaginem nempe Tyriorum coloniam in littore Africae oportunissimo loco positam fuisse ex adverso Italiae, & ob hoc diu Romani imperii aemulam: Carras circà vastas, siccas, & arenosas Mesopotamiae solitudines


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Aristotle sought from Alexander the Great, beyond all the spoils of the orient, that at the capture of Babylon the observations of the Chaldeans might be sent into Greece as they covered nearly 2000 years. (13) Surely that great man knew how important and how necessary the use of astronomical observations was, that without them the science of the heavens could neither be established, nor any certain measurement of the year obtained. (14) Astronomy is also useful for the reading of old poets and agricultural writers. (15) For poets, before the Roman calendar was brought back to the regular movement of the sun by Julius Caesar, described the times of ploughing, sowing, and sailing through [17] the rising and setting of particular stars, as the Pleiades, Sirius, Arcturus and others, as can be seen in many places in Hesiod, Virgil, Ovid, Columella and others; and this caused difficulties for those ignorant of this science. (16) In politics and military affairs astronomy must be said to be no less indispensable. (17) Why indeed, ignorance or advance notice of causes and celestial events has either destroyed or saved on occasion great armies. (18) Nicias the Athenian general brought ruin upon his fleet as in fear of an eclipse of the moon he was afraid to lead the fleet out of the harbour. (19) On the other hand, Dion king of Sicily, when about to sail against Dionysius, was not frightened by a lunar eclipse whose cause he understood, and waged his battle with success.78 (20) Christopher Columbus, the discoverer of the New World, when he was sailing around the island of Jamaica low on supplies, brought the barbarians into fear, as if they were visited by the wrath of the gods, and has saved himself and his men by predicting an eclipse which he knew from astronomy would happen.79 XXII. (1) Truly the usefulness of astronomy will shine much more, if we join geography and navigation, under which it is placed like a foundation. (2) Geography is the eye of history, without which we would be no more correctly engaged in the narrative of events than the owl with the sun or the bat with the light of day. (3) The description of deeds is such that unless it is tempered to the circumstances of the places and the native quality of the region, it would scarcely move the reader, or present a true image of history. (4) However many times we read of Carthage slashed by Scipio [146 B.C.] or the wretched defeat of Crassus against Carrhae [53 B.C.], we enjoy knowledge worth little, unless we have in mind the neighbouring areas and the sites of the places where the things happened. (5) Carthage, the Tyrian colony, was placed in a most advantageous location on the shore of Africa, opposite Italy, and on account of this a rival of the Roman Empire for a long time. Carrhae was sited along vast, dry, sandy Mesopotamian deserts, which were the


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sitas, quae Romanis militibus internecionis fuere causae. (6) Geographia totum orbem terrarum parvâ tabellâ comprehendit & exprimit; locorum situm & civitatum ordinem docet; mores hominum, soli caelique qualitatem tradit; climatum rationes ac proprietates describit; spectatorem denique domi remanentem & à peregrinantium periculis tutum, jucundissimo spectaculo per universum terrae marisque ambitum circumducit. (7) Sine hac nec Principum geruntur bella; nec Rerumpublicarum jura ac limites defenduntur; nec Mercatorum prosperè succedunt negotia. (8) Imperitia locorum multas perdidit militum copias, ducesque aliàs prudentissimos parvâ tabellâ comprehendit & exprimit; locorum situm & civitatum ordinem docet; mores hominum, soli caelique qualitatem tradit; climatum rationes ac proprietates describit; spectatorem denique domi remanentem & à peregrinantium periculis tutum, jucundissimo spectaculo per universum terrae marisque ambitum circumducit. (7) Sine hac nec Principum geruntur bella; nec Rerumpublicarum jura ac limites defenduntur; nec Mercatorum prosperè ac fortissimos in ruinam egit. (9) Eadem Mercatorum fortunas aliquoties subvertit: ut contra, situs & genius regionum locorumque certò exploratus, & mercium inibi nascentium nota conditio, plurimas iis contulit divitias. XXIII. (1) Alter haud postremus Astronomiae foetus est Nautica; quae à Phoenicibus ante multa secula exculta & per Thaletem Milesium in formam artis redacta, tandem se diffudit ad omnes mundi incolas. (2) Quippe Phoenices oportunitate maris ad navigandum allecti, primi ad Cynosuram & ejus conversiones circumpolares respicientes, vitae suae securitatem astronomicis fulcierunt praeceptis: quae deinde repertâ Pyxide nauticâ, & notatâ conversione acus Magneticae ad Septentrionem, universaliora evasere, & pluribus gentibus communia. (3) Haec ea est quae regiones toto mari divisas navibus adire docet, & peregrinos populos quaquaversum latè dispersos frequentare. (4) Cujus fiduciâ mortales inter monstra marina & saevas tempestates; inter horridas syrtes & mille [18] mortis discrimina, ingentes auri & argenti gazas, instabili Oceano committunt; tenui ligno opes Indorum & exoticas Afrorum merces domum comportant. (5) Navigatione non privatorum tantùm res, sed & civitatum ac regnorum aut stetere aut cecidere fortunae. (6) Tyrii ac Sidonii ob crebras navigationes in tantum divitiis ac potentiâ successu temporis accreverunt, ut quatuor nobiles deduxerint colonias, Leptim, Vticam, Carthaginem, & Mediterranei maris imperio navigando sibi vindicato, ad extremum Solis occasum Gades. (7) Alexandrini Tyro excisâ orientalium & occidentalium populorum commercia ad se traxere, ac diu soli possedere; donec paulatim in potentiam Venetorum abierint & Genuensium.


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cause of the complete demise of the Roman soldiers. (6) Geography comprehends and expresses the whole world on a small map; it teaches the sites of places and arrangements of states; it hands down the customs of men and the quality of soil and sky; it describes the reasons and qualities of climates; finally, it conducts the spectator sitting at home and safe from the perils of travel, on a most pleasing spectacle through the whole circuit of land and sea. (7) Without this, princes would neither wage war, nor would the rights and limits of states be defended, nor would the business of merchants succeed prosperously. (8) Lack of experience of places has destroyed military power, and led the most prudent (in other respects) and brave leaders into ruin. (9) The same thing has repeatedly overturned the fortunes of merchants, as, on the other hand, exploring securely the site and attribute of regions and places and knowing the condition of the merchandise there has brought them great riches. XXIII. (1) Another, but not the least child of astronomy is navigation, which was studied by the Phoenicians many centuries ago, and through Thales of Miletus was brought into the form of an art and finally it has spread to all the inhabitants of the world. (2) Indeed, the Phoenicians, drawn to navigation through the favourable position by the sea, were the first to refer to the Polar Star/Ursa minor and its circumpolar revolutions and guarded the safety of their lives by astronomical precepts. These astronomical precepts spread out more universally and were common to many peoples after the naval compass had been discovered and the turning of the magnetic needle to the north was known. (3) It is this that teaches to travel by ship to regions separated by a whole sea and to visit foreign peoples widely dispersed in all directions. (4) Trusting to this art, mortals, among sea monsters and savage storms, among rough straits and a [18] thousand dangers of death, commit huge treasuries of gold and silver to the unstable ocean, and convey home in a light piece of wood the wealth of India and exotic merchandise of Africa. (5) Not only individual affairs depend on navigation, but also both the continuation and the fall of the fates of kings and states. (6) The Tyrians and Sidonians, on account of frequent sea journeys, amassed such riches and power over time that they founded four magnificent colonies, Leptis, Utica, Carthage and, vindicating for themselves by navigation their rule over the Mediterranean, Cadiz, at farthest west. (7) When Tyre was destroyed, the Alexandrians drew to themselves trade with people east and west, and possessed it alone for a long time, until little by little they withdrew before the power of the Venetians and Genoese.


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(8) Nempe opulentissima ac potentissima Venetorum Respublica ad tantum fastigium assurrexit studio & peritiâ navigandi: & superbus Genuensium splendor marinis in totum debetur negotiationibus. (9) Successere Hispani & Lusitani, qui longinquis tentatis regionibus, Orbe novo invento & occupato, veteri ad ultimos orientis fines lustrato, incredibile dictu quàm brevi tempore quantas collegerint opes, & quàm latè potentiam suam cum invidia Orbis Europaei extenderint. (10) Ac tandem nos Batavi (ne exterorum curiosus domestica praeteream) excusso Hispanorum jugo, ubi remotiores mundi oras adire incepimus, nullis istorum aut studio aut successu fuimus inferiores. (11) Quondam Oceanum Atlanticum vix ingressi vitam modicis navigationibus sustentavimus: ac tum qui Flandricas aut Canarias insulas viderant, tanquam ex alio orbe delati reduces cum admiratione conspiciebantur. (12) Sed postquam Matheseos notitia hîc accrevit, & ars Nautica uberius exerceri coepta est, universa maria navigationibus nostris implevimus: Indiae orientalis & occidentalis ditissima loca adivimus, vidimus, hosti extorsimus: Orbem circumnavigavimus; terras deteximus; freta nova invenimus: & ne quid maneret inexpoloratum, extra anni Solisque vias, inaudito exemplo, per mediam glaciem & plus quàm scythicas pruinas, aditum ad divites Cathajae & Sinarum regiones quaesivimus. (13) Ita omnis mercaturae forum intra Bataviam orbis angulum contraximus ac stabilivimus. (14) Quod faxit Deus ut tantum indies augmentum capiat, quantum emolumentum Mathesis attulit ad Nauticam, Nautica ad Mercaturam, & Mercatura ad Patriae nostrae solidam ac firmam prosperitatem. XXIV. (1) Sed tempus est ut vela contraham, & dum navigationis commoda prosequor, navem Orationis ulteriùs abripi non sinam. (2) Ad vos igitur me converto Magnifici atque Amplissimi D D. CONSVLES AC SENATORES; & gratias quàm maximas vobis ago, quod aures vestras tantisper Orationi nostrae commodare haud estis gravati, donec Matheseos Dignitatem & Vtilitatem pro viribus descripsi. (3) Eam nun porrò quâ possum reverentiâ vobis commendo. (4) Vrbem regitis toto orbe terrarum celeberrimam & potentissimam. (5) Ejus incrementum à studiis fuit Mathematicis, astronomicis imprimis & nauticis. (6) Ejus vigor, agite, ne iis unquam destituatur; sed quantum ipsa accrescit, tantum


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(8) Surely the very rich and powerful republic of Venice rose to so great a height by its study of and skill at navigation, and the proud splendour of Genoa is owed entirely to its sea trade. (9) The Spanish and the Portuguese came next, who, having attempted to reach the farthest regions, found and occupied the new world, illuminated the boundaries of the old east to the utmost—it is incredible to state in how short a time they collected so many riches and how widely they extended their power, to the envy of the European world. (10) Now, finally, we Dutch (lest I pay too much heed to foreign successes and pass over domestic ones), having struck off the Spanish yoke, when we began to approach the remotest shores of the world, were inferior in eagerness and success to none of the others.80 (11) At one time we hardly ever entered the Atlantic ocean, but sustained life on moderate voyages; and then those who saw the Flandric or Canary islands, they were looked at with admiration as though they were coming back from another world. (12) But after the knowledge of the mathematical sciences increased here, and the navigational art began to be practiced more intensively, we filled all the seas with our voyages; we came to the richest lands of the East and West Indies, saw them and snatched them away from the foreigners;81 we circumnavigated the globe; we discovered lands; we found new straits; and lest anything should be left unexplored, beyond the paths of the year and the sun, with no equal, through the middle of the icy and more than Scythian frosts, we searched for an approach to the rich regions of China.82 (13) So we have contracted the market of all merchandise within the angle of the world, Holland, and we have established it. (14) What God did so that Holland might daily expand so much, so much advantage have the mathematical sciences contributed to navigation, navigation to trade, and trade to the solid and firm prosperity of our country. XXIV. (1) But now it is time for me to strike my sails, and while I follow the advantages of navigation, not to haul the ship of my speech further away from its destination. (2) To you therefore I now turn, great and worthy members of the city council and Senators; and I give you very great thanks, that you were not at all unwilling to lend your ears to my speech for so long, while I described the dignity and advantage of the mathematical sciences to the best of my ability. (3) These I now further commend, as far as I can, in reverence to you. (4) You rule a city which is very famous and powerful in the whole world. (5) Its growth was from the study of the mathematical sciences, especially astronomy and navigation. (6) Use its [the city’s] energy so that they [the mathematical sciences] never lose their strength; but as much as it [the city] increases


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quoque favoris ac benevolentiae exhibete Mathemata profitentibus. (7) Vidistis à paucis retrò annis totius Belgii navigationes in Civitatem Vestram confluxisse; opes stupendas incolis cumulatas; Vrbis moenia ter aut ampliùs in immensum spatium prolata & extensa. (8) Magna haec sunt & quae [19] sic ipsam queant fatigare famam: sed majora erunt, si (ut laudabiliter incepistis) Artium ac Scientiarum promotionem adjiciatis, & Mathesin publicè doceri faciatis atque exerceri. (9) Iubete modo, nec deerit successus. (10) Exempla habetis nobilissimarum urbium, quae vobis hanc viam praeivere. (11) Tyrus illa, navigationum studio indefessa, omnis generis eruditione floruit, & inter alios Mathematicos Marinum fovit Geographum, Ptolemaeo toties memoratum. (12) Alexandria ut mercatoribus, sic & praestantissimis Mathematicis semper abundavit; & communis velut eorum fuit schola. (13) Haec nobis Timochares, Hipparchos, Ptolemaeos, Pappos, Theones dedit: haec instrumentis publicis Artem Astronomicam & hinc Nauticam indesinenter promovit. (14) Quid si Vos uti commercia Alexandrinorum, ita & Mathematum studia transferatis Amstelodamum? & organis erectis pro margaritis & gemmis, caducae fragilitatis thesauris; tot noctu lucentes gemmas, mundo coaevas, posteris annumerari mandetis; & nomina vestra ut magni olim heroes, Orion, Chiron, Hercules, quos sideribus adscripsit antiquitas, transmittatis in secula? (15) Vienna Austriae aluit suum Purbachium; Noriberga Regiomontanum, Waltherum, & Schoneros. (16) Veneti, Parisienses, Londinenses publicos Mathematum habent Professores. (17) Cur Amstelodamenses iis difficiliores audiant in promovendis Mathematis, aut boni publici minorem gerant curam? (18) Favoris ergo vestri radiis nascentem Mathematicae doctrinae segetem illustrate, fovete. (19) fructus videbitis insignes; & nos quicquid possumus, merita vestra celebrabimus & laudando per totum differemus mundum. XXV. (1) Vos quoque caeteri quotquot hic adestis Auditores, Theologi, Iurisconsulti, Medici; amate Mathesin & colite. (2) Audivistis ejus usum in omni disciplinarum genere esse permagnum: majora percipietis, si caeteris vestris studiis Mathematica velitis conjungere. (3) Eadem vos manet utilitas, quam toti humano generi Mathesin


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so much exhibit the favour and kindness to those publicly teaching the mathematical sciences. (7) You have seen a few years back the ships flowing into your city from all over Belgium; the inhabitants amassing marvellous wealth; the walls of the city extending and being brought forward three times or more into a huge space.83 (8) These things are great [19], and could wear out fame itself; but they will be greater if (as you have begun so laudably) you increase the promotion of the arts and the sciences, and bring it about that the mathematical sciences are publicly taught and practiced. (9) Only give the order, success will not fail. (10) You have examples from the noblest cities, which have paved the way for you. (11) Tyre itself, tireless in the study of navigation, flourished in every type of learning and, amongst other mathematicians, cherished the geographer Marinus, mentioned so many times by Ptolemy. (12) Alexandria abounded, as in merchants, so also in the most outstanding mathematicians, and there was as it were a communal school of them. (13) This [school] has given us Timochares, Hipparchus, Ptolemy, Pappus and Theon; it promoted by public instruments the art of astronomy and hence of navigation without limit. (14) What if you were to transfer to Amsterdam, as the commerce of Alexandria, so also the study of the mathematical sciences, and erect tools84 instead of pearls and gems, treasures of perishable fragility? What if you were to order to be counted for posterity so many jewels gleaming at night [stars], as old as the world, and transmit your names to them, like the former great heroes, Orion, Chiron, Hercules, whom antiquity has written up in the stars, for later generations? (15) Vienna in Austria fostered its citizen Peurbach, Nuremberg did the same for Regiomontanus, Walther and Schoener. (16) The Venetians, the Parisians, the Londoners, have public professors of the mathematical sciences. (17) Why should the citizens of Amsterdam find it harder than they to agree to promote the mathematical sciences, or take less care for the public good? (18) Therefore shine with the beams of your favour on the crops of mathematical learning, now springing up; cherish them! (19) You will see remarkable fruit, and we can do something, we will celebrate your merits and spread them in your praise over the whole world. XXV. (1) You also, the other listeners, as many as are present here, theologians, judges, doctors: love the mathematical sciences and venerate them. (2) You have heard that their benefit is very great in every kind of discipline; you will learn greater things, if you wish to join the mathematical sciences to your other studies. (3) You will find the same advantage we have shown the mathematical sciences to confer to the


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conferrre multis ac variis in rebus ostendimus. (4) Eandem quoque ejus voluptatem experiemini, quam sensere Thales, Pythagoras, Archimedes, Ptolemaeus, aliique viri in erudito hoc pulvere non segniter versati. (5) Nec minus erit è re vestra, Mathematum notitiâ conspicuos esse, quàm aliarum Scientiarum, quarum non mediocrem vobis jam collegistis thesaurum. XXVI. (1) Vos Merctores, jucundum habebitis ea studia tractare, quorum beneficio merces vestrae vasto pelago commissae tutae eunt redeuntque. (2) Nolite objicere vitam vestram curis ac sollicitudine plenam, Mathematicas contemplationes non admittere: invenietis subinde horulam quâ tetricas negotiorum molestias amoenitate Matheseos diluatis. (3) Thales unus è septem Graeciae Sapientibus, & studiis Mathematicis vacavit, & Mercaturae. (4) Praevisâ enim olei ubertate omnia Milesiorum praela ac trapeta conduxit; iisque postea inenti pretio elocatis, ostendit amicis, non tantùm sapientem cùm velit ditescere posse, sed & contemplationes Philosophicas Mathematicasque, à Mercatura minimè esse alienas. (5) Plato quoque insignis fuit mathematicus, & Hippocrates Chius mercator industrius: at nihilominus ille in Aegypto olei mercatum exercuit; hic peritiâ Mathematum certavit cum Thalete, Pythagora, & ipso Euclide. XXVII. [20] (1) Vos denique doctissimi ac studiosissimi Iuvenes, qui aut literarum aut Philosophiae studiis incumbitis, & ad summam doctrinae arcem contenditis; Mathematum studia nolite negligere. (2) Plato & Aristoteles exemplis Mathematicis Philosophiam suam illustrarunt, quia ea aetate adolescentes jam tum perceperant Mathemata antequam ad Physicam aut Methaphysicam admitterentur. (3) Hoc & vos agite, si Platonem, si Aristotelem sequi vultis, & Philosphiam non perfunctoriè excolere. (4) Poetae item, Historici & Oratores, Mathemata tractare amant. (5) eorum doctrinam ut percipiatis, sit vobis à Mathesi studiorum initium, & brevi ingentes facietis progressus. (6) Quod si bene semel coeperitis, ego quantum muneris mei postulabit ratio, proposito vestro spondeo me haud defuturum. DIXI


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whole human race in many and varied affairs. (4) You will also experience their delight, which Thales, Pythagoras, Archimedes, Ptolemy and other men felt, who were very well versed in this learned arena. (5) Nor is it of less moment in your affairs to be conspicuous in the knowledge of the mathematical sciences, as in that of other sciences, whose treasury, not small, you have already put together. XXVI. (1) You merchants will have a pleasant time in employing these studies, by whose benefit your wares entrusted to the vast sea go out and return safely. (2) Do not object that your lives are full of cares and anxiety, and cannot admit mathematical contemplation; you will often find a small space of time in which you may dilute the worrisome troubles of business with the pleasure of the mathematical sciences. (3) Thales, one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece85, had time for both mathematical studies and trade. (4) For, having foreseen the richness of the olive crop, he hired every press and mill in Miletus; and afterwards when he leased them out at huge prices, he showed his friends not only that a wise man could be rich if he chose, but also that philosophical and mathematical studies are not at all foreign to trade.86 (5) Plato also was a famous mathematician, and Hippocrates of Chios a busy merchant; but nonetheless the former exercised trade in Egyptian olive oil, the latter contested in mathematical skill with Thales, Pythagoras, and Euclid himself.87 XXVII. [20] (1) Finally, you learned and eager youths, who are plunging into the studies of letters or philosophy, and are striving for the greatest height of learning: do not neglect the study of the mathematical sciences. (2) Plato and Aristotle illustrate their own philosophy with mathematical examples, because in that time youths had already learned mathematics before they were admitted to physics and metaphysics. (3) Do likewise, if you wish to follow Plato, if you wish to follow Aristotle, and if you do not want to cultivate philosophy just superficially. (4) Poets likewise, historians and orators love to reflect on the mathematical sciences. (5) So that you may perceive their doctrine, let your studies begin with the mathematical sciences and in a short time you will make great progress. (6) Once you have made a good beginning, I solemnly promise that I will hardly fail your purpose, whatever duties it will demand of me. I have now finished my speech.


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REFERENCES 1. i.e. the Athenaeum illustre. 2. Grootenhuys (1573–1646) had been appointed trustee of the Athenaeum illustre in 1632 along with Albert Coenraetsz: Elias (1963), i., 275; Rademaker (1981), 242. 3. The city affairs were conducted by the Town Council of thirty-six councillors, nine magistrates and four burgomasters or mayors: Burke (1994), 17. In 1634 the four burgomasters were Andries Bicker (1586–1652), Dirk Bas (1569–1637), Jan Geelvinck (1582–1666) and Jacob Backer (1572–1643); on them cf. Elias (1963), i., 346–8, 245f, 352f and 238 respectively. 4. Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino 4, 9. Also referred to by Erasmus (1971), 97. 5. Reference to his colleagues Caspar Barlaeus who taught philosophy and Gerard Joannes Vossius who taught history; cf. our introduction. 6. Apollo, son of Zeus, had since classical times been considered as protector of the sciences in general, in particular of astronomy, mathematics and, naturally, music. 7. According to Greek myths Athene, whose residence was sometimes called arx Palladis, had early on taught the science of numbers. In classical times she became the Goddess of wisdom. Her symbol, the owl, still carries this connotation. 8. Reference to Proclus: Barozzi (1560), 27: ‘Haec itaque Mathesis est, sive disciplina, quae aeternarum in anima rationum reminiscentia est’. Cf. Proclus (1992), 38; on Proclus’s Commentary on the First Book of Euclid’s Elements see Mueller (1987). 9. As reported by Diogenes Laertius: Lives of Eminent Philosophers, IV, 10: Diogenes Laertius (1925), i., 384f; cf. the article on Xenocrates in Der Neue Pauly xii./2, 620–3. 10. Proclus comments on this: Barozzi (1560), 21; Proclus (1992), 29f. 11. Logistica (in other texts supputatio or arithmetica practica), which we render as practical arithmetic, is sometimes translated as computation or calculation; cf. Masi (1983), 148. 12. Clavius was among those who identified these six mixed parts: Clavius (1611–12) [1574], i., 3f; he in turn followed Barozzi: Barozzi (1560), 22f; Proclus: Proclus (1992), 31f; cf. Feldhay (1998), 96f. 13. In these self-confident words the whole might of the quaestio de certitudine mathematicarum reverberates; cf. introduction. 14. Clavius had stressed this aspect repeatedly: Clavius (1611–12) [1574], I, 5; (1611–12) [1581], iv., Praefatio, [1]. On the meanings and context of the term probabile see Daston (1998); Hacking (1993), 18–30. 15. Erasmus used the expression ‘solo naturae ductu’ in his Praise of Folly: ‘Thus the happier branches of knowledge are those which are more nearly related to folly, and by far the happiest men are those who have no traffic at all with any of the sciences and follow nature for their only guide’. Erasmus (1971), 111, No. 32. On the epistemology of science as a hunt see Eamon (1994).


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16. Plato, Timaeus 53c: Plato (1914–1927), ix, 126f: ‘. . . yet, inasmuch as you have some acquaintance with the technical method (kata paideusin hodon) which I must necessarily employ in my exposition, you will follow me’. Another general reference can be found in Plato, The Republic 522c–527c, especially 526b: Plato (1914–1927), vi., 166f: ‘Again, have you ever noticed this, that natural reckoners are by nature quick in virtually all their studies? And the slow, if they are trained and drilled in this, even if no other benefit results, all improve and become quicker than they were’. 17. This view had been widely spread by Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers I, 24f: Diogenes Laertius (1925), i., 26f and Proclus: Barozzi (1560), 36f; Proclus (1992), 52; cf. e.g. Clavius (1611–12) [1574], i., 4: ‘Hanc Thales Milesius ex Aegypto in Graeciam primus transtulisse fertur’. 18. Again, the story goes back to Proclus: Barozzi (1560), 37; Proclus (1992), 51. It is also told, e.g., in the collected works of Archimedes: Archimedes (1615): Archimedis vita, 6 and by Clavius: Clavius (1611–12) [1574], i., 7); cf. Gorman (2003), 40, 113. 19. The well-known tradition of patronage of the mathematical sciences by emperors, kings, and princes was regularly invoked by those seeking legitimization of the mathematical sciences; cf. Remmert (2006), ch. 6. On the close relationship between the Stadholder Maurice of Orange and Simon Stevin see van Berkel, Klaas, Stevin and the Mathematical Practitioners (Berkel/Helden/Palm, 1999), 13–36; Hopper (1982). 20. The ‘voluptas’ of the mathematical sciences is also a wide-spread topos, usually referred back to Plato as e.g. in Clavius, Christopher: In disciplinas mathematicas prolegomena: Clavius (1611–12), i., 3–9, here 6: ‘Testatur, magnam animi voluptatem ex his artibus percipi, Divinus Plato in 7. de Rep. [. . .]’. 21. Plato, The Republic VII, 523a–525a: Plato (1914–1927), vi., 152–161: in 523a and in 525a. 22. A hecatomb is a sacrifice of several oxen. Both stories have been related by Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers I, 24 and VIII, 12: Diogenes Laertius (1925), i., 24–27 and ii., 330f. 23. Hortensius’s account of this story may be based on Vitruvius: On Architecture IX, preface, 9–12: Vitruvius (1931), ii., 202–7. 24. Reference to an epigram, attributed to Ptolemy, preceding book I of his Almagest: ‘Well do I know that I am mortal, a creature of one day. But if my mind follows the winding paths of the stars then my feet no longer rest on earth, but standing by Zeus himself I take my fill of ambrosia, the divine dish’ (translated from the German in Ptolemy (1963), i.). Rarely had humans been granted the privilege of consuming ambrosia, the food of immortality. Apollo had been nursed on nectar and ambrosia by the nymph Themis and Athene had granted Achilles this privilege: Homer, Iliad XIX, 347–54). 25. As reported by Plutarch, Moralia 1094b: Plutarch (1927–69), xiv., 66f. 26. In the seventeenth century the Latin exercitia could carry religious undertones as, in particular, in the Ignatian spiritual exercises in the Society of Jesus, amongst whose members the mathematical sciences, too, were


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27.

28. 29.

30.

31.

32.

33. 34. 35. 36.

37.

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History of Universities highly cultivated. Kepler and other seventeenth-century scholars saw their work and exercises in the mathematical sciences as a way to serve God; cf. Remmert (2005); for the case of Descartes see Jones (2001). Possibly a reference to Horace who speaks about ‘a fragment of the divine spirit’ Saturae II, 2, 79: Horace (1929), 142f: ‘divinae particulam aurae’. Hortensius’s position brings to mind Galileo’s insinuation in the Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems of 1632 that pure mathematics was the only way open to the human intellect to gain knowledge equivalent in quality to divine knowledge: Remmert (2005). As reported by Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosopher, II, 7: Diogenes Laertius (1925), i, 136f. The Latin excolo has several undertones which are of importance in Hortensius’s campaign to gain patronage for the mathematical sciences: to cultivate, to honour, to enhance the reputation and to bring to perfection. The juxtaposition of the book of revelation and the book of nature was standard in the seventeenth century, and their relation stood at the core of many debates, e.g. the Galileo affair; cf. Biagioli (2003); Blumenberg (1981); Bono (1995); Curtius (1984), 323ff; Harrison (1998), 193ff; Pedersen (1992); Scholz (1993); cf. below X.(3). The image of arithmetic and geometry as wings of the mind/astronomy was wide-spread in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Andrea Argoli for instance used it in a frontispiece: Argoli (1667). Philipp Melanchthon refers to it in connection with Plato’s Phaedrus: Melanchthon (1536), Av[r]: ‘Sunt igitur alae mentis humanae, Arithmetica et Geometria’. While the wings of the soul are important in the Phaedrus (246a–e), we have not been able to trace a precise reference to arithmetic and geometry as wings in Plato; cf. Jardine (1984), 186, fn 168. The imagery of the world being a machine was wide-spread; cf. below VIII.(12): ‘mundi machinam’; cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses I, 257f: Ovid (1921–84), i., 20f): ‘quo mare, quo tellus correptaque regia caeli ardeat et mundi moles obsessa laboret’ (‘when sea and land, the unkindled palace of the sky and the beleaguered structure of the universe should be destroyed by fire’). Flavius Josephus, Jewish Antiquities I, 69–71: Josephus (1930–1965), iv., 32f. Wisdom of Solomon, 11, 20. As reported by Plutarch: Moralia 718b–720c: Plutarch (1927–1969), ix., 118–31; cf. Ohly (1982), Mueller (2005). Cf. the dedicatory letter of Federico Commandino to Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese: Archimedes (1558). Plutarch Moralia 718e: Plutarch (1927–69), ix., 121; Lives, ‘Marcellus’ XIV, 5f: Plutarch (1914–26), v., 471 mentions that Plato was incensed at their taking recourse to mechanical arrangements in order to tackle a geometrical problem. The Byzantine commentator Johannes Tzetzes reported this in the twelfth century Chiliades/Book of Histories VIII, 972–3, quoted in Selections Illustrating the History of Greek Mathematics (1939–41), i., 386f. Cf. Elias


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38. 39. 40. 41.

42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

50. 51. 52. 53.

54.

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Philosophus, In Aristoteles Categorias Commentaria, ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1900), 118:18, and Joannes Philoponus, In Aristotelis de Anima Libros Commentaria, ed. Michael Hayduck (Berlin, 1897), 117: 29. Copernicus programmatically put this warning on the title-page of his De revolutionibus orbium coelestium in 1543: Copernicus (1543); cf. Mueller (2005). Plato: Meno 82b–85e (Plato 1914–1927, II, 304–321); Plato: Theaetetus 147e–148a (Plato 1914–1927, VII, 26f). Plato: Timaeus 34b–36d (Plato 1914–1927, IX, 64–73); also mentioned by Proclus (Proclus 1992, 14). Again, Hortensius refers to the juxtaposition of the book of nature and Holy Scripture; cf. above VII.(10). Hortensius refers to Psalm 8,4: ‘When I look up at thy heavens, the work of thy fingers, the moon and the stars set in their place by thee’ [quoniam videbo caelos tuos: opera digitorum tuorum lunam et stellas quae tu fundasti]. Psalm 8,1. Psalm 19,2 [Vulgata 18,2]: ‘Caeli enarrant gloriam Dei et opus manus eius adnuntiat firmamentum’. Ezekiel 40–48; cf. the famous reconstruction of the Temple of Solomon by Juan Bautista Villalpando Prado and Villalpando (1596–1604). Cf. Revelation 21, 9–21. Cf. the groups of seven in Daniel 9, 24–27. Cf. Revelation 7, 1–8. On the mathematical sciences and biblical exegesis see Remmert (forthcoming). Rivault tells about Astraea in similar words in his introduction ‘Nobilibus Gallis pro mathematicis’ to Archimedis (1615), 11: ‘Denique Astraea ipsa pro Tribunali sedens, & distributivae & commutativae iustitiae Mathesim necessariam adiucat, [. . .]’. On Astraea/Justitia see Ovid, Metamorphoses I, 127–31 and 149f: Ovid (1921–84), i., 10–13; Yates (1975), 29–87; on Astraea in early modern astronomy see Remmert (2003), 247–95, 281f, 286. The works of Galen (129–199), the last famous physician and medical writer of antiquity, were still widely influential in early modern medicine. For the importance of the mathematical sciences to early modern medicine see e.g. the exposition by Argoli (1639); cf. Sudhoff (1902). Yearly feast in Athens, cf. Der Neue Pauly viii., 611–26. This was one of the highest honours conferred in Athens mentioned, e.g., in Plato, Apology 36d: Plato (1914–1927), i., 128f; cf. Der Neue Pauly x., 493. Cf. Hippocrates (1990), 106f, No. 25: ‘Decree of the Athenians’: ‘The Council and the People of Athens have decreed: Whereas Hippocrates of Cos, being a physician and descended from Asclepius, has shown great concern for the safety of the Greek people, And whereas on the occasion of a plague coming from the land of the barbarians towards Hellas, he sent out his pupils to different places to proclaim what therapies they had to use to keep themselves safe from the imminent plague, and, in order that


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55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.

61.

62. 63. 64. 65. 66.

67. 68.

69.

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History of Universities medical science bequeathed to the Greeks would preserve safe those that were ill from it he generously published his writings on medical science because he wanted there to be many physicians who saved people, [. . .]. Therefore [. . . it] is decreed by the people to initiate him into the great mysteries at public expense as was done with Heracles, the son of Zeus, and to crown him with a gold crown worth one thousand gold pieces, and to proclaim the crown at the great Panathenaia at the athletic competition, [. . .] And that there be for Hippocrates citizenship, and sustenance in the Prytaneum for his lifetime’. On Hippocrates and the plague see also Hippocrates (1990), 116–19, No. 27.7 and Pinault (1992), 35–60). Paraphrase of Polybius, The Histories IX, 26a: Polybius (1922–7), iv., 60–3. Der Neue Pauly x., 645–8, on war see especially 647. Conqueror of Athens, 307 B. C. In particular, organum refers to a hydraulic or water organ as described by Kircher (1650) and many others in the seventeenth century; cf. Gouk (1999). On automata see Bedini (1964); Hankins and Silverman (1995); Karafyllis (2004); Marr (2004); Mayr (1986); Wolfe (2004). Reference to the tripods of Hephaestus/Vulcan in the Iliad, XVIII, 369ff: Homer (1999), ii., 314f. The tripods were a very prominent topic in mechanics and in particular in the literature on automata. Vulcan was considered as the founding father of the art of automata. A standard reference for the early modern period is de Caus (1615). Ctesibios, who lived in Alexandria in the beginning of the third century B.C., was counted among the foremost engineers along with Heron and Archimedes. One of the main sources on his many inventions is Vitruvius, On Architecture, IX, 8, 2–7 and X, 7, 1–4: Vitruvius (1931), ii., 256–61, 310–13, who also mentions the blackbirds: De architectura, X, 7, 4. On Ctesibios see Drachmann (1948); cf. the article in Der Neue Pauly vi., 876–8. Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, ‘Archytas Leben’, A.10a Fragmente der Vorsokratiker 1954, I, 424f; cf. the article in Der Neue Pauly i., 1029–31. Cf. Plutarch, Lives, Marcellus 14, 7: Plutarch (1914–26), v., 473. As reported by Martianus Capella whom Hortensius quotes below: Martianus Capella (1878), 908. On the importance and traditions of musical healing see Horden (2000); Kümmel (1977). Close paraphrase of a passage in book IX ‘De harmonia’, of Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis philologiae et mercurii, IX, 926; translation quoted from Martianus Capella (1977), 358; for the Latin see Martianus Capella (1878), 493. Cf. 1 Samuel 16, 23. Hortensius paraphrases Horace Epistulae I, 6, 1f: ‘Nihil admirari prope res est una, Numici, solaque quae possit facere et servare beatum’: Horace (1929), 286f. This famous story had first been told by Lucian in the second century (cf. Selections Illustrating the History of Greek Mathematics (1939–41), ii., 20f.


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70. 71. 72. 73.

74. 75. 76.

77. 78.

79.

80. 81. 82.

83.

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See also Cassius Dio, Roman History: Cassius Dio (1914–27), ii., 171. On its credibility and tradition see Knorr (1983); Mills and Clift (1992); Simms (1977, 1994). It was of immense importance for the legitimization of the mathematical sciences in the seventeenth century: Remmert (1998), 201–205). All due to the observations of Galileo in 1609–10 and published in his Sidereus Nuncius of 1610. Hortensius, too, was a Copernican. To Galileo the four moons of Jupiter had been a precedent of the Copernican system as they clearly did not circulate around the earth. Meaning that Venus has phases like the moon. In his Letters on Sunspots of 1613 Galileo had described Saturn as being touched by two small stars, thus having the appearance of a triple globe: Galileo (1957), 101f. Again, ‘immensas caelorum moles’ carries undertones of celestial machinery; cf. above VII.(11) and VIII.(12). On this classical topos see Wolkenhauer (2005). The Julian calendar was used from 45BC on. It consisted of 12 months of 30 or 31 days each, resulting in a year of 365 days. Once every four years an additional day was put in after February 24th (leap year). However after the death of Julius Caesar the rule was used incorrectly, resulting in leap years every three years. The first leap year was 45BC, then every year divisible by three until 9BC. These (false) additional leap years were corrected by Augustus by having the next leap year in 8AD and returning to the four year cycle. See Radke (1990), 67–8. On parallactic or Ptolemy’s rulers, see Evans (1990), 241f; cf. the description of the parallactic ruler in Ptolemy’s Almagest: Toomer (1998), 244–7. On Nicias and Dion see Plutarch, Lives, ‘Nicias and Crassus’, 23: Plutarch (1914–26), iii., 291. Nicias and his lack of astronomical knowledge are also discussed by Polybius, The Histories IX, 19: Polybius (1922–7), iv., 44f, whom Hortensius quotes earlier (XIV, 8–10). Reference to Columbus’s prediction of an eclipse in February 1504. This story can also be found in the section on the usefulness of astronomy (‘De utilitate astronomiae’) in Clavius’s Sacrobosco commentary: Clavius (1611–12) [1570], iii., 4f. On the Dutch colonial empire and the Dutch primacy in world trade in the early modern period see Israel, (1989). Allusion to Caesar’s Veni, vidi, vici. Reference to the search for a North-East passage to China and in particular the famous expedition of Willem Barents in 1596/7. Whale-hunting, too, brought the Dutch to the North, in particular to Spitzbergen and Greenland: Israel (1989), 111f. Kepler alluded to this context in his Elegia in obitum Tychonis Brahe: ‘Uranie Batavos saeva servavit ab Arcto | Quos fugit multo tempore clausa dies’: Kepler (1992), 24, lines 145f. Allusion to the considerable territorial expansion of the city of Amsterdam in the early seventeenth century; on this see ’t Hart (2001), in particular 130–2.


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84. He refers to the tools mentioned in XXI.(12). 85. The Seven Wise Men of Greece were first mentioned by Plato, Protagoras 343a: Plato (1914–1927), ii., 196f; cf. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers i., 22–44 (Thales): Diogenes Laertius (1925), i., 22–47; Snell (1971). 86. This story is recounted by Aristotle: Politics 1259a9: Aristotle (1944), 54–7. 87. The latter is reported by Philoponus in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (A 2 (185a16)); cf. Selections Illustrating the History of Greek Mathematics (1939–41), i., 234f. That Plato sold oil is reported by Plutarch, Lives, ‘Solon’, II, 4: Plutarch 1914–26, i., 408f, and had already been quoted by Barlaeus in his inaugural lecture on the Wise Merchant: Barlaeus (1632), 31.

BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Works of Hortensius I.1 Publications of Hortensius Hortensius, Martin, ‘Ad Candidum ac Benevolum Lectorem Praefatio’, in: Lansbergen, Philipp: Commentationes in motum terrae Diurnum, & Annuum; et in verum adspectabilis caeli typum. In quibus ostenditur, Diurnum, Anuumque Motum, qui apparet in Sole, & Caelo, non deberi Soli, aut Caelo, sed soli Terrae: simulque Adspectabilis Primi Coeli Typus, ad vivum exprimitur. Ex Belgico Sermone in Latinum versae, à Martino Hortensio Delfensi: unà cum ipsius Praefatione, in quâ Astronomiae Brahaeanae Fundamenta examinatur; & cum Lansbergianâ Astronomiae Restitutione conferuntur (Middelburg, 1630) [38 pages by Hortensius on recent developments in astronomy (Brahe, Kepler etc.)] Hortensius, Martin, Responsio ad additiunculam D. Ioannis Kepleri, Caesarei Mathematici, praefixam Ephemeridi eius in Annum 1624. In qua Cum de totius Astronomiae Restitutione, tum imprimis de observatione Diametri Solis, fide Tubi dioptrici, Eclipsibus utriusque Luminaris, luculenter agitur (Leiden, 1631) Hortensius, Martin, ‘In viri clarissimi Philippi Lansbergii Opus astronomicum tabulasque motuum caelestium dudum ab omnibus desideratas Carmen, quo ortus & progressus astronomiae ad nostra usque tempora ostenditur’ in Lansbergen, Philipp: Tabulae motuum coelestium perpetuae; Ex omnium temporum Observationibus constructae, temporumque omnium Observationibus consentientes. Item Novae & genuinae Motuum coelestium theoricae & Astronomicarum observationum Thesaurus (Middelburg, 1632), **1r–**4v [i.e. 18–24] Hortensius, Martin, Dissertatio de Mercurio in sole viso et venere invisa (Leiden, 1633) Hortensius, Martin, Oratio de dignitate et utilitate Matheseos. Habita in illustri Gymnasio Senatus Populique Amstelodamensis (Amsterdam, 1634)


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Mueller, Ian, ‘Mathematics and Philosophy in Proclus’ Commentary on Book I of Euclid’s Elements in Pépin, Jean and Saffrey, H. D. (eds), Proclus: lecteur et interprète des anciens (Paris, 1987) 305–18 Mueller, Ian, ‘Mathematics and the Divine in Plato’ in Bergmans, Luc and Koetsier, Teun (eds) Mathematics and the Divine. A Historical Study (Amsterdam, 2005) 99–121 North, Michael, Art and Commerce in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven/ London, 1997) Ohly, Friedrich, ‘Deus Geometra: Skizzen zur Geschichte einer Vorstellung von Gott’, in Kamp, Norbert and Wollasch, Joachim (eds): Tradition als historische Kraft. Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zur Geschichte des frühen Mittelalters (Berlin/New York, 1982), 1–42 Olivieri, Luigi, ‘Dalle “scientiae mediae” alle “due nuove scienze”: linee di sviluppo dell’epistemologia galileiana in Baldo Coelin, Milla (ed.), Galileo e la scienza sperimentale (Padua, 1995), 65–86 Pedersen, Olaf, The Book of Nature (Vatican City, 1992) Pinault, Jody Rubin, Hippocratic Lives and Legends (Leiden/New York, 1992) Prado, Jéronimo de and Villalpando, Juan Bautista, In Ezechielem explanationes et apparatus urbis ac templi hierosolymitani commentariis et imaginibus illustratis (3 vols, Rome, 1596–1604) Rademaker, C. S. M., Life and Work of Gerardus Joannes Vossius (1577–1649) (Assen, 1981) Radke, Gerhard, Fasti Romani. Betrachtungen zur Frühgeschichte des römischen Kalenders (Münster, 1990) (Orbis Antiquus 31). Remmert, Volker R., Ariadnefäden im Wissenschaftslabyrinth. Studien zu Galilei: Historiographie—Mathematik—Wirkung (Berne, 1998) Remmert, Volker R., ‘Die Einheit von Theologie und Astronomie: zur visuellen Auseinandersetzung mit dem kopernikanischen System bei jesuitischen Autoren in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu 72 (2003), 247–95 Remmert, Volker R., ‘Galileo, God, and Mathematics’ in Bergmans, Luc and Koetsier, Teun (eds), Mathematics and the Divine. A Historical Study (Amsterdam, 2005) 347–60 Remmert, Volker R., Widmung, Welterklärung und Wissenschaftslegitimierung: Titelbilder und ihre Funktionen in der Wissenschaftlichen Revolution (Wolfenbüttel/Wiesbaden, 2006) Remmert, Volker R., ‘Für diejenigen, die die heiligen Schriften auslegen, ist es notwendig, sich die mathematischen Disziplinen anzueignen’. Bibelexegese und mathematische Wissenschaften in der Gesellschaft Jesu um 1600’, in Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, forthcoming. Romano, Antonella, La contre-réforme mathématique: Constitution et diffusion d’une culture mathématique Jésuite à la Renaissance (1540–1640) (Rome, 1999) Rose, Paul Lawrence, The Italian Renaissance of Mathematics. Studies on Humanists and Mathematicians from Petrarch to Galileo (Geneva, 1975)


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Schüling, Hermann, Die Geschichte der axiomatischen Methode im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert, (Hildesheim/New York, 1969) Secretan, Catherine, Le ‹‹Marchand Philosophe›› de Caspar Barlaeus: Un éloge du commerce dans la Hollande du Siècle d’Or. Étude, texte et traduction du ‹‹Mercator sapiens›› (Paris, 2002) Simms, D. L., ‘Archimedes and the Burning Mirrors of Syracuse’, Technology and Culture 18 (1977), 1–24 Simms, D. L., ‘Galen on Archimedes: Burning Mirror or Burning Pitch?’, Technology and Culture 32 (1994), 91–6 Scholz, Bernhard F., ‘Marginalien bij het Boek der Natuur’, Feit en fictie. Tijdschrift voor de geschiedenis van de representatie 1 (1993), 51–74 Struik, Dirk J., The Land of Stevin and Huygens: A Sketch of Science and Technology in the Dutch Republic during the Golden Age (Dordrecht/Boston/ London, 1981) Sudhoff, Karl, Iatromathematiker vornehmlich im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Breslau, 1902) Toomer, Gerald J., Ptolemy’s Almagest (Princeton, 1998) Vermij, Rienk H., ‘Het copernicanisme in de Republiek: een verkenning’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 106 (1993), 349–367 Wolfe, Jessica, Humanism, Machinery, and Renaissance Literature (Cambridge, 2004) Wolkenhauer, Anja, ‘Ordo vitae: Die Entwicklung der Uhrenmetapher als Sinnbild guter Herrschaft in der spätantiken lateinischen Literatur’ in Susan Splinter, Sybille Gerstengarbe, Horst Remane, and Benno Parthier (eds), Physica et historia. Festschrift für Andreas Kleinert zum 65. Geburtstag (Acta Historica Leopoldina 45, Stuttgart, 2005), 43–50 Wreede, Liesbeth de, ‘Willebrord Snellius (1581–1626), humanist-mathematicus’, Nieuwsbrief Universiteitsgeschiedenis 8 (1) (2002), 12–18 Wreede, Liesbeth de, ‘Willebrord Snellius: a humanist mathematician’, Proceedings of the XII International Congress for Neo-Latin Studies (Bonn, 2003), to be published 2006 Yates, Frances A., Astraea. The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London/Boston, 1975) Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike (19 vols, Stuttgart/Weimar, 1996–2003)

IV Praising the Mathematical Sciences Aggiunti, Niccolò, Oratio de mathematicae laudibus. Habita in florentissima Pisarum Academia cum ibidem publicam illius scientiae explicationem aggressurus foret (Rome, 1627) Barozzi, Francesco, Opusculum, in quo una Oratio, & duae Quaestiones: altera de certitudine, & altera de medietate Mathematicarum continentur (Padua, 1560)


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Brahe, Tycho, De disciplinis mathematicis Oratio (1574) in Dreyer, John Louis Emil (ed.), Tychonis Brahe Opera Omnia (15 vols, Amsterdam, 1972), i., 143–173 (German translation by Karl Zeller: ‘Über die mathematischen Wissenschaften. Eine Rede Tycho Brahes’ in Die Sterne 11 (1931), 98–123) Cavalieri, Bonaventura, ‘Trattato delle Scienze Matematiche in generale’ in Sandra Giuntini, Enrico Giusti, and Elisabetta Ulivi (eds), Opere inedite di Bonaventura Cavalieri in Bollettino di Storia delle Scienze Matematiche 5 (1985), 1–350, 47–55 Chesnecopherus, Niels, Oratio de Matheseos laudibus, ejusque contra Epicureos & Aristippos defensione. Scripta et pronunciata publice in Philosophorum Collegio Marpurgi Cattorum, 32. (sic) Decem. anni 1593 (Marburg, 1594) Clavius, Christopher, In disciplinas mathematicas prolegomena in Clavius, Christoph, Opera mathematica (5 vols, Mainz, 1611–12) i. 3–9 Commandino, Federigo, De Scientiis Mathematicis Dissertatio in Michaelis Pselli Compendium Mathematicum aliaque Tractatus Eodem pertinentes (Leiden, 1647) Curtius, Joachim, Commentatio de certitudine Matheseos et Astronomiae (Hamburg, 1616) Dasypodius, Conrad, Protheoria Mathematica in qua non solum disciplinae Mathematicae omnes, ordine convenienti enumerantur: verum etiam universalia Mathematica praecepta, explicantur (Strasbourg, 1593) Dee, John, The Mathematical Preface to the Elements of Geometrie of Euclid of Megara (1570). With an Introduction by Allen G. Debus (New York, 1975) Gaurico, Luca, ‘Oratio de inventoribus, utilitate et laudibus astronomia, habita per Lucam Gauricum, vertente anno humanitati verbi MDVII dum in Ferrariensi Gymnasio mathematicas disciplinas publice profiteretur’ in Gaurico, Luca, Operum omnium (3 vols, Basel, 1575), i., 1–8 Grienberger, Christoph, ‘ “Praefatio” in Praise of the Mathematical Disciplines’ in Gorman ‘Mathematics and Modesty in the Society of Jesus: The Problems of Christoph Grienberger’ in Feingold, Mordechai (ed.), The New Sciences and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth Century Perspectives (Dordrecht/Boston/ London, 2003), 1–120, 33–40 Hood, Thomas, ‘The Speache by the Mathematicall Lecturer’ in Johnson, Francis R., ‘Thomas Hood’s Inaugural Address as Mathematical Lecturer of the City of London’, Journal of the History of Ideas 3 (1942), 94–106, 99–106 Jungius, Joachim, ‘Oratio de propaedia Philosophica sive Propaedeutico Mathematum usu.’. Edited and translated into German by Johannes Lemcke and Adolf Meyer in Beiträge zur Jungius-Forschung 1929, 94–120 Malapert, Charles, Oratio Habita Duaci dum lectionem Mathematicam auspicaretur. In qua De novis Belgici Telescopij phaenomenis non iniucunda quaedam Academice disputantur (Douay, 1620)


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Monantheuil, Henri, Oratio pro mathematicis artis, Parisiis habita (Paris, 1574) Peletier, Jacques, ‘Oratio Pictavii habita, in praedelectiones Mathematicas’ (Poitiers, 1579), ed. Paul Laumonier, Revue de la Renaissance 5 (1904), 281–303 Pell, John, Oratio inauguralis Joannis Pellii in Inauguratio illustris scholae ac illustris collegii auriaci (Breda, 1647), 168–183 Velsin, Justin, De mathematicarum disciplinarum vario usu dignitateque (Strasbourg, 1544)


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‘Redbrick’s unlovely quadrangles’: Reinterpreting the architecture of the civic universities*1 William Whyte

Towards the end of November 1919, the young academic Bruce Truscot took a job at a new university. It all came as rather a shock. ‘I saw in front of me’, he later wrote, A vast block of red-brick buildings, ornamented with meaningless scrolls and geometrical figures and tapering here and there into ridiculous little pinnacles looking for all the world like miniature candle-snuffers.

Nor did the exterior conceal a more attractive core. Indeed, ‘the interior, at the initial attack, was worse still’: Passing through the swing-doors which appeared to constitute the main entrance, one would at least have expected to have been met by some kind of hall, however modest. But there was nothing of the kind. Inside the doors was a corridor, running right and left, the lower part of its walls covered with hideous glazed tiles, in blue, yellow and green, of a type once subsequently described to me by a witty colleague as ‘Late Lavatory’. The upper part, on either side, almost as far as I could see, was hidden by notice-boards, from which hung, droopingly and disconsolately, the faded and tattered announcements of the preceding term.

As he stood and stared at these relics, and took in the dingy surroundings of the college, someone began singing ‘It’s a long way to Tipperary’. ‘I remember reflecting’, Truscot concluded, ‘that it was considerably farther from Redbrick to Queen’s College, Oxbridge’.2 Bruce Truscot was, of course, a pseudonym—as was Redbrick. The author of these comments was, in fact, Edgar Allison Peers and the university was, in reality, Liverpool. But if the account was fictionalized, the experience was all too real and all too common. Alfred Waterhouse, the architect at Liverpool, had also worked at the universities of Manchester and Leeds, and at the City and Guilds Institute in London.3 Dozens of dons and thousands of students had passed through the doors of his distinctive Gothic buildings. In other towns, too—in


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Birmingham and Bristol, in Reading and Southampton, in Nottingham, Newcastle, and beyond—similarly striking new university buildings were erected. They were needed to provide accommodation for new universities: for the civic universities which were founded from 1850 onwards. More than this, they were required to provide symbolic significance to the institutions which they housed; to embody their ideals and identity in buildings. Eventually, indeed, the universities became synonymous with their architecture. Writing as Bruce Truscot, Peers coined the phrase ‘Red Brick University’ in 1943.4 It soon became the universally accepted descriptor for a whole category of higher education in Britain.5 From Peers onwards, responses to the architecture of the civic universities have tended to be negative. In Red Brick University, Peers described a building made up of ‘a hideously cheerful red-brick suggestive of something between a super council-school and a holiday home for children’.6 Writing over a decade later, Mary Scrutton bemoaned the ‘raw, uneasy, bogus style of architecture in use at the provincial universities’.7 Nor have historians been more appreciative. On the whole, the buildings of the civic universities have been ignored by architectural and educational historians alike.8 Where they were studied, they tended to be dismissed as poor copies of Oxford or Cambridge architecture.9 More recently, to be sure, further interest has been taken in this subject, and some challenges have been made to the suggestion that the Redbricks simply mimicked the architecture of the ancient universities. But interesting as these discussions are, they have tended to be either narrowly focused or highly generalized.10 If we are to understand the importance of architecture to the new universities of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, then a new approach is needed: one that seeks to understand the Redbricks in context; in their own times and on their own terms. The creation of the civic universities represented a striking development in England’s higher education system.11 ‘Future historians of England’, claimed one writer in 1921, ‘will regard the foundation of its . . . new universities as the most noteworthy incident that has marked the opening of the twentieth century’.12 In 1800, England possessed only two universities: Oxford and Cambridge.13 Each was Anglican and exclusive, and offered a relatively narrow curriculum.14 From the 1820s, however, alternatives to Oxbridge began to emerge. Founded in 1826, London University, which became University College London a decade later, eventually inspired imitation throughout the country, as other new institutions were established to teach new subjects to a new type of student.


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Initially satirized as a ‘Cockeny (sic.) University’, where ‘Each dustman shall speak, both in Latin and Greek,/ And tinkers beat Bishops in knowledge’,15 London University soon became highly successful; so much so, in fact, that its conservative opponents sought to supplant it, opening King’s College London, in 1828.16 At the same time, worried Anglicans in Wales founded St David’s College, Lampeter.17 These were just the first: followed by Durham in 1832,18 and the Queen’s Colleges in Belfast, Cork, and Galway, in 1845.19 And from 1850 onwards, England’s industrial cities followed suit. Colleges were founded in Manchester (1851),20 Liverpool (1881),21 and Leeds (1874);22 in Nottingham (1881)23 and Newcastle (1871);24 in Birmingham (1880),25 Bristol (1876)26 and beyond. In Wales, Lampeter was joined by the university colleges of Cardiff and Swansea, Aberystwyth and Bangor.27 In Scotland, already well-provided with universities, another was established: University College, Dundee (1883).28 By 1920, no fewer than thirty institutions were in receipt of state funding for higher education.29 Little wonder that contemporaries were talking about a ‘Renaissance’ and even a ‘revolution’ in higher education.30 Despite the extent of this new university movement, its significance remains debatable. For some writers, the Redbrick universities were a failure, becoming little more than pale shadows of their older rivals.31 The ‘provincial universities’, Sarah Barnes has written, were ‘defined— and redefined—first as pioneering alternatives to England’s ancient institutions, then as second-class substitutes. The history of the civics . . . thus represents a story of unrealised possibilities and the triumph of tradition’.32 So too Elizabeth Moore has argued that ‘the story of the civic universities . . . is a sad one, for they never escaped the ancient idea of the university’.33 Consequently, she concludes, they were condemned to a fruitless imitation of Oxbridge. By contrast, writers like Michael Sanderson have stressed the success of the civics, emphasizing their pioneering spirit and their contribution to England’s economic achievements.34 For indeed, this dispute reaches beyond the purely educational. Ever since Martin Weiner published his polemical English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit in 1980, the suspicion has existed that the failure of the Redbrick universities to develop a distinctive identity both reflected and contributed to England’s industrial decline.35 Even though this narrative of decline is now bitterly disputed,36 the role of the educational system in the nation’s economic performance remains a matter of real relevance.37 If the civic universities were nothing more than unconvincing simulacra of Oxbridge, then they failed on their


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own terms, and failed in their contribution to England’s economy and culture. The relevance of architecture to this question may seem obscure. But in reality buildings were a critical part of the civic universities’ self-image. As much recent research has shown, architecture is often used as a means of articulating identity. In London’s Board Schools, in England’s public schools, and in a whole host of other institutions, buildings possessed a symbolic as well as a purely practical aspect.38 The architecture of the Board Schools, argues Deborah Weiner, ‘was one of the tools by which the newly emergent institutions defined their goals and were, in turn, understood by the public’.39 What was true for schools was also true for universities and colleges.40 If Redbrick’s ‘unlovely quadrangles’ were indeed only a cheap imitation of Oxbridge, then this might be seen as expressing their lack of confidence and their dependence on the Oxford and Cambridge model. If, by contrast, the civic universities developed their own architectural idiom, then this might represent an attempt to embody their distinctive approach in bricks and mortar.41 Roy Lowe and Rex Knight, in particular, have argued for the former; claiming that the architects of the civic universities ‘anticipated in their designs the way in which universities were to sustain the traditionalism of English society during the twentieth century’.42 Indeed, they go further, claiming that the architecture of the civic universities was characterized by an ‘unhesitating imitation of Oxbridge’.43 In reality, however, although Oxford and Cambridge remained inspirational for the founders, builders, and architects of the Redbrick universities, other forces were also at work. Competition between the civics; imitation of continental and American universities; the influences of hospital, municipal, and school architecture: all these factors were equally important. And perhaps most significantly, it can be seen that an authentic Redbrick approach to building did develop. The architecture of the civic universities was both distinctive and expressive. It distinguished them as institutes of higher education, and it expressed their genuine ambition. Here was no slavish aping of Oxbridge. Rather, as the civic universities grew in confidence, in success, in wealth, and in power, so they developed an architecture all of their own. From the first, architecture was clearly an important consideration for the founders of new universities.44 Imagining London University in 1826, Macaulay pictured an organization distinctively different from the ancient universities. ‘The new institution did not aspire to participate in


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the privileges which had been so long monopolized by those ancient corporations’, he wrote: It asked for no franchises, no lands, no advowsons . . . It did not ask permission to search houses with warrants, or to take books from publishers without paying for them. There was to be no melodramatic pageantry, no ancient ceremonial, no silver mace, no gowns either black or red, no hoods either of fur or satin, no public orator to make speeches, which nobody hears, no oaths sworn only to be broken. Nobody thought of emulating the cloisters, the organs, the painted glass, the withered mummies, the busts of great men, and the pictures of naked women, which attract visitors from every part of the Island to the banks of the Isis and Cam.45

Ironically, of course, as University College London, the institution did acquire pageants, oaths, and orators. In the shape of Jeremy Bentham, it even obtained a withered mummy. But it retained a distinctive approach to education; and it expressed this in distinctively different architecture. Employing William Wilkins, the founders of University College rejected conventional collegiate Gothic in favour of a bold Greek revival. It was to be, as one admirer put it, ‘a palace for genius . . . where future Ciceros should record the influence of that excitement which Tully declares he felt at Athens, when he contemplated the porticoes where Socrates sat, and the laurel groves where Plato disputed’.46 Predictably, this enthusiasm provoked criticism—and particularly from conservatives who disapproved of the new university and attacked its architecture as a proxy. For John Bull, this was an ‘infidel building’. For the reactionary Catholic architect Augustus Pugin, it was simply Pagan architecture, ‘in character with the intentions and principles of the institution’.47 And when by way of counterblast King’s College was established, it too took architecture seriously, employing the distinguished designer Robert Smirke as architect and erecting a dignified new edifice. To be sure, Pugin disliked this as much as he did UCL.48 Other commentators were also far from unduly delighted: one contemporary declared that the ‘homely gateway might be mistaken for one leading to some mews or to a porter-brewery’.49 But the influence of architecture on the development of King’s was considered undeniable. Indeed, lack of show was held responsible for the failure of its associated school to thrive.50 As this suggests, universities quite knowingly used architecture as a form of advertising. And the redbricks were no different from London. At Birmingham, at the turn of the century, the university spent £25,000 on a red-brick bell-tower: modelled on the Torre di Mangia at Siena, but eleven metres higher. It had no real purpose, but it did have a clear


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function. ‘Every railway traveller passing the tower would ask, “What’s that?” ’, Joseph Chamberlain claimed. ‘What could attract more attention to the University?’51 The tower, then, was a great billboard, an advertisement for the permanence and importance of the university. ‘Spend the money now’, Chamberlain argued, ‘give people something to see, and I will get . . . half a million without delay’.52 Birmingham was not unique. At Bristol, too, the architecture was intended to ‘remind the beholder of the majesty of learning’. So great Gothic buildings, including a giant Gothic tower, were erected. Two hundred and fifteen feet high, it was just about the biggest thing in Bristol, and contained the largest bell in England.53 Nor did the role of architecture in defining the institution’s educational role disappear. When, in 1928, University College, Nottingham, was refounded and rebuilt, its vice-principal announced that ‘The visible beauty’ of the new building was ‘the garment of the intellectual beauty which is the aim of the University to disclose’.54 A similar theme was picked up in poetry, as William McGonagall celebrated University College, Dundee in a verse of 1883: The College is most handsome and magnificent to be seen, And Dundee can now almost cope with Edinburgh or Aberdeen, For the ladies of Dundee can now learn useful knowledge By going to their own beautiful College.55

Even the colleges’ urban surroundings were celebrated.56 At Liverpool in 1906, the students celebrated their distinctiveness, their place at the heart of the city. ‘Not ours the groves of Academe’, they sang: Not ours the groves of Academe, Where learned pedants drowse and dream; Not ours the cloistered calm retreat, Around us roars the city street, Whose surging tides of ceaseless strife Sound like a bugle call to life.57

Adequate buildings were a sine qua non for colleges: indeed, in 1898 Firth College, Sheffield, was refused admission to the federal Victoria University in part because of the ‘inadequate character of the buildings’.58 Likewise, at Manchester in 1865 the trustees agreed that ‘the enterprise of providing new College buildings . . . is now necessary to the maintenance of our existing prosperity’.59 But the criterion of architectural adequacy was more than merely practical. Yes, universities needed laboratories and classrooms, a place for graduations and an office for


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the principal or vice-chancellor. Increasingly, they would seek to provide accommodation and common rooms for students. Nonetheless, even these functional buildings had symbolic importance. Indeed, as Joseph Chamberlain asserted, ‘the architectural beauty of the University precincts . . . [had] an intellectual value not less than that of the intellectual training and practical skill which the University imparts’.60 In his canonical work on the subject, Technical School and College Building (1887), E.C. Robins did not just admire the practical achievements of college builders; he also commended the nobility of Mason College, Birmingham, and the elegance of Leeds’s engineering department. He went on to claim that the laboratory at Leeds would be ‘one of the noblest institutions of the kind’.61 These aesthetic judgements were also made by those who ran the colleges and those who paid for them. Thousands of hours and hundreds of thousands of pounds were spent in planning, discussing, and building appropriate homes for the civic universities and university colleges. George Gilbert Scott’s Glasgow University (1864–70) was the second largest public building erected in Britain in the nineteenth century, beaten only by the Palace of Westminster.62 Few of the new universities could be so ambitious, but they all sought to express their ambitions and identity through their architecture. They were all, like the University of Bombay in 1869, hoping that their new buildings would ‘harmonize with and advance the objects of the higher mental culture for which the University exists’.63 It was an ambition also expressed at universities and university colleges in England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. Little wonder that when Allison Peers sought a synonym for his institution, he chose to refer to its architecture. Nor was he the first to light upon Redbrick.64 Founded in 1936, the Birmingham Guild of Students’ newspaper is called Redbrick to this day. What, though, did the architecture of the civics amount to? Was there a distinctive and distinctively different Redbrick way of building or was it just a crude imitation of Oxbridge? The author of Red Brick University is just one of many writers to argue that the distinguishing characteristic of civic university buildings was their poverty and unsightliness. Even their admirers often admitted that. In his celebration of the civics, for example, Arthur Smithells recalled the lack of atmosphere in Manchester and the absence of beauty in Leeds. ‘I regret most truly the ugliness of our surroundings’, he concluded.65 It is true that the civics were less well-endowed than the older universities, and that this disadvantage was sometimes cited when they admitted to a sense of architectural inadequacy.66 As the vice-chancellor of Reading explained,


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‘beautiful and stately architecture was beyond our reach’; ‘there was no money spare for display’.67 Some could not even afford their own purpose-built buildings: university college Aberystwyth began life in a bankrupt railway hotel, whilst both Liverpool and Leicester were founded in disused lunatic asylums.68 Oliver Lodge as vice-chancellor of Liverpool in 1881 used a converted padded cell as his laboratory.69 Nonetheless, it is important to be sceptical about some of the claims of poverty. For one thing, it is clear that these institutions did find money for display. As soon as it could, Sheffield abandoned the inadequate buildings that caused it so much shame.70 Cardiff, which initially inhabited an old infirmary, eventually built a remarkable Baroque establishment to designs by W.D. Caroë.71 Liverpool and Leicester also erected grand premises. Even Reading was not wholly utilitarian in its architecture, acquiring a bell-tower (1923–4), Great Hall (1905–6), ceremonial entrance (1904), halls of residence (from 1908), and elaborately decorated library (1922–3).72 Their expenditure was rewarded with respect. By the late-1920s commentators acknowledged that ‘Reading, with its fully developed residential system, and Bristol with its magnificent buildings’, were amongst those that had built their way into prominence.73 Nor were the buildings universally disliked: quite the reverse, in fact. When opened they were often much admired. Rather, they simply went out of fashion. Indeed, it is vital to recognize that many criticisms grew out of a more generalized reaction against Victorian architecture in the early twentieth century. In 1932, for example, the students of Manchester complained that the buildings of the university were ‘hideous’. This may well have been linked to a general dislike of the university’s urban site. It may even, as Sarah Barnes has argued, have represented a rejection of Redbrick identity.74 But it was also—and perhaps more importantly— the product of a widespread revulsion against Victorian style. Allison Peers’s attack on ‘Redbrick’s unlovely quadrangles’ was in this respect archetypal.75 The ‘meaningless scrolls’ and ‘ridiculous little pinnacles’ that he disliked at Liverpool were of course highly fashionable in their day: fashionable and expensive too. Indeed, it was the architecture of Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds—scrolls and pinnacles and all—that Alfred Waterhouse also used in Oxford and Cambridge, at Balliol, Girton, and Caius.76 The revulsion of the students in the 1930s, and of Arthur Smithells before them, was not because too little had been spent on the architecture. Instead it was the result of a change in taste. A comparison may be made with the architecture of the ancient universities. A red-brick building set down in Oxford, Keble College


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was built on a budget. Undeniably a striking addition to the city, by the 1920s it had become unfashionable and even risible: ‘Undergraduates and young dons used to break off their afternoon walks in order to have a good laugh at the quadrangle’.77 Indeed, as Kenneth Clark went on, in the early twentieth century, buildings of the Gothic Revival came to be ‘accepted as a national misfortune like the weather’.78 The Redbrick universities, many of which were built at the height of the revival, inevitably suffered as well. Historians must thus avoid the temptation to quote criticism out of context. Subsequent attacks on Waterhouse’s ‘pastrycook’s architecture’ and his ‘fatal addiction to terracotta and red pressed brick’ grew out of hatred for nineteenth-century architecture.79 Like Peers in his attack on universities built in ‘the worst Victorian style’, here was a matter pre-eminently of shifting patterns of taste.80 Even so, this still leaves open the question of whether the architecture of the Redbricks was nothing more than an attempt to ape Oxbridge. In the final analysis, were Liverpool, Manchester, Bristol, Birmingham just a sort of bargain-basement Balliol, or knocked-off copy of King’s College, Cambridge? Without a doubt, many writers have imagined so. For one author, who admired the ‘beauty of the perpendicular stonework’ and ‘gorgeous red’ of the bricks in his ‘Northern University’, this was in fact a serious concern. ‘Was the perpendicular architecture of our Hall—but a copy of an original inspiration—symbolical of a revival of the old because, without realizing it, we had lacked the inspiration to break through into the new?’ he fretted in 1926.81 And he was not alone. Thirty years later, in a special edition of The Twentieth Century, Mary Scrutton satirized the supposition that a move from Oxford to Reading and then on to Newcastle could be seen as a ‘dramatic fall . . . from a Gothic library, solid enough to shut out traffic noises and factory chimneys, to a couple of unconvincing painted backcloths’.82 Nor did this assumption die. In 1974 Waterhouse’s work at Leeds was described by the Architectural Review as ‘a piece of Oxford transplanted and scaled down for the less fortunate north’.83 The belief that the Redbricks settled for ‘unhesitating imitation of Oxbridge’ rests upon a number of misapprehensions.84 In the first place, it assumes that there was such a thing a standard Oxbridge architecture and, by implication, that this was unshakeably Gothic. Nothing could be further from the truth. In the late-nineteenth century, the period in which the civic universities began building, the architecture of Oxford and Cambridge was the subject of the most strenuous debate. No single style—no homogenous Oxbridge architecture ever emerged.85 In the


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last thirty years of the nineteenth century, as Peter Searby has noted, variety became the keynote of Cambridge architecture. There was now room for Gothic Girton and ‘Queen Anne’ Newnham, for ‘Wrenaissance’ Pembroke and for Waterhouse’s chateau-like Caius.86 If anything, this marked a renunciation of traditional Gothic architecture in favour of more modern idioms. T.G. Jackson’s new Examination Schools in Oxford are a case in point.87 Built between 1876 and 1882 as part of the reform of the university, they marked a rejection of all things Gothic; of the ‘Celibate fellowships, mediaeval buildings and the statutes of mediaeval founders’ to which reformers attributed all things retrograde in the university.88 Jackson’s success with the Examination Schools was soon followed by other work, as he brought a similar Renaissance style to half the Colleges in Oxford.89 Surely if the late-Victorian civics had wanted to imitate Oxford, they would have imitated this? Yet this change in architectural direction had little or no impact on the buildings of the civic universities. Whilst Oxford and Cambridge tended to abandon perpendicular Gothic in favour of the ‘Queen Anne’ Revival and other, later, styles, the Redbricks used medieval motifs well into the twentieth century. Clearly, they were not engaged in an uncritical imitation of the fashions that dominated the ancient universities. Even when change came, it led to the Byzantine of Birmingham or the ‘Banker’s Georgian’ of Nottingham rather than the ‘Queen Anne’ or ‘Neo-Cotswold’ of Oxford or Cambridge.90 Indeed, when the patrons of the civics came to Oxbridge, they imported their own approach. Waterhouse’s Gothic work at Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds was contemporary with his ‘Queen Anne’ offering for Mansfield College, Oxford.91 Significantly, at Mansfield he was beaten by Basil Champneys, whose Gothic contribution was preferred. Here, the Armitages, Haworths, Rigbys, and Fenns—all good non-conformists, all good Mancunians, all good friends to the university of Manchester—rejected the Renaissance in favour of a medieval revival style.92 So too, at Manchester College, Oxford, in 1893, northern Non-Conformists commissioned a Manchester architect to build in an ‘obtrusively Unitarian’ Gothic. Locals might call it ‘an impertenance’, but it clearly satisfied the needs of its un-Oxonian patrons.93 Building a denominational institution, they chose a properly ecclesiastical style. Erecting an independent college, they independently selected a Gothic which spoke to them not of particular conditions of Oxford, but of the general ideal of higher education. Moreover, it was this version of Gothic that is known to have been imported back to the civic universities: taken not from the Anglican colleges, but from the


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dissenting halls. It was the Liverpool merchant’s daughter and Manchester merchant’s widow, Enriquita Rylands, whose admiration for Mansfield led her to commission Champneys to build the John Rylands Library for Manchester University.94 Nor did this decision reflect serious architectural ignorance or gross economic inadequacy on the part of the provincial universities. The civics were, with few exceptions, founded by wealthy men and women who were already accomplished artistic and architectural patrons.95 Even in Oxford itself, they showed sufficient confidence in their own tastes to disregard local fashions and stick to their preferred medieval approach. Here was no simple imitation, but an assertive claim to individuality and independence; not mere mimesis, but an architecture of confident Non-Conformity.96 This should not come as a surprise. Oxbridge was not necessarily the Eden of aesthetics that some writers seem to imagine. Nor was it always able to stay ahead in the architectural game. Neither Oxford’s Museum nor its Examination Schools were ever completely finished; lack of funds forstalled the elaborate decorative schemes that their architects had intended.97 In the early-twentieth century, several Cambridge physiologists worked in their department’s disused coal cellars.98 At the same time, when Wittgenstein travelled to England to continue his training in engineering, it was to well-equipped Manchester rather than inadequate Oxbridge that he went.99 Amidst agricultural depression and falling rent rolls, it was even possible for the older universities to envy their younger rivals. Noting a substantial benefaction for Owens College, Manchester, in 1887, the Oxford Magazine complained that ‘Oxford is a poor university with an expenditure exceeding its income: will any wealthy person take the hint?’100 Few did, and although Oxbridge could call upon ancient endowments and important connections, it was often left feeling in need of cash. Indeed, in 1903, one author noted that Manchester had been so successful in raising money and building laboratories that ‘Cambridge, fearing for her laurels, has had, in order to maintain her position, greatly to extend her science schools’.101 This does not, of course, mean that the Redbricks were wealthy or that their sense of relative poverty was inaccurate. The combined resources of the colleges and university in Oxford and Cambridge were more than a match for the new institutions.102 In 1921 the vice-chancellor of Leeds openly questioned whether his university or that of Sheffield would survive.103 That was not a issue that Oxford or Cambridge ever had to contemplate. Moreover, they did seek to catch up with their younger rivals, building extensively in the twentieth century.104 But it does need to be stressed


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that Oxbridge did not have it all its own way. Not only were many of the dons uninterested in architecture, but even those that were could find their ambitions frustrated by lack of cash. The ancient universities were by no means always the trendsetters. Still more importantly, historians must not confuse inspiration with imitation. It is a mistake to assume that every pinnacle on a civic university was an copy of Christ Church, or that every quadrangle represented an attempt to ape Trinity. True enough, there were occasional examples of just that. At Sheffield, in 1877, Firth College was built as a copy of Clare College, Cambridge.105 Again in 1903, when the College was rebuilt, its architects described the result as being ‘in the Tudor Style, of which there are many examples in the Colleges of Oxford and Cambridge, and which by association and appropriateness gives a Collegiate character to the building’. 106 But even here, something more complicated was going on. The Redbrick universities, when they built Gothic structures, tended not to imitate faithfully. The 1877 Firth building was an exception—and a notoriously inadequate one at that.107 Far more typical was its 1903 successor, which in reality owed little to Oxbridge and much to the public schools. For it was built in an eclectic mix of late Tudor details known to contemporaries as the ‘Popular Perpendicular Gothic Collegiate Style’.108 This style originated in the 1820s, grew in strength, and by the late nineteenth century was seen everywhere. The Builder saw it as a style which was ‘rich in a sort of learned ease’, and these scholarly associations soon proved attractive. In 1866 the British Almanac noted that nearly all schools were now built in the ‘Collegiate Gothic’.109 This had an obvious impact on the new universities. At Bristol, for example, the university’s first architect was Charles Hansom, who had used the Collegiate Gothic at nearby Clifton College. Sure enough, when commissioned to build for the university college, he imported the same style. ‘Hansom’, as Andor Gomme puts it, did no more than ‘re-arrange the motifs which had occupied him for twenty years at Clifton’.110 In 1903 Gibbs and Flockton were called to do the same at Sheffield. The result was a conventional Collegiate Gothic building: similar to many schools and colleges across the country; very dissimilar to contemporary work at Oxford and Cambridge.111 The impact of this popular style was even picked up in fiction. Ursula Brangwen, Lawrence’s heroine in The Rainbow, acknowledges that the Gothic of her college is ‘foolish’; after all, her father had told her so. Nonetheless, and ‘amorphous as it might be’, she still finds ‘something in it reminiscent of the wondrous, cloistral


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origin of education’.112 This was not a reminiscence of Oxbridge. Rather it shows the ways in which the style transcended particular associations in favour of a generalized, intangible sense of education. Another important, non-Oxbridge, influence should also be noted: that of municipal and social architecture. James Hansom could be trusted to work at Bristol on the basis of his buildings for Malvern and Clifton colleges. Elsewhere, other local architects who had designed town halls and hospitals also found themselves called upon by the new universities. The Redbricks were, after all, equally important expressions of local patriotism.113 Indeed, when raising money for Leeds Lord Frederick Cavendish actually used the analogy of the town hall in order to encourage contributions: just as it had expressed civic identity and improved civic taste, so the college would raise the civic tone.114 Thus, at Owens College in 1869, the trustees announced that their architect was ‘a gentleman already well known in Manchester for the ingenuity and convenience of his plans and the elegance of his designs—Mr Waterhouse’.115 As the designer of the Manchester assize courts (1859), town hall (1868–77), and other civic amenities, his name was well-known and his reputation as the Manchester municipal architect made him the natural choice for Manchester’s municipal college. Similarly in Sheffield, when the local firm of Gibbs and Flockton were employed, it was as much to civic as to educational buildings that they made reference in their reports. Whilst the men’s cloakrooms were ‘a size dictated by the experience of the Yorkshire College at Leeds’, the main corridors were designed to be ‘the same width as the Corridors to the Reception Rooms at the Town Hall’, with subsidiary passages ‘the same width as the Corridor to the City Surveyor’s Department in the Town Hall’.116 At Birmingham, too, Aston Webb’s new university of 1901 to 1909 drew on hospital planning rather than the model of Oxford or Cambridge colleges. With its repeated pattern of pavilions set off long corridors, it owed much to his experience remodelling Stafford Infirmary (1892–7).117 This did not mean, of course, that Oxbridge was unimportant, either as an influence or as point of comparison. Indeed, when Bristol launched an appeal in the early 1920s, its fundraising pamphlet directly compared the university with its older rivals. ‘There are in course of erection’, it announced, ‘buildings . . . which for spaciousness, convenience and architectural merit are held to surpass anything else of the kind in England outside Oxford and Cambridge’.118 As this suggests, well into the twentieth century, the shadow of Oxbridge was still felt by the civics. It was, as Arnold Kettle acknowledged as late as 1956, impossible to


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‘discuss Redbrick without mentioning Oxford and Cambridge’.119 Even so, the influence of Oxbridge should not be overstressed. The structures erected at Bristol were archetypally Collegiate Gothic: mirroring the equally archetypal architecture of the neighbouring Grammar School.120 So too, in Cardiff, all was not what it seemed. When, in 1909, W. D. Caroë described his work there, he argued that his influences had been the library at Trinity College Dublin; ‘the charm and quiet dignity and scale’ of Trinity College, Cambridge; and the ‘picturesque balance and delightful proportions’ of Oxford. His Baroque confection, however, bore almost no resemblance to any of these institutions. Not only was it larger: ‘longer than the Court of King’s, Cambridge, or the Quads of Christ Church or Keble—the two largest at Oxford’. Caroë had also, he stressed, avoided all ‘elements of direct likeness’.121 His rhetoric was traditional, and emphasized similarity with Oxbridge. The reality was not and did not. In that respect, Cardiff was far from unusual. Just as Goldwin Smith, escaping Oxford for the freedom of America, had taken with him English stone carvers and Oxonian ivy in order to ornament the new Cornell University, so Caroë adopted some Oxbridge idioms, whilst rejecting others.122 Smith had no intention of imitating a place that he had derisively and decisively rejected. Caroë was inspired by Oxbridge in the most abstract of terms. This was not slavish imitation but creative interpretation. The result was entirely original. And this originality did not diminish with time. For whilst some writers have seen the Redbricks decline in confidence in the twentieth century, their architecture suggests that precisely the reverse was the case.123 Indeed they became more architecturally assured and more architecturally independent as a truly distinctive Redbrick tradition of building arose. Perhaps the most striking example of this was in Birmingham, where between 1901 and 1909 the university not only abandoned Gothic, but also adopted campus planning, decisively rejecting the quadrangular layout used by almost all other universities.124 Its principal benefactor, Andrew Carnegie, appears to have wanted a university based on Cornell.125 Its principal fund-raiser, Joseph Chamberlain, was determined to have an institution that was not ‘like Oxford and Cambridge’.126 To this end he commissioned Aston Webb, who designed, as he himself put it, ‘an entirely fresh type of building’. ‘Our old universities’, Webb wrote, ‘are the result of centuries of care and labour and cannot be reproduced, nor do I take it that you would wish to do so’.127 Birmingham was a Byzantine building, set in parkland on the outskirts of the city. It was utterly unlike anything built before it. Here


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was no running after Oxbridge, but a passionate and proud claim to independence. Above the main door were statues to Darwin and Faraday; Watt and Newton; Shakespeare and Plato; Michelangelo, Virgil, and Beethoven. The sons of the Midlands took their place with the fathers of literature, art, and philosophy.128 Each pavilion was ornamented with friezes reflecting the industrial achievements of central England: patternmaking, pipe-laying, and cable-laying, amongst other activities. With its imposing great hall, its inspiring great tower, and its radical rejection of Oxbridge, Birmingham was the apotheosis of the Redbrick tradition; the acme of civic university building. Subsequent projects were similarly ambitious. Birmingham and Cardiff were joined by Nottingham, Leeds, and many others in developing great campuses: each of which was distinctively different from any Oxbridge model. Funding remained a problem, of course; a problem seriously exacerbated by the Geddes Axe of 1922, and the depression of the 1930s.129 Nor have the results been universally popular. Like its Victorian precursor, this burst of architectural enterprise has its critics.130 Even at the time, D.H. Lawrence condemned the ‘grand and cakey style’ of University College Nottingham.131 Later commentators were still less impressed. ‘It seems impossible to believe that anyone will claim that the period 1900 to 1930, when all but our most senior provincial universities made their first essays in building, was not one of the most mean and vulgar (if one can be both) in British architecture’, declared Lionel Brett in 1957.132 This complete revulsion at interwar university building found its expression in the campus plans of the 1960s, which decisively rejected its legacy.133 Such a reaction should not, however, lead historians to ignore the achievements of the university builders of the 1920s and 1930s. Keeping up with the times, they built classically. Keeping up with their competitors, they built grandly. At Leeds, a major re-development was begun in 1927 when H.V. Lanchester was appointed architect to the university.134 Abandoning red brick in favour of Portland stone, and neo-Gothic in favour of neo-Greek, he produced a design which hid Waterhouse’s nineteenth-century work, and strongly asserted the University’s importance to the city. As the Architects’ Journal was later to observe, the result gives ‘an unparalleled display of inter-war civic pride rather reminiscent of the town-hall architecture of the period’.135 In Nottingham, too, the ‘grand and cakey’ university was built between 1922 and 1928 to designs by Morley Horder, who was effectively the Boots Cash Chemists company architect.136 Standing in 35 acres of parkland, this was a gleaming white new building. Starkly classical,


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even its admirers suggested that ‘at a distance the severity of the design is almost repellent’.137 Nothing could be more striking—or less like the architecture of Oxbridge. Indeed, the contrast between this and Horder’s arts and crafts work at Cambridge is remarkable.138 As the Architects’ Journal put it at the time, he ‘recognised . . . from the outset that he was building a modern university, and not an imitation of a medieval university’.139 It was just the latest example of the authentic Redbrick tradition at work: an architectural approach which was decisively different from that of the ancient universities. Differences between Oxbridge and Redbrick were inevitable. Indeed, to some extent, they were forced on the new universities by their very nature. Even had they wanted to copy Oxford and Cambridge, their structures, methods, and ideals would have prevented it. So, to some extent, would their locations.140 Practically, the need for structures that would withstand the pollution of a modern city may have necessitated certain structural changes.141 At the same time, the problem of building within crowded and expensive urban areas generated its own architectural momentum. As Sarah Barnes very properly notes, Waterhouse’s quadrangle at Manchester was not a naïve imitation of an Oxford college, ‘but rather a solution, arrived at after prolonged argument, to particular problems of space, light, ventilation, noise and cost’.142 But it is important not to be too reductive in seeking an explanation. After all, the problems of space and of pollution were also faced by the ancient Universities. T.G. Jackson’s introduction of Clipsham stone to Oxford was required precisely because the smoke of the city eroded the native masonry.143 Equally, the pressure on the Old Museums Site in Cambridge produced an agglomeration of buildings that was, as the vice-chancellor put it in the late 1890s, ‘heterogeneous, erected at different times and with no unity of design . . . and no one could regard the effect of the whole with satisfaction’.144 Ultimately, what really distinguished the civic universities was the fact that they were neither collegiate nor residential. Even when accommodation was provided, it was never intended that the halls of residence should act like autonomous colleges. Thus, Anselm Hall in Manchester, perhaps the closest attempt at providing ‘the kind of atmosphere which Colleges provide at Oxford or Cambridge’, was limited by its denominational identity, relative poverty, and lack of influence within the university from doing any such thing.145 The centralized, non-residential university was typologically distinct from the collegiate foundations of Oxford and Cambridge: ‘it will bear repetition’, wrote James Dundonald in 1962, ‘that the abiding difference


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between Oxbridge and Redbrick is the difference between the staircase and the corridor’.146 More importantly than this, however, the divergent aims and ambitions of Oxbridge and Redbrick heightened inherent differences. ‘When you were looking over the buildings of the University, some of your Members said it was hardly up to Oxford’, the vice-chancellor of Birmingham, Oliver Lodge, complained to the association of booksellers in 1910. ‘We are not up to Oxford’, he went on, and we shall never be anywhere near either Oxford or Cambridge, because we are not aiming in that direction. British people when they think of a University always think of those two. But I want everyone to realise that those two are quite exceptional in the world. As Universities they are unique. The Universities in the world . . . are all of the type of the German University, the Scotch University, and, to some extent, the American University. But take especially the Scotch, as we know it best, and the German—that is the type at which we are aiming, that is the ordinary university type.147

Lodge was not alone in this position. Nor did his defence represent an admission of defeat. From the very first, the civic universities had always been intended to serve a different function and a different set of students; to teach different subjects and produce different graduates. As Viscount Haldane put it in 1912, on his installation as Chancellor of Bristol, criticisms of the new universities for not imitating Oxbridge enough were wide of the mark: ‘no one aimed at an imitation of Oxford and Cambridge’.148 It was a sensible point to make. Not only could the Redbricks never really imagine that they would attain the social exclusivity of Oxbridge: they were founded precisely in reaction against it.149 Instead, aware both of their limitations and of their potential, the civic universities offered their own particular brand of higher education. ‘While we can never hope to rival the ancient Universities in the study of Literature and Mathematics’, declared one group of Manchester professors in 1865, ‘we see no reason why Owens College should not aspire to be the first school of applied and experimental Science in the country’.150 And indeed, Manchester did become a leading scientific university, whilst Sheffield’s departments of metallurgy and mining, Leeds’s work in weaving and dying, and Reading’s agricultural reasearch were all pre-eminent in their fields.151 The students of Oxford might well sing, ‘He gets a degree in making jam/ At Liverpool and Birmingham’;152 journalists might well ask ‘what special advantages can a Reading Degree confer, unless a “D.B.”—Doctor of Biscuits—is established’:153 but these


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universities’ willingness to teach new subjects as well as old reflected a very different set of priorities. Instead of Oxbridge, then, two other groups of universities acted as the chief competition and influence on the Redbricks. In the first place there were continental and American institutions. Secondly, the civics created their own market, and competed against each other. When Manchester was seeking to expand, it looked for models to emulate in Germany and Switzerland rather than in Oxford or in Cambridge.154 In 1919 it declared that its ambition was ‘To supplant Bonn or Jena as one of the recognised centres of the most complete intellectual training obtainable in the world’.155 At Birmingham in 1899, a group of lecturers toured North America, visiting Harvard and Toronto, Johns Hopkins and MIT, and several other institutions. ‘We believe’, their report concluded, That the system of Engineering education existing at Cornell and other institutions we have visited, and the system of Mining and Metallurgy at Boston and Montreal, all with their four year courses, are admirably adapted to British requirements.

And their conclusion also had an architectural aspect. Such work, they confirmed, would ‘require ample space, much beyond anything which can be obtained on the present site’. It might require new grounds, and was usually associated with a ‘large entrance hall, a fine staircase, and wide corridors’.156 Foreign universities’ influence, both practical and architectural, should thus not be discounted. Perhaps even more significantly, each of the civic universities was conscious of competition with the others. Unable, or unwilling, to compete with Oxbridge, they created their own hierarchy and their own marks of achievement. For Sheffield, in 1905, the ‘other three universities’ were Leeds, Manchester, and Liverpool.157 Two years earlier, the university’s building fund was launched with the ringing declaration: ‘Come what may, we must be on an equality with Leeds (loud applause)’.158 It was a trope that never went out of fashion. Comparing itself to Liverpool in 1922, the University of Bristol challenged local patrons to keep pace with their northern rival. ‘Already’, it declared, Liverpool ‘is to-day making a supreme effort for leadership among the modern Universities of the world. Will the West again be content to remain inert?’159 Bricks and mortar were a way of keeping up. Thus, in 1939, the University of Reading celebrated Wantage Hall, its first student hostel, as a declaration to the world . . . that this university movement of ours at Reading might be youthful, might be small, might be imperfect in many ways; but,


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nevertheless, it stood pledged to the old immortal and historical idea of what a University should be.160

Wantage Hall had been built thirty years earlier. It was red-brick, ‘collegiate in character and quadrangular in form’.161 Without a doubt, its architecture did owe something to Cambridge. At its opening, at least one speaker was willing to acknowledge that ‘There is naturally and rightly much both in the external design and in the internal organisation of Wantage Hall that is analogous to the Colleges of the older Universities’. Nonetheless, as he went on to stress, ‘the imitation though conscious and loyal, is in no sense servile’.162 This was not an Oxbridge College in function (it did no teaching), nor was it one in plan (it was built with corridors, not staircases). Nor did it aspire to imitate Oxbridge in innumerable other ways. Indeed, as one former member recalled, ‘We rather looked down on Oxford and Cambridge’. 163 Reading had neither the desire nor the resources to imitate Oxbridge.164 Instead, with its campus plan, its great hall and its tower, and with its halls of residence, it was competing with the other civic universities. Wantage Hall and its successors were not attempts to copy Oxford or Cambridge, but to steal a march on the other Redbricks. The halls of residence, declared the Reading University College Review in 1911, were ‘a branch of University development in which Reading may justly claim to have been a pioneer, and her future as a University will depend in no small measure upon her ability to retain her lead’.165 What this suggests is that historians have been too dismissive of the Redbrick universities: too willing to listen to later criticism and to ignore the evidence of architecture. From the first, the civic universities recognized that they were newer, poorer, and less socially exclusive. After all, they could hardly not. As even some of their advocates acknowledged, traditionally ‘the English idea of a university has been based on Oxford and Cambridge’.166 They also admitted that whilst Oxbridge possessed a ‘wealth of tradition . . . In the new Universities tradition has to be made’.167 But this did not lead—even in the impoverished interwar years— to a self-conscious aping of Oxbridge. Rather, acknowledging the futility of such a move, they developed their own traditions and their own approach. ‘We are a modern University’, announced one Reading undergraduate in 1927. ‘We are told that the ancient establishments of Oxford and Cambridge are far surpassed by our young and ambitious community’.168 True enough, such a staunch defence of the university was followed by further criticism. We should not, however, disregard the positive and focus only on the negative. The Redbrick universities


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developed their own distinct culture and their own distinctive architecture with which to express it. They did, in short, escape the influence of the ancient universities and could, as a result, make an important contribution to both the higher education and the ‘industrial spirit’ of the nation. Redbrick’s unlovely quadrangles, then, housed a new idea of the university. Indeed, they were a central part of it: an architecture which embodied all the confidence of novelty and all the assurance of autonomy; an architecture that is ripe for reinterpretation. St John’s College Oxford OX1 3JP United Kingdom REFERENCES * For their help and advice, I am extremely grateful to Mordechai Feingold and this journal’s two anonymous readers. I must also thank Jane Garnett and Zoë Waxman for generously commenting on earlier drafts of this essay, and Sophie Forgan for advising me on further reading. A preliminary version of this piece was given as a lecture to the Victorian Society and I would like to express my gratitude to Ian Dungavell and Geoff Brandwood for thus prompting me to write it. 1. Bruce Truscot, Redbrick and These Vital Days (London, 1945), 13. 2. E. Allison Peers, ‘The Autobiography of Bruce Truscot’, in Ann L. Mackenzie and Adrian R. Allan (eds), Redbrick University Revisited (Liverpool, 1996), 277–8. 3. Colin Cunningham and Prudence Waterhouse, Alfred Waterhouse, 1830–1905: biography of a practice (London, 1992). 4. Bruce Truscot, Red Brick University (London, 1943), 18, 57. 5. See, for example, Peter S. Noble, ‘The “Redbrick” Universities’, The Twentieth Century 159 (1956), 99–111. John Osborne’s Look Back in Anger introduced the concept of the ‘White Tile’ university whilst Michael Beloff coined the phrase ‘Plateglass University’ in the late 1960s. See John Osborne, Look Back in Anger (London, 1957), 34 and Michael Beloff, The Plateglass Universities (London, 1968), 11, 19. 6. Truscot, Red Brick University, 17. 7. Mary Scrutton, ‘Newcastle: comments on a case-history’, Twentieth Century 159 (1956), 159–68, at 159. 8. For a typological study of European universities, see Konrad Rückbrod, Universität und Kollegium, Baugeschichte und Bautyp (Darmstadt, 1977). 9. R.A. Lowe and Rex Knight, ‘Building the Ivory Tower: the social functions of late-nineteenth century collegiate architecture’, Studies in Higher Education 7 (1982), 81–91.


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10. For two examples, see Sarah V. Barnes, ‘Lessons in Stone: architecture and academic ethos in an urban setting’, in Debra N. Mancoff and D.J. Trela (eds), Victorian Urban Settings: essays on the nineteenth century city and its contexts (New York and London, 1996), 214–29 and Martin Pearce, University Builders (Chichester, 2001), 11–15. 11. W.H.G. Armytage, Civic Universities: aspects of a British tradition (London, 1955). 12. Arthur Smithells, From a Modern University, some aims and aspirations of science (Oxford, 1921), 9. 13. In Trinity College Dublin, Ireland also had its own university, although it served mainly Anglicans. See R.B. McDowell and D.A. Webb, Trinity College Dublin 1592–1952: an academic history (Dublin, 2004). 14. Michael Sanderson (ed.), The Universities in the Nineteenth Century (London and Boston, 1975). 15. John Bull, July 1825, quoted in Negley Harte and John North, The World of UCL 1828–1990 (London, 1991), 30. 16. Gordon Huelin, King’s College London, 1828–1978 (London, 1978). 17. D.T.W. Price, A History of Saint David’s University College, Lampeter (2 vols, Cardiff, 1970–1977). 18. C.E. Whiting, The University of Durham, 1832–1932 (London, 1932). 19. T.W. Moody and J.C. Beckett, Queen’s, Belfast, 1845–1949: the history of a university (2 vols, London, 1959); John A. Murphy, The College: a history of Queen’s/University College Cork, 1845–1995 (Cork, 1996). 20. H.B. Charlton, Portrait of a University: 1851–1951 (Manchester, 1951). 21. Thomas Kelly, For Advancement of Learning: the University of Liverpool, 1881–1981 (Liverpool, 1981). 22. P.H.J.H. Gosden and A.J. Taylor (eds), Studies in the History of a University, 1874–1974 (Leeds, 1975). 23. A.C. Wood, A History of the University College Nottingham, 1881–1948 (Oxford, 1953). 24. E.M. Batterson, The University of Newcastle upon Tyne: a historical introduction 1834–1971 (Newcastle, 1971). 25. Eric Ives, Diane Drummond, Leonard Schwarz, The First Civic University: Birmingham, 1880–1980 (Birmingham, 2000). 26. J.G. Macqueen and S.W. Taylor (eds), University and Community: essays to mark the centenary of the founding of University College, Bristol (Bristol, 1976). 27. For a short introduction, see Geraint H. Jenkins, ‘The Finest Old University in the World’: the University of Wales, 1893–1993 (Cardiff, 1994). 28. R.D. Anderson, Education and Opportunity in Victorian Scotland: schools and universities (Edinburgh, 1989). 29. Christine Helen Shinn, Paying the Piper: the development of the University Grants Committee, 1919–46 (London and Philadelphia, 1986), 27. 30. Smithells, From a Modern University, 9; H.G.G. Herklots, The New Universities: an external examination (London, 1928), 3. 31. This theme underpins articles like A.H. Halsey, ‘Oxford and the British Universities’, in Brian Harrison (ed.), The twentieth century (The History


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32.

33. 34.

35. 36.

37. 38.

39. 40. 41.

42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

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History of Universities of the University of Oxford, vol. VIII, Oxford, 1994), 577–606; Roy Lowe, ‘English Elite Education in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, in Werner Conze and Jürgen Kocka (eds), Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1985), 147–62, and ‘Structural Change in English Higher Education, 1870–1920’, in Detlef K. Müller, Fritz Ringer, Brian Simon (eds), The Rise of the Modern Educational System (Cambridge and Paris, 1987), 163–78. Sarah V. Barnes, ‘England’s Civic Universities and the Triumph of the Oxbridge Ideal’, History of Education Quarterly 36 (1996), 271–305, at 305. Elizabeth J. Moore, ‘English Civic Universities and the Myth of Decline’, History of Universities 11 (1992), 177–204, at 183. Michael Sanderson, ‘The English Civic Universities and the “Industrial Spirit”, 1870–1914’, Historical Research 61 (1988), 90–104. See also his The Universities and British Industry, 1850–1970 (London, 1972). Martin, J. Weiner, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850–1980 (London, 1981), especially 23. P.F. Clarke, Clive Trebilcock, and Barry Supple, Understanding Decline: perceptions and realities of British economic performance (Cambridge, 1997). Michael Sanderson, Education and Economic Decline in Britain, 1870 to the 1990s (Cambridge, 1999). Deborah E.B. Weiner, Architecture and Social Reform in Late Victorian England (Manchester and New York, 1994); William Whyte, ‘Building a Public School Community 1860–1910’, History of Education 32 (2003), 601–26. Weiner, Architecture and Social Reform, 2. For a European perspective, see R.D. Anderson, European Universities from the Enlightenment to 1914 (Oxford, 2004), 228. On the difficulties of this, see William Whyte, ‘Reading Buildings Like a Book: the case of T. G. Jackson’, in Peter Draper (ed.), Current Work in Architectural History: papers read at the Annual Symposium of the Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 2004 (London, 2005), 27–34. More generally see also William Whyte, ‘How do Buildings Mean? Some issues of interpretation in the history of architecture’, History and Theory (forthcoming, 2006). Lowe and Knight, ‘Building the Ivory Tower’, 91. Lowe and Knight, ‘Building the Ivory Tower’, 88. ‘The Architectural Image’, in F.M.L. Thompson (ed.), The University of London and the World of Learning (1990), 1–34. Quoted in H. Hale Bellot, University College London, 1826–1926 (London, 1929), 72. F.A. Cox, quoted in R.W. Liscombe, William Wilkins, 1778–1839 (Cambridge, 1980), 157. Quoted in Harte and North, The World of UCL, 31.


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48. Augustus Pugin, Contrasts (London, 1851), plate 10. 49. Huelin, King’s College London, 15. 50. Thomas Hinde, A Great Day School in London: a history of King’s College School (London, 1995), 39. For a similar complaint at University College, Dundee, see Donald Southgate, University Education in Dundee: a centenary history (Edinburgh, 1982), 80. 51. Quoted in A.P.D. Thomson, ‘The Chamberlain Memorial Tower, University of Birmingham’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal 4 (1953–4), 167–79, at 176. 52. Quoted in Eric Ives, ‘A new campus’, in Ives et al., The First Civic University, 126. 53. Roger Gill, ‘The Buildings of the Main Precinct’, in Macqueen and Taylor (eds), University and Community, 15–28. 54. Frank Granger, Memorials of University College Nottingham (Nottingham, 1928), 24–25. 55. Quoted in Michael Shafe, University Education in Dundee, 1881–1981 (Dundee, 1982), 15. 56. See also—amongst others—the University of Birmingham’s song in The Mermaid 5 (1908–9), 250. 57. Liverpool Students’ Song Book in Mackenzie and Allan (eds), Redbrick University Revisited, 391. 58. Arthur W. Chapman, The Story of a Modern University: a history of the University of Sheffield (London, 1955), 146. 59. Manchester University Archive (MUA), Owens College Minutes of Trustees, 43 (26 October 1865). 60. The Mermaid 2 (1905–6), Supplement, 13. 61. E.C. Robins, Technical School and College Building (London, 1887), 99, 80, 76. 62. J.D. Mackie, The University of Glasgow, 1451–1951 (Glasgow, 1954), 284. 63. S.R. Dongerkery, A History of the University of Bombay, 1857–1957 (Bombay, 1957), 20. 64. Truscott, Red Brick University, 56. 65. Smithells, From a Modern University, 21. 66. See, for example, the 1902 report on the Hartley Institution in Southampton: A. Temple Patterson, The University of Southampton (Southampton, 1962), 120. 67. W.M. Childs, Making a University: an account of the university movement at Reading (London, 1933), 56, 50. 68. E.L. Ellis, The University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, 1872–1972 (Cardiff, 1972), 22–24. 69. Oliver Lodge, Past Years (London, 1931), 153. 70. Sheffield University Archive (SUA), US/CHA/1/3(3), Proof Copy of Report on Rejection of College by Victoria University (June 1898). 71. Dewi-Prys Thomas, ‘ “A Quiet Dignity . . . ”: William Douglas Caroë and the visual presence’, in Gwyn Jones and Michael Quinn (eds), Fountains of Praise: University College, Cardiff, 1883–1983 (Cardiff, 1983), 54–70.


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72. Sidney Smith and Michael Bolt, One Hundred Years of University Education in Reading (Reading, 1992), 7, 20–21. 73. Herklots, New Universities, 4. 74. Barnes, ‘England’s civic universities’, 278. 75. Truscot, Redbrick and these vital days, 13. 76. Cunningham and Waterhouse, Alfred Waterhouse, ch. 8. 77. Kenneth Clark, The Gothic Revival (London, 1995), 2. 78. Kenneth Clark, Another Part of the Wood (London, 1974), 109. 79. Charles Reilly and Lionel Budden, quoted in Kelly, For Advancement of Learning, 84. 80. Peers, ‘The Autobiography of Bruce Truscot’, 129. 81. ‘A.F.’ [Austin Farrar Barker], Leaves From a Northern University (London, 1926), 1–2. 82. Scutton, ‘ Newcastle’, 159. 83. Architectural Review 155(923) (1974), 3. 84. Lowe and Knight, ‘Building the Ivory Tower’, 88. 85. William Whyte, ‘Unbuilt Hertford: T.G. Jackson’s contextual dilemmas’, Architectural History 45 (2002), 347–62. 86. Peter Searby, A History of the University of Cambridge: vol. III, 1750–1870 (Cambridge, 1997), 43. 87. William Whyte, ‘ “Rooms for the Torture and Shame of Scholars”: the new Examination Schools and the architecture of reform’, Oxoniensia 66 (2001), 85–101. 88. Goldwin Smith, ‘Oxford University Reform’, in Oxford Essays (1858), 265–87, 266. He later welcomed the ‘departure from that narrow addiction to the medieval which reigned under Neo-Catholicism and Scott’ and which was represented by Jackson’s work on the Examination Schools and Trinity College. See Goldwin Smith, ‘Oxford Old and New’, Oxford Magazine 4 (1885–6), 229. 89. William Whyte, Oxford Jackson: architecture, education, status and style, 1835–1924 (Oxford, forthcoming). 90. The terms are taken from Lionel Brett, ‘Universities: Today’, Architectural Review 122 (1957), 240–51, 251. 91. Elaine Kaye, Mansfield College, Oxford: its origin, history, and significance (Oxford, 1996), 73–4. 92. Clyde Binfield, ‘ “We Claim Our Part in the Great Inheritance”: the message of four Congregational Buildings’, in Keith Robbins (ed.), Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain Ireland, Germany and America, c.1750-c.1950 (Oxford, 1990), 201–24, at 203–14. 93. An anonymous cleric quoted in Richard Ennis, Manchester College: a short history (Oxford, 1990), 18. 94. Basil Champneys, ‘The John Rylands’ Library, Manchester’, RIBA Journal, 3rd ser., 7 (1900), 101–8. 95. See Janet Woolf and John Seed (eds), The Culture of Capital: art, power, and the nineteenth-century middle class (Manchester, 1988). 96. Kaye, Mansfield, 73–4.


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97. H.M and K. Dorothea Vernon, A History of the Oxford Museum (Oxford, 1909), 67–8, 75–85; Whyte, ‘ “Rooms for the Torture and Shame of Scholars” ’. More generally, see Janet Howarth, ‘Science Education in Late-Victorian Oxford: A Curious Case of Failure?’, English Historical Review 102 (1987), 334–71. 98. ‘John Newport Langley’, Proceedings of the Royal Society (Series B) 101 (1927), pp xxxiii-xli, xxxix. See also Gerald L. Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology (Princeton, 1978). 99. Anderson, ‘Universities and Elites’, 238. 100. Oxford Magazine 6 (1887–8), 4. 101. A.H. Leahy, The Work of a University and of a College (Sheffield, 1903), 9. 102. This, after all, is why Oxford and Cambridge were not in receipt of state funding before the First World War. See Keith Vernon, ‘British Universities and the State, 1880–1914’, History of Education 30 (2001), 251–71. 103. Jack Simmons, ‘The Last Forty Years’, The Twentieth Century 159 (1956), 112–22, at 115. 104. Arthur E. Shipley, ‘Historical Introduction’, to Alan E. Munby, Laboratories, their plannings and fittings (London, 1921), p xiii. 105. Arthur W. Chapman, The Story of a Modern University: a history of the University of Sheffield (London, 1955), 18. 106. SUA, US/CHA/5/2(1), Erection of Buildings in Western Bank (1901–6), Gibbs and Flockton, Plans (1903), 11. 107. SUA, US/CHA/1/3(3), Proof Copy of Report on Rejection of College by Victoria University (June 1898). 108. Quoted in F.H.G. Percy, A History of the Whitgift School (London, 1976), 181. 109. Builder 37 (1879), 929; British Almanac (1866), 172. 110. Andor Gomme, Michael Jenner and Bryan Little, Bristol: an architectural history (London, 1979), 323. 111. Whyte, ‘Building a Public School Community’, 620–21. 112. D. H. Lawrence, The Rainbow ( London, 1915, edn cited, London, 1995), 398–9. 113. See, for example, Asa Briggs, ‘Leeds, a study in civic pride’, Victorian Cities (London, 1963), 139–83 and Colin Cunningham, Victorian and Edwardian Town Halls (London, 1981). 114. Yorkshire College Annual Report 1 (1874–5), 6. 115. MUA, Owens College Extension, Minutes of Committee, vol. 1 (1867– 71), 184. 116. SUA, US/CHA/5/2(1), 2–11. 117. See Jeremy Taylor, Hospital and Asylum Architecture in England, 1840–1914: buildings for health care (London, 1991), esp. 7–9, 18. 118. Our First Line of National Defence (Bristol, 1922), 7. 119. Arnold Kettle, ‘Leeds: impressions of a provincial university’, Twentieth Century 159 (1956), 151–58, at 151. 120. Roger Gill, ‘The buildings of the Main Precinct’, in Macqueen and Taylor (eds), University and Community, 15–28.


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121. Thomas, ‘ “A Quiet Dignity” ’, 58–67. 122. Elisabeth Wallace, Goldwin Smith, Victorian Liberal (Toronto, 1957), 42. 123. See, amongst others, Barnes, ‘England’s Civic Universities’, Moore, ‘English Civic Universities’, Halsey, ‘Oxford and the British Universities’. 124. Eric Ives, ‘A New Campus’, in Ives et al., The First Civic University, 111–31; J.W.R. Whitehead, ‘Institutional Site Planning: the University of Birmingham, 1900–69’, Planning History 13(2) (1991), 29–35. 125. BUA, UC/4/iii/10, Report of a Visit to Colleges and Universities in the United States and Canada made in November 1899 on the Suggestion of Mr Carnegie, 11. 126. Quoted in Diane Drummond, ‘The New University’, in Ives et al., The First Civic University, 132–58, at 142. 127. Ian Robert Dungavell, ‘The Architectural Career of Aston Webb (1849–1930)’ (University of London PhD, 1999), 218. 128. BUA, UC/7/iv/8/39, Oliver Lodge, ‘Preliminary Statement Concerning the Proposed Nine Statues on the Outside North Front of the Great Hall’ (10 April 1905). 129. Shinn, Paying the Piper. 130. See also James Dundonald, Letters to a Vice-Chancellor (London, 1962), 59. 131. Vivian de Sola Pinto and Warren Roberts (eds), Complete Poems of D. H. Lawrence (2 vols.; London, 1972), i. 488. 132. Brett, ‘Universities Today’, 242. 133. William Whyte, ‘ “Our first contemporary urban university”: the 1960 Leeds Development Plan in context’, in Kester Aspden (ed.), Challenge and Renewal: University Development over Three Decades (Leeds, forthcoming). 134. M.W. Beresford, ‘Red Brick and Portland Stone: a building history’, in Gosden and Taylor (eds), Studies in the History of a University, 133–80, at 158–61. 135. Architects’ Journal 127 (1958), 53. 136. A. Peter Fawcett and Neil Jackson, Campus Critique: the architecture of the University of Nottingham (Nottingham, 1998), ch. 3. 137. Granger, Memorials of University College, Nottingham, 28. 138. Tim Rawle, Cambridge Architecture (London, 1985), 166–7. 139. Quoted in Fawcett and Jackson, Campus Critique, 49. 140. See also Oliver Lodge, The City University (Liverpool, 1903), esp. 5, 9. 141. Catherine Bowler and Peter Brimblecombe, ‘Environmental Pressures on Building Design and Manchester’s John Rylands Library’, Journal of Design History 13 (2000), 175–91. 142. Barnes, ‘Lessons in Stone’, 225. 143. W.J. Arkell, Oxford Stone (Oxford, 1947). 144. Cambridge University Reporter 27 (1896–7), 290. 145. T.E. Lawrenson, Hall of Residence: Saint Anselm Hall in the University of Manchester, 1907–1957 (Manchester, 1957), 26.


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146. Dundonald, Letters to a Vice-Chancellor, 57. Although at Oxford and Cambridge the women’s colleges were built with corridors, the men’s colleges, with the exception of Keble, were not. See Margaret Birney Vickery, Buildings for Bluestockings (London, 1999), and, for a failed attempt to introduce corridors to Oxford in the 1950s, Geoffrey Tyack, Modern Architecture in an Oxford College: St John’s College, 1945–2005 (Oxford, 2005), 27–8. 147. J.H. Poynting, Sir Oliver Lodge: a biographical sketch (London, 1910), 13. 148. Viscount Haldane, The Conduct of Life (London, 1914), 66. 149. See, for example, University of Birmingham Magazine 3 (1902–3), 166. 150. MUA, Owens College Extension, Owens College Extension and Amalgamation, Scrapbook (1867–74), 4. 151. See also Tamesis 13 (1913–14), 107, for the case of Reading. 152. Quoted in Drummond, ‘A New University’, 143. 153. Pall Mall Gazette, 7 September 1912, quoted in Tamesis 11 (1911–12), 3. 154. MUA, Owens College Extension Committee Minutes, 1 (1867–71), 60 (17 June 1868). 155. SUA, US/CHA/4/9, University Buildings of Manchester Appeal Fund (1919). 156. BUA, UC/4/iii/10, Report of a Visit to Colleges and Universities in the United States and Canada made in November 1899 on the Suggestion of Mr Carnegie, 1–11. 157. SUA, UCS/SEN/1 University College Minutes of Senate, 1 (1897–1905), 274. 158. SUA, Sheffield US/CHA/4/8/1, Building Fund (1901–05), Sir Henry Stephenson. 159. Our First Line of National Defence, 5. 160. Hubert Childs, W.M. Childs: an account of his life and work (Bucklebury, 1976), 103. 161. British Architect 2 (October 1908), 239. 162. W.G. de Burgh, ‘Wantage Hall’, Reading University College Review 1 (1908–9), 24–37, at 27. 163. Professor P. Allen, quoted in Sidney Smith, ‘Wantage Hall, 1927–1933’ (unpublished MS held by Reading University Archives), 25. 164. Tamesis 13 (1913–14), 107. 165. Reading University College Review 4 (1911–12), 19. 166. Smithells, From a Modern University, 10. 167. The Mermaid 2 (1905–6), Supplement, 17. 168. Tamesis 25 (1926–27), 225.


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The Secularization of the Chaplaincy: A Brief History of the Columbia University Chaplaincy, 1908–1969 Albert Wu

Introduction

On July 8 1969, Columbia University ended its 200 year-old official relationship with the Episcopal Church. Columbia’s President Andrew Cordier announced that a ‘reorganization of religious life at Columbia’ was necessary and that ‘religious life on campus must be responsive both to the changing needs of . . . the university community and to the changing climate of religious life in society at large’. As a result, Columbia would abolish the position of University Chaplain; the Earl Hall Center for Religion and Life at Columbia University would replace the University Chaplaincy, and a director instead of a chaplain would assume responsibility for the institution. The university would continue to ‘offer hospitality to denominational activities’, but university funds and facilities would be used ‘primarily to strengthen and to develop programs and resources of non-sectarian nature’.1 In a little over sixty years, the Columbia University chaplaincy experienced major changes. The chaplaincy expanded rapidly after its establishment in 1908, as it was transformed from a small office with a two-person staff into a senior administrative position, and became an influential post in the Episcopal Church. This paper documents the rapid rise and fall of the Columbia chaplaincy, from its establishment in 1908 to its abolition in 1969. In his book The Soul of the American University, George Marsden uses the word ‘secularization,’ to describe the historical process in which leading institutions of American higher education started to distance themselves from the Christian traditions that founded them.2 Before 1870, American colleges were established mainly as evangelical Protestant


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institutions, created with the purpose of training future clergy to spread Christianity. As a result, Protestant clergy dominated college leadership; colleges required twice-daily chapel, Bible study, church attendance, and theological training.3 Higher education meant a rigorous training in the classics of the Protestant tradition, and clergymen-presidents encouraged periodic campus revivals.4 Starting in the 1870s, industrial financiers and the government poured money into these colleges to enhance technical research and industrial development. As a result, liberal Protestantism slowly displaced the traditional evangelicalism on campuses. Liberal Protestants viewed traditional clerical control of the colleges as amateur and in opposition to the educational openness, as well as specialized expertise, of modernity. To modernize, sectarian colleges often distanced themselves from what they viewed as unscientific Christian views of the past. Liberal Protestants championed and pioneered a move towards non-sectarian, inclusive and universal Christianity. By the 1920s, the evangelical Protestantism of the old-time colleges had been essentially removed from the classrooms of leading universities. In its place, universities had become liberal Protestant establishments. Marsden argues that within the next fifty years the same forces of pluralism that had been championed by liberal Protestantism were, in an apparent paradox, turned against the liberal Protestant establishment itself. This essentially led to an exclusion of religious perspectives from America’s highest ranks of academia, an outcome that Marsden laments. Liberal Protestantism, like its evangelical Protestant predecessors, became disestablished from the universities it once dominated. Marsden calls these changes the ‘methodological secularization’.5 The history of the Columbia chaplaincy reflects Marsden’s theory of secularization. The Columbia Trustees established the University Chaplaincy originally with an evangelical purpose: to revive student religious observance. Yet, reflecting the displacement of evangelical by liberal Protestantism at the turn of the century, liberal Protestant clergy occupied the chaplaincy from its beginnings in 1908. The chaplain’s responsibilities and administrative importance expanded, further demonstrating liberal Protestantism’s rapid ascension within the university administrative hierarchy. The chaplaincy’s abolishment and disestablishment from traditional Christianity similarly came abruptly in 1969. Influenced by broader currents of secularization in society and by university specialization, the university decided to cut its ties with traditional Christianity. Interestingly enough, the liberal Protestant clergymen


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who oversaw the institution were at the forefront of promoting this secularization. This study fills a gap in the historiography of religion’s place in the university because it focuses on campus clergymen, a constituency that has been largely ignored. This neglect is unfortunate, as campus clergymen wielded considerable amounts of authority and power in American universities from the beginning of the1900s to the 1950s. The Columbia case offers a particularly interesting case study due to its close affinities with Union Theological Seminary (UTS), the vanguard of liberal Protestantism, and its later alliance with New Left student activism of the 1960s. This paper also offers an original addition to Marsden’s argument by suggesting that a period of radical Protestantism dominated university religious life for a short period of time from the 1950s to 1960s.

II. The Need for a Revival: The Construction of Earl Hall and St. Paul’s Chapel

As Robert McCaughey writes in his recent book Stand, Columbia, Columbia’s non-sectarian mission was clear from its inception, despite rigorous debate.6 The proposed curriculum for the college explicitly stated, ‘there is no intention to impose on the scholars the peculiar tenets of any particular sect of Christians’, and that the College would instead inculcate ‘the great principles of Christianity and morality in which true Christians of each denomination are generally agreed’.7 Columbia’s mission, in President Samuel Johnson’s words, was to ‘teach and engage the children to know God in Jesus Christ, and to love and serve Him in all sobriety, godliness, and righteousness of life, with a perfect heart, and a willing mind’.8 Yet, by the late nineteenth century, Columbia’s founding religious mission had hardly been executed. Columbia students rarely attended chapel in 1870; they complained that the daily chapel services celebrants conducted the services in a ‘slipshod and careless manner’ and characterized chapel music as ‘torture’.9 In 1872, only 12 of the 172 College students obeyed the statute requiring chapel attendance; faculty participation was even worse.10 Highly publicized reports to this effect alarmed the predominantly Episcopalian trustees, and they decided to institute some changes.


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As a grandiose gesture to vitalize religious participation, the Trustees authorized the construction of two new student centres for spiritual and religious life. In May of 1900, William Earl Dodge donated $100,000 to Columbia for a building promoting ‘the spiritual, philanthropic, and religious life of the University’. The Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) would oversee Earl Hall, subject to the authority of the Trustees. Dodge, a Presbyterian, insisted, ‘The building should not be used for distinct dogmatic or denominational teaching’.11 The centre thus housed a strictly non-sectarian, ecumenical mission from its inception. Earl Hall became popular with students almost immediately, as seventyeight organizations, ranging from philanthropic through religious to literary, were using the space by the end of 1904–1905, only two years after its dedication.12 Shortly after Earl Hall’s dedication, the Trustees authorized the building of another spiritual centre: St. Paul’s Chapel. The chapel, completed in 1907, was dedicated to the glorification of the Christian—and moreover, Episcopal—tradition.13 Columbia had ties with the Episcopal Church dating back to its founding as King’s College in 1754, when Trinity Church, the most powerful Anglican Church in America at the time, donated the original site on which the College was built. The Episcopal presence in Columbia remained visible since daily worship services followed Episcopal liturgy. To manage this new building and the added responsibilities of performing more elaborate liturgical services suiting the magnificent structure, the Trustees decided to create the new full-time university position of the University Chaplain.

III. The Establishment of the University Chaplaincy

Although Columbia employed a chaplain as early as 185714, the chaplain worked only part-time and served in a limited capacity; he primarily read prayers at morning services and during ceremonial occasions. Instead, the President of the College celebrated the daily morning services and was responsible for the spiritual leadership of the College. With the construction of St. Paul’s Chapel, the President no longer had the ability to juggle both the more grandiose daily chapel services and his administrative duties, and the Trustees bestowed on the chaplain full authority to conduct morning services. The Trustees wanted the chaplain to promote


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‘increased emphasis upon the religious life of the University and to contribute in a more effective way than has heretofore been possible to the spiritual development of the student body’.15 The Trustees hoped that the presence of a strong religious figure on campus would be able to counter-balance Columbia’s increasing ‘Hebrew problem’. By the 1890s, many sons of prominent trustees from traditional Knickerbocker families ‘defected’ from Columbia, choosing to attend college elsewhere instead of their ‘ancestral college’. Compounding this situation was the expansion of the Jewish student population. By the turn of the century, Jews constituted fifteen percent of College classes, and by 1917 that proportion rose to twenty-five percent.16 The Trustees were alarmed by this perceived threat. John Pine, the Secretary of the Trustees, wrote, ‘the Chapel shall be made a powerful influence in the University. As such influence, it will be the most effective means of offsetting whatever tendencies may be engendered by the large influx of Hebrew students’.17 President Nicholas Murray Butler also assured George Rives, the Chairman of the Trustees, that with the establishment of the chaplain’s post and the revival of chapel services, the college ‘should be Christian’.18 President Butler further felt that he could not adequately handle his religious and administrative duties simultaneously. Butler wrote to George Rives, ‘the President might well be a communicant of the Church of England as by law established, and every teaching officer of the College might be a Jew, infidel or agnostic, so that while meeting the old condition in letter, we should be violating it in spirit’.19 Butler believed that a chaplain would more effectively execute Columbia’s founding religious mission. He thus suggested that Columbia allot $150,000 ‘to paying the salary of a chaplain and to meeting the cost of maintaining the Chapel service’ which would continue to be celebrated according to Episcopal liturgy.20 The chaplain’s job description encompassed an odd and challenging mixture of responsibilities: the University Chaplain was at the same time to be educator and preacher; the Trustees gave the chaplain the rank of professor along with his chapel service duties. The chaplain conducted chapel services according to the liturgy of the Episcopal Book of Common Prayer, but was told by Butler to preach and teach ‘Christian religion and Christian morals in the strongest and most fundamental sense of those terms’.21 The transference of religious duties from the President to other institutions and individuals was not unique to Columbia. Until the nineteenth


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century, most college Presidents provided religious leadership.22 As colleges expanded, the academic, administrative, and financial responsibilities of the president also grew, leaving him little time to preside over religious affairs.23 Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the leadership of campus religious life passed to other individuals and agencies. The turn of the century also saw a rise in chapel construction, as many colleges wanted to revitalize student religious observance. Colleges across the United States either invited the YMCA onto their campuses to lead student religious life, or employed a chaplain.24 The YMCA was established at Yale in 1886, and by 1910, YMCA secretaries were employed in most of the larger state and independent universities. Yale, however, did not employ a full-time University Chaplain until 1927.25 These organizations employed trained workers who had no official institutional affiliation with the colleges in which they worked. Such was the case in Earl Hall when it was first erected; the YMCA oversaw student activities in the building. Columbia was thus one of the first American universities to have both a full-time chaplain and a YMCA secretary operating on campus.

IV. The Expansion of the Chaplaincy

Nicholas Murray Butler, perhaps the most influential American university president in the early to mid-twentieth century, was concerned with the spiritual and moral state of the next generation, lamenting, ‘tens of millions of men and women . . . grow up without religious influence or religious teaching of any sort’.26 Furthermore, Butler stated, ‘the greatest obstacle’ preventing ‘religious conviction, and religious worship is the attitude and influence of a very large proportion of the poorly endowed and poorly educated Protestant clergy’.27 Butler saw Columbia as a key educator of a new generation of clergymen. Columbia would provide its students with rigorous training in religion and general knowledge so that they could carry on the noble mission of revitalizing public religion. Butler was influenced by the great ‘modernist impulse’ of liberal Protestantism at the turn of the century.28 Challenged by Darwin’s theory of evolution, inspired by the ideals of Progressive-Age reformers, and influenced by German Higher Criticism, liberal Protestants debated and


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re-interpreted their theology. American liberal Christianity in the early twentieth century emphasized the compatibility between Christian belief and the theory of evolution, the constructive value of modern historical criticism, the spiritual unity of God and humanity, ecumenical reunion of the Christian body, and the progressive social mission and obligation of the Christian Church.29 Most importantly, liberal Protestantism became enfranchised in many elite American seminaries and universities, including Columbia.30 Ideologically, liberal Protestants also associated themselves with secularist thinking and endorsed the view that the scientific age would free humankind from superstition and metaphysics, producing a higher morality that would benefit all of humanity.31 Using the prestige of evolutionary biology, both liberal Protestants and secularists discredited traditional Christian Biblicism and theology. Moving away from the view that morality can be found only in the laws of a transcendental being, they hoped to find the base of this higher morality in the evolution of Western culture itself. This ideological shift explains various curricular developments by the turn of the century, such as the invention of ‘Western Civilization’ courses.32 The university was distancing itself from its evangelical Protestant roots. To promulgate his liberal religious mission, Butler found a perfect collaborator in Raymond Knox. Knox served as chaplain from 1908 until his retirement in 1942, the longest tenure of any Columbia chaplain. From the beginning of Knox’s tenure, Butler emphasized to Knox how fervently both he and the Trustees hoped for a religious revival in the hearts of Columbia students. He wrote that he and the Trustees were ‘anxious to . . . develop among the student body a strong sense of religious obligation’.33 He hoped that the ‘Chapel may be vigorously supported and the services well attended by students themselves’.34 He wished to make the study of religion ‘as vigorous here and as intelligent as [that of] Greek, or physics’.35 Knox and Butler shared many affinities in their approaches to the role of religion in education. Like Butler, Knox believed that religious education was a crucial element in a well-rounded liberal education. Knox wrote, ‘It has long been recognized that an education which does not provide for an intelligent understanding of religion is incomplete’.36 Knox contended that without any form of religious education, the college student had ‘in many instances a serious handicap’ when faced with even the simplest questions in life.37 Knox asserted that the most important result of this religion education was the cultivation ‘of faith


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or purpose’. He wished that religious education might ultimately lead to a revival in faith, and that the student would find ‘meaning’ and ‘purpose in life’.38 Under Knox’s tenure, the chaplaincy expanded into a senior administrative position in the university system. In 1905, three years before Knox’s appointment, the chaplain’s only duty was to take charge of the chapel services.39 By 1946, four years after Knox had retired, the chaplain’s responsibilities had burgeoned to include ‘general supervision of other religious activities’ and ‘promotion of religious instruction in the University’.40 The chaplain chaired a seven-person Advisory Board on Religious Activities, and was responsible for appointing and re-appointing ‘Religious Counselors to Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant students’, who were financially supported by their external religious bodies, and not the university.41 Knox also extended the frequency and scope of the Chapel services. Prior to Knox’s arrival, there had been only a Vespers service on Sundays, since many Columbia officials attended the morning service at the nearby Cathedral of St John the Divine. At Butler’s request, Knox added a Sunday morning service to ‘better minister to the religious needs of the university’.42 He continued using Episcopal liturgy, yet designed the services to follow Samuel Johnson’s original intention of ecumenism. He invited prominent religious leaders to preach at the Chapel, including Henry Sloane Coffin of UTS. Apart from the Chapel, Earl Hall buzzed with student activity. By 1910–11, as many as 120 student groups were using Earl Hall facilities; forty-five were religious, while the rest were mainly musical and dramatic groups. Well over four hundred students participated daily in activities hosted and sponsored by Earl Hall.43 Until 1917, Earl Hall operated as a separate entity from the chapel. The YMCA appointed a Director of Religious and Social Work, to control and direct programming in cooperation with the Advisory Committee on Religious Work. In 1922, the chaplain, an Episcopalian and representative of Columbia’s sectarian tradition, obtained jurisdiction over Earl Hall, a designated non-sectarian space. Despite Knox’s liberalism and his dedication to ecumenism, suspicion of Columbia’s sectarian leanings remained. The YMCA chose to retain its right to approve of the appointment of the Director of Earl Hall, who was still funded by outside sources.44 They would relinquish this right in 1946, effectively bringing Earl Hall completely under the chaplain’s control.


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A Widening Ecumenical Mission By the 1920s, so many Jewish students attended Columbia that it ‘earned a reputation that all its students were Jews’.45 Also during the 1920s, a large number of Irish and Italian Catholics entered Columbia, prompting McCaughey to label Columbia as ‘the first Post-Protestant American University’.46 Responding to this diversifying religious body, Knox aggressively pursued a more comprehensive religious counselling system that would better serve the expanding student body. Even though the Trustees had originally intended that the University Chaplain strengthen the ‘Christian’ presence on campus, the chaplain actually became a champion of diverse religious worship. In his first year as chaplain, Knox recruited a Catholic priest (from Corpus Christi Church on 122nd Street) to help conduct services and provide religious services on campus, although in no official capacity. A similar arrangement was made for the Jewish students, as Professor Richard Gottheil helped to assemble students to celebrate important Jewish festivals.47 Columbia provided no financial support for any of these counsellors, as their supporting religious agencies funded their work. The university offered only official recognition, office space in Earl Hall and access to university facilities. Knox and the Columbia Department of Religion Knox also actively aided in the formation of the Columbia Department of Religion.48 When Knox became University Chaplain in 1908, Butler told him, ‘the matter of a course in Bible instruction counting for a college degree is one in which I take great interest’.49 Butler asked him whether he would be interested in offering a course on the Bible in Columbia College for academic credit, using the method of historical criticism. Knox immediately assented. The course was listed under the heading of ‘Religion’ in the curriculum, even though no such department existed.50 The College Faculty Committee then made the chaplain an ex officio faculty member of the college, and Knox gave the first course in the religion department in 1909. Besides helping to form the religion department, Knox oversaw its development. He secured a half-million dollar endowment and allocated a large part of the endowment to enlarging the program of religious studies. A Professorship in Religion was established, along with several new undergraduate courses dedicated to the study of religion at both Columbia and Barnard.51


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The endowment came at a fortuitous time, as more and more students and academicians took interest in the study of religion. As D. G. Hart has shown in The University Gets Religion, colleges across the United States established religious studies departments from about 1925. Religion rapidly gained respectability as a field of study in the university.52 In 1928, a young pastor named Reinhold Niebuhr joined the UTS faculty, and burst into the intellectual scene with his 1932 magnum opus Moral Man and Immoral Society. In 1933, Paul Tillich, the famous German theologian, became Professor of Philosophical Theology at UTS. Within less than a decade, Morningside Heights, the neighborhood stretching from West 106th street to 123rd street, encompassing institutions such as Columbia, UTS, St. John the Divine, Riverside Church, and the Jewish Theological Seminary, was transformed into the leading theological centre of the United States. The Columbia Department of Religion reflected these shifts in religious learning, as it increased its inter-departmental and interdisciplinary course offerings. The religion department also offered Columbia students the opportunity to take classes at UTS, and by 1943, student interest had grown to the extent that the University established a Ph.D. program in the field of religion.53 Knox founded and edited a new journal, The Review of Religion, in 1936. With European publications in a state of disarray during those years, The Review of Religion ‘acquired an international significance more speedily than it might have under other circumstances’.54 Major theologians and writers, among them Paul Tillich and Reinhold Niebuhr, published works and reviews in the journal. Continuing Expansion and Rise in Influence Inside and Outside of the University James Pike, University Chaplain from 1948 to 1952, further expanded the chaplain’s influence by broadening the curriculum of the religion department. Pike was a brilliant thinker and scholar, and by 1951, the religion department boasted some thirty-six courses in topics ranging from Eastern-Orthodoxy to Buddhism,55 the largest offering of undergraduate religion courses in the nation.56 Pike’s aggressive agenda impressed many in the university, but also made him enemies. Joseph Blau, a professor of philosophy at Columbia, complained about Pike’s ‘expansionist, imperial policy’; while another professor stated that Pike often stumbled into the ‘pitfalls of not having done groundwork with people’.57 Pike became the Chairman of the Department of Religion in


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1949, whereupon he effected an amendment of the statutes that made the University Chaplain ex officio ‘highest ranking member’ of the religion department.58 Pike continued his predecessors’ ecumenism, adding an Eastern Orthodox counsellor to the staff of Earl Hall. The Earl Hall staff then consisted of one Protestant counsellor, who doubled as associate chaplain and chaplain to Episcopal students, one Roman Catholic counsellor, one Jewish counsellor, and one Eastern Orthodox counsellor. Three associate Protestant counsellors rounded out the Earl Hall staff: one Baptist, one Lutheran, and one Presbyterian.59 The stature and influence of the Columbia Chaplaincy grew not only within the university but also in the Episcopal Church. Knox’s three successors, Stephen Bayne, James Pike, and John Krumm, were all eventually elected Bishops.60 By the early 1960s, a general view circulated among the Episcopal clergy that the Columbia chaplaincy was a stepping-stone to higher clerical positions in the Church.61 This befitted Columbia, given its historically close relationship with Trinity Church and its proximity to the Cathedral of St John the Divine, two towering presences in the Episcopal Church. In a span of fifty years, not only had the Chaplaincy solidified its influence within the university, it had also expanded its influence in the clerical community. The Apex of the Chaplaincy’s Influence Columbia’s 1954 Bicentennial Celebration showcased the chaplaincy’s importance within the University. John Krumm worked closely with Pike (who had left the chaplaincy in 1952 to become the Dean of the Cathedral of St John the Divine), meanwhile devoting most of the first two years of his chaplaincy to planning for these bicentennial celebrations. The year-long celebration centered on the theme ‘Man’s Right to Knowledge and the Fair Use Thereof ’. It was a true extravaganza: more than two hundred and fifty universities, colleges, libraries, museums, and societies participated in the activities ‘affirming the importance of intellectual freedom’.62 Columbia planned three convocations, two series of thirteen radio lecture programmes, and three major dinners, and presented a sixty-panel exhibit of different aspects of the bicentennial theme.63 Religion featured prominently in the bicentennial activities. Of the three convocations, two were held in the leading religious institutions of Morningside Heights: the Cathedral of St John the Divine and the


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Riverside Church.64 The art exhibit featured a figure of St John by Albert Dürer, and a quotation from the Gospel of John: ‘And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free’.65 Paul Tillich gave a radio lecture on ‘Religion and the Human Spirit’.66 Furthermore, the Earl Hall Religious Counselors hosted a series of Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant liturgical performances as part of the celebration.67 Finally, John Collyer endowed a gift for the Raymond Knox Memorial Lectures to be given as part of the celebrations. The lectures were a testament to Knox’s popularity and his successful incorporation of religion into ‘all the various disciplines of the university’s intellectual enterprise’.68 Intellectual interest in religion thrived as part of a larger campus revival across America. With the rise of Billy Graham, Norman Vincent Peale, Bishop Fulton J. Sheen, and Martin Luther King Jr., the 1950s saw myriad religious revival movements. Reinhold Niebuhr practically acted and spoke as the nation’s theologian.69 As mentioned before, religion had become a respectable field of study due to the increasing number of religious studies departments. Campus ministries flourished as students increasingly engaged with religion. Harvard, for example, experienced a major revival when Paul Tillich became University Professor and a member of the Divinity School in 1954. Nathan Pusey, the president of Harvard from 1953 to 1971, publicly professed his faith, and sought to strengthen ties between Harvard and the Memorial Church.70 John Cannon, future Columbia chaplain, was one of those young students who basked in Harvard’s religious revival, and decided to pursue a career in ministry as a result.71

V. The Radicalization of the Columbia Chaplaincy

Beginning with James Pike in 1948, a series of radical figures occupied the Columbia chaplaincy and the Earl Hall staff, transforming these institutions into a hotbed for social activism. By the middle of the 1960s, Earl Hall, formerly just an administrative unit advancing the university’s mission and agenda, became a separate entity with its own agenda and mission, often diametrically opposed to the will of the central university administration. This radicalization was by no means a coincidence, for


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in the 1940s and 1950s, mainstream liberal Protestantism experienced its ‘Niebuhrian turn’.72 Reinhold Niebuhr was America’s pre-eminent Protestant theologian from 1930 to 1960, reaching both secular and religious audiences. His sharp condemnation of political and Christian liberalism earned him the popular label ‘neo-orthodox’.73 Grounded in early-twentieth-century Social Gospel theology, Niebuhr called the Christian Church to act radically for social change, to challenge unjust and evil practices in society, and to reject the gradualism that pervaded the liberal Protestant establishment of his era. Niebuhr advocated a return to the Hebraic tradition of prophetic religion to combat Christian inaction against evil. He influenced a generation of clergymen, including Martin Luther King Jr., William Sloane Coffin, and all of the Columbia chaplains. Niebuhr’s relationship with the Columbia chaplaincy was especially intimate, as he preached often from the St Paul’s pulpit and advised the provost on chaplain appointments. John Cannon called Reinhold Niebuhr ‘the most important teacher I ever had’.74 By the mid-1960s, campus ministries across the United States had radicalized their approaches to ministries. The chaplain who garnered the most national attention was the Yale University Chaplain, William Sloane Coffin. Coffin took over the Yale chaplaincy in 1958, and quickly transformed it into a radical pulpit. He thrust himself into national headlines by attending the Freedom Rides of 1961. He became a major figure in the anti-Vietnam War movement, and gained notoriety when he was indicted along with Dr. Benjamin Spock in the famous draftburning resistance case of the ‘Boston Five’.75 Coffin’s example blazed a trail for other campus ministries, as many other campus clergymen carried unorthodox, radical approaches into their ministry. Chaplains across America organized seminars, lectures, and discussion groups exploring politically explosive issues. Many chaplains also led their students in civil rights demonstrations and sit-ins, as well as later counselling students on draft resistance.76 By 1966, a study of campus ministers across America revealed that campus ministries provided a ‘haven’ for clergymen too ‘radical’ for the parish structure.77 Jim Pike: An Iconoclast James Pike, a young clergyman heavily influenced by Reinhold Niebuhr, came to be one of the most visible, iconoclastic and controversial figures in American religious life. In 1948, Pike was offered the chaplain’s post at Columbia. After leaving Columbia, Pike pioneered a popular radio


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series as Dean of the Cathedral of St John the Divine, often broadcasting controversial sermons and addresses. From 1955 to 1961, he gained nationwide prominence with a weekly television show called the ‘Dean Pike Show’ (later renamed the ‘Bishop Pike Show’) on ABC. Pike became the liberal voice of the Episcopal Church on Church doctrine and on social issues such as birth control, Civil Rights, McCarthyism, and censorship.78 At the height of Pike’s influence, Bishop Henry Loutitt accused Pike of heresy in a series of high profile accusations. Heresy investigations began four times between 1962 and 1966, growing in intensity each time, but ultimately the House of Bishops of the Episcopal Church decided not to pursue a heresy trial.79 Pike grew increasingly heterodox, as he rejected the Virgin Birth, the Trinity, and the Incarnation as mythical fantasies. He invested the first woman with Episcopal ministerial status in 1965, eleven full years before the General Convention of the Episcopal Church approved the ordination of women as priests.80 Pike’s radicalism did not become evident until after he left Columbia, but he approached the chaplaincy with the same intensity and radicalism that he brought to the rest of his life. Pike maintained that the Columbia pulpit was a ‘royal peculiar’: an Episcopal institution exempt from the jurisdiction of the Bishop in whose diocese it lies, and subject only to the authority of the King of England. In terms of spiritual and moral authority, Pike claimed that the Columbia pulpit was independent of any restrictions, even those of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the President of Columbia.81 The two succeeding Chaplains, John Krumm and John Cannon, received this tradition and understood the Columbia chaplaincy as a royal peculiar without question. Krumm and Cannon both used purple vestments, the mark of a royal peculiar, during their daily services. They did not function as if they were subject to the authority or supervision of the Bishop of New York, and enjoyed a degree of latitude and independence from immediate ecclesiastical authority. Moreover, the Episcopal Bishop of New York readily and openly acknowledged the status of the Columbia Chapel as being beyond his jurisdiction by virtue of the fact that Columbia was a royal peculiar.82 Pike had clashed several times with the Columbia faculty, in episodes which revealed him to be completely insensitive to the realities of faculty politics.83 Pike first came under scrutiny for his overspending. From 1950 to 1952, he overspent at least $1000 on both the Earl Hall and the Department of Religion budgets. Even though the provost, Grayson Kirk, covered some of the overruns with the president’s provisional


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funds, the University’s Committee on Instruction closely monitored his freewheeling spending and improvisational methods.84 Pike also came under attack for his lack of academic credentials in the formal study of religion. Pike had a law doctorate and was a more than competent scholar, but he had failed to complete his divinity degree at UTS. This produced a potentially embarrassing situation; as the ‘executive director’ of the religion department did not have academic credentials befitting the title, religion department faculty members were unwilling to accept Pike’s leadership. Due to these various factors, the Committee on Instruction vetoed several curricular changes for the religion department proposed by Pike. Pike announced his resignation in reaction to this criticism, threatening to publicize his resignation as a protest against the faculty’s decisions. Kirk, who had by then succeeded Eisenhower as president of the university, dissuaded Pike from doing so, and Pike moved on to inherit the position of Dean of the Cathedral of St John the Divine.85 According to John Cannon, everyone in the administration ‘sighed a huge sigh of relief when Pike left’ Columbia.86 John Krumm: The Chaplaincy as Social Agent James Pike’s successor, John Krumm, held the Columbia position for a much longer period, acting as chaplain for thirteen years, from 1952 to 1965. Krumm, a genteel man, conducted his chaplaincy in a much more politically sensitive fashion than his predecessor.87 From 1948 to 1952, Krumm served as Dean of the Episcopal Cathedral in Los Angeles. Krumm’s move to Columbia illustrates the University Chaplaincy’s prestige within the Episcopal Church, as the next step in the Episcopal hierarchy for a dean of a major cathedral was usually a bishopric; Krumm chose instead to move to Columbia. Krumm used his pulpit as a soundboard for his progressive ideas. He criticized the hysteria of anti-Communism, lobbied for nuclear arms bans, and supported the Civil Rights Movement. In Niebuhrian fashion, Krumm argued that clergymen had to stand and speak out on the controversial social and political issues of the day.88 In September 1964, the Columbia chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) began to picket in front of John Jay Hall, demanding that the university allow the employees of the University Food Services to unionize. CORE argued that a union would help raise salaries of the largely Puerto Rican and African-American workers above a ‘poverty level,’ produce a fairer grievance procedure and allow access to medical


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and unemployment insurance.89 Grayson Kirk opposed unionization on the grounds that the university wanted to supply cafeteria jobs to students for student aid.90 In an attempt to quell the demonstrations, the university gave a minimal raise in salary to the workers.91 Krumm, along with the rest of the Earl Hall staff, wrote a letter to Kirk stating their support for the unionization efforts. Krumm wrote, Our position is based upon . . . the indispensability of union negotiations as a part of the normal pattern of securing justice and equity for employees. Many of the religious bodies which we represent have a long history of support for the principle of the unionization of labor.92

Krumm and Earl Hall religious counsellors defended their right to inject their opinions into the mix of the controversy because unionization was a ‘religious ethical’ matter concerned ‘with the sanctity of individuals’. The letter somehow leaked and was published on the front page of the Columbia Daily Spectator before Kirk received it.93 Kirk was furious with Krumm, but wrote a courteous, curt letter first informing him that the letter had been leaked to the press before arriving at his office, and then saying, ‘I do not agree either with your reasoning or your conclusions, but you may be sure that my associates and I will give careful considerations to your views on this administrative matter’.94 Krumm fired back an apologetic note, explaining that he did not know how Spectator had obtained a copy of the letter before Kirk.95 The power dynamic between chaplain and president was clear in this situation: Krumm, despite his firm convictions on this subject, was still unwilling to offend Kirk. Krumm’s social activism gained him widespread popularity among Columbia’s student body. Upon his resignation in 1965, the editors of Columbia’s student-run daily newspaper, the Columbia Daily Spectator, wrote an editorial entitled ‘One Loss’, lamenting Krumm’s decision to leave the Chaplaincy to become rector of the Episcopal Church of the Ascension. The editors wrote, Chaplain Krumm has done much to relate the religious activities of St. Paul’s Chapel and Earl Hall to the special environment of an academic community. Never content to divorce theology from practical problems of University and national life, he has gained a reputation as a religious leader who will take a strong stand when he feels circumstances call for it . . . Krumm will have the satisfaction of knowing that at Columbia he acted firmly on religious principles.96


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John Cannon and a New Cast of Characters Krumm’s successor in 1965 was John Cannon, a young man of 32 years old. Cannon had been working in Earl Hall since 1963, acting as assistant chaplain and Episcopal Chaplain. Cannon served as acting chaplain from 1965 to 1966. In 1966, after a year-long search, the University search committee rather unexpectedly appointed Cannon to a three-year term as University Chaplain.97 Cannon’s selection represented the first time that a ‘homegrown’ member of Earl Hall had been elevated to the position of University Chaplain, rather than a member recruited from outside of Columbia. Besides his appointment as University Chaplain, Cannon was also designated to head a ‘Committee on Religious Life,’ that would make ‘a thorough and comprehensive investigation’ into Columbia’s religious activities.98 The administration decided to establish the Committee and place Cannon at the head of it because of a dispute over the chaplain’s status in the religion department. In 1961, the statute that stated the chaplain was to be the ‘executive officer’ of the religion department had already been repealed, even though the chaplain remained as an ex officio faculty member of the religion department.99 Upon Krumm’s retirement, the religion department faculty opposed the statute that the next chaplain would be a faculty member by virtue of his position, complaining that they did not possess any authority to make decisions over their own appointments. To resolve this situation, the administration proposed to establish the Committee on Religious Life, which would comprehensively study the question of how the Chaplain could best relate to the department of religion and the rest of the university. Cannon was appointed head of the Committee instead of becoming an ex officio member of the religion department as was traditional for the chaplain, so that he could devote serious time and effort to resolving and studying the disputed issues.100 As assistant chaplain, Cannon had quickly established a popular presence among the student body through his personable, compassionate, pastoral style. In February of 1964, he established the Postcrypt Coffeehouse in the basement of St Paul’s. An avid music lover, Cannon felt a need for more student performance spaces on campus and decided to convert a dusty storage room in the chapel into a coffee-house. Moreover, Cannon hoped to pioneer so-called ‘coffee-house’ ministries, as he wished to ‘develop a neutral space in which chaplains could mingle and exchange views with students who otherwise would associate them


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with conventional religious activities.’101 He redecorated the storage room, transforming it into a performance space complete with a mosaic bar to serve coffee and refreshments. The impact of the coffee-house extended beyond Columbia’s gates, and it became an influential performance stage in the American folk-music world, with such local and national artists as Jeff Buckley, Shawn Colvin, and Ani DiFranco gracing the stage early in their careers. The ‘New Theology’ of the 1960s made deep impressions on Cannon and the rest of the Earl Hall staff. The New Theology, also popularly known as ‘Death-of-God Theology,’or Radical Theology, essentially argued that the base of the world is no longer sacred, and that the world is no longer dependent on the traditional concept of a God who constantly acts in the world. First popularized by Bishop John Robinson in Honest to God, and later by Thomas Altizer in Radical Theology and the Death of God, the ‘Death of God’ theologians advocated a ‘religionless Christianity.’ Influenced by the German theologian and martyr Dietrich Bonhoeffer, they further claimed that the traditional view of religion and Christianity was outdated and irrelevant to the world. Radical theologians argued that humankind had to solve the world’s problems, not wait for a transcendent God to come and resolve them. They articulated a wholly secular theology: life lived according to Christian principles yet wholly rooted in the secular world and divorced from traditional religious language. Radical theology created a stir among the public, and gained a popular following in theological circles.102 In 1967, the Earl Hall staff members collectively published a book, ‘Never Trust a God over Thirty’: New Styles in Campus Ministry, which illuminated the heavy influence of New Theology on their approaches to campus ministry. The book was a manifesto, explaining how campus ministry should adapt to the times in order to remain a relevant component in the increasingly secularizing university and world. Albert Friedlander, Bruce Goldman’s predecessor as Jewish Counsellor, edited the book and contributed an article entitled ‘The Jewish Student’, in which he stated that the rabbi on campus had to ‘enter the student’s life with full concern’ and ‘refuse to be the policeman for the parents but become the genuine spokesman of student needs’.103 Henry Malcolm wrote a piece on student radicalism and campus ministry, while James Rea contributed a section on the Second Vatican Council and its implications for student ministry. William Starr wrote about the changing theological scene in liberal Protestantism, and how it forged a new possibility for more intimate, student-based ministry. John Cannon


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provided an epilogue affirming Earl Hall’s commitment to ecumenism and its concern for students ‘as comrades and as concerned adults who are anxious to cooperate in forging a future’.104 The Earl Hall staff reflected and incorporated these dramatic shifts in theological and ethical thinking in their work. The clergy believed that ministers had to be as well-versed in the language of the Beat Poets as that of the Gospels; as heavily involved with aiding civil rights organizations such as Students Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) on campus as they were with church study groups. Cannon summed up the mantra of the new, radical Earl Hall, saying, ‘my orientation is very much secular, I am concerned with this world, not another one’.105 The Earl Hall staff viewed themselves as agents of radical social change instead of religious persuasion. The Earl Hall staff thus found allies in the New Left groups organizing on campus, such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).106 The Earl Hall staff clergy promoted fasts for peace in Vietnam, organized teach-ins for conscientious objection in the draft, and provided draft counselling to students. Cannon himself had participated in the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer and encouraged students to get involved in civil rights activism as well. Most controversially, Cannon sponsored the Columbia Student Homophile League, the first student gay rights advocacy group in the nation. At the time, Columbia’s official policy required student groups to submit a list of names of officers in order for the group to receive official school recognition and registration. The founding members of the Homophile League feared that this loss of anonymity would lead to university-wide ostracism. Cannon had counselled many of the Homophile League students, and maintained close relationships with many of them. He decided to personally sponsor the student group to protect the students’ anonymity.107 The group would be based in Cannon’s office, and its public statements would be released from Earl Hall. Cannon received great support from the students for this move: a Spectator editorial lauded the Chaplain for his ‘enlightened’ stance on the issue.108 As Earl Hall’s radicalism increased, Cannon often had to defend the institute’s actions. Consistent with the ideals of academic freedom, the Central Administration never imposed a gag order on Earl Hall. In a meeting with the Vice-President, Lawrence Chamberlain assured Cannon that the University would not restrict the actions of Earl Hall. Chamberlain said, The Counselors should feel absolutely no restrictions imposed by the University on their freedom to do and say as their conscience dictates. Columbia is a free


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market place of ideas for religious counselors as it is for professors. They should know that there will be complaints and that the Vice President considers it his job to protect them.109

Cannon, reflecting on the situation almost forty years later, maintained that despite his differences of opinion and heated confrontations with members of the administration ‘never, ever, did I feel constrained’ by the university administration.110 Earl Hall and Columbia 1968 By 1968, Earl Hall had become a lively gathering place for student radicalism and activity. Among these groups was Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), which operated from William Starr’s office.111 Cannon monitored the developments within Columbia’s SDS chapter extremely closely, as he knew Ted Kaptchuck, the chairman of the SDS Columbia chapter from 1967 to 1968, extremely well. Kaptchuck represented the ‘praxis-axis’ of SDS, favouring recruitment of members and education on the various political issues that SDS opposed.112 A new group of SDS insurgents, led by Mark Rudd and dubbed ‘the action faction,’ favored direct confrontation with authorities. In March of 1968, Rudd was elected chairman of SDS, replacing Kaptchuck.113 Cannon aligned himself with the praxis-axis old guard, while William Starr, the assistant chaplain, supported Rudd and the new hard-liners, as Rudd and Starr had a good personal relationship.114 William Starr became heavily involved in SDS, frequently attending its meetings, though he never actively served as a voice of leadership.115 The decisive break between the central administration and Earl Hall arose out of a dispute over the Martin Luther King Jr. memorial service on April 9 1968. On April 4 1968, King had been assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee. News of the assassination devastated Cannon. He immediately set out to plan a memorial service in consultation with the leadership of the Students’ Afro-American Society (SAS); without knowing this group very well, he felt that the appropriate gesture was to seek its input.116 Meanwhile, the university administration had proceeded to make plans for a university memorial service, but had only let Cannon in on the planning extremely late in the process, and had not consulted SAS in any capacity. Furious with the administration for having left him and the black students out of consultations, Cannon was suspicious of the university’s motives, thinking that the administration would hypocritically use the service to ‘project a certain corporate image of concern


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and of sympathy for the objectives of Dr. King’s life, for public relations.’117 Upon hearing the news of the planned service, SAS decided to boycott the service. Cannon felt in any case, as did many radical students, that being in the process of constructing a gym that represented white discrimination and oppression of blacks,118 the University was doing a great disservice to King’s legacy. Two days before the service, some radical students informed Cannon that a disruption of the service was being planned. In a fit of rage, Cannon warned the administration that they were ‘heading for trouble’ and creating ‘a real crisis’ with their handling of the situation. Cannon felt so strongly that the administration was mishandling the service that he wrote a letter of resignation that he ‘damn near sent’.119 Almost forty years later, Cannon still talks with fury and regret about the manner in which the administration handled the service. To placate the protestors, Kirk and Truman decided to invite Moran Weston, a Columbia graduate and the rector of Harlem’s St Phillip’s Episcopal Church, to deliver the main address. Cannon approved of the selection, but SAS still decided to boycott the event. As Cannon predicted, the memorial service turned into a university public relations event, as outside media flooded the chapel. Cannon was furious that Kirk had ordered in strobe lights for the cameramen and TV crews without ever consulting him; he strictly prohibited the use of strobe lights at any chapel worship service.120 The service proceeded smoothly until midway through, when Mark Rudd ‘hijacked’ the pulpit microphone, denouncing the service as an ‘obscenity’ because of Columbia’s ‘systematic mistreatment of the blacks and workers King had lost his life championing’.121 He concluded by imploring those who agreed with him to walk out of the service, whereupon he descended from the pulpit and was joined by forty other attendees who walked out of the service. William Starr, who helped perform the service liturgy, also left the building once he had completed his liturgical duties.122 As the service went on, Cannon decided that he ‘couldn’t close the service without making some sort of response’ to Rudd’s outburst.123 During the benediction, Cannon said that anyone ‘who sincerely believes that he’s moved by the spirit of truth, who speaks in good conscience, who wants to speak in this chapel, at any time, on any occasion, is free to do so. So be it’.124 After essentially granting Rudd amnesty from university disciplinary action, Cannon felt relieved, as if he had ‘somehow squared [his] own conscience in some way’.125 Kirk and Truman were livid. Immediately after the service, Kirk and Truman confronted Cannon for his remarks, while Cannon defended his


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gesture as being ‘consistent with Christian tradition’.126 Kirk retorted, ‘Christian tradition or no Christian tradition, so long as I am President of this university, no one will do this kind of thing with impunity!’ That was the last time that Cannon would talk to Kirk or Truman in person.127 William Starr would later write in the Spectator that the walk-out ‘expressed the feelings of a considerable segment of the community and University’. His comments further alienated the central administration from Earl Hall. On April 23 a coalition of SAS and SDS students occupied Hamilton Hall. Within the next seven days, various student groups occupied four more buildings: Low Library, Math, Fayerweather, and Avery. The occupations would last until April 30, when the administration called in New York City police to forcibly remove the students from the buildings.128 Earl Hall played a nebulous role on campus during the period of student occupations. The Ad-Hoc Faculty Committee considered the religious counsellors as outsiders, since they were not faculty members. Thus, the faculty allowed the Earl Hall staff allowed to sit in on the meetings, but denied them voice or vote. Rabbi Bruce Goldman, the counsellor to Jewish students, was furious and frustrated that he did not have a clearly defined role in the midst of all of the confusion.129 Technically a senior administrator and also having close personal relations with many professors of the Ad-Hoc Committee and the student leaders of the Strike Coordinating Committee, the chaplain could have potentially been a key negotiator between the central administration and the various committees due to his unique status and various personal relationships. Due to his actions at the Martin Luther King service, the administration essentially viewed Cannon as a radical student sympathizer, and he was never consulted or called upon to act as a negotiator.130 In retrospect Cannon admitted that he ‘never pictured [himself] as a mediator’.131 This was not the case for chaplains nationwide. On other campuses experiencing major confrontations between students and administrators, such as the Claremont Colleges, the University of California at Los Angeles, and Indiana University, campus ministers frequently were the sole mediators.132 In effect, Earl Hall featured minimally in the occupations. Lewis Cole, a key member of SDS, did not remember Earl Hall being used prominently in the strike, remarking that Ferris Booth Hall replaced Earl Hall as the SDS headquarters for meetings and for mimeographing of literature.133 Eric Foner, an outsider not involved with Earl Hall, characterized the general student view of Earl Hall as of a separate,


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independent, neutral space.134 During the police operation, Earl Hall had been transformed into a space for temporary emergency care, as doctors used it to care for injured students and professors.135 Despite Earl Hall’s inability to act as a mediating agency, the staff spent their time counselling the many students and faculty members that they personally knew. Moreover, William Starr and Bruce Goldman earned publicity by protesting on behalf of the students. The most notorious instance of their support for the occupations was William Starr’s ‘marriage ceremony’, conducted in Fayerweather Hall during the student occupation. Starr presided over a ‘wedding ceremony’ declaring the couple as ‘children of the new age’.136 He would later justify it as a ‘groovy engagement ceremony’, and not technically a marriage. Bruce Goldman, who was brutally injured and beaten during the police operation, constantly brought attention to himself by publicly denouncing police brutality.137 The Earl Hall staff was by no means united behind the political posturing of Starr and Goldman. Cannon tried to remain neutral throughout the occupations, and worried that Starr and Goldman’s agitations had gone too far. He would often play devil’s advocate to Starr’s and Goldman’s radicalism. James Rea, the Catholic Counsellor, was the most conservative voice on the staff.138 In March 1969, William Starr and Bruce Goldman were both informed by their respective funding sources, the Jewish Alumni Advisory Board and the Ecumenical Foundation for Ministry to Higher Education, that their appointments would not be renewed for the coming school year.139 Starr and Goldman claimed that ‘no reason had been given for the action’, but they had sufficient reason to believe that they had been ‘fired’ due to their radical political beliefs and their participation in the student riots.140 Gerard Oestreicher, chairman of the Jewish Advisory Board, denounced Rabbi Goldman’s views as ‘ridiculous’, and claimed that Goldman ‘was not reappointed because he didn’t fulfill his obligations’.141

VI. The Disestablishment of the Chaplaincy

With his three-year appointment coming to a close in June 1969, Cannon had made it clear to the administration in February of l969 that he would leave Columbia in June. Cordier and others in the Administration made


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repeated attempts to persuade Cannon to stay in some capacity, so that he could help usher in a period of transition. Cannon refused these offers, feeling that he could not continue to administer effectively. He insisted, however, that he was not resigning in protest. Upon Cordier’s request, Cannon submitted a summary report of the Committee on Religious Life and its recommendations in May of 1969.142 In the report, the Committee proposed sweeping changes to the institution of the chaplaincy. It proposed that Columbia discontinue its traditional ties with the Episcopal Church, as they were ‘incompatible with the present secular character of the university and its properly pluralistic ethos’.143 As a result, the position of chaplain, along with the weekly Sunday chapel services and chapel choir would be abolished. The statutes would be amended so that a new position with a wholly secular title ‘Director of the Earl Hall Center’ would be established. In the place of the religious counsellors, a Student Governing Board would be established that would represent and serve the basic needs of the different student groups, such as funding and space reservations. Specific student groups would have the ability to select and fund their own advisors and counsellors. The rationale behind this was to provide student groups with more freedom and self-governing power. Most importantly, the committee maintained, ‘University funds and facilities set apart for religious life should be used primarily to strengthen and to develop programs and resources of a non-sectarian nature’.144 Andrew Cordier approved these proposals, and announced on July 8 1969, that Columbia’s sectarian ties with the Episcopal Church were officially terminated. Cannon resigned, and James Rea, the Catholic Counsellor, took over as interim director of Earl Hall. Cordier ratified these suggestions without consulting the Trustees. When questioned by Trustee Frank Hogan about why they were not consulted about this decision, Cordier defended his actions by saying that the Trustees had been busy with other matters, such as the approval of the University Senate and the budget, and that he did not think to add to their responsibilities. Hogan mentioned the sentiments of Gerard Oestreicher, who was not a trustee but was the Chairman of the Advisory Committee to the Counsellor to Jewish students. Oestreicher denounced the decision, saying that disestablishment of the chaplaincy was ‘much more than a routine matter, it was more like a disaster in that its effect would be to secularize the campus’.145 The restructuring of Earl Hall fitted into a larger project of universitywide reorganization in the wake of the student occupations. In April 1969, the university created a University Senate that would allow students and


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faculty more power in governing the student body.146 The University Chaplaincy’s transformation into a more student-run Earl Hall reflected these larger changes in the university. The abolishment of the Columbia chaplaincy occurred as part of a general trend which saw liberal Protestantism withdrawing from the hierarchies of American universities of the 1960s. Outside of Columbia, most chaplaincies also restructured, albeit in less dramatic fashions. Even though places like Harvard and Yale preserved the title of University Chaplain and still use that model today, they also restructured their Chaplain’s office to incorporate more diverse religious constituencies. Princeton, on the other hand, abolished its chaplaincy and renamed the position ‘Dean of Religious Life’. By the 1970s, national and ecumenically oriented liberal Protestant campus ministries had all but left the campuses. In the early 1970s, the Danforth Foundation, which had for many years been one of the most creative sources of support and development of Protestant campus ministries across the nation, decided to direct its resources away from campus ministries.147

VII. Conclusion

Even though the Columbia chaplaincy was abolished, the spirit of liberal Protestantism remained on campus, devoid, however, of its previous Episcopal ties. Liberal Protestants across America helped to advance the central ideals of the modern university’s commitment to pluralism, diversity and social justice, and should be credited with being among the leaders that shaped the modern university’s outlook and mission. Due to their championing of these ideals, liberal Protestants became extremely prominent in the life of the university in the 1950s. However, in the process of advancing these ideals, liberal Protestants selfconsciously disestablished themselves from the university. In Columbia’s case, the University Chaplain himself promoted the disestablishment of traditional Christianity from the echelons of University administration. Marsden, in his account of secularization in the university, observes a lineage of disestablishment: first the liberal Protestants displaced the evangelical Protestants who founded American colleges, and the current ‘post-modern’ secular establishment has displaced the liberal Protestant establishment. The story of the Columbia Chaplaincy fits into Marsden’s


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schematic, but complicates it by adding a period of radicalism that dominated campus ministries for a short period of time from the middle of the 1950s to the late 1960s. The radical clergymen differed from their liberal Protestant predecessors of the 1920s and 1930s, as they used their pulpits to speak prophetically on social and political issues. They also self-consciously tried to revitalize their ministries by catering to the evolving trends and needs of the students they encountered. Moreover, these clergymen enjoyed a level of influence and prominence within the University that has not been seen in campus ministries since the late 1970s. Marsden argues that this process of secularization is in some ways a loss for the University. He laments especially the process of marginalization of traditional religious, namely evangelical, views. Marsden fails to note, however, that the displacement of radical clergymen ultimately is also, using Marsden’s phrase, in some ways a loss for the university. Even though they claimed to be concerned solely with ‘secular’ manners, the radical clergymen always justified their actions as extending from their religious convictions. They spoke, agitated, protested and grappled with the major social and political issues of the day within the context of a religious framework. The counsellors provided a certain religious voice for students presented with pressing moral problems. This type of religious guidance and action has for its most part disappeared from the university setting today, and in that sense, is a loss. Ironically, as mainstream Protestant denominations withdrew themselves from the campus ministry, the vacuum came to be filled by evangelical groups that were willing to pour in money and resources into student ministry. Nationwide campus evangelical ministries such as Campus Crusade for Christ and InterVarsity Christian Fellowship quickly entered and established ministries on the Columbia campus starting in the middle of the 1970s. The disestablishment of mainstream liberal Protestantism from the University was truly complete, as the most active Christian groups on campus slowly adopted a more evangelical approach to campus ministry. Columbia University New York, NY 10027 REFERENCES 1. Sylvan Fox, ‘Columbia Drops Chaplain Post’, New York Times, 8 July 1969, 1. 2. George Marsden, ‘The Soul of the American University’ in The Secularization of the Academy, ed. George Marsden and Bradley Longfield


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3.

4. 5.

6.

7. 8. 9.

10. 11.

12. 13.

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History of Universities (Oxford, 1992), 9–46. This article gives a brief overview of an extremely large and complex topic. For a more in-depth historical analysis of this topic of secularization and the academy, see Marsden’s later, more complete work, The Soul of the American University: From Protestant Establishment to Established Nonbelief (Oxford, 1994). There is also a large literature on secularization and whether the term provides a useful framework for analysis of societies and the history of religion. See David Martin, A General Theory of Secularization (Oxford, 1978), which advocates the elimination of the term ‘secularization’ from sociological vocabulary, and Bryan Wilson, Religion in Sociological Perspective (Oxford, 1982) which argues in favour of the usage. See also Jose Casanova, ‘The Politics of the Religious Revival’, Telos 59 (1984), 3–33, for comprehensive citations on the subject. As Marsden points out, the history of American higher education is not strictly Protestant, as there is a long history of the Catholic experience in higher education as well. However, the Protestant presence dominated the intellectual landscape. Marsden, The Soul of the American University, 4. It is important to note that Marsden employs the word ‘secularization’, as I do here, not as a ‘jeremiad’ or in a pejorative manner. He does not simplistically assess secularization as a process of decline, and recognizes that secularization has at many times been a positive force in the life of the university. However, he does maintain that this secularization is ‘in some ways a loss.’ Marsden argues that secularization is not inherently ‘anti-Christian.’ In fact, much of secularization in America appeared as a friend to Christianity, and was in many cases supported and pioneered by liberal, open-minded Christians: Marsden, The Soul of the American University, 5. For a different view of secularization and the University, see Harvey Cox, The Secular City: Secularization and Urbanization in Theological Perspective (New York, 1990). In his chapter ‘The Church and the Secular University’, 217–237, Cox celebrates the secularization of the University. For a complete account of Columbia’s early affiliations with Trinity Church and the controversies regarding its sectarian beginnings, see Robert McCaughey’s first chapter ‘Tory Preable: The Short History of King’s College’ in Stand, Columbia (New York, 2004), 1–48, McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 20. Ibid. Daniel Freund, ‘Open Doors, Closed Doors: Constructing Religion at Columbia University’ (Unpublished paper in possession of the author, 9 November 2004), Columbia University, New York, 7. Freund, ‘Open Doors, Closed Doors’, 8. Robin Greenstein, ‘History of the Earl Hall Center’ (Unpublished report submitted to the Earl Hall Center, Columbia University, 10 April 1997), Earl Hall Center, Columbia University, 1. Freund, ‘Open Doors, Closed Doors’, 19. Reports in the Columbia University Quarterly describing the woefully inadequate campus chapel led Olivia Egleston Phelps Stokes and Caroline


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14. 15. 16. 17.

18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

30. 31. 32. 33.

34. 35.

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Phelps Stokes to donate $150,000 to Columbia for the building of a new chapel. Butler was again extremely excited about this proposition, claiming that with a new chapel, ‘the religious influences which have been present here since Columbia’s foundation will find open and proper expression and the religious element in education will have becoming recognition’. The Chapel was magnificent: The cruciform plan accommodated 820 people plus a choir of 122. It stood 122 feet in length and 77 feet in width, and included a dome of 91 feet in height. Seymour Smith, The American College Chaplaincy (New York, 1954), 26. Freund, ‘Open Doors, Closed Doors’, 23–4. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 257. Letter of John Pine, New York, to Morgan Dix, New York, 12 June 1906, Chaplaincy Subject File, Folder 1, University Archives and Columbiana Library, Columbia University. Hereafter cited as Columbiana Archives. Letter of Nicholas Murray Butler, New York, to John Pine, New York, 9 June 1906, Chaplaincy Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. Letter of Nicholas Murray Butler, New York to George Rives, New York, 9 June 1906, Chaplaincy Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. Ibid. Freund, ‘Open Doors, Closed Doors’, 25. Merrimon Cuningim, The College Seeks Religion (New Haven, 1947), 157. Cuningim, The College Seeks Religion, 153. Smith, The American College Chaplaincy. Cuningim, The College Seeks Religion, 153. Butler, ‘President’s Annual Report, 1925’, Central Files, Columbiana Archives, 48. Ibid, 51. William Hutchison, The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism (Durham, 1992). For an in-depth history of American liberal Protestantism, from its inception to the modern era, see Garry Dorrien’s magisterial three-volume series, The Making of American Liberal Theology: Garry Dorrien: Imagining Progressive Religion 1805–1900 (The Making of American Liberal Theology, Vol. I, Louisville, 2001); Idealism, Realism, and Modernity 1900–1950 (The Making of American Liberal Theology, Vol. II, Louisville, 2001). Volume III has yet to appear. Dorrien, Imagining Progressive Religion 1805–1900, 1. Marsden, ‘The Soul of the American University’ in Secularization and the Academy, 22. Ibid. Letter of Nicholas Murray Butler, New York, to Raymond Knox, New York, 3 February 1908, Raymond Knox Subject File, Box 329, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. Ibid. Ibid.


206 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43.

44. 45. 46. 47. 48.

49. 50. 51.

52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

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History of Universities Raymond Knox, Religion and the American Dream (New York, 1934), 37. Ibid, 44. Ibid, 43. ‘1905 Statutes’, Chaplaincy Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. ‘1946 Statutes’, Chaplaincy Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. Ibid. Raymond Knox, ‘A Report on the Development of Religious Work in Columbia University, 1908–1940’, 1 December 1940, Raymond Knox Subject File, Box 329, Folder 4, Columbiana Archives. The Edward Leonard Committee, ‘A Study of Earl Hall and St. Paul’s Chapel and Recommendations Concerning Their Governance’ (Unpublished report submitted to the Columbia University Senate, New York, 14 May, 1976), Earl Hall Center, Columbia University, 3. The committee consisted of ten members of the University, including professors such as Margaret Mead, Jeffrey Bush, and Annette Baxter. Since Edward Leonard chaired the committee, the report came to be known as the ‘Leonard Report’. It will be cited hereafter as ‘Leonard Report’. ‘Leonard Report’, 4. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 257. Ibid, 273. Knox, ‘Report’, 12. For a more detailed history of the Columbia Department of Religion, see Horace L. Friess, ‘The Department of Religion’ in A History of the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University, (New York, 1957), 146–148. This study was written in 1957, and is a little dated, but this author knows of no more recent publication on this subject. Knox, ‘Report’, 6. Ibid. Knox, ‘Report’, 10. From 1911 on, Knox gave an annual series of Lenten lectures at the house of Mrs. John Innes Kane. Impressed with Knox and his work at Columbia, Kane and other followers of the Lenten series donated two thousand dollars a year for the purpose of supporting Columbia’s religious work. In 1926, Mrs. Kane died, and upon her death, her sister bequeathed half a million dollars for the ‘care of the Chapel and the religious work of the University’. D. G. Hart, The University Gets Religion: Religious Studies in American Higher Education (Baltimore, 1999). Friess, ‘The Department of Religion’, 158. Ibid, 156. Ibid, 165–6. David M. Robertson, A Passionate Pilgrim: A Biography of Bishop James A. Pike (New York, 2004), 70. Robertson, A Passionate Pilgrim, 71. Friess, ‘The Department of Religion’, 165. James Pike, ‘Report of the Chaplain of the University for the Academic Year Ending June 30 1950’, James Pike Subject File, Columbiana Archives,


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60.

61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70.

71. 72.

73.

74. 75.

76.

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15–16. The Riverside Church, the Lutheran Church, and the Presbyterian Westminster Foundation respectively provided the counsellors. Bayne was elected Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of Olympia while he was still Columbia Chaplain, and left Columbia to take the post in 1946. Pike became Bishop of the California Diocese in 1958, after six years serving as the Dean of the Cathedral of St John the Divine. Pike left Columbia to occupy the position at the Cathedral of St John the Divine in 1952. John Krumm, who succeeded Pike, was Columbia Chaplain from 1952 to 1965, and became the Bishop of Southeast Ohio in 1970. John Cannon, interview by author, digital recording, Providence, Rhode Island, 4 February 2005. ‘Columbia Details Bicentennial Fete’, New York Times, 15 February 1953, 63. Ibid. Ibid. Mark van Doren, Man’s Right to Knowledge and the Free Use Thereof (New York, 1954), 1. Man’s Right to Knowledge: Second Series: Present Knowledge and New Directions (New York, 1954), 78. ‘Columbia Details Bicentennial Fete’, 63. John Krumm, The Raymond Collyer Knox Memorial Lectures (New York, 1955), iv. Marsden, Soul of the University, 395. Ken Gewertz, ‘Nathan Pusey Dies at 94: Harvard’s President Served University for Almost Two Decades’, Harvard University Gazette, 15 November 2001. Available online: http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/ 2001/11.15/01-pusey.html. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. The best overview of the ‘Niebuhrian turn’ of liberal Protestant that I have encountered is Garry Dorrien’s chapter ‘Christian Realism: The Niebuhrian Turn’, in his book Soul in Society: The Making and Renewal of Social Christianity (Minneapolis, 1995), 91–161. For a comprehensive biography of Niebuhr, see Richard W. Fox, Reinhold Niebuhr: A Biography (New York, 1985). Dorrien in Imagining Progressive Religion 1805–1900 argues that the labelling of Reinhold Niebuhr as ‘neo-orthodox’ is deeply problematic, and that Niebuhr was in fact deeply entrenched in, and a product of, liberal Protestantism. Dorrien prefers the label ‘neoliberal’ to describe Niebuhr and his followers. See chapter 7 entitled, ‘Revolt of the Neoliberals: Reinhold Niebuhr, John C. Bennet, Paul Tillich, and the Dialectics of Transcendence’ in Dorrien, Imagining Progressive Religion 1805–1900, 435–516. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. The most recent biography on Coffin’s life is Warren Goldstein, William Sloane Coffin Jr.: A Holy Impatience (New Haven, 2004). See also William Sloane Coffin, Once to Every Man: A Memoir (New York, 1977) for Coffin’s personal memoir. See Henry Malcolm, ‘The Student Radicals and the Campus Ministry’, in Albert Friedlander (ed.), ‘Never Trust a God over Thirty’: New Styles


208

77. 78.

79. 80.

81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93.

94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101.

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History of Universities in Campus Ministry (New York, 1967), 71–121. See also Robert Taylor, This Damned Campus: As Seen by a College Chaplain (Philadelphia, 1969). Phillip E. Hammond, The Campus Clergyman (New York, 1966), 48, 135. William Stringfellow and Anthony Towne, The Bishop Pike Affair: Scandals of Conscience and Heresy, Relevance and Solemnity in the Contemporary Church (New York, 1967), 9–17. For a complete account of the heresy investigations and controversy, see Stringfellow and Towne, The Bishop Pike Affair. For a full biography of this fascinating character, see Robertson, A Passionate Pilgrim. See also William Stringfellow and Anthony Towne, The Death and Life of Bishop Pike (New York, 1976). This is a more dated biography written only seven years after Pike’s death, and compiled in a fragmentary and non-chronological manner. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. John Cannon, correspondence with author, 28 April 2005. Stringfellow and Towne, The Death and Life of Bishop Pike, 283. Robertson, A Passionate Pilgrim, 72. Stringfellow and Towne, The Death and Life of Bishop Pike, 283. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. Ibid. Wolfgang Saxon, ‘John McGill Krumm, 82, Episcopal Bishop’, New York Times, 26 October 1995, B9. Philip Brenner, ‘Unionization: The Conflicts and Issues’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 6 January 1965, 1. Philip Brenner, ‘Union Dispute Centers Around Student Employment Growth’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 8 January 1965, 1. ‘Columbia Raises Pay in Hall but Resists Union Drive’, New York Times, 10 November 1964. Letter of John Krumm, New York, to Grayson Kirk, New York, 17 November 1964, John Krumm Subject File, Folder 7, Columbiana Archives. Philip Brenner, ‘Union’s Recognition Advised by Krumm’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 18 November 1964, 1. Letter of Grayson Kirk, New York, to John Krumm, New York, 21 November 1964, John Krumm Subject File, Folder 7, Columbiana Archives. Letter of Kirk to Krumm, New York, 21 November 1964. Letter of John Krumm, New York, to Grayson Kirk, New York, 23 November 1964, John Krumm Subject File, Folder 7, Columbiana Archives. ‘One Loss’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 4 February 1965, 4. Michael Drosnin, ‘Selection of Cannon Likely’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 2 March 1966, 1. ‘Columbia University Names New Chaplain’, New York Times, 12 March 1966, 14. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. Ibid. Ibid.


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209

102. There is a large literature by and on the Death of God movement. A good overview of the movement is William Starr, ‘The Changing Campus Scene: From Church to Coffeehouse’ in Friedlander (ed.), ‘Never Trust a God over Thirty’, 29–71. 103. Albert Friedlander, ‘The Jewish Student’, in Friedlander (ed.), ‘Never Trust a God Over Thirty’, 1–27. 104. John Cannon, ‘Epilogue’, in Friedlander (ed.), ‘Never Trust a God Over Thirty’, 199–209. 105. ‘Selection of Cannon as Chaplain Likely’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 2 March 1966, 1. 106. See Henry Malcolm, ‘The Student Radicals and the Campus Ministry’, in Friedlander (ed.), Never Trust a God Over Thirty, 73–119. 107. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. Also see the St Paul’s Chapel Bulletin of May 21, 1967, Central Files, Student Homophile League Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. 108. ‘The Homophile League’, Columbia Daily Spectator, 28 April 1967, 4. 109. Meeting Notes of 11 April, 1967 with Lawrence Chamberlain, John Cannon, and Harold Lowe, Central Files, John Cannon Subject File, Folder 1, Columbiana Archives. 110. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. 111. William Starr, interview by author, digital recording, New York, New York, 31 March 2005. Also, John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. 112. For a full account of the origins of SDS at Columbia, see McCaughey’s chapter 15 ‘Riding the Whirlwind: Columbia ’68’, in his Stand, Columbia, 423–461. 113. For a more detailed account of Mark Rudd’s takeover of SDS and the ‘praxis-axis’ versus ‘action faction’ split, see Jerry L. Avorn et al., Up Against the Ivy Wall: A History of the Columbia Crisis (New York, 1969). 114. William Starr, interview by author, 31 March, 2005. 115. Lewis Cole, interview by author, digital recording, New York, New York, 17 February 2005. 116. John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968, Oral History Department, Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, Columbia University. 117. Ibid. 118. For an explanation of the gym construction and charges of racism, see McCaughey’s chapter 15 ‘Riding the Whirlwind: Columbia ‘68’ in McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 423–461. 119. Ibid. 120. Ibid. 121. McCaughey: Stand, Columbia, 441. 122. William Starr, interview by author, 31 March 2005. 123. John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968. 124. Ibid. 125. Ibid. 126. Ibid. 127. Ibid.


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128. For an overview of the Columbia occupations, see chapter 15 ‘Riding the Whirlwind: Columbia ‘68’ in McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 423–461. For student accounts of the occupations, see Jerry Avorn et al., Up Against the Ivy Wall: A History of the Columbia Crisis. For a student account of the occupation of Avery Hall, see Richard Rosenkranz, Across the Barricades (New York, 1971). 129. William Starr, interview by author, digital recording, New York, New York, 21 October 2004. John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968. See also Bruce Goldman, Testimony to the Cox commission, 27 May 1968, Columbiana Archives. 130. John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968. 131. Ibid. 132. Douglas Sloan, Faith and Knowledge: Mainline Protestantism and American Higher Education (Louisville, 1994), 171. 133. Lewis Cole, interview by author, 17 February 2005. 134. Eric Foner, interview by author, digital recording, New York, New York, 15 February 2005. 135. William Starr, interview by author, 31 March 2005. 136. Ibid. See also John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968. For footage of this ‘wedding ceremony’, see the newsreel Columbia Revolt, 60 min., Third World Newsreel, 1990, videocassette. 137. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 480. See also Bruce Goldman, Testimony to the Cox commission, 27 May 1968. 138. John D. Cannon, Oral history interview, 9 May 1968. 139. Lawrence Van Gelder, ‘Columbia to Drop Liberal Protestant and Jewish Chaplains’, New York Times, 20 March 1969, 34. 140. Ibid. See also ‘Rabbi at Columbia Protests Dismissal’, New York Times, 22 May 1969, 47. 141. ‘Rabbi at Columbia Protests Dismissal’, New York Times, 22 May 1969, 47. 142. John Cannon, interview by author, 4 February 2005. 143. John Cannon, ‘Chaplain Cannon’s 1969 Summary Report of the Committee on Religious Life’, cited in Robin Greenstein, ‘History of the Earl Hall Center’, exhibit G. 144. Cannon, ‘Summary Report of the Committee on Religious Life’. 145. Minutes of the Columbia Trustees, 10 July 1969, in Greenstein, ‘History of the Earl Hall Center’, exhibit H. The Trustees minutes are closed until fifty years after the date, and I was therefore unable to track the follow-up to this exchange between Hogan, Cordier, and Oestreicher. 146. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia, 487–8. 147. Sloan, Faith and Knowledge, 172.


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Logic Teaching at the University of Prague around 1400 A.D. E. Jennifer Ashworth

E. P. Bos, Logica Modernorum in Prague about 1400. Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, 82. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004. xv 481 pp. This book is largely (45–432) an edition of a Sophistria text that represents logic teaching at the University of Prague around 1400 A.D. While the anonymous author shows few signs of intellectual distinction, both the topics chosen for discussion and the large number of direct references to other logicians make the work a valuable source for those interested in the undergraduate curriculum of the late middle ages. The editor, E.P. Bos, has done an excellent job of presenting the Latin text in as perspicuous a fashion as possible,1 and has provided the reader with an analysis (8–10) of the somewhat haphazard way in which the Prague master presented his sequences of arguments. However, in order to understand the text, or to glean from it anything about university teaching, one needs a good deal more than that. While Bos does provide some basic information about the logicians referred to (11–21), he tells the reader very little about Prague or its curriculum, and his brief list (28–32) of some of the views expressed in the text sheds little light.2 On page 28 he writes, ‘I shall discuss these views in more detail later in the introduction’, but unfortunately the promised amplification is never provided. Nor is it clear why some of the views were listed. For instance, the division of singular terms into three types (29–30), including the vague individual (individuum vagum), such as ‘this human being’, is merely the standard interpretation, found in Albert the Great and many later commentators, of a remark by Porphyry in his Isagoge. In what follows, I shall provide some context for the Sophistria text, before attempting to resolve the issue of its nature and purpose. First of all, we need to know something about the University of Prague itself. Bos is silent about its history, and his bibliography contains just


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one article devoted to Prague (by the noted historian, Frantisek Smahel). The University of Prague, the first to be founded in the Holy Roman Empire, received the title of studium generale from Pope Clement VI in 1347. It was modelled on the University of Paris, having four nations (Bohemian, Bavarian, Saxon and Polish), and until the law faculty became independent in 1372, four faculties (arts, law, medicine and theology). It enjoyed very close relations with both Oxford and Paris. Indeed, a statute of 1367 stipulated that the Prague masters should lecture on works of the ‘well-known masters of Prague, Paris and Oxford’. The influence of the latter institutions on logic teaching is clear. The works of the Parisian master John Buridan (d. after 1358) were particularly influential, as were those of his follower Marsilius of Inghen (d. 1396). Oxford was the source of a long series of short texts on specific topics, some by well-known masters such as William Heytesbury (d. 1372/3) and some by others who are more obscure, including Thomas Manlevelt (or Maulfelt), who may not have been associated with Oxford at all.3 In the last decade of the fourteenth century, the reception of works by the reformer John Wyclif (d. 1384) had a significant effect upon doctrinal developments. These developments were linked with the growing conflict between Germans and Czechs. There had always been a predominance of Germans among the masters and students,4 even though many Germans went to other institutions after the foundation of the Universities of Vienna (1365), Erfurt (papal bull in 1379, but inaugurated in 1392), Heidelberg (1385/6), and Cologne (1388/9). The career of the German Henry Totting of Oyta (d. 1397), who wrote on Aristotle’s logic, is nicely representative of the movement of German masters from one institution to another. He took his MA at Prague in 1355, spent time as the rector of a school in Erfurt, returned to Prague’s arts faculty in 1366, went to the University of Paris in 1377, was a member of Prague’s theology faculty from 1381–1384, and finally moved to the University of Vienna. The predominance of Germans ended in 1409 with the decree of Kutná Hora [Kuttenberg], which privileged Czech voting rights, and led members of the three non-Bohemian nations to found a new university in Leipzig. This exodus had philosophical and theological significance, given that many German masters were nominalists while many Czechs accepted the views of John Wyclif, both about the status of universals as real entities, and about moral and ecclesiastical questions; Markowski claims that Buridan’s influence at Prague ceased to exist in 1409.5 Jerome of Prague provides an example of Czech attitudes toward


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nominalism. A witness against him at the Vienna process of 1410–12 reported his support of realism against Ockham, Manlevelt, Buridan, Marsilius, and their followers who, he said, ‘fuisse non dialeticos, sed diabolice hereticos’.6 The controversial issue of the status of universals has an echo in the Sophistria text, though one does not learn this from Bos’s introduction. Bos does claim that the text shows a general metaphysical point of view, but while he gives a short list of examples (28) which includes the standard distinction between thought and reality, and the equally standard claim that some terms, such as ‘chimera’, have signification but no supposition, i.e., reference, he only recognizes the metaphysical debate about universals in noting that the Sophistra discusses what its author calls universalists and singularists (29). The Sophistria text itself is more explicit. The author contrasts the unacceptable realism of Plato with the moderate realism he attributes to Wyclif, as well as to John Duns Scotus and Richard Brinkley (150–1), and he later writes that realism is reasonable (opinabilis vel probabilis) and should be adopted (178). The possible objections of the nominalists are touched on in several counter-arguments to the author’s preferred position on various issues. All the objections follow this pattern: ‘If you accept real universals, you will also have to accept the following undesirable consequences’ (178, 351, 367–8). The issue of universals was also raised in relation to epistemology. In discussing Aristotle’s claim that universals are better known than singulars, the author twice (325, 353) makes an obvious reference, not noted by Bos, to Buridan’s commentary on Physics I.7, where Buridan interprets Aristotle’s claim as saying that we do know the more general first, but it is always a vague individual that we know: first this body, then this animal, and finally this human being.7 Such a reading of Aristotle allowed Buridan to reconcile Aristotle’s text with his own view that only singulars are the objects of knowledge. Another issue concerning Buridan’s epistemology that might be mentioned here is his discussion of the view that the substantial use of adjectival terms, such as ‘album’ (‘the white thing’) in ‘album currit’, corresponds to a single concept which brings together (‘confuses’) the notion of both substance (the thing that is white) and accident (the thing’s whiteness). Our author refers to this discussion twice (77, 279).8 However, the main focus of the Sophistria text is not metaphysics or epistemology but logic. In order to understand its handling of logical issues, we need to pursue three areas of investigation: first, the types of logic text used in medieval logic teaching; second, the texts we know


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to have been used at the University of Prague; and third, the nature of a sophistria text, so far as this can be determined. With respect to the first area of investigation, Bos confines himself to some remarks about what he very misleadingly calls ‘the various approaches to logic in the Middle Ages’ (33–4). The first of the four approaches that he distinguishes is supposition theory, which he describes as ‘semantical’, as if the investigation of valid inference and of truth conditions for individual propositions is not also semantic. Roughly speaking, supposition theory concerns the ranges of reference that subjects and predicates have in different contexts, where context is a function of verb-tense and of so-called syncategorematic terms (‘all’, ‘every’, ‘not’, ‘only’, ‘insofar as’, ‘except’ and so on). According to Bos, the second approach includes the discussion of valid inference, but focuses on what was called the proofs of terms. Roughly speaking, this logical genre is best exemplified by the very popular Speculum puerorum by the mid-fourteenth century Englishman Richard Billingham. It concerns the ways in which propositions containing syncategorematic terms, modal terms, such as ‘necessarily’ and ‘possibly’, and epistemic terms, such as ‘knows’, could be analyzed to bring out their truth conditions more perspicuously. Thus ‘Every A is B’ might be analyzed as the conjunction ‘A is B, and nothing is A unless it is B’. According to Bos, the third approach is the analysis of propositions into compounded and divided senses, in order to show that their logical terms allow two different interpretations, one false, the other true. This approach was popularized by another fourteenth-century Englishman, William Heytesbury, who was, like Billingham, a fellow of Merton College. The fourth approach distinguished by Bos is adopted from an article by Alain de Libera which examined the case of two particular syncategorematic terms, ‘begins’ and ‘ceases’, and showed that some late fourteenth-century logicians, notably Marsilius of Inghen, argued that propositions expressing a change of state should not be analyzed as conjunctions but as disjunctions of conjunctions. While it is true that treatises on supposition theory and treatises on proofs of terms do represent contrasting approaches, and while it is certainly true that one and the same logical problem could be treated in a variety of different ways according to which approach was privileged, we should recognize that all the approaches indicate the overriding interest of medieval logicians in solving problems of argumentation within the context of natural language and its multifarious uses. Moreover, Bos’s account has three main flaws. It presents particular genres and sub-genres of fourteenth-century logic as if they represent


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medieval logic as a whole; it fails to emphasize that both supposition theory and proofs of terms feature in the very same texts, including the Sophistria text we are now considering; and it neglects the continued importance of Aristotle. A more fruitful approach to medieval logic is to consider the types of textbook available. Broadly speaking, one can divide these into three. First, there is Aristotle’s Organon and the plethora of commentaries on it. At any medieval university, Aristotle provided the basic framework of logic instruction. Second, there are the comprehensive textbooks, notably Peter of Spain’s Tractatus but also William of Ockham’s Summa Logicae and John Buridan’s Summulae, which is, notionally at least, based on Peter of Spain. Third, there are the texts devoted to single issues, in particular to those issues that have appeared since Aristotle. Here we find texts on supposition theory and its ramifications, including ampliation and restriction, which were collectively known as the parva logicalia; texts on compounded and divided senses; texts on proofs of terms; texts on insolubles (logical paradoxes), consequences (valid inferences), obligations (rules to be followed in certain kinds of disputations), and sophismata (or tricky sentences posing logical problems that need careful analysis). Some of this material appears in the comprehensive logic textbooks, of course, but it also appears in the form of loose collections of texts, as I shall show below. When Bos uses the phrase logica modernorum in the title of his book it is to this material, entirely medieval in origin and emphasis, that he is referring.9 Now let us consider some of what is known about the texts used at the University of Prague. I shall cite just two sources. Triska gives the following list of logic texts as read in the faculty of arts in the fifteenth century10: ‘Wetus ars, Priorum, Posteriorum, Elencorum, Topicorum, Petrus Hispanus, Parva loicalia, Biligam, Obligatoria, Insolubilia, Obligatoria Mar[sil]ii, Heysbrey, Ampliaciones, Supposiciones Petri Hispani, Supposiciones Marsilii, Ampliaciones Marsilii, Remociones, Fallacie sancti Thome, Tractatus de signis, Insolubilia Brinkil, Consequentie Holandrini, Fallacie’. That is, all of Aristotle’s logic, Peter of Spain’s textbook (with the section on fallacies, as became standard, supplemented or perhaps replaced by the tract ascribed to Thomas Aquinas), the parva logicalia of Peter of Spain and of Marsilius of Inghen, Richard Billingham, perhaps but not necessarily on the proofs of terms (cf. the next source, library catalogues), works by William Heytesbury, Richard Brinkley on insolubles, John of Holland on consequences, and a couple of unidentified texts.


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My second source is some library catalogues that have been reproduced in facsimile.11 The one-page catalogue from the end of the fourteenthcentury just has one logic entry, ‘loyca Ockam’. The mid-fifteenthcentury catalogue of the Lithuanian College lists a number of commentaries on Aristotle, including Albert the Great on the ars vetus (i.e. Porphyry’s Isagoge with Aristotle’s Categories and De interpretatione). It lists Wyclif on universals and other unidentified works by him, ‘Logica Ockam et sophystria’, various unidentified works by Peter of Spain, Walter Burley, William Heytesbury and Albert of Saxony, ‘Sophismata hyspani’, ‘logica Marsilii’, and unidentified obligatoria and insolubilia. The mid-fifteenth-century catalogue of the Bohemian Nation lists works by Aristotle, Henry Totting of Oyta on the ars vetus, Peter of Spain, William Heytesbury, the ‘sophismata asinina’ often attributed to Heytesbury, the ‘sophismata Climitonis’ [Richard Kilvington], works by John Buridan, unidentified obligations and fallacies, and Richard Billingham on consequences. Both these sources suggest that all three of the types of textbook that I identified above were used at Prague. This observation is borne out by the Sophistria text itself. So far as the first two types are concerned, Bos has identified a very large number of references to Aristotle, and many references to comprehensive textbooks, particularly Peter of Spain’s Tractatus and Buridan’s Summulae, but also Ockham’s Summa logicae and Albert of Saxony’s Perutilis logica. The anonymous author’s use of Aristotle is particularly interesting, since in the first section of the Sophistria he sets out to show that sophistria is a science in the Aristotelian sense, and that it can be fitted into the framework of Aristotle’s logic. He argues that sophistria involves knowledge (scientia) of how to produce and dissolve sophistic arguments (48, 50). In so doing, it uses demonstrative methods, although it is not about such methods (51). If one considers just the logica nova, which consists of Aristotle’s Prior and Posterior Analytics, Topics, and Sophistical Refutations, it is obvious that sophistria falls under the common division of logic into prioristica, posterioristica sive demonstrativa, dyaletica and sophistica (52). However, if one focuses instead on the division of logic in relation to the three acts of mind, simple acts, acts of composition and division, and discursive acts, it turns out that the study of such topics as supposition and ampliation belongs with part of the logica vetus (Porphyry’s Isagoge and Aristotle’s Categories) under simple acts of mind (53, 62). The study of compounded and divided senses (on


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which Heytesbury wrote) falls under the second act, and problems of valid inference come under the third act (53). Sophistria is thus a fully fledged part of logic. It seems that the anonymous author is at once trading on the place accorded to Aristotle’s Sophistical Refutations, whose topic is the direct study of fallacies, to validate sophistria, while allowing that sophistria is not merely wider in scope than the study of fallacies, but does not really focus on fallacies at all. Indeed, there are just two references to fallacies in Bos’s index of Latin terms. Instead, the author focuses on the features of propositions and inferences which might give rise to fallacy if not properly understood. Before giving a final answer to the question of what a sophistria text really is, we should consider the third group of texts, those devoted to single issues. The anonymous Prague master used many such texts, especially Marsilius of Inghen’s version of the parva logicalia and Richard Billingham’s Speculum puerorum, the classic presentation of proofs of terms. There are also references to such authors as William Heytesbury, Richard Kilvington and Thomas Manlevelt. A particularly valuable sequence of references and quotations concerns the work on supposition by Thomas of Cleves which is known to us only through such secondary references. A useful feature of Bos’s edition is the appendix devoted to Thomas of Cleves in which he collects all the relevant passages from the Sophistria and supplements them by quotations from other manuscripts and early printed books. What is interesting about the single texts is that they were gathered together in loose collections in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. De Rijk’s studies of the logic texts used at Oxford and Cambridge demonstrate this,12 as does my own study of the early printed texts, the Libelli Sophistarum.13 Such collections are also mirrored in regular textbooks. John Wyclif ’s Logica, cited several times in the Sophistria,14 is a good example. Wyclif begins with Summulae (standard in Oxford and Cambridge collections), which give a very brief outline of basic material about terms, propositions, and syllogisms, and then takes up supposition, consequences, proofs of terms and obligations. Paul of Venice’s Logica parva is very similar, containing Summulae followed by discussions of supposition, consequences, proofs of terms, obligations, and insolubles. The Sophistria text is less comprehensive, but belongs to the same genre. After the initial discussion of whether Sophistria is a science, the author considers the signification of terms, supposition, the significate of propositions, proofs of terms, and consequences. It is important here to


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emphasize not just the sequence of topics, but the fact that each topic is approached by a series of direct questions, one hundred in Tract 1 and eighteen in Tract 2. We are now in a position to ask what the Sophistria text really is. Bos gives the reader a few clues. He describes another Sophistria text from Vienna (21–3 and appendix 2), which also proceeds by a series of questions about specific topics, and he offers a few details about the place of sophistria in the university curriculum (25–6), citing several instances of universities that required exercises in sophistria, though the sources apparently tell us nothing about the nature of these exercises.15 The most interesting reference for our purposes is the one to the University of Prague, which decided in 1387 that ‘exercitia in sophistria’ should be held three times a year. In a subsequent section (35–36), Bos asks about the ‘place of the sophistria genre in the history of medieval logic’, but his answer mainly concerns De Rijk’s discussion of and editions of a special genre of thirteenth-century logical literature, the tracts on distinctiones, and he does not note De Rijk’s important qualification. De Rijk wrote: ‘To my knowledge the tracts on distinctiones called Sophistaria disappear (as an individual genre) at the beginning of the fourteenth century. From then on we find the label Sophistaria (Sophisteria, Sophistria) mostly used to stand for Sophismata collections or tracts on sophismata’.16 We need to ask, however, how far De Rijk’s remarks are supported by the evidence. Recall that a sophisma is a tricky sentence raising logical problems, and that a sophismata tract typically examines each sophisma in a disputational format, with arguments for and against a particular interpretation, and a final solution of the arguments. In two places (10–11, 36), Bos notes that the tract we are examining does not contain explicit sophismata. Here it can be compared and contrasted with the work on Sophistria of a late-fifteenth-century Swedish author, Petrus Olai, that Bos mentions only briefly.17 This does contain sophismata, but they alternate with straightforward questions. Moreover, the tract takes up a sequence of issues. The questions concern Billingham’s Speculum puerorum, Marsilius of Inghen on consequences, and both Albert of Saxony and Marsilius of Inghen on obligations and insolubles. Further evidence for the nature of sophistria texts can be drawn from the little known Seville, 1503, edition of tracts 1 to 7 and part of tract 10 of the Libellus Sophistarum ad usum Oxoniensium. The title is: Summa utilissima dialetice oxoniensis: que communiter sophisteria dicitur anglie.18 That is, the work is said to be known as the Sophistria of England. It contains Summulae followed by discussions of


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consequences, supposition, syncategorematic terms that produce confused supposition, the Tractatus aureus sive speculum puerorum, obligations, and more material on consequences. To conclude, we should take seriously what the Prague master says in his introductory section. Sophistria are concerned, not directly with Aristotelian fallacies or with medieval sophismata, but with a wide range of logical genres that train the student in making those logical distinctions that will allow him to avoid all the pitfalls of ordinary language, and to interpret complex propositions in terms of their range of reference, their truth conditions and their inferential relationships. Bos himself remarks (27) ‘the sophistria can be considered as a kind of commentary on earlier textbooks, notably on those by Peter of Spain, Thomas Manlevelt, Thomas of Cleves and Richard Billingham’. In other words, the material for a late medieval sophistria text is taken, partly from comprehensive textbooks, but largely from the collections of texts on single issues that, with Aristotle, formed the major part of the logic curriculum. In at least some of these late sophistria texts, notably the one edited by Bos, the material is treated by means of a series of questions which presuppose knowledge of the texts under discussion. It seems reasonable to conjecture that the purpose of this approach is to prepare the student for the required exercitia in sophistria. Viewed in this light, the Sophistria text edited by Bos enables us to understand a little more about the nature of the exercitia and the role which the loose collections of texts on single issues played in the logic curriculum at the University of Prague. University of Waterloo Waterloo Canada REFERENCES 1. However, on 88, line 25, ‘persone’ is a mistaken addition in the original text (probably a mis-writing of ‘per se’); on 127 line 7 ‘’ should be added before ‘currit’; on 277 line 29 ‘color’ should read ‘calor’. On 248, note 262, the Aristotle reference should be De Interpretatione, 21a 25–29. 2. I shall not discuss the matter here, but the remarks about connotative signification (28–29) and about synonymy (29) betray serious misunderstanding of the text. 3. For details about Oxford logic, see E.J. Ashworth and P.V. Spade, ‘Logic in Late Medieval Oxford’ in J.I. Catto and Ralph Evans (eds), Late Medieval


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4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

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History of Universities Oxford (The History of the University of Oxford, Vol II, Oxford, 1992), 35–64. See Frantisek Smahel, ‘The Kuttenberg Decree and the Withdrawal of the German Students from Prague in 1409: A Discussion’, History of Universities 4 (1984), 153–61. See Mieczyslaw Markowski, ‘L’influence de Jean Buridan sur les universités d’Europe centrale’ in Zénon Kaluza et Paul Vignaux (eds), Preuve et raisons à l’université de Paris: Logique, ontologie et théologie au XIVe siècle, (Paris, 1984), 149–63, 152. Pages 149–152 are devoted to Prague, and contain useful details about logic texts. See text in Neal Ward Gilbert, ‘Ockham, Wyclif, and the “via moderna” ’, in A. Zimmerman, (ed.) Miscellanea Mediaevalia 9. Antiqui et Moderni. Traditionsbewusstsein und Fortschrittsbewusstsein im späten Mittelalter, (Berlin, New York, 1974), 85–125, 106, n. 58. John Buridan, Questiones super octo phisicorum libros Aristotelis, (Paris, 1509; rprn Frankfurt a.M, 1964), f. ix vb. Bos does not give the reference for this discussion, which is found in Tract 8 of Buridan’s Summulae: L.M. de Rijk (ed.), Johannes Buridanus. Summulae de Demonstrationibus, Artistarium 10–8, (Groningen-Haren, 2001), 46–7. See Gilbert, ‘Ockham, Wyclif, and the ‘via moderna’, 111–15, for an account of how this phrase came to be applied to medieval logic by twentieth-century writers. Josef Triska, Literární cinnost predhusitské university [literary activity in the pre-Hussite university] (Praha, 1967), 162. I owe this material to Zénon Kaluza. Katalogy Knihoven Koleji Karlovy University [Catalogue of college libraries in the Caroline University], (Praha, 1948), plates 4, 35–7, 87–88. My account of the contents of these catalogues is not exhaustive: they require further study. See L.M. de Rijk, ‘Logica Cantabrigiensis. A Fifteenth Century Cambridge Manual of Logic’, Revue internationale de philosophie 29 (1975), 297–315; L.M. de Rijk, ‘Logica Oxoniensis. An Attempt to Reconstruct a Fifteenth Century Oxford Manual of Logic’, Medioevo 3 (1977), 121–64. E.J. Ashworth, ‘The Libelli Sophistarum and the Use of Medieval Logic Texts at Oxford and Cambridge in the Early Sixteenth Century’, Vivarium 17 (1979), 134–58. Johannis Wyclif Tractatus de Logica, Vol.I, ed. M.H. Dziewicki. (London,1893, rprn New York and London, Frankfurt am Main, 1966). Chapter 18, 61, is cited on page 368, chapter 14, 50, on 396, and chapter 10 of the Logice continuacio, 143 is cited on 403 (cf. Logica chapter 15, 54). Bos identifies none of these quotations. On 25 he omits the explicit reference to sophistria in the Greifswald statute of 1456, while the note about Kenny and Pinborg’s discussion of this statute is out of place, so that it looks as if they discussed Leipzig and Uppsala instead.


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16. L.M. de Rijk (ed.), Some Earlier Parisian Tracts on Distinctiones Sophismatum, (Artistarium 7, Nijmegen, 1988), p. xi. 17. Robert Andrews, ‘Resoluble, Exponible, and Officiable Terms in the Sophistria of Petrus Olai, MS Uppsala C 599’ in Sophisms in Medieval Logic and Grammar. Acts of the Ninth European Symposium for Medieval Logic and Semantics, held at St Andrews, June 1990, ed. Stephen Read (Dordrecht, Boston, London, 1993), 3–30. 18. This work is found in the Biblioteca Colombina, Seville. Angel d’Ors kindly sent me photographs of the text.


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Grammar, Reading, and Cultural Change in Early Modern Europe: Two Studies Jason Harris

W. Keith Percival, Studies in Renaissance Grammar. Aldershot, 2004. 356pp. Raymond Gillespie, Reading Ireland: Print, Reading and Social Change in Early Modern Ireland. Manchester, 2005. x 222 pp. The early modern university offers an exemplary instance of the broader cultural shift from oral to textual forms. From their very inception universities were exceptional sites of literacy, yet increasingly in the early modern period they became characterized by grander libraries and more numerous books, textual commentaries proliferated, publication became a recognized forum of university activity (though not yet an obligation), and ultimately even the examination system was altered as the dissertation gradually displaced the disputation. A rounded account of this process and of the social position of universities in general must include evaluation of the grammar school training that preceded matriculation and analysis of the broader development of textual culture in the form of print. It is hard to see how this line of inquiry could be pursued without recourse to the history of humanism. At the core of early humanism was the reform of educational practice and in particular of language teaching. With characteristic zeal, humanists appropriated the Classical topos of linguistic barbarism for the promotion of their educational programme; in doing so, they placed the question of civility at the heart of cultural debate.1 Although they met considerable resistance in universities, the advent of printing technology ensured the rapid dissemination of humanists’ ideas around Europe. Yet the civilising project of the humanists marched side by side with the incipient social engineering of increasingly centralized state or religious institutions; the university was often the focus of this attempt to redefine the common good in terms of the patria rather than the respublica litterarum. At the same time, the intellectual project of promoting


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urbanity and breadth of reading in the universal heritage of antiquity was gradually displaced into the vernacular. That the universities resisted this trend throughout the early modern period reflects the paradoxical character of their simultaneous universalism and elitism. Neither of the books here under review tackles directly the question of humanism’s cultural legacy in the universities, but both raise questions unavoidable for our understanding of it. Percival’s collection of articles about early humanist studies of grammar, particularly in southern Europe, is both a foundational body of scholarship and a commanding reappraisal of the nature of early Italian humanism. Gillespie’s study of the impact of printing in Ireland, and its consolidation in the seventeenth century, addresses the other end of the tale; indeed he is only in passing concerned with humanism or universities, rather focusing upon the changing relations between individual and society embedded in the diffusion and reception of (largely vernacular) printed texts. In some respects it is remarkable how little these books have to do with each other, scarcely overlapping in method, focus, or general conclusions. Nothing could be more telling as to the fortunes of humanism as it unfolded across Europe and as to the varied and changing educational contexts in which universities found themselves. Studies in Renaissance Grammar gathers together seventeen articles published by Percival between 1972 and 1999. These are divided into five sections. The first treats of general topics in the development of humanist grammars; then a section each is devoted to Guarino of Verona, Niccolò Perotti, and Antonio de Nebrija; and three further articles are grouped under a last heading as studies of ‘other figures’. The collection is rather more cohesive than this outline might suggest. Within each section the chronological sequence of publication is preserved (with one exception); likewise, the arrangement of sections follows a broad historical development, apart from the last more miscellaneous grouping, which does however lead the book at its close towards a consideration of broader significance and context. As the author himself acknowledges, the development of his ideas over time is evident throughout the later essays, which often silently add nuance to earlier arguments. Nevertheless, the coherence of the collection and consistency of the author’s views is made especially apparent owing to the frequent repetition from article to article of contextualising passages. With dogged resilience the author has continuously pursued Renaissance grammars into the minutiae that make up the picture of a larger cultural development. Rarely has the jigsaw metaphor of historical research been more


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appropriate. As such, Percival’s oeuvre is particularly well served by compilation in book form. Percival’s research into Renaissance grammatical theory began in the early 1970s with a series of studies of the Regulae Grammaticales of Guarino of Verona, which was written some time before 1418. The Italian scholar Remigio Sabbadini had already concluded from study of the sources of Guarino’s Regulae that humanism represented a slow evolution rather than a decisive break from the medieval grammatical tradition.2 After a careful review of the sources and composition of Guarino’s text, Percival developed a rather more complex picture—that Sabbadini’s identification of sources was frequently erroneous because of a failure to identify interpolations by later editors, and that although Guarino’s text was derivative of and largely consistent with the medieval grammatical tradition, its originality lay in what it omitted rather than in the inclusion of new ideas.3 Guarino omitted the logical and metaphysical underpinnings of medieval grammar, leaving a more straightforward propaedeutic tool. This is all the more notable in that his text was not designed for absolute beginners, and was to be used in conjunction with standard medieval manuals. Percival reconstructs these features with an eye to the realization that ‘the grammatical tradition was a social, not a purely individual phenomenon’ (VI, 251)—since Guarino’s manual was composed to be used as part of a broader course it is not surprising that subsequent teachers and editors infused into his text those elements of the other works that were intended to be brought to mind at various points. Thus in the course of its transmission the text underwent a process of accretion explicable within the teaching context. The innovative character of the grammar was thus both prompted and insulated from critique by the practical utility of the work within its local educational context. Building upon these studies, Percival has developed a cogent analysis of the early humanist grammatical tradition. He emphasizes that grammar was in many ways the area of linguistics that least underwent a Renaissance, since the developments of medieval grammarians had been substantial and irreversible. What distinguished the early humanist manuals was a fundamentally different view of the function of grammatical instruction. It was to be used to enable students to read and write with genuine fluency, not to introduce them to scholastic debates about the nature of meaning or the relationship of logic to the world. That is to say, grammar became a literary rather than purely linguistic discipline. Percival provides this argument with a readily appreciable


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historical context—discovery of the full range of Classical Latin writings revealed both the extent to which usage varied among ancient authors and the degree to which Classical grammarians disagreed with one another. Reconstruction of Latin grammar thus became an important exercise in its own right, requiring close observance of ancient usage rather than precept. The result for humanists was a massive expansion of grammar in the direction of rhetoric at the expense of scholastic logic, hence grammar ‘gained in breadth whatever it may have lost in depth’ (II, 312).4 In later years Percival devoted several articles to Perotti’s Rudimenta Grammatices (1468), which he identifies as the first humanist text to offer a complete course of study in Latin. In the wake of Valla’s excoriating critique of medieval grammar and usage, Perotti offered a pedagogical tool that fully replaced medieval manuals. Yet in content his work was still merely an expurgated form of medieval grammar; it was only after the research of Pomponio Leto (1460s and 1470s) that the newly discovered corpus of Classical literature and grammatical writing was used to thoroughly replace the medieval grammar curriculum.5 Following the example of Lorenzo Valla, humanists placed their profound familiarity with Classical texts at the disposal of their students by bolstering precept with quotation. The consolidation of humanist developments in grammar, syntax and prosody can therefore be seen in the work of Antonio Nebrija (to whom Percival devotes three articles), Linacre, Scaliger, and subsequent sixteenth century humanists. The more recent articles in this collection add contours to this account, or follow tangents such as the significance of Nebrija’s work for the historical dominance of European languages. The last article, for example, discusses what exactly Valla meant by following the usage of the ancients, emphasising that imitation was not to be slavish, and that in practice it meant ‘no more than being careful not to violate or distort the language to satisfy theoretical whims’ (XVII, 139). Throughout this collection, Percival’s training as a linguist shines through these studies, such as when he analyses changing notions of verbal governance; notes the prescriptive character of Valla’s Elegantiae; outlines the relationship between the parallel development of Greek, Latin and vernacular grammars; or, most strikingly (and controversially) when he debates the causes of what he describes as ‘European linguistic ascendancy’ (XIV, 24–5). Nevertheless, it is clear that Percival has not tried to piece together a general account of Renaissance grammar, but rather of Renaissance Latin grammar. The wide-ranging literature


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review in the opening article surveys a range of vernaculars as well as Latin and Greek, yet the outlines provided are not filled in by later articles, this despite Percival’s later acknowledgement that ‘the most signal innovation of Renaissance humanism in the area of grammar was the incorporation of Greek instruction into the curriculum’ (III, 76), and his observations about the influence of Hebrew upon grammatical theory in the sixteenth century (XIV, 22). It is to Percival’s credit that he can register these multi-dimensional influences in the fertile linguistic climate of European humanism without losing the sense of coherence within the Latin grammatical tradition. It is impossible now to read Percival’s articles without understanding them in relation to the immense investigation of medieval and renaissance school curricula undertaken by Robert Black. It is largely to Percival’s credit that his findings have been broadly endorsed by Black’s research, but there are significant differences in overall interpretation that are worth underlining. Black has argued, in opposition to Paul Grendler, that humanism did not constitute a revolution in educational practice and that, pace Kristeller, its rhetoric of renewal needs to be understood as an attempt to ‘seize the educational high ground’ and secure a place in the educational world.6 In this task, humanists were in fact aided by the increased specialization within the educational world in the later middle ages, in which the new universities were of course a key factor. Moreover, the substance of humanists’ supposed reforms, including simplification of the grammatical syllabus, had in fact already been introduced in the trecento. It was these earlier reforms that prompted the spread of Latin literacy in Italy and elsewhere; thus, scholars who have studied the grammars of the early humanists have been guilty of writing history both backwards and top down, concluding that the grammars must be distinctively humanist because their authors were. In some respects, Black’s thesis is simply an extension of Percival’s, substantiated through broader consideration of the institutional context, wider study of the manuscript tradition, and a more thorough-going analysis and appreciation of medieval developments. Yet although Percival effectively undermined the notion of a Renaissance in the grammatical tradition, he nevertheless maintains a strong sense of the humanist nature of the manuals produced by Guarino, Perotti, and so forth. Black, by contrast, emphatically concludes that ‘Guarino can in no way be considered a reformer of grammar education along humanist lines’.7 Yet here a crucial suggestion of Percival’s is ignored—although the content of grammatical teaching was not demonstrably changed, the understanding


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of its function was. Even accepting that Percival overlooked some earlier instances of the pruning of the philosophical content of the grammar course, nonetheless it does make a difference that Guarino was a humanist because we can see those aspects of the late medieval grammatical tradition that humanists employed to promote their educational goals. Thus, Black has convincingly confirmed Percival’s assertion in arguing that ‘if the humanists were revolutionaries in the schoolroom, it was not in their formal grammar teaching’, but rather in the introduction of Classical citations to support grammatical precepts, and the eventual replacement of medieval with Classical reading; nevertheless, he has not recognized Percival’s insight that this reflects a change in the function, though not the content, of grammatical manuals.8 Whether it is therefore appropriate to continue calling the content of these earliest grammars ‘humanist’ is a moot point, but it makes some sense when grammatical teaching is considered as one portion of an overall curriculum which was being reformed by humanists. From the perspective of universities the humanist reform of grammar represented a significant redefinition of educational norms and disciplinary boundaries. The study of Latin in university was dispersed across each area of the trivium—syntax was studied under rhetoric; predication, verbal governance and adjectival attribution were studied under logic; grammar itself merely comprised the study of orthography, inflection, and the avoidance of common errors. While the substance of this system remained intact for much of the early modern period, it is pertinent to ask what difference it made to teach students whose grammatical instruction was reoriented towards broader reading of the Classics and a (albeit rhetorical) rejection of medieval Latinity. Percival suggests that the humanists reformulated the purpose of grammatical instruction so that it was no longer ‘only to give the student access to the higher curricular subjects and eventually to the professions of law and medicine . . . but also to enable him to read and enjoy Latin literature’ and to ‘put his Latin knowledge to practical use’ in the form of composition (III, 78 and 79). He is not concerned with the reluctance of universities to register these reforms, perhaps largely because their implementation in grammar schools guaranteed their success and influence on the students who later matriculated in universities. Further, the humanist educational programme was prompted in response to the recovery of the texts of antiquity, a development that had a commensurate effect on universities irrespective of their adoption of humanist methods. That is to say, the increasing depth and breadth of the new


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textual culture, particularly after the advent of printing, transformed both the number of books that universities had to assimilate and the number they produced. While humanists may initially have struggled to gain employment in university faculties, they nevertheless ensured that subsequent generations of matriculates were educated in a manner that equipped them to deal with the proliferation of texts. It is striking that Percival sees no impact of the development of printing on the grammatical tradition. Much of his focus is of course on the period immediately prior to the development of printing, but his discussions are sufficiently forward-looking to address the development of grammar instruction throughout the sixteenth century. Having demonstrated the gradual erosion and accretion of key elements in the grammatical tradition in the course of the fifteenth century, including the incunable period, he seems to have undermined the very notion of a Renaissance in grammar; yet the coincidence of the development of printing and the promulgation of grammars that fully replaced the medieval corpus (e.g. Perotti’s) may well turn out to have resulted in the exportation of a fait accompli. Thus, the rest of Europe may have experienced a rather more sudden transformation in the grammatical tradition than the Italians, who would have been better placed to see the slow shedding of the medieval skin. This is not to side-step the full force of Percival’s argument that the Renaissance grammatical tradition never fully dispensed with medieval innovations—Classical grammatical theory could not be reborn since it had been superseded; but in no discipline was the Classical approach simply reborn. Pointing out that humanists exaggerated their own rejection of medieval precedents is not to deny that they represented a substantial redirection of European learned culture owing to their ‘return’ to Classical sources. Particularly interesting in this regard is Percival’s own emphasis on the impact of the rediscovery of the full corpus of grammatical literature, which suddenly presented readers with a wealth of divergent authorities to choose from. Rather than choosing to follow one or other model, they chose to reconstruct grammar from first principles and observance of usage. When this rather important insight is set in the context of the simultaneous proliferation of new universities and the outpouring of books from the newly-developed printing presses, one is left with a stimulating picture of a culture quickly reaching the kind of interpretative overload in which lateral thinking becomes unavoidable, even when unintentional. Percival himself presents many of the developments he describes as though they were unintentional; or rather, as


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if, while individuals acted with specific intentions, it was often trivial aspects or unforeseen consequences that became decisive. Yet the decline in fortune of individual manuals is given a rather different order of explication; thus, we are told that by the sixteenth century Perotti’s Rudimenta ‘no longer satisfied the more stringent stylistic requirements to which scholars had by then become accustomed’ (X, 98). Here we are brought back to a more familiar model of the development of Renaissance humanism—stylistic niceties driving intellectual preferences. It is a salutary reminder that Percival has merely discussed developments in grammar, not rhetoric. Yet it is rather challenging to claim that the development of the two has a different impetus and character even though (as Percival argues) grammar was reformulated to encompass traditional spheres of rhetoric and rhetorical tastes could affect the reception of grammatical handbooks. One wonders whether in investigating the technical content of grammatical instruction the author has not underestimated the import of his own stimulating claim that the grammatical tradition was a social phenomenon. Above all, what his articles demonstrate is that the educational goals of the humanists cannot simply be seen in their rhetoric or their professional careers, nor even simply in the detail of their grammatical reforms, but are evident at a deeper level in their approach to the social phenomenon of reading and transmission. Thus the extent to which humanist grammars constitute a Renaissance needs to be assessed through the social practice of education and its institutional context. While much of the detail of this context has been impressively recovered in subsequent studies by Black, Grendler and others, Percival’s sophisticated linguistic analyses and thoughtful conclusions still constitute an important perspective.9 Percival’s essays offer a rich seam of technical analysis of the grammatical tradition which few scholars have the competence to assess, but what is most thought-provoking in these works is the challenge of integrating these studies within the broader body of Renaissance scholarship. I have already suggested that Percival’s account might fruitfully be queried from the perspective of the development of printing. A further point of exploration might be the curious treatment that Valla’s Elegantiae receives in this account. On several occasions Percival sets it outside the bounds of discussion since it is not, technically speaking, a grammatical handbook, but rather a treatise on style; yet he regards it as revolutionary in its concept of usus, that is the practice of speaking or writing Latin in accordance with select classical models. The latter topic is the focus of the last article in Percival’s collection, in which the


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author attempts to demonstrate that the humanist notion of ‘exemplary usage’, particularly as exemplified by Valla, was prescriptive, resulting in an ‘inconcinnity’ between the notion of imitation and castigation. That is to say, what and when to imitate was based on grammatical prescriptions about the nature of Latin, hence humanists could criticize the usage of the very authors they imitated. Given Percival’s emphasis on the educational function of grammatical texts, and how that function shaped the development of the grammatical tradition, it is a shame that he has not himself followed the humanists’ example by checking whether their grammatical precepts accord with their own usage. Yet the difficulties in following this trail should not be underestimated. The lexical tools for analysis of neo-Latin literature are still somewhat limited, and the field as a whole has only recently begun to escape a distorting preoccupation with Italian sources, or at least with the usage of the ‘best’ authors.10 Nevertheless, as Percival emphasizes, humanist grammar represents a wholesale reorientation of the discipline away from metaphysics and towards comprehension and broad reading of the classical corpus; one might therefore fruitfully glean something of grammatical instruction through exploration of the commentaries attached to classical editions; and one might also find it instructive to observe the implementation of this grammatical knowledge in the compositions of authors across the wide range of early modern styles—Ciceronian, Senecan, archaising, and so forth. Indeed, the very concept of ‘mannerism’ in humanist Latinity ought to provide much food for thought.11 Yet judging any educational movement by the output of its best students can merely present a limited picture. Indeed, students’ errors are often highly revealing. A fine example can be found in a printed debate between two Irish scholars, Thomas Carue and Anthony Bruodin, in the 1660s and 1670s.12 Although the source of the dispute was a series of counterclaims about Irish history, in fact a substantial portion of the argument focused on the Latinity of either author—not simply style, but grammar—with each author dismissively referring the other to grammatical school texts. This is in no way exceptional. As an attempt to forestall such critique, authors frequently append prefaces that urge haste of composition, or even life in a university and its concomitant overfamiliarity with scholastic texts, as an excuse for any faults that might be found in their Latinity. Such indications point towards the immense task that remains to be completed before an assessment of the educational reforms inaugurated by humanism can be fully appreciated in an educational context.


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Analysis of the peripheries of Europe in the context of an international movement such as humanism is important in assessing the consistency and modes of transmission that underlie the movement itself. Raymond Gillespie’s Reading Ireland offers one way to begin thinking about such issues. Gillespie provides an account of the advent and impact of printing in Ireland that takes as its point of departure the assumption that the history of the book is more than simply a history of texts or of reading. Books are a social phenomenon that have an impact beyond their readership and in ways that are not delimited to the transmission of authorial ideas. In this respect Gillespie is building on the works of McKenzie, Chartier, and Darnton, simultaneously exploring print history from the perspective of reading and from the insight that the economic and cultural significance of books transgresses the boundary between literate and non-literate culture.13 Particularly with regard to the latter aspect, Gillespie’s book is also to a large extent a continuation of his preoccupation with the individual as micro-historical agent, a topic which he previously explored in relation to the history of religion in Devoted People.14 He stresses individual experience and strategies of interpretation and appropriation as the basis for any social or cultural history. Yet neither this book nor its predecessor is a conglomeration of micro-histories; rather than focusing on excavation of individual lived experience, Gillespie prefers to describe the contours of what he calls micro-societies. Thus Reading Ireland offers an exploration of Irish cultural history à la Chartier, or even De Certeau.15 It is a study which refuses to be categorized as history of ideas, or of learned society, but rather of ‘how books, and the world of print generally, were used in early modern Ireland’ (vi-vii) in ways that actively created forms of sociability. The book is arranged in three parts. The first part is divided into two chapters which treat successively of the various ways in which print had a social meaning and of the developments in the use of writing in the period prior to the advent of printing. Gillespie demonstrates from a wide array of source material that print had an impact beyond the world of literacy and that this must be understood within the development of an increasingly textual culture, one that was propagated in large part through the agency of the state as a means to promote legal homogeneity and administrative efficiency. The second part of the book details the development of the print trade in Ireland, first focusing on ‘the coming of print’ which is envisioned as taking place over the century from 1550–1650, then focusing on ‘the triumph of print’ from 1650–1700.


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Much of the evidence in these chapters will be recognisable to those familiar with the commanding research of Mary Pollard, but the material is disposed in an altogether different manner and enriched by Gillespie’s own wide-ranging investigations into Irish economic and print history.16 Yet this is all somewhat preparatory, for it is in the third part of Reading Ireland that Gillespie comes into his own, and it quickly becomes apparent that the extensive groundwork of the first two parts is being turned to a larger purpose—the second term of the book’s subtitle, ‘reading’, by which is meant all kinds of uses of print. The three chapters of this third section deal in turn with institutional uses of print, religious use, and reading for profit and pleasure. Throughout each chapter the author is concerned with what he terms ‘strategies of reading’, his contention being that these are more important than the mere presence of print in society. Yet there is a larger narrative at work here, one which relates to the third term of the book’s subtitle, ‘social change’. This is made immediately evident at the start of the third part of the book where Gillespie raises the issue of the connection between the printing industry and the rise of the bureaucratic state, arguing that print played a ‘central role’ (102) in the process of state-building in Ireland. He analyses government activity in the production of proclamations, and its efforts to regulate the activity of unofficial voices in the print trade, yet he is led to rather more moderate conclusions than expected, stating that the administration had limited enforcement powers to prevent subversion of its messages. Likewise the churches in Ireland attempted to use print to enhance the process of catechesis that was at the heart of confessionalization. Gillespie, drawing on his own previous research, emphasizes the particular importance of print for Presbyterians (an analysis which is given further space in the chapter about religious reading practices), but this is merely an extreme instance of a general pattern in which print was employed to further doctrinal instruction and the aspiration towards uniformity.17 Yet although institutions such as the churches and the state could guarantee the widespread presence of their ideas in print, they could not control how those ideas were received, understood, or used. There is something of a tension here, because Gillespie also wants to insist that institutions aimed at much more than ‘the mechanical process of administration’; they aimed at ‘shaping a political or confessional culture with its own language and symbols’ (122). In this, he says, they were remarkably successful, with the resulting ‘micro-societies’ increasingly characterized by the language of their reading; yet the meaning of that


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language to the members of these micro-societies was impossible to control, being rather a negotiation between discourse and interpretation. Pursuing this trail, Gillespie devotes a chapter to religious reading, returning to themes he has investigated in previous publications. He explores the different uses of two books in particular, the Bible and the Book of Common Prayer. The central claim of this chapter is that print was a significant element in the transformation of how religious experience was understood in the seventeenth century, as religious belief was ‘marshalled under well-defined heads of social relationships with prayers, scriptural passages and moral instruction underpinning a clear set of ideas about social hierarchy’ (152). Once again, however, Gillespie notes that the churches’ ability to implement this programme was limited because ‘the act of reading made it impossible to transform society that easily’ (153). For his final chapter, Gillespie turns to the realm of consumption— what readers read at their own behest, when, how, and why. He explores the world of cheap romances, almanacs, news sheets, histories, and so forth. In other words, diversionary reading. He concludes that the proliferation of print underlined the importance of selective reading strategies, stressing that reading was in many instances an emotional as well as intellectual activity, and that the choice of text depended as much on stage in life as it did on social or educational level. In some ways this chapter serves as a conclusion to the whole book, demonstrating that reading was not passive reception of the options presented by print, but was rather constitutive of micro-societies that were the result of a negotiation between individuals, group forms of sociability, and larger social institutions such as the church and state. One of the central claims of Gillespie’s book is that the dynamics of this process are not constrained by the boundary between literate and illiterate, hence it is perplexing to encounter the challenging suggestion that ‘the illiterate Protestant who only heard the Bible read had an experience closer to a Catholic, who concentrated on narrative, than one of his literate co-religionists who dissected the meaning of the works by close comparison of verses’ (153). This is a fissiparous logic, offering the tantalising hint that strategies of reading do not themselves necessarily constitute micro-societies but require a broader (perhaps economic or religious) nexus as well. Yet it is difficult to know what to make of this idea since Gillespie does not offer as an example a detailed study of a particular micro-society. What he intends by the term seems clear, but his case would have been bolstered somewhat by detailed reconstruction of a real historical correlate.


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His book is, of course, filled with allusion to specific cases reconstructed from the sources, but none of these is subjected to extended close analysis. Doubtless in part this is because the goal of the book is not merely to supplement the case studies found in Bernadette Cunningham and Máire Kennedy’s collection The Experience of Reading: Irish Historical Perspectives (which answers the same methodological imperatives) but rather to provide a cohesive account of social change in relation to print.18 In choosing to address directly the relation between micro- and macrohistory, Gillespie has stirred a hornets’ nest, but not without due consideration; every statement about institutional promotion of print is qualified by his insistence that reading necessitates an ungovernable dimension. The problem is that this exemplary caution nowhere coheres into an account of social change that might satisfy the suggestively ambitious subtitle of the book, so that the absence of a separate concluding chapter is regrettable even if understandable. Gillespie’s approach is pointillist, amassing discrete instances so that an overall impression is created. Thus, even the interpretative structures that the chapters seem to offer prove hard to pin down. In terms of sociology, the distinction suggested at the outset between the legacy of the oral culture of the Gaelic world and that of the incipient textualism of the Anglo-Normans is both contentious and difficult to perceive at work in the later development of strategies of reading. Purely in terms of chronology, the suggestion of a division around 1650 between the ‘coming’ and the ‘triumph’ of print in Ireland is not easily explicable from the evidence presented, even when tabulated in the form of an appendix. Yet this is not a book that aims at identifying precise turning points or determinate cultural forms; quite the contrary, it is an evocation of the plasticity of the social meaning of print in the face of an institutionally driven printing industry. While Gillespie is to be applauded for once again exploring the applicability of European historical models to the case of Ireland, it is worth pausing to consider some further continental dimensions of his topic. In eschewing the history of elites as the requisite approach to print history, he seems unwittingly to elide some of the most significant dimensions of European print culture in the island. While Latin books and pamphlets gain passing mention several times in his discussion, they are not accorded any space for discussion in their own right. Yet Latin provided a medium that transgressed the vernacular linguistic boundaries that elsewhere figure so largely in Gillespie’s account. For example, his


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statement that the book trade in Ireland had ‘a distinctively colonial feel’ and was ‘dominated by English-language books’ is based on the paucity of Irish-language publications (70). Yet this needs to be set in an international linguistic perspective. Perhaps the majority of the printed material read by the learned was in Latin, and the reference point for much vernacular print was other Latin material. Unfortunately, quantifying the importation of Latin books is particularly difficult since much of the material was illicit and acquired by individuals rather than businesses or institutions. Nevertheless, the largest library collections of the period contain an enormous preponderance of Latin text, not least because it was the language of international scholarship. This is hardly an incidental feature of the cultural impact of print within Ireland. Those of the majority Catholic population who were schooled received instruction through Latin material, encountered the language in their liturgy, to some extent through catechesis, and certainly through devotional literature. The remaining evidence for this may be scarce, but it is nonetheless consistent and cogent, and indeed Gillespie has gathered several significant examples in his book. In addition, the world of learning might fruitfully be investigated through the cultural impact of the presence of libraries, not merely among the coterie of literati but also, taking Gillespie’s hint, among the illiterate. How were such places presented to the general public, and in what ways did the public respond to those presentations? Nevertheless, one book cannot tackle every subject from all angles, and it is to the credit of this one that it prompts investigation in so many different directions, ensuring that readers will eagerly await the forthcoming ‘History of the Book in Ireland’ which Gillespie is editing. The cultural significance of collections of books is essentially cognate with their function, which in most instances means some form of education, be it personal or institutional. In many respects, universities might be considered ‘micro-societies of readers’ par excellence. It is well urged that the significance of university libraries goes well beyond the sum of their contents or their readership, since one of the prime motives for compiling libraries was conspicuous consumption, a public display of eminence and civility.19 Yet it is clear from the above studies that this ought to be considered in two further dimensions. On the one hand, the very compilation of a book collection was a forcible demonstration of civility that extended an educational hand beyond the confines of the campus—to visiting scholars, to the city and patria, but also to the non-literate who could recognize therein a principle of authority,


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albeit one they were keen to contest when it suited them. On the other hand, the activities of co-ordinated purchase and reading of books return us to the very core of the humanist educational programme as revealed by their reforms of the grammar curriculum—students were being taught not about language but how to read, omnivorously but with selective attention. Thus, although humanism may have been slow to penetrate the curricula of universities, their proliferation as centres of reading that contained an array of literature beyond the limits of the curriculum marks a diffracted legacy of humanist reform. If the goal of humanist educators (pace Percival) was to encourage stylistic rather than philosophical awareness of language with an eye to replication, perhaps their greatest legacy was that reading in itself might be considered a civilising activity. The two-fold character of universities as spaces set aside for reading and as instruments in the bureaucratic centralization of early modern states becomes doubly explicable. Not only might the higher faculties provide relevant medical, legal or theological expertise while lower-level graduates formed a rapidly-expanding diplomatic corps, but also the very presence of a place devoted to books and reading might serve a symbolic function as an exemplar of authority and civilising potential. This transmutation of the ‘ungovernable’ (pace Gillespie) space of reading into a pragmatic tool of social change at the hands of government remains a tension at the heart of universities today. Centre for Neo-Latin Studies, University College Cork, Ireland REFERENCES 1. Robert Black has recently questioned the degree of moral instruction in the humanist curriculum, but although moral precept might not be highlighted, humanists felt the very act of reading moral texts was beneficial and civilising; see Robert Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval and Renaissance Italy (Cambridge, 2001). Of course, one need not concur with the humanists as to the beneficial character of their notion of civility, on which see Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and SixteenthCentury Europe (London, 1986). 2. Remigio Sabbadini, La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese (con 44 documenti) (Catania, 1896); Remigio Sabbadini, ‘Dei metodi nell’insegnamento della sintassi latina: considerazioni didattiche e storiche’,


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3.

4.

5. 6.

7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

13.

14. 15. 16.

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Rivista di filologia 30 (1902), 304–14; ibid., ‘Elementi nazionali nella teoria grammaticale dei Romani’, Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica 14 (1906), 113–25. Pervical’s emphasis on the continuity of the grammatical has been echoed, indeed furthered, by Silvia Rizzo, ‘Sulla terminologia dell’insegnamento grammaticale nelle scuole umanistiche’ in Olga Weijers (ed.), Vocabulary of Teaching and Research between Middle Ages and Renaissance (Turnhout, 1995); and Black, Humanism and Education. For a scathing critique of the social and educational significance of this development see Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, ‘Humanism and the school of Guarino’, Past and Present 96 (1982), 51–80. This gradual process of replacing the core reading on the humanist syllabus is described by Black, Humanism and Education, 225–73. Robert Black, Humanism and Education, 368; Paul Grendler, The Universities of the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore, 2002); Paul O. Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and its Sources, ed. M. Mooney (New York, 1979). See also Black’s review of Grendler’s book in The American Historical Review 108 (June 2003), 934–5. Black, Humanism and Education, 129. Black, Humanism and Education, 125. See the previously cited works of Black, Grendler, Rizzo, and Grafton and Jardine, but also Rizzo’s ‘L’insegnamento del latino nelle scuole umanistiche’, in Mirko Tavoni (ed.), Italia ed Europa nella linguistica del Rinascimento (2 vols, Modena, 1996), i. 3–29; Paul Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore, 1989); and Rizzo, Books and Schools in the Italian Renaissance (Great Yarmouth/Norfolk, 1996). For a survey of the state of scholarship see Jozef IJsewijn and Dirk Sacré, Companion to Neo-Latin Studies ( Louvain, 1998). See, for example, J. D’Amico, ‘The Progress of Renaissance Latin Prose: The Case of Apuleianism’, Renaissance Quarterly 37 (1984), 351–92. Anthony Bruodin, Propugnaculum Catholicae veritatis (Prague, 1669); Cornelius O’Mollony, Anatomicum examen (Prague, 1671); Thomas Carue, Responsio veridica (Sulzbach, 1672). D.F. McKenzie, Bibliography and the sociology of texts (Cambridge, 1999); Roger Chartier, The order of books (Cambridge, 1994); Robert Darnton, The kiss of Lamourette: reflections in cultural history (New York, 1989). Raymond Gillespie, Devoted people: belief and religion in early modern Ireland (Manchester, 1997). Michel de Certeau, Arts de faire (L’invention du quotidien, Vol. I, Paris, 1980). Mary Pollard, Dublin’s trade in books, 1550–1800 (Oxford, 1989); Mary Pollard, A dictionary of members of the Dublin book trade 1550–1800 (London, 2000); Raymond Gillespie, ‘Irish printing in the early seventeenth century’, Irish Economic and Social History 15 (1988), 81–8; Raymond Gillespie, ‘The circulation of print in seventeenth-century Ireland’, Studia


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Hibernica 29 (1995–7), 31–58; and Raymond Gillespie, ‘The book trade in southern Ireland, 1590–1640’, in Gerard Long (ed.), Books beyond the pale: aspects of the provincial book trade in Ireland before 1850 (Dublin, 1996), 1–17. 17. Raymond Gillespie, ‘Irish print and Protestant identity: William King’s pamphlet wars, 1687–1697’, in Vincent Carey and Ute Lotz-Heumann, eds, Taking sides: colonial and confessional mentalities in early modern Ireland (Dublin, 2003), 231–50; Gillespie, Devoted people. 18. Bernadette Cunningham and Máire Kennedy, eds, The Experience of Reading: Irish Historical Perspectives (Dublin, 1999). 19. Elizabethanne Boran, ‘The function of the library in the early seventeenth century’ in Vincent Kinane and Anne Walsh, eds, Essays on the history of Trinity College library, Dublin (Dublin, 2000), 39–52.


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History of the University of Salerno Elena Brambilla

Aurelio Musi, Massimo Oldoni, Augusto Placanica (eds), L’età antica, L’età medievale, L’età moderna; Antonio Braca (ed.) Appendice e percorsi iconografici (Storia della Università di Salerno, vol. I, Fuorni-Salerno, Arti Grafiche Boccia Edizioni, 2001), 395 pp. The history of the University of Salerno—on the Tirrenian coast south of Naples—has been conceived, by its general editor Aurelio Musi, as something more than a history of professors and students, chairs and buildings. Its first volume, the only one in print to date, is divided into three sections, the first one dedicated by Italo Gallo to the Greek foundations of the medical tradition in Southern Italy (Magna Grecia), the second by Massimo Oldoni to the Ancient and Medieval period, and the third by Aurelio Musi himself to the Early Modern period up to the Napoleonic era. The book does not contain original research, but is a synthesis of earlier publications. Gallo’s contribution is very brief and is limited to the identification of Greek manuscripts in the Salernitan region up to the Byzantine and early Medieval period. Oldoni and Musi both avoid limiting themselves to the history of the Studium, trying instead to inscribe it into a much larger picture of cultural traditions, institutions and professions in the Kingdom of Naples: an ambitious aim which does not always result, unfortunately, in a clear and well balanced presentation. For the Medieval period, Oldoni includes in his essay the whole of Campania, the region surrounding Salerno and Naples, from the High Middle Ages to the time of Emperor Frederick II, founder of the University of Naples. For the Modern period, Musi begins with a brief but comprehensive review of the cultural institutions of the Kingdom, including two representative ‘minor’ or ‘paper’ Universities, L’Aquila and Altamura, before considering the two ‘major’ Universities of Naples and Salerno, and the specific University institutions in Salerno itself.


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Oldoni reviews the whole of the Latin cultural tradition in Campania, taking in the latter period of the Principalities of Benevento and Salerno from the ninth to the early eleventh century, the advent of the Norman prince Roberto il Guiscardo in the eleventh century, and the dominion of the German Hohenstaufen dynasty in the thirteenth century. His study concludes with the foundation of the University of Naples, upon which he dwells extensively. Oldoni’s essay, in fact, seems to be the amalgamation of two of his earlier articles, which are here re-organized in two successive chapters: the first devoted the whole of Campania, the second specifically to Salerno. They include a review of all Latin manuscripts which have come down to modern times from the region’s High Medieval history: this begins with Saints’ Lives, the hagiographical literature of the sixth to the ninth centuries, and goes on to analyze local Chronicles, with special attention to narratives of the early history of the Byzantine-Langobardian Principalities of Benevento and Salerno on the one hand, and of the earliest Italian Maritime Republic, Amalfi, on the other. Salerno is both included in this general survey of ancient Latin sources of Campania, and considered as a cultural centre in itself, so that many points on its Medical Schools are examined twice, often in almost literal repetition. In the general review of all surviving written records there is also included a survey of the medical manuscripts of the ancient and celebrated Medical School: in fact, all relevant information on this tradition comes from the path-breaking researches by Oskar Kristeller, to which Oldoni adds some attempt at originality in style, while paying little attention to systematic order in the exposition. One is left with a few well known facts and many unanswered questions, especially on the organization of this famous school, composed not so much of teachers as of translators into Latin of Arab and Greek medical science. The School had already reached its zenith in the eleventh century, with the intertwined lives and works of Alfano, bishop of Salerno, and of Constatinus Africanus. Its celebrity was due in the first instance to the Regimen Sanitatis, a collection of verses giving directions for the preservation of good health, whose manuscript tradition expanded, from the eleventh to the fourteenth century, from little more than three hundred to more then three thousand verses. The latter version was the Flos medicinae of the famous physician Arnauld of Villanova, a Catalonian philosopher active in Salerno, and a personal doctor to pope Boniface VIII at the end of the thirteenth century, later famed primarily as a magician. The second and more lasting foundation of the School’s early celebrity was the work of Constantinus Africanus, who,


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with Alfano’s encouragement, translated into Latin the best of Arab medical knowledge and of Arab translations of Greek medical texts, from both Hippocrates and Galenus. Therefore Salerno, like Toledo in Spain in the preceeding century, seems to have owed its renown mostly to its role as a centre of intercultural cross-fertilization. The Benedictine tradition of High Medieval Latin culture, represented very close to Salerno in the famous Abbey of Montecassino where Constantinus became a monk, was enriched by new translations of Greek medical texts and Arab and Hebrew commentaries, just as Campania maintained through the High Middle Ages a dual tradition of Latin-Benedictine, and Greek-Orthodox monasteries: the coast between Salerno and Amalfi became the point of encounter between Latin and Muslim commerce and culture. But while many excellent historians of science and medicine have studied the medical manuscripts from the ‘School of Salerno’, very little, if anything, is known of the existence and organization of a School. In fact, it seems more likely that Salerno was the seat of a Society of physicians, perhaps presided over by a primary authority called Archiatra: its primacy was already challenged, in the twelfth century, by the Medical School of Montpellier. Gilles of Corbeil (1140–1224), a student in Paris, accused Salerno of preparing too young and inexperienced a kind of physician, without either examinations or rules for practice (133–134) such as were introduced by the first medieval Universities. In fact, the emergence of the great philosophical traditions of Paris and Montpellier, Bologna and Padua, must have obscured, especially during the first Norman conquest, Salerno’s transient brilliance, which was so closely dependent on its role as a centre of Arabic-Latin translation. The later history of its schools shows only the existence of a College of Physicians, initially challenged by the monopoly of degrees and licences which Frederick II conferred upon his new University of Naples. Later the College was favoured (206–7) by the Angevin Kings: Charles of Anjou approved Statutes for the College in 1280, and queen Jeanne abrogated in its favour, in 1359, the monopoly held by the University of Naples on degrees conferred throughout the kingdom. The essay dedicated by Musi to the Early Modern period does not challenge this interpretation. In fact, Salerno could compete with the University of Naples only because its College of Physicians had a University privilege: it could confer doctors’ degrees and licences, without requiring any testimonies of attendance at schools or the completion of the required years of study. Musi rightly insists on the distinction


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between the College of doctors, setting examinations and conferring titles, and the Studium, or system of schools: it may be said that Salerno had a College, selling University degrees and licenses, without having the schools. The College could draw substantial profits from the sale of degrees to students wishing to avoid the higher fees and requirements of the Neapolitan University Chancery. Its trade in diplomas was so brisk that it could sell the office of the Chancery (which dealt with the writing of diplomas) for 450 ducats (307–8). Moreover, the Salernitan College of Physicians was a wholly urban body, part of the municipal oligarchy: it was presided over by a Priore and composed of ten ordinary and four extraordinary members who had to be Salernitan citizens of at least twenty years’ standing. But its clients came from all over the Kingdom: Musi presents some interesting new quantitative analysis of the more than 3,300 degrees conferred in the eighteenth century (324–9), which shows a truly wide range of origins. Such data are precious, and Musi’s presentation would be even more useful and significant if we had more detailed information on the sources. In contrast to the Medical Faculty, which had the College but not the teaching, there was in Salerno a relatively complete system of Law schools, but without a College to promote its students: degrees had to be acquired in Naples or elsewhere. This incomplete Law Faculty, as Musi shows on the basis of recent research by B. Olivieri, reached its prime in the first decades of the sixteenth century, thanks to the promotion of Salerno to the role of capital of the feudal ‘state’ of Prince Ferrante of Sanseverino (who later rebelled against Emperor Charles V and fled to Protestant Geneva). Later law teachers were paid by the City, on the basis of the well known contract called condotta which was common to all city schools; some good teachers could be attracted from the diaspora of the teaching body of the University of Siena, after the Republic of Siena was conquered (1552) and the University temporarily abolished by the new Duke of Tuscany Cosimo de’ Medici. In fact, the Medical College and the law schools of Salerno possessed, in the modern period, no more than local and municipal influence. Musi presents them in the context of the wider picture of the medical professions in the Kingdom of Naples, underlining the inferior position held by medicine in relation to the legal professions. Such themes are undoubtedly central to the history of the Kingdom of Naples, but they are perhaps too wide to be treated in book that purports to be dedicated to a single University: so that the authors may sometimes seem too ambitious in


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trying to give us, in such a short synthesis, both an outline of Salerno’s culture in the High Middle Ages before the foundation of its University and an account its schools in the later Middle Ages and the Early Modern period. Department of History Università degli Studi di Milano via Festa del Perdono 7 20122 Milan Italy


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Robin Darwall-Smith

Paul R. Deslandes. Oxbridge Men: British Masculinity and the Undergraduate Experience, 1850–1920. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2005. xx 319 pp. Paul Deslandes, Assistant Professor of History at the University of Vermont, has produced a study of undergraduate life at Oxford and Cambridge between 1850 and 1920 which, as he himself declares, ‘explicitly and self-consciously relates the study of Oxford and Cambridge to the study of professionalisation, imperialism, gender relations, adolescence, sexuality, and politics’ (pp. xii–xiii). To relate these two studies, he aims to examine how undergraduates saw themselves during this period, and the ways in which they constructed a world of elite maleness in which they lived during their university years. During this journey, Deslandes self-consciously chose to make his major source undergraduate journals, magazines, and newspapers published during his set period. Such journals range from such longestablished institutions as Isis and Granta down to much more ephemeral publications which lasted merely for an issue or two, and the book’s bibliography lists almost two hundred of them. This at once makes his book interesting, because his is the first major study to make such full use of this literature. His book, furthermore, is enlivened with attractive and amusing illustrations from this journalism. On the other hand, he uses autobiographies and memoirs much more sparingly, observing that their writers are all too inclined to tidy up their accounts of their undergraduate days. The end points of his survey are sensible ones. 1850 marks the institution of the first Parliamentary Commissions on the universities, after which Oxford and Cambridge were totally transformed from what were effectively Anglican seminaries into largely lay-run academic institutions, while 1920 marks the end of the First World War, which altered both universities in atmosphere, if not in structure.


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Deslandes contemplates his subject from six different perspectives. In Chapter 1 he considers how undergraduates of Oxford and Cambridge came to see themselves as different and superior to others; in Chapter 2 he studies the ways in which the Universities were seen as places in which schoolboys were given a precious opportunity to prepare themselves for adulthood; Chapter 3 discusses the uneasy relationship between undergraduates and figures of authority, both within the Colleges and the universities as a whole; Chapter 4 looks at the examination system in Oxbridge during his period, and suggests that the somewhat overwrought language of exam panic reflects a desire on the part of the male candidate to reveal his courage and masculinity by making the act of sitting such daunting examinations that much more heroic; Chapter 5, however, deals with undergraduates off-duty, when they mixed with women socially, and considers what this reveals about attitudes to masculinity; and, finally, Chapter 6 examines the threats to this masculine vision posed either by the first women undergraduates or by undergraduates from abroad, especially those of non-British background. In conclusion, Deslandes considers the continuing effects of this elite male vision of Oxbridge by discussing the affair of Laura Spence, a girl from a state school in north-east England whose application to Magdalen College, Oxford, was turned down, and who caused a great commotion in Britain in May 2000 when her case was taken up by members of the Labour Government as a supposed example of the appalling elitism of Oxford (although Deslandes unfortunately passes over some of the more interesting nuances of this unpleasant piece of political theatre, such as the fact that the headmaster at Spence’s school, a member of the Labour Party, let several months pass before making his protest, and that Magdalen College accepted other state school pupils from similar backgrounds on the same course that year). Although all these topics are valuable ones to address, it is perhaps those in the last two chapters which are most interesting. In Chapter 5 Deslandes reminds us that, although the Colleges were indeed all-male, there were several opportunities for mixing of the sexes, and he makes a detailed study of Eights Week at Oxford and May Week at Cambridge, as being the most spectacular such examples. Undergraduate photograph albums from Deslandes’s period often include pictures of College barges in Eights Week, their roofs packed with families and friends, male and female, applauding their team. Furthermore, it becomes very clear that these weeks were the social highlight of the academic year, filled with concerts, balls, and many other social events—all taking place


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alongside the real business of the rowing. Deslandes therefore does us a service in restoring these weeks to the prominence which they enjoyed a century ago, and uncovers amusing accounts of the gaucheries and embarrassments of undergraduates when the parallel universes of home and College meet head-on. Meanwhile Chapter 6 sheds chilling light on another kind of relationship with women. It is very easy to contemplate pre-1914 Oxbridge through the nostalgic dreams of, say, filmed adaptations of E.M. Forster’s novels (whose allure Deslandes himself is happy to admit), but he rightly points out that these elegant youths, when feeling under threat, were quite capable of setting down in print opinions which to a modern reader are appallingly sexist or racist, and he provides ample and interesting evidence for the way that both female and non-white undergraduates received harsh treatment in the student journalism of the time, be it with nightmare visions of Cambridge taken over by non-Christian religions, or cartoons of the amazonian, and definitely most un-ladylike, products of the women’s Colleges. Historians are starting to face down this less happy aspect of Oxbridge’s past, and Deslandes is fortunately not alone: Clare Hopkins’s excellent new history of Trinity College, Oxford, examines this topic with similar honesty. Unfortunately, however, there are some significant problems in Deslandes’s use of his sources. Although it is undoubtedly valuable to hear the voices of undergraduate journalists in so pure a form, it is doubtful whether these voices are quite as reliable as Deslandes thinks. Readers of this review might think back to their own university days, and the student journalism of the time, and quite reasonably ask whether it gave a fair impression of the university which they themselves knew, or whether it merely reflects the world of the student journalist clique. Furthermore, student journals have their own literary constructs, which inevitably recur during this period, not least because of the rapid turnover of undergraduates: the Proctor or Dean will inevitably be portrayed as an unjust monster, the Don will usually appear as an eccentric antique, the female undergraduate will regularly sport a pair of scary spectacles, and the horrors of examinations will always be magnified. One may easily imagine an undergraduate writing a squib about a monstrous don of the imagination, but then experiencing a friendly and lively tutorial with a popular don in his own College. Conversely, although memoirs and autobiographies inevitably do contain much careful remodelling of the past, they can still nevertheless preserve some more undiluted material, rather like flies preserved


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in amber. An extreme example is Augustus Hare’s vast Story of my Life, in which vivid extracts from his undergraduate letters home during the 1850s have to be read alongside his untrustworthy recollections set down half a century later. It is a shame, therefore, that Deslandes has chosen not to explore these sources very fully: provided that they are read with a critical eye, there is much here which could enhance his arguments. It is also a shame that Deslandes has not exploited more university novels. One of the most important of these is Compton Mackenzie’s Sinister Street. Written only a few years after its author went down, its vivid account of the central character’s time at Oxford would have provided Deslandes with some helpful supporting material about what it meant to be a young elite male in the Edwardian university. Material from sources like these would in many ways have been more helpful than a source regularly mentioned by Deslandes, namely Charles Dickens Jr.’s guides to Oxford and Cambridge, part of a series of popular guidebooks written by a London-based journalist who had not attended either university. An example of an important—and relevant—topic which Deslandes has not been able to exploit because of his decision about which sources to privilege is the undergraduate code of honour. This is something about which, to judge from his work, student journalists seem to be rather reticent. On the other hand, other accounts of Oxbridge life during this period, including College minutes and memoirs, regularly bring to light incidents where, following a breach of discipline, the undergraduates refuse to ‘sneak’ on their contemporaries, and wait for the offenders to own up themselves. For example, Fred Bickerton, a former Head Porter of University College, Oxford, in his memoirs Fred of Oxford, recounts an incident which took place at the time of the Boer War, when an undergraduate unpopular for his aloof and supercilious ways was tarred and feathered by some of his contemporaries and his room turned upside down. There may have been other factors at work: Bickerton was not sorry to note that some ‘powder puffs’ were found in the wreckage of his room. However, no undergraduate in the College was willing either to own up or sneak on the offenders, with the unhappy result that the College authorities could do nothing except ask the victim to move out of College. The elite male ethos here takes on a sinister aspect as a force which can effectively drive away an outsider—and an outsider whose masculinity may be open to question at that. An examination of this code of honour and its effects on relations between dons and students would have greatly enhanced Chapter 3 of Delandes’s book.


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There are some insensitivities towards both time and place. Oxford and Cambridge tend to be lumped together as a single unit, ‘Oxbridge’, but one would like to know more about any possible differences between the two places. For example, there do seem to be significant differences in the universities’ treatment of women undergraduates. Although the question of women undergraduates aroused controversy at both universities, especially in the pages of student journals, Deslandes’s account provides evidence that Oxford never saw anything to compare with the demonstrations at Cambridge in 1897 against admitting women to read for degrees (and it was Oxford, not Cambridge, that first bestowed degrees on women), but he does not explore any possible significance in this difference. One would like to know of other contrasts between the universities—such as, indeed, whether there were any differences between the sorts of magazine which the two Universities produced. It would also be interesting to know something about any changes in the construction of male identities over the course of the period under discussion a topic about which Deslandes has little to say. Finally, by 1850, Oxford and Cambridge were not the only universities in England— let alone the United Kingdom. Even if one accepts that Oxbridge men were different from those at other universities, one may reasonably ask where significant institutions like Edinburgh and Glasgow fitted into the picture. Throughout the book, Deslandes seeks to look below the surface of what he sees taking place, and tease out their inner meanings. His account of the significance of the actions and gestures made during matriculation, graduation and Encaenia day ceremonies is well worth examining, for all that one may ask whether he has gone too far: the graduation ceremony at Cambridge, in which candidates are brought towards the vice-chancellor gripping one of the fingers on the right hand of their dean of degrees is described by him as ‘a gesture that was simultaneously infantile and sexualised’ (pp. 90–1), something which might surprise the majority of people who have undergone this ceremony. Nevertheless, Deslandes is never afraid to come up with fresh and provocative insights. There is no doubt that Deslandes has made a useful contribution to the study of late Victorian and Edwardian Oxford and Cambridge both on account of such insights, and on account of his distillation of the world of undergraduate journalism from this period; it is to be hoped that other scholars will follow his lead in exploring this material. It is therefore all the more unfortunate that his work is somewhat marred


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by his over-selective and somewhat uncritical use of sources. To follow through Deslandes’s arguments, therefore, readers will find it necessary to supplement his book with some of the best ‘ordinary’ histories, especially Peter Searby on Cambridge, and Michael Brock and Mark Curthoys on Oxford. University and Magdalen Colleges Oxford

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Publications on University History since 1977: A Continuing Bibliography Edited by Marc Nelissen Produced with the co-operation of the International Commission for the History of Universities

Preface This issue contains 890 references to books and articles on the history of universities in the world. We offer bibliographical lists for Austria, Belgium and The Netherlands, The British Isles, Bulgaria, Canada, Germany, Italy, Romania and the United States. The list for Romania is an important update. It is the second part of the effort to close the gap in reporting references from that country, bringing the lists up to date for the years 1990–2004 (the first part was published in History of Universities XIX/2, 2004). The reports group together publications about the universities in a given country, and add, in many cases publications on other universities that have appeared in the same country. The editor is most grateful to all contributors for their continuing help. The following have contributed reports for this issue (membership of the International Commission for the History of Universities is indicated by an asterisk): Kurt Mühlberger* (Austria—80 items) Anuschka De Coster (Belgium and The Netherlands—32) Robert A. Anderson* (The British Isles—39) Georgeta Nazarska (Bulgaria—45) Diana Wood (Canada—37) Marie-Luise Bott*, with the help of Stefan Ehrenpreis (Germany—133) Maria Teresa Guerrini (Italy—111) Lucian Nastas÷ (Romania—322) Marcia Synnott (The United States—64)


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Individual contributions were received from Marian Füssel (21), Akira Hayashima (1), Simona Negruzzo (1), Natalia Tikhonov (5) and Michael Turner (1). Anyone who wishes to contribute (or to renew their former co-operation in this project) by supplying bibliographical references about a specific university or a broader geographic region, is welcome to contact Marc Nelissen at the address below. Apart from this, contributions from individuals are truly welcome, and should be addressed to Drs. Marc Nelissen, Bibliography editor—History of Universities, University Archives K.U.Leuven, Mgr. Ladeuzeplein 21, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium, fax 32 16 32 47 09, e-mail [email protected] Austria Additions to Earlier Lists For 2000 Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 3/2. Menschliches Verhalten und gesellschaftliche Institutionen. 2. Wirtschaft, Politik und Recht (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2000. Angetter, Daniela Claudia and others, ‘Anatomical Science at University of Vienna 1938–45’, The Lancet, 355 (nr. 9213), 2000 [Vienna]. Berger, Harald, ‘Albert von Sachsen’, in Wachinger, Burghart and others (eds.), Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon 11, 2nd. edn., Berlin—New York, 2000, 39–56 [Vienna]. Seebacher, Felicitas, ‘Primum humanitas, alterum scientia’: die Wiener Medizinische Schule im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft und Politik, Klagenfurt, 2000 (Univ., Diss.) [Vienna]. Stoy, Manfred, ‘Aus dem Briefwechsel von Wilhelm Bauer. Teil I’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 108, 2000: 376–398 [Vienna]. Weitzel, Ursula, Psychologinnen in Wien, s.l., 2000 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna—1923–1938]. For 2001 Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 2. Lebensraum und Organismus des Menschen (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2001. Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 3/1. Einstellung, Sozialverhalten, Verhaltensorientierung (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2001. Angetter, Daniela Claudia, and Karl Holubar, ‘Die Medizin in Österreich zwischen 1938 und 1945 illustriert am Beispiel der Anatomie und der Dermatologie an der Universität Wien’, in Ruzika, T., M. Andel, M. Bojar, D. Brandes and A. Labisch (eds.), Mensch und Medizin in totalitären und


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demokratischen Gesellschaften (Veröffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte im östlichen Europa, 21), Essen, 2001 [Vienna]. Berger, Harald, ‘Zu zwei Gelehrten des 14. Jahrhunderts: Burkhart von Reutlingen und Pilgrim von Preußen. Nebst einer Liste der Pariser Schüler Alberts von Sachsen’, Würzburger medizinhistorische Mitteilungen, 20, 2001: 161–167 [Vienna]. Forcher, Helene, Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck (Veröffentlichungen der Universität Innsbruck, 237 [A]), Innsbruck, 2001 [Innsbruck]. Hammerl, Christa and others (eds.), Die Zentralanstalt für Meteorologie und Geodynamik 1851–2001: 150 Jahre Meteorologie und Geophysik in Österreich, Graz, 2001 [Vienna]. Kern, Petra, Lehrveranstaltungen zur deutschen Sprache am Institut für Germanistik Graz: ein wissenschaftsgeschichtlicher Überblick (mit einer Sammlung relevanter Studiengesetze), s.l., 2001 (Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Graz]. Röhr, Max (ed.), Ein Jahrhundert Biotechnologie und Mikrobiologie an der Technischen Universität Wien, Vienna, 2001 [TU Vienna]. Stoy, Manfred, ‘Aus dem Briefwechsel von Wilhelm Bauer. Teil II’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 109, 2001: 425–446 [Vienna]. Tentschert, Ewald (ed.), Festkolloquium ‘140 Jahre Geologie an der TU-Wien’: 22. und 23. November 2000 / Technische Universität Wien, Institut für Ingenieurgeologie (Mitteilungen für Ingenieurgeologie und Geomechanik, 4), Vienna, 2001 [TU Vienna]. For 2002 Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 4. Geschichte und fremde Kulturen (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2002. Barton, Peter F., ‘Faszination Kirchengeschichte’, in Meyer, Dietrich, Kirchengeschichte als Autobiographie (Schriftenreihe des Vereins für Rheinische Kirchengeschichte, 154), Cologne, 2002, 17–87 [Vienna]. Bischof, Brigitte, ‘Naturwissenschaftlerinnen an der Universität Wien: biographische Skizzen und allgemeine Trends’, Ariadne, 41, 2002: 26–31 [Vienna]. Göttinger, Wolfgang, and Franz Daxecker (eds.), Die Klinik für Augenheilkunde und Optometrie der Universität Innsbruck von 1980 bis 2000 (Veröffentlichungen der Universität Innsbruck, 239), Innsbruck, 2002 [Innsbruck]. Lackner, Christian, Hof und Herrschaft. Rat, Kanzlei und Regierung der österreichischen Herzoge (1365–1406) (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung Erg.Bd., 41), Vienna—Munich, 2002 [Vienna]. Lenz, Hans Peter (ed.), Institut für Verbrennungskraftmaschinen und Kraftfahrzeugbau der Technischen Universität Wien 1974–2002, Vienna, 2002 [TU Vienna].


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Schaider, Gert, Grenzen und Möglichkeiten studentischer Interessensvertretung im Wandel (am Beispiel der Hochschülerschaft an der Universität Salzburg), s.l., 2002 (Salzburg, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Salzburg]. Svojtka, Matthias, Die Trilobitensammlung der Universität Wien: eine Revision mit Beiträgen zur Stammesgeschichte der Trilobita, s.l., 2002 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. Wallner, Wolfgang (red.), 100 Jahre Promotionsrecht an den österreichischen technischen Universitäten 1901–2001, Graz, Forum Technik und Gesellschaft, 2002 [TU Graz—1. Publikation zur Festveranstaltung am 23. November 2001 an der Technischen Universität Graz]. For 2003 Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 5. Sprache, Literatur und Kunst (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2003. Desput, Joseph F. and others (eds.), Franz von Zeiller: [geb.] 14.1.1751 in Graz, [gest.] 23.8.1828 in Wien (Arbeiten zu Recht, Geschichte und Politik in Europa, 3), Graz, 2003 [Graz/Vienna—Symposium of the Faculty of Law of the University of Graz and the Steiermärkischen Landesbibliothek, 30.11.2001, for the 250th Anniversary of his Birth]. Flotzinger-Aigner, Silvia, Das Institut für Geographie und Regionalforschung als Segment studentischer Lebenswelten: eine sozialräumliche Analyse, s.l., 2003 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. Höllerer, Elisabeth Christine, Die Fakultätsbilder von Gustav Klimt: ein Diskurs im Wien der Jahrhundertwende, s.l., 2003 (Salzburg, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. Krebsforschung gestern—heute—morgen: 50 Jahre Institut für Krebsforschung der Universität Wien: 1953–2003, Vienna, Institut für Krebsforschung der Universität Wien, 2003 [Vienna]. Möseneder, Michaela, Zur Soziologie einer Institution: am Beispiel der rechtsund staatswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Universität Wien zwischen 1918 und 1938, s.l., 2003 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. Moser, Hans (ed.), Universität in Bewegung: 1999–2003, eine Bilanz, Innsbruck, 2003 [Innsbruck]. Rentetzi, Maria, Gender, Politics, and Radioactivity research in Vienna, 1910–1938, s.l., 2003 (Ungedr. phil. Diss Blacksburg/Virginia) [Vienna]. Riedl-Dorn, Christa, ‘Ferdinand von Hochstetter (1829–1884)—Dem Reich der Natur und seiner Erforschung’, in Angetter, Daniela, and Johannes Seidl (eds.), Glücklich, wer den Grund der Dinge zu erkennen vermag. Österreichische Mediziner, Naturwissenschafter und Techniker im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt am Main, 2003, 111–128 [Vienna]. Wippersberg, Walter (ed.), 50 Jahre Filmakademie Wien: ein Zwischenbericht, Vienna, Universität für Musik und darstellende Kunst, Institut Film und Fernsehen, 2003 [Vienna]. Wissgott, Michael, ‘Nationalsozialistische Philosophie’ und die Machtergreifung an den Universitäten: mit besonderer Berücksichtigung deutschnationaler Studentenverbindungen, s.l., 2003 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna].


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Wöhrle, Claudia, Studium der Publizistik- und Kommunikationswissenschaft an der Universität Wien: eine empirische Untersuchung über Herkunft und soziale Lage, Universitätszugang und Studienmotive sowie der Studienhaltung und Arbeitsperspektiven der Studienanfänger des WS 2002/2003 und des SS 2003, s.l., 2003 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. For 2004 Acham, Karl (ed.), Geschichte der österreichischen Humanwissenschaften. 6. Philosophie und Religion 1: Erleben, Wissen, Erkennen (Passagen Humanwissenschaften), Vienna, 2004. Bartl, Thomas, Die Ernährungsgewohnheiten der Studenten und Studentinnen verschiedener Fakultäten der Wiener Universität, s.l., 2004 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna]. Berger, Harald, ‘Albert von Sachsen († 1390). 4. Fortsetzung und Ergänzungen zur Bibliographie der Sekundärliteratur’, Acta Mediaevalia, 17, 2004: 253–279 [Vienna]. Eberwein, Helga, Einzug der Frauen in die Technik: Pionierinnen an den Technischen Hochschulen in Graz und Wien, s.l., 2004 (Klagenfurt, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [TU Graz/TU Vienna]. Euler, Hanns Peter, Studienwahl und Berufsschicksal von Absolventen und Absolventinnen technisch-naturwissenschaftlicher Studienrichtungen: eine empirische Studie über das Universitätsstudium und gemachte Berufserfahrungen am Beispiel der TNF der Johannes-Kepler-Universität Linz—Österreich, Linz, 2004 [Linz]. Fritz, Gerlinde (ed.), Österreichische Zentralbibliothek für Physik: Geschichte, Dokumente, Dienste; gewidmet dem langjährigen Bibliotheksdirektor Wolfgang Kerber, Vienna, ‘Information Assistant’, Verein für Informationsmanagement, 2004 [Vienna]. Frottier, Elisabeth, Die Sammlung Kostüm und Mode an der Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien: Geschichte [1862–2004]—Dokumentation—Perspektiven, s.l., 2004 (Wien, Univ. für angewandte Kunst, Master Thesis) [Vienna, Appl. Art]. Graf, Peter (red.), 1924—ein guter Jahrgang: eine Ausstellung der Österreichischen Zentralbibliothek für Physik, Vienna, 2004 [Vienna—Alfred Bader, Franz Ferdinand Cap, Michael J. Higatsberger, Otto Hittmair, Karl Schlögl, Hans Tuppy]. Häfele, Eva Maria, Bildung—Geschlecht—Biographie: feministische Studien an der Universität Innsbruck; Frauen-Bildungsgeschichten zwischen Selbstermächtigung, Herrschaftskritik, Differenzwahrnehmung und Anerkennungsbeziehungen, s.l., 2004 (Innsbruck, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Innsbruck]. Höllmüller, Andreas Anton, Wissenschaft als Beruf—eine Sackgasse? Der Weggang von der Universität und die Gründe, am Beispiel der Universität Wien, s.l., 2004 (Wien, Univ., Dipl.-Arb.) [Vienna—1984–2003]. Hörandner, Wolfram and others (eds.), Wiener Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik: Beiträge zum Symposion Vierzig Jahre Institut für Byzantinistik und


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Bulgaria Additions to Earlier Lists For 1987 Donkov, R., ‘100 godini spetsialnost istoria v Sofijskia universitet “Sv. Kliment Ohridski” ’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Istoricheski fakultet, 80, 1987 (published 1992) [Sofia—100 Years of History as a Discipline]. Georgiev, V., ‘Katedrata po balgarska istoria prez parvoto stoletie na Universiteta, 1888–1988’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Istoricheski fakultet, 80, 1987 [The Department of Bulgarian History during the First Century of the University]. Georgieva, I., ‘Prepodavaneto po etnografia v Sofijskia universitet “Sv. Kliment Ohridski”, 1888–1988’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Istoricheski fakultet, 80, 1987: 177–186 [Sofia—Teaching in Ethnography]. Velkov, V., ‘Starata istoria v Sofijskia universitet “Sv. Kliment Ohridski”, 1888–1988’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Istoricheski fakultet, 80, 1987 [Sofia—Ancient History]. Yonov, M., ‘Prepodavaniata po srednovekovna istoria v Sofijskia universitet “Sv. Kliment Ohridski”, 1888–1988’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Istoricheski fakultet, 80, 1987: 115–132 [Sofia—Teaching of Medieval History]. For 1988 Dinekov, P., ‘100 godini slavianska filologia v Sofijskia universitet’, Ezik I literatura, 5, 1988: 5–12 [Sofia—100 Years of Slavonic Philology]. Duridanov, I., ‘Obsto, indoevropejsko I balkansko ezikoznanie v Sofijskia universitet’, Ezik I literatura, 5, 1988: 13–25 [Sofia—General, Indo-European and Balkan Linguistics].


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Platikanov, D., ‘Katerata po fiziko-himia v Sofijskia universitet’, Himia, 1, 1996: 31–38 [Sofia—Department of Physical Chemistry]. For 1997 Bojadjieva, P., ‘Universitetskata avtonomia I obstestvena modernizatsia, ili obstestveniat smisal na borbata na Sofijskia universitet za avtonomia’, Sociologicheski problemi, 3, 1997: 57–71 [Sofia—University Autonomy and Social Modernization, or the Social Meaning of the University’s Struggle for Autonomy]. For 1998 Atanasov, Zh., ‘Sofijskiat universitet v kulturnata istoria na Balgaria’, Pedagogika, 10, 1998: 3–12 [Sofia—The University in Bulgarian Cultural History]. Denev, I., ‘75 godini Bogoslovski fakultet’, Bogoslovska misal, 3, 1998: 9–18 [75 Years of the Faculty of Theology]. Dimkov, R., ‘Kam letopisa na universitetskoto obrazovanie po biologia u nas’, Biologia, ekologia, biotehnilogia, 4–5, 1998: 2–14 [Contribution to the Chronology of Higher Education of Biology in Bulgaria]. Murdarov, Vl., ‘Manol Ivanov—parvi disertant-slavist vav Vienskia universitet’, Balgarski ezik, 2, 1997–1998: 58–64 [Manol Ivanov—the First Bulgarian Dissertation in Slavonic Philology in the University of Vienna]. Pejkovska, P., ‘Hungarian Universities and the Formation of the Bulgarian Intellectuals between 1918 and 1944’, Bulgarian Historical Review, 3–4, 1998: 215–234. Tabakova, Kr., ‘75 godini Katedra “Didaktika” [v Sofijskia universitet]’, Istoria, 2–3, 1998: 103 [Sofia—75 Years of the Department of Didactics]. For 1999 Bostandjiev, T., ‘Neizvestno pismo na Konstantin Irechek [otnosno sazdavaneto na universitet]’, Istoria, 1, 1999: 14–18 [An Unknown Letter of Constantine Ire3ek about the Establishment of the Bulgarian University]. Ivanov, G., ‘Astronomiata v Sofijskia universitet’, Svetat na fizikata, 1, 1999: 56–58 [Sofia—Astronomy]. Tsonev, M., ‘Parvite balgari geodezisti s visshe obrazovanie’, Geodezia, kartografia, zemeustrojstvo, 2–3, 1999: 7–9 [The First Bulgarians Educated in Geodesy]. Vavrek, Al., ‘Prisazhdane na doktorska nauchna stepen po fizika v Sofijskia universitet do 1950’, Svetat na fizikata, 2, 1999: 130–134 [Sofia—Conferral of Doctoral Degrees in Physics up to 1950]. For 2000 Bojadjiev, V., ‘Geografia na prepodavatelite ot Sofijskia universitet “Sv. Kliment Ohridski” za perioda 1888–1938’, Godishnik na Sofijskia universitet, Geologo-geografski fakultet, 93, 2000: 7–16 (published 2003)


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[Sofia—Geographical Observations on the Staff of the University in 1888–1938]. Ivanova, R., ‘Istoricheski pogled kam obuchenieto na studentite ot Svobodnia universitet za politichesi I stopanski nauki v Sofia’, Balgarski schetovoditel, 19, 2000: 16–17 [Sofia—History of Education of the Students of the Free University of Economy]. Ivanova, R., ‘Istoricheski pogled kam Svobodnia universitet za politichesi I stopanski nauki v Sofia’, Balgarski schetovoditel, 18, 2000: 26–27 [Sofia— Historiy of the Free University of Economy]. Kovachev, Z., ‘Nauchnata politika na Vissheto Targovsko uchiliste (dnes Ikonomicheski universitet-Varna)’, Izv. Sp. Ikonomicheski universitet-Varna, 1, 2000: 14–22 [Varna, University of Economics—The Scientific Policy of the Higher School of Commerce]. Nikolchev, D., ‘Strihi ot istoriata na Bogoslovskia fakultet v Sofia (s aktsent varhu komunisticheskia period, 1944–1989)’, Obrazovanie, 4, 2000: 66–74 [Elements from the History of the Theological Faculty in Sofia, with Emphasis on the Communist Period]. Platikanov, D., ‘75 godini Katera po fiziko-himia v Sofijskia universitet’, Godishniik na Sofijskia universitet, Himicheski fakultet, 88, 2000: 5–17 [Sofia—75 Years of the Department of Physical Chemistry]. Vladimirov, G., ‘Idejata za visshe uchiliste v sledosvobozhdenska Balgaria’, Balgarska istoricheska biblioteka, 2, 2000: 15–17 [The Idea of Establishing a Higher School in Bulgaria after the Liberation]. For 2003 Bojadjieva, P., ‘Svobodniat universitet, ili tsenata na pravoto da badesh rarlichen’, Razum, 1, 2003: 108–128 [The Free University, or the Price for the Right to be Different]. Dushkov, Zh., ‘Rusenskata obstestvenost I Vissheto tehnichesko uchiliste v grad Ruse, 1945–1948’, Izvestia na stopanskia universitet-Ruse, 4, 2003: 118–134 [Public Opinion in the town of Rousse and the Higher Technical school, 1945–1948]. For 2004 Balareva, A., ‘Iz predistoriata na Darzhavnata Muzikalna akademia’, Balgarsko muzikoznanie, 4, 2004: 118–122 [Pre-history of the State Musical Academy]. Donev, K., and I. Bogdanov, ‘Ikonomichesko obrazovanie s 85-godishna traditsia’, Ikonomika, 4, 2004: 49–51 [85 Years of Tradition in Economy Education]. Sofijskiat universitet prez fotoobektiva na 30-te godini na 20 vek, Sofia, 2004 [Sofia—The University in Photographs, 1930s]. Zadgorska, V., Istoricheskata nauka I obrazovanie v politikata na balgarskata darzhava, 1878–1912, Sofia, 2004 [History and Political Science].


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Publications 2005 Nazarska, G., ‘Istoriata kato profesia na balgarskite zheni, 1879–50-te godini na 20 vek’, Istoria, 2–3, 2005: 42–64 [History as a Profession among Bulgarian Women, 1879—50’s of the 20th c.].

Canada Additions to Earlier Lists For 2002 Cohen, Yolande, Jacinthe Pépin, Esther Lamontagne and André Duquette, Les sciences infirmières: genèse d’une discipline. Histoire de la Faculté des sciences infirmières de l’Université de Montréal, Montréal, Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2002. Toussaint, Pierre, and Clermont Barnabé, ‘La situation professionnelle des professeurs en administration de l’éducation au Canada: Une étude exploratoire’, Canadian Journal of Education, 27.4, 2002: 399–417. For 2003 Jackson, Edward T., ‘How University Projects Produce Development Results: Lessons from Twenty Years of Canada-China Cooperation in Higher Education’, Canadian Journal of Development Studies, 24.1, 2003: 41–49. Johnstone, Rose, ‘A Sixty-Year Evolution of Biochemistry at McGill’, Scientia Canadensis, 27, 2003. Stortz, Paul, ‘ “Rescue Our Family from a Living Death”: Refugee Professors and the Canadian Society for the Protection of Science and Learning, 1939–1946’, Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 14, 2003: 231–261. For 2004 Adams, Tracey L., ‘ “A Real Girl and a Real Dentist”: Ontario Women Dental Graduates of the 1920s’, Historical Studies in Education, 16.2, 2004: 315–338. Andrew, Sheila, ‘Women’s History at St. Thomas University’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 86–88. Axelrod, Paul (ed.), Knowledge Matters: Essays in Honour of Bernard J. Shapiro, Montréal—Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004. Bruce, Marian, Pets, Professors, and Politicians: The Founding and Early Years of the Atlantic Veterinary College, Charlottetown, Island Studies Press, 2004. Conrad, Margaret, ‘Women’s History at Acadia University’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 68–73. Court, John P. M., Historical Synopsis—Establishing the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Toronto, s.l., 2004 (http://www.utpsychiatry.ca/ AdministrationAndOrganization/History_DeptOfPsychiatry_rev.pdf).


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Dennison, John D., and Hans G. Schuetze, ‘Extending Access, Choice, and the Reign of Market: Higher Education Reforms in British Columbia, 1989–2004’, Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 34.3, 2004: 13–38. Early, Frances, ‘Origins of Women’s History at Mount Saint Vincent University’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 73–77. Flora, Roy, Recollections of Waterloo College, Waterloo, Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2004. Gidney, Catherine, A Long Eclipse: The Liberal Protestant Establishment and the Canadian University, 1920–1970, Montréal—Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004. Gingras, Yves, ‘Le Rapport Parent et la recherche universitaire’, Bulletin d’Histoire Politique, 12.2, 2004: 41–48. Jones, Glen A., ‘Ontario Higher Education Reform, 1995–2003: From Modest Modifications to Policy Reform’, Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 34.3, 2004: 39–54. Kealey, Linda, ‘Teaching Women’s History at Memorial University’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 78–79. LeBlanc, Phyllis E., ‘The Origins of Women’s History at the Université de Moncton’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 91–95. Lucier, Pierre, ‘L’université du Rapport Parent’, Bulletin d’Histoire Politique, 12.2, 2004: 81–94. McGahan, Elizabeth W., ‘Women’s History at University of New Brunswick (Saint John campus)’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 83–86. Monahan, Edward J., Collective Autonomy: A History of the Council of Ontario Universities, 1962–2000, Waterloo, Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2004. Morgan, Robert J., Perseverance: the story of Cape Breton’s University College, 1952–2002, Sydney, University College of Cape Breton Press, 2004. Nakhaie, M. Reza, ‘Who Controls Canadian Universities? Ethnoracial Origins of Canadian University Administrators and Faculty’s Perception of Mistreatment’, Canadian Ethnic Studies, 36.1, 2004: 92–110. Panayotidis, E. Lisa, ‘The Department of Fine Art at the University of Toronto, 1926–1945: Instituting the “Culture of the Aesthetic” ’, Journal of Canadian Art History/Annales d’histoire de l’art canadien, 25, 2004: 100–122. Petry, Roger, ‘Walter Murray and the State University: The Response of the University of Saskatchewan to the Great Depression, 1930–1937’, Saskatchewan History, 56.2, 2004: 5–23. Pitsula, James M., ‘A History of the University of Regina’, in Murray Knuttila, K. (ed.), Heritage and Hope: The University of Regina into the 21st Century, Regina, Canadian Plains Research Centre, 2004, 3–38. Smith, Dan, ‘A Decade of doing things differently: Universities and publicsector reform in Manitoba’, Canadian Public Administration, 47.3, 2004: 280–303. Smyth, Elizabeth M., ‘The Culture of Catholic Women’s Colleges at the University of Toronto 1911–1925’, CCHA Historical Studies, 70, 2004.


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Thompson, D. Gillian, ‘Origins of Women’s History at University of New Brunswick (Fredericton campus)’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 80–83. Tillotson, Shirley, ‘Teaching Women’s History at Dalhousie: a personal account’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 88–91. Tipliski, Veryl Margaret, ‘Parting at the Crossroads: The Emergence of Education for Psychiatric Nursing in Three Canadian Provinces, 1909–1955’, Canadian Bulletin of Medical History, 21.2, 2004: 253–279. Turner, Steven, and Heather Molyneaux, ‘Agricultural Science, Potato Breeding, and the Fredericton Experimental Station, 1912–66’, Acadiensis, 33.2, 2004: 44–67. Wasylenki, Donald, and John P. M. Court, A Corridor of Psychiatric History at the University of Toronto: An Historical Exhibit Installed in the Department of Psychiatry, s.l., 2004 (http://www.utpsychiatry.ca/ Administration And Organization/Slideshow/History/default.asp and http://www.utpsychiatry.ca/ SupportOurWork/Slideshow/EndowedChairs/default.asp). Westhues, Kenneth, Administrative Mobbing at the University of Toronto: The Trial, Degradation and Dismissal of a Professor During the Presidency of J. Robert S. Prichard, Queenston, ON, The Edwin Mellen Press, 2004. Wishart, James M., ‘ “We Have Worked While We Played and Played While We Worked”: Discipline and Disobedience at the Kingston General Hospital Training School for Nurses, 1923–1939’, Canadian Bulletin of Medical History, 21.2, 2004: 327–349. Publications 2005 Heath, Gordon, ‘ “Citizens of that Mighty Empire”: Imperial Sentiment among Students at Wesley College, 1897–1902’, Manitoba History, 49, 2005: 15–25.

Germany Additions to Earlier Lists For 1995 Triebs, Michaela, Die Medizinische Fakultät der Universität Helmstedt 1576–1810), Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1995. For 1999 Pickus, Keith, Constructing modern identities. Jewish university students in Germany, 1815–1914, Detroit, Wayne State University Press, 1999. For 2001 Barner, Wilfried, and Christoph König (eds.), Jüdische Intellektuelle und die Philologien in Deutschland 1871–1933, Göttingen, Wallstein, 2001. Jaumann, Herbert (ed.), Die europäische Gelehrtenrepublik im Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2001.


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For 2002 Biegel, Gerd, ‘Dieser Professor ist ganz unnütz für die Universität’. Die braunschweigische Landesuniversität Helmstedt im Bericht des ‘Universitätsbereisers’ Friedrich Gedike aus dem Jahr 1789 (Braunschweiger Museumsvorträge, 4), Braunschweig, 2002 [Helmstedt]. For 2003 Grochowina, Nicole, ‘Ein “besonderes Verhältnis”. Der Jenaer Schöppenstuhl und die Universität in der frühen Neuzeit’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Thüringische Geschichte, 57, 2003: 89–104 [Jena]. Keunecke, Hans O., ‘Der Ansbacher Universitätsplan von 1726 und der Weg des Stiftungskapitals nach Erlangen’, Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung, 63, 2003: 105–126 [Erlangen]. Maurer, Trude, ‘Balten, Polen, Juden—und strebsame Frauen. Die russischen Studenten Göttingens um die Wende von 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert’, in Mittler, Elmar, and Silke Glitsch (eds.), 300 Jahre Sankt Petersburg. Rußland und die ‘Göttingische Seele’, Göttingen, 2003, 453–473. Maurer, Trude, ‘Integration und Selbstbehauptung. Bildungsgeschichte als Zugang zur Entwicklung der jüdischen Minderheit in nichtjüdischen Gesellschaften’, Judaica, 59, 2003: 82–97. Schaal, Katharina, ‘Das nicht gefeierte Jubiläum der Universität Marburg von 1853’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 108, 2003: 149–158 [Marburg]. Schmidt, Roderich, ‘Die kaiserliche Bestätigung der Marburger Universitätsgründung von 1527 durch Karl V. 1541’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 108, 2003: 75–94 [Marburg]. Wuttke, Dieter, Erwin Panofsky. Korrespondenz 1910–1968. Eine kommentierte Auswahl in 5 Bänden. Band 2: Korrespondenz 1937–1949, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2003. For 2004 Barnert, Elena, ‘Headhunter Seiner Majestät. Der “Universitäts-Bereiser” Friedrich Gedike evaluiert Deutschlands Professoren für Preußens Universitäten’, Rechtsgeschichte, 4, 2004: 256–263. Becker, Thomas P., and Andreas Kleinert, ‘Der Rang der Naturwissenschaften in den ersten Jahren der Universität Bonn’, Acta historica Leopoldina, 43, 2004: 115–131 [Bonn]. Beul, Rudolf, 250 Jahre Akademie gemeinnütziger Wissenschaften zu Erfurt. Ein eigenartiges Stück deutschen Geisteslebens. Eine Ausstellung des Stadtarchivs Erfurt in der Zeit vom 15. Mai bis zum 27. Juni 2004 im Kulturhof zum Güldenen Kronbacken. Katalog zur Ausstellung, ed. Landeshauptstadt Erfurt, Erfurt, Stadtarchiv, 2004. Blecher, Jens (ed.), Universitäten und Jubiläen. Vom Nutzen historischer Archive, Leipzig, 2004. Blehova, Beata, and Peter Bachmaier (eds.), Die Bildungs-, Wissenschafts- und Kulturpolitik in der Slowakei. 1945–2004, Frankfurt am Main, Lang, 2004.


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History of Universities: Volume XXII 1

History of Universities: Volume XXIII 1

History of Universities: Volume XXIII 1

History of Universities: Volume XXII 2