History of the Later Roman Empire: From the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (Volume 2)

OT

'

1

history of the

LATER

ROMAN EMPIRE

history of the

LATER

ROMAN EMPIRE FROM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS TO THE DEATH OF JUSTINIAN

BY

J.

B.

I.

BURY

TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II IN

DOVER PUBLICATIONS, INC.

NEW YORK

This new Dover edition first published in 1958 is an unabridged and unaltered republication of the first edition. It is published by special arrangement

with

St.

Martins Press.

Manufactured

in the

United States of America

CONTENTS VOL.

II PAGE

Genealogical Table of the House of Justin

ix

CHAPTER XIV The Empire and Persia § 1. § 2.

1

Kelations with Persia in the Fifth Century

Persian "War of Anastasius

1

10

502-507)

(.a.d.

CHAPTER XV Justin §

I. 1.

and Justinian

I.

.

.

Election and Reign of Justin

§ 2.

Justinian

§ 3.

Theodora

§ 4. § 5.

John the Cappadocian, Praetorian The Nika Revolt (a.d. 532)

§ 6.

St.

§ 7.

The

§ 8.

The Great

§ 9.

The Conspiracy

§ 10.

Appendix

.

518-527)

.

.

.

Prefect of the East

Fall of

John the Cappadocian

Pestilence (a.d.

541)

(a.d.

542-543)

.

of Artabanes (a.d. 548)

Tlie Succession to the

Throne

.

Scene in the Hippodrome

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

16

.23 .27 .

......

Sophia

.

.

.

—A

.

.

.16 .

.

.

.

.

.

.

I. (a.d.

36

.39

.

48 55

.62 .

66

.70 .71

CHAPTER XVI The Persian Wars § 1. The Roman Army § 2. The First War (a.d. 527-532)

75 75 79

HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

vi

PAGE

§ 3.

The Second War

§ 4.

The

§ 5.

Conclusion of Peace

Lazic

War

540-545)

(a.d.

549-557)

(a.d.

(a.d.

562)

.89

.

.

.

.

,

.

.113 .120

CHAPTER XVII The Reconquest op Africa

.

.

§ 2.

The Conquest (a.d. 533-534) The Settlement and the Moorish Wars

§ 3.

The

§ 1.

.

Fortification of the Provinces

CHAPTER Italy. —

The Reconquest of §

The Last Years

].

.

.

.

.

(a.d.

534-548)

151

I.

a.d.

§ 3.

§ 4.

Siege of Naples, and Accession of Witigis

§ 5.

Siege of

151

526)

159

.

....

535-536)

(a.d.

§ 6.

Rome (a.d. 537-538) and Relief of Ariminum Siege

§ 7.

Dissensions in the Imperial

§ 8.

Siege and Massacre of Milan (a.d. 539) Siege and Capture of Auximum (a.d.

Hostilities

(a.d.

168 175

536)

180

.

(a.d.

195

538)

199

Army

202

.

§ 9,

December)

.....

Ravenna

§ 10.

Fall of

§ 11.

Boe thins, Cassiodorus, and Benedict

A.PPENDIX

— Routes from

539,

June to

205 209

540, spring)

(a.d.

139

XVIII

The Regency of Amalasuntha (a.d. 526-534) The Reign of Theodahad and Outbreak of

§ 2.

.

.148

.

.

King Theoderic (died

of

.124 .124

Italy to the East

216

225

.

CHAPTER XIX The Reconquest of § 1. § 2.

Italy.

—

....

II.

The Reigns of Ildibad and Eraric (a.d. 540-541) The First Successes of Totila (a.d. 541-543) .

§ 4.

Return of Belisarius to Italy (a.d. 544, summer) Second Siege of Rome (a.d. 546)

§ 5.

Reoccupation of

§ 3.

.

Rome

Belisarius (a.d.

;

547-549)

226

.

229

.

233

.

236

....

Siege of Rossano

;

226

.

and Recall of

244

CONTEMTS § 6.

Third Siege of Rome

§ 7.

Proposed Expedition of

§ 8.

Totila in Sicily.

§ 9.

550-551) Battle of Sena Gallica

(a.d.

vu

549)

Germanus

549-550) Franks

(a.d.

..... Negotiations with the

(a.d.

551)

(a.d.

§ 10.

Battle of Busta Galloruni and Death of Totila (a.d. 552)

§ 11.

Battle of

§ 12.

The Franco-Alamannic

§ 13.

553-554) The Settlement of Italy

§

14.

Mons

Lactarius

552)

..... Battle of

Capna

(a.d

....

Conquests in Spain

Appendix — The

(a.d.

Invasion.

Battle of Busta Gallorum

.

CHAPTER XX Diplomacy and Commerce § 1.

The

§ 2.

The Gepids and Lombards

§ 3.

Invasion of Zabergan

§ 4.

The Defences

§ 5.

The Crimea

§ 6.

The Avars

§ 7. § 8. § 9.

§ 10.

Slavs

of the

(a.d.

;

Kotrigurs and Utigurs

558)

Balkan Peninsula

Roman Commerce The Abyssinians and Himyarites The Nobadae and Blemyes The Silk Industry

CHAPTER. XXI Justinian's Administrative

Reforms

.

to reform Administrative

§ 1.

Attempts

§ 2.

Provincial Reorganisation

§ 3.

Lapse of the Consulship

§ 4.

Financial Policy

(a.d.

Abuses

542)

CHAPTER XXII Ecclesiastical Folic v

.

.

.

.

360

§ 1.

Ecclesiastical Legislation

360

§ 2.

Persecution of Heretics and Samaritans

364

HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

viii

PAGE

366

§ 3.

Suppression of Paganism

§ 4.

First Persecution of Munophysites,

under Justin

Conciliation, and the Second

§ 5.

Justinian's Attempts

§ 6.

Origenistic Heresies in Palestine

§ 7.

Controversy

§ 8.

General Significance of Justinian's Policy

Persecution

of

the

Three

Ecumenical Council

(a.d.

CHAPTER Justinian's Legislative § 1.

Codification

§ 2.

Civil

§ 3.

Criminal

Law

372

..... at

Work

380 and

Chapters,

the

Fifth

383

553)

891

....

XXIII

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Law

375

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

395

.395 .400 .409

CHAPTER XXIV Peocopius

.

.

.

.417

........

Bibliography

Index

.

.

.

.

.

.

.437

.

455

MAPS To illustrate the Persian Wars Battle of Ad Decimum .

Umbria

:

.

.

.

.

to illustrate Battle of Busta Gallorum,

.94

.

.133

.

a.d.

552

261

-

ai

3 1-3

X

eS •4-9

a

3 ai 03 c9

bo

'O

m 3 S 3

-|J ai

o

o

M 3 a

CD

nl

o

-Eh to

&

H W.

O

§M

II

?5

o ~

eg

b

H X

o

3 3

—S ID

o

o

be

Ch

3 >-5

-

II

c3

X—

p o w

o

O

C

3 1-5

O c8

. 15). ^ Theodoras Procopius, B.P. i. 7 Lector, ii. 52 Theophanes, sab a.m. 5996. John Lydus (Be mag. iii. 52) ;

;

attributes the war to a demand for the costs of maintaining the castle of

Biraparach, and doubtless the question of the Caucasian defences was mentioned in the negotiations. Kavad refers to the demand for money in his letter to Justinian quoted by John Mai. xviii. p. 450. 2

^

to

Joshua Styl. p. 37. But whether the monks wore blame is doubtful (Haury, Zur

described Zacharias Myt. vii. 3 Procopius, B.P. i. 7. Eustathius of Epiphania described it is ;

;

in his lost history (Evagrius,

iii.

37),

and may have been the source of both Procopius and Zacharias if not, Procojnus must have used Zacharias ;

(cp.

Haury,

Proleg.

to

his

ed.

of

The stories Procopius, pp. 19-20). in the three sources are carefully compared by Merten, De bello Persico, 1(54 sqq. ^

During

the

siege

of

Roman Mesopotamia was

Amida,

invaded and jjlundered by the Saracens of Hira under Naman (Joshua Styl. p. 39 sq^}.

HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

12

chap.

despatched him to Constantinople with the news. Anastasius made mihtary preparations, but the forces which he sent were perhaps not more than 15,000 men.^

And, influenced by the

traditions of the Isaurian campaigns, he committed the error of dividing the command, in the same theatre of war, among

These were the Master of Soldiers in the East,

three generals.

Areobindus, great-grandson of Aspar (on the mother's side) and and the two Masters of son-in-law of the Emperor Olybrius Soldiers in praesenti, Patricius, and the Emperor's nephew ;

Hypatius, whose military inexperience did not deserve such a responsible post.^

The campaign opened (May, a.d. 503) with a success for Areobindus, in the neighbourhood of Nisibis, but the enemy soon mustered superior forces and compelled him to withdraw Hypatius and Patricius, who against Amida, induced them to keep back the support which they ought to have sent to their Soon afterwards the Persians fell upon them, their colleague. vanguard was cut up, and they fled with the rest of their army across the Euphrates to Samosata (August).* Areobindus meanwhile had shut himself up in Edessa, and Kavad determined to attack it. The Christian legend of Edessa was in itself a certain challenge to the Persian kings. It was

The jealousy

to Constantia.

with 40,000

of

men had encamped ^

related that Abgar, prince of Edessa and friend of the Emperor Augustus, suffered in his old age from severe attacks of gout.

Hearing of the miraculous cures which Jesus Christ was performing in Palestine, Abgar wrote to him, inviting him to leave a land of unbelievers and spend the rest of his

life

at Edessa.

Jesus decHned, but promised the prince recovery from his disease. 1

So

Marcellinus,

Styl. gives 40,000

sub

a.

Joshua

men to Patricius and

Hypatius and 12,000 to Areobindus. 2 Priscian's Panegyric on Anastasius mayperhaps be dated to this year. For he says of Hypatius quern vidit validum Parthus sensitque timendum (p. 300) and does not otherwise mention the war. Among the subordinate commanders were Justin (the future Patriciolus and his son Emperor) Areobindus was Vitalian Romanus. Consul in 506, and his consular diptych is preserved at Ziirich, with ;

;

the inscription Fl(avius) Areob(indus) Dagal(aiphus) Areobindus, V. I., Ex

Sac(ri) Sta(buli) et M(agister) Ex Or(ientem) M(ilitum) P(er) See C(onsule) C(onsul) Or(dinarius). C.

C.I.L.

xiii.

5245; Meyer, Zwei

Elfenb. p. 65. ^ At Siphrios, 9 miles *

John Lydus

ant.

from Amida.

iii. 53) the of the ill-success attributes Romans to the incompetence of the generals, Areobindus, who was devoted to dancing and music, Patricius

(De

mag.

and Hypatius, who were cowardly and inexperienced. This seems borne out by the narratives of Procopius and Joshua. Cp. Haury, Zur Beurt. des Proc. 24-25.

PERSIAN WAR OF ANASTASIUS

XIV

13

The divine letter existed, and the Edessenes afterwards discovered a postscript, containing a pledge that their city would never be taken by an enemy. The text of the precious document was inscribed on one of the gates, as a sort of phylactery, and the inhabitants put implicit confidence in the sacred promise.^ It is said that the Saracen sheikh Naman urged on Kavad against Edessa, and threatened to do there worse things than had been done at Amida. Thereupon a wound which he had

received in his head swelled, and he lingered in pain for two

days and died.^

But notwithstanding

this sign

Kavad

persisted

in his evil intention.

Constantia lay in his route, and almost fell into his hands. of a secret danger which constantly threatened Koman rule in the Eastern provinces, the

Here we have a signal example

The Jews

disaffection of the Jews.

had conspired was discovered,

of Constantia

to deliver the city to the enemy, but the plot

and the enraged Greeks killed all the Jews they could find. Disappointed of his hope to surprise the fortress, Kavad did not stay to attack it, but moved on to Edessa. He blockaded this city for a few days without success (September 17), and " Areobindus sent him a message Now thou seest that the :

not thine, nor of Anastasius, but it is the city of Christ city who blessed it, and it has withstood thy hosts." ^ But he deemed it prudent to induce the Persians to withdraw by agreeing to is

pay 2000

lbs. of

gold at the end of twelve days and giving them part of the payment

Kavad withdrew, but demanded

hostages. before the appointed day. When this was refused he returned and renewed the blockade (September 24), but soon abandoned the enterprise in despair.

The operations of the following year were advantageous to the Empire, The evils of a divided command had been reaUsed, was recalled, and Celer, the Master of Offices, an Hypatius

He invaded Illyrian, was invested with the supreme command.* and devastated Arzanene Areobindus invaded Persian Armenia ;

1

Procophis, B.P.

=

Joshua

^

This

who

12.

ii.

47. Stvl. p. ^

idea recurs describes (7x/'.

in ii.

Procopius, 2G ad init.)

the Mesojiotamiau campaign of (!hosroes, in which he besieged Edessa, as " warfare not with Justinian nor

;

with any other man, but with the God of the Christians." * 1 inter the superior authority of Celer from Joshua Styl. p. 55. He had arrived, early in 504, Mith a reinforcement of 2000 according to Marcellinus, but with a v^ery largo army accordinii to Joshua.

HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

14

chap.

The siege of this Patricius undertook the recovery of Amida. place lasted throughout the winter till the following year (a.d, The garrison, reduced to the utmost straits by famine, 505). finally

surrendered on favourable terms.

The

sufferings of the

inhabitants are illustrated by the unpleasant story that women " used to go forth by stealth into the streets of the city in the

evening or in the morning, and whomsoever they met, woman man, for whom they were a match, they used to carry him by force into a house and kill and eat him either boiled or or child or

When

this practice was betrayed by the smell of the the roasting, general put some of the women to death, but to eat the dead.^ leave he gave

roasted."

The Romans paid the Persians 1000 lbs. of gold for the surrender of Amida. Meanwhile Kavad was at war with the EphthaUtes, and he entered into negotiations with Celer, which ended in the conclusion of a truce for seven years (a.d. 505).^ It appears that the truce was not renewed at the end of that period,

but the two empires remained actually at peace for more than

twenty years. It has been justly observed that in these oriental wars the Roman armies would hardly have held their own, but for the devoted loyalty and energy of the civil population of the frontier It was through their heroic co-operation and patience provinces. of hunger that small besieged garrisons were able to hold out. Their labours are written in the remains of the stone fortresses

And they had to suffer sorely in time of war, not only from the enemy, but from their defenders. The government did what it could by remitting taxes but the ill-usage in these regions.^

;

which they experienced from the

foreign, especially the

German,

mercenaries in the Imperial armies was enough to drive them Here is the vivid description into the arms of the Persians.

by one of themselves. Those who came to our aid under the name of deliverers plundered us almost as much as our enemies. Many poor people they turned out of their beds and slept in them, whilst their owners lay on the ground in cold weather. Others they drove out of their own houses, and went in and dwelt in them. The of their sufferings

"

^

Joshua

copius, B.P. it

Styl. i.

9.

p. 62. Cp. Prop. 44, from which

inhabitants

^

was the few

^

who were reduced

*

would appear that

Roman

to such straits.

it

lb. p. 45.

Chapot, op.

Joshua

John Lydus, cit.

loc. cit.

p. 376.

Styl. p. 68.

Cp. pp. 71-73.

PERSIAN WAR OF ANASTASIUS

XIV cattle of

some they

carried off

by

force as

if it

15

were

spoil of

war

;

the clothes of others they stripped off their persons and took with others away. Some they beat violently for a mere trifle ;

they quarrelled in the streets and reviled them for a small cause. They openly plundered every one's little stock of provisions, and the stores that some had laid up in the villages and cities. Before the eyes of every one they ill-used the women in the streets and houses. From old women, widows, and poor they took oil, wood, salt, and other things for their own expenses, and they

kept them from their own work to wait upon them. In short they harassed every one both great and small. Even the nobles

keep them in order and to give them hands for bribes and as they took them from every one they spared nobody, but after a few days sent other soldiers to those upon whom they had quartered of the land,

who were

set to

their billets, stretched out their

them

;

in the first instance."

Romans

This war taught the in their

Mesopotamian

the existence of a capital defect While the Persians had the

frontier.

strong fort of Nisibis against an advance to the Tigris, the Romans had no such defence on their own frontier commanding the high road to Constantia. After the conclusion of the treaty, Anastasius immediately prepared to remedy this weakness. At Daras, close to the frontier and a few miles from Nisibis, he built

an

imposing

fortified

town,

provided

with

corn-magazines,

and two public baths. He named it AnastasiopoUs, and it was for the Empire what Nisibis was for Persia. Masons and workmen gathered from all Syria to complete the work He while Kavad was still occupied by his EphthaUte war. protested, for the building of a fort on the frontier was a breach of treaty engagements, but he was not in a position to do more than protest and he was persuaded to acquiesce by the diplomacy and bribes of the Emperor, who at the same time took the cisterns,

opportunity of strengthening the walls of Theodosopolis.^ 1

Procopius, B.P.

Styl.

Daras

70. p. will be

The

ii.

10

;

Joshua

fortifications

of

described below, Chap.

XVI.

§ 3, in connection with the siege of Chosroes.

CHAPTER XV JUSTIN § 1. Election

I.

AND JUSTINIAN

and Reign of Justin

I.

I. (a.d.

518-527)

Anastasius had made no provision for a successor to the throne, and there was no Augusta to influence the election. Everything turned out in a way that no one could have foreseen. The most natural solution might have seemed to be the choice of one of the late Emperor's three nephews, Probus, Pompeius, or Hypatius. They were men of average ability, and one of them, at least, Pompeius, did not share his uncle's sympathy with the Monophysitic creed. But they were not ambitious, and perhaps their claims were not seriously urged. ^ The High Chamberlain Amantius hoped to play the part which Urbicius had played on the death of Zeno, and he attempted to secure the throne for a certain Theocritus, otherwise unknown,

who had probably no himself.

quahfication but personal devotion to of the Palace guards would probably

As the attitude

decide the election, he gave money to Justin, the Count of the Excubitors, to bribe the troops.^

In the morning (July 9) the people assembled in the Hippo" drome and acclaimed the Senate. Long live the Senate !

Senate of the Romans, tu vincas we given by God, for the army ;

by God, *

for the

world

"

!

eligible

("numerous and

11). 2

John Mai.

xvii,

410

(cp.

the senators, and ;

;

very distinguished," Procopius, B.P. i.

officials,

Pasch., sub a. Cramer, Excerpta, Theoii. Marcellinus, sub 519. 318) described critus, by Marcellinus as Amantii satelles, is designated as Mai. fr. 43, 6 8ofj.effTiK6s in John De ins. p. 170. It means the "domestic" of Amantius, see Zach.

is

who were

our Emperor,

demand our Emperor, given

The high

said, indeed, that there were many who wished that one of them shoiild succeed (Evagrius, H.E. 4. 2). Anastasius had other relatives too

It

We demand

!

Chr.

Myt. 16

ix. 1.

THE REIGN OF JUSTIN

CHAP. XV

I

17

the Patriarch had gathered in the Palace, clad most of them in mouse-coloured garments, and sat in the great hall, the Triklinos

of

the

Nineteen Akkubita.

Celer,

the

Master of

urged them

to decide quickly on a name and to act Offices, before others (the army or the people) could Avrest the promptly initiative from their hands. But they were unable to agree,

meantime the Excubitors and the Scholarians were Hippodrome. The Excubitors proclaimed John, a tribune and a friend of Justin, and raised him on a shield. But the Blues would not have him they threw stones and some of them were killed by the Excubitors. Then the Scholarians put forward an unnamed patrician and Master of Soldiers, but the Excubitors would not accept him and he w^as in danger of his life. He was rescued by the efforts of Justin's nephew, the candidatus Justinian. The Excubitors then wished to proclaim Justinian himself, but he refused to accept the diadem. As each of these persons was proposed, their advocates knocked at the Ivory Gate, which communicated between the Palace and the Hippodrome, and called upon the chamberlains to deliver the Imperial robes. But on the announcement of the name, the and

in the

acting in the

;

chamberlains refused.

At

ended their deliberations by the election and constrained him to accept the purple. He appeared the Kathisma of the Hippodrome and was favourably received length, the Senate

of Justin, in

by the people resented

;

the

the Scholarians alone, jealous of the Excubitors, The coronation rite was immediately

choice.

performed in the Kathisma. Arrayed in the Imperial robes, which the chamberlains at last delivered, he was crowned by the Patriarch John he took the lance and shield, and was ;

acclaimed Basileus by the assembly. a donation of five nomismata (£3 7 :

for each

Such

To the troops he promised 6) and one pound of silver

:

man. the

is

official

election of Justin.^

that there was intrigue of

description of the circumstances of the true so far as it goes, it is easy to see

If it is

much behind

Amantius

is

that has been suppressed. The Not a word is said of the ignored.

candidature of Theocritus which Justin If

support. ^

Justin

had

really used

Preserved in Constantino Porph. Cer,

of Peter the Patrician).

VOL.

II

i.

his

had undertaken influence

to

with the

93 (taken from the Katastasis

HISTORY OF THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE

18

Excubitors and the

money which had been

chap.

entrusted to

him

hardly credible that the name of Theocritus would not have been proposed in the Hippodrome.

in the interest of Theocritus, it

If,

is

on the other hand, he had worked

naturally alleged after the event,^

in his

how was

own

interest, as

was

that other names, but not his, were put forward by the Excubitors ? The data seem to point to the conclusion that the whole mise en scene was it

elaborately planned by Justin and his friends. They knew that he could not count on the support of the Scholarians, and, if he were proclaimed by Lis own troops alone, the success of his cause

would be doubtful.

The problem therefore was

to

manage that the initiation should proceed from the Senate, whose authority, supported by the Excubitors, would rally general consent and overpower the resistance of the Scholarian It was therefore arranged that the Excubitors should guards.

propose candidates who had no chance of being chosen, with the design of working on the fears of the Senate. Justin's

" friends in the Senate could argue with force Hasten to agree, or you will be forestalled, and some wholly unsuitable person :

be thrust upon us. But you must choose one who will be acceptable to the Excubitors. Justin fulfils this condition. He will

not be an ideal candidate for the throne, but he is old and But, however the affair may have been managed the wirepullers, Justin ascended the throne with the prestige by of having been regularly nominated by the Senate, and he could " announce to the Pope that We have been elected to the Empire

may

moderate."

by the favour

of the indivisible Trinity,

by the

choice of the

liighest ministers of the sacred Palace, and of the Senate, and ^ finally by the election of the army,"

The new Emperor, who was about sixty-six years of age, was an lUyrian peasant. He was born in the village of Bederiana in the province of Dardania, not far from Scupi, of which the name survives in the town of Uskiib, and his native language was Latin.^ Like hundreds of other country youths,^ he set forth ^

Myt.

which he renamed Justiniana Prima,

Ep. 141. Bom in 452, if he was 75 at his but death (John Mai. xvii. 424 77 ace. to Chr. Pasch.). Bederiana is

as pa