Historical Dictionary of the Catalans (Historical Dictionaries Of Peoples And Cultures)

Historical Dictionaries of Peoples and Cultures Jon Woronoff, Series Editor 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

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Kurds, by Michael M. Gunter, 2004. Out of print. See No. 8. Inuit, by Pamela R. Stern, 2004. Druzes, by Samy Swayd, 2006. Southeast Asian Massif, by Jean Michaud, 2006. Berbers (Imazighen), by Hsain Ilahiane, 2006. Tamils, by Vijaya Ramaswamy, 2007. Gypsies, 2nd ed., by Donald Kenrick, 2007. Kurds, 2nd ed., by Michael M. Gunter, 2011. Jews, by Alan Unterman, 2011. Catalans, by Helena Buffery and Elisenda Marcer, 2011.

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Historical Dictionary of the Catalans Helena Buffery Elisenda Marcer

Historical Dictionaries of Peoples and Cultures, No. 10

The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Lanham • Toronto • Plymouth, UK 2011

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Published by Scarecrow Press, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.scarecrowpress.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2011 by Helena Buffery and Elisenda Marcer All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Buffery, Helena. Historical dictionary of the Catalans / Helena Buffery, Elisenda Marcer. p. cm. — (Historical dictionaries of peoples and cultures ; no. 10) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8108-5483-3 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8108-7514-2 (ebook) 1. Catalonia (Spain)—History—Dictionaries. 2. Catalonia (Spain)— Biography—Dictionaries. 3. Catalonia (Spain)—Politics and government— Dictionaries. 4. Catalonia (Spain)—Social conditions—Dictionaries. I. Marcer, Elisenda. II. Title. DP302.C59B84 2011 946'.7003—dc22 2010029006

™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America

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Contents

Editor’s Foreword

Jon Woronoff

vii

Maps

ix

Abbreviations and Acronyms

xi

Chronology

xv

Reader’s Note

xlvii

Introduction

1

The Dictionary

23

Bibliography

351

About the Authors

405

v

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Editor’s Foreword

The Catalans assume a rather special position in this series of Historical Dictionaries of Peoples and Cultures since this volume deals not only with the people who happen to live in Catalonia but also with the language and culture of the Catalan countries. Those who speak Catalan, wherever they may be located, are the community that is focused on. And the language is what binds them with one another, even though, nowadays, most are bilingual, speaking Catalan alongside Spanish, French, and even Italian, and there are different varieties of Catalan, some of which have their own labels. The whole Catalan-speaking community has recently been claimed to consist of up to 10 million people in a region inhabited by nearly 14 million people, thus still a majority in the region but only a minority in the state of Spain, where most live. This does not keep the culture from being a vibrant one and one to which many are closely attached, and even though the language and culture were persecuted at many times during their history, they have been making a comeback in recent years. Just how vibrant this culture can be is readily grasped from reading this Historical Dictionary of the Catalans. It is quite amazing how many writers, painters, artists, and performers have been produced by this relatively small community and are described in the dictionary section. Other entries deal with early rulers, politicians, lawyers, and assorted educational, social, labor, and feminist leaders as well as the political parties, trade unions, and associations they founded and led. But what is perhaps unique is the role of philologists and a bevy of groups revolving around the language and promoting its development, standardization, and usage. Of course, this only makes sense in a broader context, so major entries also deal with the history, economy, and politics and relations with different regimes in Spain and, more recently, European organizations. The push for vii

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EDITOR’S FOREWORD

Catalan solidarity has waxed and waned, but it is presently more influential than ever and an essential phenomenon both within the country and abroad. This often twisting path is traced in the chronology. Meanwhile, the introduction sums up the overall situation, and one could get lost without guidance from the list of acronyms. Last but not least, the bibliography points toward further reading. This volume was written by two authors, each with an excellent view of the situation but one having seen it more from without and the other from within. Helena Buffery, who initiated the project, is British and received a doctorate in Hispanic studies from the University of Birmingham. She is a senior lecturer in Hispanic studies at University College Cork. She is fluent in both Spanish and Catalan and served as honorary secretary of the Anglo-Catalan Society for 10 years. She has written books and articles on Catalan literature and language. Elisenda Marcer is from Catalonia and obtained degrees in Spanish philology and Catalan literature and is currently a lecturer in Catalan language, culture, and society at the University of Birmingham. She is a native Catalan-speaker with a particular interest in Catalan language and culture but history and politics as well. She has written a number of articles and papers on Catalan cultural production. Between them, they have brought together an amazing amount of information about the Catalanspeaking territories, much of which is hard enough to find but has been further enriched by careful analysis and presentation. Jon Woronoff Series Editor

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Abbreviations and Acronyms

AACC AC ACPV ACR ACV ADIFAD AELC AILLC APEC APEV APLEC ARM ANV AVE AVLL AVR Barça BOC BRA BTV CADCI CAL CC CC CCOO CDC CEDA CiU CL CNC

Agrupació d’Ajut a la Cultura Catalana Acció Catalana Acció Cultural del País Valencià Acció Catalana Republicana Acció Cultural Valenciana Associació de Disseny Industrial de Foment de les Arts Decoratives Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana Associació Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Catalana Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Valenciana Associació per a l’Ensenyament del Català Acció Republicana de Mallorca Acció Nacionalista Valenciana Actuació Valencianista d’Esquerra Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua Agrupació Valencianista Republicana FC Barcelona Bloc Obrer i Camperol Bloc Republicà Autonomista Barcelona Televisió Centre Autonomista de Dependents de Comerç i la Indústria Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana Centre Català Catòlics i Catalans Comissions Obreres / Comisiones Obreras Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas Convergència i Unió Catalunya Lliure Centre Nacional Català xi

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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

CNT Crida

Confederació Nacional del Treball Crida a la solidaritat en defensa de la llengua, la cultura i la nació catalanes Diada Diada Nacional de Catalunya DRV Dreta Regional Valenciana EADAG Escola d’Art Dramàtic Adrià Gual EC Estat Català ERB Esquerra Republicana Balear ERC Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ERPV Esquerra Republicana del País Valencià ETA Euskadi ta Askatasuna EU European Union FAGC Front d’Alliberament Gai de Catalunya FAI Federació Anarquista Ibèrica / Federación Anarquista Ibérica FDN Federació Democràtica Nacionalista FNC Front Nacional de Catalunya FNEC Federació Nacional d’Estudiants de Catalunya FOC Front Obrer de Catalunya Forum Forum Universal de les Cultures Franja Franja d’Aragó FRE Federación Internacional Española de la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores FTN Foment de Treball Nacional FTRE Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española FUC Front Universitari de Catalunya GATC-PAC Grup d’Artistes i Tècnics Catalans per al Progrés de l’Arquitectura Contemporània GAV Grup d’Acció Valencianista IC Iniciativa per Catalunya ICV Iniciativa per Catalunya–Verds ICV-EuiA Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds and Esquerra Unida i Alternativa IEC Institut d’Estudis Catalans IRLL Institut Ramon Llull IWA International Workers’ Association IU Izquierda Unida JEREC Joventuts d’Esquerra Republicana d’Estat Català Lliga Lliga Regionalista LOAPA Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico MSC Moviment Socialista de Catalunya NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

OCB OSE PCC PCE PCP PCR POUM PP PPCC PRC PRE PSAN PSC-PSOE PSM PSOE PSPV-PSPV PSUC PURA RACV RTVE SC SDEUB SEU SO TCV TL TNC TVE TV3 UCD UDC UDPV UFNR UGT UK UM UN UNESCO U.S. USC UV

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Obra Cultural Balear Organización Sindical Española Partit Comunista de Catalunya Partido Comunista de España Partit Català Proletari Partit Catalanista Republicà Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista Partido Popular Països Catalans Partit Republicà Català Partit Republicà d’Esquerra Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya Partit Socialista de Mallorca Partido Socialista Obrero Español Partit Socialista del País Valencià Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista Reial Academia de Cultura Valenciana Radio Televisión Española Solidaritat Catalana Sindicat Democràtic d’Estudiants Sindicato Español Universitario Solidaridad Obrera Tres Classes de Vapor Terra Lliure Teatre Nacional de Catalunya Televisión Española Televisión de Catalunya Unión de Centro Democrático Unió Democràtica de Catalunya Unió Democràtica del País Valencià Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana Unión General de Trabajadores United Kingdom Unió Mallorquina United Nations United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization United States of America Unió Socialista de Catalunya Unió Valenciana

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Chronology

8th century onward Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands were occupied by Arab-Berber tribes in this period, coming under the control of the Umayyad Caliphate of Damascus. Although Girona, Urgell, Pallars-Ribagorça, Cerdanya, and Barcelona were taken by the Franks by the turn of the 8th century, most of the other territories remained under Islamic rule until the end of the 12th century, partaking of the significant scientific, cultural, and commercial advances of the Emirate. 9th–10th centuries Beginnings of the unification of the Catalan counties in the Hispanic March, with Wilfred the Hairy and the House of Barcelona. Divided into six areas—Pallars-Ribagorça, UrgellCerdanya, Roussillon, Empúries, Girona, and Barcelona—the counties gained independence from the Franks at the end of the 10th century. During this period, the rest of Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands were part of Al-Andalús, the northern border of which centered on Tortosa and Lleida. 10th–11th centuries Peasant settlement of the frontier zones. These new settlements were gradually subjected to baronial control, beginning the process of feudalization. The feudal laws began to be codified as the Usatges in the 12th century. 1094 Conquest of Valencia by Rodrigo Díaz de Vívar, the Cid; however, the city was retaken by the Almoravids in 1102. 1118

Conquest of Tarragona.

1137 Ramon Berenguer IV married Peronella of Aragon, becoming Prince of Aragon as well as Count of Barcelona. This marked the beginning of the Crown of Aragon.

xv

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CHRONOLOGY

1148–49 1154

Conquest of Tortosa and Lleida.

Death of Ramon Berenguer IV.

1154–96 The reign of Alfons the Troubadour (II of Aragon), the first count-king of Aragon, saw consolidation of territories in southern France. 1196–1213 During the reign of Peter the Catholic (II of Aragon), the crown was to lose its Occitain territories. Peter fought in the battle at Navas de Tolosa in 1212 and was killed during the Albigensian Crusade in 1213, leaving his six-year-old son, James, as heir. 1216–76 James the Conqueror was crowned king of Aragon in 1216. During his reign, he was able to consolidate territories in Catalonia through the subjection and appeasement of the Catalan and Aragonese nobility. He conquered Mallorca in 1229, Eivissa and Formentera in 1235, Valencia in 1238, and finally, Murcia in 1266, which he took on behalf of his son-in-law, Alfons X of Castile. On his death, he left Mallorca, Roussillon, Cerdagne, and Montpellier to his son James, and the Crown of Aragon to Peter II. 1229

Conquest of Mallorca.

1231

Treaties signed with Menorca.

1235

Conquest of Eivissa.

1238

Conquest of the city of Valencia.

1240

Creation of Valencian foral laws.

1242

Fall of Alzira.

1244

Fall of Xàtiva.

1245 The fall of Biar completed the conquest of the Kingdom of Valencia. 1248 Valencian Muslims rebelled against the new settlers of the city of Valencia. 1258 The Corbeil treaty with France led to the loss of all Catalan claims to Languedoc.

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1263 Revolts in Murcia and Andalusia led Castile to ask for help from the Crown of Aragon. 1265

The Consell de Cent was formally constituted in Barcelona.

1266

Completion of the conquest of Murcia.

1269

James I undertook an abortive crusade to the Holy Land.

1274–75 Further revolts in Valencia led to the siege of the city by Catalan and Aragonese forces. Probable completion of the Llibre dels feits. 1276

Death of James I.

1276–85 Reign of Peter the Great (II of Aragon), during which Sicily was annexed to the Aragonese crown. 1277

Pacification of the Valencian rebels by Peter II.

1280

The Catalan barons revolt but are subdued.

1282 Peter II cleared Sicily of Papal forces and annexed it on behalf of his younger brother James. He was excommunicated. 1283 The Corts are formally established as the system of parliament for the Crown of Aragon. 1285 The Crown of Aragon was invaded by a French crusade, but Peter’s forces repulsed them. Because of James II of Mallorca’s support for the French forces, Peter ordered the occupation of Mallorca. 1285–91 After the death of Peter, Alfons II became king of Aragon, ruling over Catalonia, Valencia, and Roussillon. Mallorca and Sicily were also ruled by the House of Barcelona and were vassals to his crown. 1287

Conquest of Menorca.

1288

Crònica de Bernat Desclot.

1291–1327 Alfons II was succeeded by his brother, the King of Sicily, James II, known as the Just. During his reign, the Almogàvers undertook an expedition to the Orient, under the leadership of Roger de Flor, resulting in the conquest of the duchy of Athens.

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1300

Foundation of the University of Lleida.

1311

Conquest of Duchy of Athens.

1323

Conquest of Sardinia.

1325

Crònica de Ramon Muntaner.

1327–36 During the reign of Alfons the Good (III of Aragon), there was a serious famine in 1333, as well as attempts to divide the Kingdom of Valencia. 1336–87 After his death, Alfons III was succeeded by Peter III, known as the Ceremonious. During his reign, Mallorca was finally incorporated into the Crown of Aragon, together with the counties of Roussillon, Cerdagne, and Montpellier and the duchies of Athens and Neopatria toward the end of his reign. The middle period was characterized by uprisings against the crown by the Aragonese and Valencian nobility and by the ravages of the Black Death, particularly in Catalonia. 1344 gon.

Annexation of the Kingdom of Mallorca to the Crown of Ara-

1350

Foundation of the University of Perpignan.

1355

Partition of Sardinia.

1359

Formal constitution of the Generalitat in Catalonia.

1372 After the expulsion of the Sardinian population of Alghero, the city was resettled by Catalans. 1386

Crònica de Pere el Cerimoniós.

1387–96 The reign of John I, known as the Hunter. His reign is characterized by violent disturbances in the cities of Girona, Barcelona, Valencia, Lleida, and Perpignan against the Jewish population. 1388

Loss of Athens and Neopatria.

1393 Institution of the Jocs Florals in Barcelona by John I. They had previously been celebrated in other parts of the crown. 1396–1410 Martin the Human was the last in the House of Barcelona line. He unified the Catalan-Aragonese kingdoms by decree in 1399, af-

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ter which there followed a period of economic stability that lasted until the middle of Alfons III’s reign. As he died without nominating an heir, his reign was followed by a brief but violent interregnum during which there were various pretenders to the throne. 1397 Annexation of Sicily to the Crown of Aragon. Bernat Metge completed Lo Somni. 1412 The Compromise of Casp, by which three representatives from each of the three kingdoms decided the successor to Martin the Human. 1412–16 Ferdinand of Antequera was the grandson of Peter II and became the first in the Castilian Trastamaran line to succeed to the Aragonese crown. After his death, he was succeeded by Alfons IV, known as the Magnanimous. 1416–58 Although there was some consolidation of territory during Alfons IV’s reign, above all the conquest of Naples, it was mainly characterized by social tension and economic depression, with conflict between the biga and busca in the city of Barcelona and the first peasant uprisings in Mallorca, known as the Forà revolts. 1419

First Consell de Terra in Andorra.

1443

Conquest of Naples.

1450

Foundation of the University of Barcelona.

1450–53 1455

Forà peasant uprisings in Mallorca.

Election of Alfons Borja as Pope Calixtus III.

1458–79 Alfons IV was succeeded by his brother John II. However, his reign was characterized by urban disputes, uprisings among the other estates, and, eventually, war with France. 1458

Canonization of the Valencian friar Saint Vicenç Ferrer.

1462–72 The Remences crisis grew out of peasant uprisings in protest at harsh taxation by the nobility and culminated in civil war, during which international involvement led to the loss of territories in France. 1469

Marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile.

1479–1516

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Ferdinand the Catholic became king of Aragon.

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1484–85 The second Remença peasant uprising was crushed by Ferdinand; although, he made some concessions in abolishing the taxraising powers of the nobility. 1483–87 The Spanish Inquisition was imposed throughout the Catalan-speaking territories. Publication of Joanot Martorell’s Tirant lo Blanch. 1492 The order was made for the expulsion of the Jews from Aragonese territories as well as Castile. Rodrigo Borja was elected Pope Alexander VI. 1493 Recovery of the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne from the French. 1499

Foundation of the University of Valencia.

1516 The Hapsburg emperor Charles V inherited the Crown of Aragon, pledging allegiance to the different constitutions of the kingdoms. The Aragonese crown was to remain in the possession of the Hapsburg line until 1700. 1519–23 1522

Germanies revolt in Valencia and Mallorca.

Charles I denied Barcelona the right to trade in the Americas.

1543 The beginning of the regency of Philip II (I of Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia), which led to increasing Castilian intervention in the Aragonese crown through the appointment of viceroys and lieutenants loyal to the House of Austria. 1609

Expulsion of the Moriscos.

1640–52 The Revolt of the Catalans, also known as the War of the Reapers or Segadors, was the culmination of decades of authoritarian government in Catalonia. Philip IV’s involvement in the Thirty Years’ War led to the need to mobilize troops in the principality, and the local population was forced to offer them lodging. Opposition to the imperial army eventually galvanized widespread social unrest, resulting in a broad-based uprising supported by the Generalitat and Consell de Cent. With the help of Louis XIII of France, the Catalans were able to repel Philip IV’s forces, after which there followed a decade of French rule. Barcelona was retaken by the Hapsburg emperor in 1652.

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1659 Treaty of the Pyrenees, by which Catalan territories beyond the Pyrenees were ceded to France. From this period onward, there was increasing circumscription of the Catalan language and culture in these territories through the imposition of French-language schools, the prevention of university education in Catalonia, and the introduction of French-language requirements for administrative and educational posts. 1667 Pope Clement IX granted Catalonia the right to celebrate 23 April as their patron saint’s day, Saint George/Sant Jordi. 1700

Death of Charles II, marking the end of the Hapsburg line.

1705–15 War of Succession, between supporters of the Bourbon Philip V of Spain and Archduke Charles of Austria, who was supported by the Catalan-Aragonese confederation. 1707 The Battle of Almansa culminated in the capitulation of Valencia. Decree of the Nueva Planta for Valencia. 1713 Treaty of Utrecht, by which Britain agreed to support the Bourbon claims to the Spanish throne in exchange for Menorca. 1714

11 September: Capitulation of Barcelona.

1715–19 Nueva Planta decrees were promulgated for Mallorca, Catalonia, and Sardinia in this period, forbidding the use of Catalan in official documents and suppressing all autonomous institutions, including the local universities. This was followed by successive laws and decrees throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries that circumscribed the use of the Catalan language and suppressed local laws and practices. 1718–40 Creation of the University of Cervera to replace all Catalan universities. 1768

Prohibition of Catalan teaching in schools.

1778

Liberalization of commerce with the Americas.

1789

Bread riot in Barcelona.

1792 Publication of the first daily newspaper in Barcelona, Diario de Barcelona.

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1794 French-language education was imposed in schools throughout Catalunya Nord. 1802 Incorporation of Menorca into the Spanish crown, leading to the prohibition of Catalan teaching on the island. 1812

Cadiz Constitution.

1815 Josep Pau Ballot published his Gramatica i apologia de la llengua catalana. 1820–23

Liberal Triennium in Spain.

1823

First Luddite riots in Catalonia.

1832

Translation of the New Testament into Catalan.

1833

Publication of Bonaventura Aribau’s “Oda a la patria.”

1833–39

First Carlist War.

1839 Authorization of worker’s associations. Joaquim Rubió i Ors began to publish Catalan poetry as “Lo gaiter del Llobregat.” 1840 Creation of the first labor union, the Societat de Protecció Mútua de Teixidors de Cotó de Barcelona (Friendly Society for the Mutual Protection of Cotton Textile Workers in Barcelona), followed by other unions in Catalonia and strikes in October of the same year. Publication of La Palma in Mallorca. 1841 Foundation of a Junta Directiva of labor associations resulted in the drawing up of the first labor manifesto. 1847

Inauguration of the Liceu opera house in Barcelona.

1849

Second Carlist War, known as the Guerra dels Matiners.

1850 The first choral society was founded in Barcelona by Josep Anselm Clavé. 1857 The Ley Moyano prohibited anything other than Castilianlanguage education in schools. 1855

First general strike in Barcelona.

1857

Ban on labor associations in Catalonia.

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1859 Restoration of the Jocs Florals in Barcelona. Approval of the Pla Cerdà for urbanization of the city of Barcelona. 1862 Creation of the first working class Ateneu (Athenaeum) in Barcelona. A petition was signed by 15,000 workers to demand the right of association. 1864 The first Catholic Workers Association was set up in Manresa by the Valencian Jesuit Antoni Vicent. 1865 October: First labor congress in Spain held in Barcelona to lobby for freedom of association. 1868 September: Glorious Revolution. Queen Isabel II was deposed by the forces of Generals Joan Prim and Francisco Serrano, supported by Spanish liberals and republicans, leading to the promulgation of a liberal constitution and the regency of Prim until his assassination in 1870. Catalan workers sent their first delegation to the International Workers’ Association (IWA). October: Creation of Direcció Central de les Societats Obreres de Barcelona, later to become the Centre Federal de les Societats Obreres de Barcelona. Fanelli visited Barcelona to spread anarchist ideology. Francesc Pi i Margall founded his Federal Republican Party. 1869 January: Creation of Les Tres Classes de Vapor (TCV). Election of first working class deputy to the Spanish Cortes: Pau Alsina. 18 May: Tortosa Pact signed by federal forces from Catalonia, Valencia, Aragon, and the Balearic Islands. 1870 Founding congress of the Federación Regional Española de la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores (FRE) in Barcelona, which was the first state-wide labor congress. The first congress of the TCV was held in the same year. December: Assassination of General Joan Prim y Prats. 1871 Publication of La Renaixensa, the main organ of the Catalan Renaixença movement. 1871–85 Febre d’Or. Economic growth and prosperity among the urban bourgeoisie would lead to intense stock market speculation, the collapse of many financial institutions in Barcelona, and economic crisis.

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1872–76

Third Carlist War.

1873 February: Proclamation of First Republic. It went through five presidents in the 23 months of its existence, including Francesc Pi i Margall from 11 June to 18 July. July: Cantonalist uprising in Alcoi, supported by the FRE, was followed by the repression of the working classes in Valencia. 1874 January: Coup, followed by dissolution of Parliament and illegalization of the FRE, which continued to hold congresses in Barcelona throughout 1870s but gradually lost support. 1876

Constantí Llombart set up the Almanach Valencià.

1878

Creation of Lo Rat Penat in Valencia.

1879 Revival of the Jocs Florals in Valencia. First daily newspaper in Catalan, El Diari Català. 1880 First Catalanist Congress, organized by Valentí Almirall. Formation of Cercles d’Obrers Catòlics (Catholic Workers Circles), marking the real beginnings of Catholic syndicalism. 1881 Founding congress of the Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (FTRE) in Barcelona. The labor movement now began to emerge out of clandestinity. Publication of L’Avens, later to be renamed L’Avenç, becoming the key organ of Modernisme. 1882 Creation of the Centre Català (Catalan Center) and the Lliga de Rabassaires (Peasant Farmers’ League). 1883 The Third FTRE Congress was held in Valencia, but afterward, its membership began to decline. Antoni Gaudí began work on the Temple Expiatori de la Sagrada Família, now known as the Sagrada Família, in Barcelona. 1885 Memorial de Greuges (Petition of Grievances), to protest against the codification of Spanish civil law and petition for protection and maintenance of Catalan laws and rights. 1886 January: The newspaper Las Provincias began to be published in Valencia.

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1888 Barcelona Universal Exhibition, for which the redevelopment of the former military garrison at the Ciutadella was completed. Founding congresses of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) and Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) in Barcelona. 1889 Creation of Foment de Treball Nacional. Foundation of the Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Catalana (Association for the Protection of Catalan Education) in Catalonia. 1890 1 May: First labor day celebrations in Catalonia. Formation of Centre Excursionista Català. 1891 Foundation of the Orfeó Català. Formation of the Unió Catalanista (Catalanist Union). 1892 March: The Unió Catalanista organized a meeting in Manresa to draw up the Bases per a la Constitució Regional Catalana (Bases for a Catalan Regional Constitution), also known as the Bases de Manresa. Publication of Josep Torras i Bages’s La tradició catalana. 1892–99

Annual celebration of the Festes Modernistes in Sitges.

1893 First Catholic Workers’ Congress in Valencia. Anarchist assassination attempt on the captain-general in Catalonia. November 23: Bomb attack on the Liceu by Santiago Salvador. This year saw 13 other bomb attacks in Barcelona. 1894

Execution of the Liceu bomber Santiago Salvador.

1896 Arrival of Pablo Picasso in Barcelona. June: A bomb attack on the Corpus procession in Barcelona resulted in 12 deaths. There was a ban on use of Catalan in telephone conversations. 1897 Montjuïc Trial of the supposed perpetrators of the June 1896 bomb attack, which led to the arrest of hundreds of people. Assassination of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo by anarchist gunmen in revenge for the Montjuïc Trial. Creation of the artistic circle at Els Quatre Gats. 1898 April–August: Spain’s loss of Cuba and the Philippines in the Hispano-American War galvanized the Catalan industrial bourgeoisie to seek political and economic reform through the creation of Catalanist parties.

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1899 14 March: Bartomeu Robert was named mayor of Barcelona. 3 September: Constitution of Centre Nacional Català (Catalan National Center) to pursue the cultural and political aims set out in the Bases de Manresa. 30 October: Tancament de Caixes, leading to the resignation of Dr. Robert. 29 November: Foundation of Barcelona FC. 1901 Foundation of the Escola Moderna (Modern School) by Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia. 24 May: The Lliga Regionalista was founded and achieved notable successes in the 1901 general elections with its “four presidents” candidature. Election of Alejandro Lerroux as a deputy in Barcelona. 1902 16–24 February: A general strike took place in Barcelona and spread throughout the province, leading to major confrontation with the military forces and severe repression. 1903 Major series of strikes throughout Catalonia. First Catalan university conference. March: Foundation of the Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i la Indústria (CADCI). 5 December: The Mallorcan politician Antonio Maura was elected prime minister of Spain. 1904 The Unió Local de Societats Obreres (Local Labor Societies Union) was set up in Barcelona, which was to become the center of anarcho-syndicalism from 1907. Foundation of the València Nova society. 1905

25 November: Cu-Cut! incident.

1906 March: Creation of broad-based Catalanist coalition, Solidaritat Catalana. May: Publication of Enric Prat de la Riba’s La Nacionalitat Catalana, which was identified with the beginnings of a new movement, Noucentisme. 31 May: Assassination attempt against Alfonso XII in Madrid by the Catalan anarchist Mateo Morral. 13–18 October: The Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana was held in Barcelona. 1907 The first Valencian Regionalist Assembly was held. 18 June: After the victory of Solidaritat Catalana in provincial and general elections, Enric Prat de la Riba was elected president of the Diputació de Barcelona (Barcelona provincial government). Creation of Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona. Inauguration of the Biblioteca de Catalunya. August: Creation of Solidaridad Obrera in Barcelona,

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whose Solidaridad Obrera was to become the most important working class paper in Catalonia. 1908 Creation of the Partit d’Unió Rebublicana Autonimista (PURA) in Valencia as the culmination of anti-Catalanist blasquismo. Formation of the first Valencian nationalist party, Joventut Valencianista. 1909 Antonio Maura was elected prime minister of Spain but forced to stand down in 1910 in the aftermath of the Tragic Week in Barcelona. Inauguration of the Ateneu Sindicalista. June: Assembly of Solidaridad Obrera aimed to call its first state-wide conference in September. 26 July–3 August: Setmana Tràgica (Tragic Week) in Barcelona. October: Execution of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia. 1910 October: Solidaridad Obrera conference, resulting in the creation of the Confederació Nacional del Treball, with Josep Negre as its first general secretary. 1911 September: The first Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) Congress in Barcelona was suppressed by the authorities, followed by the detention of labor leaders. 1913 Pompeu Fabra published orthographical standards for Catalan. July: Three-month general strike over working conditions in Catalonia. December: The Spanish government approved the constitution of the Mancomunitat, which was followed by negotiations for a similar autonomous institution in Valencia and later the Balearic Islands. 1914 Affiliation of Tres Classes de Vapor to the CNT. 6 April: Formation of the Mancomunitat under Enric Prat de la Riba. 8 May: The Escola de Bosc was created by Rosa Sensat. 1915 Popular libraries are opened by the Mancomunitat all over Catalonia. Foundation of Centre de Cultura Valenciana (Valencian Cultural Center). Formation of Bloc Republicà Autonomista by Francesc Macià and Marcel·lí Domingo. 1916 Creation of La Nostra Parla with representatives in all the Catalan-speaking territories. 1917 Death of Prat de la Riba, who was replaced as president of the Mancomunitat by Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Pompeu Fabra published his

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Diccionari ortogràfic. 9 July: The Assemblea de Parlamentaris, led by Francesc Cambó and the Lliga Regionalista, was dissolved by the police but galvanized later political action by left-wing and republican Catalanist groups. 9 August: General strike called, leading to 43 deaths in Catalonia. November: Entry into Madrid government of the Lliga Regionalista under Francesc Cambó. Creation of Regionalist Center in Mallorca. 1918 January: Bread strike in Barcelona. Creation of Unió Valencianista (Valencianist Union). April: Second Catalan university conference, leading to proposals to create an autonomous university in Barcelona. 28 June–1 July: The Sants Congress of the Catalan branch of Solidaritat Obrera, the Confederació Regional de Societats de Resistència, was held, led by Salvador Seguí. Anarchist groups and unions in Valencia and Catalonia joined the CNT. 25 November: A draft statute of autonomy was produced from within the Catalan Mancomunitat. It was approved and forwarded to the Spanish Parliament for ratification in January 1919. The deterioration in the economic and sociopolitical situation that eventually led to the Miguel Primo de Rivera coup meant that the statute was put on hold. 1919 January: Repression of the CNT and deportation of labor leaders. 2 February: Foundation of the Federació Democràtica Nacionalista by Francesc Macià and Josep Tarradellas. February–March: General strike, known as the Vaga de la Canadenca, to lobby for the introduction of an eight-hour working day. The strike was successful in its demands, but there was severe repression of the labor movement afterward. 10 October: Creation of Unió de Sindicats Lliures and the beginnings of a violent turf war against the CNT and other labor organizations. 1920 A general strike was called, but the UGT failed to support it. Antoni Rovira i Virgili began his Història Nacional de Catalunya. Foundation of the Societat Castellonenca de Cultura in northern Valencia, one of the main Valencianist cultural centers of the period. July: Miguel Primo de Rivera was appointed captain-general of Barcelona. November: Deportation of labor leaders to Maó, Menorca. 30 November: Assassination of Francesc Layret. 1921 8 March: Assassination of Eduardo Dato. One of the conspirators was Pere Mateu. 21 March: Regional conference of the CNT.

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Hilari Arlandis, Joaquim Maurín, and Andreu Nin were nominated to attend the constitution of the Red International. 31 July: Creation of Oficina d’Acció to promote the teaching of Valencian-Catalan in Valencia. This would later evolve into the Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Valenciana. 1922 The Catalan regional federation of the UGT was created in Barcelona; although, it was unable to rival workers’ support for the CNT. June–July: Foundation of Antoni Rovira i Virgili’s Acció Catalana and Francesc Macià’s Estat Català. Formation of Unió de Rabassaires, which held its first congress in January 1923. 1923 Creation of the Associació per la Cultura de Mallorca. Creation of Acció Valenciana, which began to explore the possibility of creating a Mancomunitat in Valencia. March: Assassination of Salvador Seguí. May–June: Transport general strike in Barcelona. June: Acció Catalana defeat of Lliga Regionalista in elections. July: CNT Congress in Valencia, at which the decision was taken to move its headquarters to Seville due to the severity of repression in Catalonia and Valencia. 23 September: Miguel Primo de Rivera’s coup led to the imposition of his dictatorship until 1930. Exile of Francesc Macià. Foundation of Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC) in Barcelona and Associació per la Cultura de Mallorca. Castilian-language teaching was again made obligatory in the education system. 1924 Prohibition of the Jocs Florals. Josep Puig i Cadafalch was forced to stand down as president of the Mancomunitat. Formation of the Acció Catalana–linked militant activist group, the Societat d’Estudis Militars. July: Antoni Rovira i Virgili began to publish the Revista de Catalunya. November: First Barcelona Radio broadcasts. 1925 Creation of a provincial statute in the Balearic Islands, along the lines of the Catalan Mancomunitat. It was not put into effect because of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. 20 March: Abolition of the Mancomunitat by Miguel Primo de Rivera. May: Formation of the armed wing of Estat Català, Bandera Negra. 26 May: Assassination attempt on Alfonso XIII by members of Bandera Negra in El Garraf. 1926 Publication of the first installment of the Alcover-Moll Diccionari català-valencià-balear. New laws meant that refusal to speak

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Castilian could be penalized by law, and teachers who taught Catalan could be transferred to other areas. February: Francesc Macià organized the Prats de Molló revolution to oust the Primo de Rivera dictatorship and declare a Catalan state. The uprising was suppressed by French police before it could cross the Pyrenees. April: Juan March set up the Banca March, which would later fund the military coup against the Second Republic. June: Death of Antoni Gaudí. 1927 25–26 July: Formation of the Federació Anarquista Ibèrica (FAI) in Valencia. Beginnings of the Scout movement in Catalonia with Josep Maria Batista i Roca’s creation of Minyons de la Muntanya. Publication of Taula de les Lletres Valencianes. 1928 January: Creation of Partit Comunista Català (PCC). February: Formation of the Catalanist republican grouping L’Opinió. Publication of Manifest Groc by Dalí, Gasch, and Montanyà. Assembly of Catalan Separatists in Havana, Cuba, to draw up a constitution for a future Catalan republic. Creation of the estelada flag to represent the separatist movement. 1929 20 May: Universal Exposition in Barcelona. Publication of Josep Sebastià Pons’s La littérature catalane en Roussillon au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siècles. 1930 January: Resignation of Primo de Rivera. He was briefly replaced by General Dámaso Berenguer. Foundation of the Dreta Regional Valenciana, which would form part of the Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) coalition in the 1933 general elections. March: Creation of Acció Cultural Valenciana and Agrupació Valencianista Republicana. The Associació per la Cultura de Mallorca began to prepare a blueprint for a Balearic statute of autonomy. 17 August: San Sebastián Pact, resulting from discussions between left-wing and republican formations to discuss the bases for a Second Republic. December: Creation of the Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC), fusing the PCC and the Federació Comunista Catalano-Balear. Reappearance of Solidaridad Obrera. Formation of Palestra, by Josep Maria Batista i Roca. 1931 March: Formation of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), bringing together Acció Catalana, Acció Republicana de

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Catalunya, L’Opinió, and Estat Català. Foundation of Agrupació Socialista–PSOE in the Balearic Islands. Resignation of General Berenguer. 12 April: The ERC’s victory in the April municipal elections led Lluís Companys to declare the Second Republic. This was followed by Francesc Macià’s declaration of a Catalan Republic on 14 April. However, he was persuaded to withdraw this and accept the negotiation of a statute of autonomy three days later. April: In Valencia, elections were won by an antimonarchist coalition and in the Balearic Islands, by a republican-socialist coalition. May-June: CNT regional Congress in Barcelona. Creation of Agrupació Valencianista Republicana. 2 August: Referendum on the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, known as the Estatut de Núria. With a high turnout of 75 percent of the electoral roll, it was approved by 99 percent of those who voted. August: The Trentista manifesto signaled a break from the CNT by 30 of its more moderate members. Formation of Actuació Valencianista d’Esquerra to promote links between the ERC and the other Catalan-speaking territories. November: Foundation of Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC). Foundation of Acció Cultural Valenciana. 1932 January: Strikes and insurrection in the Alt Llobregat area led to repression of the labor movement. This was followed by splits in the CNT over workers’ support for the BOC, leading to the expulsion of many local syndicates. August: General José Sanjurjo led a military uprising against the Second Republic, partly because of the introduction of the autonomy measures. September: The Catalan Statute of Autonomy was approved by the Spanish Cortes, after long debate, in particular over the proposed co-officiality of Catalan and Castilian. Valencia and the Balearic Islands began negotiations over self-government. October: A split in the ERC led to the formation of Partit Català Proletari. November: In the elections for the Generalitat de Catalunya, the ERC won 55 out of 84 seats, and Francesc Macià was named president. Formation of Acció Republicana de Mallorca, which was to lobby for the creation of a statute of autonomy for the Balearic Islands. The party had control of 42 of the island councils. Formation of the Federació Nacional d’Estudiants de Catalunya (FNEC). 1933 January: First FAI insurrection, leading to severe repression in Barcelona and Casas Viejas, and further divisions within the CNT. Creation of Federació Sindicalista Llibertària by Àngel Pestaña. Part of

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the ERC split to form the Partit Nacionalista Republicà d’Esquerres. It was reincorporated into the ERC in 1936. Creation of the Lliga Catalana to replace the Lliga Regionalista. Granting of autonomous status to the University of Barcelona, now known as the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. The fall of the republican-socialist government was followed by right-wing CEDA gains in the elections of 19 November and the inauguration of Alejandro Lerroux as president. December: A motion to create a Workers’ Alliance (Aliança Obrera) was tabled by the BOC and signed by the UGT, Rabassaires, USC, and opposition CNT syndicates. 5 December: Death of Francesc Macià. He was succeeded as president of the Generalitat by Lluís Companys. 1934 January: Foundation of the Partit Català Proletari. Formation of Esquerra Republicana del País Valencià and Esquerra Republicana Balear. April: Passing of the Law of Cultivation Contracts. October: General strike called in Spain against the entry of a CEDA representative into republican government. 6 October: Lluís Companys took advantage of the uprising to declare a Catalan state. This was followed by the October events, during which Catalanist attempts to defend Companys were quickly overcome by Spanish republican forces. The Generalitat government was imprisoned, and Alejandro Lerroux suspended the Statute of Autonomy. 1935 15 January: Signing of Popular Front pact. 29 September: Izquierda Comunista and the BOC were amalgamated by Andreu Nin and Joaquim Maurín to form the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM). 1936 4 February: Creation of a Catalan Left coalition for the forthcoming elections. 16 February: Popular and Catalan Left Front victories in the general elections led to the reinstatement of the Generalitat de Catalunya, with Lluís Companys as president. The first Valencianist deputy was elected to the Spanish Cortes. Campaign for the co-officiality of Valencian and Castilian in Valencia, organized by the Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Valenciana. Second Unió General de Rabassaires Congress. July: People’s Olympiad was to be held in Barcelona from 19 to 26 July; however, it had to be cancelled due to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. 17–19 July: Outbreak of Spanish Civil War, with military uprisings in most Spanish cities, including

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Barcelona, Valencia, and Palma de Mallorca. In Catalonia, Valencia, and Menorca, the uprising was overcome due to the decisive response of the CNT-FAI and POUM, with nearly all the Catalanist parties (apart from Lliga Catalana) remaining faithful to the republic. Mallorca fell into the hands of the nationalist forces. July–August: There was social revolution in Catalonia with the creation of antifascist militias and collectivization of industry, commerce, and agriculture. All pro-Catalanist or separatist institutions in Mallorca suffered harsh repression by the military rebels. Valencia became the temporary seat of government for the Second Republic. 22 July: Foundation of the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), led by Joan Comorera. September: Entry of CNT and FAI leaders into the Generalitat government. November: Federica Montseny entered the republican government. Third UGT Congress in Barcelona. 1937 Foundation of the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes. Creation of Institut d’Estudis Valencians out of the former Centre de Cultura Valenciana. Josep Lluís Sert designed the Spanish pavilion for the Expo in Paris. May Events, leading to the illegalization of the POUM in June and the assassination of Andreu Nin. Second International Antifascist Writers Congress held in Valencia. October: The Spanish republican government moved to Barcelona. The first aerial and naval bombings of Valencia and Barcelona took place in this period. 1938 Francisco Franco formed his first government. One of his first actions was to revoke Catalonia’s statute of autonomy. April: Occupation of Lleida by Francoist forces. July–November: Battle of Ebro, by which Catalonia was cut off from the other republican areas, marking the beginning of the end of the republic. 1939 End of Spanish Civil War and beginning of Franco regime. There was severe repression of the Catalan language and Catalan cultural difference throughout the 1940s, as well as pursuit of all who could be linked to Catalanist or republican politics. January: Occupation of Barcelona. Lluís Companys crossed the Pyrenees into exile in France. 16 February: Decree prohibiting the public use of the Catalan language. March: Occupation of Valencia and Alicante. April: Creation of Fundació Ramon Llull in Paris. 19 September: Formation of Front Nacional de Catalunya (FNC).

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1940 Creation of the Consell Nacional de Catalunya in Paris. Cardinal Vidal i Barraquer requested an audience with the Vatican to protest at the prohibition of the Catalan language. Catalan street and place names were changed to Spanish. Prohibition of use of Catalan in commerce and cinema. 14 October: Execution of Lluís Companys, who had been handed over to the Franco regime by the Gestapo. Creation of Front Nacional de Catalunya (FNC). 15 October: Josep Irla became president of the Generalitat in exile. 1941 The Jocs Florals could now only be celebrated in exile. Publication in exile of Josep Trueta’s The Spirit of Catalonia. March: Procession to “purify” the streets of Barcelona. May: Execution of Joan B. Peset, ex-vice-chancellor of the University of Valencia. 1942 Reorganization of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in exile. Creation of the Front Universitari de Catalunya (FUC). 24 July: Execution of Joan Peiró in Paterna. 1943 Detention of 40 FNC militants. Quaderns de l’Exili founded in Mexico. Publication of Carles Ribas’ Elegies de Bierville. 13 September: Death of Cardinal Vidal i Barraquer. 1944 October: PCE and PSUC invasion via the Vall d’Aran. Reappearance of the clandestine workers’ newspapers: Solidaridad Obrera, La Batalla (POUM), Treball (PSUC). Catalan flag hung at the port of Barcelona as a mark of protest against the Franco regime. 1945 January: Formation of the Moviment Socialista de Catalunya (MSC) in Toulouse, with Manuel Serra i Moret and Josep Pallach. Catalan Generalitat government formed in exile, with Josep Irla, Pompeu Fabra, Antoni Rovira i Virgili, and Joan Comorera, among others. Consell Nacional de la Democràcia de Catalunya created in Barcelona, led by Josep Pous i Pagès. Catalan flag hung on Sagrada Família as a mark of protest against the Franco regime. Detention of 200 PSUC militants. The use of Catalan was banned from primary education. 1946 January: Textile workers strike in Manresa. First instances of recuperation of Catalan theater at the Romea and Victòria theater. Editorial Selecta began to publish a few books in Catalan. Concerts were permitted at the Orfeó Català. Federació Nacional d’Estudiants

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de Catalunya (FNEC) began to coordinate clandestine student union activities until the 1960s. 1947 Foundation of the Comissió Abat Oliba, to promote the enthronement of the Virgin of Montserrat. Appearance of first Catalan novel prize: Premi Joanot Martorell. 1948 Execution of 10 PSUC members. Dissolution of the Generalitat government in exile. February: Charter of autonomy in Sardinia. June: Visit of Franco to Barcelona. There were numerous bomb attacks. October: Creation of the avant-garde grouping and journal Dau al Set. 25 December: Death of Pompeu Fabra. 1950 Publication of Manel Sanchis Guarner’s Gramàtica valenciana. SEAT car company founded, based in Barcelona. 1950–52 flag.

Eucharistic Congress, ended with unfurling of the Catalan

1951 March: Tram strike by the population of Barcelona, followed by a general workers’ strike in protest at the regime. Inauguration of the Festa de les Lletres Catalanes, also known as the Nit de Santa Llúcia. Publication of Carles Salvador’s Lliçons de gramàtica valenciana amb exercicis pràctics. 1952 Last executions at the Camp de la Bota of five members of the CNT. 1953 Presentation to United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) of manifesto in defense of Catalan culture. Formation in Mexico of Consell Nacional Català, led by Josep Maria Batista i Roca. 1954 Creation of Crist Catalunya (CC) group, inspired by Raimon Galí. Publication of Joan Sales’s Incerta Glòria. Creation of Juan March foundation. 7 August: Josep Tarradellas became president of the Generalitat in exile. 1956 Strikes in Barcelona. Republication of Pompeu Fabra’s Catalan grammar in Barcelona. Papeles de Son Armadans began publication in Mallorca.

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1957 January: Second Barcelona tram strike. March: Josep Maria Porcioles became mayor of Barcelona and put into place a new urbanization plan. June: All names on the Civil Register now had to appear in Castilian. The SEAT 600 began production in Barcelona. September: Inauguration of Camp Nou football stadium. Constitution of the Diocesan Delegation of the Scout Movement in Catalonia. 1958

First Spanish television broadcasts in Barcelona.

1959 First television broadcasts from Barcelona–Miramar. Appearance of the Catalan-language journal Serra d’Or. Economic stabilization plan, drawn up by Laureano López Rodó. 1959–60 Campaign against Luis Martínez Galinsoga, then director of La Vanguardia, because of his anti-Catalan declarations. 1960 19 May: Jordi Pujol was imprisoned for his involvement in the “Fets del Palau” incident, when the Catalan national anthem was sung by members of the audience at a Palau de la Música concert attended by General Franco. Formation of the Catalan theater school, the Escola d’art dramàtic Adrià Gual. 1961 Jordi Pujol’s Banca Catalana opened in Barcelona. May: First Catalan record by Edigsa, marking the beginnings of the Nova Cançó. July: Foundation of Òmnium Cultural. Publication of the children’s magazine Cavall Fort. Publication of Llorenç Villalonga’s Bearn. First meetings of the Spanish regent Juan Carlos with Catalan intellectuals. December: Beginnings of the theater group Els Joglars in Catalonia. 1962 Workers and student protests in Barcelona and other parts of Catalonia. Publication of Joan Fuster’s Nosaltres el valencians. Foundation of Edicions 62. Francesc de Borja Moll completed the Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear. Foundation of the Obra Cultural Balear in Mallorca. Formation of Unió Democràtica del País Valencià. Publication of Mercè Rodoreda’s La plaça del diamant. 1963 Òmnium Cultural campaign against public discrimination of the Catalan language. First Biennal d’Eivissa art and design exhibition. 1964 Broadcast of monthly programs in Catalan by RTVE. Authorization of books in Catalan, but with censorship, as in Castilian. First

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meeting of Comissions Obreres (CCOO) in Barcelona. Jocs Florals in Perpignan, presided over by Pau Casals. First Catalanist demonstration against the Franco regime on 11 September, Catalonia’s national day. Publication of Paco Candel’s Els altres Catalans 1965 Creation of the Escola de Mestres de Sant Cugat, for the training of Catalan teachers. Workers’ demonstrations in favor of the legalization of the CCOO. Beginnings of petrochemical industry in Tarragona. Exile of Abbot Escarré, following pro-Catalan and anti-Francoist declarations to Le Monde. 1966 PSUC and Comissions Obreres began to articulate support for the Catalanist protest movement, providing the foundations for broadbased opposition coalitions against the regime in the late 1960s and 1970s. Founding of Sindicat Democratic d’Estudiants de la Universitat de Barcelona (SDEUB), followed by the Caputxinada. Imprisonment of CCOO members. Formation of the Coordinadora de Forces Polítiques de Catalunya (CFPC). Josep Pla published El quadern gris. 1967 Authorization of limited use of Catalan in daily press. Trial of SDEUB leaders. Construction of nuclear power plant began at Vandellós. 1968 Birth of the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional (PSAN). Foundation of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona in Bellaterra. Inaugural volume of the Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana. University sit-ins in Valencia. Celebration of the centenary of the birth of Pompeu Fabra. First Universitat Catalana d’Estiu at Prada de Conflent in Catalunya Nord. Joan Manuel Serrat was banned from singing in Catalan at the Eurovision Song Contest. 1969 Increased repression due to demonstrations against Franco. Campaigns for the appointment of Catalan bishops were countered with the prohibition of the use of Catalan in liturgy. While there had been some lifting of censorship in the 1960s, reference to Catalan cultural difference was still forbidden. The first Premi d’Honor de les Lletres Catalanes went to Jordi Rubió i Balaguer. 1970 Festival de Poesia Catalana al Price. November: The protest singer Lluís Llach was banned until 1974. December: Assemblea d’Intellectuals de Montserrat, in protest at the Burgos Trial.

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1971 First session of the Assemblea de Catalunya. First Catalan bishop to be appointed in Barcelona for 40 years. The civil governor banned the use of Catalan in the Camp Nou. Eliseu Climent set up the Secretariat de l’Ensenyament de l’Idioma in Valencia. October: Strike at SEAT factory. Pau Casals composed anthem and played the “Cant dels ocells” at the United Nations. 1972 poll.

Assemblea de Catalunya Congress and peaceful protest in Ri-

1973 Trial of CCOO leaders galvanized further labor protests. Assemblea protests in Sant Cugat and Vic. Detention of 113 leaders at the parish of Santa Maria Mitjancera. Montserrat sit-in. Workers and student protests throughout the Catalan countries. Foundation of Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV). Formal constitution of Associació Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes (AILLC). 1974 Detention of Assemblea de Catalunya members. Creation of Reagrupament Socialista i Democràtic de Catalunya, Convergència Socialista de Catalunya, and Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC) (legalized in 1976). March: Execution of Salvador Puig Antich. July: Strikes in Baix Llobregat. 1975 20 November: Death of Franco. Attacks on bookshops selling Catalan books in Barcelona and Valencia. Public authorization of “Els segadors,” the Catalan national anthem. Foundation of the Front d’Alliberament Gai de Catalunya. Foundation of the Institut Català del Cinema. Creation of the Partit Socialista de Mallorca and Partit Socialista del País Valencià. 23 December: Birth of Consell de Forces Polítiques de Catalunya. 1975–77 The Congrés de Cultura Catalana was set up to debate the situation and future of the Catalan language, culture, and society. 1976 1 and 8 February: Demonstrations calling for “Llibertat, Amnistia i Estatut d’Autonomia.” March: Creation of Coordinadora Democràtica or Platajunta. April: Publication of Avui, the first daily newspaper in Catalan since 1939. 11 September: First legal celebration of the Diada at Sant Boi de Llobregat, with 100,000 people in attendance. October: Jornades Catalanes de la Dona, followed by foundation of Associació Catalana de la Dona. 18 November: Founding

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congress of the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC-Congrés). Approval in Cortes of law for political reform. Ratified by referendum on 15 December. First fully Catalan radio station: Radio 4. Formation of Taula de Forces Sindicals i Polítiques del País Valencià. General strike called by Coordinadora d’Organitzacions Sindicals. Xirinacs campaign for amnesty at the Model prison in Barcelona. Creation of Catalanlanguage schools in Perpignan (la Bressola), Palma, and Castelló (El Rogle). Foundation of the Teatre Lliure. 1977 Legalization of the communist parties. June: Creation of Entesa dels Catalans coalitions for the June general election. 15 June: Spanish general election. While UCD candidates were elected by the majority of voters in Spain, in Catalonia, 75 percent of votes went to parties in favor of Catalan autonomy. Left-wing formations were dominant in Valencia, too. There were demonstrations throughout the Catalan-speaking territories calling for autonomous regimes. Parliamentary assemblies constituted in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands to draw up pre-autonomous regimes. Beginnings of the “Battle of Valencia,” with violent attacks on socialist and separatist Valencian institutions, cultural associations, and individuals. September: Return of Josep Tarradellas and reinstatement of the Generalitat de Catalunya. 11 September: Massive march in favor of autonomy in Barcelona. October: Law of amnesty was passed. 25 October: Moncloa pacts, to achieve political unity in facing the economic crisis in Spain. 31 October: Creation of the Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana. December: Imprisonment of Albert Boadella over the La Torna affair. 1978 Creation of Acció Cultural del País Valencià. April: Constitution of pre-autonomy council in Valencia. July: First Interisland Council in the Balearic Islands. September: Coalition between CDC and UDC to form Convergència i Unió (CiU). October: Bomb attack on Joan Fuster by militant anti-Catalanists in Valencia. Publication of El periódico. December: Spanish Constitution passed by referendum. Bomb attack on Manel Sanchis Guarner by militant anti-Catalanists in Valencia. Blavero attack on the Valencian Generalitat. Catalan Statute of Autonomy began to be drawn up and was approved by the Assemblea de Parlamentaris at the end of December. Official foundation of the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC-PSOE).

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1979 Formation of the armed separatist group Terra Lliure. Publication of the “Manifest dels Marges” in the journal Els Marges. Foundation of Academia de la Cultura Valenciana. Formation of the experimental theater group La Fura dels Baus. March: Spanish General Elections. Breakup of Entesa dels Catalans. 25 October: Referendum to approve the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, with 88.1 percent votes in favor. The statute was ratified by the Spanish Congress on 29 November and by the Senate on 12 December. Catalan Statute of Autonomy appears in the Boletín Oficial del Estado. 1980 11 January: First elections for the Catalan Generalitat. Victory of the CiU. June: Joan Antoni Samaranch became president of the International Olympic Committee until 2001. Publication of Montserrat Roig’s L’Hora Violeta. 1981 25 January: “Manifiesto de 2.300” in opposition to the measures to protect Catalan proposed to implement Catalonia’s statute of autonomy. 23 February: Failed coup or Tejerazo, by members of the Spanish military. March: Inauguration of La Crida in response to the “Manifesto de 2300,” in order to coordinate social support for Catalan language planning. 11 September: Bomb attack on the home of Joan Fuster in Valencia. 1982 June: Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico (LOAPA) put forward by Spanish Cortes to limit the introduction of autonomous measures. 1 July: Statute of Autonomy for the Valencian Community. August: Creation of Unió Valenciana. October: PSOE majority in legislative elections. Formation of Unió Mallorquina. Standardization of Aranès, the form of Occitain spoken in the Vall d’Aran in Catalonia. PSPV-PSOE victorious in the Valencian elections, maintaining power until 1995. 1982–83

“Norma” campaign for linguistic normalization in Catalonia.

1983 23 February: Statute of Autonomy for the Balearic Islands. March: Alternative standards for the Valencian language were drawn up, known as Normes d’El Puig. Formation of Unitat del Poble Valencià. Catalan Law of Linguistic Normalization. Aranès was to be protected as an official language by the Catalan government. May: PSC-PSOE were victorious in Catalan municipal elections. Pasqual Maragall was elected

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mayor of Barcelona. He would be reelected in subsequent elections until he stood down in 1997. September: Inauguration of the first Catalan television channel, TV3. Law of Valencian Use and Education passed by Valencian government. Foundation of first Green party in Catalonia, the Alternativa Verda-Moviment Ecologista de Catalunya. 1984 Foundation of Obra Cultural de l’Alguer. Balearic Law of Linguistic Normalization. February: Political leaders in La Franja de Ponent drew up the Manifest de Mequinensa to promote language planning in the area. 29 April: CiU victory in Generalitat elections. 1985 Second International Conference on the Catalan Language. Joan-Francesc Mira published Crítica de la nació pura. October: The Valencian government set up the Consell Valencià de Cultura to oversee implementation of the cultural policies outlined in Valencia’s statute of autonomy. November: Jornadas Diez Años del Movimiento Feminista held in Barcelona. 1986 Foundation of Unitat Catalana party in Catalunya Nord. March: The Catalan population returned a “no” vote in the referendum on entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). 1987 Reinstatement of the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes. February: Formation of Iniciativa per Catalunya (IC). 19 June: Hipercor bomb attack by Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA) in Barcelona. 1988

May: CiU obtained an absolute majority in Catalan elections.

1989 23 January: Death of Salvador Dalí. September: Creation of Canal 33, the second Catalan-language television channel. October: Creation of Canal 9 television channel in Valencia. 1990 Oriol Bohigas received the RIBA Gold Medal on behalf of the city of Barcelona. Recognition of the Catalan language in European Parliament resolution. 1991 Recognition of Euroregion made up of Languedoc-Roussillon, Pyrenean Midi, and Catalunya. 1992 March: Reelection of CiU by absolute majority in Catalan autonomous elections. 25 June: Inauguration ceremony of Barcelona Olympics.

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1993 PSOE-CiU pact after Spanish general elections. First Correllengua campaign, held in Mallorca. Menorca was declared a Biosphere Reserve by the UNESCO. 28 July: Andorra joined the United Nations. 1994 Oscar Ribas gave his first speech in Catalan, as the Andorran representative at the United Nations (UN). January: Barcelona’s opera house, the Liceu, was burned down. October: Creation of Institut Joan Lluís Vives, to encourage links and coordinate activities between Catalan-speaking universities. November: Andorra joined the Council of Europe. December: Creation of Bloc de Progres Jaume I. 1995 Partido Popular (PP) coalition with Unió Valenciana in the Valencian Generalitat. November: CiU victory in Catalan elections. 1996 March: CiU support of PP in minority government. April: Creation of Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana (CAL) to coordinate linguistic and cultural normalization in the Catalan-speaking territories. Inauguration of the Teatre Nacional de Catalunya in Barcelona. December: Formation of Foro Babel to oppose the planned new Law of Linguistic Policy in Catalonia. 1997

December: Creation of Bloc Nacionalista Valencià.

1998 January: Publication of the Law of Linguistic Policy in Catalonia, known as the Llei del Català. Iniciativa per Catalunya changed name to IC-Verds, after joining together with Els Verds-Confederació Ecologista de Catalunya. 1999 June: Pacte del Progrés victory in Balearic elections, supported by Unió Mallorquina. CiU victory in Catalan elections, although there was increasing pressure on the party due to its relationship with the PP in the Spanish Cortes. First PP absolute majority in Valencian elections. 2001 July: Creation of Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua. Foundation of Institut Ramon Llull, with the collaboration of the Catalan and Balearic governments. September: Demonstrations against the controversial Partido Popular-sponsored National Hydrological Plan. October: Creation of Bloc Català in Catalunya Nord. 2002 Valencia CF won the Spanish football league. June: Formation of the Comissió per la Dignitat (Dignity Commission) to lobby for the return of the so-called “Salamanca papers,” which had been seized from

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the Generalitat and other republican and Catalan cultural institutions and individuals at the end of the Spanish Civil War. 2003 May: PP victory in Valencian elections and, with the help of Unió Mallorquina, in the Balearic elections. December: Jordi Pujol retired from government, handing on leadership of the CiU coalition to Artur Mas. The Pacte del Tinell of December resulted in a change of government in the Generalitat, with the creation of a tripartite coalition between the PSC, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, and Iniciativa per Catalunya-Els Verds. 2004 Valencia CF won the Spanish football league and UEFA cup. Anti-Catalan declarations by Georges Frêches in France. May–September: Universal Forum of Cultures held in Barcelona. September: The PP government in Mallorca abolished the Junta Avaluadora del Català. October: Creation of the Euroregion Pyrenees-Mediterranean to promote cooperation between Catalonia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands, and Languedoc-Roussillon. November–December: Catalan culture was the guest of honor at the Guadalajara book fair in Mexico. 2005 Cultural associations in la Franja de Ponent set up a platform for the political recognition of Catalan in Aragon. January–February: The Catalan company Gas Natural was prevented from buying the statewide Endesa. June: Manifesto calling for the creation of a non-nationalist party, leading to the creation of Ciutadans de Catalunya. September: The Catalan Parliament finally approved the new statute of autonomy. October: Completion of Salvador Calatrava’s Ciutat de les Arts i les Ciències in Valencia. November: The Spanish government gave permission for the return of the Salamanca papers to Catalonia. 2005–7 Infrastructural problems in Catalonia, such as the collapse of the local railway system, water shortages, and power cuts, led to increasing calls for economic and political reform, as well as critique of the model for financing the regional autonomies. 2006 Valencian government plan to build new cemetery spaces at the site of a mass grave from the beginning of the Franco regime results in left-wing demonstrations and calls for historical memory. January: The Spanish Partido Popular (PP) set up a petition against Catalonia’s proposed new statute of autonomy, eventually collecting 4 million

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signatures. Spanish prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and CiU leader Artur Mas meet to negotiate agreement over the new statute. Granting of “.cat” domain name. February: Protest march in favor of Catalan sovereignty in Barcelona. May: Pasqual Maragall dissolved the tripartite government and called new elections due to the ERC’s decision to vote against the new statute of autonomy, as a result of the changes introduced during its passage through the Spanish Parliament. June: Referendum to approve the new Catalan Statute of Autonomy. Major disruption to train networks and Barcelona airport in Catalonia due to inadequate investment in transport infrastructure. July: The PP challenges the constitutional legality of Catalonia’s new statute, as does the Spanish State Prosecutor in September. November: Generalitat elections. Although the CiU received the most votes, they were unable to form a minority government. Another tripartite government was formed by the PSC, ERC, and IC, under a new PSC president, José Montilla. 2007 The PP government in the Balearic Islands suspends the Direcció General de Política Lingüística, responsible for language planning. February: Creation of Truth Commission in Valencia by Acció Cultural del País Valencià and the Fòrum per la Memòria. 23 April: New statute of autonomy in Aragon failed to give official recognition to Catalan in the Franja de Ponent. 27 May: Bloc Progressista victory in Mallorcan elections. PP victory in Valencian elections. July: Power cuts in Barcelona. Ongoing drought led to water restrictions in Catalonia and the need to ship water in from abroad. October: Frankfurt Book Fair, at which Catalan culture was celebrated. 2008 June: Declaration of Académie Française in protest at the inclusion of regional languages in the French Constitution. “Manifiesto por una lengua común” signed by 23 Spanish intellectuals. September: Attacks on the Correllengua in Gandia, Valencia, by anti-Catalanist groups, such as the Grup d’Acció Valencianista (GAV) and España 2000. 2009 February: Valencian Generalitat banned retransmission of Catalan television in Valencia, leading to campaigns by pro-Catalan groups. March: Pro-independence demonstration in Brussels. June: Agreement reached on new model for financing different regional au-

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tonomies, contributes to reduce fiscal deficit in the Catalan-speaking regions. December: Popular votes on Catalan independence held in various locations in Catalonia. Incorporation of measures to protect minority languages in Aragon. 2010 February: Popular votes on Catalan independence held in Catalonia. Law proposed to change territorial division of Catalonia. June: Spanish Constitutional Court ruling curtails key articles in the 2006 Catalan Statute of Autonomy. July: Mass demonstration of more than 1.5 million people in Barcelona to protest at the ruling, under the banner “Som una nació. Tenim el dret de decidir” (We are a nation. We have the right to decide). Catalan parliament votes to ban bull-fighting in the region. September: General strike is supported by significant demonstrations in Barcelona. Aranese is recognized as an official language of Catalonia.

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Reader’s Note

Apart from proper nouns that have recognized English versions used in Anglo-American academic textbooks, we have used Catalan versions for the dictionary entries. Exceptions to this rule include our use of the Catalan version of the individual names of the Balearic Islands and the maintenance of Spanish proper names where appropriate, such as Manuel Vázquez Montalbán. While in general we have followed the English spelling of Valencia, wherever it appears in the Catalan name of an institution or book, it will appear in Catalan as València. In references to Spanish texts, it will appear without the accent, as is the case with some other names. Where there is potential for confusion, we have used brackets and cross-referencing to clarify. The term Catalan when used will refer generally to the language as defined under the entry in the dictionary; however, at times and in order to avoid confusion, we have referred to particular varieties of Catalan using Valencian-Catalan, Mallorcan-Catalan, again for clarity. Such usage does not imply that we think these are different languages. We are, however, aware of the strong polemic over the name of the language spoken in different areas of the Catalan-speaking territories.

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Introduction

The histories represented in this book tell of people, places, communities, symbols, and events that pertain to a heterogeneous region in the western Mediterranean comprising the contemporary Spanish autonomous communities of Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic Islands, the counties in southern France collectively known by Catalan speakers as Catalunya Nord, the Principality of Andorra, and the Catalan-speaking areas within Aragon, Murcia, and Alghero (Alguer) in Sardinia.1 While none of the people included in the dictionary has ever had an official “Catalan” passport,2 because there is no Catalan nation-state, they all share a language and a history from the 13th century onward, though it is a language and a history that coexists with, and is ultimately shaped by, other histories and other languages—among them, Arabic, Castilian, Aragonese, French, Sard, Italian, Occitain, Aranese, together with English and the hundreds of global languages brought to the region by the most recent influx of immigrants and asylum seekers. It is this shared language and history that governed the selection process undertaken in preparing this dictionary, just as it remains the basis for modern and contemporary understandings of what it is to be Catalan. At the same time, it is essential to show where and when this shared history diverges, not only to aid understanding of why expression of identity might be such a complex matter in the Catalan-speaking regions, at times resulting in violent disagreements over the very name of the language spoken, but also to plot the patterns of political domination and resistance that led to the emergence of a desire for identification and recognition of a differential Catalan identity shared by individuals and communities of different backgrounds. The emergence of this desire, which can be identified with the concept of Catalanism (reserving the term Pancatalanism to describe its

1

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manifestation as a movement uniting individuals, groups, and communities across the different Catalan-speaking territories), has marked and shaped the 19th- and 20th-century political and cultural history of both this western Mediterranean region and, indeed, the nation-state in which most of its territory falls. For it is a region that cradled many of the republican, federalist, separatist, progressive, and modernizing countercultural movements that emerged to challenge the conservative Catholic centralizing tendencies of Spain post-1812. However, it is also a region that contained many supporters of conservative Catholic hegemony, some of whom were quite capable of reconciling a degree of cultural or political Catalanism with their commitment to the economic and political status quo, along with anarchists and radical republicans, many of whom would in no way align themselves with the desire for Catalan autonomy. All of these positions, as well as myriad political and cultural affiliations and identifications in between, contribute to produce the modern history of the region and will be represented here. Though there are entries on aspects of the pre-19th-century history of the Catalan lands, in particular those aspects that have contributed to the development and legitimation of a sense of a differentiated cultural community, the main focus is on the latter as the particularities of its social acceptance have far more to do with the cultural, sociopolitical, and economic conditions experienced by inhabitants of the region from the end of the 18th century onward. In this introduction, it is important to present an overview of the different ways of understanding Catalan culture and identity, in particular the strong identification between the Catalan language and identity in recent history. The section concludes with a defense of the broader criteria for inclusion used in compiling the dictionary before proceeding to survey the principal features of the Catalan-speaking territories, including their geography, history, politics, society, and culture.

DEFINING CATALAN CULTURE The Catalan language and culture have attained increasing recognition in recent decades, not only due to the Barcelona Olympics and subsequent city-break tourism but also to increasing interest in the phenomenon of stateless nationalisms; however, the history and identity of the

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Catalan peoples has not received corresponding attention. Furthermore, the studies that analyze these phenomena either tend to focus entirely on Catalonia, thus seeking to place “Catalanness” and insist that it reside within state-like boundaries, or are limited to local studies produced in the Catalan language. There are many reasons for this, which inevitably mark the endeavor to trace a Catalan history here; however, the most obvious is that from a global political perspective, it is easier to deal with ethno-territorial boundaries and rights and generally to recognize difference when it is in a minority in particular clear-cut boundaries. At the same time, within Catalonia itself, while the existence of a wider Catalan identity largely goes unquestioned, the focus has remained primarily on its own constitutionally allotted territory. This circumscription responds both to the constitutional limitation on political association between the different Spanish regions, present in both the 1931 and 1978 Spanish Constitutions, and in political distrust of Pancatalanism among many inhabitants of Valencia, the Balearic Islands, and the other Catalan-speaking territories as a mark of suspected Catalan imperialism. Of course, the flip side of this legal and pragmatic delimitation has been the production of a hierarchical center-periphery relationship within Catalan culture, which has led some political and cultural activists outside Catalonia to bemoan its noninclusive nature, evinced in the relative ignorance of what is going on in Catalunya Nord, Mallorca, Menorca, Eivissa, and Formentera, and the Catalan-speaking areas in Valencia, Murcia, Sardinia, and Aragon. Thus, the main thrust of Pancatalanist action in recent history has been toward the creation and maintenance of a shared cultural space, focusing on language, literature, history, media, and communication. The commitment to this shared cultural space is one of the most unambiguous markers of Catalan identity, yet it is important to remember that many inhabitants of the Catalan-speaking territories today do not share this commitment or identify to different degrees with other markers. Catalan identity is not, for the most part, ethnically marked, and while the Catalan language has often been presented as a core element of identification, there is not a clear overlap between speaking the language and perceived personal and collective identity. As recent censuses have shown, there are constant shifts in self-perception and levels of recognition of collective identity; indeed sociologists, politicians, and language planners themselves respond to these shifts and

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movements in the models they devise and the ways in which the data is interpreted. Thus, it is important to be aware from the outset of the way in which data can be skewed and, above all, that the identities of the Catalan peoples depend closely on the ways in which identity is mapped, modeled, and perceived in contemporary times. Such complexity demands correspondingly diverse and inclusive strategies of representation; thus, the dictionary necessarily combines an overarching system of proportional representation by which each Catalanspeaking area is represented in proportion to its demographic weight, alongside the unavoidable recognition of a center-periphery dynamic and an attempt to include more heterogeneous stories, to give a sense of the other histories that contribute to map out what it is to be Catalan. The attempt to provide a historical dictionary of the Catalan peoples is undoubtedly a complex task and not least because some of the people included in this book would have a problem with the very name Catalan. Indeed, at certain periods and in specific geographical locations, any such claim would have produced violent reactions, as with right-wing responses to the work of Joan Fuster in 1960s’ and 1970s’ Valencia (see blaverisme) or the more recent polemic there over the identity of the Catalan language.3 Within Catalonia itself there have been increasing instances of language conflict in recent years, above all as represented in Castilian-language media. While this is not uncommon within bilingual communities, it is more unusual to note the extent to which Catalan has been presented as a threat to Castilian in a context in which the power of a globalized Spanish market makes Castilian far more dominant in the field of communication and in which, from a legal perspective, the Spanish Constitution admits both Castilian and Catalan as official languages but only enshrines the duty to speak the former.4 Even among individuals and communities who fully identify both with the Catalan language and with Catalan cultural and political identity, there has been a growing sense of an identity under threat in recent years, which draws attention both to a lack of satisfaction with current ways of describing and attributing identity and to contemporary pressures on community and commonality. While on the one hand the Spanish political response has been to blame such problems on the differential identities within the state, on the other, it is nevertheless arguable that if these communities felt themselves to be adequately represented, there would not be so much of a

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problem. The very federalism that fed into the emergence of Catalanist sentiment and activity in the Catalan-speaking lands grew as a response to the weak implantation of a centralist model in the modern Spanish state. However, the post-Franco loose federal model of a plural state of autonomies has never really been fully reflected centrally, either in the accents heard in successive Spanish governments or in the education of the contemporary Spanish citizen. In Catalonia, as Josep Anton Fernàndez quite convincingly analyzes,5 what presents itself as dissatisfaction with different aspects of contemporary Catalan culture is, in fact, symptomatic of a far wider malaise, or “malestar,” as he calls it, indicating a crisis of identification in Catalonia and, more generally, within the Catalan-speaking territories that would indicate a degree of failure in cultural policy. Similarly, Joan Ramon Resina diagnoses the changing face of the city of Barcelona as symptomatic of a similar process, of erasure and forgetting, indicative of a failed project of modernity.6 The nostalgia that many cultural and political activists who came to prominence in the 1960s and 1970s feel for the cohesion of that time, the sense of helplessness they feel toward the sociocultural changes they see before them, fits uneasily with international, and even Spanish national, perceptions of either an unreservedly positive Catalan cultural vibrancy and/or of a more negative Catalan-language cultural hegemony. Thus, the situation of Catalan communities and peoples in Spain, France, and Italy today bring to the fore the problems produced when a particular ethno-territorial map does not respond to the realities of its inhabitants and their self-perception, who are left with the option to assimilate or be marginalized or else, of course, to live with disjunction. While there is no wish to impose Catalan identity on those inhabitants of Valencia, Mallorca, or the Pitïuses, on those Valencian speakers, Mallorquí speakers, or Eivissenc speakers,7 who reject the name and the identity, the current liberal solution is not one that can be applied historically. Partly pragmatically, then, just as one can talk about peoples in histories of Spain or France or Italy who would not have considered themselves Spanish or French or Italian at the time described but who clearly formed part of a community and territory that is now perceived geopolitically as Spanish or French or Italian, so here the focus will be on areas of Southern Europe that share a common language and history, which contribute to underpin the ways in which they experience identity, culture, and community today. This commonality may be identified

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through the existence and appeal of shared symbols, a similar habitus, or through recognition of a community of speakers, but at the same time, it must not be forgotten that for such a community to work—in real time, as it were—it ultimately has to perceive itself as a community, with a shared history. On the one hand, then, it is undeniable that the only Catalan peoples are those who perceive themselves as such; in other words, according to the definition used in this dictionary, they are in some way, whether culturally or politically, Catalanist. This is a convention that is both reflected in most political projections of what it is to be Catalan today as well as in the general lack of importance given to ethnic origins as a marker of Catalan identity. On the other hand, what this means in practice is that to speak of the Catalan peoples requires two different theaters of operation: one is to trace the development of a distinct community identity historically, of modes of identification and recognition within a community perceived as actual, showing how it relates to current configurations of identity in the historically rooted Catalan-speaking territories; the second is to recognize that in certain cases, such as that of Catalonia itself, the definition of identity has moved beyond that of ethno-territory to include and integrate immigrants to the area. This means that the Catalan identity—and so the makeup of the Catalan peoples—is one that is changing constantly, reflecting the changing cultural and demographic mix within its boundaries. It may also have to change to reflect the changing sociolinguistic community in years to come. However, until now at least, the most basic core value of Catalan identity has been the Catalan language, in its diverse forms, spoken in the Balearic Islands, Valencia, the border regions of Aragon, the Catalan counties in France, Andorra, and Alguer in Sardinia. In fact, to speak the language has become a mark of Catalan identity and of identification with “Catalanness.” Of course, there has been long-winded discussion of what the core of Catalan identity really is, from everyone who lives and works in Catalonia to people born in the Catalan-speaking territories, to people who explicitly accept to become part of the community by choosing to speak Catalan as their language. Though much of this discussion has here been taken for granted, it is important to be aware that the discussion often takes place within an ideologically driven framework. If Catalonia is studied, it is often because it is a comparative curiosity, the only region of its type that has managed to reconstruct itself so successfully,

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often held up as a model for other stateless nations, but without really close objective analysis. Equally, the question of the success or failure of the Catalan model of language planning is problematic; to answer how far it actually achieves its objectives will generally depend on the questions asked and on the ideological perspectives of the questioner. This dictionary avoids taking a single position on what constitutes “Catalanness” and, thus, includes figures that may be unexpected, figures who self-identify with non-Catalan or anti-Catalan positions. In doing so, it both radically questions the national canon model and its appropriateness to minority and minoritized cultures, let alone culture in general, but raises the very question of representation, of what people see as belonging. Some of the people included are names one would normally expect to find in dictionaries of Spanish culture, whose ability to speak or write in Catalan or origins in the Catalan-speaking territories are generally ignored. Equally, there are Catalan artists here who are unproblematically presented in Spanish histories, while others are sidelined as of provincial or “regionalist” interest only. This “battle” for naming is largely overcome by the commitment here to place people multiply—by their place of birth, language of habitual use, and cultural and political affiliations—following anthologies and dictionaries like the admittedly controversial Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing (1992), which includes even English colonizers like Sir Philip Sidney as people whose work and thinking is somehow inseparable from the space they wrote from. Some such cases include Joan Boscà (more widely known as Juan Boscán), Esther Tusquets, Joan (or Juan) March, Nuria Amat, Carlos Barral, Juan Goytisolo, Juan Marsé, Eduardo Mendoza, Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, and even Blasco Ibañez. Among these there are figures who have been used to argue for the existence of a Catalan literature and a Catalan culture in Castilian, reflected in debates over representation, such as those concerning the presence of Catalan literature and culture at international book fairs in Guadalajara (2004) and Frankfurt (2007).8 But their histories also reflect the social and political pressures that contribute to interweave language and identity in the Catalan-speaking territories, above all the pressure to identify with the law of the majority. They are potent reminders of the remarkable nature of so many people’s continued affiliation to the Catalan language, institutions, and culture and of the need to account for incomplete

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identification with the forms of identity preferred and/or sanctioned by centralizing state powers in Spain, France, and Italy. Likewise, the importance of labor histories in this volume recognizes not only the centrality of the workers’ struggle in shaping the history of significant sectors of the Catalan-speaking territories, especially in Catalonia and Valencia, but also the centrality of Barcelona and its metropolitan area to the labor movement in Spain. Although many of the figures associated with the movement, particularly at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries would, of course, place social emancipation way above cultural emancipation or independence and, thus, would not necessarily identify themselves as Catalan for ideological reasons, they nevertheless contribute to shape the space of Catalan culture and identity from within.

SURVEYING THE CATALAN-SPEAKING TERRITORIES The areas inhabited historically by Catalan peoples almost all contain a significant percentage of Catalan speakers today. These are, in order of size and population: Catalonia, which accounts for over half of the population of the Catalan-speaking areas; Valencia, with over a third; the Balearic Islands, with just under 8 percent; and then Catalunya Nord in France, the Principality of Andorra, the border areas known as the Franja in Aragon, Alguero in Sardinia, and some population centers in Carxe in Murcia, which together make under 4 percent of the total population of nearly 14 million people. Around 30 percent of the total inhabitants of Spain now live in the Catalan-speaking territories. Some recent figures have suggested there are up to 10 million speakers of Catalan, which makes it by far the largest “minority” language in the European Union, with, as many Catalanists are quick to point out, more speakers than many of the official working languages. However, these figures are, in general, based on census responses to questions about recognition of or ability to use Catalan rather than on habitual language use, and it is noticeable that if one goes to certain more heavily populated areas where Catalan and Castilian are in constant contact, one is unlikely nowadays to hear very much Catalan at all. This is particularly true of the capitals of the autonomous regions in Spain: Valencia, Palma de Mallorca, and even parts of Barcelona. Furthermore, parts of Valen-

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cia historically have always tended toward Castilian, particularly in the southern coastal areas and the western borders with Castile. The real figure is likely to be somewhat lower than that officially cited by the Generalitat in 2010, but it is important to note that in censuses, people increasingly describe themselves as bilingual, rather than identifying Catalan as their mother tongue. So, for instance, in Mallorca, where 80 percent of the population were first-language Catalan speakers at the end of the Franco regime, there has been a major shift away from the language, both as a result of the sociopolitical duty to ensure the co-officiality of Castilian and Catalan and of increasing contact with non-Catalan-speaking tourists. In Catalonia, where there was widespread concern about the effect of the changing demographic in the Catalan-speaking territories expressed as early as 1979 in the “Manifest dels Marges,” there have been more concerted campaigns to ensure the presence of Catalan in all aspects of life. However, while the figures for knowledge of the language have improved greatly since the 1980s, the figures for the ability to speak and read it have reached a plateau, and there is concern that language shift is taking place in the intergenerational transmission of the language even here, where Catalan is most rigorously protected. There is commitment to linguistic pluralism, both in the protection of the minority language, Aranese (a form of Occitain), spoken in one of the Pyrenean valleys, the Vall d’Aran, and in campaigns to raise consciousness about the hundreds of languages now spoken in Catalonia because of the latest influx of immigrants from across the globe. However, recent population flows, which make the Catalan-speaking autonomous regions and, above all, Catalonia and Valencia the largest net receivers of immigration in the Spanish State with a population increase of nearly 2 million people in the past decade, have placed great strain on the social and economic infrastructure of the region and make estimates of numbers of Catalan speakers increasingly problematic. The geographical areas in which Catalan is spoken are generally Mediterranean trade areas but also include the Pyrenean regions where the language first originated, thought to be in the Conflent area of Southern France, where Charlemagne set up the Hispanic March against the spread of Arabic influence throughout Europe. Generally characterized by temperate climes and Mediterranean flora and fauna, the early communities were dependent on the primary sector, mainly agriculture

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and fishing, which continue to be important in some parts. Catalonia has borders with France, Aragon, and Valencia and is flanked by the Mediterranean coast to the east; Valencia has borders with Catalonia, Aragon, Murcia, and Castile; the Balearic Islands are island outposts of the Iberian System in the Mediterranean Sea; Alguer lies across on a line from the Catalan ports in the province of Sassari in northeastern Sardinia; Andorra is found on the northwest border of Catalonia and Aragon; in France there are the Catalan-speaking counties of Roussillon, Perpignan, Conflent, Capcir, Alta Cerdanya, Vallespir, and Fenolleda; the Franja de Ponent describes the swathe of Catalan-speaking municipalities along the borders with Catalonia and Valencia in eastern Aragon; and there are even around 500 speakers in Carxe in Murcia. While, in the main, the dictionary will be concerned with the 19th- and 20th-century history of the Catalan lands for the reasons outlined earlier, there are entries for many of the key events from earlier periods, which contribute to a sense of a distinct Catalan history. The area in which Catalan was spoken expanded out from the Pyrenees by reconquest and conquest. Firstly, under the House of Barcelona, it brought together the different Pyrenean counties, before union with the Kingdom of Aragon to form the Crown of Aragon, through the marriage of Ramon Berenguer IV and Petronila of Aragon in 1127. To the County of Barcelona and the Kingdom of Aragon would be added Roussillon and the territories in Southern France now known as Catalunya Nord and, later, Mallorca, Valencia, and other Mediterranean territories, including Naples and even the Duchy of Athens for a period in the 14th century. Each of the kingdoms retained its language, laws, institutions, and traditions. While Ramon Berenguer IV was admitted as prince of Aragon, each of the subsequent descendants of the House of Barcelona who ascended to the throne became known as kings of Aragon, as well as of each of the kingdoms they inherited. The union of Aragon and Catalonia led to a strengthening of Aragonese borders against the interests of Navarre and Castile and to reconquest of Muslim-held territories in the south, beginning with Lleida and Tortosa, then extending to Teruel in the reign of Alfons II. This was followed by the consolidation of territories in France before the major period of conquest under James I and Peter II. Mallorca was first incorporated into the Crown of Aragon in 1229, followed by the other Balearic Islands and then a campaign in Valencia. James I finally took the city of

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INTRODUCTION

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Valencia in 1238 before continuing into the south of the kingdom and Murcia. The resettlement of these areas by the Catalans and Aragonese took place over the next two centuries and was, at times, very violent, as in the case of Mallorca, at other times more gradual, as in Valencia. This has sometimes been used to explain the tendency toward Castilian/Catalan diglossia in some areas of the contemporary community of Valencia. However, in reality, the situation was far more complex and was influenced by the changing relationship between the Catalan and Castilian courts, as well as shifts in the relative power of the different kingdoms in the Crown of Aragon. Although the political capital of the Crown of Aragon was Saragossa, Barcelona increasingly became the economic and cultural capital of the territory. However, the effects of the Black Death in the area led to the weakening influence of Catalonia during the 14th century. In the 15th century, under Trastamaran rule, it was Valencia that became the economic and cultural jewel in the crown. All of these areas retained some degree of independence, with distinct laws, language, and political and cultural institutions until the beginning of the 18th century; however, their interrelationship became far looser after the compromise of Casp in 1412, when the House of Barcelona was replaced by the Trastamaran line, and even more so after Ferdinand of Aragon came to power in 1479, having married Isabella of Castile a decade earlier. Other areas that were temporarily under Catalan rule included the Vatican under the Borgias, Naples, Sardinia, and Sicily. Alguer was completely resettled by Catalans. The political organization of the Crown of Aragon is particularly interesting, with its famously proto-democratic constitution by which the king’s powers were limited by the populace. Furthermore, because of the maintenance of the different laws and institutions of the different kingdoms, the king and his court were forced to travel constantly between the different areas and employ experts in their respective legal and fiscal systems. Although the territories were initially characterized by baronial conflict, James I was able to unite the different baronies and counties behind a policy of territorial expansion, which brought riches to those who supported him and, in particular, to the different Church orders that underpinned the conquest with the ideological veneer of a Christian crusade. Each campaign required the support of the Cort, a council made up of the nobility, the Church, and representatives of the cities, later and most importantly, the Consell de Cent of Barcelona.

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The system of Corts was supplemented in the 14th century by the creation of the Generalitat, an executive body authorized to take decisions in between meetings of the General Corts. These distinct laws and institutions, together with the consolidation of a common language through the efforts of the Royal Chancellory in Mallorca and the development of a shared literary and artistic culture, were what would later provide the grounds for 19th-century cultural revival. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Catalan discomfort with the changing political and economic order produced a number of revolts and rebellions, such as the Germanies in Valencia and Mallorca in the early 16th century and the revolt of the Segadors in the 1640s, after which almost all of the Catalan-speaking territories in Catalunya Nord were handed over to France in the Treaty of the Pyrenees. All Catalan laws and institutions were suppressed by the French crown, and the Catalan language was marginalized by the government’s policy of strong centralization and homogenization from Louis XIV onward. The territory was merged to form the Département des Pyrénées Orientales, and there was little subsequent political expression of a separate identity until the 20th century. Similar suppression followed the War of Succession in Spain, due to the support the different kingdoms in the Crown of Aragon gave to the Austrian candidate to the Spanish throne. After the fall of Valencia at the Battle of Almansa, Barcelona was eventually left to defend itself against the Spanish armies alone, surrendering on 11 September 1714. The different levels of autonomy of Valencia, Aragon, Catalonia, and the Balearic Islands were severely limited by successive decrees of the Nova Planta (or Nueva Planta), leading to the prohibition of all autonomous institutions, including the local universities, and the increasing circumscription and suppression of the Catalan language and culture. Only Catalan civil law was allowed to remain in force beyond the end of the 18th century, which contributed to maintaining a level of protection of local smallholdings and commercial ventures. Catalonia itself was occupied by Spanish troops with the establishment of a large garrison at the Ciutadela in Barcelona. It is from here that manifestation of dissent in the city would be repressed, giving rise to great resentment of Spanish occupation. Indeed, martial law was declared at regular intervals throughout the 19th century, and the steep increase in countercultural activity, ranging from republicanism to syndicalism to anarchism to political Catalanism, at the turn of the 19th to the 20th

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centuries saw the consolidation and intensification of repression and censorship from Montjuïc. In many ways, however, it was the region’s complete absorption into the Spanish crown that brought about renaissance and regrowth from the end of the 18th century onward, as it opened the American trading routes and markets to Catalan business from 1788. Catalan wealth from this period was built, in particular, on cotton and the development of the textile industry, as well as on increasing involvement in the slave trade. There was a high degree of immigration to the Americas in this period, and the traders who returned invested the money in Catalonia and, to a lesser extent, in Valencia. Thus, the end of the 18th century heralded the economic revival of the area, particularly along the coast, that was followed by the progressive industrialization of Barcelona and, more gradually, Valencia. It is from here that a platform for political Catalanism began alongside the sense of a need to reclaim the Catalan language and culture as a separate entity, fueled by Romantic ideas from Europe. The process by which Catalan writers and intellectuals sought to recover a sense of a glorious past became known as the Renaixença, spreading ideas between Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands and eventually Catalunya Nord, Alguer, and the Franja, too, thus laying the foundations for Pancatalanism. This development of the sense of a distinct culture with the celebration of a separate geography was used to underpin the recovery of the Catalan language as a viable literary vehicle. It is what cemented the foundation both of contemporary Catalonia and the sense of the existence of a wider cultural community that would later became known as the Països Catalans, or Catalan countries. Political claims for some degree of autonomy emerged out of the republican ideas of Francesc Pi i Margall on the one hand and of the growing legal and historical consciousness of the loss of the region’s distinct laws and institutions, on the other. They were also an outlet for bourgeois dissatisfaction with the political and economic management of the Spanish state. In Catalonia, lawyers, businessmen, and professionals with different ideological leanings, from the republicanism of Valentí Almirall to conservative Catholic, protectionist, and more liberal Catalanism, converged on the Centre Català (Catalan Center) and later the Unió Catalanista (Catalanist Union). In the Memorial de Greuges (Petition of Complaints, 1885) and later the Bases de Manresa

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INTRODUCTION

(1892), they set out some of their shared demands for the protection and restitution of independent laws, rights, and institutions. By the beginning of the 20th century, there were a number of Catalanist political parties, such as the conservative Lliga Regionalista, that were able to push for the creation of separate institutions like the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and the Mancomunitat in Catalonia and promote and extend the teaching and revival of the Catalan language and culture throughout the Catalan countries. In Valencia and the Balearic Islands there were attempts to emulate these institutions; although, in general, there was only success with civic society-sponsored cultural institutions and educational associations. The period from the 1840s onward also saw the emergence and growth of the labor movement in the area, mainly rooted in Barcelona and the wider metropolitan area but spreading out to other parts of Catalonia and Valencia, too. Working men’s clubs and associations proliferated, particularly after Spain’s Glorious Revolution of 1868, as did newspapers, presses, and educational centers. On the one hand, this provided the conditions for a broad-based social movement for political reform, yet it also contributed to the radicalization of right-wing forces, increasingly prepared to resort to violence to maintain the status quo. Even the quite moderate steps taken toward autonomy in the early decades of the 20th century were viewed with alarm, and when these were followed by organized strikes during the economic crisis at the end of World War I, the wealthy industrialists in Catalonia were ready to support repression of the labor movement. The subsequent imposition of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship led to repression of anarchist and separatist movements, the abolition of all autonomous institutions again, and the banning of the Catalan language. At the same time, there was growing support for left-wing Catalanism, in particular the separatist activism of Francesc Macià and his Estat Català (Catalan State), and the sidelining of conservative Catalan industrialists from positions of power led many of them to channel their wealth into supporting cultural activities. The broad-based support for left-wing republican Catalanism expressed in the municipal elections of April 1931 paved the way for Macià’s confident declaration of a Catalan republic and heralded a period of unprecedented cultural growth, underpinned by the passing of a first statute of autonomy and the re-creation of the Generalitat in 1932. It was in these years that Pancatalanism really began to spread

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INTRODUCTION

• 15

with the acceptance of a common linguistic standard, the Normes de Castelló in Valencia, and increasing collaboration between separatist and independence movements in the different Catalan-speaking territories. Political autonomy had given the Catalan capital political and administrative power to add to its leading commercial and industrial position, thus making it an alternative center for professionals from across the Catalan-speaking territories and adding to the impetus to imagine a new political structure for Spain. Under Lluís Companys’ presidency, there was the briefest declaration of a Catalan state on 6 October 1934; however, the divisions and disorganization of left-wing and Catalanist political forces meant that Spanish republican forces were quickly able to restore order, resulting in the curtailment of the autonomous government until the victory of the Popular Front and Catalan Left front platforms in the February 1936 elections. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936 placed enormous pressure on the Catalan government, and Francisco Franco’s campaign against “red, separatist” Catalonia would have the direst consequences for many inhabitants of the Catalan-speaking territories. While the initial military uprising was quashed in Catalonia and Valencia, many Catalan citizens went on to fight for the republic on the Aragonese front and in the liberation of Madrid. Later, when the Spanish central government moved to Valencia and then Barcelona in 1937, the region became a target of naval and aerial bombardment, which was particularly intense in the Catalan capital in 1938, as Francoist forces turned their attention to Catalonia, eventually winning the decisive Battle of the Ebro. Yet the war years also saw an increase in Pancatalan cultural and political activity with the arrival of many Valencian and Balearic activists in Barcelona. There was even an attempt to liberate Mallorca by Catalan forces in August 1936, but the harsh repression of separatist cultural and political institutions there afterward severely hampered cultural revival. In Catalonia, the anarchist Consell Nacional del Treball (CNT) and Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) were able to effect social revolution after the defeat of the military uprising there. This led to anti-clericalist campaigns and the persecution of wealthy industrialists, property-owners, and businessmen, with many escaping to the nationalist zones in northwest Spain or to exile abroad. Some Lliga members supported the military coup and would return to Catalonia after the end of the war to collaborate with the Franco regime.

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The Generalitat’s own powers were curtailed by the Spanish republican government after the May Events of 1937, and the 1932 statute was revoked by Franco in 1938, leading to the suppression and destruction of all the autonomous political institutions and many Catalan cultural associations and monuments with the occupation of Barcelona in January 1939. Complete occupation of the territories was achieved by April 1939, with the final defenders of the republic defeated in Valencia. While the fear of reprisals in Catalonia led to a massive exodus across the Pyrenees in the early months of 1939, Valencia was to witness brutal repression as a punishment for its support of the Second Republic. The first decade of the Franco regime saw blanket suppression of Catalan culture in the public sphere on top of harsh repression of individuals, groups, and movements associated with the republican left and Catalan particularism. Education in Catalan was banned, and Catalanspeaking teachers and lecturers were transferred to other parts of Spain. People were even forced to change their names to Castilian on the civil register, for no expression of Catalan cultural difference was to be sanctioned by the regime. While there was resistance within Catalonia and Valencia, both by pockets of maquis who had remained in the Pyrenees and anarchist and Front Nacional de Catalunya–sponsored activists, who would carry out localized attacks and acts of subversion, most Catalanist political and cultural activity in the period took place in exile. Government institutions were reconstituted in exile in the hope that an Allied victory in World War II would lead to Franco’s overthrow. Pressure groups were created to persuade foreign governments to support Spanish Civil War refugees and to condemn the dictatorship, and, little by little, cultural associations sprang up, together with festivals (like the Jocs Florals), journals, publishing houses, and prizes. Many exiles were caught up in the war in Europe, some of them continuing in the armed struggle against fascism, others imprisoned in Nazi concentration camps. After 1946, when it was clear that there would be no international support to restore Catalan autonomy and as a result of the harsh repression of opposition to the Franco regime, political resistance was all but quashed. However, forms of cultural resistance began to emerge, supported by the Catalan Church and by rich industrial patrons. Pressure from Catholic groups and international quarters led to some relaxation in the repressive measures during the 1950s so that it began to be possible to publish in Catalan.

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The Church, in particular, played a key role in beginning to revive Catalan culture through the creation and encouragement of cultural organizations and events, such as the Scout movement and the Jocs Florals, and the support it gave to Catalan language education and publications, primarily through the Abadia de Montserrat. Church organizations later became the venues of clandestine cultural and political meetings as exiled intellectuals and politicians began to return, some of them cooperating with new government organs and institutions in order to facilitate and help other Catalans. Political parties and workers’ associations from before 1939 were gradually reformed or created new affiliations, and together with the creation of the Comissions Obreres and the development of the student movement in the 1960s, they were able to feed into a broad-based social movement of resistance against the regime, manifested in strikes, cultural activities, and civil rights protest. The 1960s saw the creation and consolidation of important publishing ventures (such as Joan Sales’s El Club dels Novel·listes), the extension of Catalan language courses (through associations like the Escoles Carles Salvador in Valencia, the Obra Cultural Balear, and Òmnium Cultural), the creation of the Universitat Catalana d’Estiu in Prada de Conflent, and the proliferation of manifestations of Catalan cultural solidarity, many of which were disproportionately repressed by the regime. Socially, the Catalan-speaking territories experienced great changes in the 1950s and 1960s with internal emigration from the Spanish south and the development of mass tourism to the islands and the coast. While this undoubtedly affected the sense of linguistic and cultural commonality, the desire for political and cultural emancipation from across different centers and interest groups, including newly established gay rights and feminist associations, galvanized into effective mass social and political action. Massive popular support for the recognition and recovery of political and cultural rights toward the end of the Franco regime and after his death, particularly in Catalonia, was channelled through proto-democratic tables and assemblies so that projects for autonomy were discussed, many of them drawing on the statute of 1932. The Congrés de Cultura Catalana was set up from 1975–77 to debate and discuss projects and priorities for Catalan culture and society, drawing up detailed recommendations, which were then incorporated into discussion of the shape the transition to democracy should take and into the development of statutes of autonomy and policies for the

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INTRODUCTION

new government institutions from 1980. Above all, the level of social cohesion after the death of Franco is symbolized by the mass march in favor of independence in Catalonia on 11 September 1977 in the city of Barcelona. However, although there was a significant pro-independence movement across the Catalan-speaking territories, the Partit Socialista d’Alliberació Nacional, it was unable to gain broad-based support for rejection of the 1978 Spanish Constitution on the grounds of its failure to address the emancipation of the Catalan lands. While Catalanist parties were most successful in the first general elections in Catalonia (with 75 percent of votes going to parties who included some degree of political autonomy in their electoral manifestoes), thus laying the foundation for general consensus around creation of a new statute of autonomy, in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, the electoral mix and underlying social divisions made debate far more complex. In the event, only Catalonia took the route offered by Article 151 in the 1978 Spanish Constitution, drawing and building on broad social consensus about the need for cultural and political autonomy and for the recovery of the Catalan language as a public means of expression. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy was passed in 1979, leading to Generalitat elections in 1980. Both Valencia and the Balearic Islands took longer in debating their statutes, ending up following Article 143 in 1982 and 1983, respectively, partly due to violent opposition from some sectors of society, and both statutes contain more ambiguity about the status of the language. The Aragonese and Murcian statutes did not even name Catalan as one of their regional languages. While the Spanish Constitution commits itself to protect the official languages and plural cultures of the state, in practice this is left to the different autonomous regions, resulting in very different social and political measures. To a large degree, these differences correspond to the diverse political administrations in each of the autonomies. Catalonia has seen uninterrupted government by Catalanist formations from 1980 onward, with one party, Convergència i Unió, remaining in power under the same leader, Jordi Pujol, until 2003, yet both Valencia and the Balearic Islands have had more bumpy political histories. In Valencia, the Partit Socialista del País Valencià took power in successive elections from 1982 to 1991; however, since 1996, the Valencian government has been controlled by the Partido Popular and characterized by

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INTRODUCTION

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anti-Catalanist policies. The more historically conservative Balearic Islands have largely been led by right-wing formations; however, the brief windows opened by Pacte Progressista election victories in 1999 and again in 2007, created opportunities for more progressive linguistic, sociocultural, and environmental policies. In most of the contemporary Catalan-speaking areas, speakers now have the freedom and opportunity to speak and learn their language; although, there is significant variation in who takes the responsibility for ensuring that this is the case. In Catalonia, for instance, linguistic normalization laws were passed in 1983 and 1997 to try to ensure that Catalan might achieve the same social status as Castilian. However, in the Franja, it is the local municipal governments that take on the role of protecting the language. In Andorra, meanwhile, the only state where Catalan is named as the only official language, there is little systematic language planning. Indeed, it is largely left to cross-cultural associations and institutions, such as the Crida, the Fundació Ramon Llull, the Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana, and the Correllengua, to maintain and protect cultural and linguistic rights across the territories. While in general it is fair to say that only Catalonia has maintained consistent policies to protect, consolidate, and develop the Catalan language and culture, as well as legal and political institutions that might help to encourage social cohesion behind such policies, this is not to say that the other Catalan-speaking regions have made no advances in this area. At the level of education and cultural and language planning, in particular, there are many individuals, groups, and associations committed to promoting and protecting a shared Catalan culture; however, there has not always been the legal, political, or social will to support such movements. Indeed, even where there is the infrastructure to cater for and communicate to the entire Catalan-speaking community, such as the transmissions of Catalan-language radio and television from Catalonia, this has often been undermined by political interference, most recently the Valencian government’s 2008 ban on retransmission of TV3 programs. In France and Italy, there have been some advances in freedoms, with gradual growth in regionalist feeling from the late 1940s onward, particularly in Catalunya Nord (which received many Catalanspeaking exiles from the Spanish Civil War), and recent political recognition of linguistic plurality. There are independence movements in all the areas nowadays, but these generally gain most electoral support in

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INTRODUCTION

local municipal elections rather than autonomous or general elections. However, both the recent negative response in Spain to Catalonia’s new statute of autonomy of 2006 and increasing attacks on the right to use Catalan have led to some degree of awakening of Pancatalanist and pro-independence sentiment. Within Catalonia, the sense of dissatisfaction with the post-1983 fiscal system in Spain has contributed both to demands for a more proportional share of the taxes the region contributes to the state and, ultimately, to the increasing tendency to campaign for the viability of independence on economic grounds. Yet perhaps the greatest concern today across the Catalan-speaking territories is how to respond to the massive growth in immigration in the past decade and the effects it will have on habitual language use and community. For the moment, at least, it has produced relatively little language conflict; although, its contribution to highlighting local infrastructural failings, together with the increasing economic pressures, has fueled calls for political and economic reform. The debate over social, cultural, and political models for Catalonia and the Catalan-speaking areas continues and is generally characterized by a plurality of responses. While some are pessimistic about the future of the language and/or call for the need for independence and the creation of a separate state to protect Catalan cultural particularism, others focus primarily on a post-national model, looking to Europe for more leadership to support decentralization. Above all, there has been recognition of the need for broad social participation in the debate about the changing shape of Catalan culture and gradual replacement of the normalization model with one that recognizes and responds responsibly to cultural plurality. As Salvador Cardús reminds us, Catalan culture would not be what it is today without its capacity to integrate successive migration flows, and he proposes recognition of this unity in plurality as a “place of memory” for contemporary Catalan society:9 “I am convinced that the day we discover ourselves as a country of immigrants, the great value of what joins us together as a community will be fully recognised. And the day that we are able to see that maintaining our identity is not mostly about defending what we have been, but the struggle for what we want to be, that is the day when we shall have the strength to guarantee full recognition of our national community. Whatever the identity we exhibit at that point” (p. 87). Although his

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comments refer primarily to Catalonia, they have nevertheless inspired the vision of Catalan cultural history presented in this dictionary.

NOTES 1. See map 1, courtesy of the Generalitat de Catalunya: Secretaria de Política Lingüística. 2. Indeed, at times, the very use of Catalan on official identity documents has resulted in prosecution. 3. The 2008 Correllengua campaign to encourage solidarity among Catalan speakers provoked violent attacks in parts of the Valencian community. 4. There is very useful discussion of this question in Maria Josep Cuenca, “‘La guerra de les llengües’: Metaphors of Linguistic Conflict in Catalonia” (Birmingham, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 2009). 5. Josep Anton Fernàndez, El malestar en la cultura catalana (Barcelona: Empúries, 2008). 6. Joan Ramon Resina, Barcelona’s Vocation of Modernity: Rise and Decline of an Urban Image (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008). 7. See map 2, courtesy of the Generalitat de Catalunya: Secretaria de Política Lingüística, for a map of the different Catalan dialects. 8. See also Kathryn Crameri, Language, the Novelist and National Identity in Post-Franco Catalonia (Oxford: Legenda, 2000); Stewart King, Escribir la catalanidad: lengua e identidades culturales en la narrativa contemporánea de Cataluña (Woodbridge, UK: Tamesis, 2005); Steward King, La cultura catalana de expresión castellana: Estudios de literatura, teatro y cine (Kassel, Germany: Reichenberger, 2005); Joan Ramon Resina, chap. 4 in Barcelona’s Vocation of Modernity: Rise and Decline of an Urban Image (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008). 9. Salvador Cardús, “Questions of Identity,” Transfer 2 (2007): 80–87.

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The Dictionary

– A – ABADIA DE MONTSERRAT. Founded in the 11th century by Abbot Oliba, the monastery in the mountains of Montserrat was to become an important religious and educational center throughout Catalan history. There had been a hermitage there since the 9th century, when an image of the Virgin Mary is said to have been found by two young shepherd boys. The monastery was consecrated as an abbey in 1408 by Pope Benedict XII. The statue of the black Virgin, or Moreneta, has continued to be venerated up to the present day and was declared patron saint of Catalonia in 1881. While the abbey was sacked and burned in the 19th century, it was restored and, in the years after the Spanish Civil War, became a focus for the revival of the Catalan Church. The enthronement of the Virgin of Montserrat in 1947 was attended by some 70,000 people and provided a focal point for Catalanist sentiment, while the abbey itself both provided shelter for some of the clandestine organizations and activities that grew up in resistance to the Franco regime and initiated many Catalan-language publishing ventures. See also CENSORSHIP; ESCARRÉ I JANÉ, AURELI MARIA; MASSOT I MUNTANER, JOSEP; MUSIC; PRESS. ACADEMIA DE CULTURA VALENCIANA / ACADEMY OF VALENCIAN CULTURE. Also known as the Reial Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana (RACV), it was set up in 1978 by members of Lo Rat Penat and the former Centre de Cultura Valenciana to defend a regionalist vision of Valencian culture and, in particular, secessionist claims for the distinct character of the Valencian language. The Academy drew up its own grammar and spelling rules 23

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ACADÈMIA VALENCIANA DE LA LLENGUA

(such as the use of academia rather than acadèmia, for instance, as above) for the Valencian language, known as the Normes d’El Puig, which it has continued to promote along with anti-Catalan campaigns ever since. While the Academy enjoyed a degree of political influence during the first Eduardo Zaplana government of the 1990s, due to the latter’s dependence on Unió Valenciana, it was eventually eclipsed by the creation of the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua. However, it continues to promote arguments for the separate development and status of the Valencian language and has contributed to the high degree of linguistic conflict in Valencia today. See also BATTLE OF VALENCIA; BLAVERISME; TRANSITION. ACADÈMIA VALENCIANA DE LA LLENGUA (AVLL) / VALENCIAN ACADEMY OF THE LANGUAGE. Created to oversee the implementation of linguistic policy and language planning in Valencia, this body has been a cause of controversy from its inception. On 16 September 1998, the Generalitat Valenciana passed a law directing the Consell Valencià de Cultura to create the Academy in order to put an end to linguistic conflict in Valencia. The law was passed with general political consensus; although, there continued to be debate afterward due to issues such as the ambiguity of its title, in which there is no reference to what the language of Valencia is. Furthermore, Catalanists were concerned that the first 21 academics to constitute the Academy were to be elected by the Partido Popular–controlled Generalitat Valenciana, which had not always been particularly sympathetic to the idea of the unity of the Catalan language. Nevertheless, its creation showed some recognition of the authority of university academic linguists and sociolinguists in describing the Valencian language, and unlike the Academia de la Cultura Valenciana, the AVLL was directed to follow the unified Normes de Castelló rather than the secessionist Normes d’El Puig. The Academy was finally constituted on 21 July 2001, and while its constitution and statutes ultimately recognize the unity of the Catalan language, its main focus has been on the provision of tools for the effective standardization of the Valencian language. It has undertaken a number of educational campaigns in Valencia, produced dictionaries, grammars, and other documents to establish and provide acceptable criteria for language use, and authorized the Valencian

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translation of the European Constitution that was presented to the European Parliament in 2004. ACCIÓ CATALANA. See ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA. ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA (ACR) / CATALAN REPUBLICAN ACTION. Formed under the name of Acció Catalana (Catalan Action) in 1922, this party sought to offer a viable Catalanist alternative to the policies followed by the dominant sectors of the Lliga Regionalista of collaboration with the central Spanish state. The party emerged at a 1922 conference held by the Nationalist Youth section of the Lliga, at which Francesc Macià proposed the creation of a Catalan state. However, Acció Catalana did not itself embrace such radical nationalism, seeking instead to navigate a moderate Catalanist path between the oligarchic policies of the Lliga and Macià’s more separatist Estat Català. As such, the party was able to defeat the Lliga in the elections of June 1923, under the leadership of Jaume Bofill i Mates, Lluís Nicolau d’Olwer, and Antoni Rovira i Virgili. However, the crisis in political Catalanism provoked by the repressionist measures of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship led to a split in the party. Rovira i Virgili formed Acció Catalana Republicana in conflict with the more conservative elements of the party. The two strands were reunited in March 1931 to form the Partit Republicanista Català (Catalanist Republican Party); however, the new party was unable to compete electorally either with the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) or the Lliga. In 1933, it restored the name Acció Catalana Republicana and sought to collaborate with the ERC. The party survived the Spanish Civil War and was not to disappear completely until the 1960s. ACCIÓ CATÒLICA. See CATHOLIC ACTION. ACCIÓ CULTURAL DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ (ACPV) / CULTURAL ACTION FOR THE VALENCIAN COUNTRY. This organization was created by left-wing intellectuals, most importantly Eliseu Climent, in 1978 for the promotion of Valencian culture. It grew out of the Secretariat de l’Ensenyament de l’Idioma (Secretariat for the Teaching of the Language), providing a focus for the study

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and defense of the Valencian language in all areas of Valencian society, and its members have always been committed to the unity of the Catalan language. The ACPV is active in campaigning for the normalization of Catalan and has strong links with Catalan cultural organizations in other Catalan-speaking areas. It has supported the creation of Catalan-language journals, including Saó (Time), the reception and promotion of Catalan-language television, the commemoration of key national dates, as well as educational campaigns, focusing on a network of Catalan language centers, known as the Centers Carles Salvador. The organization continues to be active in promoting the Valencian language through participation in campaigns such as the Correllengua and via the creation of local cultural associations, known as the Casals Jaume I. One of its most important recent campaigns has been in protest at the Valencian Generalitat’s ban on Catalan television broadcasts in 2009. ACCIÓ CULTURAL VALENCIANA (ACV) / VALENCIAN CULTURAL ACTION. Set up in the University of Valencia in 1930 as a platform for cultural and national revival, this organization brought together many of the key Catalanist intellectuals of the period, including Manuel Sanchis Guarner and Felip Mateu i Llopis (1901–98). Although short-lived, it was one of the earliest progressive Valencianist organizations and published an important journal, Acció Valenciana. With the advent of the Second Republic, the ACV was dissolved as its members joined other political groups and societies. ACCIÓ NACIONALISTA VALENCIANA (ANV) / VALENCIAN NATIONALIST ACTION. The ANV was set up in 1933 by Catholic center-right nationalists, led by Miquel Adlert (1911–88) and Xavier Casp. One of its central aims was the creation of a Valencian statute of autonomy. In 1935, they called a day of national mourning in response to the publication of Josep Maria Bayarri’s El perill valencià (The Valencian danger), and soon after, the party changed its name to Acció Valenciana. At the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, the party’s headquarters were requisitioned by the Unión General de Trabajadores, and many of its members were shot. Attempts to reconstitute the party as a cultural association in March 1939 had

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very limited success as the organization was banned by the Franco regime in 1940. ACCIÓ REPUBLICANA DE MALLORCA (ARM) / REPUBLICAN ACTION OF MALLORCA. The Mallorcan Republican Action Party was formed in 1932 by members of the Balearic branch of the Federal Republican Party, who left at the time of the split between Manuel Azaña and Alejandro Lerroux in mainland Spain. They maintained links with Azaña’s Republican Action Party, created in 1930, and were involved in laying the groundwork for a proposed statute of autonomy for the Balearic Islands in 1933. They were successful in local elections, controlling 42 councils, but only managed to get one member elected to the Spanish Cortes in 1933. The ARM was disbanded in 1934 to cofound Esquerra Republicana Balear. See also REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. ACCIÓ VALENCIANA / VALENCIAN ACTION. Created in 1923 with support from local businessmen, the Valencian Chamber of Commerce, and Lo Rat Penat, this political formation was intended to defend the economic interests of Valencia. One of its aims was to create a Mancomunitat for Valencia, similar to that of Catalonia. However, even this project for limited autonomy did not find much support among the conservative Valencian bourgeoisie. The name was reused by Acció Nacionalista Valenciana in 1935. ACTUACIÓ VALENCIANISTA D’ESQUERRA (AVE) / LEFT VALENCIANIST ACTION. This party was set up by Valencian republican sympathizers in Barcelona in 1932 as a way of spreading the ideas and policies of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya to Valencia and other parts of the Catalan countries and mediating between the nationalist republican left in both regions. See also PANCATALANISM; REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. AGELL I AGELL, JOSEP (1882–1973). Pharmacist, one of main developers of industrial chemistry in Spain. He was made director of the School of Chemical Industries created by the Mancomunitat in 1916, and he founded and directed the Applied Chemistry Institute.

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AGRUPACIÓ D’ESTUDIS EIVISSENCS / ASSOCIATION OF IBIZAN STUDIES. This early 20th-century cultural association was dedicated to the study and dissemination of culture from Eivissa (Ibiza) and Formentera, mainly through the journal EBUSUS, 1921– 24. It was the main precursor to the Institut d’Estudis Eivissencs. AGRUPACIÓ VALENCIANISTA REPUBLICANA (AVR) / VALENCIANIST REPUBLICAN ACTION. Created in 1930, this party proposed the formation of a Valencian state within a federal Spain. Two of its members, Francesc Soto i Mas and Enric Duran i Tortajada (1895–1967) were elected as councilors in the municipal elections of 1931, and the party went on to push for a Valencian statute of autonomy in 1932. However, it had limited electoral support in subsequent elections. See also REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. AGUILÓ, FRANCESC DE SALES (1899–1956). Mallorcan biologist and writer who was deeply involved in republican politics in the 1930s. He contributed to the nationalist and pancatalanist journal La Nostra Terra (Our land) from 1928 and took on an important cultural role during the Second Republic, promoting the teaching of Catalan in Mallorca. A member of the Federal Republican Party from 1930, he helped to found Acció Republicana there in 1932 and then the Esquerra Republicana Balear in 1934 and was involved in drawing up proposals for a statute of autonomy for the islands. He was a strong supporter of collaboration and cooperation between the Catalan-speaking territories. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War found him in Catalonia, where he continued to be involved in cultural activism. After the war, he went into exile in Colombia, working as a biology teacher and writing for exile journals such as Quaderns de l’exili (Exile notebooks). AGUILÓ I FORTEZA, TOMÀS (1812–84). Mallorcan intellectual of the Romantic period, whose interest in the language and culture of the island was largely informed by a Romantic, folkloric perspective. He was instrumental in bringing the ideas of historical romanticism to Mallorca, translating Romantic writers, such as Lord Byron, and together with Josep Maria Quadrado, helping to set up the first wholly literary journal on the island, La Palma, in 1840. Most

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of his writings were in Castilian, but he did publish some poems in mallorquí (Mallorcan-Catalan) and even presented one poem at the Barcelona Jocs Florals in 1867. Although he did not share in the ideology of the Renaixença, in that he saw Catalan as a dialect rather than a separate language with its own cultural tradition, his work contributed to creating the conditions for cultural revival in the Catalan-speaking territories. AGUILÓ I FUSTER, MARIANO (1825–97). A cousin of Tomàs Aguiló, this Mallorcan poet and historian was one of the few important literary precursors of the Renaixença in the Balearic Islands. His recognition of the importance of language for cultural identity is borne out both by his study of literary history and his collection of popular poetry from the islands. His influence even extends to Valencia, where he worked for some years at the university library, coming into contact with Teodor Llorente and Vicent Wenceslau Querol. AINAUD DE LASARTE, JOSEP MARIA (1925–). Barcelona-born lawyer, historian, politician, and cultural advocate whose work has centered on the key protagonists of political Catalanism in the 20th century, in particular on Enric Prat de la Riba. Politically, he has been linked to a number of Catalanist organizations, such as Miramar and the Front Universitari de Catalunya, and he was elected to the Catalan Parliament for Convergència i Unió from 1980 to 1984. Since then, he has continued to serve as a public figure, taking up key roles within Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya and in the Barcelona City Council. He has appeared regularly in the press and on television to promote different aspects of Catalan culture and has written a number of books on a diversity of subjects from folklore to football. He is a strong defender of the cultural identity of Catalonia. ALBA, VÍCTOR. See PAGÈS I ELIES, PERE. ALBÉNIZ, ISAAC (1860–1909). Concert pianist and composer. Born in Girona, his family moved to Barcelona soon after his birth. As a child he was soon recognized as one of the most talented pianists in Spain. After touring internationally as a concert pianist, he returned

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to Barcelona in the 1880s, coming under the influence of Felip Pedrell’s Romantic nationalist ideas. He traveled widely, and his international renown meant that he was able to attract many of the most influential musicians of the time to Barcelona. In composition, he is known for his fusion of aspects of popular folk music with impressionist melodies, mainly focusing on Andalusian motifs. While he achieved some recognition in Catalonia and Spain during his lifetime, he was more successful abroad. His most important work, Iberia (1906–09), was produced in the later years of his life, but he also composed operas, such as Pepita Jiménez and San Antonio de Florida, and a few works on specifically Catalan themes. ALBERT, CATERINA (1869–1966). Writing under the pseudonym of Víctor Català, Albert was one of the most important Catalan writers of the early 20th century. Her novel Solitud (Solitude, 1905) is an undisputed classic of Catalan literature and has been translated into numerous languages and made into a film in 1990 by Roma Guardiet. From the fishing village of L’Escala on the Costa Brava, she was self-taught and for a long time rejected Pompeu Fabra’s codification of the Catalan language. Albert tried her hand at many different literary genres, but her main influences were rooted in the naturalism and Modernisme of the period in which she began to write. In general, her works present the struggle of the individual against an implacably dark and brutal rural world, painting a particularly compelling picture of the marginalization of women in rural society. For contemporary women writers and critics, her work represents an inescapable reference point in the exploration of the relationship between gender and nation in the construction of identity. ALBERTÍ PICORNELL, JERONI (1927–). Mallorcan businessman and politician. After some years working in Venezuela, he returned to Mallorca in 1963 and became an important figure in the development of tourism in the area as president of Hotels Mallorquins. He helped to found a number of economic institutions in the Balearic Islands, including the Associació Sindical d’Empresaris Mallorquins (1970) and the Institut Balear d’Estudis Empresarials. In 1977, he joined the Union of the Democratic Center (UCD) and was elected senator for Mallorca. He presided over the pre-autonomous parliamentary

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assembly created in July of the same year and was made president of the transition government, the Consell General Interinsular in 1978. In the Mallorcan elections of 1979, he was again returned as a senator and became president of the Consell Insular de Mallorca. He remained president of the interisland council until 1982, thus playing a pivotal role in the achievement of autonomy for the Balearic Islands. Convinced of the need for government from and for the islands, he went on to found Unió Mallorquina, of which he was president until 1988. From 1987 to 1991, he was president of the Balearic Parliament. After his retirement from politics, he continued to serve as an economic advisor to institutions like the Consell Econòmic i Social (Social and Economic Council). ALBINYANA, JOSEP LLUÍS (1943–). This Valencian lawyer and politician became a member of the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV) in 1975 and was top of their list for the first democratic elections in 1977. He was appointed president of the pre-autonomous government and was responsible for reintroducing the senyera and the name País Valencià (Valencian Country) to the region. However, the proposals for Valencian autonomy put forward under his presidency were opposed by the Spanish Socialist Party, and this, along with violent opposition from right-wing factions in Valencia, led to his resignation in 1979. He was succeeded by the liberal Enric Monsonís Domingo (1932–) from 1979 until the creation of Valencia’s statute of autonomy in 1982. See also BATTLE OF VALENCIA; TRANSITION. ALBORCH, CARME (1947–). Valencian lawyer, feminist, and politician. She directed various cultural institutions in Valencia during the 1980s, including the Institute of Modern Art from 1988 to 1993, and took an active part in the women’s movement in the same period. Her work in cultural management led her to be appointed as minister of culture under the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) government in Spain from 1993 to 1996. After becoming a PSOE candidate, she was put forward as the socialist candidate for president of the Generalitat Valenciana in 2003. In 2006, she agreed to be the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV) candidate for mayor of the city of Valencia. She is an important feminist writer and has

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published books on contemporary women’s issues in Spain, such as Solas (On our own, 1999), as well as heading a commission on women’s rights in Spain. ALCOVER, ANTONI MARIA (1862–1932). Mallorca-born linguist, folklorist, and promoter of the Catalan language. He was born into a rural family of Carlist supporters in Manacor. Although he began writing in Castilian, he switched to Catalan in 1879 and began collecting examples of popular literature, which he published under the name of Jordi d’es Racó. His most important legacy is his work on the Diccionari Alcover-Moll, an exhaustive dictionary of the different varieties of Catalan. Convinced of the unity of the Catalan language, he organized the Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana in 1906 in Barcelona. He traveled widely in order to develop his understanding of dialectology and visited many areas of the Catalan-speaking territories to collect variants and to encourage collaboration on the dictionary project, setting up the Bolletí del Diccionari de la Llengua Catalana (1901–36) to support it. In 1911, he was elected president of the Philological Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in recognition of his efforts. However, he resigned in 1918, instead seeking central government funding to continue work on the dictionary. The first volume appeared in installments between 1926 and 1930. His work was continued and completed by Francesc de Borja Moll. ALCOVER I MASPONS, JOAN (1854–1926). Mallorca-born writer whose friendship with Antonio Maura led him into politics and to a short spell as a deputy in the Spanish Parliament in 1893. Although he started out writing primarily in Castilian, a series of personal crises, including the loss of his wife and four of his children, together with his lack of success as a poet in Castilian led him to adopt Catalan for his poetry. Inspired by Antoni Maria Alcover’s linguistic campaigns and the encouragement of Gabriel Alomar and Miquel Oliver, he soon became one of the key figures in the Escola Mallorquina (Mallorcan School). His most celebrated poems can be found in the collection Cap al tard (Toward nightfall, 1909), but his activity in creating a literary circle is at least as important in the development of a viable literary culture in the Balearic Islands.

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ALEU, DOLORS (1857–1913). This doctor and hygienist, born in Barcelona, was the first woman to take a medical degree in Spain and one of the earliest to do so in Europe. She practiced as a doctor for 25 years, specializing in gynecology and pediatrics. ALFONS I (1152–96) (II OF ARAGON). Also known as “the Chaste” or “the Troubadour.” Born Ramon Berenguer, he ascended the united thrones of Aragon (1164) and Barcelona (1162) and changed his name to Alfons in honor of Alfonso I of Aragon. He was the first king of both Aragon and the county of Barcelona. Allying himself with the king of Castile, he was able to defend Aragonese territories against Navarre while pushing the reconquest further south into Teruel. Even so, the main spread of Catalan influence in his reign took place north of the Pyrenees, with the incorporation not only of Provence but also of Cerdanya and Roussillon. He was good friends with Richard the Lionheart and a talented poet, and this, as well as his relations with Languedoc, is what gave him his name as the Troubadour. ALFONS II (1265–91) (III OF ARAGON, I OF VALENCIA). Born in Valencia, the son of Peter II, he helped his father against James II of Mallorca when the latter allied himself with the French to invade Catalonia in 1285. Alfons conquered Mallorca, becoming its king from 1285 to 1291, reconquering and resettling Menorca in 1287. However, his reign was fraught with struggles against the Aragonese nobles, and he is known as “the Liberal” because he was eventually forced to recognize their right to rebel. On his death, he was succeeded by his brother James II. ALFONS III (1299–36) (IV OF ARAGON, II OF VALENCIA). Also known as “the Benign,” he was the second son of James II of Aragon and reigned from 1327 to 1336. Through marriage, he incorporated the county of Urgell into the Crown, and he also inherited Corsica and Sardinia. During his reign, his wife sought to divide the Kingdom of Valencia between their sons; however, the Cort of Valencia opposed this. ALFONS IV (1396–1458) (V OF ARAGON, III OF VALENCIA, I OF MALLORCA, I OF NAPLES). From the Castilian House

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of Trastamara, he was king of Catalonia-Aragon from 1416 to 1458 and king of Naples from 1442 to 1458. Known as “the Magnanimous,” he was an important man of letters. However, with the conquest of Naples he left his lands in Spain to be ruled by his wife and brother, only intervening to put down the Revolt of the Forans in Mallorca, which led to brutal suppression of the population. ALGHERESE. See ALGUERÈS. ALGHERO/ALGUER. In the province of Sassari in northeastern Sardinia, this municipality is the only remaining Catalan-speaking area in Italy and covers an area of about 225 square kilometers. Conquered during the reign of Peter III in 1355, the town was repopulated by Catalans during the reign of John I after the expulsion of the Sardinian population in 1372. It became a base of Catalan power in the Mediterranean, and for this reason, the Catalan-speaking tradition remained strong right up until the 18th century. Catalan was the main language of the whole island until the end of the 17th century, but with the Treaty of London, the island was passed to Victor Amadeus II of Savoy. It was not until the mid-19th century that cultural relations with Catalonia were reestablished with the influence of the Renaixença. There was a revival of the Algherese poetic tradition at the end of the 19th century, the first Catalanist association appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, and representatives attended the Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana in Barcelona in 1906. Mirroring developments in Spain, the Algherese sought to set up their own centers for the study of Catalan and of the Algherese-Catalan dialect, and the Institut d’Estudis Catalans sent a mission to support them in this in 1922. However, the ties between Catalonia and Alguer were severed once again at the end of the Spanish Civil War, and although Sardinia gained a statute of autonomy in 1948, this did little to improve the status of the local languages. It was not until 1978 that Catalan became official in the municipal council, and there was little protection of linguistic minorities in Italy until the last decade of the 20th century. Of the current population of over 42,000 inhabitants, up to 90 percent still understand the spoken Algherese-Catalan dialect. Due

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to successive waves of migration from the 1970s onward, there is a mix of many different language in the area, including a variety of Italian dialects as well as standard Italian and Sard. Although Italian is now the main language of more than half the population, more than 60 percent are able to speak Alguerès, and there is a small percentage of first-language Sard speakers. There have been some recent attempts to revive the language, including bilingual publications in Catalan and Italian, as well as local initiatives to teach the language in primary schools, but the main vehicle for transmission is within Catalan-speaking families. Thus, the most obvious outward signs of the presence of the language are in place names and signs. There continues to be promotion of the language by local cultural associations, and this is now underpinned by legislation that protects and promotes the linguistic diversity of Sardinia and Italy as a whole. However, the language has hardly any presence in the education system nor in the media, and because of the strength of Italian, it has been in steady decline from the workplace. A number of institutions have been set up to protect and promote the language, including the Obra Cultural de l’Alguer, the Centre de Recerca i Documentació Eduardo Toda, and the Escola d’Alguerès Pasquale Scanu. There is even a nationalist party, Sardenya i Llibertat (Sardinia and Freedom). Overall, the Algherese-Catalan dialect is in decline, with little cultural production or economic activity to underpin it. Furthermore, there is some debate, as in Valencia, about the question of the identity of the language: whether it is a dialect of Catalan or a language in its own right. ALGUERÈS/ALGHERESE. This is the name given to the form of Catalan spoken in Alghero. See also LANGUAGE. ALMIRALL, VALENTÍ (1841–1904). Born in Barcelona into a wealthy merchant family, Valentí Almirall began his political career as a radical republican and was instrumental in founding the Federalist Republican Party in 1868. In the ensuing decades, he leaned more and more toward political Catalanism, publishing the first daily newspaper in Catalan in 1879 and organizing the first Catalanist Congress in 1880. He went on to set up the Centre

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Català in 1882 to try to bring together Catalanists from across the political spectrum. He was involved in drawing up the Memorial de Greuges (1885), to oppose Spanish codification of civil law and call for Catalan autonomy, and published essays on political Catalanism, including Lo Catalanisme (1885). However, his influence waned in the 1890s with the consolidation of more conservative elements in political Catalanism. See also FREEMASONRY. ALMOGÀVERS. These fearsome, light-armed warriors first appeared in the reign of James I during the reconquest of Valencia and Murcia. Because they tended to inhabit frontier zones from the plunder gained during campaigns, which they supplemented with raids into Muslim territory, their presence in the territories was highly conflictual. For this reason, they were redeployed as mercenaries, forming a significant part of the armies of the Crown of Aragon in the wars of expansion across the Mediterranean. While their extremely violent decimation of retreating French forces at Le Perthus in 1285 contributed to consolidate Catalan political power, they later fought for the pretender to the Sicilian throne, against the Papal Forces, Aragon, and Anjou. The conditions of the peace treaty signed in 1302 led to the disbanding of Frederick II’s forces and the subsequent redeployment of many of the almogàvers in the crusade against the Turks. It is during this period that they become known as the Companyia Catalana. After the routing in Constantinople under Roger de Flor, the almogàvers went into decline, settling in the Duchy of Athens. Some of their exploits in the imperial armies are recounted in the chronicle of Ramon Muntaner. They are also mentioned in the Book of Deeds of James I. See also ARAGON, CROWN OF. ALOMAR, GABRIEL (1873–1941). Mallorcan writer who studied at the University of Barcelona with Joaquim Rubió i Ors. Graduating in philosophy and literature in 1896, he went on to write for a number of Catalan periodicals at the turn of the century. At the same time, he worked as a teacher, and some of his pupils in Palma from 1920 onward, such as Llorenç Villalonga, were later to become important writers. A propounder of radical politics, he worked for a number of left-leaning newspapers, like El poble català and L’Avenç. Forward-thinking and utopian, he developed his own idea of futurism

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to counter the perceived backwardness of Catalan culture since the Restoration. Alomar was anti-conservative, an atheist, and a republican influenced by the ideas of Valentí Almirall so, in almost every way, inimical to the ideals of Noucentisme, which became the main cultural movement of his time. However, what he shared with the Noucentista intellectuals was his conviction of the need for the unification of the Catalan language, which he expressed in papers given at the Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana in 1906. Alomar published many works on left-wing Catalanism, writing for a diverse range of early 20th-century publications in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands, whatever their political leaning. His political activism centered mainly on Catalonia rather than the Balearic Islands; although, he was involved in the project for Balearic autonomy in the 1930s. During the republic, he was given diplomatic roles in Italy and then Cairo, where he remained in exile until his death. His remains were not returned to Mallorca until 1977. See also BLOC REPUBLICÀ AUTONOMISTA; ESCOLA MALLORQUINA; PANCATALANISM; UNIÓ FEDERAL NACIONALISTA REPUBLICANA; UNIÓ SOCIALISTA DE CATALAUNYA. ALSINA I BOFILL, JOSEP (1904–93). Catalan doctor, who taught at the autonomous university in Barcelona from 1934 to 1939 and was president of the Catalan Biological Society, the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, and the Academy of Medical Sciences. He published numerous works on renal medicine and the circulatory system and contributed to medical dictionaries in Catalan, thus underpinning the normalization of Catalan as a scientific language. AMAT, FREDERIC (1952–) Barcelona-born artist, set designer, and film director. He is both tirelessly experimental and has assimilated influences from a wide range of cultures and aesthetic movements, from the Catalan Romanesque to early Mexican art. Conceptually, his work rests on a number of key themes and symbols, such as sex and death, which are perhaps most visible in the theater work he undertook with Lluís Pasqual, including the 1986 set designs for El público (The public) by Federico García Lorca and his 1998 version of the Andalusian writer’s film script Viaje a la luna (Voyage to the moon). See also CINEMA.

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AMAT, NURIA (1950–). This celebrated contemporary woman writer was born in Barcelona to Catalan-speaking parents but has written most of her works in Spanish. While she defends the right to choose one’s literary language, she has been critical of the cultural and linguistic policy of the Catalan Generalitat as well as of failure to recognize the importance of writers from the periphery in developments in contemporary Spanish literature. Her works include Todos somos Kafka (We are all Kafka, 1993) and El país del alma (The land of the soul, 1999). AMAYA, CARMEN (1913–63). Born in a shanty town by the Barceloneta, Carmen Amaya was to become one of the most important flamenco dancers and choreographers of the 1950s and 1960s, starring in films in Spain and abroad. Her origins make her emblematic of the idea of “other” Catalans, the Catalans by birth who were the offspring of various waves of immigrants to the region in the 20th century, drawn by the relative wealth and dynamism of Barcelona. In Los Tarantos (1962), by Francisco Rovira i Beleta, she is filmed dancing within the Somorrostro area, before it was cleared. Based on the story of Romeo and Juliet, this film shows both the rivalry between different gypsy clans and the gulf between the different population groups within the city of Barcelona, affording a vision of the city that superimposes the different claims to identity and citizenship, center, and margins that mark its geography. See also CINEMA; IMMIGRATION. ANARCHISM. The anarchist movement first began to take hold in the Catalan-speaking territories in Catalonia in 1868, during the period of political tolerance of labor associations brought about by the Glorious Revolution under Joan Prim y Prats; although, it was later to spread to Valencia and southern Spain. The Federación Regional Española (Spanish Regional Federation) of the International Working Men’s Association (FRE) was created in Barcelona in 1870 and enjoyed a few years of activity before going underground after the restoration of the monarchy in 1874. In the 1880s, a new, anarchosyndicalist formation appeared in Catalonia, the Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (FTRE), and gained rapid support among Barcelona’s urban labor force and Catalan peasants. Indeed,

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the 1880s and 1890s were marked by a series of radical attacks on the social and political institutions of the ruling classes, including the Liceu and the Corpus Christi parade of 1896, which was followed by harsh repression of the movement with the Montjuïc trial in 1897. The turn of the century saw the increasing influence of trade unionists within the movement. While there was quite cautious use of strike action to begin with, it soon became the most common form of direct action. However, alongside the syndicalist sectors there continued to be more radical insurrectionary factions and cells, which carried out assassination attempts and anticlerical actions. There were also a great number of teachers and orators committed to spreading the libertarian message through lay education, working men’s clubs, and books and periodicals. Key figures during this period included Francesc Ferrer, founder of the Escola Moderna, Joan Montseny (Federico Urales), and Joan Baptista Esteve (Leopoldo Bonafulla), as well as a number of women, like Teresa Claramunt and Teresa Mañé i Miravet. In 1907, Solidaritat Obrera was created to bring together the different groups, the Catalan branch of which became known as the Confederació Regional de Societats de Resistència (Regional Confederation of Societies of Resistance). However, Alejandro Lerroux’s radical republicanism achieved most widespread labor support in the first decade of the 20th century, and this, alongside the harsh repression of anarcho-syndicalism in the aftermath of the Tragic Week of 1909, led the movement to reorganize to form the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) in 1910. Although illegalized in 1911, from this period onward, anarchism was to come to dominate the labor movement in Barcelona. On the one hand, syndicalists, such as Salvador Seguí and Joan Peiró, became more and more adept at organizing effective strike actions, such as the general strike of La Canadenca in 1919. On the other, hardliners like Buenaventura Durruti began direct attacks on the wealthy industrialists who conspired to repress the movement between 1919 and 1923. The all-out urban warfare in the streets of Barcelona of the period paved the way for the Catalan industrial bourgeoisie’s initial support of Miguel Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship and radicalized sectors of the CNT, leading to the creation of the Federació Anarquista Ibèrica (FAI) in 1927. Divisions and tensions between the syndicalists and the FAI radicals continued into the 1930s and

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were exacerbated by the decision of a more moderate sector of the organization, known as the Trentistes, to cooperate with the institutions of the Second Republic, with some of them even entering Lluís Companys’s government after the February 1936 elections. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936 led to social revolution in Catalonia, under CNT and Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) leadership. Anarchist militias were organized, including the first women’s militia, to fight against the Francoist forces. There began a program of collectivization of industry and agriculture, which was spread to the Aragonese front by Durruti through the creation of the Council of Aragon. At the same time, realization of the need to reorganize to push back the nationalist forces led members of the CNT to collaborate with the republican government and support the return to state control. Thus, Lluís Companys agreed to incorporate syndicalists into the Generalitat, and by 4 November 1936, they had joined Largo Caballero’s government, too. However, the Generalitat’s decision to retake the Barcelona telephone exchange from the CNT in May 1937 led to the eruption of ongoing tensions and street fighting between the anarchists and communist Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC). The republican government’s severe repression of the CNT and POUM after the May Events, including the execution of Andreu Nin, heralded the decline in influence of the anarchist movement as collectivization was brought under state control. The CNT maintained a clandestine presence in Barcelona under the Franco regime but was unable to regain the levels of popular support it had achieved in the 1920s and early 1930s. In exile, divisions between the syndicalists and more libertarian factions of the party continued, eventually resulting in a split over collaboration with the republican government in exile and with Josep Irla’s Generalitat. Although the CNT was not to hold another congress in Spain until 1979, there continued to be anarchist activity in the Catalan countries under the Franco regime, with insurrectionary actions by resistance fighters and maquis, as well as the clandestine circulation of pamphlets from exile in France. The 1970s saw the emergence of an armed direct action group in Barcelona, the Moviment Ibèric de Liberació (Iberian Liberation Movement), which carried out a num-

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ber of attacks on local banks. One of its members, Salvador Puig Antich, was executed by the Franco regime in 1974, despite international outrage. Recent years have seen the development of distinct anarchist-influenced trends, most notably the appearance of anarchoindependence groups, such as Negres Tempestes (Black Tempests) and the so-called Moviment Okupa. The okupa, or squatter movement, began to take hold in Catalonia in the 1960s and 1970s and has grown exponentially in Barcelona in the past two decades. As well as providing a focus for protest against the inequities of urban speculation in the city, it has become a crucible for the spread of libertarian ideas and alternative lifestyles. See also ARLANDIS, HILARI; FEMINIST MOVEMENT; LABOR MOVEMENT; MONTSENY, FEDERICA; NEGRE, JOSEP; OCTOBER EVENTS. ANDORRA, PRINCIPALITY OF. On the northwest border of Catalonia and Aragon, Andorra is currently the only independent state with Catalan as its official language. More than 400 kilometers square, it is governed by coprinces, the president of France, and the bishop of the Seu d’Urgell and currently has a population of around 79,000, more than double that of the early 1980s. The capital, Andorra la Vella, is the smallest but also the densest of Andorra’s seven parishes. The town’s main streets are lined with sport shops, wholesale stores, and banks, indicating the principality’s economic status as a tax haven and tourist spot for Spanish, French, and Catalan visitors. Tourism and commerce became the mainstays of the Andorran economy after World War II, but in more recent years, the low taxation levels have contributed to turn the state into a highfinance area. Originally a part of the county of Urgell, it was ceded to the Church by Count Ermengol VI in 1133. Disputes over ownership with the county of Foix throughout the 13th century eventually led to the signing of political pacts or pariatges in 1278 and 1288, by which the bishop of Urgell was recognized of lord of the area while the count of Foix had responsibility for political, military, and legal rights. The first Council (Consell de Terra) was formed in 1419 and is the predecessor of the current Consell General. The count of Foix become king of France in the 17th century, and coprince status later passed to the president of the French republic. Andorra finally

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became an independent nation-state and member of the United Nations in 1993, joining the Council of Europe in 1994. Sociolinguistically, the situation in Andorra is very different from that of the other Catalan-speaking territories. Because of Andorra’s relative isolation, its population was able to remain basically monolingual Catalan-speaking for much of its history; although, there were fairly stable numbers of French and Spanish-speakers there, too, due to its situation on the borders of both states. However, migration patterns in the past few decades have led to a major increase in first-language Spanish speakers, and the growing number of speakers of other languages now tends to choose Spanish as the language of intercultural communication. While there are currently few signs of linguistic conflict, some concern has been expressed by the increasing shift toward Spanish in the socioeconomic context. As the only official language, Catalan remains the language of administration and the media, and even in the French and Spanish schools system where it is not the vehicular language, it is taught at every level, notwithstanding moves by the Partido Popular under its most recent legislature to remove the obligation to study Catalan in the Spanish schools in the area. There is no real tension about language choice and usage but equally no real sense among the people that the status of Catalan needs to be defended. Culturally, Andorra contains important vestiges of Romanesque and Baroque art, and its landscape has drawn modern artists like Gaston Vuillier (1846–1915) and Joaquim Mir. While it has inspired a great deal of travel writing, especially during the 19th century, it did not really develop its own literary tradition until the 1990s, with figures like Antoni Morell (1941–), Albert Salvadó (1951–), Jaume Ros i Serra (1918–2005), Josep Dallerès (1949–), and Joan Peruga (1954–). Esteve Albet (1914–95) moved to Andorra, like other Catalan activists and exiles, to escape Francoist repression after the Spanish Civil War and took an active interest in reviving Andorran cultural traditions. As the only independent nation-state where Catalan is the official language, Andorra has significant strategic importance in the struggle to gain greater international recognition for the Catalan language and culture. It is a member and signatory of the Fundació Ramon Llull, together with Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, Alghero, Catalunya

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Nord, and municipalities in Valencia and the Franja de Ponent, and its status as a member of the United Nations means that Catalan can now be heard in an international political forum. There is some hope among Catalanists that if Andorra were to become a member of the European Union, this would lead to full official recognition of Catalan in Europe. However, it remains unclear whether it would be in Andorra’s economic interest to do so. See also EUROPE, CATALAN IN. ANDORRA LA VELLA. Capital of Andorra. ANDRÉS ESTELLÉS, VICENT (1924–93). Prolific Valencian poet, born in Burjassot in the fertile plains of Horta de València. His earliest writings date from the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. After a period in Madrid and Navarre, he returned to live in the city of Valencia, becoming friends with progressive Valencian intellectuals such as Manuel Sanchis Guarner and Joan Fuster and publishing his first book of poetry, Ciutat a cau d’orella (Sounds of the city, 1953). Working as a journalist for the newspaper Las Provincias, he found himself in a conflictual position in the 1960s when the newspaper launched an attack on the attempts by Valencian intellectuals to revive the language and culture of the region. This conflict eventually led him to lose his job, as from the early 1970s, he moved to add his own name to this cultural revival. Much of Andrés Estellés’s work came out in the 1970s, at a time of political and cultural activism when the sense of commonality between the Catalan-speaking territories was at its height. It is the time that marks the growth of the Nova Cançó, and it is perhaps unsurprising that Andrés Estellés was embraced by this movement. He was awarded numerous prizes by Catalan cultural organizations, but this made him a target for verbal attacks and threats by the extreme right in Valencia. His most ambitious project, begun a few days after the death of General Francisco Franco, was to write a poem on Valencia with which the whole of the region could identify. This eventually appeared as the poem cycle Mural del País Valencià (Mural of the Valencian country), made up of 60 books in which all aspects of the region are reflected, from its people to its culture to its geography. See also LITERATURE; PRESS.

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ANGELS, VICTÒRIA DELS (1923–2005). Internationally renowned soprano. Born in Barcelona, she trained at the Conservatory of the Liceu, making her professional debut there in 1945 with The Marriage of Figaro. During her long international career, she continued to show support for her home culture, singing in the world premier of La Atlàntida by Miguel de Falla, based on the poem by Jacint Verdaguer, at the Liceu in Barcelona (1961). See also MUSIC. ANTICH, FRANCESC (1958–). Lawyer and general secretary of the Partit Socialista de les Illes Balears, he became the first socialist president of the Balearic Islands in 1999, under a socialist alliance with left-wing nationalist parties from the islands, known as the Pacte de Progrés. During his presidency, a number of important policies were introduced to promote and protect the Catalan language, to reinforce cultural relations with other Catalan-speaking regions, and to introduce an “ecotax” to help offset the impact of tourism in the islands. However, when the alliance lost the 2003 autonomous elections, many of these policies were overturned by the Partido Popular, headed by Jaume Matas (1956–). See also INSTITUT RAMON LLULL. ARACIL, LLUÍS (1941–). Valencian sociolinguist who worked with Laurence Fishman in New York and Charles Ferguson in Stanford. His interest in sociolinguistics and the sociology of language stemmed from observation of the process of linguistic substitution in Valencia. This led him to study processes of diglossia, interlanguage, and language shift before publishing two central texts on the sociology of language in Catalan: Papers de sociolingüística (Sociolinguistic papers, 1982) and Dir la realitat (Telling reality, 1983). He was instrumental in introducing sociolinguistics as an academic subject in the Spanish Peninsula and can be considered one of the most important sociolinguists in Europe, developing key concepts such as the idea of linguistic normalization. Critical of the discourse of bilingualism, he demonstrated how far it is simply a stage in the substitution of a minority language by the dominant language. Aracil founded the Grup Català de Sociolingüística in 1981 and was a professor of sociolinguistics at the University of Barcelona for seven years, publishing studies of minority languages throughout

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Europe. However, increasing frustration at the parochialism of some official Catalanist discourse and what he perceived as the superficiality of some of his peers in sociolinguistics led to his resignation from his job and from the Grup Català de Sociolingüística, and he now no longer terms himself a sociolinguist. Indeed, in recent years he has allied himself with right-wing groups in Valencia, taking increasingly anti-Catalan and Spanish nationalist positions. ARAGALL, JAUME (1939–). Temperamental Catalan tenor, who made his debut at the Liceu in 1964. He is considered by some to be one of the most talented Catalan opera singers. See also MUSIC. ARAGON, CROWN OF. The Crown of Aragon was a confederation of kingdoms formed in 1127 through the marriage of the daughter of King Ramir I of Aragon, Petronila, to Count Ramon Berenguer IV of Barcelona and comprising Catalonia, known as the county of Barcelona, and the Kingdom of Aragon. To these would be added Roussillon and the territories in southern France now known as Catalunya Nord, as well as Mallorca, Valencia, and other Mediterranean territories. Each of the kingdoms retained its language, laws, institutions, and traditions. While Ramon Berenguer IV was admitted as prince of Aragon, each of the subsequent descendants of the House of Barcelona who ascended to the throne became known as kings of Aragon, as well as of each of the kingdoms they inherited. The union of Aragon and Catalonia led to a strengthening of Aragonese borders against the interests of Navarre and Castile and to reconquest of Muslim-held territories in the south, beginning with Lleida and Tortosa, then extending to Teruel in the reign of Alfons II. See also BARCELONA, COUNTY OF; BARCELONA, HOUSE OF. Although the political capital of the Crown of Aragon was Saragossa, Barcelona increasingly became the economic and cultural capital of the territory. Equally, while in the early years of Catalan imperial power, the kings were dependent on the barons and the Church for support, later funds were drawn from conquest and from the contributions of the cities, most especially through trade with Barcelona. In the 15th century, under Trastamaran rule, it was Valencia that became the economic and cultural jewel in the crown. The political organization of the Crown of Aragon has been considered to be protodemocratic because of the way in which its

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constitution limited the king’s powers in the interest of the populace. Furthermore, the different laws and institutions of the different kingdoms maintained their validity, and the king and his court were forced to travel constantly between the different areas and employ experts in their respective legal and fiscal systems. Although the territories were initially characterized by baronial conflict, James I was able to unite the different baronies and counties behind a policy of territorial expansion, which brought riches to those who supported him and, in particular, to the different Church orders that underpinned the conquest with the ideological veneer of a Christian crusade. Each campaign required the support of the Cort, a council made up of the nobility, the Church, and representatives of the cities, later and, most importantly, the Consell de Cent of Barcelona. The system of corts was supplemented in the 14th century by the creation of the Generalitat, an executive body authorized to take decisions in between meetings of the general corts. The expansion of the Crown of Aragon in the 13th and early 14th centuries led it to become one of the most important medieval powers in the Mediterranean, as at its height it consolidated territories in southern France, the Balearic Islands, Valencia, and Murcia together with parts of Italy and even some duchies in Greece. However, in the 14th century, the Crown entered a period of decline and was eventually merged with the Kingdom of Castile as a result of the union of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabel of Castile in 1469. It continued to enjoy a degree of independence, maintaining local laws, languages, and institutions until the early 18th century, but this was becoming more limited and frayed by heavy taxation from the capital of the new Spain and increasing cultural focus on the Spanish capital when the latter moved to Madrid. In addition, the kingdoms that formed the Crown of Aragon were excluded from the riches gained by other regions in the Americas, which constituted the economic underpinning of the Spanish empire and shifted the focus of trade to the south, in particular, Seville. Catalan discomfort with the new political and economic order produced a number of revolts and rebellions, such as the Germanies in Valencia and Mallorca in the early 16th century and the revolt of the Segadors in 1640, and, ultimately, led the different kingdoms to support the Austrian candidate to the Spanish throne in the War

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of Spanish Succession. After the fall of Valencia at the Battle of Almansa, Barcelona was eventually left to defend itself against the Spanish armies alone, surrendering on 11 September 1714. The different levels of autonomy of Catalonia, Valencia, Aragon, and the Balearic Islands were then severely limited by the decrees of the Nueva Planta in 1716, which also circumscribed the use of Catalan in the public sphere. Although the Crown of Aragon was for many generations ruled by Catalan kings, making Catalan the main language of much of its empire, the tendency to associate the Crown of Aragon with the Kingdom of Aragon and, therefore, with Aragonese has at times been used to deny the political and cultural identity of Catalonia in the medieval period. Furthermore, the coexistence of Catalan and Aragonese in the period has been used to undermine claims for the unity of Catalan, by suggesting the presence and primacy of other Romance languages. The political effects of this confusion can be traced today in debate over the name and identity of the language spoken in the different Catalan-speaking territories outside Catalonia. See also ALFONS I; ALFONS III; ALFONS IV; ALMOGÀVERS; CHRONICLES; DESCLOT, BERNAT; FLOR, ROGER DE; FORÀ REVOLT; JAMES II; JOCS FLORALS; JOHN I; LLULL, RAMON; LLÚRIA, ROGER DE; MARCH, AUSIÀS; MARTIN I; MARTORELL, JOANOT; METGE, BERNAT; MUNTANER, RAMON; NAPLES; PETER I; PETER II; PETER III; ROIG, JAUME; ROYAL CHANCELLORY; SANT JORDI, JORDI DE; VILANOVA, ARNAU DE; VILLENA, ISABEL DE; VIVES, JOAN LLUÍS. ARANDA, VICENTE (1926–). Barcelona-born cinema director who has made a number of Castilian-language film adaptations of important literary works of the postwar period, including La muchacha de las bragas de oro (Golden Girl, 1979), Tiempo de silencio (Time of Silence, 1986), Si te dicen que caí (If They Tell You I Fell, 1989), El amante bilingüe (The Bilingual Lover, 1992), and Carmen (2003). He also produced a heavily criticized film version of Joanot Martorell’s Tirant lo Blanc (2006). See also GAUCHE DIVINE. ARANÈS. A dialectal variety of Occitan, Aranès is spoken in the Vall d’Aran, a northwestern valley in the Catalan Pyrenees. Its isolation

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from France means that it is closer to Catalan than other forms of Gascon, particularly in its literary forms. The language was standardized, following the norms of the Institut d’Études Occitaines, in 1982. It has been protected as an official language by the Generalitat de Catalunya since 1983, with the creation of a specific center for linguistic normalization in 1985 and its incorporation into the school curriculum in the local school system. It was made an official language of Catalonia in the revised statute of autonomy of 2006. ARCHITECTURE. Architecturally, the Catalan-speaking lands offer a variety of different styles that are a testimony to the different periods in their history. Where there is a common style, it is in the churches and castles and towers of the medieval period, which tell the legacy of conquest, its basis and justification in Christian crusade, and the power of the Catholic Church socially, politically, and economically in the period in which the medieval Catalan empire gained its strength. The richest range of Catalan Romanesque church architecture is to be found in the valleys of the Pyrenees, where a church can be found in almost every valley. There are more than 2,000 Romanesque churches still standing in Catalonia alone. During the period of great territorial expansion in the 13th century, Catalonia developed its own version of Catalan Gothic, which is perhaps best represented by great cathedrals, such as that of Tortosa, but of which there are also civic examples, such as the town council buildings in Barcelona. The most impressive Catalan Gothic church in Barcelona is Santa Maria del Mar, which showcases the airy simplicity of the style when compared to that found in the rest of Europe. Churches and fortresses from this period in the Balearic Islands and Valencia often merge the emerging Catalan Gothic style with mudejar features. Then in the 15th century, it was the city of Valencia that was to see the culmination of the Gothic style in its towers, cathedral, and the Llotja. There is not much to distinguish civic architecture of subsequent centuries from that of the rest of Spain. However, the economic recovery of Valencia and Barcelona in the 18th century, with the splendor of the churrigueresco style in the Marqués de Dos Aguas palace in Valencia, and early 19th century paved the way for urbanization, expanding the cities beyond their medieval walls and the

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fortresses created during the centralized rule of the Bourbons. This, together, with the cultural reawakening in Catalonia in the latter half of the 19th century, known as the Renaixença, led to the appearance of a rich new movement in turn-of-the-century Barcelona, embodied in the idiosyncratic works of architects like Antoni Gaudí, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, and Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Common to their works is a harkening to past forms, attention to the landscape and identity of the area in which they work, and a closeness to arts and crafts. Yet at the same time, they sought to respond to the needs of modernization and the massive population growth of the new city. Their Romantic patriotism and utopianism is very much part of the spirit of Modernisme and can be observed in buildings like the Casa Batlló, La Pedrera, the Palau de la Música Catalana, Hospital de Sant Pau, Sagrada Família, the Casa Amatller, and the Colònia Güell, as well as their contribution to the major reconstruction project that was the 1888 Universal Exposition in Barcelona. There are other important examples in other Catalan-speaking locations, such as Cau Ferrat in Sitges, the railway station and the Central and Colom markets in Valencia, and the restoration of the cathedral in Palma de Mallorca. Modernisme was replaced in the 20th century by a more classical outlook with Noucentisme, which rejected the natural exuberance of the previous decades. While Puig i Cadafalch remained one of the main architects of Noucentisme, his buildings of the later period are quite bland and derivative. However, the conservatism of the early decades of the 20th century is not reflected in all architectural production, and the influence of European modernism can be found in a number of buildings in Barcelona, including the Mies van der Rohe pavilion at the 1929 Universal Exhibition, as well as in the work of the architectural collective known as the Grup d’Artistes i Tècnics Catalans per al Progrés de l’Arquitectura Contemporània (GATCPAC), comprising innovative architects like Josep Lluís Sert and Sixto Yllescas (1903–86). Part of their inspiration was drawn from the simple domestic architecture of the Mediterranean regions, especially that of the Balearic Islands. Popular architecture in the regions is mainly that of the Mediterranean coastal area, with its white houses, constructed around a large communal living space, but there is also the emblematic Catalan farmhouse, famously painted by Joan Miró. The architecture of the

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provincial towns is often characterized by a mix of styles, which tell of the mixed cultures that inhabited the medieval walled cities and towns, with the narrow streets of the Jewish call and some testimony to mudejar architecture, particularly in the southern territories of Catalonia and in Valencia. Urban development under the Franco dictatorship tended to be chaotic and disorganized, leading to the massive urbanization of the coastal areas in Catalonia, the Balearics, and parts of Valencia, as well as the growth of shanty towns and cheap building in the 1960s. However, the Catalan-speaking territories produced many architects and designers who bucked this trend, reacting against the imposition of the official art of the dictatorship. Influenced by Sert and the progressive work of the GATCPAC in the prewar years, Josep Antoni Coderch, Josep Maria Martorell, and Oriol Bohigas formed the Barcelona School; Cristian Cirici, Pep Bonet, and Óscar Tusquets formed the group PER; and Ricard and Anna Bofill set up the Taller d’Arquitectura de Barcelona (Barcelona Architecture Workshop). More recently, Catalonia and Valencia have seen the development of a new generation of high-tech and deconstructionist designers, such as Enric Miralles and Salvador Calatrava. Many of these architects have worked abroad and have an international profile. Their more famous, and at times notorious, works include that of Bohigas on the reconstruction of Barcelona, Bofill’s designs for the Olympic Games, and Calatrava’s recent spectacular City of Art and Culture on the outskirts of the city of Valencia. The redevelopment of Barcelona since the end of the Franco period is, however, considered by many to be the most important contemporary architectural achievement of the Catalan-speaking territories. Indeed, the combination of attention to local needs and cosmopolitan aspirations that are the hallmarks of the Barcelona Model have been imitated across the globe. See also ART; JUJOL, JOSEP MARIA; VIVES I ESCUDER, ALBERT. ARIBAU, BONAVENTURA (1798–1862). Barcelona-born writer, banker, and politician who, like many Catalans of the early 19th century, left to make a name for himself in Madrid. Starting out as a liberal, he was involved in setting up the key Romantic periodicals, El Europeo and El Vapor, and became a member of the Acadèmia de les Bones Lletres in Barcelona. He was instrumental in importing

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European Romantic ideas into Spain. However, after a period on the provincial government for Lleida, he became disaffected with regional politics, moving to Madrid in 1826. Here he divided his time between commerce and journalism, before becoming a prestigious government economist. In Catalonia he is known for his ode to “La pàtria” (The homeland), written in 1833 from Madrid, which is often presented as one of the founding moments of the Renaixença. Most of his other works are in Castilian. ARLANDIS, HILARI (1888–1939). Valencian political activist and trade unionist, who attended the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) Congress in Barcelona in 1921 on behalf of his home town of Cullera and was then sent to Moscow to the Red Trade Union International in June with Joaquim Maurín, Jesús Ibáñez, and Andreu Nin. In 1922, he joined the Partido Comunista Español (PCE) and helped to organize the Federació Comunista de Llevant, which included Valencia and Murcia. Because of his campaigns against the war in Morocco in 1925, he was forced into exile in France and then imprisoned in Barcelona when he returned. On his release, he joined the Federació Comunista Catalano-Balear, which broke with the PCE in 1930, uniting with the Partit Comunista Català to become the Bloc Obrer i Camperol. Arlandis became one of the leaders of the renamed Federació Comunista Ibèrica in 1933 but resigned when it was reconstituted as the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) in 1935, aligning himself instead with the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC). Arlandis was an important left-wing Catalan thinker who was able to critique the imperialist tendencies within the federalist visions of his contemporaries. He defended the right to self-determination of Catalonia in articles for the Marxist periodical L’Hora (The time), such as “L’anarquisme i les nacionalitats oprimides” (Anarchism and oppressed nationalities) and “Per la llibertat de Catalunya” (For the freedom of Catalonia). He died while fleeing over the border to France at the end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939. See also ANARCHISM; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. ART. While there are many examples of prehistoric art in the Catalanspeaking territories, as well as buildings and artifacts left by successive

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colonizations by Greeks, Carthaginians, Romans, and Moors in southern Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, which have left their mark on the art forms developed in later periods, the first major art movement identified as Catalan is the Romanesque. Most of the works associated with this period are religious paintings restored from Romanesque churches in the Pyrenees, which were recovered during the early years of the 20th century and are now displayed at the Museu Nacional D’Art on Montjuïc in Barcelona; although, there is an important early tapestry at Girona Cathedral as well as illuminated manuscripts. The Gothic period in the 13th and 14th centuries produced a number of talented painters, such as Ferrer Bassa and Jaume Serra. Later, in the 15th century, it was Valencia that was to become the center of artistic production, with the paintings of Jaume Huguet and Lluís Dalmau and later Francisco Ribalta and José de Ribera. However, in the main, the movements associated with the Renaissance and baroque did not really take hold in the Catalan-speaking territories. The most important development in the 18th century was the creation of art schools in Barcelona and Valencia. It is not until the 19th century that significant Romantic painters appeared, such as Marià Fortuny in Catalonia and Joaquín Sorolla in Valencia. Later, with the Renaixença in Barcelona, the Modernista movement developed a recognizably Catalan style influenced by art nouveau. Important painters of this period include Santiago Rusiñol, Ramon Casas, Isidre Nonell, Alexandre de Riquer, and Joaquim Mir, but there were also avant-garde artists like Juan Gris, Pablo Picasso, and Pau Gargallo who were influenced by the culture of the period in Catalonia. Early in the 20th century, the classicism and Mediterraneanism of the Noucentista movement exerted influence on the visual arts, in sculpture with Josep Clarà (1875–1958) and Aristides Maillol and on painters like Joaquín Torres García. Nonetheless, Catalonia was not untouched by the influence of the European avant-garde; indeed, two of the most emblematic names of the surrealist movement were born in Catalonia, Joan Miró and Salvador Dalí, and there were many other significant artists and critics, such as Sebastià Gasch and Rafael and Ángeles Santos Torroella. The cultural revival in all the Catalan-speaking territories saw a tendency toward the recovery of popular art forms,

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and there were strong developments in poster art during the Spanish Civil War years. There were also many influential caricaturists from the early decades of the 20th century, such as Xavier Nogués and later Pere Calders and Avel.lí Artís Gener. During the Franco regime, a group of artists led by Antoni Tàpies, Joan Brossa, and Joan Ponç (1927–84) developed Dau al Set, a forum for avant-garde and abstract creation and design. Other experimenters in the contemporary period include Frederic Amat, Josep Maria Subirachs, Miquel Barceló, as well as the more populist Xavier Mariscal and the Valencian abstract artists Manuel Hernández Mompó (1923–93) and Eusebio Sempere (1923–85) and constructivist painter Miquel Navarro (1945–). The most internationally recognized names in Catalan art are Miró, Dalí, Tàpies, and Barceló. See also ARCHITECTURE; CINEMA; DESIGN; GAUCHE DIVINE; OBIOLS, JOSEP; SEMPERE, EUSEBIO; SUNYER, JOAQUIM; TUSQUETS, ÓSCAR. ARTÍS GENER, AVEL.LÍ (1912–2000). One of the most instantly recognizable Catalan writers with his black eye patch, he started out as a journalist for L’Esquella de la Torratxa and La Publicitat in the 1930s, publishing satirical cartoons under the pseudonym Tísner. He fought for the republican side in the Spanish Civil War, initially as a volunteer, before being promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel. As a Catalan writer and fighter for the republican cause, he had little option but to go into exile at the end of the war. He settled in Mexico where he continued to write and publish in Catalan, but unlike many of his peers, he integrated well into local society, even writing a reverse “conquest” narrative, Paraules d’Opòton el Vell, which tells the story of the discovery of “Spain” (via Galicia) by a group of Aztec explorers in search of their god. This was one of the texts chosen to represent a counter-narrative to the celebrations of the quincentenary of the “discovery” in 1992. Tísner returned to Barcelona in 1965 and became a popular figure; although, his work enjoyed relatively little critical recognition, perhaps because of his perceived populism and political radicalism. His novels are some of the most experimental fiction to be written in Catalan in the postwar period and are linguistically and technically complex. However, until recently, he was perhaps better known as a

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public figure for the cultural memory he represents and for his journalistic work. He himself contributed to this perception by flagging up the testimonial aspect of his literature as being more important than its technical innovation. ASSEMBLEA DE CATALUNYA. This clandestine assembly brought together different cultural, political, and social associations in the struggle against the Franco regime. Its first meeting was held on 7 November 1971, and it directed social and political action until 1977. Its broad aims were the achievement of democratic freedoms, the granting of political amnesty, and the restoration of Catalonia’s statute of autonomy of 1932, the Estatut de Núria. Although it was repressed by the Franco regime, with 113 of its members detained at the parish church of Santa Maria Mitjancera in 1973, it continued to organize key demonstrations, including the major marches on 11 September 1976 and 1977, calling for Catalan home rule. The assembly supported the formation of the Catalan Left coalition, Entesa dels Catalans, in the 1977 general elections, subsequently making way for the creation of a parliamentary assembly to draw up a preautonomous regime for the region. See also NÚRIA, ESTATUT DE; RANSITION. ASSEMBLEA DE PARLAMENTARIS / ASSEMBLY OF PARLIAMENTARIANS. This parliamentary assembly was called by Francesc Cambó in Barcelona on 19 July 1917 in order to demand parliamentary and constitutional reform. It was followed by a general strike in August 1917, which resulted in the resignation of the Spanish prime minister, Eduardo Dato. While Cambó and his party subsequently withdrew their demands, agreeing to participate in the Spanish government, Catalanist republican parties and members of the Mancomunitat went on to draw up a statute of autonomy, which they presented, unsuccessfully, in 1918. ASSEMBLEA REGIONALISTA VALENCIANA / VALENCIAN REGIONALIST ASSEMBLY. This assembly was organized in 1907 by València Nova, a group that had broken away from Lo Rat Penat due to divisions over the origins of the Valencian language. In imitation of Solidaritat Catalana, it brought together different regionalist groups and can be seen as the first public manifestation

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of cultural and political Valencian nationalism. It was, of course, rejected by supporters of blasquisme. ASSOCIACIÓ CATALANA DE LA DONA / CATALAN WOMEN’S ASSOCIATION. This Catalan feminist association was founded in Barcelona in 1976 with the aim of achieving women’s equality with men. It played a key role in organizing the different feminist and women’s groupings in Catalonia and formed part of the Catalan Left coalition, Entesa dels Catalans, in the 1977 elections. ASSOCIACIÓ D’ESCRIPTORS EN LLENGUA CATALANA (AELC) / ASSOCIATION OF CATALAN LANGUAGE WRITERS. Set up in October 1977, as a result of the Congrés de Cultura Catalana, the main aim of the AELC is to protect the rights of writers in Catalan from across the Catalan-speaking territories and to promote their work in those areas and internationally. The association has a very useful website with information on a wide range of Catalan authors and organizes literary prizes and conferences. Since the restoration of the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes in 1987, the AELC has functioned mainly as a writers’ union. See also CASTELLET, JOSEP MARIA; FUSTER, JAUME; LITERATURE. ASSOCIACIÓ INTERNACIONAL DE LLENGUA I LITERATURA CATALANES (AILLC) / INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR CATALAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. The AILLC developed out of international meetings of Catalanists in Strasbourg (1968) and Amsterdam (1970) to explore ways of sharing and promoting aspects of Catalan culture internationally. The association was constituted officially at Cambridge in 1973, under the presidency of renowned literary historian and linguist Antoni Badia i Margarit (1920–). It has held triennual conferences since then and publishes regular bulletins on events and publications related to the Catalan language and literature. ASSOCIACIÓ PER A L’ENSENYAMENT DEL CATALÀ (APLEC) / ASSOCIATION FOR THE TEACHING OF CATALAN. This is the main organization in France to promote the teaching of Catalan in the former Catalan-speaking territories known as

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Catalunya Nord. The word aplec is traditionally associated with a popular meeting for religious, political, or festive purposes. See also ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA CATALANA; ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA VALENCIANA. ASSOCIACIÓ PER LA CULTURA DE MALLORCA / ASSOCIATION FOR MALLORCAN CULTURE. Created in 1923, this was a key center for the Escola Mallorquina (Mallorcan School) and published the most important cultural journals of the time, including La Nostra Terra (Our land) and the Almanac de les Lletres (Literary almanac). In the 1930s, the organization developed more militant Catalanist tendencies and was involved in drawing up a proposal for a statute of autonomy in 1931, bringing harsh repression when Mallorca was taken by the rebel military forces in the summer of 1936. ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA CATALANA (APEC) / ASSOCATION FOR THE PROTECTION OF CATALAN TEACHING. This privately funded organization was set up to promote the teaching of Catalan in 1889 and went on to encourage the creation of numerous courses throughout the Catalan countries. As such, it became an important focal point for the development of cultural and political Catalanism. See ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA VALENCIANA. ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA VALENCIANA (APEV) / ASSOCIATION FOR THE PROTECTION OF VALENCIAN TEACHING. This private organization was set up in 1934 to teach Catalan to young people and also ran courses on the history, geography, language, and culture of Valencia. It grew out of Carles Salvador’s Oficina d’Acció (Office for Action) of 1921. From 1936, it undertook a campaign for the co-officiality of Valencian and Castilian in Valencia. ATENEU BARCELONÈS / BARCELONESE ATHENAEUM. This important cultural center was founded in 1860 as the Ateneu Català, taking on its current name in 1872. Throughout its history, it

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has been a focal point for a wide variety of cultural activities, from exhibitions and concerts to conferences and prizes. The athenaeum also houses a very well-stocked library. From the early decades of its existence to outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, it was also a cradle for political Catalanism, bringing together figures like Josep Yxart, Valentí Almirall, Àngel Guimerà, Pompeu Fabra, Bartomeu Robert, and Joan Maragall. As well as the influential lectures delivered there, many of which would underpin cultural and political developments in early 20th-century Catalonia, the Ateneu provided a center for Estudis Universitaris Catalans in 1903, which was a precursor to the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. See also BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; BOHIGAS, ORIOL; COROMINES, PERE; DOMÈNECH I MUNTANER, LLUÍS; EDUCATION; LLUHÍ I RISSECH, JOAQUIM; NICOLAU D’OLWER, LLUÍS. ATHENS, DUCHY OF. Conquered by the Companyia Catalana in 1311, which had been hired and then betrayed by Walter V of Brienne, the Duchy of Athens remained under Catalan control until 1388, when it was bought by the Florentines. During the period of rule by the Companyia, Catalan was made the official language and the laws of Catalonia were imposed on the area. AUTONOMY, STATUTES OF. See STATUTES OF AUTONOMY. AVENÇ, L’. The first Catalan periodical to have significant influence on the Catalan cultural milieu, it began life as Avens (Progress) in 1881, founded by Jaume Massó i Torrents (1863–1943) and Ramon Casas. It is associated with the rich, cosmopolitan indianos who returned to Catalonia from the Americas and were involved in the Modernista movement and influenced by the progressive federalist ideas of Valentí Almirall. The early issues make this affiliation very clear and explicitly set themselves apart from the conservative Catalanism of the Jocs Florals. Over the years of its publication, the periodical took on different roles: as a showcase for literary creativity and for translations of contemporary European literature and, ultimately, as a propounder of the need for the standardization of written Catalan. One of the most important figures in this project was Pompeu Fabra.

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Although the periodical closed down in 1893, due to a variety of circumstances, including perceived links to the anarchist bombings in Barcelona, the imprint continued to be involved in publishing other journals. The press remained open as one of the foremost Catalan publishing houses of the turn of the century, with translations from world literature and the creation of a popular pocket library, the Biblioteca Popular de l’Avenç. It continued to produce cheap versions of classic and modern texts until 1915, by which time the new Catalan cultural institutions of the Mancomunitat had developed official organs for the promotion of the Catalan language and literature. The imprint is associated with progressive writers such as Joan Maragall, Santiago Rusiñol, and Ignasi Iglesias. See also PRESS; PUBLISHING. AZORÍN, PSEUDONYM OF JOSÉ MARTÍNEZ Y RUIZ (1873– 1967). Born in Manòver in Valencia, this famous writer of the socalled 1898 Generation was a native Catalan speaker. He studied law at the University of Valencia and then Granada and Salamanca before moving to Madrid in 1898. Choosing to write in Spanish rather than Catalan, his writing focuses on the state of Castile and explores the crisis of his generation. He also proposed new readings of the classics of Spanish literature. AZZATI, FÈLIX (1874–1929). Born in Cadiz, he later moved to Valencia, where he worked as a journalist and politician. After meeting Vicente Blasco Ibáñez, he began to write for El pueblo (The people), as a radical republican follower of blasquisme. He was elected a deputy for Blasco’s party on a regular basis throughout the 1910s and reorganized the party to found the Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista (PURA). Like his mentor, he was strongly opposed to Catalan-Valencian solidarity.

– B – BALAGUER, VÍCTOR (1824–1901). Barcelona-born writer and politician. Active in the literary and political world from his teens, he became leader of the liberal party in Barcelona from 1843 to 1868;

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however, he did not write his first work in Catalan until 1857. He played a prominent role in the liberal government in Spain in the 1870s, and after the restoration of the monarchy, he held office as vice president of Congress and as a senator. Although he showed great interest in recovering the history of Catalan culture, his work became increasingly assimilationist and sympathetic to Castile, as in his Historia de Cataluña y de la Corona de Aragon (History of Catalonia and of the Crown of Aragon, 1860–63). Nonetheless, his writings, including a number of short popular plays and translations into Catalan, served to revive interest in Catalan culture and institutions, thus playing a significant role in the Renaixença. See also FREEMASONRY; LITERATURE. BALEARIC ISLANDS. The Balearic Islands are to be found in the Mediterranean Sea off the eastern coast of Spain and are, in actual fact, composed of two different groups of islands: the Balearics proper, comprising Mallorca, Menorca, and a number of smaller islands; and the Pitiüses, consisting of Eivissa, Formentera, and Cabrera. Together they cover a total surface area of just over 5,000 square kilometers, 73 percent of which corresponds to the island of Mallorca, 14 percent to Menorca, 10 percent to Eivissa, and nearly 2 percent to Formentera, with the rest being divided among Cabrera and some 250 smaller islands. The current capital is Palma de Mallorca, which is also the main population center. Politically, they have been an autonomous region of Spain since 1983, governed by an interisland council made up of representatives from each of the island councils. There are local island councils for Mallorca, Menorca, and Eivissa-Formentera. The total population is over 1,001,000 inhabitants, nearly three times that of the beginning of the 20th century. This is mainly due to massive growth between 1960 and 1980, resulting from the impact of mass tourism, as well as a steep increase in migration from outside Spain in the past decade. The islands that comprise the Balearic Islands were conquered by the Crown of Aragon in the 13th century, under James I. Much of the Muslim population was expelled or enslaved, and the islands were resettled by Catalans and later by Valencians. When James I divided the kingdoms between his sons, Peter II inherited the Catalan-Aragonese lands while James II got Mallorca. This resulted

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in continuous conflict with the mainland kingdoms until the islands were reannexed to the Crown of Aragon in 1343. Because of their differential status, the islands did not have a cort like Valencia. Instead, each island enjoyed its own privileges and bons costums (literally, good customs) until the decree of the Nueva Planta in 1716. Catalan was the main language of the islands until the 18th century. In fact, one of the most important writers in the Catalan language, Ramon Llull, was born in Mallorca in the 13th century. Later, the creation of the Royal Chancellory in Mallorca and its authority in establishing a standard for written Catalan helped to promote and maintain linguistic unity across the Catalan-speaking territories that were part of the confederation. Indeed, Castilian was hardly used there until the suppression of the public use of Catalan under Bourbon rule in the 18th century. The islands were first grouped together as an administrative unit under the Cadiz Constitution of 1812, by which a Balearic province was created with a provincial head assigned by Madrid. Later, Francesc Pi i Margall’s idea for a first Spanish republic envisaged grouping the Balearic Islands together as one of the constitutive states. Culturally, the islands enjoyed a strong revivalist movement in the late 19th century, which generally pursued points of contact with the Renaixença in the other Catalan-speaking territories. Although the Balearic Renaixença did not produce the same degree of politicization of the population as in Catalonia, with many of its cultural activists tending to be more politically active on the mainland rather than in the islands, there was some elaboration of a project for political autonomy in the years leading up to the Spanish Civil War. A provincial statute was passed in 1925, along the lines of the Catalan Mancomunitat. However, the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera put a stop to any real political autonomy, and Mallorca’s fall to General Francisco Franco’s nationalist forces in 1936 led to the suppression of all Catalanist movements. Even so, the population of the Balearic Islands remained mainly Catalan-speaking under the Franco regime, notwithstanding official circumscription of the language, and the situation only really began to change with the massive growth in tourism from the late 1950s onward. After the death of General Franco, an interim government was put in place, which was charged to set up the Consell General Inter-

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insular to draw up a statute of autonomy for the islands in 1983. Even though the Alianza Popular was the only party to vote against autonomy for the island, its successor, the Partido Popular (PP), has been in power for most of the time since then, except for the 1999–2003 legislature, when a socialist alliance with left-wing and green nationalist parties took power, leading to the introduction of progressive cultural and ecological projects, including the introduction of an “ecotax” and the creation of the Institut Ramon Llull to promote collaboration between the different Catalan-speaking territories. A similar alliance was able to form a government after the 2007 elections. The major demographic changes that took place from the 1960s have had significant effects on the language and culture of the region, particularly in Palma de Mallorca and Eivissa, which have received the greatest influx of immigrants from other parts of Spain and abroad. In 1991, 31 percent of the inhabitants of the islands had been born outside of the islands, most of them from Spanish-speaking regions. That figure went up to over 43 percent in the 2006 municipal census. The rapid urbanization produced by mass tourism has also created an overwhelmingly urban population, with the rural population now accounting for little more than 1 percent of the total. Economically, the Balearic Islands constitute one of the most prosperous regions in Spain. However, their almost exclusive focus on tourism and the overexploitation of natural resources that this has entailed make the economic future of the island somewhat precarious. While the Bloc Progressista solution was to seek more sustainable models of economic and cultural development, the return of the PP in the 2003 elections led to a project to create a Euroregion, uniting the Mediterranean coastal regions of Spain. In terms of language use, there is now pretty universal knowledge of Spanish in the region, as stipulated in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. According to recent studies, around 96 percent of the population understand Catalan, 72 percent speak it, around 56 percent can read it, and a 2002 study suggested that the number of people who could write Catalan had risen to over 50 percent. However, more detailed studies of daily language use indicate that there has been some reduction in the use of Catalan in most sociolinguistic situations, including intergenerational transmission of the language, and that

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Castilian has become more prevalent as a default interlanguage. There is some linguistic conflict produced by the issue of the identity of the language, with local variants being given local names according to the island on which they are spoken: mallorquí, menorquí, eivissenc. However, unlike the situation in Valencia, this does not appear to have had a major effect on language use. More influential by far is the representation of Castilian in daily life, and it could be argued that the localization of the names for sa nostra llengua give Catalan an inferior status in relation to the more “international” language, Spanish. Recent PP interference in language planning after years of active nonintervention looked like it might produce a further shift in the sociolinguistic situation. In 2004, for instance, the PP abolished the Junta Avaluadora del Català in order to establish its own criteria for language testing. However, the formation of a leftist coalition government in 2007 has allowed a return to policies that protect and promote the local language and culture. There are many cultural institutions that endeavor to protect and promote the Catalan language and culture in the Balearic Islands, most importantly the Obra Cultural Balear, the Universitat de les Illes Balears, the Grups de Defensa de la Llengua, and the Associació Voltor. However, linguistic and cultural representation in the media remains patchy, with no daily newspapers and negligible local audiovisual transmissions. The Balearics do receive Catalan and Valencian television channels, however, and Televisión Española provides some programs in Catalan, specifically for the islands. There are a number of quality journals in Catalan, including Lluc and El Mirall, and the islands have produced a wide range of talented writers in Catalan, including the most famous Catalan writer historically, Ramon Llull. See also ACCIÓ REPUBLICANA DE MALLORCA; AGRUPACIÓ D’ESTUDIS EIVISSENCS; AGUILÓ, FRANCESC DE SALES; AGUILÓ I FORTEZA, TOMÀS; AGUILÓ I FUSTER, MARIANO; ALBERTÍ PICORNELL, JERONI; ALCOVER, ANTONI MARIA; ALCOVER I MASPONS, JOAN; ALOMAR, GABRIEL; ANTICH, FRANCESC; ASSOCIACIÓ PER LA CULTURA DE MALLORCA; BALEARIZATION; BARCELÓ, MIQUEL; BONET, BLAI; BONET, MARIA DEL MAR; CASTELLÓ GUASCH, JOAN; COSTA I LLOBERA, MIQUEL; COSTA SERRA, PILAR; ESCOLA MALLORQUINA;

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ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA BALEAR; FEBRER I CARDONA, ANTONI; FORÀ REVOLT; FORTEZA, MIQUEL; FORTEZA, TOMÀS; GERMANIES; GONELLISME; LANGUAGE; LITERATURE; LLOMPART, JOSEP MARIA; MARCH, JUAN; MARÍ MAYANS, ISIDOR; MATUTES, ABEL; MAURA, ANTONIO; MOLL, AINA; MOLL, FRANCESC DE BORJA; OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR; OLIVER, MARIA ANTÒNIA; PACTE DE PROGRÉS; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE LES ILLES BALEARS; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE MALLORCA; PONS, DAMIÀ; PORCEL, BALTASAR; RIERA, CARME; SBERT I MASSANET, ANTONI; SERRA, JEAN; UNIÓ MALLORQUINA; VILLALONGA, LLORENÇ; VILLANGÓMEZ, MARIÀ; XUETES. BALEARITZACIÓ/BALEARIZATION. This is the term used to refer to the economic phenomenon observed in the Balearic Islands, in particular in Mallorca and Eivissa, by which there has been an enormous shift to the tourism sector so that many of the other sectors are entirely dependent on the tertiary sectors, and the economy of the islands is entirely dependent on external forces. The main problem with the imbalance in the economy of the islands is that it has led to unsustainable development, the effects of which are also associated with balearization. Demographically, there has been a massive increase in population and a largely irreversible shift from the interior to the coastal regions, leading to excessive urbanization of the coastline. These enormous demographic changes have had a knock-on effect on the water supply for the islands, which was already precarious. There are relatively few natural sources of fresh water on the island and certainly not enough to sustain the population as well as providing an adequate infrastructure for the tourism sector. While there have been some attempts to produce a more sustainable economic model and the situation in Menorca and Formentera is far less serious, legislation produced during the 1999–2003 legislature by the progressive Balearic government, the Bloc Progressista, to counter the negative effects of balearization was overturned by the Partido Popular. BALLESTER BOIX, MANUEL (1919–2005). Barcelona-born chemist who developed perchloro-organic chemistry and discovered

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inert free radicals in 1964. He was nominated for the Nobel Prize in Chemistry. BALLETBÓ-COLL, MARTA (1960–). Barcelona-born writer, journalist, and film director. Her first and most celebrated full-length feature film, Costa Brava (1995), focused on a lesbian relationship between an American tourist and a Catalan tour guide, Anna, played by Balletbó-Coll herself. Basically, a feminine road movie set against the backdrop of Barcelona, it is filled with sardonic comments and insights into cultural identity and relationships. She has released other feature films, including Sévigné (2005), as well as shorts, documentary work, and a coauthored novel, Hotel Kempinsky, most of these centering on situations of cultural marginality, difference, and desire. See also CINEMA; WOMEN. BALMES, JAUME (1810–48). Born in Vic, this priest and politician was one of the most influential thinkers of early 19th-century Spain. He was instrumental in introducing contemporary European philosophy, especially the new ideas about society, into the Peninsula and was moderately localist politically. Although he can be considered to have contributed to the ideological conditions for cultural and political Catalanism, he was himself antiseparatist. See also CHURCH. BANCA CATALANA. This bank was created in 1959 by the family of Jordi Pujol and became one of the most important financial institutions in the Catalan countries in the 1960s and 1970s, underwriting many Catalanist ventures and activities. The bank folded in the 1980s amid charges of corruption, and it was taken over by the Banco de Bilbao Vizcaya group in 1988. BANDERA NEGRA / BLACK FLAG. The armed wing of Estat Català took its name from the black flag supposedly carried by Rafael Casanova at the fall of Barcelona on 11 September 1714. Set up in May 1925, Bandera Negra was led by Jaume Compte i Canelles and Marcel·lí Perelló i Domingo (1897–1961), bringing together other militant activists and Societat d’Estudis Militars members, such as Miguel Badia (1906–36) and Daniel Cardona (1890–1943), who would later have political roles during the Second Republic.

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The group’s most significant action during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship was the assassination attempt on King Alfonso XIII in El Garraf, planned by Perelló in 1925. Subsequent repression of the group forced many of its members into exile until 1930. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. BAPTISTA ESTEVE, JOAN (?–1923). Trade unionist anarchosyndicalist who was also known by the pseudonym of Leopoldo Bonafulla. Together with Joan Montseny, he was active in promoting direct action in the 1880s and 1890s and continued to propound anarcho-syndicalist ideas as editor of the newspaper El Productor from 1901 to 1906. Baptista was imprisoned for his involvement in the Tragic Week, which he documented in La Revolución de julio (The July Revolution, 1910). He traveled to Andalusia to gain support for the anarcho-syndicalist movement with Teresa Claramunt and took part in the regional labor congress that resulted in the creation of the Confederació Nacional de Treball (CNT) in Barcelona in October 1910. When he fell under suspicion of police collaboration, he was forced to distance himself from the anarchist movement, working as a teacher until his death. See also ANARCHISM; LABOR MOVEMENT. BARCELÓ, MIQUEL (1957–). This versatile experimental artist, working in a variety of different forms, was born in Felanitx, Mallorca, and may be considered one of the most important Catalan painters of recent decades. Self-launching his career in 1976 with the exhibition in Manacor of boxes of decomposing “still lives,” he became something of an enfant terrible of the Spanish underground art scene, associating with avant-garde artists such as Xavier Mariscal. While he has ranged through various different styles and influences, a common characteristic of his works is the combination of primitivism with surrealism, often incorporating organic materials in various states of decomposition. He has collaborated with many other artists, on books, exhibitions, and plays. In recent years, he has received prizes for his illustration of a three-volume edition of Dante’s Divine Comedy, published illustrated notebooks on his experiences in Africa, and worked on the renovation of the Chapel of Saint Peter in the Cathedral of Palma de Mallorca, in terracotta. His work on the

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domed ceiling of the United Nations building in Geneva, completed in 2008, caused some controversy due to its high cost and fueled debate within the Spanish media over Barceló’s cultural affiliations and about nationalism and cultural diversity in the Spanish state more generally. See also ART. BARCELONA, CITY OF. The city of Barcelona is the capital of Barcelona province as well as of Catalonia as a whole. Although it had a fairly stable population of just over 1.5 million throughout the 1990s, mainly due to the geographical limitations on further growth, recent migration flows to the area have led it to increase to nearly 1,615,908 people in the past six years. The city is flanked by the Mediterranean Sea to the east and the mountains of Montjuïc and Tibidabo/Collserola to the south and west. It is important to note, however, that the limits of the city now merge almost seamlessly with those of towns in the wider metropolitan area, such as Hospitalet de Llobregat and Badalona. The population of the wider metropolitan area has been growing rapidly, particularly in the past decade, and currently stands at somewhat over 4.9 million. Although there has been a settlement at the site since the Celtiberian period, it was little more than a staging post for the Romans and only really grew to prominence during the early Middle Ages when the Counts of Barcelona were in the ascendancy. When the county of Barcelona merged with the Crown of Aragon, Saragossa became the capital. However, Barcelona grew in size and strength due to its position on the coast at a time of maritime expansion of the Aragonese empire. Even in the period of James I, there was a sense of the centrality of Barcelona to the aspirations of the kingdoms. Barcelona remained an important economic and cultural center even when the Aragonese court merged with Castile, with the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella; although, unlike Valencia, it was affected adversely by the general economic crisis across the Mediterranean in the 15th century. Its decline continued with the shift in trade from the Mediterranean to the newly discovered Americas at the end of the 15th century. However, it remained home to key Catalan-Aragonese cultural and political institutions until the War of Spanish Succession in the early 18th century. Barcelona’s fall on 11 September 1714 was followed by implementation of the decree of the Nueva Planta,

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by which many of the kingdom’s special privileges were removed. Ironically, this forced incorporation of the region into Spanish law led to the opening of the South American markets to Catalan trade, which ultimately contributed to the economic regeneration of the city and its eventual industrialization in the 19th century. The city grew rapidly in the 19th century, with the affluence of the new bourgeoisie, the influx of factory workers in the cotton industry, and the opening up of the walls of the old city to allow geographical expansion. Liberal town planning in the shape of the Pla Cerdà linked up the old city to the neighboring villages, and the urban population grew accordingly. Calculated at around 100,000 at the beginning of the 19th century, it had gone up to 184,000 by 1857, then 337,000 in the decades following the new urban development of the city, and the demolition of the old walls of its medieval center. By the beginning of the 20th century, the city had a total population of around half a million people. Economic growth led to cultural revival, which gradually began to underpin a sense of political Catalanism, making Barcelona the center of the Renaixença and the focal point for regeneration and recovery of the cultural institutions of the reinvented glories of Catalonia’s imperial past. Yet, at the same time, Barcelona at the beginning of the 20th century was a city in turmoil, with deep-rooted class conflict, strong popular support for anarchism, and workers’ movements and periodic social uprisings, most famously the Setmana Tràgica (Tragic Week) in 1909. Such instability tended to undermine interclass solidarity, in particular because of the economically conservative and protectionist leanings of the local bourgeoisie. However, harsh repression of social and cultural institutions, such as the interprovincial government, the Mancomunitat, by the Spanish government helped to promote a common differential discourse, and it is under the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera that a broadly popular left-wing Catalanist movement began to emerge in the city. Barcelona’s reputation as a red city is confirmed in the 1930s by its protagonism in the declaration of the Second Spanish Republic and, however briefly, of Catalonian independence within a federal Spain. The focus on local institutions produced by the political push for autonomy led to the official restoration of the Generalitat in 1932, the renaming of the University of Barcelona as the Universitat

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Autònoma de Barcelona, and the preparation of ambitious plans for the urban expansion of the city (Pla Macià). However, the euphoria and sense of a collective project that infused the city after the Catalan Left victory in February 1936 and the social revolution in Barcelona and Catalonia that followed defeat of the military uprising in the city in July of the same year gave way to social and economic conflict and then crisis, with the heavy bombardment of the city by General Francisco Franco’s nationalist forces, the fall of the city in 1939, and the harsh repression of the early Franco period. By the 1950s and 1960s, there was new economic growth, notwithstanding the Franco regime’s centralist agenda, which focused on the economy of Madrid. The concentration of heavy industry around Barcelona led to massive demographic changes and to uncontrolled and unbalanced urban growth, with the appearance of shanty towns in the areas now known as Nou Barris and the concurrent metropolitan expansion of neighboring centers such as L’Hopsitalet de Llobregat, Badalona, Sabadell, and Terrassa. During this period, Barcelona remained under the control of the anti-Catalanist mayor José Maria Porcioles, who stifled investment in urban infrastructure and was repressive of liberal movements within the city. Even so, Barcelona in the 1960s and 1970s was a center for cultural and political activism and saw a steady growth of associations that promoted Catalan culture. There are “Barcelona schools” in architecture, literature, and cinema from this period. As well as one of the most flourishing areas in the Peninsula economically and industrially, Barcelona became one of the main publishing centers in the Hispanic world and was instrumental in the international promotion of Latin American literature. By the end of the Franco period, it had a healthy cultural life, including a large number of avant-garde and progressive theater groups and performers, but was perceived internationally as rather less attractive in terms of architecture and infrastructure. The population had risen in the period to over 1.5 million people, due in large part to immigration from other areas of Spain. As capital of Catalonia, Barcelona played a key role in the transition period to democracy in Spain, with massive popular marches for autonomy and recognition of a differential cultural and political identity for the region. It holds the seat of the autonomous govern-

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ment, the Generalitat, at the Plaça Sant Jaume, which stands opposite the other main governmental institution in the city, Barcelona’s city council, the Ajuntament. While both institutions have appealed to Barcelona as a sign of cultural identity, it is the city council under successive socialist mayors since the 1980s that has contributed most to the urban shape of the city today. The 1980s saw a process of cultural revival by which key buildings and institutions in the history of the city and of Catalonia as a whole were renovated and rebadged for the needs of the urban population. The aim was to make Barcelona attractive to foreign investment and tourism, thus underpinning the development of a sustainable urban infrastructure while at the same time maintaining and revitalizing the social and civic significance of different centers and districts. If the Generalitat’s message for the revival and promotion of the Catalan language in the 1980s was one of consensus and common purpose, so too was that of Barcelona’s council about the developing identity of the city. One of the key events in urban regeneration was the Barcelona Olympics in 1992, which led to the restoration of monuments and districts, like the Olympic ring on Montjuïc, Barcelona’s port, the Vila Olímpica in Poble Nou, and the Vall d’Hebró. The cleanup of the city brought about by the Olympics was not uncontroversial, however, as for some it meant removing much of the local color of the city, such as the red light district in the Raval and the chiringuitos (beach huts) on the beaches of the Barceloneta, and for others it was socially divisive, producing urban development of previously no-go areas for the wealthier classes and simply marginalizing the poor to areas on the fringes of the metropolis. It is a model that the Ajuntament has sought to repeat in other areas of the city, with the creation of projects for the promotion of particular areas as centers for specific economic activities, such as the shift of theatrical and cultural activity to the “city of theater” on Montjuïc or the desire to make the Poble Nou district a focal point for information technology. More recently, the Universal Forum of Cultures held in Barcelona in 2004 was originally mooted by Barcelona’s Olympic mayor and later president of the Generalitat, Pasqual Maragall, as fusing the idea of promoting greater communication between world cultures about contemporary human experience and social problems with the

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specific need to regenerate the northeastern limits of the city and create a platform for attracting investment in the area of information technology. The urban developments undertaken in order to facilitate the event map closely the proposals for the extension of the city’s infrastructure made during the Second Republic and called the Pla Macià. However, they were met with popular cynicism about the political motivation for the project and certainly do not reflect adequately the progressive social values embodied within the original plan. Indeed, although Barcelona has been the main center for the cultural and political manifestation of Catalanism throughout the past two centuries and, for many within Catalonia, one of the core symbols of Catalan identity, it is a contested city. In terms of urban development and cultural identity, it was represented and reshaped in different ways by the Generalitat under Convergència i Unió and the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya-held Ajuntament. Although both governing institutions have been held by broadly left-wing forces since 2003, it remains to be seen whether this will have a significant effect on the shape of the city. A series of highly visible crises in infrastructure since 2006, affecting electricity and water supplies and the transport system, together with soaring property prices have led to a deeper critique of the civic sustainability of the Barcelona model, as well as throwing the limits of Catalonia’s self-government into relief. While for many Catalans, the city is a symbol of Catalanism, one of the cradles of Catalan identity, for others it represents a cosmopolitan haven, a place that represents more than Catalonia, seeing Catalan identity as exclusive and reductive. Furthermore, the excessive focus of Catalan cultural activity on Barcelona has led to some resentment from other areas of Catalonia, where the population may be more predominantly Catalan-speaking, rather in the same way that Catalanism within Catalonia and its focus on the region’s own interests may be said to have produced a center-periphery dynamic in relation to other Catalan-speaking territories. In general, the differing visions of the city have not led to conflict as its current growth and development seem to allow for overlapping meaning to be given to the different spaces that constitute Barcelona, and this is one of the key characteristics of the Barcelona model as described by architect and urbanist Oriol Bohigas. However, its

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status as a capital of a Catalan-speaking territory that has constructed its claims for autonomy around cultural difference and, in particular, around the core value of the Catalan language may now be considered problematic when at least 50 percent of the urban population are not first-language Catalan speakers. Indeed the benevolent bilingualism at the heart of daily life in the city is perceived by some to be one of the greatest threats to the Catalan linguistic community. Even so, in other ways, the city has been a fitting emblem of Catalan identity, in its Mediterranean openness to change and progress, its perceived Europeanism and cosmopolitanism, and its attempts to regenerate the spaces of the past with the needs of the present and the values of the future. BARCELONA, COUNTY OF. This was the political confederation of a number of counties and baronies brought together by Guifré el Pilós (Wilfred the Hairy) in 987 AD. It was ruled by the House of Barcelona until union with the Crown of Aragon in 1137, under Ramon Berenguer IV. Due to its location on the Mediterranean coast and the political relevance of the county in the development of the Crown of Aragon, it came to be viewed as the core of modern-day Catalonia. See also BERENGUER, RAMON I. BARCELONA, FOOTBALL CLUB (ALSO KNOWN AS BARÇA). Founded in 1899 by a Dutchman, Joan Gamper, it was one of the earliest football clubs to be set up in Spain. In the early years, it was based in Gràcia, gaining its first big ground in 1909. In 1910, it became part of the Spanish Federation, beating the other main Barcelona football team, El Espanyol, in the cup. The years between 1910 and 1920 were very successful for the club, with emblematic players, like the team captain Josep Samitier. By the end of the decade, the players had achieved professional status, and the club built the Camp de les Corts in 1922, with a capacity of 20,000 spectators, going up to 60,000 in the years that followed. It was during these years that Barça began to take on symbolic status for Catalan identity, with the rise in relevance of sport as a community core value in the 1920s and 1930s. The years before the Spanish Civil War became one of its greatest periods, and the club won six league titles and six cup competitions.

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Early in the Franco regime, there was a concerted campaign to cleanse the club of its associations with Catalan identity, and it went through a troubled period until 1946. However, it was once again to become a public forum for the expression of Catalanist sentiment. The club’s successes between 1946 and 1952 made it attractive as a point of reference for newcomers to Barcelona, and it became a space for the integration of the many immigrants who come to Barcelona in the 1950s and 1960s, with players such as Kubala. In 1957, the Nou Camp stadium, with a capacity of 90,000 spectators, was built at the site of the Camp de les Corts. The site was further developed in 1971, with the construction of the Palau Blaugrana, providing the club with a center for many different sports, including basketball and handball. It now has over a 100,000 members, and there are many supporters across the globe. In many ways and at different periods, Barça has been one of the most democratic values of Catalan identity, standing for political defiance of the dictatorship in the years when Real Madrid was General Francisco Franco’s preferred team and promoting Catalan as a cultural player whenever Barça won the league. It was even thought to improve the representation of the Catalan language in Valencia when Barça had a good season. After a period of crisis in the late 1990s, when there were many corruption scandals and the club almost faced financial ruin, Barcelona F.C. was restructured and rejuvenated under the chairmanship of Joan Laporta, winning the Spanish league again to great acclaim in 2005. In the 2008–9 season, for the first time in its history, the club managed to win three major trophies—the Copa del Rey, the league championship, and the European Cup—making the Barça and its new manager, Pep Guardiola, one of the most celebrated football phenomena in the world. BARCELONA, HOUSE OF. This was the name given to the dynasty of kings of Catalonia-Aragon descended from Wilfred the Hairy through the family of Ramon Berenguer. See also ALFONS I; ALFONS II; ALFONS III; JAMES I; JAMES II; JOHN I; MARTIN I; PETER I; PETER II; PETER III. BARCELONA MODEL. The Barcelona model refers to the redevelopment of the city in the 1980s and 1990s and the theories that

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underpin it: to create a civic space that reflects the needs and desire of the society and individuals living within it. The model is associated with the names of Pasqual Maragall, who was mayor of Barcelona at the time of most of the city’s regeneration, and with the architect Oriol Bohigas, who received the RIBA Gold Medal for the city of Barcelona in 1990, in recognition of its exemplary integration of different urban conceptions. As Bohigas himself made clear in his acceptance speech, behind the redevelopment of Barcelona was the shared philosophy that the city should be understood at a number of different levels: as a political entity in which one could read the ideology of its time; as an environment for collective experience, allowing space for interaction between citizens; and as a place where chance and conflict enrich experience. Rather than espousing a utopian model of urban design, then, the Barcelona model was a functional model intended to center on the city as public space and on the creation of effective public spaces within the city, as places that reflect the different identities of the different communities who inhabit and give meaning(s) to them. It was innovative for its time in its celebration of the center of the city as the source of meaning, rather than shifting development to the periphery. However, many critics have questioned the success of the model both on its own terms, interrogating not only the use value of the architectural forms but also their ability to reflect and be read by different communities, and because of its production of new peripheries and margins from its partial negotiation and occlusion of aspects of the city’s diverse histories to its displacement of the urban poor from the center to the periphery. BARCELONA OLYMPICS. The XXV Olympic Games were held in Barcelona in 1992 under the mayoralty of Pasqual Maragall. The Olympic bid was used as a way of regenerating the city and focused on four main areas. The first of these, the Anella Olímpica, or Olympic Ring, on Montjuïc, aimed to recover one of the most historically conflictual areas of Barcelona because of its marginal status. For many years, it had housed the poorest immigrants and gypsies of Barcelona, and to this was added its oppressive history as home to the military garrison under General Francisco Franco, one of the sites for summary executions in the years immediately following the

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Spanish Civil War, including the assassination of Lluís Companys. Instead of building a brand new stadium, the Olympic Commission in Barcelona decided to rehabilitate the remains of the neoclassical stadium built there for the People’s Olympiad in 1936 as an alternative to the official Olympic Games held in Adolf Hitler’s Berlin. These games were prevented by the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in June of the same year. The other areas of redevelopment of the city were Barcelona’s port and sea front, with the creation of the Rambla de Mar and Maremagnum, the Port Olímpic, and the Olympic Village in the previously down-market area of Poble Nou; the Diagonal, perceived as the city’s main thoroughfare; and the Vall d’Hebró, in one of the poorer outlying areas of the city, which had been a district that received high levels of immigration in the 1960s. The Barcelona Olympic Games were generally a marketing and public relations success and contributed to putting Barcelona on the contemporary urban map. They were used by the Generalitat to promote knowledge of Catalan culture, with separate advertisements being put into world newspapers, and were made into a showcase for local arts and performers. However, during the years before the games, there was a high degree of public discontent due to the cost of the developments to the public purse and the perceived lack of investment in the people of the city, and there were repressive measures taken by the Spanish state against some cultural and political activists who opposed the games. Furthermore, much of the tourist infrastructure that was set up during the period was subsequently neglected as other high profile developments took place. In general, though, the games achieved a level of social acceptance that has not been repeated with any of the subsequent major campaigns for urban redevelopment of the city. The symbol of the 1992 Games, COBI, was designed by the Valencian artist and graphic designer Xavier Mariscal. See also ARCHITECTURE. BARCELONA SCHOOL / ESCOLA DE BARCELONA. This term has been used to describe a number of movements and cultural phenomena. The most famous of these is probably the generation of Spanish-language poets influenced by Jaime Gil de Biedma, which included the Goytisolo brothers, the critic Josep Maria Castellet, and publisher Carlos Barral, and the Catalan writers Gabriel Fer-

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rater and Joan Ferraté. However, it has also been used to describe the group of neorealist-influenced directors who helped to regenerate cinema in Catalonia in the late 1950s and 1960s, as well as the architectural movement begun by Oriol Bohigas and Rafael Moneo and including Ricard Bofill. It has even been proposed as a name for a line of Catalan thinkers, beginning in the first third of the 19th century with Jaume Balmes and traced through figures like Eugeni d’Ors and, more recently, Josep Ferrater Mora, who integrate culturalism with moral philosophy. See also LITERATURE. BARRAL, CARLOS (1928–89). Barcelona-born writer and publisher, who was director of one of the most important Spanishlanguage publishing houses of the 1960s, Seix Barral, responsible for “discovering” some of the great writers of the period, such as the Peruvian Mario Vargas Llosa. His own writings were mainly in Castilian; although, he published two coffee-table books in Catalan, Catalunya des del mar (Catalonia from the sea, 1982) and Catalunya a vol d’ocell (Catalonia from the air, 1985) with photographs by Xavier Miserachs. He was a socialist senator from 1982 to 1989. See also LITERATURE. BARRAQUER, IGNASI (1884–1965). Barcelona-born eye surgeon, who founded a center for ophthalmology in 1941 and then a research institute, the Institut Barraquer, in 1947. He developed innovative techniques for cataract extraction that were used internationally. BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT (1917–). This Barcelona-born politician and scientist originally graduated in chemistry at the University of Barcelona. In 1934, he became a member of the Federació Nacional d’Estudiants de Catalunya and then the Joventuts d’Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya a year later. He went into exile in France in 1938 and studied mathematics, physics, and chemical engineering at the University of Montpellier before undertaking his doctorate in physical sciences at the Sorbonne. He worked as a lecturer at Montpellier from 1948 to 1951 and became a member of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in France. On his return to Catalonia in 1952, he was instrumental in reconstituting the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), which had been

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banned by the Franco regime, and went on to lead the clandestine wing of the party until 1976. He was made a professor of inorganic chemistry at the Autonomous University of Barcelona in 1970 and has continued to publish scientific papers in this area. When the ERC was legalized in 1976, he was elected secretary general, running as a deputy to the Spanish Congress in 1977. In 1980, he was elected to the Catalan Parliament, becoming its president from 1980 to 1984. He was a member of the European Parliament (1991–94), president of the ERC (1991–95), and has enjoyed a number of other influential cultural and political positions, such as president of the Ateneu Barcelonès and emeritus fellow of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. BARTRA, AGUSTÍ (1908–82). This Barcelona-born writer worked for the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes during the Second Republic, going into exile at the end of the Spanish Civil War. He lived and worked as a translator in Mexico from 1940 to 1970 with his wife Anna Murià, writing some of the most important works in Catalan of this period. These include the novel Crist de 200.000 braços (Christ with 200,000 arms, 1968), which reflected on the traumatic experience undergone by Civil War refugees in French detention camps, as well as numerous volumes of poetry, which he himself translated into Spanish. See also LITERATURE. BASES DE MANRESA. This is the name by which the bases for a Catalan Regional Constitution drawn up at the second assembly of the Unió Catalanista in 1892 are more widely known. The main points of this proto-constitution included home rule for Catalonia, with Catalan as the sole official language; the concession of executive, economic, and fiscal powers to the region, as well as responsibility for public order; the requirement that only native or naturalized Catalans should have access to public office; and the restoration of a Catalan supreme court. While these proposals were broadly supported by members of the Catalanist Union, they did not achieve much popular support. BATISTA I ROCA, JOSEP MARIA (1895–1978). This Barcelonaborn anthropologist, historian, and politician was deeply involved in political activism before the Spanish Civil War and cofounded a

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number of significant groups and movements, including the beginning of the Scout movement in the Minyons de Montanya of 1927, the patriotic association Palestra, and the Generalitat National Guard to protect Lluís Companys. In 1938, he was sent as a delegate to London to negotiate an armistice with the British government that might free Catalonia from occupation by the Francoist forces that had by then taken hold of most of the Spanish state. He returned to England in exile at the end of the Civil War and became a lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge. He continued his cultural and political activity on behalf of the Catalan countries as secretary of the Consell Nacional de Catalunya in Great Britain and through the foundation of the Anglo-Catalan Society in 1953. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. BATLLORI, MIQUEL (1909–2003). An internationally known theologian and historian, Batllori’s work has focused mainly on aspects of spiritual and ecclesiastical history, including works on Ramon Llull and his influence in Europe and on the Valencian Borja family. BATTLE OF VALENCIA. This was the name given to the often violent social and cultural struggle over the symbols of identification that took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s in Valencia, before ratification of Valencia’s statute of autonomy. Its main manifestation was in campaigns in the right-wing anti-Catalan press, which misrepresented constitutional discussions about the future shape of Valencia. However, there were also extremely violent attacks against left-wing politicians, progressive intellectuals, publishers, and publishing houses, including letter bombs against Joan Fuster and Eliseu Climent. The main sources of conflict were the proposed name of the region, the status of the Catalan language, and the flag to be adopted as a symbol of the community. The virulence of the campaign succeeded in forcing major political concessions, including the delayed implementation of the autonomous process via Article 143 in the Spanish Constitution, the imposition of the name Valencian Community rather than Valencian Country, adoption of the flag of the city of Valencia rather than the senyera, and ambivalence over the status of the Valencian-Catalan language. It also severely hampered the possibility of effective political cooperation in the Valencian

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Generalitat and contributed to divide left-wing progressive forces in Valencia, thus paving the way for Partido Popular domination of the political scene from the 1990s onward. See also BLAVERISME; TRANSITION. BENET I JORNET, JOSEP MARIA (1940–). The best-known Catalan playwright, Benet i Jornet wrote his first play in the 1960s when he was part of the Escola Catalana d’Art Dramàtic. Although he received some critical acclaim for his mainly realist plays of the 1960s and 1970s, it was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s that he achieved wider recognition with more psychologically and symbolically complex plays, like Desig (Desire, 1991). Alongside this, his work as a screenwriter for Catalan television on numerous successful Catalan-language soap operas contributed to make him a household name in the Catalan countries. Two of his plays have been adapted for the cinema by Ventura Pons, E.R. (1994), which became Actrius (Actresses, 1996), and Testament, which became Amic/Amat (Friend/ lover, 1999). See also THEATER. BENET I MORELL, JOSEP (1920–2008). Born in Cervera, Lleida, Josep Benet was a well-known lawyer, historian, and politician, who fought on the republican side in the Spanish Civil War and was deeply involved in the struggle for Catalan cultural and political recognition during the Franco regime. After the Civil War, Benet returned to Barcelona to study for a law degree, helping to set up the Front Universitari de Catalunya (FUC). As well as participating in legal defenses and political campaigns against the Franco regime, he was committed to the recovery of Catalan political and cultural history, writing Maragall i la Setmana Tràgica (Maragall and the Tragic Week, 1963), Catalunya sota el règim franquista (Catalonia under the Franco regime, 1973), which he published in Paris where he was editor of Edicions Catalanes de Paris, and Exili i mort del President Companys (The exile and death of President Companys, 1991), among others. He was elected a senator in the first democratic elections after the death of Franco and was involved in drawing up Catalonia’s statute of autonomy. BENICÀSSIM, ESTATUT DE. Valencia’s statute of autonomy.

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BERENGUER, RAMON I (1024–76). Count of Barcelona from 1035, he consolidated Barcelona’s position among the other medieval Catalan counties and began codification of local law in the Usatges. See also BARCELONA, COUNTY OF. BERENGUER, RAMON IV (1113–62). Ruler of the county of Barcelona from 1131, he was betrothed to Petronila, the heiress of the Crown of Aragon, and married in 1137. In return for his help against Castile, he was made prince of Aragon and essentially ruled the kingdom until it was inherited by his son, who became Alfonso II (Alfons I of Catalonia). It is thought that he became known as “the Saint” because of his many campaigns against the Moors. BERGNES DE LAS CASAS, ANTONI (1801–79). Academic and classicist who was one of the most important intellectuals of the Romantic period in Barcelona. He produced a Catalan version of the New Testament in 1832 and went on to translate the Old Testament into Spanish in 1837. He was in charge of an influential publishing house and collaborated in cultural periodicals, such as the Museo de las Familias, which were instrumental in introducing contemporary European literature and ideas to the Spanish reading public. Although he did not support the Renaixença in Catalonia, he did participate in some Jocs Florals. BERLANGA, LUIS GARCÍA (1921–). Born in Valencia, Berlanga is one of the best-known Spanish film directors of the 20th century. His father was a republican and was imprisoned during the Spanish Civil War. In the hope of saving his father, he joined the nationalist forces and went to Russia to fight for the Axis. After his father’s death, he went to Madrid and entered film school at the same time as Juan Bardem. His work is characterized by its satirical portrayal of Spanish society, including a quite scathing caricature of the different national characters, such as the Catalan in La escopeta nacional (The national shotgun, 1977). His films contribute to undermine the myths that, for the Franco regime, were central to the unity of Spain. See also CINEMA. BERNAT I BALDOVÍ, JOSEP (1809–64). One of the most popular writers of the Valencian Renaixença, he was born in Sueca and

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wrote poetry, short satirical plays, and some libretti in Valencian, mainly publishing in the pamphlet press. Unlike Teodor Llorente, he is associated with the poesia d’espardenya (literally, espadrille poetry) movement, which cultivated a written form of Catalan that was as close as possible to the spoken Valencian of the time. This often meant including words borrowed from Spanish. Like many of his contemporaries, he was uninterested in separatist politics. He was the author of one of the first Llibrets de Falla (Falla pamphlets) in 1855 and has been considered a founding figure of modern theater in Valencia. See also LITERATURE. BIEITO, CALIXTO (1964–). Internationally renowned theater director, who was born in the Basque Country but has spent much of his life in Barcelona and works with companies and productions in Catalan and Spanish. Working mainly with translations from canonical authors, including opera and contemporary classics, he has been both praised for his ability to breathe new life into old texts, bringing them to contemporary audiences, and reviled for his audacity. Much of his international reputation stems from collaborative work with British and German companies at international theater festivals at Edinburgh and Salzburg, including productions of Luces de Bohemia, La verbena de la paloma, Macbeth, Hamlet, and La Celestina. His use of cinematic techniques—highly stylized and brutalizing staging and audacious cuts—has led him to be called the Tarantino of the theater world. He is currently artistic director of one of Barcelona’s most respected theater spaces, the Romea in the Carrer de l’Hospital. BIGA AND BUSCA. These were the names given to the most significant social groupings in Barcelona of the 15th century. The biga were the honored citizens who dominated municipal government for more than two centuries and had a strong preponderance in the Generalitat. The Busca was set up in 1450 to counter the urban oligarchy and was mainly made up of merchants, artisans, and manual workers. They received royal approval as the Sindicat dels Tres Estaments i Poble de Barcelona in 1452. They fought to take over government of the city in 1453, but their control was brought to an end in 1462 with the succession of John II. This was followed by harsh repression of the Busca leaders.

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BIGAS LUNA, JOSEP JOAN (1946–). Born in Barcelona, Bigas Luna is one of the best-known Catalan film directors. Most of his films, such as Bilbao (1979) and Las edades de Lulú (The ages of Lulu, 1990), are in Castilian and are characterized by their sexual explicitness and satire of human mores, in line with many Spanish films of the post-Franco era. He spent time in Hollywood in the 1980s and made three English-language films, one of which, an innovative horror film Anguish (1986), received critical acclaim. However, he did not achieve fame internationally until the 1990s, when he directed a trilogy of films that focused on comic exploration of the symbols and clichés of Iberian identity; all three of which focus on territories that were formerly part of the Crown of Aragon. The most famous of these is probably Jamón, jamón (1992). However, the third in the trilogy, La teta i la lluna (1994), was filmed in Catalonia and explored Catalan/Spanish/European identities on the margins of the metropolis. He has made a number of films since that have had international releases, La femme de chambre du Titanic (1996), Volaverunt (1999), Son de Mar (Sound of sea, 2001), and Yo soy la Juani (I am Juani, 2006). See also CINEMA. BLASCO IBÁÑEZ, VICENTE (1867–1928). Valencian writer of Aragonese descent, who studied Law at the University of Valencia. Under the influence of Constantí Llombart, he became involved in the Valencian Renaixença but from a popular, folkloric perspective. He even wrote some works in Valencian, such as La torre de Boatella (The Boatella Tower, 1883), but most of his novels are in Castilian. In the later decades of the 19th century, he became more politically active, affiliating with Francesc Pi i Margall’s Republican Party and participating in pro-republican publications. He was even exiled to Paris for political reasons, due to his involvement in an uprising against Cánovas del Castillo. On his return, he began to promote his own brand of republicanism, which was to become known as blasquismo, and was characterized by its populism and anti-Catalanism. Unsurprisingly, he was a supporter of Alejandro Lerroux’s politics in Catalonia and even stood down to make way for Lerroux in the 1908 elections in Valencia. After a brief period in Argentina, where he attempted to set up a utopian colony in 1909, Blasco Ibáñez returned to Spain. His best-known work internationally,

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Los cuatro jinetes del apocalipsis (The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse), was written during World War I and made into a film in 1916. This was followed by numerous adaptations of his novels. During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he went into exile in France, where he died. See also BLASQUISMO/BLASQUISME. BLASQUISMO/BLASQUISME. This was the name given to the form of republicanism created by Vicente Blasco Ibáñez in Valencia, based more on the personality of its leader than on any coherent political message. Its most important characteristic historically was its radical opposition to the early expressions of political Valencianism—or defense of the separate character of Valencia—which began to appear in 1904. Blasco Ibáñez encouraged rejection of any move toward national self-definition by invoking fear of the spread of Solidaritat Catalana as a hypothetical precursor to Catalan colonization. His promotion of links to Alexandre Lerroux’s project of stirring the working classes against Catalanism in Catalonia led to some accusations of central government manipulation of regional politics. When Blasco gave up his seat in Valencia to Lerroux in 1908, leadership of his party passed to Fèlix Azzati, who changed its name to Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista (PURA). This reorientation of the party toward demands for autonomy was designed to attract support among the growing workers’ movements in Valencia. However, the party remained dismissive of claims for linguistic and cultural distinctness. Thus, the attempts made by the Joventut Nacionalista Republicana to persuade Azzati to incorporate a Valencianist agenda into his party policies were rebuffed, leading to the creation of other more nationalist groups like Joventut Valencianista and Joventut Republicana Nacionalista after 1918. With the end of the first period of political Catalanist activism in Valencia in 1919, Azzati dropped any talk of autonomy and focused more on the needs of the party’s urban bourgeoisie. Its inability to attract wide grassroots support made it all but irrelevant in the 1930s, but it was not to disappear entirely until 1953. See also REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. BLAVERISME. In Valencia, all activity that is antinormative and anti-Catalan, ranging in expression from threats of violence against

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Valencian writers to attempts to produce academic arguments for the autonomy of the Valencian language, is known as blaverisme. In its most virulent form, it is associated with angry reactions to Joan Fuster’s writings in the early 1960s, which sought to explore the identity of Valencia and to outline its supposed dependence within the Spanish state. The “blueshirtism” of its name indicates its links to the right-wing supporters of the Falange under José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Miguel Primo de Rivera’s son, and then during the Franco regime, and it speaks of deeper roots in the cultural conservatism of the Valencian middle classes historically and certainly to fear of the progressive alternatives to the status quo that began to be proposed from the 1960s onward. Fuster’s identification of a core of self-hatred in the Valencian psyche and his attempts to provide a sociohistorical diagnosis based on the relationship between the dominant classes and the Castilian court from the 16th century onward and on the diglossic sociolinguistic situation in Valencia as a whole did not produce the healthy debate for which he called. Instead, there were persistent attacks from elements of the Valencian press, most especially the newspaper Las Provincias, and accusations of Catalan imperialism. The alternative “identity” that is presented by blaveros is one in which Valencian is a separate language from Catalan, with its own rules and a distinct regional culture. So blaverisme fuses many different movements and elements of Valencian society: the Catholic conservatism of the dominant classes, the Romantic localism of the anti-normative writers, the intellectual ambitions of some scholars and students, and the sense of inferiority of rural Catalan-speakers. Furthermore, political interference in the question has led to exacerbation of the problem. So, for instance, while for much of the century, there was academic consensus about the written and oral standards of Valencian-Catalan known as the Normes de Castelló (1932), as soon as the Partido Popular–Unió Valenciana (PP-UV) right-wing coalition came to power in the 1995 autonomous elections, the minority UV pushed for changes in linguistic policy and, in particular, sought to undermine support of the shared Catalan-Valencian standard and to attack the teaching of “Catalan” in the University of Valencia. The main effects of blaverisme today can be found in debate over the identity of the Valencian language. Whereas most Valencians

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who are politically or culturally active in favor of a separate Valencian identity will call their language Catalan and see it as a variant of the same language that is spoken in Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, and parts of southern France and Aragon, most of those who are antiCatalanist blaveros will insist on the name Valencià (or even Valenciano) and support the alternative Normes d’El Puig. However, not all supporters of an alternative standard for Valencian-Catalan historically are anti-Catalanist or against Valencian autonomy. What distinguishes a blavero is either explicit or implied subordination of Valencian-Catalan to Spanish identity and anti-Catalan feeling. Thus, the widespread media attention given to Catalonia’s proposals for a new statute of autonomy and for corresponding changes to the Spanish Constitution sparked a return to violent action by blaveros. BLOC NACIONALISTA VALENCIÀ (BLOC) / VALENCIAN NATIONALIST BLOCK. Created in 1998 as a nationalist coalition between the Partit Nacionalista Valencià, the Nacionalistes d’Alcoi, and Unitat del Poble Valencià, this party had limited electoral success in Valencian parliamentary elections until 2007, when it incorporated Esquerra Valenciana, entering a coalition with other leftwing, proindependence parties and gaining two deputies. It achieves greater representation at the local municipal level. BLOC OBRER I CAMPEROL (BOC) / WORKERS’ AND PEASANTS’ BLOCK. The BOC was created in 1930 as an amalgamation of the Marxist Federació Comunista Catalano-Balear (FCCB) and the Partit Comunista Català (PCC), with Joaquim Maurín as president and Jordi Arquer as vice president. In 1935, the party joined with Andreu Nin’s Communist Left to form the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM). Until the October Events, the BOC defended the thesis that the proletariat was the only class capable of leading a democratic revolution to break the link between Church and state, produce agrarian reform, and deal with national political reform. It achieved great popular support in the 1931 municipal elections and was behind the movement to create workers’ alliances, leading the general strike on 5 October 1934 that resulted in the October Events. The defeat of the October revolution forced the BOC underground; although, it reemerged later in 1935, amalgamating with Izquierda

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Comunista to form the POUM. See also ARLANDIS, HILARI; LABOR MOVEMENT; MIRAVITLLES I NAVARRA, JAUME. BLOC PROGRESSISTA. See PACTE DE PROGRÉS. BLOC REPUBLICÀ AUTONOMISTA (BRA) / REPUBLICAN AND AUTONOMIST BLOCK. This republican party was set up in 1915 by a splinter group from the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana (UFNR), including Marcel·lí Domingo, Francesc Layret, and Gabriel Alomar. Although it sought to create a place for itself between the Republican Union and the center-right Catalanist parties, it was unable to achieve much popular support and disbanded after the provincial elections in 1917. Many of its members went on to form the Partit Republicà Català. BOADELLA, ALBERT (1943–). This Barcelona-born mime artist, actor, dramatist, and, more recently, film director was one of the founding members of Els Joglars. He is one of the most consistently experimental and original theater practitioners in Catalonia, whose radical philosophy about the social responsibility of the artist even led to his imprisonment in 1977 for producing a satire against the military in La torna. While the creative process followed by Els Joglars has always been a collective one, many of the textual versions of their productions are published under Boadella’s name, indicating his influence within the group. He is overtly critical of the conformism of much of contemporary theater and of the conservative complacency of Catalan culture since the 1990s. More recently, he has been outspoken about the dangers of Catalan separatism, challenging what he perceives as the subordination of the Spanish language and Spanish speakers to Catalan, as well as political moves toward further independence in Catalonia. See also CINEMA; CIUTADANS DE CATALUNYA; LANGUAGE. BOFILL, RICARD (1939–). Catalan architect and urbanist who created the Taller d’Arquitectura (Architecture Workshop) in 1963, bringing together architects, designers, technicians, and philosophers to work on projects ranging from the design of specific buildings to major urban planning. Over the years, there has been a shift in

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Bofill’s work from the expressionism of El Xanadú in Calp and the Barri Gaudí in Reus to increasing recognition of the space of history and memory in architecture, generally expressed in his work through a return to classicism. His work includes the redevelopment of Barcelona airport, the Teatre Nacional de Catalunya, the Donnelly Building in Chicago, and La Fàbrica in Sant Just Desvern, which is the home of his Taller. His sister Anna Bofill has worked with him there since the 1980s. See also GAUCHE DIVINE. BOFILL I MATES, JAUME (1878–1933). Catalan poet who wrote under the pen name Guerau de Liost. One of the most important Noucentista writers, his poetry was very much oriented toward meditation on the Catalan countryside, such as La Muntanya d’Ametistes (The mountain of amethysts, 1908) and Somnis (Dreams). Politically, he was involved in the foundation of Acció Catalana, before returning his allegiance to the Lliga Regionalista. He also published political essays. See also ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA; LITERATURE. BOHIGAS, ORIOL (1925–). Barcelona-born architect and urbanist who founded the Grup R with Josep Martorell and David Mackay, with whom he continues to work today. He was director of the Escola Tècnica Superior d’Arquitectura from 1977 and a city councilor in Barcelona from 1980 to 1984. He was put in charge of urban planning in the city and is the main thinker behind the Barcelona model. He has received many awards for architecture and design. Bohigas’s work within Barcelona includes the design of the Olympic Village, completed for the 1992 Olympic Games there. He also designed the Future Pavilion for the 1992 Expo in Seville. See also BARCELONA OLYMPICS. BONASTRUÇ SA PORTA (1194–c.1270). Catalan name given to the most important and influential rabbi in medieval Catalonia, Nahmonides, who was an important Kabbalistic scholar and rabbi of Girona. BONET, BLAI (1926–97). Mallorcan poet from an underprivileged background, he was educated in a seminary but had to leave due to health problems, eventually developing tuberculosis in 1947. While

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recuperating in a sanatorium, he began to write the novel El mar (The sea), an experimental text, which was to astound critics when it was eventually published in 1958. In the same period, Bonet penned his first poetry collections, published in the early 1950s. His Cant Espiritual (Spiritual canto) of 1953 brought him to the critical attention of Catalan writers, such as Carles Riba, who funded a trip for him to Barcelona to help him fully recover from his illness. Later, he was to present the three years he spent in a masia in Montseny as crucial to his aesthetic development. He also composed art criticism, theater, and literary criticism as well as worked as a correspondent for various newspapers in Rome during Vatican II, before retiring to the Santayí of his birth due to ill health. Critical reevaluation of his work after the publication of El jove (The young man) in 1987 led to recognition of his canonical place in Catalan literature. He is one of the most important writers to have been born in the Balearic Islands. BONET, MARIA DEL MAR (1947–). Mallorcan singer-songwriter who brought traditional Balearic songs to the Nova Cançó movement, as well as adaptations of French and Catalan poetry. Her work continues to explore the different musical cultures of the Mediterranean. See also MUSIC. BONNEMAISON, FRANCESCA (1872–1949). Politician and cultural promoter who set up the Biblioteca Popular de la Dona (Women’s Popular Library) in Barcelona to help provide women with the skills to live and work in modern urban society. When the Second Republic gave women the right to vote in the 1930s, Bonnemaison was called upon to organize a feminine section for the Lliga Catalana. BORGIAS. See BORJAS. BORJA, ALEXANDRE VI (1430–1503). The second Borgia pope was born Rodrigo Borja in Xàtiva and studied in Valencia at the Estudi General, which he later transformed into a university under his papacy. He became a priest at 18 and, a year later, went to Rome to join his uncle, becoming a cardinal in 1456, when Alfons de Borja was made Pope Calixtus III. He undertook many diplomatic missions and, as vice chancellor of the Vatican, arranged the marriage of

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Ferdinand and Isabella, giving them the title of the Catholic kings. At the same time, he enjoyed a tempestuous private life, fathering many illegitimate children, whom he later supported through flagrant nepotism. He eventually succeeded Innocent VIII as pope in 1492. During his papacy, he improved relations with the Crown of Aragon by marrying his daughters to members of the royal family, and he established the inquisition in Catalonia, Mallorca, and Valencia. He was the ideologue behind the evangelization of the Americas. See also BORJA, CALIXTUS III; BORJA, CESAR; BORJA, FRANCESC; BORJAS/BORGIAS; CHURCH. BORJA, CALIXTUS III (1378–1458). Born in Latorre de Canals, Xàtiva, Alfons de Borja studied at Lleida and became the chancellor of Alfons IV in 1417. Bishop of Valencia from 1429, he was made a cardinal in 1444 because of his efforts to broker reconciliation between the pope and the king of Aragon. He succeeded Pope Nicholas V to become Calixtus III from 1455 to 1458. Apart from indulging in the nepotism now associated with the Borgia name, his papacy is remembered for his revision of the trial of Joan of Arc and for beginning the process of canonization of Saint Vincent Ferrer. See also BORJA, ALEXANDRE VI; BORJA, CESAR; BORJA, FRANCESC; BORJAS/BORGIAS; CHURCH. BORJA, CESAR (1475–1507). One of the illegitimate sons of Pope Alexandre VI, he was made papal protonotary in 1482, bishop of Pamplona in 1491, then bishop of Valencia in 1492, before becoming a cardinal in 1493. He gave up these ecclesiastical offices to take on a military career on behalf of his father and was made duke of Valentinous for his help in the alliance between Louis XII and papacy. In 1500, he was appointed captain-general of the Church armies. Machiavelli presents him as the prototype of the ambitious, unscrupulous politician. It is thought that he caused the death of his brother Joan, the second duke of Gandia, and he was later accused of killing Alfons IV, as well as committing incest with his sister, who was Alfons’s wife. Imprisoned by Julius II in 1503, he escaped to Navarre where he became a key figure in the armies of the king of Navarre. See also BORJA, ALEXANDRE VI; BORJA, CALIXTUS III; BORJA, FRANCESC; BORJAS/BORGIAS.

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BORJA, FRANCESC (ALSO KNOWN AS SAINT FRANCIS BORGIA, 1510–72). Born in Gandia, son of the third duke of Gandia, he was a prominent member of the House of Austria court. While on military campaign in Provence, he witnessed the death of Garcilaso de la Vega in 1536. On the death of the empress, he turned to religion, retiring to Valencia. He inherited the duchy of Gandia and founded the first Jesuit college there. Broken by the death of his wife, Elionor de Castro, he gave up his titles in favor of his sons and joined the Jesuits in 1548. He founded many Jesuit colleges in Europe and America before his death in Rome. He was beatified in 1624 and canonized in 1671. See also BORJA, ALEXANDRE VI; BORJA, CALIXTUS III; BORJA, CESAR; BORJAS/BORGIAS; CHURCH. BORJAS/BORGIAS. A Valencian family thought to be of Aragonese origin but based in Xàtiva, the Borjas held important political and ecclesiastical office in the 15th and 16th centuries. Boasting two popes, Calixtus III (see BORJA, CALIXTUS III) and Alexander VI (see BORJA, ALEXANDER VI), their influence ensured a Catalan presence in the Vatican, and members of the family served as cardinals, bishops, with one—Saint Francis Borgia (see BORJA, FRANCESC)—even becoming a general of the Jesuits. Known as the Borgias in Italy, their dominance of Italian politics led to conflict both with the Italian clergy and with opposing forces in the Crown of Aragon. This political prominence and the resentment it caused, together with the protestant anti-Catholicism of the Reformation years, led to the creation of a black legend around their name, mainly centering on Alexander VI. Many of the accusations against the Borja pope of lust, corruption, and crime have been confirmed by archival documents, including bribery to gain office, the trafficking of papal bulls, and his incestuous relationship with Lucrecia de Borgia. Borja presence in Valencia continued through the Duchy of Gandia, which was held by part of the family line from 1485. See also BORJA, CESAR; CHURCH. BOSC, ANDREU. This 16th to 17th century historian and judge of the Perpignan who wrote a 1628 defense of the laws and privileges of Catalonia, Roussillon, and Cerdanya and of the preservation of the Catalan language. See CATALUNYA NORD.

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BOSCÀ I ALMOGÀVER, JOAN (1487–1542). Barcelona-born poet, who served in the court of Ferdinand of Aragon and Charles V from 1514 onward and was friends with the Spanish golden age poet Garcilaso de la Vega, publishing the latter’s complete works in 1543. Their incorporation of Renaissance influences into vernacular Spanish poetry contributed to the flourishing of Spanish literature in the 16th and 17th centuries. Boscà wrote very little in Catalan and is more widely known as Juan Boscán. BOSCH I GIMPERA, PERE (1891–1974). This Barcelona-born prehistorian and archaeologist became vice chancellor of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona until 1934, when his membership in the Catalan government as an Acció Catalana politician led to his imprisonment in the aftermath of the October Events. He went into exile in Mexico at the end of the Spanish Civil War, via Oxford (1939–40) and Colombia (1940–41), eventually becoming a Mexican citizen. Based in Mexico City, he continued to lecture in the Instituto Nacional de Antropología de México until his death, maintaining contact with other Catalan prehistorians and archaeologists, such as Lluís Pericot (1899–1978) and Joan Maluquer de Motes (1915–88). BROSSA, JOAN (1919–98). This Catalan artist and writer, born in Sant Gervasi, Barcelona, dedicated his whole life to artistic creation, whether in textual, visual, or performance poetry. Brossa began to write during the Spanish Civil War, while serving at the Lleida front on the republican side. He stayed in Barcelona after the war and, together with Arnau Puig, Antoni Tàpies, and Joan Ponç (1927–84), set up the first avant-garde journal of the Franco years, Algol. Later, in 1948, the group set up Dau al Set, bringing together a range of avant-garde artists, such as Tàpies and Modest Cuixart. Unlike the visual artists in the group, Brossa’s name remained relatively unknown until 1970, when his poetry was published. At the end of the dictatorship, Brossa’s influence spread to younger writers of the time. In many ways, he was an iconoclast, seeking to break with traditional logic and meaning, creating new associations, and playing with the visual representation of the word. However, he also showed an interest in patriotic values, producing poetry in defense of Catalan culture and, in particular, celebrating the culture of the working

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class, identifying it with republican values. He experimented with many different forms and collaborated with many other visual artists and performers. See also ART; LITERATURE; THEATER.

– C – CABALLÉ, MONTSERRAT (1933–). Catalan opera singer, born in Barcelona. She achieved international fame as Lucrecia Borgia at Carnegie Hall in 1965 and is considered one of the greatest bel canto performers. She achieved wider popular recognition internationally with her duets with Freddie Mercury of the late 1980s, most famously “Barcelona.” See also MUSIC. CALATRAVA, SALVADOR (1951–). Valencian architect who studied art, architecture, and engineering in Valencia and Zurich. He opened offices in Zurich, Paris, and, more recently, New York. He is best known for his design of bridges and open structures; although, his high-tech, utopian style has also been applied to a range of different building types from the communications tower in Barcelona to the remodeling of the Reichstag in Germany and, more recently, the City of Arts and Sciences in Valencia. CALDERS, PERE (1912–94). Most widely known for his short stories, Calders was one of the most popular Catalan writers of the 1980s. Like Avel.lí Artís Gener (Tísner), he first became known for his cartoons and illustrations in the 1930s, but he also published articles and stories in the newspapers and magazines of the time, bringing out his first books at the age of 24. He fought on the Aragonese front in 1938 and, like Tísner, wrote about his experience, in the work Unitats de xoc. Because of his work for the Generalitat during the republic, he was forced to go into exile in Mexico, where he wrote his most famous works, Cròniques de la veritat oculta (Chronicles of the hidden truth, 1955) and Ronda naval sota la boira (Naval patrol through the fog, 1966). He returned to Catalonia in 1962 but did not really find popular fame until the 1980s after Dagoll Dagom adapted a number of his short stories for the play Antaviana (1978), with music by Jaume Sisa. See also LITERATURE.

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CALVET I MORA, JOSEP (1891–1950). Politician and local government campaigner for the rights of agricultural laborers, Calvet was involved in the Rabassaires Union from the late 1920s and was the Generalitat minister for agriculture from 1936 to 1939. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, he went into exile in France before being helped to gain passage to Colombia by Marcel·lí Domingo. CALVET I PASQUAL, AGUSTÍ (ALSO KNOWN AS GAZIEL, 1887–1964). Catalan journalist who made his name writing articles in Spanish as a foreign correspondent for La Vanguardia in Paris. Gaziel became a celebrated political journalist, and as editor of La Vanguardia, he contributed to making it the most widely circulated newspaper in the Iberian Peninsula in 1933. Calvet went into exile at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, returning to Spain to settle in Madrid in 1940. There he focused on his memoirs and travel writing in Catalan, eventually returning to Barcelona in 1959, where he remained until his death. See also PRESS. CAMBÓ I BATLLE, FRANCESC (1876–1947). This conservative Catalan regionalist politician studied law and philosophy and letters before going on to found the Lliga Regionalista de Catalunya together with Enric Prat de la Riba in 1901. A wealthy industrialist, in his political ideology he attempted to combine a commitment to the economic and industrial reform of Spain with the promotion of Catalan cultural and political autonomy in a career that spanned appointments to the city council in Barcelona and ministerial portfolios in the Spanish government under Antonio Maura and as a patron of Catalan literature and the arts. Cambó’s willingness to compromise with the Spanish political system led to the split within the Lliga in 1904, which resulted in more leftist and nationalist members, such as Jaume Carner, leaving the party. Yet it was largely his ability to negotiate with Maura’s conservative Spanish government that paved the way for the reform of local administration that resulted in the creation of the Mancomunitat. Cambó’s political opportunism and dynamism increased his influence within political Catalanism and made him the natural leader of the Lliga Regionalista after the death of Prat de la Riba. His pancatalanist agenda culminated in the organization of the failed

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Assemblea de Parlamentaris (Assembly of Parliamentarians) in 1917, which called for greater autonomy for the peripheral regions within a constituent Cortes. However, the failure of this process, together with extreme labor unrest in 1918, led Cambó to seek and promote economic reform from within the Spanish political system, first as minister of development in 1918 and subsequently as minister of finance in 1921. At home, Cambó supported military intervention to curtail leftwing agitation in Barcelona. He withdrew from politics during the years of Miguel Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship, going into exile after the declaration of the Second Republic in 1931. Although he returned in 1933 to reorganize the Lliga and supported the creation of a statute of autonomy for Catalonia, the victory of the Popular Front in 1936 forced him to leave Spain once more. While Cambó did not support the military coup at first, his fear of social revolution led him to provide funds for Francisco Franco’s campaign. After the Spanish Civil War, Cambó went to live in Switzerland, the United States, and finally Argentina. See also LLIGA CATALANA. CAMPO, MARQUIS OF (1817–99). Valencian politician and financier who created some of the most important financial institutions of the 19th century, including the Societat Valenciana de Foment, the Societat Valenciana de Crèdit i Foment, and the Societat de Ferrocarrils Valencians. He was mayor of Valencia from 1843 to 1848. In 1860, he moved to Madrid, taking over the Sociedad Española de Crédito until 1871. He received his title in 1875. CAMPS, FRANCISCO (1962–). President of the Generalitat Valenciana from June 2003. Camps was the minister of culture under Eduardo Zaplana and, thus, presided over the creation of the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua. In 2004, he took over the presidency of the Valencian Partido Popular (PP) from Zaplana; since when, there have been increasing divisions in the party in Valencia. One of the characteristics of the early years of his government was a greater willingness to enter into dialogue with other Catalan-speaking territories, mainly the Balearic Islands, which were also governed by the Partido Popular, about common economic projects. However, his government has continued to reject calls to affirm the unity of

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Catalan and Valencian, thus exacerbating linguistic conflict in the region, and still resists cooperation with pancatalan cultural organizations, such as the Institut Ramon Llull. CANDEL, FRANCESC (1925–2007). This journalist and writer came to Barcelona as a child with his family, going on to study and write about the experience of immigrants in Catalonia and their position in Catalan society. He was a member of the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) and was elected a senator for Barcelona in 1977 and later a councilor for Hospitalet de Llobregat in 1979. His best-known works are Els altres catalans (The other Catalans, 1964) and Els altres catalans vint anys després (The other Catalans 20 years later, 1985). CAPMANY, MARIA AURÈLIA (1919–91). One of the most important Catalan women writers, Capmany published novels, essays, and plays. However, while she achieved considerable prestige as a novelist in the 1950s, she is better known for her involvement in a number of key cultural institutions, such as setting up the Escola d’Art Dramàtic Adrià Gual in 1959 together with Ricard Salvat (1934–2009), her work in the cultural and publication departments of Barcelona City Council from the 1980s to her death, and screenplays and programs for Catalan television and radio. The theater school was instrumental in the revival of Catalan-language theater in that it provided cultural and technical support to a new generation of Catalan-speaking performers. Famous pupils include: Núria Espert, Josep Maria Flotats, Ventura Pons, and the foremost contemporary Catalan dramatist Josep Benet i Jornet, as well as many of those involved in setting up the current Institut del Teatre. Capmany’s contribution to Catalan culture is also strong in the area of women’s representation and rights; she published a number of essays on aspects of Catalan culture and society and was a selfavowed feminist. Key texts that explore her concerns with political liberty, Catalan language, and culture from a feminist perspective are Feliçment jo sóc una dona (Happily I am a woman, 1969), La dona a Catalunya (Woman in Catalonia, 1966), El feminisme a Catalunya (Feminism in Catalonia, 1973), Dona, doneta, donota (Woman, little woman, whore, 1975) and Antifèmina (1978).

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CAPUTXINADA. This is the name given to the assembly and sit-in organized by the Sindicat Democràtic d’Estudiants (SDEUB) on 9 March 1966 in the Capuchin Monastery in Sarrià. The three-day police siege, which culminated in the storming of the building and the arrest of many students, lecturers, and intellectuals, led to the mobilization of widespread grassroots support in solidarity and the eventual creation of the Taula Rodona Democràtica and the Assemblea de Catalunya. See also CHURCH; FRANCO REGIME, STUDENT MOVEMENT. CARLINADES. This was the name given to the Carlist Wars in the Catalan-speaking territories. Carlism was a movement against the Spanish Bourbon monarchy and gained strong support in Valencia and Catalonia, as well as in the Basque Country and Aragon, particularly during the first Carlist War of 1833 to 1840. While the movement was generally conservative, it did galvanize some separatist tendencies due to its attack on the central government. In Valencia, there was massive popular support for the Carlinades among the rural poor. However, Carlism lost popular support after the second Carlist War of 1872 to 1876, and in Catalonia at least, the movement shifted toward support for political autonomy. See also CHURCH. CARLISM. See CARLINADES. CARNER, JOSEP (1884–1970). Now considered one of the greatest Catalan poets, Josep Carner was one of the most colorful literary figures of early 20th-century Catalan culture. Born during the period known as Modernisme, he made his literary debut at age 12, and by the age of 20, he had two degrees (in law and philosophy and letters), was a published poet, and had been instrumental in setting up what was to become one of the key publications in the development of Noucentisme: Catalunya. Like many of his contemporaries, he moved equally well between the political and cultural world and became dedicated to the professionalization of cultural production in the Catalan language. He collaborated with Pompeu Fabra at the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and was a bridge between representatives of the new aesthetic and previous generations and artists, including Joan Maragall.

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Carner brought together, encouraged, and mentored many significant writers, among them Josep Maria de Sagarra, Carles Riba, and C. A. Jordana. He gave lectures and introduced speakers at a variety of cultural institutions, wrote regular articles for the main Noucentista organs, edited literary series and translations, such as the Biblioteca Literària and the Biblioteca Catalana, as well as translated a range of works from children’s books, Mark Twain, and Charles Dickens to Shakespeare. However, like other figures, such as Eugeni d’Ors, Carner experienced regular frustration with the limitations of the Catalan literary world, and in the 1920s, he sat for exams for the diplomatic corps in Madrid, spending much of that decade abroad. Faithful to the Second Republic during the Spanish Civil War, in 1939, his exile became an enforced one. It is in exile that he wrote his most important works, such as Nabí (1941), a poetic rewriting of the story of Jonah. Remaining in exile until the end of his life, Carner’s work was only recovered and reevaluated by tradition in the 1960s; however, both for his indefatigable work as an educator and critic and for his poetic experiments with the Catalan language, he is recognized as an inescapable influence by many generations of Catalan poets. See also LITERATURE. CARNER I ROMEU, JAUME (1867–1934). Catalan lawyer and politician who began his political career as vice president of the Centre Nacional Català, subsequently joining the Lliga Regionalista. In 1904, he set up the progressive newspaper El poble català together with other left-leaning republicans from within the party, eventually leaving the Lliga to cofound the Centre Nacionalista Republicà in 1906 and the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana in 1910. His commitment to political Catalanism led him to play a key role in Solidaritat Catalana, but his later collaboration with Alejandro Lerroux’s radical Republican Party in 1914 ultimately resulted in defeat by the Lliga in the 1916 elections and Carner’s withdrawal from politics to focus on the law. With the declaration of the Second Republic in 1931, he was elected as a deputy for Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and formed part of the commission that drew up the Statute of Autonomy known as the Estatut de Núria. In December 1931, he was appointed minister of finance under Manuel Azaña, and drew up the Second Republic’s first budget.

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CAROD-ROVIRA, JOSEP LLUÍS (1952–). One of the best-known contemporary Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) politicians, Carod-Rovira joined the party in 1987, after two decades as a militant in the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional and then Nacionalistes d’Esquerra (Nationalist Left). He studied Catalan literature at university, worked as a teacher in his home area of Tarragona, as well as in the Universitat Catalana d’Estiu in Prada de Conflent, Catalunya Nord, and was involved in language planning in the 1980s and 1990s. He was elected ERC general secretary in 1996 and went on to become first minister in the tripartite-led Generalitat of 2003. Carod-Rovira was named one of the vice presidents in the 2006 legislature. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. CARRERAS, JOSEP MARIA (1946–). Catalan tenor who made his debut in 1970 with Bellini’s Norma. He participated in popular recitals in the 1980s and 1990s along with Plácido Domingo and Luciano Pavarotti, together known as the three tenors. See also MUSIC. CASAL. Any Catalan cultural association set up by Catalan expatriates or exiles overseas is normally known as a casal or casal català. The first was set up in Cuba in 1840. CASALS, PAU (1876–1973). Musician, composer, and orchestra conductor, Pau Casals was one of the most famous cellists of the 20th century. In the years before the Spanish Civil War, his career was mainly linked to music promotion and education as he aimed to construct the same kind of musical infrastructure in Catalonia that was being consolidated for literature, theater, education, and other areas of Catalan culture. However, in exile after the war, he returned to playing the cello, becoming an unofficial ambassador for Catalan culture, against the Franco dictatorship, and for peace. His commitment to the Second Republic and to the liberation of Catalonia meant that for decades he refused to play in any country that recognized the Franco regime, so it is somewhat ironic that he is better known internationally by the Spanish version of his name, Pablo Casals. He settled in Catalunya Nord to remain close to Catalan soil and organized concerts and music festivals in Prada de Conflent. One of his most famous pieces is El cant dels ocells based on a Catalan folk tune.

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CASANOVA, RAFAEL (1660–1743). The second son of a rural landowner from Bages, Catalonia, Casanova was able to study law and practice as a lawyer before becoming a councilor in Barcelona’s Consell de Cent in 1706. Declared an honored citizen by the Hapsburg archduke Charles of Austria, he was appointed chief councilor in 1713. As such, he took charge of the city’s resistance to Philip V’s siege of the city in 1714 during the War of Spanish Succession and fought in the final defense of the city on 11 September, now commemorated as Catalonia’s national day, the Diada. After the defeat, Casanova went into hiding, dying shortly after receiving a pardon in Sant Boi de Llobregat. CASAS, RAMON (1866–1932). One of the most versatile visual artists of Modernisme, Casas worked in Paris as foreign correspondent and illustrator for L’Avenç before setting up the artistic circle at Barcelona’s Quatre Gats in 1897. He produced portraits of many of the most fashionable artists and intellectuals of the period, from Isaac Albéniz to Joaquín Sorolla. Yet at the same time, he sought to capture the spontaneity of urban life in his impressionist sketches. Some of Casas’s best known works are posters for products such as Codorniu or Anís del mono, but he also produced more realist paintings of sociopolitical events, such as La carga (The charge, 1902), which captures the moment at which a strike is broken up by the Civil Guard. See also ART. CASP, XAVIER (1915–92). This Valencian writer and publisher became involved in the incipient nationalist movement in Valencia in his youth, leading the center-right Acció Nacionalista Valenciana with Miquel Adlert (1911–88) from August 1933 to the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. He was one of the most prominent figures in the Valencian literary movement after the war, publishing intellectual poetry and setting up a journal, Esclat, involving all the Catalan-language writers of the period. A literary circle grew up around the publishing house he directed with Adlert, which helped to produce a degree of cultural revival in Valencia. However, while he was a defender of the unity of the language during this period, Casp later became quite anti-Catalanist and eventually joined Unió

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Valenciana, running for parliamentary elections in 1982. See also LITERATURE. CASTELLERS. Thought to have originated in the Tarragona/Valls area of southern Catalonia, this cultural practice revolves around building human towers or castles. The groups of castellers, known as colles, are usually made up of men and boys; although, in recent years, the practice has opened up to women and has spread to other areas of Catalonia. It has been of interest to anthropologists and sociologists as a social practice that has been particularly successful in integrating migrants to the area. The sense of teamwork, collaboration, and consensus it promotes has also made it a particularly potent symbol of Catalan identity, with pictures of castells often appearing in books about Catalonia or Catalan. Like the sardana, it has even been read by some commentators as one of the symbols of Catalan civic society, standing for a community that is built of the contributions of the many. However, as has been seen in more parodic readings of the practice, such as Josep Joan Bigas Luna’s film, La teta i la lluna (The tit and the moon, 1994), for the anxeneta who climbs to the top of the castle, the whole structure cannot only feel rather precarious but also personally dangerous. See also FOLK CULTURE; SPORT. CASTELLET, JOSEP MARIA (1926–). Writer and literary critic who was particularly influential on Spanish and Catalan literary taste from the 1950s and 1960s through his articles in Laye, Ínsula, Índice, and later Serra d’Or. He was the first president of the Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana (AELC). See also LITERATURE. CASTELLÓ I GOMEZ, GONÇAL (1912–2003). Born in Gandia (Valencia), he trained as a lawyer and was a member of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) from his youth. He was very active politically during the years of the Second Republic, working for the Union of Proletarian Writers and Artists, on the journal Nueva Cultura (New culture). He played an important part in the republican army during the Spanish Civil War, becoming an infantry major and head of the Escola Moderna in the 54th division of the republican

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army. Because of his military support for the Second Republic, Castelló was imprisoned for six years after the war and then exiled to Madrid where he worked as a lawyer for 35 years. At the end of the dictatorship, he was drawn to Valencian nationalism and then to Catalanism and began to spend more time in Gandia and to write in Catalan. He even set up a Catalan literary circle in Madrid. As well as short stories and novels, he published some biographical and historical writings, such as La clau d’un temps (The key to a time), chronicling life in the city Valencia from the end of Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship to the declaration of the Republic in 1931. CASTELLÓ GUASCH, JOAN (1911–84). Eivissan folklorist and anthropologist who collected popular poetry and published a variety of studies of the islands. CASTELLS, MANEL (1942–). Catalan sociologist who took his doctorate in Paris, where he taught from 1967 to 1979, contributing to intellectual debate over new urban theory. Among his early publications are La question urbaine (1972) and The City and the Grassroots (1983). In more recent years, he has focused on the changes produced by the revolution in information technology, reinventing himself as one of the key theorists of identity in the information society. He was a professor at Berkeley for many years before being invited back to Catalonia to work at Catalonia’s Open University, the UOC. In his best-known book, The Power of Identity (1997), part of a trilogy on The Information Society (1996–98), he emphasizes the flow of contemporary identities and the possibilities for heterogeneity offered by global information culture. CASTELLS I BALLESPÍ, MARTINA (1852–84). This doctor and hygienist was born in Lleida and obtained her degree in medicine a few days after Dolors Aleu. She wrote a thesis on the physical, moral, and intellectual education of women, tracing their discrimination throughout history. CATALÀ, VICTOR. See ALBERT, CATERINA. CATALAN. As a noun, Catalan may be used to refer to a native or an inhabitant of Catalonia, according to social context. While one

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might expect a high number of inhabitants of Catalonia to describe themselves as Catalans, underpinned by the idea of civic nationalism famously expressed by Jordi Pujol in his “Everyone who lives and works in Catalonia, and wants to be Catalan is Catalan,” in practice not everyone wants to be Catalan, and it is noticeable in everyday social interaction that there are different levels of “Catalanness.” For instance, in youth culture, being a Catalan invokes certain social markers, which, if not fulfilled, may lead to assumptions about the identity and politics of an individual. In the same way and according to context, people will sometimes see themselves as not qualifying to be Catalans due to birth, linguistic abilities, or because of rival or differential affiliation to other identities. What is also clear from sociological studies is that these different levels and meanings of identity can coexist in the same individuals, suggesting that identity generally, and Catalan identity specifically, can imply a series of complex, overlapping affiliations and differentiations. Catalan is also commonly used to refer to the language spoken in Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, Valencia, Catalunya Nord, the part of Aragon on the border with Catalonia and Valencia known as the Franja de ponent, El Carxe in Murcia, Alghero in Sardinia, and the Principality of Andorra. However, many Catalan-speakers outside Catalonia are uncomfortable with the name Catalan for what they perceive as their local language or even reject it outright as a sign of Catalonian imperialism. CATALAN COUNTRIES / PAÏSOS CATALANS. This term is widely used by Catalanists to describe the Catalan-speaking territories. While there had been some projects for political affiliation between Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands within a Spanish republic in the 19th century, drawing on the work of Francesc Pi i Margall and Valentí Almirall, and there was increasing cultural contact between the different areas from the Renaixença onward, the idea of anything more than cultural cooperation was not given serious thought until the declaration of the Second Republic in the 1930s. It was then that ideas of pancatalanism and a Catalunya Gran (Great Catalonia) began to take on more political impetus as a progressive model for autonomy and social liberation in the other Catalan-speaking regions. Journals like Nostra terra (Our land) in Mallorca and Nostra parla (Our language) in Catalunya Nord explicitly aimed to

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collect cultural manifestations from all the Catalan-speaking areas, and left-wing political activists traveled between Catalonia and the other regions, sharing ideas and projects. However, the idea of the Catalan Countries as a unified territory embracing all the Catalan lands was not fully expressed until after the Spanish Civil War, in exile journals such as Full Català, Quaderns de l’exili and Proa, and even then, as in most usage today, it was generally a shorthand to refer to the Catalan-speaking territories. Nonetheless, for some Catalanists, especially those associated with the republican left, the term underpins a valid political project, rooted in a sense of a common historical reality. Thus, in the works of the Valencian writer Joan Fuster in the early 1960s, such as Qüestió de noms (A question of names) and Nosaltres els Valencians (We the Valencians, 1962), exploration of the identity of Valencia is inseparable from its relationship to a wider sense of the Països Catalans, as a territory with a common history and a common linguistic community, which needs to assimilate this common history in order to move forward. The Catalanists who invoke the Països Catalans tend to defend the importance of cultural and political activism in all the different areas of the posited common territory and are, at times, critical of any political focus on Catalan identity and society that stays within the limits of Catalonia. At the same time, many inhabitants of Valencia and the Balearic Islands are suspicious of the term precisely because they see it as a form of cultural and possibly political or economic imperialism by the Catalans (from Catalonia). An urban myth common in blaverisme, for instance, is that the idea of a common language and common culture is just a front for Catalan imperialism. Geographically, the term refers to the territories that were conquered by Catalan kings of the Crown of Aragon and that were basically Catalan speaking for much of their subsequent history because they were repopulated by Catalans. These territories incorporate Catalonia, Mallorca, Menorca, Eivissa, Formentera, Valencia, Catalunya Nord, the Franja de Ponent in Aragon, El Carxe in Murcia, the Principality of Andorra, and Alghero in Sardinia, boasting a total population of around 14 million. Over half the total population of the territories lives in Catalonia, more than a third live in Valencia, seven percent live in the Balearic Islands, around three percent are in

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Catalunya Nord, and the remainder is divided among the other areas. The large majority of the population today lives in urban spaces, with over 60 percent in Barcelona, Valencia, Palma, Hospitalet, Alicante (Alacant), and Badalona. This has had a major effect on the sociolinguistic situations of the different regions and affects cultural identity and language policy. There has been internal migration, normally from the north to Barcelona and the coast, and from Menorca to Valencia. While the pattern began to reverse in the late 1990s, with some migration out of the bilingual city of Barcelona to Catalan heartlands in northern Catalonia, the massive growth in foreign immigration to the Catalan countries in the 21st century has seen a population rise of two million in under a decade. The majority of this population increase has centered on the aforementioned metropolitan areas; although, the region has also become popular for Europeans seeking a new home in the sun along the Mediterranean coastline. The regions embraced by the idea of the Catalan Countries do have some similarities. A large percentage of cultural and economic activity in the region now takes place in the Mediterranean coastal areas, urbanization has been very important in their development, and they face similar problems resulting from these phenomena, such as inadequate infrastructure and poor control of coastal developments. In general, the territories are poor in natural resources but the potential for hydroelectric power in the Pyrenees and the Ebro is what led Catalonia and Valencia, at least, to become quite heavily industrialized ahead of other regions in Spain. Communications with other regions and within the territory itself have generally been good in the contemporary period with high levels of tourism; although, they have suffered some infrastructural neglect in recent years, with greater focus on creating transport links with Madrid than in and between the different Catalan-speaking territories. Together they constitute a Euroregion, which, up until 2003, accounted for about 6 percent of the population of the European community, dropping to 3 percent since European Union expansion. The Catalan-speaking areas within Spain now account for about a third of the total Spanish population, having been the highest net receivers of immigrants in the past decade. However, notwithstanding these demographic changes, both Catalonia and the Balearic Islands continue to pay a higher burden of tax to the state than other regions, meaning that they

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have been suffering from crippling fiscal deficit in recent years. The economic stagnation this has caused, together with the lack of investment in public works, has resulted in renewed calls for cooperation between the Catalan countries and for renegotiation of their political and economic relationship with the Spanish state. CATALAN IN EUROPE. See EUROPE, CATALAN IN. CATALANISM. This is normally used to refer to the political claim for a space for a separate Catalan identity that began to take place at the end of the 19th century, in particular with regard to its distinctness from the Spanish state. Thus, it should be seen as a movement that grew out of the cultural renaissance of the 19th and 20th centuries and presented the political demands for greater levels of autonomy. However, from the 19th century onward, it embraced a wide range of positions, from the concern to define and make explicit the Catalan angle in any political action, to the call for a federalism in which a Catalan state could have its separate identity, to outright separatism. It is also used more generally nowadays to refer to any form of vindication of a separate Catalan identity, whether cultural, historical, or political. For this reason, it is necessary to clearly distinguish political Catalanism from other forms. In other regions, the term Catalanism may be used as a pejorative term, particularly in Valencia where there is a high degree of suspicion of even culturalist claims of any degree of common identity. The overt expression of a Catalanist agenda by Joan Fuster, for example, in his Nosaltres els valencians (We the Valencians, 1962) is often perceived as being one of the main catalysts in the appearance of the blavero movement and the so-called battle of Valencia. Catalanism is also used to describe Catalan studies outside the Spanish state, in a similar way that Hispanic studies is described as Hispanism. However, “Catalanist” does tend to carry pejorative weighting even here and, most especially, in the rest of Spain. Even if one is working on Catalan culture without any real political involvement in the question of Catalan rights and identity, one may be perceived to be “Catalanista” and, therefore, a separatist and even anti-Spanish. See also CATALAN COUNTRIES.

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CATALAN LEFT FRONT. See FRONT D’ESQUERRES DE CATALUNYA. CATALANS, REVOLT OF THE (1640–52). This revolt was caused by social unrest in the Catalan countryside over excessive taxation. After border wranglings with France, there was increasing tension between the Spanish court and Catalonia. After one of the territories seized by France was recovered in 1640, a mercenary army remained in Catalonia, adding to the sense of discontent. The uprising eventually took place on 22 May and soon became a broad-based social revolt. Pau Claris, the president of the Generalitat, who was also unhappy about the level of urban taxes, reached an agreement with France to come to Catalonia’s aid, and eventually a victory was won at Montjuïc in 1641. However, it soon became apparent that the French had designs on Catalan territory, and they occupied the city. When Barcelona eventually fell to Philip IV in 1652, the counties of Roussillon, Conflent, and part of Cerdanya were annexed to France in the Treaty of the Pyrenees. While Catalonia maintained its own institutions, France abolished all Catalan institutions in Catalunya Nord. CATALONIA/CATALUNYA. Situated in the northeastern corner of Spain, Catalonia today is an autonomous region of Spain that borders on Aragon to the west and Valencia to the south. It has a population of nearly 7.4 million, 16.3 percent of the population of the Spanish state, within a total surface area of circa 32,000 square kilometers. The eastern limits of the region are set by the Mediterranean coast, and it is also bounded physically by the mountains of the Pyrenees to the north and the Ebro and the Iberian system to the south and east. The borders of Catalonia are quite clearly set physically, but also linguistically they are marked to the west in the area along the border of Aragon where a form of Catalan continues to be spoken. While some parts of the region are quite isolated, in particular the northeastern valleys of the Pyrenees in which can still be found large numbers of well-preserved churches from the Romanesque period, it is also a region of fluid boundaries and cultural contact, partly through historical trade via its sea ports and partly due to its accessible border

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crossings between France and Spain and the traditional route down to the rest of the Peninsula through Lleida. Populated originally by Celtiberian tribes, there were waves of conquest and settlement by the Phoenicians, the Greeks and the Romans, traces of which can be found at the historical site of Empúries. The main population centers of the Roman occupation were in the south, the Marca Tarraconensis, and it is in Tarragona that some of the most spectacular signs of Roman power remain. However, there were also settlements at Barcelona (Barcino) in this period and inland. After a brief period of Visigothic rule, the area was invaded by Muslim tribes in the 8th century; however, unlike areas farther south, the “reconquest” or re-Christianization took place quite rapidly due to Charlemagne’s creation of a buffer region in northern Spain, known as the Hispanic March. Thus, the northern counties of Catalonia owed dependence and allegiance to the French crown during this period. By the 10th century, there began to be moves to break with French rule; indeed, the origins of what today is called Catalonia are often traced to the consolidation by Wilfred the Hairy of the county of Barcelona and other Pyrenean counties to form an independent territory. The period was characterized by territorial struggle and consolidation until the eventual union of the county of Barcelona with the Crown of Aragon when Ramon Berenguer IV of Barcelona married Peronella of Aragon in 1137. While territories in southern Catalonia were incorporated during this period from 1148 to 1153, the main thrust of territorial expansion was primarily to the north until Peter I’s defeat at Muret in 1213, from which point the Crown of Aragon looked south and east for expansion of territory and creation of trade links, often justifying the wars of conquest by reference to the crusade for re-Christianization. Although the capital of the Crown of Aragon politically was Saragossa, Barcelona became the de facto capital due to its position on the coast and the relative economic strength of the region. Furthermore, out of the vestiges of Visigothic law in its different counties, Catalonia developed its own political organization that was different from the fueros of Aragon and from those that were developed and agreed in the other territories conquered by the Crown of Aragon. It had an embryonic constitutional monarchy from the 12th century onward:

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the crown’s decisions had to be ratified by a parliamentary assembly, known as the Corts, and an executive body, the Generalitat, was created in the 14th century. Catalan remained the main language of the territory throughout the medieval period. However, the growth and expansion of the territory was eventually limited by plague as well as economic pressures from increased taxation when the House of Barcelona was replaced by the Castilianspeaking monarchs of the Trastamaran line. The eventual union of the Aragonese and Castilian crowns under the same king in 1516 after the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile in 1469 led to Catalonia’s marginalization politically from the seat of power and economically as the focus of seafaring trade shifted from the Mediterranean to the new territories in the Americas. There continued to be protection of Catalan laws throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, but the Spanish crown became increasingly centralist in focus and raised taxation throughout its territories in order to finance campaigns in the Hapsburg empire, under Charles V and the Philips. This led to a revolt in 1640, known as the Revolt of the Catalans, and then war, which ended with some limitation of political power and loss of territories north of the Pyrenees to France, where Catalan laws and institutions were suppressed. However, it was not until the War of Spanish Succession of 1703 to 1714 that Catalonia’s separate laws and customs were overturned, with the decree of the Nueva Planta of 1716 and subsequent laws limiting the public use of Catalan. The day on which Barcelona fell to Philip V’s troops, 11 September 1714, is now commemorated as Catalonia’s national day, the Diada. In many ways, Catalonia’s complete absorption into the Spanish crown was what brought about renaissance and regrowth in the region, as it opened the American trading routes and markets to Catalan business. There was a high degree of immigration to the Americas in this period, and the traders who returned invested the money in Catalonia. Thus, the second half of the 18th century heralded the economic revival of the region, particularly along the coast, which was followed by the progressive industrialization of Barcelona. It is from here that a platform for political Catalanism began together with the sense of a need to reclaim Catalonia as a separate entity, fueled by Romantic ideas from Europe. The process by which Catalan writers

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and intellectuals sought to recover a sense of Catalonia’s glorious past—through identification of the four great chronicles, the idea of a lost epic poem, the recreation of the medieval practice of Jocs Florals—became known as the Renaixença, and this development of the sense of a distinct culture, with the celebration of a separate geography, was used to underpin the recovery of the Catalan language as a viable literary vehicle. This is what cemented the foundation of contemporary Catalonia; whatever the political project, there are firm roots in popular traditions and folklore, providing a sense of collective identity around which other social groups can affiliate. Political claims for some degree of autonomy emerged out of the republican ideas of Francesc Pi i Margall, on the one hand, and of the growing legal and historical consciousness of the loss of Catalonia’s distinct laws and institutions, on the other. They were also an outlet for bourgeois Catalan dissatisfaction with the political and economic management of the Spanish State. Valentí Almirall’s Memorial de Greuges (Petition of complaints, 1885) and later the Bases de Manresa (1892) set out some of the demands for the protection of Catalan civil law and the restitution of independent rights and institutions. By the end of the 19th century, there were a number of Catalanist political parties, which were able to push for the creation of separate institutions like the Mancomunitat and the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and promote and extend the teaching and revival of the Catalan language and culture throughout Catalonia. Although there was repression and re-Castilianization under Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship, the declaration of the republic by Francesc Macià from Catalonia in 1931 heralded a period of unprecedented cultural growth, underpinned by the official restoration of the Generalitat in 1932. These developments were overturned at the end of the Spanish Civil War and replaced with blanket suppression of Catalan culture in the public sphere. There was a relaxation of censorship in the 1950s, and the later decades of General Francisco Franco’s dictatorship saw a gradual recovery of forms of cultural expression in Catalan. Massive popular support for the recognition and recovery of political and cultural rights toward the end of the Franco regime and after his death was channeled through the Assemblea de Catalunya, the Congrés de Cultura Catalana, and the Crida so that

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when autonomy was granted, the Generalitat was able to draw and build on a broad social consensus about the need for cultural and political autonomy and for the recovery of the Catalan language as a public means of expression. The Generalitat was controlled by a center-right formation, Convergència i Unió (CiU), from the first autonomous elections in 1980 until November 2003. Since 2003, the Catalan government has been controlled by a tripartite coalition of progressive left-wing parties, comprising the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC), Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and Iniciativa per Catalunya (IC), and in 2006, it passed a controversial new statute of autonomy that aimed for greater political and economic autonomy. Currently, Catalonia is mapped by different overlapping modes of territorial organization, testimony to the different forms of imagining and organizing the region throughout its history. The territory is divided into four provinces: Girona to the north, Lleida to the west, Barcelona in the center, and Tarragona to the south, each represented by a diputació, as well as being divided into smaller comarques, which have their own local political representation. Large towns and cities will have a town or city council and a mayor. In addition to this, citizens vote in separate elections to the Spanish national Parliament, the European Parliament, and the Catalan Parliament, whose government is the Generalitat. The large majority of the population, over 5,400,000 people, lives in the province of Barcelona. More than half of the population of Catalonia lives in urban areas, of more than 50,000 people, with the highest density being found in the metropolitan area of Barcelona. As these figures indicate, Catalonia is a highly industrialized society with agriculture accounting for no more than 4 percent of the economy. As in most of the other Catalan-speaking regions, tourism is very important; although, in recent years, the focus seems to have shifted in Catalonia away from the coastal resorts to the city of Barcelona. With the recent economic crisis, the unemployment figures have gone up to 18 percent, with one of the highest year-on-year rises in Spain. The region’s gross domestic product has gone from being one of the highest in Spain to being somewhat below the national average, and although there was some growth in the last quarter of 2008, in general, the slide into recession over the year was confirmed. There was concern even before the 2008 crisis that

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the economy was not developing at the same rate as other regions in Spain, which was blamed on a shift in foreign investment to Madrid, the worryingly high level of fiscal deficit, and the lack of adequate public infrastructural investment. In accordance with Catalonia’s statute of autonomy, there are two official languages in the region: Catalan, which is named as Catalonia’s own language, and Spanish, which is the official language of the Spanish state. According to recent census results, the large majority of the Catalan population understand Catalan, around 75 percent are able speak it and read it, and around half are able to write it. Of the 5 percent of the population who report they are unable to understand Catalan at all, the majority live in the metropolitan area of Barcelona. In order to protect the rights of Catalan speakers, the Generalitat has passed two language laws, the Llei de Normalització Lingüística in 1983 and the Llei de Política Lingüística in 1998. These laws were designed to protect and encourage the use of Catalan in different fields, including education, literature, the media, administration, legal proceedings, and business and commerce. While there is no equivalent law to protect Spanish, and this has led to protest from groups like the Foro Babel and more recently Ciutadans de Catalunya, this is generally because Spanish is already in a stronger position legally and sociolinguistically because of its status as the official language of the whole of Spain. Thus, everyone in Catalonia is supposed to be able to understand, speak, read, and write in Spanish. See also; PRESS; RADIO; TELEVISION. CATALUNYA LLIURE (CL). This party developed out of the Moviment de Defensa de la Terra–Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional (PSAN) and was formally constituted in 1989, with the aim of achieving Catalan independence from the Spanish state together with the unification of the Catalan-speaking territories. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. CATALUNYA NORD. First used in the journal Nova Terra (New land) in 1937, this term describes the areas of France that were part of Catalonia in medieval times and that continue to have a significant Catalan-speaking community. These are Roussillon, Perpignan, Conflent, Capcir, Alta Cerdanya, Vallespir, and Fenolleda and cor-

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respond to an area of 14,145 square kilometers, with a population of around 411,000 people. Originally, these areas formed part of the inheritance of the House of Barcelona. However, parts of the territory were seized by the French after the Revolt of the Catalans in the 17th century, and the boundaries between Spain and France were redrawn, ceding Roussillon and half of Cerdanya to the French. Studies of the actual border zone in the Pyrenees show quite a fluid sense of identity on both sides, due to the relative isolation of the valleys and the many redrawings of the frontier throughout history. Indeed, there continues to be a Catalan enclave, Llívia, within France, due to an oversight when the maps were redrawn after 1659. Politically, the region has relatively little autonomy, as any Catalan laws and institutions were suppressed by the French crown and the Catalan language was marginalized by the government’s policy of strong centralization and homogenization from Louis XIV onward. The territory was merged to form the Département des Pyrénées Orientales, and there was little subsequent political expression of a separate identity until the 20th century. In recent years, the resurgence of regionalism in France has led to the creation of a new region called Llenguadoc-Roussillon. However, Catalanists in the region have been unimpressed by this move, as rather than recognizing the separate cultural and linguistic identities of the Catalan- and Occitan-speaking territories, it tends to conflate them. The variety of Catalan spoken in Catalunya Nord is known as Rossellonès. It is spoken in all of the areas, apart from Fenolleda where Occitan is spoken. Sociolinguistically, the situation of Catalan remains quite difficult, due to the effective marginalization of the language over the past three centuries, which led to diglossia, with Catalan being associated with the peasantry and French being the official language. However, there have been a series of moves to revive language and culture through the creation of cultural organizations promoting Catalan and through the foundation of a department of Catalan studies at the University of Perpignan. These developments were underpinned from the 1940s onward by the role that Catalunya Nord took on during the Franco regime as a haven for political exiles from Catalonia and Valencia and as a base for cultural and political activism. A testimony to this period is the annual Catalan Summer University held at Prada de Conflent since 1968, set up

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in the latter years of the Franco dictatorship as a meeting place for discussion of the future of Catalan institutions as well as providing a forum for anti-Franco movements and intellectuals. While much of the older rural population continues to speak Catalan, over a quarter of the population now lives in and around Perpignan, where only 40 percent of the population has knowledge of Catalan. There are no other towns with more than 10,000 inhabitants, which indicates the relative underdevelopment of the region; although, the municipal areas of Ceret and Prada have over 65,000 and 38,000 inhabitants, respectively. Indeed, Languedoc-Roussillon is one of the poorest regions in France; although, it continues to experience some population growth, mainly based in Perpignan. Its main economic activity is tourism, and in some ways, this has led to a renewed emphasis on cultural distinctness. There are a number of active theater groups who perform in French and Catalan, quite a strong poetic tradition, attachment to traditional folklore and dances such as the sardana, and strong following of the local rugby teams, the USAP in Perpignan and the rugby league side, Catalan Dragons. The main area of cultural activism has been promotion of the learning and teaching of Catalan, which has been channeled through organizations like the Federació per a la Defensa de la Llengua i de la Cultura Catalanes (Federation for the Defense of the Catalan Language and Culture), the Institució Rossellonès d’Estudis Catalans, the Assemblea Catalunya Nord, and the Òmnium Cultural Catalunya Nord. The main promoter of the teaching of Catalan in primary education, La Bressola, was set up in 1976, as a result of the application of the Loi Deixonne to protect regional languages. In 1980, Arrels was created to extend the teaching of Catalan to more advanced levels. APLEC brings together all the associations dedicated to the teaching of Catalan. Culturally, the region has produced singers in the Nova Cançó movement, poets, and dramatists, as well as some publishing houses dedicated to the publication of Catalan texts. These movements were supported by the creation of the Grup Rossellonès d’Estudis Catalans in the 1960s and the Centre de Documentació i d’Animació de la Cultura Catalana in 1978. The region also receives help and support from Catalan cultural organizations across the Catalan-speaking territories, culminating in the creation of the Catalan government-sponsored Casa de la Generalitat in Perpignan in 2003 and the symbolic

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inauguration of a Catalan gateway or Porta dels Països Catalans in 2004. Political Catalanist developments have been far more limited, with the creation of some nationalist parties, such as the Esquerra Catalana per als Treballadors (1972), the Unió Nacionalista (1985), Unitat Catalana (1985), and the Partit Socialista Catalana (1986), but they enjoy little popular support. In 1992, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya presented candidates to parliamentary elections in the region but did not gain any seats. Since 1993, Unitat Catalana has gained ground in municipal elections and is now the main Catalanist party in the region. Anti-Catalan declarations by Georges Frêches in 2004 led to the creation of a Bloc Català, drawing together the voices of all the Catalanist parties in the region to bemoan the inequities in the creation of Llenguadoc-Roussillon and call for greater recognition of the Catalan language and culture. However, Catalan difference in the region only received wider international attention in 2005 with the outbreak of violence in Perpignan, attributed to ethnic tensions between the Catalan-speaking gypsies and the North African communities of the city. More recently, the General Council of Pyrénées-Occidentales declared Catalan a co-official language of the region, in the “Carta en favor del català” (Letter in support of Catalan) of December 2007. The charter set out measures for the protection and promotion of Catalan in Catalunya Nord. See also BOSC, ANDREU; CAYROL, ANTONI; JOFFRE, JOSEP; MAILLOL, ARISTIDES; SEBASTIÀ PONS, JOSEP; SPORT. CATHOLIC ACTION. This was the lay Catholic organization set up at the end of the 19th century in order to gain support for the Catholic Church among the new social classes. Its first president was the Catalan shipping magnate the marquis of Comillas, and one of the first things he did was set up an association of Catholic unions to try to tempt workers away from socialism and anarcho-syndicalism. However, even after the reactionary Marquis’s death in 1925, the organization remained wedded to the conservative classes, supporting the CEDA during the Second Republic and then Franco during and after the Civil War. See also CHURCH. CATHOLIC CHURCH. See CHURCH.

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CATÒLICS CATALANS (CC) / CATALAN CATHOLICS. See CRIST CATALUNYA. CAYROL, ANTONI (1920–). Born in Sallagosa, in the HauteCerdagne region, Cayrol is more commonly known by the pseudonym Jordi Pere Cerdà and is one of the best-known Catalan-language writers from Catalunya Nord. As well as writing original poetry, theater, and narrative, he has collected folk stories and legends of the Cerdagne regions and has published numerous articles and essays on Catalan cultural history and identity in France. CENSORSHIP. Censorship has been used by the Spanish government against Catalan publications at various periods in modern Catalan history, mainly as a political tool to punish localized dissent. However, during two different periods in the 20th century, the dictatorships of Primo de Rivera and then General Francisco Franco after the Spanish Civil War, it was used more systematically in an attempt to eradicate any manifestation of cultural and political Catalanism. From 1925 to the death of Primo de Rivera, Catalonia’s Mancomunitat was suppressed, and various other Catalan institutions were Castilianized. There was also strict press censorship. During the Franco dictatorship, all Catalan-language organizations were suppressed or Castilianized, the Catalan language was banned in the public sphere, and Catalan-language publications were destroyed, banned, and then suffered varying degrees of censorship as the regime became more lenient from the 1950s onward. From a situation in which over 800 Catalan-language books were published annually in the years before the Spanish Civil War, the postwar period saw a drop to just 47 Catalan publications in the late 1940s, and most of these were only allowed because they were religious texts or written in pre-normative Catalan. From 1941, only collections of poetry were allowed; these were limited in distribution, and all notes and paratextual information had to be in Castilian. After the end of World War II, the regime allowed the publication of Catalan folklore in order to present a less repressive appearance internationally. All other literary genres, including translation, were forbidden. There were many schemes put in place to escape the censor, including the clandestine publication of works, distributed by subscrip-

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tion, such as Josep Maria de Sagarra’s translations of Shakespeare, which were predated to the years before the war, and the publication of Catalan texts in Paris and in Latin America, which were then smuggled into Spain. From 1951 to 1956, control of censorship passed to the Ministry of Information and Tourism under Gabriel Arias Salgado, and greater leniency was shown, allowing the introduction of a number of viable Catalan-language publishing houses, including Editorial Selecta, Editorial Alpha, Aymà, Albertí, Dalmau, and Club Editor, among others. Translations from other languages into Catalan continued to be banned, and the first Catalan-language journal of the period, Serra d’Or, was only permitted to begin publication in 1959 because, edited by the Abadia de Montserrat, it was able to slip under the umbrella of ecclesiastical rather than civil censorship. Even with the relaxation on the ban of Catalanlanguage publications and theatrical performances, the contents were monitored closely so that the radical theater groups of the 1960s and 1970s, such as Els Joglars, turned to non-textual forms to express their protest against the status quo. Catalan publication rates did not return to the pre-Civil War levels until the 1980s. Even so, in relative terms, the effects of repression on Catalan literary culture were quite devastating. Whereas published books in Catalan accounted for over 23 percent of the Spanish market in the 1930s, by the end of the 1970s, the proportion was less than 4.5 percent. See also LITERATURE; PRESS. CENTRE AUTONOMISTA DE DEPENDENTS DEL COMERÇ I DE LA INDÚSTRIA (CADCI). This commercial, white-collar workers’ union was created in 1903 and became a key focus for Catalanist activity among Barcelona’s lower middle classes. While, at first, it supported the Lliga Regionalista, it later moved to embrace more left-wing political affiliations, embracing Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya during the Second Republic. It was banned during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship and was attacked by the army during the October Events of 1934, which indicated the level of its radicalization in the 1920s and 1930s. After the Spanish Civil War, its headquarters were occupied by the army, and the CADCI was not legally reinstated until 1979. See also COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; LABOR MOVEMENT.

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CENTRE CATALÀ / CATALAN CENTER. Founded in 1882, this was the first overtly Catalanist center, becoming the focal point for many of the most significant Catalan political and cultural movements and meetings of the 1880s and 1890s, from the followers of Valentí Almirall to the Renaixença intellectuals who collaborated on the newspaper La Renaixensa. After the publication of the Memorial de Greuges in 1885, the center gained some popularity and influence across a wider social spectrum. In 1886, it was able to present candidates, including Àngel Guimerà, for the Spanish general elections. The organization’s decline came about as a result of divergencies over the Universal Exhibition of 1888, resulting in Almirall’s foundation of an alternative platform, La Lliga de Catalunya, and the eventual dissolution of the center in 1894. See also RENAIXENÇA. CENTRE DE CULTURA VALENCIANA / CENTER FOR VALENCIAN CULTURE. Largely provincial in character, this cultural organization was set up in 1915 for the promotion of traditional Valencian culture. In 1937, it became the Institut d’Estudis Valencians, along the lines of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC) in Catalonia, and began to promote the academic study of Valencian history and culture. This change was overturned at the end of the Spanish Civil War, and the center returned to its apolitical focus on the promotion of local culture. From 1978, the organization adopted an overtly secessionist linguistic policy, rejecting the Normes de Castelló, and it eventually changed its name to Academia de Cultura Valenciana. CENTRE EXCURSIONISTA CATALÀ / CATALAN EXCURSIONS CENTER. Created in 1890 by Antoni Rubió i Lluch (1856– 1937), this organization was born of the fusion of two societies set up in the 1870s, the Associació Catalana d’Excursions Científiques and the Associació Catalana d’Excursions. As well as providing a focus for exploration of the Catalan-speaking territories, it became a center for the promotion of the study of the culture, geography, and history of the area. See also SPORT. CENTRE NACIONAL CATALÀ / CATALAN NATIONAL CENTER. The Catalan National Center was set up by figures associated

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with La Veu de Catalunya in 1899, including Jacint Verdaguer, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, Enric Prat de la Riba, as well as the more liberal Jaume Carner. Its political project was based on the Bases de Manresa of 1892. It was able to achieve broader support among the Catalan middle classes and went on to form the basis for the Lliga Regionalista in 1901. CENTRE NACIONALISTA REPUBLICÀ (CNR) / REPUBLICAN NATIONALIST CENTER. Founded in 1906 by Ildefons Sunyol (1866–1913), Jaume Carner, and Joaquim Lluhí i Rissech, this more progressive republican Catalanist party resulted from the ideological split in the Lliga Regionalista in 1904 over the visit of Alfonso XIII to Barcelona. See REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. CERDÀ, ILDEFONS (1815–76). Catalan architect and liberal politician, responsible for drawing up plans to extend the city of Barcelona beyond the walls of the old city, around the area now known as the Barri Gòtic. Born in Centelles, he moved back to the city of Barcelona in 1849, becoming involved in liberal politics. He began to focus on the question of the reform and expansion of Barcelona, in part as a way of providing adequate living conditions for the growing working-class population in the city. In 1859, he obtained a royal order approving the Pla Cerdà, which is the blueprint for the grid organization found in the Eixample district of Barcelona today. One of the first urbanist thinkers in Spain, he published a Teoría general de la urbanización (General theory of urbanization, 1867). See also ARCHITECTURE. CERDÀ, JORDI PERE. See CAYROL, ANTONI. CERDÀ PLAN (PLA CERDÀ). This was the urban plan devised by Ildefons Cerdà to extend the limits of the city of Barcelona by demolishing the city walls to allow the city to grow out toward the surrounding villages. It was one of the central projects of 19th-century liberal politics in Catalonia, as it would mean the dismantling of the walled Ciutadella garrison, which represented the repression visited on Catalonia by Bourbon absolutism after the War of Spanish Succession. Cerdà devised a grid system for construction of the new

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district of Barcelona, which corresponds to today’s Eixample, with rectangular blocks, built on three sides so that there was open access to the public gardens at the center of each block. Thus, the design focused on the social utility of the new urban spaces and reflected concern about the living conditions of the urban working class. However, Cerdà’s plan was only completed in part in that pressure on space meant that the blocks soon ended up being built up on all sides, restricting access to the gardens, and few public gardens remain today as a testimony to his utopian vision. Furthermore, the main thoroughfare, the Passeig de Gràcia, and the façades of the right side of the Eixample show that the development soon became more about the wealth and cultural pretensions of the bourgeoisie than about making democratic living conditions available to all inhabitants of the city. CERVERÍ DE GIRONA (c.1258–85). Name given to the Catalan troubadour Guillem de Cervera, who was a joglar in the court of James I and Peter II. One of the last of the Catalan troubadours before the spread of poetry in Catalan, he has left the largest surviving opus. CHRONICLES. Often described as the Four Great Chronicles, the books of James I and Peter III and the chronicle/testimonies of Bernat Desclot and Ramon Muntaner were set down as four of the pillars of Catalan cultural revival in the 19th and early 20th centuries. At a time when many European nations, fueled by German Romantic ideas, were recovering their epic poems as sources for a distinct national culture, it is easy to understand the urge to classify these texts as Catalan equivalents, setting out a distinct pattern of cultural identity and a differentiated national spirit. The characteristics of all four texts vary greatly, yet none presents the wide historical scope of the chronicles produced in other parts of medieval Spain. Instead, they tend to focus on recent political events and display a clear political purpose. While the texts of the kings are based on a providential narrative, we can also see in them an aim to produce a sense of protonational unity and greatness to counter political fragmentation. Chronologically, James I’s Libre dels feyts (Book of Deeds) (1213–76) tells of the beginning of James’ reign, characterized by

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baronial conflict, and sets it against the great military achievements that were his conquests of Mallorca and Valencia, as well as his domestic and international political dealings and the military campaigns in Murcia. It ends with his death in 1276, at a time of renewed infighting between the nobles of Catalonia and Aragon and presents a vision of the benefits of united action as against the personal ambitions of individual nobles. Desclot’s chronicle of 1283–88 is less vivid in its accounts but covers a wider period in great detail, beginning with the reign of Ramon Berenguer IV and recounting the history of the House of Barcelona up to Peter II. The text incorporates verse material and more legends than the down-to-earth Book of James I, but like James, the primary focus is on the providential narrative of the development of a king, here Peter II. In contrast, Muntaner, writing between 1325 and 1328, writes first and foremost as a military leader recounting exploits that he experienced firsthand. Rather than relying on contemporary documents, his literary culture is drawn from the Bible, troubadour poetry, and the romances of chivalry. His narrative runs from the birth of James I to the coronation of Alfons III but focuses mainly on the French invasion of 1285 and on his personal experience of the Near Eastern campaign with the Companyia Catalana. Finally, the chronicle of Peter III is far more sophisticated in conception, written by a king with a passion for history. Divided into seven chapters, it begins with Peter’s birth, ending five years before his death. Each chapter generally focuses on one major episode and uses contemporary documents to recount events. CHURCH. While there are a number of different religious denominations in the Catalan-speaking areas, the dominant one since the 13th century has been the Catholic Church. Catholicism was introduced into the area now known as the Catalan countries gradually under Roman and Visigothic rule, but settlement by different Islamic groups from the 8th century onward led to Islamization of the territories. While there was quite peaceful coexistence among the different religious groups in many areas, the increasing impetus of the reconquest between the 11th and 13th centuries, which was at times given the ideological veneer of a crusade, resulted in greater conflict. This was, above all, the case in Mallorca, where considerable

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violence was used in the conquest and resettlement of the island, and Valencia, where there continued to be rebellions against the Crown of Aragon in the 13th and 14th centuries. The cultural diversity of the regions remains visible in many Catalan symbols and traditions, particularly in southern Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands; however, the expulsion of the Jews from the territories in 1492 and then the moriscos after 1609 paved the way for the domination of the Catholic Church in cultural and historical narratives, consigning other religions to frontier zones and the cultural memory of conflict. The Catholic Church’s dominance can be observed in its centrality to the political structures of the Crown of Aragon as well as its presence in key cultural texts, such as the medieval chronicles. Although their Catalan origins are often forgotten, the Valencian Borja family enjoyed great international prominence in the Roman Church of the 15th century. Ecclesiastical figures were also to play an important part in the development of the Catalan language and literature, with not only canonical figures like Ramon Llull and the sainted Vicenç Ferrer but also female religious writers, such as Isabel de Villena. Even after the political decline of the Aragonese kingdoms, the Church continued to play a role in continuing Catalan cultural traditions with its encouragement of festivals and customs, such as the mystery plays of Elche (Elx), and the production of Catalan grammars and literary histories by members of the clergy. Furthermore, there was a strong dissident thread running through the Catalan Church with key figures like Joan Lluís Vives rejecting the ideology of the Counter-Reformation in Spain. Indeed, the Catholic Church in Catalan-speaking territories has had a central role in mediating Catalanist discourses. On the one hand, the level of education attained by individuals who studied for the priesthood often meant that they had privileged access to different forms of cultural representation. On the other, Catholicism was a core value of some of the classes that contributed to the revival of a Catalan cultural tradition from the Renaixença onward, in particular the urban bourgeoisie (but also the rural and peasant classes), whose support of the Carlinades paved the way for the spread of more federalist and republican ideologies. Some of the key ideologues of political Catalanism at the end of the 19th century, such as Josep Torras i Bages, held Church office, and the early decades of the 20th

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century saw cultural figures like Joan Maragall grappling between their faith and loyalty to the Catholic Church and their awareness of the social injustice that Catholic Catalanism did little to alleviate. Furthermore, the role of the Church in the Carlist wars had also laid the foundation for growing anticlericalism in Catalonia. Thus, the continuous strikes and unrest that characterized the first two decades of the 20th century often culminated in church burning and looting, most famously in the Tragic Week of 1909, and this, in many ways, contributed to ensure that Catholicism remained a core value of conservative Catalanism until the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera. The reorganization of the left that took place during the 1920s, alongside increasing distrust of the wealthy industrialist classes for their tolerance of Primo de Rivera, meant that Catholicism no longer had much of a role to play in the political culture of the 1930s, and indeed, the workers’ revolution in Catalonia that followed the military coup in 1936 resulted in a pogrom against the Catholic Church as old scores were settled. During the Spanish Civil War, many priests, nuns, and friars were forced to leave Catalonia and Valencia, either going into exile or sheltering in the nationalist zone. Thus, to all intents and purposes, the ties between Catalanism and the Catholic Church were cut, as was confirmed by Francisco Franco’s imposition of national Catholicism at the end of the war. Indeed, it was a Catalan priest, Cardinal Gomà (1869–1940), who consecrated the Franco regime from Burgos with the support of all bishops apart from Francesc Vidal i Barraquer, who remained in exile in Italy after the end of the war. Under Franco, the Catalan Church was subsumed into the Spanish Church, and the majority of its institutions were suppressed; the Catalan language was banned from religious celebrations. Even so, there were clandestine organizations that struggled to revive a more Catalanist Catholic Church, with the Jesuits providing shelter for the Acadèmia de la Llengua Catalana (Academy of the Catalan Language) and the Capuchin creation of Franciscàlia, a group of religious intellectuals who aimed to renew the Catalan Church. Such groups were increasingly able to capitalize on the fact that the few works that could be published in Catalan in the early years of the Franco regime were approved because they were considered to have devotional purposes and might thus help to redeem the

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populace. The Abadia de Montserrat, under Aureli Maria Escarré, had a decisive role in the recovery of a Catalan religious culture with their lobbying to be allowed to use Catalan in religious services and their publication of journals like Serra d’Or (1959) and Qüestions de Vida Cristiana (1958). The Scout movement was revived by Antoni Batlle i Mestre (1888–1955) and formalized with the foundation of a Diocesan Delegation of the Scout Movement in 1957, and this was followed by the creation of a range of periodical publications in Catalan aimed at children and young people, such as Cavall Fort (1961), L’Infantil (1963), Tretzevents (1973), and Oriflama (1961), all of which were published by the Abbey’s imprint. Although religious organizations did not contribute directly to political and social activism against the Franco regime, they did offer safe haven to activists during the 1960s and 1970s, and their influence underpinned the creation of new political parties, such as Unió Democràtica de Catalunya and the CC group (also known as Catòlics Catalans or Crist Catalunya), led by Jordi Pujol. This influence contributed to the central role granted to the Catalan Church symbolically from 1980, under the successive legislatures of Pujol as Convergència i Unió president of the Generalitat. Another Church-inspired movement that took hold during the Franco regime and led to the cross-fertilization of Catholicism and political Catalanism was workers’ Catholicism, inspired by the social Catholicism of France and Belgium. The main groups associated with this movement grew out of Catholic Action, an organization aimed at maintaining the social influence of Catholicism, and included Joventut Obrera Catòlica, the Germandat Obrera d’Acció Catòlica, and Acció Catòlica Obrera. Working-class priests were able to influence the districts in which they worked, and Catholic unions, such as Solidaritat d’Obrers de Catalunya and Unió Sindical Obrera de Catalunya, offered support to clandestine unions and workers’ organizations. The double militancy of many clerics brought them into increasing conflict with the Church hierarchy in Spain so that some, like Lluís Maria Xirinacs, decided to focus primarily on their political activism. In the same way, many politicians and activists who started out as Christian-democrats became increasingly secularized in the 1970s, joining left-wing socialist or pro-independence formations. There were also other progressive Catholic movements, in particular

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those inspired by Vatican II in 1967, that have contributed to the struggle for social justice through nongovernmental organizations, such as Càritas and Intermón, as well as missions and activism across the globe. Key figures include Pere Casaldàliga (1928–), an important bishop and liberation theology missionary in Brazil, and Vicente Ferrer (1920–2009), who started out as a Jesuit missionary in India, setting up an important humanitarian foundation. Other radicals include Raimon Panikkar (1918–2010) and Jordi Llimona (1924–99). Nowadays, while nearly 70 percent of the population chooses to describe itself as Catholic, the Catalan-speaking territories have the lowest percentage of practicing Catholics in the Spanish state. Secularization has been particularly strong in Catalonia, with the lowest percentage of priests in Spain. In part, this is due to the increasing conservatism of the Spanish Church in the 1990s and, in particular, to the anti-Catalan sentiment promoted by Church-supported media, such as the COPE radio network. However, there is also strong support for multiculturalism and pluralism both in contemporary political discourse and among the social base in the region, and this has led to renewed efforts by the Church hierarchies in the Tarraconense Provincial Council to achieve greater relevance in Catalan civic society. See also ARCHITECTURE; ART; BALMES, JAUME; BORJA, ALEXANDRE VI; BORJA, CALIXTUS III; BORJA, CESAR; BORJA, FRANCESC; BORJAS/BORGIAS; EIXIMENIS, FRANCESC; FOLK CULTURE. CINEMA. Moving pictures arrived in Catalonia and Valencia in the last decade of the 19th century. In fact, there were even homegrown enthusiasts, such as Fructuós Gelabert, who developed their own techniques and equipment. Thus, the early decades of the 20th century saw growing consciousness of the development of film as a medium and its link to the developing urban consciousness. Other key figures in this period include Adrià Gual, who used cinema as a route to achieving total art. However, in the main, film was used representationally, as a way of reflecting society, and many of the films for export represented cultural traditions and folklore. While some of the most important film studios in Spain grew up in Barcelona and Valencia in the late 1920s and 1930s, there was not a major movement in Catalan-language film as there was a far larger

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Spanish-speaking market into which to tap. This continues to be a major factor in the development of Catalan-language cinema today. Nonetheless, many important filmmakers originated in the Catalanspeaking territories, including figures at the forefront of avant-garde experimentation, such as Salvador Dalí. After the Spanish Civil War, Barcelona lost cinematic ground, due to cultural and political repression and the fact that many of the main filmmakers, actors, and cinematographers went into exile. However, CIFESA in Valencia continued to have importance, producing many of the historical epics of the early Franco regime. From the 1950s, the relaxation of cultural censorship led to the appearance of important independent filmmakers, like the Valencian Luis Berlanga; while in Barcelona in the 1960s and early 1970s, there emerged a group of neorealist-influenced directors and producers, who became known as the Barcelona school. Key figures include Francisco Rovira i Beleta, Pere Portabella, Jacint Esteva (1936–88), Joaquim Jordà, Vicente Aranda, and the film historian Roman Gubern (1934–). In Valencia, the main figures from this period are Vicent Escrivà (1913–99), Carles Mira (1947–93), and Josep Lluís Seguí (1945–). The impact of cinema on cultural development during the Franco regime has been explored by another significant figure in the Catalan cultural milieu of the 1960s and 1970s, Terenci Moix. The late 1970s brought new developments and filmmakers, such as Ventura Pons and Joan Josep Bigas Luna, who reflected the changing cultural reality of Spain. However, there continued to be problems in financing Catalan-language films, and when this area was identified by the Generalitat in the 1980s as in urgent need of attention, they placed their focus on heritage-style cinema, reflecting Catalan history or Catalan texts, such as Antoni Ribas’s emblematic meditation on the Tragic Week, La ciutat cremada (1976). The most successful cinema in Catalonia has been that which has broken with this model and explored new possibilities for Catalan identity, often turning on independent sources of funding. This includes much of the work of Ventura Pons, as well as more recent directors such as Isabel Coixet and Marta Balletbó-Coll. Many of the influential theater groups of the 1970s and 1980s have also worked with the medium, including La Fura dels Baus and Els Joglars, and the turn of the

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century has also seen the emergence of exciting experimental and documentary work, such as José Luis Guerín’s En Construcción (In construction, 2001) as well as a new generation of directors, such as Jaime Rosales (1970–), Marc Recha (1970–), and Cesc Gay (1967–). The animated film sector has also achieved wider recognition, with work such as that of Carlos and Jordi Grangel on Tim Burton’s The Corpse Bride (2005). Some of the main producers and distributors of Spanish cinema— Filmax, Lauren, and Cinesa—are based in Barcelona, and the audience figures in the area are high compared to the rest of Spain. However, notwithstanding local government funding to encourage cinema production and the dubbing of foreign cinema into Catalan, no more than 6 percent of the films seen are in Catalan. Legal attempts to enforce the dubbing of international films into Catalan have been met with resistance by film producers and distributors. While Catalan locations, above all Barcelona, have become increasingly fashionable in international cinema, in works such as Pedro Almodóvar’s Todo sobre mi madre (All about my mother, 1999) and Woody Allen’s Vicky Cristina Barcelona (2008), it is rare to see anything of contemporary Catalan culture, let alone the language. Indeed, many of the acclaimed new generation of Catalan film directors tend to produce bilingual or primarily Spanish-language work. It is generally the smaller independent production companies, like Ventura Pons’s Els Films de La Rambla and Joel Joan’s Arriska, that work to ensure the continuing vitality of Catalan-language cinema. The Institut de Cinema Català (Institute of Catalan Cinema), set up in Barcelona in 1975 to promote cinema across the Catalan-speaking territories, has mainly focused on recovering footage from early Catalan cinema and promoting Catalan cultural history through documentaries and shorts. A Catalan Cinema Academy was created in 2008, with the multitalented Joel Joan as its president, holding its first award ceremony in 2009. See also BERLANGA, LUIS GARCÍA. CIUTADANS DE CATALUNYA / CITIZENS OF CATALONIA. This anti-Catalanist party was created in 2006 on a platform promoting civil liberties, civic society, and bilingualism. It is highly critical of the perceived exclusivity of the Catalan cultural and political

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scene but has so far achieved relatively little electoral support among the Spanish-speaking constituencies it seeks to defend. Founding members include Albert Boadella, Félix de Azúa (1944–), and Arcadi Espada (1957–). CLARAMUNT, TERESA (1862–1931). Socialist and anarcho-syndicalist leader who sought the emancipation of women as a way of overcoming patriarchy. She published La Mujer: Consideraciones generales sobre su estado ante las prerrogativas del hombre in 1905. See also ANARCHISM; FREEMASONRY; LABOR MOVEMENT. CLARIS, PAU (1586–1641). This Catalan politician and priest was president of the Generalitat from 1638. Following the Revolt of the Catalans in 1640, his political sympathies for the rebels led him to proclaim a Catalan republic under the protection of France in January 1641. He died soon after victory against Spanish troops at Montjuïc, so he did not witness the revocation of Catalan independence by Louis XIII’s self-appointment as count of Barcelona nor the eventual loss of northern Catalan territories to France after the Spanish troops finally prevailed in 1652. CLAVÉ I CAMPS, JOSEP ANSELM (1824–74). This Catalan politician, composer, and philanthropist started out as a musician and political activist in the 1940s, participating in the labor revolts of that decade in Barcelona. Together with Narcís Monturiol he founded the first communist newspaper in the city. He is best-known for his creation of working choral societies in Catalonia, starting with La Fraternidad (The Fraternity) in 1850 and the Associació Euterpense 10 years later, which lay the foundations for the creation of the Orfeó Català. He played an active political role in the 1868 revolution, becoming president of Barcelona’s provincial government in 1871 and Civil Governor of Castelló in Valencia during the First Republic. See also MUSIC; REPUBLICANISM. CLIMENT, ELISEU (1940–). Valencian publisher and cultural activist who set up some of the most important Catalan-language journals in Valencia, including El Temps (Time, 1984), and was editor of L’Espill (The Mirror). He founded the Valencian publishing house

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Tres i Quatre (Three and Four), the Secretariat de l’Ensenyament de l’Idioma in 1971, and Acció Cultural del País Valencià in 1978. Involved in drawing up the Estatut d’Elx, a left-wing project for a Valencian statute of autonomy, he is an indefatigable promoter of Valencian culture, a defender of the unity of the Catalan language, and politically pro-Catalan. See also ELX, ESTATUT D’. COIXET, ISABEL (1960–). Barcelona-born film director who set up her own production company in the 1980s, making commercials for multinational companies. Her first feature film, Demasiado viejo para morir joven (Too old to die young, 1988), was nominated for a Goya Award. Since filming the English-language feature My Life without Me (2003), which won an award at the Berlin International Film Festival, many of her films have enjoyed an international release, including The Secret Life of Words (2005), starring Tim Robbins and Sarah Polley. See also CINEMA. COLOM I COLOM, ÀNGEL (1951–). Pro-independence politician who was first elected as a member of the Catalan Parliament in 1988, as the third on the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) list after Joan Hortalà and Josep Lluís Carod-Rovira. A pacifist, Colom was able to bring on board previously non-affiliated radical Catalanists and supporters of independence, as well as persuade the terrorist group Terra Lliure to abandon violent methods. As leader of the ERC in 1992, Colom saw the party gain its largest number of seats in Parliament, becoming the third political force, proportionally, in the region. However, he and Pilar Rahola left the ERC in 1996, after serious internal differences in the party, to found the short-lived Partit per la Independència (PI). After a spell as the Catalan Generalitat’s representative in Morocco, he returned to Catalonia to become a member of Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, collaborating with the Fundació Ramon Trias Fargas. COMEDIANTS. Born of the Independent Theater movement in 1971, the Comediants are a theater collective made up of actors, musicians, and artists who advocate a vision of theater that is transgressive and politically and socially relevant. With this in mind, they have participated in a wide range of cultural activities from street theater

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to architectural interventions to cultural events to zarzuela and opera. Their work is rooted in non-textual forms of performance and a collective creation process, combining many different theatrical languages. Among the spaces in which they have performed are the closing ceremony of the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games, Antoni Gaudí’s emblematic building, La Pedrera, and Times Square tube station. Key works include Catacroc (1973), Mediterrània (1991), Mare Nostrum at the Seville Expo (1992), and, more recently, textual and lyrical theater such as the Llibre de les Bèsties (The book of beasts, 1995), The Magic Flute (1999), the Maravillas de Cervantes (2000), and La verbena de la Paloma (2004). For their 25th anniversary, they created Anthologia (1996), drawing together aspects of all their previous work. They have also experimented with multicultural and transnational forms, such as in BI (2001), a collaboration with Chinese theater, and, more recently, Les mil i una nits (The thousand and one nights). COMISSIONS OBRERES (CCOO) / WORKERS’ COMMISSIONS. An umbrella organization for the different trade unions in Catalonia, the Catalan branch of the nationwide organization Comisiones Obreras was founded on 20 November 1964 in the church of Sant Medir in the Sants district of Barcelona. Declared illegal in 1967, the organization was driven underground; although, the support of progressive Catholic unions meant it was able to use church venues for clandestine meetings. It contributed to and capitalized on the increase in labor insurgency from 1969, campaigning both for workers’ rights and for the legalization of unions. This made it increasingly popular among the workers, drawing support away from the historic confederations the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) and Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT), which refused to cooperate because of its links with the compulsory state union, the Organización Sindical Española (OSE). Both the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) and Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) supported the CCOO, aiming to use the organization to undermine the Franco regime. Although there were disagreements over strategy between supporters of the PSUC and the Front Obrer de Catalunya (FOC) in Catalonia, the CCOO was able to call a number of strikes between 1973 and 1976, which placed

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pressure on the regime. However, after 1977, the membership of the union declined, partly as a result of the pacts reached to put a lid on wages in order to manage the economic crisis and partly as a result of the PSOE’s prioritization of negotiation with the UGT. See also LABOR MOVEMENT. COMORERA, JOAN (1894–1958). Although trained as a teacher, Joan Comorera began his career as a journalist in 1913 as the Madrid correspondent for the newspaper La Publicidad. He moved to Barcelona in 1914 and became involved in the republican movement, cofounding the Bloc Republicà Autonomista (BRA) and, later, the Partit Republicà Català (PRC). His increasing disaffection with the republican movement was confirmed during a period of residence in Argentina in the 1920s, when he joined the Argentine Socialist Party. On his return to Catalonia, he threw himself into the reorganization of the Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC), going on to become one of the principal Catalan socialist leaders of the 1930s. He was a minister in Lluís Companys’ first government in 1934 but was imprisoned during the October Events that year, only returning to his post in 1936 after the victory of the Popular Front. At the start of the Spanish Civil War, the Unió Socialista was incorporated into the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), of which he became secretary general. He continued to play a significant role in Companys’s government throughout the war, going into exile in Moscow via France in 1939. Returning to France in 1945, he was involved in political activities in exile; however, conflict with the Spanish Communist Party led to his expulsion from the PSUC. Comorera returned to Catalonia in 1951 where he continued his political activism, publishing 32 issues of the workers’ magazine Treball. He was arrested in 1954 and sentenced to 30 years imprisonment in August 1957, dying in prison in Burgos. COMPANYIA CATALANA / CATALAN COMPANY. See ALMOGÀVERS. COMPANYS, LLUÍS (1882–1940). This charismatic Catalan lawyer and politician began his political career in the republican movement, participating in Solidaritat Catalana (SC) before eventually

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joining the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana (UFNR). After electoral defeat in 1916, his frustration with the UFNR’s failure to embrace a more socially progressive agenda led him to form the Partit Republicà Reformista (PRR) with Salvador Seguí, and he continued to divide his time between political activism, which resulted in his imprisonment in Mahón (Maó) in 1920, and his work as a labor defense lawyer. Together with Francesc Layret, he cofounded the Unió de Rabassaires in 1922 to protect the rights of agricultural laborers who were struggling after World War I. Later, he would propose reform of agricultural labor law in 1933, leading to opposition from more conservative elements in the Second Republic. He publicly opposed the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, during which time there was a virulent campaign against the labor movement in Catalonia. Companys played a central role in the declaration of the Second Republic, supporting Francesc Macià’s declaration of a Catalan republic on 14 April 1931. He occupied various posts in the republican Generalitat before being appointed president after the death of Macià in December 1933. He was arrested for his involvement in the proclamation of a Catalan state during the October Events of 1934 and sentenced to 30 years imprisonment. However, after the victory of the Popular Front in February 1936, he was returned to power and faced the task of crushing the military uprising in June of the same year. Faced with what was, in effect, an anarcho-syndicalist revolution, he sought to mediate between the socialists and the anarchosyndicalists by including members of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) in his government. However, his attempts to calm the political situation in Catalonia met with considerable criticism, and he was distrusted both by the more libertarian sectors of the anarchist parties and by resentful socialists. His inability to prevent the May Events of 1937 led to the curtailment of the powers of the Generalitat. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, Companys went into exile in France, where he focused on helping Catalan political refugees and searched for his infirm son. He was arrested by the Gestapo in July 1940 before being handed over to the Franco regime, which transferred him for questioning to Madrid. After being tortured in the Spanish capital, he faced a court martial at Montjuïc in Barcelona

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and was shot there on the morning of 15 October 1940. See also FREEMASONRY. COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME (1897–1934). This political activist, linked to the Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria (CADCI) and Estat Català (EC), was a founder member of the militant group Bandera Roja, undertaking direct action against the Spanish king, Alfonso XIII, in an assassination attempt in May 1925. His sentence to death by court martial was commuted to life imprisonment, and he was released after the declaration of the Second Republic in 1931. His militant refusal to accept the dissolution of the Catalan republic led him to refuse a post as labor minister in Francesc Macià’s government and subsequently split from Estat Català to form increasingly radical formations: first the Estat Català–Partit Proletari, which published the newspaper Insurgent, and later, in January 1934, the Partit Català Proletari (PCP). Compte i Canelles died defending the declaration of Catalan autonomy by Lluís Companys during the October Events of the same year. See also FREEMASONRY; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; LABOR MOVEMENT; REPUBLICANISM. CONFEDERACIÓ NACIONAL DEL TREBALL (CNT) / NATIONAL LABOR CONFEDERATION. The growing influence of anarcho-syndicalism within the labor movement in Spain led to the foundation of a broad confederation at a congress organized in Barcelona by the Catalan regional wing of Solidaritat Obrera (SO) in 1910. It immediately gained support in Valencia, Aragon, and Andalusia and planned its first congress in 1911. Although illegalized that year, the CNT was able to gain increasing support during the economic boom produced in Spain by World War I and was at the center of the working class struggle in the escalating crisis from 1917 to 1923. It was effective in organizing direct action, such as the strike of La Canadenca in February 1919, which forced the introduction of measures to alleviate working conditions. However, although the syndicalist Catalan leadership at the time, including Salvador Seguí and Joan Peiró, was relatively moderate compared to the more antipolitical, libertarian anarcho-syndicalists, sections of the CNT were forced to radicalize in response to the dirty war waged on the

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workers’ movement in Barcelona from 1919 to 1923, when Miguel Primo de Rivera was captain-general. Seguí himself was assassinated in 1923. Thus, alongside the more moderate core of the organization that had shown support for left-wing and republican political measures to achieve democratic change, there emerged a more extreme, insurrectionist faction, consolidated around Buenaventura Durruti and the creation of the Federació Anarquista Ibèrica (FAI) during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. While the syndicalist members of the CNT, including Peiró, largely supported the progressive and republican political parties in their campaigns to overthrow Primo de Rivera and in the declaration of the Second Republic, the FAI maintained its distance from all forms of state organization and continued to advocate direct action throughout the period in order to achieve more libertarian ends. Many of the syndicalists, including Peiró and Àngel Pestaña (1886–1937), left to form their own group, the Trentistes; although, both factions were largely united in 1936 in advocating electoral support for the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya in the Generalitat elections and the Popular Front in Spain to defeat the Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA). The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War led to social revolution in Catalonia under CNT and Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) leadership. However, realization of the need to reorganize to push back the nationalist forces, led the CNT to collaborate with the republican government and support the return to state control. Thus, Lluís Companys agreed to incorporate syndicalists into the Generalitat, and by 4 November 1936, they had joined Largo Caballero’s government, too. This resulted in conflict both in government and on the streets, eventually erupting in the May Events of 1937, when fighting broke out in Barcelona between anarchists and the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), supported by the republican police. Subsequent repression meant that the social revolution as envisioned by the anarchists was at its end. The CNT maintained a clandestine presence in Barcelona under the Franco regime but was unable to regain the levels of popular support it had achieved in the 1920s and early 1930s. In exile, divisions between the syndicalists and more libertarian factions of the party continued, eventually resulting in a split over collaboration

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with the republican government in exile and Josep Irla’s Generalitat. See also LABOR MOVEMENT. CONGRÉS DE CULTURA CATALANA / CATALAN CULTURAL CONGRESS. The Congress of Catalan Culture was set up by the Col.legi d’Advocats de Barcelona in 1975 as a forum for Catalanist organizations to reflect on the situation of Catalan culture since 1936 and to discuss and promote the future of Catalan culture and society. It brought together 85 different entities to debate 5 different issues: the defense of national heritage, the demarcation of Catalan territory, the official use of Catalan, the revitalization of popular culture and folklore, and the recovery and creation of Catalan institutions. It ran for two years and contributed to campaigns for the recovery and promotion of the Catalan language and culture. Its work has been continued by the Fundació Congrés de Cultura Catalana (FCCC). See also LAW; TRANSITION. CONGRÉS INTERNACIONAL D’ESCRIPTORES EN DEFENSA DE LA CULTURA / INTERNATIONAL WRITERS’ CONFERENCE IN DEFENSE OF CULTURE. The second international forum for antifascist writers was held in Valencia in 1937, bringing together figures opposed to the threat to cultural and political liberties posed by General Francisco Franco’s nationalist forces. It was attended by internationally acclaimed writers, such as André Gide, André Malraux, Pablo Neruda, and Rafael Alberti, as well as by the Catalans Pompeu Fabra, Jaume Serra i Húnter, Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, and Josep Ferrater Mora and the Valencian Carles Salvador. CONSELL DE CENT / COUNCIL OF ONE HUNDRED. Starting out as a council to represent the city of Barcelona at the Cort, this institution eventually took on the form that is reflected in the name by which it is remembered. From 1265, a committee of five councilors, together with the mayor and chief magistrate, would choose a group of 100 leading citizens to run the affairs of the city. At the end of the year, this group would elect the next committee. The system was adopted in other cities in the Crown of Aragon.

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CONSELL GENERAL INTERINSULAR / INTER-ISLAND GENERAL COUNCIL. This was the name given to a temporary government institution in the Balearic Islands, set up in 1978 and charged with drawing up a statute of autonomy for the region. After the approval of the Statute of Autonomy for the Balearics in 1983, the autonomous government became known as the Govern Balear. See also TRANSITION. CONSELL INSULAR / ISLAND COUNCIL. This was the name given to each of the assemblies governing each of the Balearic Islands, set up in 1978 by the Consell General Interinsular. CONSELL NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA / CATALAN NATIONAL COUNCIL. Created in exile in France by Lluís Companys, the Catalan National Council was made up of five former Generalitat councilors, among them Pompeu Fabra, Antoni Rovira i Virgili, and Jaume Serra i Húnter. After the death of Companys and the occupation of Paris, Catalan exiles in Great Britain decided to continue the task, forming a council with Carles Pi i Sunyer, Josep Maria Batista i Roca, and Josep Trueta and setting up links with Catalans in South America, such as Josep Carner, to lobby for the liberation of the Catalan countries. However, the council was dissolved when Josep Irla became president of the Generalitat after the liberation of France. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. CONSELL VALENCIÀ DE CULTURA / VALENCIAN CULTURAL COUNCIL. Set up under Valencia’s statute of autonomy, this council focuses on the implementation of cultural policy. It was legally constituted on 30 October 1985. CONVERGÈNCIA DEMOCRÀTICA DE CATALUNYA (CDC) / CATALAN DEMOCRATIC CONVERGENCE. This Catalan party dates back to 1974 but was not legally constituted until March 1976 when, in the hands of Jordi Pujol and Miquel Roca, among other independent businessmen, it was put forward as a viable middle-class centrist party, which might ultimately appeal to the wider Catalan populace. Later, this pull between class interests and a political and cultural Catalanist agenda would become the

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central problem in the party’s development. In coalition with Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC), the party was victorious in the first autonomous elections of 1980, and its successor, Convergència i Unió (CiU), was to continue in power until 2003, thus defining the cultural and political development of Catalonia since the end of the Franco regime. CONVERGÈNCIA I UNIÓ (CiU) / CONVERGENCE AND UNION. This center-right Catalanist coalition was formed in 1978 by the then center-left Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC) and the Christian-democrat Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC). While it achieved only nine seats in the first Spanish general elections of 1979, it was elected to form the first Generalitat government post-Franco, with an overwhelming majority in 1980. The pattern was repeated in subsequent elections until 2003; although, the electoral majorities began to wane in the 1990s with the Partit dels socialistes de Catalunya (PSC-PSOE) receiving the highest number of votes in general elections in Catalonia and CiU remaining in power in the Generalitat. Indeed, Jordi Pujol, the general secretary of the party, held the office of president of the Generalitat from 1980 to 2003, dominating the Catalan political scene. CiU was also able to exert influence on the Spanish governments of 1993 and 1996, due to the marginal victories of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) and the Partido Polular (PP), respectively. Instead of entering into a coalition government, on both occasions the CiU preferred to follow a policy of political expediency, negotiating agreements on individual issues and votes, in order to enjoy some leverage over the continuing transfer of powers from the Spanish central state. However, this policy contributed to creating increasing tension and internal divisions within the coalition. In 2001, Jordi Pujol appointed his successor, Artur Mas (1956–), as Catalan first minister, eventually standing down in 2003. Convergència i Unió has been in opposition since 2003 as a result of a tripartite leftist coalition between the PSC, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and Iniciativa per Catalunya (IC), also known as the Pacte del Tinell. See also DURAN I LLEIDA, JOSEP ANTONI; ROCA I JUNYENT, MIQUEL.

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COORDINADORA D’ASSOCIACIONS PER LA LLENGUA CATALANA (CAL) / COORDINATOR OF ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE CATALAN LANGUAGE. The CAL was set up on Saint George’s Day, 23 April 1996, to coordinate action to achieve the linguistic and cultural normalization of the Catalan-speaking territories, explicitly taking up the legacy of the Crida, disbanded in 1993. In particular, the organization sought to influence debate over the creation of a new Law of Linguistic Normalization in Catalonia and to contribute to roll back linguistic secessionism in Valencia. Its best known campaign is the Correllengua. COORDINADORA FEMINISTA / FEMINIST COORDINATION. See FEMINIST MOVEMENT; WOMEN. COROMINES, JOAN (1905–97). Son of the politician Pere Coromines, this remarkable linguist became one of the undisputed world experts in Romance linguistics, working indefatigably (14 hours a day is the legend) on lexicography, etymology, and onomastics. He is best known internationally for the extensive volumes of the Diccionario etimológico de la lengua castellana, though he completed an etymological dictionary for Catalan, too. At his death, he was working on the Onomasticon Cataloniae. COROMINES, PERE (1870–1939). Republican politician and polymath who started out as a member of Nicolás Salmerón’s Republican Union before coming under the increasing influence of anarchosyndicalist and progressive socialist ideas at the turn of the century. He wrote articles and essays for la República, L’Avenç, and Ciencia Social, which he cofounded, and created the cultural organization Foc Nou (New Fire), through which he came into contact with Barcelona’s anarchist groups. Arrested following the June 1896 terrorist attack on the Corpus procession, he was put on trial with 87 other suspects by the military authorities and sentenced to eight years imprisonment in the Montjuïc Trial. He went into exile in France in 1897, and not long after his return a few years later, he went to Madrid where he continued to study law and took up economics. Coromines was a founding member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 1907, was elected president of the Unió Federal Na-

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cionalista Republicana (UFNR) from 1909, and participated in numerous cultural and political Catalanist projects, as well as wrote a substantial corpus, including political and economic studies, philosophical essays, autobiography, poetry, and narrative. His increasing prestige as an economist, together with his legal acumen, led to his election to a number of different offices both in the Spanish Cortes and in the Generalitat and as a representative of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) during the Second Republic, and he was involved in drawing up Catalonia’s statute of autonomy of 1932. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, he went into exile in Buenos Aires where he died in 1939, leaving the collection of short stories El perfecte dandi i altres contes (The perfect dandy and other stories), which was published posthumously. CORRELLENGUA. Inspired by the Basque Korrika, the Correllengua is a sociocultural campaign intended to defend and promote the use of the Catalan language in the Catalan-speaking territories. The first Correllengua took place in Mallorca in 1993, and it was followed by a similar event in Valencia in 1995. The campaign was taken up by the Coordinadora d’Associacions per la Llengua Catalana in 1997, since when there have been annual events, revolving around particular themes and objectives. For instance, in 2005, the key theme was based on Enric Valor’s quotation on the existence of a common language in the Catalan-speaking territories: “El nostre valencià, el català de tots” (Our Valencian is everybody’s Catalan). CORTADA, JOAN (1805–68). Renaixença journalist, cultural critic, and historian, defender of the Jocs Florals. CORTS. Parliamentary assembly set up by Crown of Aragon in the 20th century with equal representation of the bishops, nobles, and rich merchants of the cities. Each of the kingdoms in the crown had its own cort, and representatives would go to a general cort for decisions pertaining to all the Crown’s territories. During the 14th century, the corts would meet on a three-year basis, with a smaller group of 12 delegated to take decisions in between.

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COSTA I LLOBERA, MIQUEL (1854–1922). This Mallorcan poet and translator was one of the key figures in the Escola Mallorquina and exerted great influence on the Noucentista movement in Catalonia. Although his early work is heavily influenced by the Romantic movement, he is better known for the classicism of his later period, such as the 1906 collection Horacianes. A priest, his later poetry is imbued with traditional Catholicism, which again struck a chord among the many Catholic writers of Noucentisme. See also CHURCH; LITERATURE. COSTA SERRA, PILAR (1967–). Left-wing Eivissan lawyer and politician, who was the first socialist senator elected by EivissaFormentera and served on the Spanish Senate from 1996 to 1999. As well as teaching law, she is active in various human rights groups, has worked on commissions and published papers on women’s rights, and takes an active part in Eivissan culture, including local theater groups. CRIDA, LA (THE CALL). With the full title “La crida a la solidaritat en defensa de la llengua, la cultura i la nació catalanes” (Call for solidarity in defense of the Catalan language, culture, and nation), this movement emerged in 1981 in response to the petition objecting to the proposed normalization of the Catalan language, known as the “Manifesto de 2300.” In the 12 years of its existence, the Crida carried out a number of campaigns, activities, and actions to defend and promote the Catalan language. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. CRIST CATALUNYA (CC). Also known as Catòlics Catalans. See CHURCH; PUJOL, JORDI. CRIVILLÉ, ALEX (1970–). World class motorcyclist who won the World 500cc Championship in 1999. He was born in Seva (Barcelona) and retired from professional racing in 2002. See also SPORT. CRUELLS I PIFARRÉ, MANUEL (1910–88). Barcelona-born writer and politician who was a member of Estat Català and edited El Diari de Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War. In exile in

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France after the war, he cofounded the Front Nacional de Catalunya (FNC), remaining a member until 1970 when he joined Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. He is the author of numerous histories of the republican movement in Catalonia. CUBANA, LA. This comic theater group was founded in 1980 in Sitges, growing out of a local street theater group. Its work is characterized by good-humored satire of conservative middle class and popular cultural values and by the use of audience participation in productions. La Cubana’s first big play, La Tempesta (1986), began with a performance of Shakespeare’s The Tempest, during which the audience is caught in a storm. More recently in Una nit d’òpera (A night at the opera, 2001), the company took the audience backstage during a fictional production of Aïda at Barcelona’s Liceu, playing lightheartedly on the snobbery and pretensions of opera performers and the opera-going public as well as on popular misconceptions about the genre and clichés about Catalan cultural values. It has also made comedy series for Catalan television, such as Els Grau (1991) and Teresina S. A. (1992). CU-CUT! This satirical weekly associated with the Lliga Regionalista was the catalyst for one of the key events that was to help galvanize cross-party cooperation in political Catalanism. When it published a cartoon lampooning the military on 25 November 1905, the army reacted by attacking the offices of the journal alongside those of the daily Catalan-language newspaper La Veu de Catalunya. The military intervention was compounded by subsequent Spanish government restrictions on freedom of speech, and this repression provoked the formation of Solidaritat Catalana (Catalan Solidarity, 1906) in response, an alliance between Catalan political parties and groups that was to make significant gains in the ensuing elections. See also CENSORSHIP. CUIXART, MODEST (1925–2007). Born in Barcelona, a cousin of Antoni Tàpies, this abstract painter is best known for his deeply textured works, incorporating everyday objects and materials, like dolls, grit, and shoes. He was one of the founding members of the Catalan avant-garde art group Dau al Set. See also ART.

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CURIAL E GÜELFA. An unfinished, anonymous chivalresque novel, dated 1435 to 1456, Curial e Güelfa remained in manuscript form until first published in 1901 by Antoni Rubió i Lluch (1856–1937). The novel tells of a young man from a humble family, Curial, who receives an education due to the generosity and patronage of Güelfa, the widowed sister of his natural lord, the Marquis of Monferrat. As well as his chivalresque adventures at the court of Peter the Great and in Austria, Paris, and the Holy Land, it explores his trials and tribulations in love, courted by many women but faithful to only one. The novel contains a breathtaking mix of themes and traditions. See also LITERATURE; RENAIXENÇA.

– D – DALÍ, SALVADOR (1904–89). Born in Cadaqués, in northeastern Catalonia, Dalí is one of the most internationally recognized Catalan painters, if not always for his aesthetic achievements. From an early age, he was interested in the theory and practice of painting, putting together his first exhibition in 1918 and going on to produce influential paintings, films, and theoretical writings in the 1920s and 1930s. His most important work of the period includes the avantgarde manifesto, the Manifest Groc of 1928, and the films he made with Luis Buñuel in Paris, Le chien andalou (1929) and L’âge d’or (1931). Contact with French surrealism led him to publish a number of texts in French; although, later when he moved to the United States, he published in English, including his “autobiography,” The Secret Life of Dalí. He is a controversial figure in Catalonia due to his apologies for the Franco regime and the legacy of the majority of his paintings to the Spanish state rather than Catalonia, yet much of his visual work is very much rooted in the landscape of Catalonia, in particular the village of Púbol. There are museums dedicated to his work in Figueres, Portlligat, and Púbol. See also ART. DALMAU, DELFÍ (1891–1965). Philologer and pedagogue who founded the Liceu Dalmau in 1918 and was one of the foremost propounders of innovative educational practice in Catalonia. He de-

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veloped distance learning techniques from 1940 and was the Catalan representative on the Esperanto Academy. See EDUCATION. DANCE. There are many traditional folk dances from across the Catalan countries; although, the one most readily associated with the Catalan cultural community is undoubtedly the sardana. Promoted as the national dance of Catalonia from the 19th century onward, it is common to find the sardana performed to mark special events and festivals, as well as in traditional dance troupes or esbarts. Its symbolic value meant that it was banned briefly during both the Primo de Rivera dictatorship and the Franco regime as part of a campaign to eradicate Catalan cultural difference. Other popular styles include the jota, which is found throughout the Catalan-speaking territories but is most prevalent in the Ebro region, the ball de bastons, as well as the diversity of forms used to portray the dancing giants, dragons, and other legendary figures and themes that animate feast days and festivals throughout the year. These traditional dances were largely recovered and reinvigorated during the Renaixença by folklorists and composers like Pep Ventura and later Enric Morera and Xavier Montsalvatge. When the Catalan language was censored during the Primo de Rivera and Franco dictatorships, dance contributed to creating a focus for silent resistance, with particularly emblematic examples such as the Esbart Verdaguer and Esbart Sant Martí in 1940s Barcelona. Similarly, dance and choral societies were a focal point for cultural activity in exile, especially in France and Latin America. Classical ballet and contemporary dance have also had a significant impact in the Catalan countries, from the feted 19th-century prima ballerina, Roseta Maurí i Segur (1849–1923), to the freer styles of Tòrtola València and Aurea de Sarra (1889–1974). The Liceu became an important focus for ballet in the early 20th century, especially after Sergei Diaghilev’s visit in 1917. Influential dancers and choreographers who helped to develop and maintain a dance tradition in Catalonia into the postwar period include Joan Llongueras (1880–1953), Joan Magriñà i Sanromà (1903–95), and above all, Joan Tena (1923–2007), who dreamed of creating a Catalan national ballet. Other more international names who were born or made their careers in the Catalan-speaking territories include the Valencian-born

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Antonio Gades and Nacho Duato (1957–), the remarkable flamenco performer Carmen Amaya, and Andrés Corchero, who settled in Barcelona from 1963. The development of a vibrant contemporary dance scene in the Catalan countries owes much to the efforts of Anna Maleras (1940–), who set up an influential studio in Barcelona in 1967, and the Institut del Teatre. Many of the key figures and companies of the 1970s and 1980s started out in one of these institutions. Today, both Barcelona and Valencia are recognized contemporary dance centers, holding regular festivals, such as the Dies de Dansa (Days of Dance). The roll call of Catalan dancers and choreographers includes Gelabert-Azzopardi, Àngels Margarit (1960–), Marta Carrasco (1964–), Ramon Oller (1962–), Sol Picó (1967–), Nats Nus, Lanonima Imperial, and Mal Pelo. See also FOLK CULTURE; MUSIC. DAU AL SET. This was a group of experimental artists and thinkers made up of Joan Brossa, Arnau Puig (1926–), Modest Cuixart, Joan Ponç (1927–84), Antoni Tàpies, Joan Josep Tharrats (1918–2001), and later, Juan-Eduardo Cirlot (1916–73). Setting up a magazine of the same name, they collaborated from 1948 to 1954, with the aim of recovering Catalonia’s avant-garde tradition in the postwar period. Their main artistic influences were Joan Miró and Paul Klee, and they included Sebastià Gasch, Josep Vicenç Foix, and Rafael Santos Torroella (1914–2002) among their contributors. See also ART. DENCÀS, JOSEP (1900–1965). This Catalan doctor was affiliated to Estat Català in the 1920s and went on to train the military wing of the party, founding the Joventuts d’Estat Català (JEC) and the Joventuts d’Esquerra Republicana–Estat Català (JEREC), which would later provide a police force for the Generalitat. After the death of Francesc Macià, he became leader of the party and held Generalitat office under Lluís Companys. He and his “green-shirts” were outlawed after the October Events, of which he was perceived to be the main ringleader, and he went into exile in France. Returning in 1936 to reorganize Estat Català, he was forced to leave once more under threat from anarchist death squads. He was briefly imprisoned in Benito Mussolini’s Italy before moving to France where he plot-

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ted against Companys. After the war, he was to spend the remainder of his life working as a doctor in Tangiers. See also ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DE CATALUNYA; FREEMASONRY; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. DESCLOT, BERNAT. 13th-century Chronicler of the Book of King Peter of Aragon and His Ancestors. His real identity is thought to be the knight Bernat Escrivà who was at the battle of City of Valencia in 1257–61, then a member of the train of Peter II from 1268 to 1288. DESIGN. There are a number of important centers for design in the Catalan territories, the foremost of these being Barcelona. Barcelona was a flourishing center for the decorative arts from the Modernista movement onward, and in 1920, the Escola Massana was set up to train designers. The main developments in industrial design took place in the 1950s with the foundation of ADiFAD and the creation of specialist schools. The avant-garde group Dau al Set, created in 1948, brought together artists and designers such as Modest Cuixart and Joan Josep Tharrats (1918–2001). From the 1970s, Catalonia and the Balearics began to gain international recognition for their designers and to host regular conferences and exhibitions. Among the most famous names in Catalan design are Oriol Bohigas, Oscar Tusquets, Josep Maria Guinovart (1927– 2007), Eusebi Sempere (1924–85), and Xavier Mariscal. See also ART; ARCHITECTURE. DESTINO. Originally set up by the Falangists José María Fontana Tarrats and Xavier de Salas Bosch in Burgos in 1937, this magazine began life as an organ of Catalan fascism. However, after 1942, under a new editorial team made up of Ignasi Agustí Peypoch, Josep Vergés, and Carlos Godó Valls, it began to distance itself from the Falange and became increasingly open to different political and cultural positions. From 1960, the magazine was able to include more and more Catalan literary and cultural content, as well as publishing articles by anti-Francoist writers and intellectuals and so was able to reach a wider readership. However, in the 1970s, the magazine began to lose influence, eventually closing in 1985. See also PRESS.

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DIADA. The Diada Nacional de Catalunya, Catalonia’s national festival on 11 September, commemorates the fall of Barcelona to Philip V’s troops at the end of the War of Spanish Succession, as a result of which, all of Catalonia’s independent laws and institutions were revoked and suppressed. The festival is normally marked by a procession to lay a tribute at the statue of Rafael Casanova; however, it often leads to unofficial manifestations of Catalan separatism, antiimperialism, and antiglobalization. In Valencia, there are two key Catalanist national festivals, or Diades. The first is on 25 April, commemorating the fall of Valencia to Philip V at the battle of Almansa, leading to the suppression of the local furs. The other is on 9 October and is thought to mark the day on which the city of Valencia fell to James I in 1238. Similar commemorations take place in Mallorca on 31 December and in Eivissa on 8 August. See also FOLK CULTURE. DOMÈNECH I MONTANER, LLUÍS (1850–1923). One of the most important Modernista artists and politicians, this Barcelona-born architect was made a professor of architecture in 1875. He designed many emblematic buildings, including the Palau de la Música Catalana and reconstruction of parts of the Parc de la Ciutadella for the 1888 World Exhibition. A founding member of the Lliga Regionalista, he had previously been involved in drawing up the Bases de Manresa. Domènech i Montaner was elected a deputy for the Lliga from 1901 to 1903 but later moved to the left. DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ (1884–1939). This republican politician, journalist, and activist began his career as a teacher in Tortosa. As a member of the Unió Federal Nacionalist Republicana, he was elected to the Spanish Parliament in 1914, setting up the Bloc Republicà Autonomista with Francesc Layret a year later. From 1916 to 1919, he edited the Bloc’s newspaper, La lucha (The struggle), whose consistent criticism of the Spanish government earned him a spell in prison. He had a central role in the organization of the revolutionary strike in August 1917 and in the campaign for Catalan autonomy of 1918. Under Miguel Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship, he was arrested for his involvement in several abortive

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attempts to declare a republic. Domingo i Sanjuán was given an educational portfolio during the Second Republic and began a program of school building and coeducational reform. He was also part of the delegation in 1931 that persuaded Francesc Macià to revoke the declaration of a Catalan republic, in exchange for a statute of autonomy. In 1933, he cofounded the Republican Left Party in Spain, presiding over the Catalan branch, the Partit Català d’Esquerra. He went into exile at the end of the Spanish Civil War, dying in Toulouse in the same year. See also EDUCATION; FREEMASONRY. DRETA REGIONAL VALENCIANA (DRV) / REGIONAL VALENCIAN RIGHT. Founded in 1930, the DRV was one of the main political parties in Valencia during the Second Republic. It was absorbed into the Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) in 1933. After the Spanish Civil War, some of its members were pursued or incarcerated, such as Lluís Lucia (1888–1943), who was condemned to death but then sent into exile in Mallorca. DUODA (?–872). Countess of Septimania and, through marriage, Barcelona, she is considered the first female Catalan writer and is best known for her Liber manualis Dhuodane quem ad filium suum transmisit. This was a moral work inspired by her suffering at the loss of her sons, who were handed over as hostages to enemy factions. See also WOMEN. DURAN I LLEIDA, JOSEP ANTONI (1952–). President of the Unió Democràtica de Catalunya since 1987, he was a leading figure in the Convergència i Unió coalition. He was also elected vice president of the Christian-Democrat International in 1993. DURAN Y TORTAJADA, MIQUEL (1883–1947). Valencian writer and journalist who set up a number of Catalan-language journals between 1906 and 1909 and was linked to the proto-nationalist association València Nova. In 1910, he moved to Sabadell, then worked for La Publicidad in Barcelona. Returning to Valencia in the 1930s, he founded the journal La República de les Lletres (The republic of letters).

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DURRUTI, BUENAVENTURA (1896–1936). This Spanish anarchist began his career as a revolutionary with the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) in 1913. After a brief period in exile in France, he moved to Barcelona, joining the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). Together with Joan Garcia Oliver (1901–80) and Francisco Ascaso (1901–36), he set up the direct action group Los Solidarios (The Common Cause) to fight back against the harsh repression of the labor movement in the city. He was involved in revolutionary activity throughout the Hispanic world and was a wanted man in many different countries. Imprisoned in Paris for plotting against the life of Alfonso XIII, he returned to Barcelona with the proclamation of the Second Republic and continued to organize revolutionary uprisings and strikes, playing a leading role in the CNT insurrections of 1931–33. However, by 1936, he was prepared to encourage workers to vote in the parliamentary elections. In July 1936, Durruti fought to quash the military uprising in Catalonia and met with Lluís Companys to organize antifascist militia, leading the first military column that left Barcelona for the front at Saragossa. At the Aragonese front, he began a campaign of agrarian collectivization in October 1936 but was killed on the Madrid front a month later, reportedly by a shot fired from his own gun. The “Friends of Durruti” grouping continued to fight for his legacy on the Aragonese front and in the Council of Aragon. See also SPANISH CIVIL WAR.

– E – ECONOMY. While Catalonia is commonly seen as the economic powerhouse of Spain, this has not always been the case and is certainly not true of the whole of the Catalan-speaking territories. Together they enjoyed the riches of territorial conquest and mercantile trade as the Mediterranean empire of the Crown of Aragon expanded in the 13th and 14th centuries. However, the riches gained did not always spread far beyond the cities and the nobility, and the increased burden of taxation from the Castilian Crown in the 15th and 16th centuries, as well as the ravages of the Black Death, led to economic difficulties and social unrest. While there was not uniform stagnation, as can be witnessed both in the rich civic architecture

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from 17th- and 18th-century Valencia and Barcelona and in population movements from the period, the region’s political marginalization, particularly after 1716, resulted in increasing elite participation in the economic institutions of the Spanish state, ultimately drawing attention to the inequities of its fiscal dependency. The economic recovery of the region in the 18th and 19th centuries was one of the factors that contributed to the growing sense of the need for a separate cultural and political system that catered to Catalanist interests, particularly among the wealthy middle classes. Their general commitment to a high tariff policy led to the creation of political pressure groups that could persuade the Spanish government to defend their interests at the turn of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. However, while it is true that economic interests drove the dominant strand of political Catalanism in this period, a trend that was mirrored to a lesser extent in Valencia and Mallorca, it was often members of the same groups who most supported the autarkic measures followed during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship and the Franco regime. For a long period, it was the primary sector that dominated the economy of the Catalan-speaking countries, with the Balearic Islands being almost entirely dependent on it well into the 20th century. Nowadays, however, agriculture contributes only a very small percentage of the economies of the Catalan-speaking territories, the main center being in the Valencian Huerta. There are some specialist areas, such as dried fruits in the Balearic Islands, oil, and olives in Valencia and southern Catalonia, and wine and cava production in key regions of Catalonia and Valencia, such as the Penedès. Fishing now accounts for less than a percent of gross domestic product due to the overfishing and pollution of the Mediterranean. The economic revival of the region followed on from its absorption into the Spanish crown after the War of Spanish Succession, as this opened up the Latin American markets to Catalan merchants. The riches they brought back from the Americas were reinvested in industrial infrastructure in Catalonia and Valencia, underpinning the development and modernization of the cities of Barcelona and Valencia. The secondary sector that accounted for the growth and regeneration of Catalonia and Valencia in the 18th and 19th centuries continues to be important today; although, the hydroelectric power

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that drove industrial development in Catalonia has now all but given way to thermal and nuclear plants, such as those in Vandellós and Ascó. It was the textile industry that powered the Catalan Renaixença, and light industry continues to be the strongest in this sector; although, there is some heavy industry in Sagunt, and Tarragona is an important petrochemical center. While there continues to be some car and metal production around Barcelona, this sector is in decline elsewhere in the territories and the main products are textiles, leather, and chemicals. The most important contributor to the economy in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands today is the tertiary sector, with tourism underpinning growth to a high degree, particularly in the Balearic Islands. Catalonia and Valencia have used urban development to try to draw domestic and foreign investment, particularly in high technology areas and the culture industries. However, they have been losing out steadily to Madrid in recent years. Furthermore, the relative lack of investment by the Spanish government of its tax revenues in the Catalan-speaking territories has meant that Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands have all suffered from fiscal deficit, which has caused increasing difficulties in recent years due to the relatively high levels of immigration to the region. The need to reform perceived inequities of the Spanish fiscal system was one of the key aims in the new statute of autonomy drawn up by the Catalan Parliament in 2006, with demands made for the bilateral negotiation of financing for the region, as well as for the transfer of powers over key transport infrastructure, such as the port and Barcelona airport. While the statute itself was held up for over four years in the Spanish Constitutional Court, perception of the level of dissatisfaction in Catalonia eventually led to renegotiation of state redistribution of tax revenue in the summer of 2009, which was to benefit Valencia and the Balearic Islands too. However, the perception continues that the region is now at an economic disadvantage within the Spanish state, in particular due to the relative lack of attention to improving transport infrastructure in and between Spain’s previously prosperous eastern corridor and the rest of Europe. In Catalonia, this has led to renewed debate over the expediency of independence in order to gain more control over fiscal affairs. At the same time, the aftermath of the global economic crisis of 2008–9 has focused minds

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across Spain’s eastern regions on economic, if not always, cultural or political cooperation. While they have not been hit as hard as other parts of Spain, the unemployment levels have risen steeply, to around 18 percent in 2009. Parts of Valencia have been particularly hard hit due to the explosion of the property bubble, and youth unemployment is estimated to be nearer 40 percent. For comparison, in 2004, the unemployment figures in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearics were 8.8 percent, 11.6 percent, and 6.3 percent, respectively. See also ALBERTÍ, JERONI; ARIBAU, BONAVENTURA; BANCA CATALANA; CAMPO, MARQUIS OF; FOMENT DE TREBALL NACIONAL; INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY; LERMA I BLASCO, JOAN; LLUCH, ERNEST; LOPEZ-RODÓ, LAUREANO; MARCH, JUAN; MATUTES, ABEL; MILLET I BE, SALVADOR; SERRA, NARCÍS; TANCAMENT DE CAIXES. EDUCATION. The Catalan-speaking territories boasted important centers of education in the medieval period, with universities on the Balearic Islands in the cities of Valencia and Barcelona, as well as centers of ecclesiastical learning at Urgell, Ripoll, and Poblet. However, these were either abolished or Castilianized after the War of Spanish Succession in the early 18th century, with the University of Cervera being set up to be the only university in Catalonia until 1842. Catalan teaching in schools was not prohibited until 1768. In the 18th century, then, the main center of learning about the Catalan-speaking territories was the University of Valencia, with historians like Jacint Segura (1668–1749) and Gregori Mayans i Síscar and grammarians like Josep Pau Ballot (1747–1821) who published a Gramàtica i apologia de la llengua catalana in 1815. The University of Barcelona was reopened in the 1840s and became an important focal point for the Renaixença. However, Catalan schools did not begin to appear until later in the 19th century, when the teaching of Catalan was underpinned by the creation of the Associació Protectora de l’ensenyança catalana (APEC), and university studies in Catalan were redeveloped even later, with the institution of Estudis Universitaris Catalans at the Ateneu Barcelonès in 1903 and the foundation of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in 1907. From the creation of the Col.legi Sant Jordi in 1898, Catalan education became increasingly linked to innovation, drawing on the many

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progressive pedagogical movements in Europe. Key developments included the creation of the Escola Normal, and Francesc Ferrer’s Escola Moderna, which aimed to provide progressive education to all of the population. Other important figures in the pedagogical transformation of Catalonia and Valencia in the prewar years were Delfí Dalmau, Carles Salvador, and Rosa Sensat. The more conservative proponents of Noucentisme recognized the importance of education, too and were supportive of education of the working class and of women. While the teaching of Catalan was curtailed with the banning of the language from public education under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship in the 1930s, the network of cultural centers in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands were reorganized, spreading the APEC movement to Valencia and Mallorca. Furthermore, increasing pancatalanism among progressive republican and nationalist sectors of the regions led to the agreement of a common linguistic standard to aid Catalan-language education and publications, in the Normes de Castelló of 1932. Under the Franco regime, Catalan teaching was banned, many Catalan teachers imprisoned or transferred to other parts of Spain, and the autonomous university of Barcelona was Castilianized. However, different cultural associations, like Lo Rat Penat in Valencia and Church organizations in Catalonia, continued to provide Catalan courses. In the 1960s and 1970s, these movements grew stronger, with the Obra Cultural Balear in Mallorca, the Escoles Carles Salvador in Valencia, and the Òmnium Cultural in Catalonia. These groups helped to ensure that there remained a high level of political and linguistic consciousness among Catalan speakers at the end of the dictatorship, which contributed to popular calls for different degrees of cultural autonomy in each of the regions. The student movement, supported by progressive lecturers such as Manuel Sacristán and Josep Maria Castellet, also played an important role in the resistance to Francoist repression of Catalan culture. While there had been political student groupings in the 1920s and 1930s, either developed as youth wings of the republican parties or affiliating to the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya, and some of the more radical groups were incorporated into the Front Nacional de Catalunya, it was the 1960s that were to see the emergence of a strong resistance

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movement in the Catalan countries. Students participated in strikes and sit-ins in the 1960s, including the Caputxinada, and remain very active even today. The Generalitat made Catalan education one of its priority areas in the 1980s, which has contributed to the normalization of the language. There are now universities in all of the main cities, as well as a number of private universities and the Catalan Open University or Universitat Oberta de Catalunya. In Valencia, too, the universities of Valencia, Castelló, and Alicante (Alacant) have been able to achieve a degree of autonomy and have contributed to the normalization of Catalan in the region. However, some problems were produced in the primary and secondary education system in the 1990s by attempts to impose a new standard for Valencian by the Generalitat Valenciana. The Balearic government does not have control of the education system, and under the Partido Popular, there was little interest in intervention to ensure the teaching of Catalan. However, some progress was made during the first legislature of the Pacte de Progrés, and the Obra Cultural Balear continued to play an important role in promoting the language and providing language courses throughout the islands. In the Franja de Ponent, Catalunya Nord, and Alghero, it is the municipal councils that have taken responsibility for providing Catalan-language education, with the help of local civic associations, like the Bressola in Perpignan, and also pancatalan organizations, such as the Coordinadora d’Assocacions per la Llengua Catalana. Catalan studies have a relatively strong presence at university level in Catalunya Nord due to the celebration of the Universitat Catalana d’Estiu in Prada de Conflent since 1968. This summer university provided an important focus for intellectual and political debate about the future of the Catalan countries from the latter years of the Franco regime through the transition to democracy, and it continues to have influence today. See also ASSOCIACIÓ PER A L’ENSENYAMENT DEL CATALÀ; BONNEMAISON, FRANCESCA; CLARAMUNT, TERESA; DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ; MATA I GARRIGA, MARTA; OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR; TRIADÚ, JOAN. EIVISSA/FORMENTERA. These are the two main islands in the archipelago known as the Pitiüses, in the southwest of the Balearics. Together, they constitute an area of about the 655 square kilometers,

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with a population of just under 123,000 people, around 12 percent of the total population of the Balearic Islands. The capital is the Ciutat d’Eivissa and is the islands’ main population center. Eivissa was conquered in the 13th century, when representatives of James I were able to persuade the local Muslim population to render tribute to their king. It remained linked to the Crown of Aragon until the 17th century, with its own independent institutions, including a university. From then onward, it was dominated by Spanish institutions, apart from a brief period of liberation during the Spanish Civil War by Manuel Urribarri, captain of the Valencian militia, until the death of General Francisco Franco. It now has its own Consell Insular, with deputies from Eivissa and one from Formentera, and contributes representatives to the autonomous Balearic government. The main cultural and economic growth of the Pitiüses was driven by the tourism sector in the 1960s, which led to enormous demographic changes, bringing massive migration to the islands. In many ways, tourism and foreign immigration contributed to the cultural revival of Eivissa, with the creation of art groups such as Ibiza 59 and Ibizagrafic, as well as the art and design exhibitions of the Biennal d’Eivissa from 1963 and the creation of the Museum of Contemporary Art in 1966. However, in other ways the steep rise in immigration has led to major changes in the sociolinguistic and sociocultural make-up of the islands. Since the 1970s, various cultural organizations have taken up important roles in Eivissa to protect and promote the Catalan language and local culture, including the Obra Cultural Balear and the Institut d’Estudis Eivissencs. EIXIMENIS, FRANCESC (1340–1409). Franciscan friar born in Girona who had great influence in the Court and played a leading part in the administration of Valencia. His great work is a treatise on Christian society, Lo crestià, which was to comprise 13 books, only 4 of which were completed (totaling 2,587 chapters). The work paints a vivid portrait of 14th-century Valencian society. EIXIMENO, ANTONI (1729–1808). Valencian musician and musicologist who has been presented as a precursor of musical nationalism because he defended the simple roots of popular music rather than Classical theories.

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ELX, ESTATUT D’ / ELX STATUTE. This project for a Valencian statute of autonomy was drawn up in the 1970s by progressive Catalanist intellectuals including Joan Fuster, Eliseu Climent, Joan Solà (1940–), and Rafael Ninyoles (1943–) from Valencia and Max Cahner (1936–), Josep Benet, and Rafael Ribó (1945–), following a model that proposed greater collaboration and unity between the Catalan-speaking territories. See also BATTLE OF VALENCIA; BENICÀSSIM, ESTATUT DE; PANCATALANISM; TRANSITION. ENTESA DELS CATALANS / CATALAN UNDERSTANDING. This political formation emerged from the movement of left-wing and political Catalanist collaboration that underpinned resistance to the Franco regime in the 1970s and found its expression in the Assemblea de Catalunya. An alliance between the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC), Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), as well as Estat Català and the Front Nacional de Catalunya, it achieved the best results in Catalonia in the 1977 Spanish general elections, the first to be held since the Spanish Civil War. The success of the left-wing Catalan platform underpinned the political decision to incorporate channels for regional autonomy in the 1978 Spanish Constitution. The Entesa was joined by Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya senators, independents, and three other Catalans appointed by royal decree, creating a powerful Catalan lobby in the Senate. In the 1979 elections, the alliance was weakened by the separation of the PSUC, but nevertheless, a Nova Entesa achieved strong results in general elections. See also TRANSITION. ESCALANTE, EDUARD (1834–95). The most important Valencian dramatist of the 19th century, Escalante was influenced by the ideas of the Renaixença and wrote for the regionalist journal Lo Rat Penat. His parents were from Cantabria and Castile, but he was brought up in Valencia. From the 1860s, his short Catalan plays, or sainets, were performed in all the theaters of Valencia, so he decided to stop writing in Spanish. In all, he completed 55 plays in Catalan, some of which have been recovered for the modern stage. They offer a vivid picture of 19th-century Valencian society, with caricatures of the

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different social classes and satirical play on the poor spoken Castilian of the city dwellers. His work has been analyzed by Lluís Aracil as a representation of diglossia in 19th-century Valencia. ESCARRÉ I JANÉ, AURELI MARIA (1908–68). Ordained a priest in the Abadia de Montserrat in 1933, Escarré went on to become the abbot of Montserrat during the difficult early decades of the Franco regime. While he was not entirely opposed to the figure of Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War, he gradually developed a more resistant stance and thus became a valuable support in the recovery of cultural and, later, political Catalanism. Under his office, Catalan-language journals, like Germinabit and Serra d’Or, in the 1950s began to be published as an imprint of the Abbey of Montserrat, and he became increasingly outspoken in his criticism of the regime. He retired from his position as abbot in 1963 due to ill health, and in 1965, he was forced to go into exile in Lombardy due to declarations made to Le Monde in opposition to the dictatorship. See CHURCH. ESCOLA D’ART DRAMÀTIC ADRIÀ GUAL (EADAG) / ADRIÀ GUAL SCHOOL OF DRAMATIC ART (EADAG). The theater school was founded in 1960 by Ricard Salvat (1935–2009) and Maria Aurèlia Capmany and was influential in laying the foundations for Catalan independent theater. Bringing together figures like Josep Anton Codina (1932–), Feliu Formosa (1934–), Josep Montanyès (1937–), Carme Serrallonga, and even a young Josep Benet i Jornet, it played an important role in promoting Catalan-language theater; although, its distance from the commercial sector ultimately led to its closure in 1975. ESCOLA DE BARCELONA. See BARCELONA SCHOOL. ESCOLA MALLORQUINA / MALLORCAN SCHOOL. This group of 20th-century Mallorcan poets grew up around the publication La Nostra Terra (Our land) and persisted into the early postwar years. Characterized by aesthetic containment and a return to classical and humanistic values, the poets associated with the movement include Miquel Costa i Llobera, Joan Alcover, Maria Antònia

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Salvà (1869–1958) and Miquel Forteza. Gabriel Alomar was close to the movement aesthetically but did not share their political conservatism. See also LITERATURE. ESCOLA MODERNA / MODERN SCHOOL. Founded in 1901 by Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia, this coeducational organization was influenced by progressive French rationalist ideas and libertarian communist ideology. By 1906, it numbered 35 schools in Catalonia, as well as numerous affiliate centers in Andalusia and Latin America. While it rapidly gained prestige among the intellectuals of the period, it was observed with misgivings by the wealthy industrial classes, largely because of the anarchist content of its journal El Boletín, which also published educational essays and texts. See also EDUCATION; LABOR MOVEMENT. ESPANYOL, EL. The Sociedad Española de Foot-ball was founded in 1900, based in Sarrià in Barcelona, and given royal status by Alfons XIII in 1912. On the creation of the Spanish league in 1929, it was in the top division for 33 seasons, then shifted up and down between divisions in the 1960s, late 1980s, and early 1990s. It has won the Catalan league nine times and the Spanish league twice. For many years, it was perceived as the football club for non-Catalans or even anti-Catalanists in the city; however, it translated its name into Catalan in 1994 and has largely been accepted as a Catalan club. It currently has about 17,000 thousand members, known as periquitos (budgerigars) because of the team colors. See also BARCELONA, FOOTBALL CLUB. ESPERT, NÚRIA (1935–). Catalan film and theater actress, born in L’Hospitalet de Llobregat, who has been one of the most influential performers since the 1950s. She has directed theater and opera productions nationally and internationally and achieved the Evening Standard Drama Award in 1986 for her direction of The House of Bernarda Alba at the Almeida in London. ESPRIU, SALVADOR (1913–85). One of the most emblematic postwar writers because of his focus on the interior exile of Catalonia and his creation of the mythical land of Sinera (derived from the

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name of his home town, Arenys de Mar). He published a number of narrative works before the Spanish Civil War, which hinted at his originality, but afterward he focused mainly on poetry and theater. His later works present a vision of a nation torn by civil war and are characterized by the search for a more open and fluid approach to identity. His most famous work is La pell de brau (The bull-hide, 1960), which has been translated into a number of different languages. See also LITERATURE. ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA BALEAR (ERB) / BALEARIC REPUBLICAN LEFT. Set up in 1934 to campaign for the autonomy of the Balearic Islands, the ERB merged two Mallorcan republican parties, the Radical Republican and Independent Socialist Party and Acció Republicana de Mallorca. The party was later joined by sections of the communist left in Menorca and Eivissa, and maintained links with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DE CATALUNYA (ERC) / REPUBLICAN LEFT OF CATALONIA. The ERC was created during a conference of liberal and left-wing Catalan parties held from 17 to 19 March 1931, bringing together the heterogeneous Catalanist and progressive republican formations Estat Català (EC), Partit Republicà Català (PRC), and Joan Lluhí’s grouping L’Opinió (Opinion) to present a viable, Catalanist political front in the 1931 elections. Under the presidency of Francesc Macià, the ERC went on to win the municipal elections of 12 April, leading Lluís Companys to declare the Second Republic and Macià a Catalan republic within a Federal Iberian State two days later. The Spanish Cortes sent a delegation to persuade Macià to revoke the declaration of a Catalan republic, and a settlement was negotiated by which Catalonia could enjoy limited self-government via the institution of a Generalitat. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy was approved in September 1932, and from then until Companys’ declaration of a Catalan state during the October Events of 1934, the Generalitat was dominated by the ERC. Catalonia’s autonomy was suspended until the victory of the Popular Front / Front d’Esquerres in 1936, when Companys became president of the Generalitat once more, an office he continued to hold until the end of the Spanish Civil War. During the first

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months of the war, it was the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and revolutionary left that held sway, but the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) helped Companys and the ERC to recoup powers on behalf of the Generalitat, and the CNT agreed to enter Companys’ government. However, the conflict between the CNT and the PSUC exploded in the May Events of 1937, leading the central government to limit Catalonia’s autonomy once more. During its brief period in government in Catalonia in the 1930s, the ERC committed itself to the promotion of the Catalan language and culture and undertook a number of social reforms, such as the Llei de Contractes de Conreu (Law of Cultivation Contracts) in 1934. After the Spanish Civil War, the ERC continued to function in exile and even constituted a Generalitat government under the presidency of Josep Irla and then Josep Tarradellas. Within Catalonia, a clandestine wing of the party was reconstituted by Heribert Barrera after his return to Barcelona in the 1950s. It was legalized in 1976, but for many years it played only a minor role in Catalan politics, generally supporting Convergència i Unió’s (CiU) cultural policies in the Generalitat. However, from the 1980s, the party became increasingly separatist and critical of CiU policies, particularly its perceived acquiescence to successive Spanish governments in the 1990s. Since 2003, the ERC has been in government as part of a tripartite coalition with the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) and Iniciativa per Catalunya (IC), committed to a platform of achieving further autonomy. The party was led by Àngel Colom from 1989 to 1996 and then by Josep Lluís Carod-Rovira. See also CATALUNYA NORD; COROMINES, PERE; CRUELLS I PIFARRÉ, MANUEL; DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA BALEAR; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; FUSTER, JAUME; GASSOL I ROVIRA, VENTURA; PUIG I FERRETER, JOAN; UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES. ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ (ERPV) / VALENCIAN REPUBLICAN LEFT. The ERPV was set up in 1933 in imitation of the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), under Gaietà Huguet. In 1935, it united with Esquerra Valenciana, and they went on to join the Catalan Left coalition after

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the 1936 elections. The ERPV was revived in the 1990s through the fusion of the Valencian wing of the ERC and the Front del País Valencià. The party campaigns on a platform of self-determination for the Valencian Country within a confederation containing the rest of the Catalan-speaking territories. See also PANCATALANISM. ESQUERRA VALENCIANA / VALENCIAN LEFT. This proindependence party was set up in 1934 and campaigned with Esquerra Republicana del País Valencià, achieving electoral successes in the February 1936 elections. During the Spanish Civil War, the party continued to enjoy support in lobbying for home rule; although, there was limited scope for constitutional change after 1937. The party was eventually revived in 1998 on a pancatalanist platform. ESTAT CATALÀ (EC) / CATALAN STATE. This ultra-Catalanist republican party was founded by Francesc Macià in 1922 with the aim of achieving Catalan home rule. While it did not fight in any elections at this time, due to the subsequent dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, Macià spent much of the rest of the decade garnering support in Latin America and raising funds to plot to declare a republic through an uprising in Prats de Molló in 1926. On his return to Barcelona, after Primo de Rivera stepped down, the party was involved in negotiations with other Spanish republican parties about the terms for a creation of a new republic and attended the conference of left-wing Catalanist parties held in March 1931, which led to the formation of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), incorporating Estat Català. The party was re-formed in June 1936 by Josep Dencàs, and it affiliated to the Front Nacional de Catalunya in exile in 1939, recommencing clandestine activities in Catalonia between 1945 and 1960. See also BANDERA NEGRA; COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME; CRUELLS I PIFARRÉ, MANUEL; ENTESA DELS CATALANS; ESTELADA; GASSOL I ROVIRA, VENTURA; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. ESTELADA. This was the flag of socially reformist republican Catalanism and symbolized the struggle for freedom. Dating back to the pro-independence conference in Havana in 1928, it was made up of a blue triangle with a white star in its center placed on the red and yel-

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low bars of the Catalan senyera. In 1969, a Marxist-socialist version was devised with a red star on a yellow triangle. Both are used today to stand for the struggle for Catalan independence. EUROPE, CATALAN IN. For many years, growing political and economic unity in Europe has been seen by Catalonia as a way to ensure greater sovereignty and the protection of the Catalan language and culture. This has been underpinned by European laws protecting minority languages and cultures, discourse about a Europe of the regions, and Catalonia’s own sense of its Europeanness as compared to other regions of Spain. As a result of petitions from the parliaments of the Balearic Islands in 1987 and Catalonia in 1988, requesting the recognition of Catalan as an official language in the institutions of the European Union (EU), the European Parliament passed a resolution in 1990 proposing that the main texts be published in Catalan along with any texts directed at Catalan-language citizens, that Catalan be included in the European framework for languages, and that it be used by representatives of the European Commission based in Catalan-speaking areas. In addition, there have been a number of grants and subventions awarded to projects for the promotion of the Catalan language, and Catalonia has been part of a European consortium composed of other similarly industrialized areas in Europe. However, the lack of progress until 2005 toward recognition of Catalan as an official language of the European Union, although originally attributed to the obstruction of the Spanish state, has increasingly been recognized as an indication that there is little political will in Europe to support a proliferation of linguistic and cultural nationalisms. Furthermore, precisely because of the progress toward normalization in Catalonia, the Catalan language has been seen as a low priority for funding, and more recent applications for its protection have been blocked by Spain with the argument that it already enjoys legal protection under the Spanish Constitution and by the different statutes in the regions where it is spoken. In addition, there have been complaints of Catalan attacks on the rights of non-Catalan speakers in Catalonia, but these have not so far been upheld by the European Court. These knocks to Catalan optimism about a brighter future in Europe, particularly after expansion of the European Union, led to

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political calls for a no-vote in the Spanish referendum on ratification of the European Constitution. Furthermore, although the newly elected Spanish socialist government decided in 2004 to support the Catalan campaign for official status in Europe, the proposals were driven forward by incorporating similar claims for the other minority languages of the Spanish state, including Valencian, which until then had not been officially named as a separate language. This led to the rather surreal situation of the European Parliament’s being presented with exactly the same version of the European Constitution on behalf of two supposedly different linguistic communities, Catalonia and Valencia. When the Catalan Generalitat found it was unable to persuade the Valencian Generalitat to produce a common version, recognizing the unity of Catalan and Valencian, it adopted the Valencian version as its own, to prove the point. The Catalan language was eventually granted official status in June 2005; however, it is still not one of the working languages of the EU, with the exception of one committee, the CALRE, which accepted its use in 2010. EXILE. While there have been different migratory trends from and between the Catalan-speaking territories throughout their history and cultural figures have gone into exile for cultural, political, or economic reasons during many different periods, the main Catalan diaspora took place during and after the Spanish Civil War. Many conservative politicians, priests, businessmen, and intellectuals left Catalonia at the beginning of the war because of their fear of persecution in the social revolution that was spreading outward from Barcelona. Some of these went to other parts of Spain, mainly the northwest to nationalist-held areas, but others found themselves equally alienated by the cultural projects and prejudices of the Francoist forces and left Spain. However, in the main, the Catalans who left Catalonia during the Civil War went over the French border to escape the Francoist forces as they moved toward Barcelona. Some of the last to leave were writers and intellectuals who had supported the Generalitat throughout the war effort and knew they would be persecuted under the new regime. While a number remained in France and Europe, some of them were captured and sent back to Spain by the Nazis or imprisoned in concentration camps like Mautthausen, and others managed to secure passage to the Americas, settling in the

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countries that welcomed political refugees from the Franco regime, such as Mexico, Chile, Venezuela, and Uruguay. A number settled in the Great Britain and were involved in setting up broadcasts about the situation in Catalonia from the BBC. Although hopes were high in the 1940s that the Franco regime might be overturned, when it became clear that this was not the case, many of the less politically sensitive exiles returned to Spain in the late 1940s and early 1950s and became involved in cultural associations within the Catalan-speaking territories. Others remained in exile, working toward the continuation of Catalan cultural production by printing journals and books in Catalan or helping to smuggle them into Catalonia, the most emblematic being Quaderns de l’Exili. A continuation of the Generalitat was set up in exile, with Josep Irla as its president for many years, and political activism was conducted from Catalunya Nord. However, although the cultural associations set up in exile had some significance and influence in the 1940s and 1950s in the maintenance of Catalan-language production and of political Catalanism, with the continuation of the regime, their work became increasingly marginal and displaced. There are many important writers from the exile period, including Mercè Rodoreda, Avel.lí Artís Gener, and Pere Calders, yet their work was either reincorporated seamlessly into Catalan tradition on or after their return from the 1960s onward or has been sidelined by the tendency to forgive and forget that underpinned the transition to democracy in the late 1970s. Certain works, such as Carles Riba’s Elegies de Bierville (1943) soon became canonical texts; others, usually those of more radical writers, are only beginning to be recovered now with the increasing emphasis on the recovery of cultural memory of recent years. See also ALOMAR, GABRIEL; BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; BARTRA, AGUSTÍ; BATISTA I ROCA, JOSEP MARIA; BOSCH I GIMPERA, PERE; CALVET I MORA, JOSEP; CALVET I PASQUAL, AGUSTÍ; CARNER, JOSEP; CASALS, PAU; COMORERA, JOAN; CONSELL NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA; COROMINES, PERE; DENCÀS, JOSEP; FABRA, POMPEU; FERRAN DE POL, LLUÍS; FERRATER MORA, JOSEP; FRONT NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA; FUNDACIÓ RAMON LLULL; GERHARD, ROBERT; GORKIN, JULIÁN; HUGUET, GAIETÀ; MAURÍN, JOAQUIM; MONTSENY,

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FEDERICA; MOVIMENT SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA; MURIÀ, ANNA; NICOL I FRANCISCA, EDUARD; OLIVER, JOAN; PAGÈS I ELIES, PERE; PÀMIES, TERESA; PI I SUNYER, CARLES; PUIG I FERRETER, JOAN; PUIGSERVER, FABIÀ; RIBA, CARLES; RÒDENAS I RODRUEZ, LLIBERTAT; ROVIRA, JOSEP; ROVIRA I VIRGILI, ANTONI; SALES, JOAN; TRUETA, JOSEP; XIRGU, MARGARITA.

– F – FABRA, POMPEU (1868–1948). This Catalan linguist was born in Barcelona and died in exile in Prada de Conflent (Catalunya Nord). Although his work on the establishment of grammatical norms for Catalan tends to be associated with the Noucentista movement, his ideas developed out of Modernisme, and he was part of the group that grew up around L’Avenç. It is with this publishing house that he produced his earliest works, such as the Tractat d’ortografia catalana (Treatise on Catalan orthography, 1904) and the first edition of the Gramàtica de la llengua catalana (Grammar of the Catalan language, 1912). In 1913, Fabra produced the orthographical rules that became the standard for written Catalan, a standard that was adopted by most subsequent writers and publishers. Under the aegis of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, they became the basis for all subsequent Catalan grammars, and in 1932, they were adopted in Valencia, with some changes, and called the Normes de Castelló. In his later years, in exile in Prada de Conflent, he completed work on his Catalan grammar, which was edited by his follower Joan Coromines, and continues to be used today. He also produced a dictionary of standard Catalan. See also LANGUAGE; NORMALIZATION; PALESTRA. FALCÓN, LIDIA (1935–). This Madrid-born lawyer, writer, and radical feminist became one of the most significant figures in the development of the feminist movement in Catalonia in the 1970s, founding the first Col.lectiu Feminista de Barcelona, which led to the creation of feminist collectives in Valencia and other parts of Spain, participating in the first Jornades Catalanes de la Dona in 1976 and later collaborating in the creation of a Partit Feminsta and the Organ-

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ització Feminista Revolucionària. Her Cartas a una idiota española were seminal in awakening a desire for feminist emancipation in Spain. See also FEMINIST MOVEMENT; WOMEN. FALLAS. This world-famous annual festival held in the city of Valencia on 19 March, the eve of Saint Joseph, involves the burning of enormous wax effigies on massive bonfires. Well established by the second half of the 18th century, there is evidence of its satirical character from 1796, and the satirical pamphlets of the 19th century contributed to the revival of Valencian-Catalan as a literary language. Civic pride in the institution, together with intense competition, has led to the increasing sophistication of the figures. Each year, the best figure is saved from the flames, and preserved in the Museu Faller in Valencia. See also FOLK CULTURE. FEBRER I CARDONA, ANTONI (1761–1841). Menorcan linguist, translator, and poet, whose work ranged from bilingual dictionaries to theater translations and collections of Menorcan poetry. Born into a wealthy family in Mahón (Maó), in his youth he experienced the cultural renaissance made possible by British rule, which was less repressive of local culture than Bourbon Spain. However, the imposition of Bourbon absolutism upon the island at the end of the 18th century meant that he was unable to see his work published. FEDERACIÓ ANARQUISTA IBÈRICA (FAI) / ANARCHIST IBERIAN FEDERATION. The militant wing of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) was created in Valencia in 1927 to defend the purity of anarchist ideals within anarcho-syndicalism. The FAI was particularly influential in the Catalan-speaking regions. See also ANARCHISM; DURRUTI, BUENAVENTURA; MONTSENY, FEDERICA; MONTSENY, JOAN. FEDERACIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA NACIONALISTA (FDN) / DEMOCRATIC NATIONALIST FEDERATION. Francesc Macià set up this party in 1919 to try to bring together militant and more moderate political Catalanists under the banner of “Catalunya Lliure” (Free Catalonia), which Macià himself had been advocating since the end of World War I. However, the party failed to make gains at

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the 1920 municipal elections and was dissolved soon afterward, making way for the creation of the ideologically similar Estat Català in 1922. See also REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. FEDERACIÓ NACIONAL D’ESTUDIANTS DE CATALUNYA (FNEC) / NATIONAL FEDERATION OF STUDENTS OF CATALONIA. Ideologically linked to Catalanist parties like Estat Català and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, this organization was founded in 1932 and soon spread across the region, forming links with student and cultural associations in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, such as the Associació per la Cultura de Mallorca. After the end of the Spanish Civil War, it was affiliated to the Front Nacional de Catalunya in exile and formed the main base for clandestine student associations under the Franco regime, amalgamating with the Front Universitari de Catalunya in 1948. It continued to perform this function until the creation of the Sindicat Democràtic d’Estudiants in 1965–66. The FNEC reemerged in 1985. See also STUDENT MOVEMENT. FEDERACIÓN DE TRABAJADORES DE LA REGIÓN ESPAÑOLA (FTRE) / FEDERATION OF WORKERS OF THE SPANISH REGION. See ANARCHISM. FEDERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL ESPAÑOLA DE LA ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES (FRE) / SPANISH REGIONAL FEDERATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN’S ASSOCIATION. See ANARCHISM. FEMINIST MOVEMENT. The feminist movement in Catalonia has its origins in first wave campaigns in the latter half of the 19th century for women’s health, sanitation, and social welfare, which gave rise to the writings of doctors like Dolors Aleu and journalists like Carme Karr, and in the anarchist and socialist movements, which underpinned the theory and practice of coeducation and campaigns for the liberation and the equality of women, as in the work of Teresa Mañé i Miravet and Federica Montseny. These movements came together during the Second Republic to introduce major political and

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social reform, such as coeducation, the legalization of divorce, abortion, and women’s suffrage. Women were involved in the political institutions of the Second Republic, with Federica Montseny becoming minister of health and social welfare in the first legislature of the Spanish republican government and writers like Mercè Rodoreda taking on roles in the Generalitat Ministry of Culture. Maria Lluïsa Algarra (1916–57) became the first woman in Spain to be appointed a judge in 1936. Furthermore, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War saw the mobilization of women as milicianes, participating on the Aragonese front and helping to run the war effort from the rearguard in Barcelona. In particular, the feminine section of the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (the SFPOUM), led by Olga Nin, Luisa Gorkin, and Antònia Adroher, organized training activities and workshops to help in the war effort and denounced sexism against the female militia through La Emancipación (Emancipation). Their writings and ideas often show a radical sense of the need for the emancipation of women from all patriarchal structures. However, these advances in female emancipation were overturned under the Franco regime, and a traditional patriarchal, Catholic vision of womanhood was imposed in the media and through the Secciones Femeninas. Feminist opposition and resistance to the regime began in Catalonia in the late 1950s and 1960s, as women like Maria Aurèlia Capmany began activities within clandestine political and cultural organizations, publishing works on the situation of women in Spain. Lidia Falcón’s works on the rights of women inspired many feminists of the period, and the 1967 book on La mujer en España, edited by Mieria Bofill, Maria Luisa Fabra, Anna Sallés, and Elisa Vallès, sought to reflect on the situation of women under the Franco regime. Eventually, the first Col.lectiu Feminista was set up in the early 1970s by the Madrid-born lawyer, Lidia Falcón. The first Jornades Catalanes de la Dona were held in Barcelona in 1976, bringing together diverse organizations to study the situation of women, including the Col.lectiu Feminista, the Associació de Dones Universitàries, the Unió Mundial d’Organitzacions Catòliques Femenines, the Associació de Comunicació Humana i Ecològica, and the Associació d’Amics de l’ONU.

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The feminist movement grew exponentially but was divided into three main strands: one that was party based, with militants fighting alongside men in parties like the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC-PSOE) and Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC); the second composed of the radical feminists, which, led by Falcón, advocated the need to organize politically outside of existing political formations; and the third embraced in-between positions. However, in the demands for political reform of the late 1970s, feminist claims were, in general, subordinated to the political interests of socialism and Marxism. This is what led to the deep-rooted and passionate debate of the late 1970s and 1980s about the direction of the feminist movement in Catalonia and Spain as a whole, between those defending equality feminism and those who proposed a feminism of difference, based on contemporary theoretical and political formulations in France and Italy. The fallout and even the sense of betrayal felt by many feminists during the transition period about the marginalization of women’s issues from the political agenda can be traced in the work of many women writers, especially Roig, Riera, and Maria Mercè Marçal. While the feminist movement did not make great electoral gains in the 1980s and 1990s, except in European elections, it contributed to pave the way for extensive reform of social and legal conditions for women, including the repeal of the divorce law, the decriminalization of adultery and abortion, mothers’ rights, and birth control. In Catalonia, the Coordinadora Feminista and Associació Catalana de la Dona contributed to the creation of a large number of institutions, libraries, and publishing houses for women, which continue to maintain a high level of activity today. The feminist movement remains strong in Barcelona, with a large number of women’s associations, the publication of many journals about women’s issues, and the activities of the Institut Català de la Dona, which helps to provide a focus for women’s education and access to the labor market in Catalonia. Many of these groups have links to the other Catalan-speaking territories, in particular at the level of cultural representation and production. See also ALBORCH, CARME; MARÇAL, MARIA MERCÈ; OLIVER, MARIA ANTÒNIA; RIERA, CARME; RÒDENAS I RODRUEZ, LLIBERTAT; ROIG, MONTSERRAT.

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FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. Also known as the Catholic Kings. Ferdinand was a Trastamaran king of the Crown of Aragon and Isabella, queen of Castile. Their marriage was brokered by Pope Alexander VI of the Borgias and led to the union of the kingdoms in 1513. FERNÀNDEZ, LLUÍS (1945–). Valencian writer, from a Spanishspeaking family. He studied film in Madrid then went to Barcelona where he became involved in the countercultural scene in the 1970s. In 1978, he wrote his first and only novel in Catalan, L’anarquista nu (The nude anarchist), which was a critical and commercial success. It centers on a gay anarchist protagonist, Aureli Santoya, who receives letters in Amsterdam from friends in Valencia between 1975 and early 1976 and, thus, explores questions of national and personal identity, while providing a picture of the countercultural movement in the Catalan-speaking lands. See also FRONT D’ALLIBERAMENT GAI DE CATALUNYA. FERRAN DE POL, LLUÍS (1911–55). Catalan writer, born in Arenys de Mar in the province of Barcelona, who fought for the republican side in the battle of the Ebro. After a spell in a detention camp in Roussillon, he went into exile in Mexico where he cofounded the influential journal Quaderns de l’Exili (Exile notebooks), which defended the need to form a Catalan army to fight on the allied side in World War II and promoted a sense of unity between the Catalanspeaking territories. His publications include the book of short stories La ciutat i el tròpic (The city and the tropics, 1956) and Erem quatre (There were four of us, 1960), based on the myth of Quetzalcoatl. See also PANCATALANISM. FERRATÉ, JOAN (1924–2003). This Catalan writer and formalist critic was the brother of Gabriel Ferrater and preserver of his legacy. A classics graduate from the University of Barcelona, he taught in universities in Cuba and North America, while publishing studies of poetry and poetics. He penned influential readings of Carles Riba, Josep Carner, Ausiàs March, as well as of Jaime Gil de Biedma and T. S. Eliot. See also LITERATURE.

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FERRATER, GABRIEL (1922–72). One of the most important Catalan poets of the postwar period, he is one of the main reference points for a whole generation of writers of the 1970s and 1980s. Two of his poems, “In memoriam” and “Poema inacabat,” offer invaluable testimony to the experience of the Spanish Civil War and its consequences. A lecturer in linguistics and literary criticism at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, he also published a number of influential articles on language, linguistics, and comparative literature for Serra d’or and Destino and translated or commissioned Catalan translations of many of the foremost critical and theoretical texts of the time, including the work of Noam Chomsky. Before his death, he began to develop his own generative theories of poetic meter, a project that was continued by Salvador Oliva (1942–). See also BARCELONA SCHOOL; FERRATÉ, JOAN. FERRATER MORA, JOSEP (1912–1991). Barcelona-born philosopher and historian of philosophy. After completing his philosophy degree in 1936, he joined the republican army, taking up a clerical position on the eastern front. He went into exile in France in 1939, then traveled to the Americas, working in Havana and Chile in the 1940s before settling in the United States, eventually becoming an American citizen in 1960. He was influenced by the ideas of José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955) but at the same time incorporated aspects of analytical philosophy. His most well-known works are Les formes de la vida catalana (The forms of Catalan life, 1944), Tres Mundos: Cataluña, España, Europa (Three worlds: Catalonia, Spain, Europe, 1963), and La filosofia en el món d’avui (Philosophy in today’s world). FERRER, SAINT VICENÇ (1350–1419). A Dominican friar, born in Valencia, Vicenç Ferrer was a sophisticated theologian who nevertheless decided to create and work in a popular idiom in order to communicate with an uneducated public. The counselor of kings and popes, he had a mass following wherever he went and was often accompanied by legends of miracles and mass conversions. He left many sermons in Catalan and Latin. Pope Calixtus III (Borja) began the process of Ferrer’s canonization in 1455, and this was completed by Pius II in 1458. See also CHURCH.

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FERRER I GUÀRDIA, FRANCESC (1859–1909). An internationally celebrated propounder of rationalist education and founder of the Escola Moderna, Ferrer i Guàrdia was active in the republican movement in 19th-century Catalonia and a member of the freemasons. His involvement in the republican uprising at Santa Coloma de Farners in 1886 meant that he was forced into exile in France, where he worked as a Spanish teacher, coming into contact with anarchist and rationalist educational theories. After inheriting money from one of his pupils, he returned to Barcelona and set up the Modern School, in the tradition of the republican and workers’ union lay schools of the 19th century but with wider international pretensions, going on to set up the International League for the Rational Education of Children in 1907. Ferrer i Guàrdia set up a publishing house, alongside the school, from which to publicize his pedagogical work and social and educational theories. Although he never declared himself an anarchist, he forged links with the progressive republican and syndicalist movements in Barcelona, helping to fund a number of their activities. One of his collaborators, Mateu Morral (1880–1906), was arrested for an assassination attempt on Alfonso XIII in 1906, and he himself fell under suspicion. Similarly, he was accused of involvement in the Tragic Week of 1909 and was ultimately sentenced to death as the suspected leader of the anticlerical insurrection. Widespread international condemnation of the October 1909 execution of Ferrer i Guàrdia resulted in the fall of Antonio Maura’s government in 1910. FERRER PASTOR, FRANCESC (1918–2000). Valencian writer, linguist, and pedagogue who published a number of Valencian dictionaries and grammars during his lifetime, as well as teaching Valencian-Catalan through the Carles Salvador school network. He was one of the founding members of Acció Cultural del País Valencià and received a number of awards in recognition of his service to the Valencian language and culture. FESTIVAL POPULAR DE POESIA CATALANA AL PRICE / POPULAR FESTIVAL OF CATALAN POETRY AT THE PRICE. The festival was organized at the Gran Price stadium in Barcelona on 25 April 1970 by the writers Joan Colomines (1922–),

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Joaquim Horta (1930–), Josep Pedreira (1917–), and Francesc Vallverdú (1935–) in order to celebrate the importance of literature and poetry to the collective struggle against the Franco regime. With a poster by Antoni Tàpies and mise-en-scène by Josep Anton Codina (1932–) and Feliu Formosa (1934–), the event included readings in Catalan by 79 poets as well as commemoration of the Catalan poets of the past. The festival provoked unexpectedly harsh repression from the Franco regime. See also LITERATURE. FESTIVALS. See ABADIA DE MONTSERRAT; DIADA; FALLAS; FOLK CULTURE. FLAG. See BATTLE OF VALENCIA; ESTELADA; SENYERA. FLOR, ROGER DE (1268–1305). Soldier and adventurer associated with the Companyia Catalana and their expedition to the Near East at the turn of the 13th to the 14th centuries to help the Byzantine emperor of Constantinople against the Turks. Although he and the almogàvers won many victories, his growing power and influence became a threat to the emperor, who had Flor and his followers ambushed in Constantinople in 1305. FLOTATS, JOSEP MARIA (1939–). Born in Barcelona, Flotats began his career as an actor, participating in the Agrupació Dramàtica de Barcelona, going on to study theater in Strasbourg and Paris, and building a successful career in French theater, culminating in work at the Comédie Française in 1981. He returned to Barcelona in 1983 and went on to set up his own company, the Companyia Flotats, which was supported by the Convergència i Unió Generalitat and installed in the Centre Dràmatica de la Generalitat at the Poliorama. His plans for a Catalan National Theater met with Catalan government approval, and he was named director of the Teatre Nacional de Catalunya when it opened in 1996. However, controversy over his appointment and, in particular, over his neglect of Catalan dramatists in the first two seasons, led to his resignation, and he moved to Madrid in 1998. He has continued to work as an actor and director in theater and film, combining this with cultural promotion of

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Franco-Hispanic relations. He was presented with the French Légion d’Honneur in 1996. FOIX, JOSEP VICENÇ (1894–1987). Born in the Sarrià district of Barcelona, this poet was strongly influenced by the Noucentisme movement. He is nevertheless more associated with avant-garde aesthetics, even writing poetic prose of surrealist influence. He began to publish poetry before the Spanish Civil War but did not achieve recognition as a poet until the 1950s. His most famous work is the book of sonnets Sol i de dol (Alone and in mourning, 1947). See also LITERATURE. FOLK CULTURE. Many of the popular festivals and festivities celebrated in the Catalan countries have their origins in pagan ritual, only later having been appropriated and reinterpreted by the Catholic Church. For instance, the pagan celebration of fire as a symbol of transformation remains a key focus of celebrations for the feast of Saint John, held during the summer solstice, and of the Valencian Falles, as well as the feast of Saint Anthony and the Binerbo festival in Mallorca in January, which coincide with the winter solstice. Fire is also central to the celebrated Patum de Berga, as well as to more recent fireworks extravaganzas, like the castles of fireworks at Blanes, the Nit del Foc (Night of Fire) in Valencia, and even the celebrations in many parts of Catalunya Nord on Bastille night. Most popular festivals also include processions of fantastic figures and mythical beasts, like the dragon, the eagle, giants, dwarves, and witches, one of the best-known examples again being the Patum de Berga, which is celebrated for the feast of Corpus Christi on the Roman Catholic calendar and has its origins in the 14th century. The dances that accompanied these festivities were revived and reinterpreted during the Renaixença, along with popular folk tunes and legends and other elements, such as the castellers. Another important element in almost all Catalan festivals is food, with celebrations to mark the harvest, such as the Xatonada in the Penedès region, the Castanyada del Montseny, and the Festa de l’Arròs in Baga, Roses, and Pals, as well as the Balearic tradition of the Killing of the Pig on 11 November. There are traditional sweets

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and dishes to mark many of the significant dates in the festive calendar, including the Mona de Pasqua, special coques (cakes) for Sant Joan and other feast days, and the tortell de reis for the Epiphany on 6 January. Traces of the Catalan countries’ diverse cultural and religious history can be found in the tradition of Moros i cristians (Moors and Christians) found in many towns and villages in the south of Valencia, Mallorca, and Lleida, which reproduce in a festive manner the struggles between Moors and Christians of the medieval period. Indeed, Valencia’s national day, the festival of the standard, commemorates victory over the Moors and the origins of the kingdoms of Mallorca and Valencia. Other traditional Christian festivals include Holy Week processions and pilgrimages, including versions of the more internationally famous romerias of Andalusia, brought to Catalonia by the many Andalusians who moved there during the Franco regime, as well as celebrated Catalan traditions, like the Dance of Death in Verges or the living reconstructions of the Passion at diverse locations like Oleguer and Esparreguera. There are various different types of street festivals for Corpus Christi, including the ou com balla tradition of setting eggs to dance on fountains, as well as processions to mark Palm Sunday, the most important being that of Elche (Elx) in Valencia. The beginning of Lent is preceded by the carnival celebrations of carnestoltes, with parades, satirical costumes, carts, correfocs (firerunning), and masked dances. The contestatory nature of this festival has led to its prohibition by ecclesiastical authorities at various points in history, and it was banned by Francisco Franco from 1936. By far, the most widely celebrated Christian festivals take place around Christmas, beginning with the feast of Saint Lucy on 13 December. As well as the cribs set up in family homes and town squares, there is a tradition of living cribs, reconstructed by members of particular villages, and also the more recent tradition of popular comic nativity plays known as Els pastorets. One of the most idiosyncratic forms of Christmas celebration is that of the Christmas log, or Caga Tió, a large tree trunk that deposits presents and sweets for the children when hit with a stick. The rather scatological song that is sung to mark this tradition chimes with another Catalan Christmas tradition, that of the figure of the caganer (shitter) that is added to most fam-

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ily Christmas cribs. In contrast, in the Balearic Islands and Alghero, the Cant de la Sibil·la continues to be sung at Christmas time, a Latin chant that was translated into Catalan in the 13th century. The final festivity of the Christmas holidays marks the Epiphany and is known as the Diada dels Reis d’Orient (the Day of the Kings of Orient). Dating back to the mid-19th century, it is the day when Catalan children receive their presents, brought to them by the arrival of the kings the previous night. As well as the cake to celebrate this feast day, there are numerous sweets and delicacies that characterize the Christmas period, while also reminding of the legacy of other cultures, including almond-based marzipan and cakes, nougat in the torrons of Xixona and Alicante in Valencia, and biscuits, such as neules. The pagan cycle of the tree and the rose has left its mark in spring in the celebration of Saint George’s Day on 23 April. The patron saint of Catalonia, Saint George, has had his feast day marked since the 18th century with rose fairs in Barcelona and many other Catalan towns. In the 1920s, the tradition began of giving and receiving books on that day because it also marks the death of both Miguel de Cervantes and William Shakespeare. Nowadays, it is traditional to present a book and a rose to the one you love, and it has become a key festival of Catalan national identity, as well as, by far, the most lucrative day of the year for publishers. As well as Church festivals and those that mark the changing seasons, there are a number of holidays and festivities that mark political events. The most important of these are the diades, or national days, that commemorate turning-points in the historical development of the regions that make up the Catalan-speaking territories, such as 11 September in Catalonia or 25 April in Valencia. Finally, all towns, villages, and districts in larger municipalities celebrate annual feast days, known as the Festa Major, which combine the many different elements of traditional festivals and folklore, along with specific or distinctive local traditions. Most involve groups of revelers and musicians, playing local instruments and songs, such as havaneres, caramelles, the glosses, and corrandes of Mallorca, Valencian albades, and jotes in the Ebro region and parts of Valencia. It is also common to find traditional games played, and in Catalonia, festivities often involve sardana dancing and castellers. See also DANCE; DIADA; FOOD; MUSIC; SANT JORDI.

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FOMENT DE TREBALL NACIONAL (FTN) / DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL LABOR. This confederation of business organizations was set up in 1889 to defend the interests of wealthy Catalan industrialists. Its main aim was to achieve and maintain economic protectionism, and it lobbied the Spanish government for the introduction of favorable tariffs throughout the 1890s. The loss of markets that followed the Spanish-American War of 1898 contributed to focus attention on the need for more political and economic influence in the Spanish central government, a factor that contributed to the creation of the Lliga Regionalista in 1901. The FNT also published an influential economic journal, El Trabajo Nacional. See also ECONOMY. FOOD. Catalan cuisine shares many of the characteristics of Mediterranean cuisine and combines elements from the diverse cultures that have inhabited the Catalan countries. Its most emblematic dishes include the Niu de la Costa Brava (Costa Brava nest) of chicken and lobster, the Valencian espardenyada, escalivada, and the simplicity of pa amb tomàquet (bread with tomato) and showcase its integration of ingredients and recipes from a diversity of origins. The Romans brought almonds, wine, and olives to the region, while the waves of Muslim and North-African colonizers brought key ingredients like artichokes, eggplants, chickpeas, and sugar, as well as the elaboration of romesco sauce, used in traditional dishes like the xató. Contact with the Americas during the 15th century brought chocolate, the potato, and the tomato, the latter being one of the central elements of contemporary Catalan cooking. From the 19th century onward, the basic elements of Catalan food have generally included rice, meat and poultry, fruit, pulses, vegetables, blue fish, and cereals. These are distinguished by the use of traditional sauces, principally the tomato-based sofregit, the ratatouille-like samfaina, garlic-based allioli, and the spicy picada and romesco, as well as a wide range of different cooking methods (boiling, char-grilling, spit-roasting, stewing, roasting, and grilling). Dishes found across the Catalan-speaking areas include the salt cod– based esqueixada, roasted vegetable escalivada, various versions of the rice dish arròs a banda, and the versatile pizza-like coca, which

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is the name used for a diverse range of sweet or savory tray-baked doughs or cakes. In Catalonia, tomato-based sofregits and pot roasts are found in all areas, whereas the Empordà is characterized by a mix of mar i muntanya (game and seafood). The Balearic Islands and Valencia bring sobrassades, romescos, and allipebres to the cooking pot as well as the traditional sweet Mallorcan pastry, the ensaïmada. There are many traditional sweets, cakes, and pastries that mark different festivities and an enormous variety of cured pork products, such as llonganissa, botifarra, bull, sobrassada. The best-known cheeses are produced in Maó (Menorca), Cerdanya, and Alt Urgell. Catalan cuisine has achieved a strong international reputation in recent years, largely due to the artistry of chefs like Ferran Adrià (1962–) from the world-famous restaurant El Bulli near the Catalan coastal town of Roses. Other world-class Catalan chefs include Carme Ruscalleda (1952–), whose restaurant in Sant Pol de Mar is the only one in Spain with five Michelin stars, Juan Roca, from the Celler de Can Roca, Santi Santamaria (1957–), Josep Lladonosa (1938–), and Fermí Puig. See also FOLK CULTURE. FORÀ REVOLT. This was the name given to a series of uprisings against the privileged classes of Mallorca between 1450 and 1453. It stemmed from rising popular discontent in the part forana, the towns and countryside around the capital, due to economic and political marginalization. During the period of revolt, Mallorca’s capital was besieged three times, though never occupied, leading to concessions from the wealthy merchant classes and the nobility. Although at first the Crown showed some sympathy for the uprising, Alfons IV eventually intervened, sending a mercenary army of occupation to the island from Naples, which led to severe repression of the Mallorcan population. FORMENTERA. See EIVISSA/FORMENTERA. FORO BABEL. This organization was set up in response to the Law of Linguistic Policy in 1997 to protect the civil rights of Spanish-speakers against perceived threats and abuse associated with the promotion of Catalan in Catalonia. See also LANGUAGE.

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FORTEZA, MIQUEL (1888–1969). Mallorcan writer and engineer. After studying literature for some years in Barcelona, he left to become a civil engineer, graduating in Madrid in 1916. He worked as an engineer in Barcelona, Madrid, and the Balearic Islands, focusing on the construction of the railway network, and published a number of technical works on engineering in the islands. At the same time, he was a prolific writer in a variety of genres. He is best known for his poetic works and poetry translation into Catalan. Like many of the writers of the Escola Mallorquina, he was a cultural activist, and he was to become the first president of the Obra Cultural Balear. See also LITERATURE. FORTEZA, TOMÀS (1838–98). Mallorcan poet and philologist who worked with Marià Aguiló on the collection and recovery of the popular literature of the Balearic Islands. A promoter of the literary use of Catalan, he produced a Catalan grammar that was published posthumously in 1915. FORTUNY, MARIÀ (1838–74). Romantic artist born in Reus who was posted to chronicle General Joan Prim’s campaigns in North Africa and also produced paintings on Orientalist themes. FORUM. See UNIVERSAL FORUM OF CULTURES. FRANCO REGIME. The Franco regime lasted from 1939 to 1975; although, its effects were felt earlier in Mallorca and the Balearic Islands, which were taken by nationalist forces in 1936, and it had no influence in Catalunya Nord, which is where many Catalanists were able to continue their activity after the end of World War II. Francisco Franco Bahamonde (1892–1975) was made head of the nationalist side in the Spanish Civil War and became dictator of all Spain with the nationalists’ victory on 1 April 1939. Barcelona was occupied in January 1939, followed by the rest of northern Catalonia and Valencia in the following months, resulting in the flight into exile of many leftist, republican, and separatist Catalan intellectuals and politicians. It is estimated that up to 500,000 people crossed the border into France at the end of the war, with around 60,000 Catalans remaining in exile. Many of them continued to lobby for international

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recognition of republican institutions and the illegality of the military coup, participating in the antifascist war effort in World War II and reinstating institutions such as the Generalitat in exile after the victory of the Allied forces, when it became clear this would not lead to the liberation of Spain or Catalonia. Others formed maquis guerrilla groups, often based in Catalunya Nord, through which to carry out direct action against the regime. Within Spain, there was outright repression of all the autonomous institutions of Catalonia, and the illegalization and persecution of left-wing, republican, and separatist parties and movements in the remainder of the territories. Many people were imprisoned, tortured, and/or executed in the early years of the regime, including the president of the Generalitat, Lluís Companys, in October 1940. In Catalonia, there were around 3,800 summary executions before 1953, and 25,000 civil servants were dismissed. In Valencia, mass graves have been discovered containing over 20,000 bodies, indicating the severity of conditions there in the early postwar years. The Catalan language was banned, newspapers and publishing houses were taken over or closed, book stocks seized, and Catalan teachers transferred to other regions of Spain. Censorship in the 1940s was severe, with hardly any publication in Catalan being allowed. While some Catalan intellectuals, such as Eugeni d’Ors and Felip Mateu i Llopis, were prepared to cooperate with the regime, and many members of the wealthy industrialist classes initially welcomed Franco’s imposition of order, others either left when they realized the extent of Catalan cultural repression or sought more silent ways to support cultural survival. Some acted as patrons to Catalan writers and artists; others regrouped to create Catalanist cultural and political organizations; others yet moved to reform the regime from within. Pressure from Catholic groups and international quarters led to some relaxation in the repressive measures during the 1950s so that it began to be possible to publish in Catalan. The Church, in particular, played a key role in beginning to revive Catalan culture through the creation and encouragement of cultural organizations and events, such as the Scout movement and the Jocs Florals and the support it gave to Catalan language education and publication, primarily through the Abadia de Montserrat. Church organizations later became the venues for clandestine cultural and political meetings

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as exiled intellectuals and politicians began to return, some of them cooperating with new government organs and institutions in order to facilitate and help other Catalans. Political parties and workers’ associations from before 1939 were gradually reformed or created new affiliations, and together with the creation of the Comissions Obreres and the development of the student movement in the 1960s, they were able to feed into a broadbased social movement of resistance against the regime, manifested in strikes, cultural activities, and civil rights protest. The 1960s saw the creation and consolidation of important publishing ventures, such as Joan Sales’ El Club dels Novel·listes, the extension of Catalan language courses, through associations like the Escoles Carles Salvador in Valencia, the Obra Cultural Balear and Òmnium Cultural, the creation of the Universitat Catalana d’Estiu in Prada de Conflent, and the proliferation of manifestations of Catalan cultural solidarity, many of which were disproportionately repressed by the regime. Socially, the Catalan-speaking territories experienced great changes in the 1950s and 1960s with the encouragement of internal immigration from the Spanish south and the development of mass tourism to the islands and the coast. While this undoubtedly affected the sense of linguistic and cultural commonality, the desire for political and cultural emancipation from across different centers and interest groups, including newly established gay rights and feminist associations, galvanized into effective mass social and political action. The Assemblea de Catalunya was formed to channel the broad social movement in 1971, prior to the legalization of political parties after the death of Franco. The Congrés de Cultura Catalana was set up and from 1975 to 1977 debated and discussed projects and priorities for Catalan culture and society, with participants from across the Catalan countries. Detailed recommendations were made, which were then incorporated into discussion of the shape the transition to democracy should take and into the development of statutes of autonomy and policies for the new government institutions from 1980. Above all, the level of social cohesion after the death of Francisco Franco on 20 November 1975 is symbolized by the mass march in favor of self-determination on 11 September 1977 in Barcelona. See

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also CATALAN COUNTRIES; ECONOMY; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; TOURISM. FRANJA DE PONENT (D’ARAGÓ). The Franja de Ponent is a Catalan-speaking area in Aragon that stretches along the borders with Catalonia and Valencia, constituting an area of about 4,900 square kilometers. The current population is around 51,000, slowly on the increase after a period of negative migration in the 1990s. The four different comarques in the Franja are the Baix Cinca, whose capital, Fraga, is the main population center in the area, Llitera, Matarranya, and Ribagorça. It is a relatively poor area, hit by agricultural crisis, a lack of industrial development, poor communications, and an aging population. Unlike other parts of the Catalan-speaking territories, it receives very low levels of immigration. In fact, historically, its population has been more likely to migrate to the coastal areas of Catalonia and Valencia and to Barcelona. Most of the population live in small towns and villages, with the largest population center being Fraga, with just over 13,000 inhabitants. Linguistically, the area has been Catalan-speaking since reconquest and resettlement by the Crown of Aragon from the 12th century onward. The border between Catalonia and Aragon has shifted many times over the centuries, but Catalan was used officially in the whole region until the union of the crowns of Castile and Aragon at the end of the 15th century. The Catalan-speaking territory was reduced somewhat during the 17th century due to the influx of Castilian speakers, and then in the 18th century, the decrees of the Nueva Planta brought the imposition of Castilian in the public sphere. There continue to be many Catalan speakers in the area; although, Catalan tends to be reserved for oral and family interaction. Furthermore, local perception of the language has been quite poor, with a tendency to see it as an uneducated, rural dialect and as a mix of Catalan and Spanish, called Xapurreao, rather than a distinct variant of Catalan. As in other Catalan-speaking territories, there is a tendency among speakers to use a local name for the language they speak, such as tamarità or lliterà in the Llitera Comarca, which at times indicates a conflict of identity. Until recently, the language enjoyed no legal protection under Aragonese law and was not even named either in the

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region’s first statute of autonomy or in the revised statute of 2007. However, local councils introduced measures to protect and promote the language, and in 1984, the mayors of 17 towns in the area drew up the Manifest de Mequinensa, calling for linguistic normalization. More recently, in 2005, the local cultural institutions, such as the Institut Cultural de la Franja and the Associació Cultural de Matarranya, got together to campaign for the political recognition of Catalan, even taking the Aragonese government to the European court to denounce linguistic discrimination in the region. Aragon’s proposed new Languages Law of December 2009 recognized the right to education at all levels in the local minority languages and set out a number of measures to protect and promote Catalan and Aragonese, including the creation of an Academia Aragonesa del Catalán. Culturally, the Franja received a degree of influence from the Renaixença, and its local varieties were taken into account in the creation of standard Catalan by Pompeu Fabra and in the AlcoverMoll dictionary. However, there was no effective revival in linguistic consciousness until the 1970s, when the dynamism of cultural activism in Catalonia and Valencia began to spread to the area. Some of the sessions in the 1986 second international Congrés Internacional de la Llengua Catalana were celebrated in the Franja. There are a number of local periodicals in Catalan, but in the main, the area is dependent on the Catalan and Valencian media. Local writers include Jesús Moncada, Hèctor Moret (1958–), Mercè Ibarz (1954–), and Josep Antoni Chauvell (1956–). There is also quite a healthy musical tradition in the area. FREEMASONRY. While Masonic ideas spread across Europe from the end of the 18th century and were particularly influential for liberal anticlericalism, they did not have significant influence in the Catalan countries until the second half of the 19th century. The first lodge was founded in Menorca in the 18th century, and there were 22 different Masonic groups in the Balearic Islands, including the Kadman lodge, which brought together members from the Pitiüses. Nevertheless, the highest degree of Masonic activity was to take place in Catalonia, above all in Barcelona, taking hold first among liberal intellectuals during the French occupation from 1808 and then expanding during the liberal triennium (1820–23) to forge links

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with the movement in continental Europe. There was a proliferation of lodges across the Catalan-speaking territories after the Glorious Revolution of 1868, but the movement was forced underground once more with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy. Even so, Freemasonry enjoyed an increasing following among republicans, libertarians, and anarchists. The Renaixença journalist and playwright Rossend Arús i Arderiu (1845–91) founded and presided over the Gran Lògia Simbòlica Regional Catalana-Balear (Catalan and Balearic Regional Symbolic Grand Lodge) in 1886, which, though it deferred to the Spanish Grand Orient, began to focus more on Catalanist ideas and values, reflecting the interests of other Masonic members like Valentí Almirall and Francesc Pi i Margall. While there were recurrent tensions with the Spanish Grand Lodge, largely due to the importance of the Catalan question in Catalan lodges, which defended the use and co-officiality of the Catalan language, this did not prevent Freemasonry from becoming one of the key influences behind progressive republicanism in the Catalan-speaking territories. Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia and the Escola Moderna were very influential in the spread of libertarian thinking in Catalonia and Spain, as well as being held in high regard by the movement internationally. Later, during the Second Republic, it is reckoned that up to a third of Spanish politicians were Masons, and the movement in Catalonia became one of the principal motors behind the vindication of Catalan rights. For instance, there were numerous Masonic politicians involved in drawing up the Estatut de Núria. Continuing tensions with the Spanish Grand Orient in this period eventually led to the creation in 1936 of a separatist Grand Orient, the Gran Orient Independent Català; although, it was not accepted either by the Catalan Grand Lodge or internationally. During the Spanish Civil War, the Catalan Masons generally supported the president of the republic and fought against the Franco regime. After the war, there was fierce repression of the movement by Francisco Franco, with a special tribunal set up to drive out Masonry remaining active until 1964. Catalan lodges began to resurface after the end of the dictatorship, and a Grand Orient for Catalonia was legally constituted in 1989. See also BALAGUER, VÍCTOR; CHURCH; CLARAMUNT, TERESA; CLAVÉ I CAMPS, JOSEP ANSELM; COMPANYS, LLUÍS; COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME;

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DENCÀS, JOSEP; DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ; IRLA, JOSEP; LAYRET, FRANCESC; MIRAVITLLES I NAVARRA, JAUME; NIN, ANDREU; SBERT I MASSANET, ANTONI. FRONT D’ALLIBERAMENT GAI DE CATALUNYA (FAGC) / GAY LIBERATION FRONT OF CATALONIA. In the latter years of the Franco regime, a clandestine group grew up in Barcelona as a focus for gay activism called the Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual. With the death of General Francisco Franco, it went public as the FAGC in 1975. Although the organization was not legalized until 1980, it was instrumental in bringing about the decriminalization of homosexuality in Spain through campaigns in the late 1970s and the “Manifest del FAGC,” published in 1977. In the same year, it organized its first big march on 26 June. As one of the first gay activist movements in Spain, it was involved in setting up the Coordinadora de Frentes de Liberación Homosexual del Estado Español and, therefore, in the creation of similar organizations in other Spanish regions. It has offices in Barcelona, Girona, and Perpignan and continues to campaign on and publicize gay issues. FRONT D’ESQUERRES DE CATALUNYA / CATALAN LEFT FRONT. The Catalan equivalent of the Popular Front, this coalition was created on 4 February 1936 and brought together the following left-wing parties to present a common front in the elections of 16 February 1936: Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, Acció Catalana Republicana, Partit Nacionalista Republicà d’Esquerres, Partit Republicà d’Esquerra, Unió de Rabassaires, Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista, Partit Català Proletari, and Partit Comunista de Catalunya. Its main aims were political and social amnesty, the reinstatement of the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, and reestablishment of all autonomous political institutions, as well as the reintroduction of the Law of Cultivation Contracts. It achieved 41 out of a possible 54 seats in the general elections of 16 February 1936. FRONT NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA (FNC) / CATALAN NATIONAL FRONT. Set up in exile in Paris between 1939 and 1940, this group brought together a number of different Catalan nationalist entities and organizations, including the Federació Nacional

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d’Estudiants de Catalunya, the Bloc d’Estudiants Nacionalistes, Estat Català, and Nosaltres Sols! More militant members of the group collaborated with the Polish and British secret services and the French Resistance movement during World War II. The political wing focused on disseminating information about the Catalan cause and, during the 1950s, was to organize a number of anti-Francoist activities with the help of the student movement in Catalonia. The split within the movement in the 1960s led to the creation of the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. FRONT OBRER DE CATALUNYA (FOC) / CATALAN WORKERS’ FRONT. This primarily socialist party was set up in Barcelona in the 1960s by socialists, progressive Catholics, and dissident communists and maintained close links with the Barcelona base of Comissions Obreres throughout the decade. Key members included Pasqual Maragall and Miquel Roca i Junyent, among others. See also LABOR MOVEMENT; MOLAS, ISIDRE. FRONT UNIVERSITARI DE CATALUNYA / UNIVERSITY FRONT OF CATALONIA. This clandestine student organization was set up in 1942 and undertook campaigns against the Franco regime until 1948, when it merged with the Federació Nacional d’Estudiants de Catalunya. Figures associated with the organization include Josep Benet i Morell and Josep Maria Ainaud i Lasarte. See also STUDENT MOVEMENT. FULLANA, LLUÍS (1872–1948). Valencian priest and grammarian who has become important to anti-normative groups in Valencia. Although his early studies defended the unity of the Catalan language, he later produced his own Gramatica elemental de la llengua valenciana (Elementary grammar of the Valencian language). He was among the group of linguists who signed the agreement on the Normes de Castelló in 1932 but continued to produce his own idiosyncratic versions of the language even after this period. FUNDACIÓ RAMON LLULL. Created in Paris in April 1939, the foundation was dedicated to ensuring the survival of the Catalan

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language and culture in exile. It went on to form delegations in Great Britain and the United States. FURA DELS BAUS, LA. Urban theater company founded in 1979 that focuses on transgressing the traditional spaces of theater by occupying and transforming nontheatrical locations. A strong feature of their work is their intention to deliberately shock audiences, provoking anger, fear, and aggression. At first, the Fura was a male-only group, producing very aggressive physical theater, such as Accions (1984), Sux/O/Suz (1985), and Tie Me (1988). Later, the group incorporated female performers and used a wider range of audiovisual material. In recent years, the Fura has made more of a shift toward official spaces and events, performing at the Barcelona Olympics and even creating productions for the new Liceu. However, they continue to experiment with a fusion of different cultural forms and media, constructing their own architectural structures in which to perform and often emphasizing human insignificance within these spaces. FURS/FUEROS. This is the name given to the medieval laws of the different kingdoms in the Crown of Aragon, especially Aragon and Valencia. FUSTER, JAUME (1945–98). Barcelona-born novelist whose work was influenced by popular culture, particularly film noir. From early in his career, he was politically active on the left and affiliated with the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. He was one of the most important young writers of the 1970s and united with other radical writers, including his wife Maria Antònia Oliver, to form the left-wing collective Trencavel. He was deeply involved in the foundation and development of the Congrés de Cultura Catalana and campaigns for the literary use of Catalan, eventually helping to found the Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana (AELC). Fuster is best known for his detective novels but also worked in other genres. See also LITERATURE. FUSTER, JOAN (1922–92). Arguably the most controversial and influential of contemporary Valencian writers, Fuster produced an

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enormous range of works. The most polemical of these were his essays on the identity and future of Valencian culture, especially Nosaltres els valencians (We the Valencians, 1962) and Questió de noms (A question of names, 1962), which in distinguishing the main characteristics of Valencian history and society, underlined Valencia’s links historically to Catalan culture, introducing and defending the idea of the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries), an idea which he later expanded and developed critically and historically. Unlike the regionalism of Lo Rat Penat and even the vision of culture presented by Catalonia’s Generalitat under Convergència i Unió, the work of Fuster is forward-looking, pointing to the need for progress in imagining the shape of Valencian identity but breaking from the dependency produced by insufficient awareness of history. His direct criticism of the provincial myths of local and official culture in Valencia led to quite violent opposition to his work and even threats to his person. This countermovement is often seen as being one of the main sources of blaverisme in the region. As a literary critic, his work was equally searching, if rather less controversial. He produced studies of Ausiàs March, Sant Vicent Ferrer, Salvador Espriu, and Josep Pla, among other volumes on Catalan literature. He also wrote poetry, essays, and aphorisms. See also BATTLE OF VALENCIA; LITERATURE; PANCATALANISM.

– G – GADES, ANTONIO (1936–2004). This celebrated flamenco dancer and choreographer was born in Elda in southern Alicante but moved with his family to Madrid due to the republican politics of his father. He is best known for his versions of Federico García Lorca’s Bodas de Sangre, Manuel de Falla’s El amor brujo, and Prosper Merimée’s Carmen, all of which were adapted for the cinema by Carlos Saura. In the 1960s, he danced alongside Carmen Amaya in Francesc Rovira i Beleta’s Barcelona-based adaptation of Los Tarantos, and in 1978, he became artistic director of the Spanish National Ballet. A militant communist, during the 1970s, he was a supporter of the campaign for Valencian and Catalan autonomy. See also DANCE; PANCATALANISM.

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GARGALLO, PAU (1881–1934). This modernist sculptor from Reus in southern Catalonia frequented Els Quatre Gats in his youth, traveling to Paris in 1903, where he came into contact with the principal artists and sculptors of the time. His later work was cubist in influence; although, he was also attracted by the classicizing aesthetic of Noucentisme. See also ART; MODERNISME. GASSOL I ROVIRA, VENTURA (1893–1980). Catalan poet and republican nationalist politician who accompanied Francesc Macià on many of his travels and was involved in the aborted invasion to liberate Catalonia from Prats de Molló in 1926. As minister for culture in the republican Generalitat, he implemented a program of Catalanist cultural and educational reform. He went into exile in France after the Spanish Civil War, only returning to Catalonia in the early 1970s. See also ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DE CATALUNYA; ESTAT CATALÀ; SECOND REPUBLIC, THE. GAUCHE DIVINE. This was the name given by Joan de Sagarra (1938–) to the group of wealthy middle class artists, writers, directors, publishers, and intellectuals who began to dominate the countercultural scene of the late 1960s. They shared a general desire to provoke and transgress official norms alongside their opposition to the Franco regime. See also ARANDA, VICENTE; ART; BOFILL, RICARD; GIL DE BIEDMA, JAIME; GOYTISOLO, JOSÉ AGUSTÍN; LITERATURE; MOIX, TERENCI; TUSQUETS, ESTHER; TUSQUETS, OSCAR. GAUDÍ, ANTONI (1852–1926). The most famous Catalan architect and possibly the most internationally recognized Catalan cultural figure. His buildings, in particular the Temple of the Sagrada Família, the Casa Batlló, and La Pedrera, are among the most visited tourist attractions in Catalonia. Quite traditionalist in outlook, he brought together many of the characteristics of Modernisme yet in an idiosyncratic and often extreme way. Gaudí’s work displays clear traditionalist roots in Catalan culture, its landscape, traditions, and way of life. In works like the Parc Güell, he attempted to blend his buildings into the local landscape, while buildings like La Pedrera and the Sagrada Família incorporate

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materials and forms drawn from Catalan heritage. He also inherited techniques and approaches from the arts and crafts movement in Europe, drawing equally from modern and avant-garde imaginative movements and technological advances. While the blend of different influences in his work might seem to point to the kind of socially progressive project embraced by other Modernista artists, it is rather a product of his organicist vision of architecture. Equally, his own decision to live in poverty stemmed more from his devout Catholicism than any sense of the social responsibility of the artist. His most fruitful period was in the 1880s and 1890s, when he received funding from Eusebi Güell to produce his idiosyncratic façades and interiors. The Temple of the Sagrada Família remained uncompleted at his death. See also ART; GÜELL, EUSEBI. GELABERT, FRUCTUÓS (1874–1955). The first Catalan cinematographer, he built his own camera in 1897. Gelabert produced the first Spanish film for export, recording Alfonso XIII’s visit to Barcelona in 1898. He also made a number of film adaptations of plays by Àngel Guimerà, the most important Catalan playwright of the period. See also CINEMA. GENERALITAT DE CATALUNYA. The autonomous government of Catalonia is made up of a parliament and presided over by a president and council. The first Generalitat of the 20th century was established by a statute of autonomy approved by the Spanish republican government in 1932, with Francesc Macià as president. After his death, Lluís Companys took over as president in January 1934, remaining in office until the October Events of the same year, when his declaration of a Catalan state led to his imprisonment and the imprisonment of the rest of his government. When the Popular Front and Catalan Left Front were victorious in the elections of February 1936, the Generalitat Republicana was reinstated with Companys at the helm. He remained president throughout the Spanish Civil War; although, the powers of his government were severely curtailed after the May Events of 1937. The beginning of the Franco regime in 1939 saw the abolition of all Catalan autonomous institutions, and Companys himself was

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executed in 1940. However, the Generalitat was maintained in exile, with Josep Irla and then Josep Tarradellas as its presidents. After the death of Francisco Franco in 1975, Catalonia was authorized to prepare a new statute of autonomy, drawing on the powers granted in the 1978 Spanish Constitution. The new Generalitat was elected in January 1980, with Jordi Pujol as president. The Generalitat government remained in Convergència i Unió (CiU) hands until 2003, when a tripartite coalition between the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC), the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and Iniciativa per Catalunya (IC) formed a government under Pasqual Maragall. The current president is the socialist José Montilla Aguilera (1955–). GENERALITAT VALENCIANA. The autonomous government institution in Valencia is made up of a parliament, the corts, and presided over by a president and his council, known as the Govern Valencià. It was created by Valencia’s statue of autonomy in 1982. The president of the provisional Generalitat was Joan Lerma i Blasco, general secretary of the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV-PSOE), and he was reelected after the autonomous elections in 1983, 1987, and 1991. In 1996, the Generalitat passed into Partido Popular hands, under Eduardo Zaplana, who stepped down in favor of Francesc Camps in 2003. GERHARD, ROBERT (1896–1970). International musician and composer, born in Valls, Catalonia. He studied in Vienna in the 1920s, returning to Barcelona to become one of the foremost musical promoters and educators of the prewar period, even bringing Arnold Schoenberg to the city. As a composer, his work had roots in the Catalan musical tradition, but he was able to fuse this with the more modern and sophisticated compositional techniques he learned from Schoenberg. During the Second Republic, he was a consultant for the Catalan Generalitat on music policy. Gerhard went into exile in Great Britain after the Spanish Civil War, settling in Cambridge. GERMANIES. This was the name given to a series of social uprisings in Valencia and the Balearic Islands between 1519 and 1523, as well as to the groups of trade militia at their heart. The first revolt

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began in 1519 as a way of seizing more power for the tradesmen and artisans of the city of Valencia at a time of heavy taxation and tributes to the nobility. It was supported by much of the city’s middle classes, and thus, the revolutionary committee was able to introduce limited reforms. This committee, Els Tretze, even sent ambassadors to Charles V to protest their loyalty to the crown. Outside the city, the uprisings spread to the poorer areas of the Valencian countryside, particularly those where the nobility demanded heavy tributes and along the coastal areas, hounded by Barbary pirates. In these areas, there was violent social revolution as the poor farmers rose against their lords, attacking and forcing the conversion of the Arab slaves they believed were in cahoots with the pirates, before executing them. Thus, while in the city of Valencia and, from 1521 in Mallorca, the uprisings were generally about achieving a more equitable political system, in the rural and coastal areas of Valencia, they were transformed to reflect local conflicts and concerns. There was even a pretender to the throne, the Encobert de Xàtiva, who came forward to capitalize on the atmosphere of revolt. Charles V sent troops to pacify the region, and installed Germana de Foix, his brother Ferdinand’s widow, as vicereine in 1523. The brutal repression that followed helped to strengthen relations between the Spanish monarchy and the Valencian nobility and eventually led to the expulsion of the Moors from the area. GIL DE BIEDMA, JAIME (1929–90). This Spanish-language poet of the Barcelona school has been considered one of the most original and influential poetic voices of the 1960s and 1970s. See also BARCELONA SCHOOL; GAUCHE DIVINE; LITERATURE. GIMFERRER, PERE (1945–). Barcelona-born writer, translator, and literary critic. He is best-known internationally for his poetry in Spanish, such as the collection Arde el mar (1966), influenced by Octavio Paz and Vicente Aleixandre. He began to publish in Catalan in 1970. See also LITERATURE. GIRONA/GERONA. This Catalan city is the capital of the province of Girona in northeastern Catalonia and has a population of around 100,000. Both city and province are largely Catalan-speaking;

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although, the influence of tourism in the coastal areas has led to an increase in the use of Spanish. GONELLISME. The Mallorcan equivalent of blaverisme, or political anti-Catalanism, is generally expressed via distrust of linguistic normalization. In Mallorca, gonellisme first appeared in a letter addressed to the Diario de Mallorca in 1972, complaining about the preponderance of Catalan standard forms. The letter brought responses from many of the most important writers and academics of the period, including Francesc de Borja Moll and Josep Massot i Muntaner. Moll later published a chronicle of the affair, the Polèmica d’En Pep Gonella. The main groups that espouse antiCatalanist positions are the Associació Cultural Mossèn Alcover, the Centre Cultural Mallorquina, and Cultura i Llibertat. GORKIN, JULIÁN (1901–87). Born in Valencia, this Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) activist is best known for his activities in exile. As a result of Spanish Communist Party and Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya repression of the POUM during the Spanish Civil War, he undertook anti-Stalinist campaigns in exile in Mexico and France, founding the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)-funded Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (Congress for the Liberty of Culture) in 1953, editing the influential journal Cuadernos. GOYTISOLO, JOSÉ AGUSTÍN (1928–99). Brother of Juan and Luis Goytisolo. He wrote poetry in Spanish and Catalan. See also BARCELONA SCHOOL; GAUCHE DIVINE; LITERATURE. GOYTISOLO, JUAN (1931–). The more famous brother of José Agustín and Luis Goytisolo was born in Barcelona and writes his novels in Spanish. During the Franco regime, he chose to go into exile in Paris and now lives in Morocco. Goytisolo’s early works are associated with social realism, but his later novels became increasingly experimental, seeking to break with the conventions of Western thought. He has a deep cultural and political interest in Islamic cul-

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ture and its relation to Spain. Most of his novels have been translated into English and include Marks of Identity (1966), Juan the Landless (1975), Makbara (1980), and A Cock-eyed Comedy (2000). See also BARCELONA SCHOOL; LITERATURE. GOYTISOLO, LUIS (1935–). Brother of Juan and José Agustín Goytisolo. Spanish novelist and member of the Spanish Royal Academy. See also BARCELONA SCHOOL; LITERATURE. GRANADOS, ENRIC (1867–1916). Lleida-born musician and composer. Like Isaac Albéniz, he came under the influence of the Romantic nationalist ideas of Felip Pedrell; although, he was far more interested in the color and excitement of urban life than in Andalusian folk motifs, and his most important work, Goyescas, is inspired by the urban sketches and etchings of the great Aragonese painter Francisco de Goya. See also MUSIC. GRUP D’ARTISTES I TÈCNICS CATALANS PER AL PROGRÉS DE L’ARQUITECTURA CONTEMPORÀNIA / GROUP OF CATALAN ARTISTS AND DESIGNERS FOR PROGRESS IN CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECURE (GATCPAC). This modernist architectural design group was set up by Josep Lluís Sert and Sixt Yllescas (1903–86) and was at the forefront of European architectural movements in the 1930s. During the Second Republic, it proposed and drew up the plans for the urban restructuring of Barcelona known as the Pla Macià. See also ARCHITECTURE. GUAL, ADRIÀ (1872–1943). Dramatist, painter, and film and theater director. One of the most important figures in the Catalan theater world in the late 19th and early 20th century, he was responsible for setting up the first proper theater school in Barcelona. Gual directed and produced plays by Catalan playwrights, such as Àngel Guimerà, as well as translations from contemporary European theater and the theatrical canon. He was one of the pioneers of Catalan cinema, working with the production company Barcinógrafo, with which he made some 14 films between 1904 and 1915.

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GÜELL, EUSEBI (1846–1918). Industrialist and patron of the arts. With his own fortune and that of his family, he was able to support and promote many aspects of Catalan cultural production from the end of the 19th century onward. He is best known for his patronage of Antoni Gaudí. GUERAU DE LIOST (1878–1933). See BOFILL I MATES, JAUME. GUIMERÀ, ÀNGEL (1846–1924). This poet and dramatist was born in Tenerife but moved to Catalonia as a child, studying in Barcelona. He began to write in Catalan in the 1870s, influenced by the Renaixença movement, and his early plays are all historical romantic in flavor. His greatest works, Mar i cel (Sea and sky, 1888), Maria Rosa (1894), and Terra baixa (Lowlands, 1897), were very successful and were translated into other languages and made into films. By this period, his works were more realist in focus and explored the social conflicts of Catalonia at the turn of the century. A prolific writer, his cultural prestige gave him some political weight, which he threw in with political Catalanism, giving speeches in Catalan and reflecting on Catalan claims in some of his plays. See also ATENEU BARCELONÈS; CENTRE CATALÀ; GELABERT, FRUCTUÓS; GUAL, ADRIÀ; LITERATURE; THEATER.

– H –

HUGUET, GAIETÀ (1882–1959). One of the most important leftist republican politicians in early 20th-century Valencia, Huguet was a founding member of Joventut Nacionalista Valenciana in 1909 and went on to create Esquerra Republicana del País Valencià in 1933. He went into exile after the Spanish Civil War, only returning in 1953. HUGUET, JAUME (1415–92). Born in Valls in Catalonia, he produced most of his work in Valencia and is considered one of the most important painters of the Valencian golden age. See also ART.

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– I – IGLESIAS, IGNASI (1871–1928). Modernist poet and dramatist, whose work was influenced by that of Henrick Ibsen. He was one of the most important Catalan playwrights of the turn of the century, and his works present a detailed picture of social customs and conflicts in the Barcelona of the period. See also THEATER. IMMIGRATION. Although Catalan culture is often presented in an idealized and unified way, especially within Catalonia, its cultural geography and history is not at all homogeneous. The people living in the Catalan-speaking territories come from many different places and display heterogeneous origins. In the Middle Ages, the lands of southern Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, and Valencia were colonized and settled by Catalan-speakers from the Pyrenees, who established a new language and culture in the areas. However, different cultural and ethnic communities continued to coexist in the territories until the expulsion of the Jews in 1492 and of the moriscos in 1609. While there was not significant mixing between the different populations and, in the south, the Muslim population was often forced to work as slaves for the nobility, the expulsion of these groups made a significant difference to the socioeconomic development of the Catalan-speaking territories and, hence, to their cultural identity. With the economic resurgence of the 18th and 19th centuries, successive waves of immigration brought settlers from Catalunya Nord and the Languedoc, who established themselves in the Catalan countryside, contributing to the recovery of agriculture in Catalonia, which underpinned the beginnings of the Industrial Revolution. This was followed by internal migration to the city of Barcelona, and then toward the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th, the urban working classes were swelled by migration from Aragon and Murcia. The large majority of these immigrants integrated successfully into Catalan culture, and by the end of the Spanish Civil War, the population of the Catalan-speaking territories remained largely Catalan speaking. However, the massive demographic changes between 1940 and 1975, with economic migration from Andalusia, Extremadura,

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Castile, and Galicia, coupled with the dismantling of Catalan cultural associations and the exile and transfer of Catalan educators and promoters had a significant impact on the sociolinguistic situation in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, which is most apparent in the cities of Barcelona, Valencia, Alicante, and Mallorca, as well as in the urban areas along the coast. It is these areas that have seen the largest influx of immigrants from other European countries, South America, and Africa in recent decades, leading to social conflict and some racist incidents. In general, the discourse of integration has been prevalent in Catalan civil society; although, it has come under pressure from conservative Catalanism as well as from more separatist groups. The rapid growth in the population in the past decade, of around 2 million across the Catalan countries as a result of new population flows, has generated a great deal of debate about how to manage immigration socially, culturally, and economically. The focus in Catalonia has been on integrating the new population through support of linguistic, cultural, and social diversity; although, there has been some alarm at the effects this might have on language shift, particularly in the municipal area around Barcelona. See also CANDEL, FRANCESC. INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. Many accounts of Catalan proindependence movements focus on Catalonia and the origins of its struggles against the Spanish crown. Thus, a tradition is constructed that harks back to a specifically Catalan reconquest of territories on the eastern Mediterranean coast of Spain and finds its continuation in rebellions and wars against monarchs and institutions who threatened the liberties and autonomy of the different citizens and kingdoms who comprised the Crown of Aragon. The most important of these conflicts historically was the civil war that followed the Remença Crisis in the 1460s, the Revolt of the Catalans in 1640, and the push for independence during the War of Spanish Succession at the beginning of the 18th century, which culminated in the curtailment of Catalan institutions and freedoms with the Bourbon King Philip’s Nueva Planta decrees. As political Catalanism began to gain greater support in the 19th and 20th centuries, it is the dates and figures associated with this earlier history that are remembered and take on symbolic importance, such as Pau Claris and Rafael Casanova;

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the 11th September, commemorating the fall of Barcelona in 1714; or the 25th April in Valencia, marking defeat at the Battle of Almansa in 1707. However, there were other countercultural struggles among the social base, between supporters of an increasingly Castilianspeaking monarchy and representatives of a more dissident Catalan community, such as the conflict between the biga and busca in the 15th century and the Germanies in Valencia and Mallorca and even the burgeoning class warfare between nyerros and cadells associated with the banditry of the 16th and early 17th centuries. Indeed, it is important to remember that there were “independence” movements against the Aragonese crown, too. The contemporary pro-independence movement began to develop during the 19th century with the growing sense of grievance over the suppression of Catalan cultural difference after 1716, the spread of liberal and antimonarchical ideas after the French Revolution, and the growth of independence movements in other parts of Europe. While most histories emphasize Catalan bourgeois interests in the revival of a sense of Catalan cultural particularism, it is important to remember that there was strong support among the lower classes too so that 3,000 workers signed a petition in favor of Irish autonomy in 1856, making up 38 percent of the signatories. When universal male suffrage was introduced in Spain in 1869, most of the electorate in Catalonia voted for federal republican candidates. It was ultimately the lack of scope for the representation of broad Catalan interests centrally that led to the development of Catalanist political groupings in the latter half of the 19th century, from Àngel Guimerà’s Jove Catalunya of 1870 to the creation of conservative Catalanist political parties, most importantly the Lliga Regionalista, at the turn of the century. However, while it is true that many of these groupings reflected more regionalist rather than federalist or separatist ideals, there were centers that allowed more radical ideas to grow and develop, including Valentí Almirall’s Centre Català and later the Unió Catalanista. While the key manifestos produced by these associations during the last two decades of the 19th century, the Memorial de Greuges and the Bases de Manresa, were largely responses to a revival of anti-Catalan sentiment in Spain, as well as the increasing centralization of Spanish government policies, the lack of support for Catalan tariff policies, and the perceived threat to

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Catalan civil laws presented by proposed codification of civil law in Spain, they did succeed in eliciting some limited support for political Catalanism across a broader social spectrum as well as fueling more radical debates. Civic associations were also important as a cradle for Catalan nationalist sentiment, with organizations such as the Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Catalana (APEC), the Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria (CADCI), and the Joventut Nacionalista la Falç. However, on the whole, it was not until the 1920s that a more militant pro-independence movement began to emerge. While the Lliga Regionalista saw some political success at the beginning of the 20th century, widespread popular support for Alejandro Lerroux’s Radical Republican Party limited its scope for gaining a broader base. It was to take further repressive action by the Spanish state to galvanize more radical political alliances and action. The creation of Solidaritat Catalana after the Cu-Cut! affair brought unprecedented support for Catalanist parties in the local and general elections and included both the Lliga and left republicans, such as Francesc Layret and Lluís Companys. The Cu-Cut! events were also important in bringing the military officer Francesc Macià into the fold of political Catalanism. The many ideological differences between the parties ultimately meant that Solidaritat Catalana was unsustainable, and it was Lerroux’s Republican Party that returned to dominance until the 1910s, when the Lliga enjoyed a period in which it was able to consolidate some Catalan institutions. However, the Lliga’s readiness to pact with conservative Spanish governments, as well as some of its members’ tacit support of the repressive measures against the labor movement at the end of the decade, led to a radicalization of many members and to the creation of more overtly separatist parties, such as the Bloc Republicà Autonomista, the Partit Republicà Català, Acció Catalana, and, above all, Macià’s Federació Democràtica Nacionalista and Estat Català, which set out as their aims the creation of an independent Catalan state. There was a campaign for political autonomy from within the Mancomunitat, put forward by Marcel·lí Domingo, but this was not taken seriously by the Spanish Cortes. The harsh repression of Catalanism that followed with the Primo de Rivera dictatorship led to more militant resistance,

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with the creation of armed groups, such as Bandera Negra, youth action groups, and military training in preparation for future political emancipation. There were calls to the League of Nations to recognize Catalonia, an assassination attempt against King Alfonso XIII and Primo de Rivera in the Garraf area of Catalonia (1925), an invasion attempt across the Pyrenees (1926), and a pro-independence meeting in Havana in 1928, at which the flag of Catalan independence was created, the estelada. The growth in nationalist support culminated in the successes seen by Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya in 1931, 1934, and 1936, enabling fleeting declarations of a Catalan state by Francesc Macià and, later, Lluís Companys. The proliferation of pro-independence groups in this period, such as L’Opinió, Nosaltres sols! and Palestra, led to high expectations about future political emancipation, which inspired wider pancatalanist and pan-Iberian initiatives, such as the creation of Galeuska, in alliance with Basque and Galician nationalists. During the Spanish Civil War, the increasing threats to Catalan self-determination led to the initiation of secret talks with France and Great Britain about conditions for a possible armistice. In exile, the Consell Nacional de Catalunya continued to lobby for international intervention to liberate Catalonia, while the Front Nacional de Catalunya orchestrated direct action against the Franco regime. While there were many different levels of resistance to the regime in the 1940s and 1950s, it was not until the 1960s that a more coherent and effective resistance movement emerged, with organized strike action by clandestine labor organizations, student sit-ins, and other cultural and political protest actions. The different parties, unions, and associations were brought together by the Coordinadora de Forces Polítiques de Catalunya to share a platform of civil rights, political amnesty, and autonomy for Catalonia, establishing the Assemblea de Catalunya. However, there were other groupings that sought more radical change, inspired by the pancatalanist ideas of Joan Fuster and revolutionary movements across the globe. The most important of these was the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional (PSAN), which was founded in 1968 and gained members across the Catalan-speaking territories. Other more militant groups in the 1970s included Catalunya Lliure, Terra Lliure, and later the

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Moviment de Defensa de la Terra, but it was, above all, PSAN that has fed most subsequent pancatalanist pro-independence formations. While most Catalan political parties of the late 1970s supported home rule, there were more radical groupings that lobbied for independence, linking this aim to the liberation of the Catalan countries as a whole. However, these parties have received limited electoral support in autonomous government and general elections, tending to have more success at local and municipal level. The most effective party politically that has a pro-independence agenda is Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, and it has been able to draw support from more marginal parties electorally. While its decision to participate in a tripartite government with the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya and Iniciativa per Catalunya–Els Verds since 2003 has drawn some criticism from more radical sectors in the separatist movement, it has ultimately brought the debate over independence into mainstream Catalan politics. At the same time, the strength of anti-Catalan feeling expressed in Spain in response to Catalonia’s new statute of autonomy of 2006, together with the growing sense of the economic, political, and cultural advantages of independence, has led to a resurgence in pro-independence sentiment across the region, manifested in high-profile campaigns “pel dret de decidir” (for the right to decide), marches, and the proliferation of estelades at public festivals and on balconies throughout Catalonia. See also LLIGA COMUNISTA REVOLUCIONÀRIA; ORGANITZACIÓ MILITAR CATALANA; SOCIETAT D’ESTUDIS MILITARS. INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY. Because it is one of the key areas identified by the Catalan government and Barcelona City Council as necessary for the future development of Catalonia, there have been successive campaigns since the 1990s to make Barcelona attractive to foreign development in high technology. Valencia has followed a similar policy in recent years. Indeed, both regions are keen to capitalize on their perceived geographical position as key bridges between northern and southern Europe. While in Valencia the main focus has been on the construction of Salvador Calatrava’s Ciutat de les Arts and some public funding of open source and wireless technology developments, in Catalonia there has been considerable public and private investment to ensure

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that Catalan has a strong presence on the Web and is represented in new software, including developments in open source software. The Generalitat has helped to fund the redevelopment of the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya (Open University of Catalonia), which has an impressive virtual campus that offers courses in Catalan on a wide range of subjects, including Catalan language and culture. There is a large number of Catalan cultural associations with websites and links to information on cultural activism, including the Obra Cultural Balear, the Acció Cultura Valenciana, and the alternative online newspaper Vilaweb, which draws its information from the national and international press in order to keep Catalans informed of current affairs. Sites like Vilaweb played a particularly important role during the 2004 Spanish general elections, for instance, in offering an overview of the events that was not obtainable from the printed press. All of the mainstream media now have a Web presence and have been at the forefront of developments in new technological applications, such as SMS messaging, web-streaming, and podcasts. Catalan is currently ranked 14th in the world in terms of Web presence, and there is a movement, PUNTCAT, which used this as a platform to campaign for a “.cat” Catalan domain name. The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) eventually agreed to this late in 2005. Catalan is ranked 8th in the world blogosphere, 14th in its use of Google, and 15th in Wikipedia; indeed it was commended for the high quality of its Wikipedia coverage in 2010. INICIATIVA PER CATALUNYA (IC) / INITIATIVE FOR CATALONIA. The party was formed in 1987 in response to the decline experienced by the Catalan Communist Party—the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC)—in the 1980s and the after-effects of Spain’s yes-vote to remaining in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1986. Thus, alongside former members of the PSUC, the party brought together a broad range of ideologically diverse progressive socialists, eco-socialists, and feminists, who generally supported some level of independence or home rule for Catalonia rather than outright separatism. The party, at first, had limited influence on the Catalan political scene; it achieved greater impact

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on specific issues, like green policies in government, and generally supported the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) when agreement between the different left-wing forces in government was needed. After joining together with Els Verds–Confederació Ecologista de Catalunya, it took on the new name IC-Verds in 1998, and it has formed part of the tripartite coalition government in the Generalitat with the PSC and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya since 2003. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. INSTITUCIÓ DE LES LLETRES CATALANES / INSTITUTE OF CATALAN LETTERS. This literary institution was set up in 1937 by the Generalitat, with Carles Riba as president and Francesc Trabal (1899–1957) as secretary. It published the Revista de Catalunya from 1938 and inaugurated a series of literary prizes for Catalan-language production. However, it was suppressed by the Franco regime and was not reinstated until 1987. INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS BALEÀRICS. See INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS. INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS (IEC) / INSTITUTE OF CATALAN STUDIES. The most important and prestigious Catalan cultural institution was set up in 1907 to provide support for the Catalan language and culture in Catalonia and the Catalanspeaking territories. It was expanded in 1911 to promote scientific learning and research in Catalan and remains an important promoter of advanced study and research in the region today. Divided into disciplinary sections, membership is by election. The IEC provided a model for similar institutions in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, namely the Institut d’Estudis Valencians, Institut d’Estudis Baleàrics, and Institut d’Estudis Eivissencs. See also ALCOVER, ANTONI MARIA; ALSINA I BOFILL, JOSEP; ATENEU BARCELONÈS; BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; COROMINES, JOAN; COROMINES, PERE; EDUCATION; FABRA, POMPEU; LANGUAGE; MANCOMUNITAT; MARAGALL, JOAN; MASSOT I MUNTANER, JOSEP; NICOLAU D’OLWER, LLUÍS; NORMES DE CASTELLÓ; NOUCENTISME.

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INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS EIVISSENCS. See INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS. INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS VALENCIANS. See CENTRE DE CULTURA VALENCIANA; INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS. INSTITUT RAMON LLULL (IRL). This intergovernmental institution was set up in 2001 to encourage collaboration between the Balearic Islands and Catalonia in the internal and external promotion of the Catalan language and culture. The agreement to create the IRL was reached during the Pacte de Progrés legislature and was later revoked by the Partido Popular government in the Balearic Islands, which withdrew its funding of the project. The IRL has since been restructured in order to collaborate more closely with nongovernmental cultural institutions, such as the Obra Cultural Balear and the Associació Cultural del País Valencià, and 2008 saw reestablishment of close links with the Balearic government. It has also established a parallel platform in Andorra, the Fundació Ramon Llull, in partnership with the Andorran government, the General Council of Pyrenées-Orientales, the city of Alghero, and a federation of Valencian municipalities. IRLA, JOSEP (1879–1958). This Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya politician took on the presidency of the Generalitat in exile after the execution of Lluís Companys in October 1940 and held it until his resignation in 1954. He formed the first and only cabinet of the Generalitat in exile with Carles Pi i Sunyer, Antoni Rovira i Virgili, Josep Carner, Joan Comorera, Manuel Serra i Moret (1884–1963), and Pau Padró (1891–1950). See also FREEMASONRY; TARRADELLAS, JOSEP.

– J – JAMES I (1207–76). Son of Peter I and Maria of Montpellier, James became Count of Barcelona and king of Aragon (1213–76), Valencia (1239–76), and Mallorca (1229–76), as well as Lord of Mont-

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pellier. It is during his reign that the first steps in the Mediterranean expansion of the Crown of Aragon took place, with the expedition against Mallorca, culminating in the conquest of the island in 1229 and the conquest of Valencia in 1238. His reign was also characterized by internal political conflict, leading James to produce an exemplary chronicle, known as El Libre dels feits (The book of deeds). JAMES II (1267–1327). The second son of Peter II, he succeeded his father as king of Sicily in 1285, becoming king of Aragon in 1291, on the death of his brother Alfons II. JOCS FLORALS / FLORAL GAMES. These Barcelona literary festivals, which dated back to the reign of John I, were revived by the Barcelona City Council in 1859 at the behest of the Romantic writers and intellectuals Manuel Milà i Fontanals and Joaquim Rubió i Ors, with the aim of encouraging writing in Catalan among the younger generations. The practice spread to Valencia in 1879 and contributed to the recovery of the literary language there, too; although, the Valencian Jocs accepted poetry in Catalan and Castilian. While the Jocs Florals were important in raising cultural and linguistic awareness, they were reformed in the early 20th century to fit in with more modern standards of linguistic and literary quality. However, the tradition was interrupted during the Spanish Civil War, the annual festivals were reinstated by Catalan writers and intellectuals in exile and continued to be celebrated clandestinely under the Franco regime. See also RENAIXENÇA. JOFFRE, JOSEP (1852–1931). Born in Rivesaltes in Catalunya Nord, Joffre became a general of the French armies and saved Paris in the Battle of Marne (1914). He was a Catalan speaker but left few documents in that language. JOGLARS. These were medieval minstrels who excelled in satire and invective, as well as cultivating popular lyrics and melodies. See also TROUBADOURS. JOGLARS, ELS. One of the most important Catalan theater groups, Els Joglars was set up as an amateur classical mime group in 1962 by Albert Boadella, Carlota Soldevila, and Anton Font. In 1967, the

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founding members elected to become a professional group, introducing elements of physical theater and collective creation. During the 1970s, they constructed their own rehearsal and performance dome in Pruït, as a center for collective creation, removed from the political, cultural, and economic pressures of the city. Productions include Alias Serrallonga (1974), La Torna (1977), M7 Catalonia (1978), Operació Ubú (1981), El Nacional (1993), Ubú President (1995), La increïble història de Dr Floit & Mr Pla (1997), and Daaalí (1999). In 2010, they recently held a retrospective in Barcelona with the latter three productions since they have largely worked in Castilian. Their political radicalism is mainly attributed to the persecution of the company after the production of La Torna, which satirized the military, in 1977. However, they have continued to produce critiques of official culture, including a film about the late Franco years, called ¡Buen viaje, Excelencia! (2003). JOHN I (1350–96). John was born in Perpignan, the eldest son of Peter III and Eleanor of Sicily, and became king of Aragon from 1387 until his death. Although his reign saw some important cultural developments, including the first Jocs Florals in Barcelona, it was disastrous financially, partly due to the loss of key territories in Athens and problems in Sicily and Sardinia. He was succeeded by his brother Martin I. JORDÀ, JOAQUIM (1935–2006). Catalan alternative film director whose early work is associated with the more experimental side of the Barcelona School. Always politically committed, his experiences in Italy in the early 1970s, where he came into contact with the work of Antonio Negri, led him to espouse a militant style of documentary realism, from his Lenin vivo, filmed in Italy in 1970, to the celebrated Numax presenta (Numax presents, 1980), De nens (About boys, 2004), and Mones com la Becky (Monkeys like Becky, 1999). Considered one of the foremost figures in Spanish documentary cinema, his work and teachings have influenced many contemporary Catalan directors, such as Marc Recha, Esteve Riambau, and Elisabet Cabeza. JOVENTUT REPUBLICANA DE LLEIDA. See REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT.

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JOVENTUTS D’ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA–ESTAT CATALÀ (JEREC). The nationalist youth wing of Estat Català and then Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, its members formed a paramilitary force for the Generalitat during the Second Republic and fought alongside Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya youth during the Spanish Civil War. See also DENCÀS, JOSEP; OCTOBER EVENTS. JOVENTUT VALENCIANISTA / VALENCIANIST YOUTH. The first openly nationalist party in Valencia was founded in 1908 by members of the Valencian Regionalist Center, seeking to follow in the footsteps of Solidaritat Catalana. However, it had a limited impact on the political scene in the region, and was disbanded during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. It reappeared briefly in the 1980s as the youth wing of Unió Valenciana. JUJOL, JOSEP MARIA (1879–1949). Catalan architect, painter, and designer, born in Tarragona, who is best known for his work with Antoni Gaudí on projects such as the Parc Güell. See also ART; DESIGN.

– K – KARR, CARME (1865–1943). This feminist writer from Barcelona was editor of a monthly supplement for women in La Ilustració Catalana from 1907 to 1917. The magazine, called Feminal, covered a range of women’s issues, from fashion to feminism. She wrote a number of works on the education of women, focusing mainly on the role and experience of the middle classes.

– L – LABOR MOVEMENT. The origins of the labor movement in the Catalan-speaking territories date back to the 1840s, after an 1838 order permitting the creation of charitable organizations led to the

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emergence of the first societies concerned with the protection of workers’ rights. Cooperativism extended rapidly through the textile industry, with the creation in 1840 of the Societat de Protecció Mútua de Teixidors de Cotó in Barcelona, which soon had 3,000 members. In 1842, the first mutual association for workers, wives, and orphans was set up, and there was an increasing focus on improving working conditions through the banning of child labor, reduction in the working day, improvements in wages, and protection against accidents in the workplace. Links were created with radical republican groups, which led to some repression of the movement and drove the associations underground. The Glorious Revolution of 1868 allowed the legalization of the labor movement, with the restoration of freedoms of association and expression, enabling the celebration of the First Workers’ Congress in Barcelona. The first anarchist grouping, the Federación Regional Española (FRE), was founded soon afterward in 1870, shifting the priorities of the movement toward Bakuninist collectivization; even so, during the First Republic it was the syndicalists who came to dominate in Barcelona. Repression of labor organizations after the Cánovas Restoration contributed to burying the FRE; however, the Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (FTRE) grew to take its place in the 1880s. By the turn of the century, there had been no significant improvement in urban working class life, which provided the conditions for greater radicalization of the movement. While the radical republicanism of Alejandro Lerroux became increasingly popular among the workers of Barcelona and later Valencia, the majority remained committed to anarcho-syndicalism and thus to the use of direct action rather than political intervention. The spread of rational education through the labor associations and, most famously, the Escola Moderna of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia, began to create a greater base for collective action, and there was a general strike called in 1904. In 1907, Solidaritat Obrera (SO) was created to bring together the different union associations, but the Tragic Week and its aftermath in 1909 convinced labor leaders of the need to organize under a single union structure. Thus, one of the key results of the Barcelona Workers’ Congress of 1910 was the foundation of the Confederació Nacional del

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Treball (CNT). Although the movement was riven with division between the syndicalists and revolutionaries, the economic boom at the beginning of World War I allowed the CNT to grow, and after the Assemblea de Parlamentaris in 1917, they joined with Catalanists and republicans in pushing for political change. The general strike of August 1917 was suppressed by the military, and the escalation in labor protest in subsequent years provoked a violent backlash, supported by the wealthy industrialists of Barcelona, who created counterrevolutionary Sindicats Lliures. Both Francesc Layret and Salvador Seguí were among the labor leaders who were assassinated between 1918 and 1923. The scale of the violence led the CaptainGeneral of Barcelona, Miguel Prime de Rivera, to plot a coup with the industrial classes in order to restore calm. One of the primary aims of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship was to crush the labor movement so as to achieve economic and social stability, but the consequences of this political, social, and cultural suppression were, on the one hand, to radicalize elements of the anarchist, socialist, and republican groupings and, ultimately, to galvanize broad social support for the political formation of a republic, on the other. However, the declaration of the Second Republic in 1931 did not lead to immediate improvements in working conditions, and key social legislation, like the law of cultivation contracts, while supported by the Catalan Generalitat, did not gain corresponding support in the Spanish Cortes. Thus, while in general, syndicalist members of the CNT were not entirely opposed to cooperating with government, the more radical wings of the organization, identified with the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), continued to promote insurrectionary activity between 1932 and 1934, culminating in the October Events, which facilitated a further political shift to the right in Spain and the suppression of more socially progressive movements and policies. The recognition of the need to oust Lerroux’s right-wing government at the 1936 elections led syndicalist labor leaders, and even more radical anarchists such as Buenaventura Durruti, to encourage workers to vote for the Popular Front and Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya, even though afterward they continued to focus on the need for anarcho-syndicalist collectivization. The crucial role the CNT and Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) played in overcoming the military uprising in Catalonia at

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the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War resulted in social revolution, with the collectivization of industry and the spread of agrarian collectivization by anarchist militia. However, these developments were viewed with misgivings by significant sectors of the Spanish republican government, and even Lluís Companys’ attempts to appease the labor movement by including the anarcho-syndicalists in his government could not prevent residual tensions with the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) from exploding in the May Events of 1937. With the PSUC in the ascendency, the social revolution pursued by the CNT and Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) was subordinated to the fight against Francisco Franco’s forces, so the influence of the labor movement had already begun to wane before the end of the Spanish Civil War. Under the Franco regime, labor associations were persecuted and banned, to be replaced with a single state union, controlled by the Falange. Nevertheless, the clandestine revival of prewar organizations, together with general public dismay at the social and economic conditions of the postwar years, made possible the general strike of 1951 in Barcelona, known as the “vaga de les tramvies,” which was supported by the CNT and the Front Nacional de Catalunya. Although the strike was suppressed, workers’ associations and dissident political groups continued to regroup in the 1950s, often with the support of sympathetic Church organizations or Catholic workers’ unions associated with Acció Catòlica. While the mass immigration to the region in the 1950s and 1960s, together with economic migration of workers to richer parts of Europe, contributed to create social tension, these demographic changes also gave greater strength to the labor movement of the 1960s, providing a base for wider mobilization. The creation of Comissions Obreres (CCOO) in 1964 provided a focus for workers’ actions in the 1960s and 1970s, increasingly shifting support away from the CNT and UGT. Even so, the death of Francisco Franco in 1975 allowed the revival of the historic trade unions, supported by the newly legalized communist and revolutionary socialist parties, and there was a boom in affiliation after 1977. However, the pacts achieved between political forces and the labor movement to ensure a smooth transition to parliamentary democracy in Spain, together with the economic crisis of the 1980s, resulted in a reduction in membership of the unions, and the increasing shift of the struggle for labor rights to left-wing party politics.

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Nonetheless, the labor movement in Catalonia and Valencia, especially, was a central factor in the two key periods of increasing nationalist consciousness in 20th-century Catalan history, underpinning a sense of separate identity and contributing the tools with which to begin to achieve emancipation. At the same time, the prioritization of social revolution over Catalan cultural difference contributed to divisions between the different social and political classes during the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War and continues to provoke debate and nostalgia for the period of political and social cohesion behind the struggle for emancipation of the mid1970s. Nowadays, the unions with greatest membership numbers are the CCOO (CONC in Catalonia) and UGT; though, there has been a proliferation of smaller groups to reflect the increasing plurality and diversity of working conditions. There is more concentration in the metropolitan industrial areas, even though the majority of members are from transport and communication or the public sector rather than industry. See also ANARCHISM; CENTRE AUTONOMISTA DE DEPENDENTS DEL COMERÇ I DE LA INDÚSTRIA. LAFORET, CARMEN (1921–2004). Spanish writer educated in Barcelona who won the Premio Nadal with her first novel Nada (1944), which explored the experiences of a young girl at the home of a middle class family in Barcelona. See also LITERATURE. LANGUAGE. Catalan is the name given to a Romance language spoken in present-day Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, as well as parts of Murcia and Aragon (Franja de Ponent) in Spain; in the Département des Pyrénées Occidentales in France (Catalunya Nord); the Principality of Andorra; and in Alghero (Alguer) in Sardinia. The Catalan-speaking territories cover an area of around 69,000 square kilometers and are inhabited by nearly 14 million people. Current figures suggest that there are up to 10 million speakers of Catalan; however, for some of these, it is not their first language, and others would object to it being called Catalan. The language now known as Catalan probably originated in the Conflent area of Catalunya Nord and was spread by inheritance and settlement to the Catalan Pyrenees and farther south to southern Catalonia, before the greatest period of territorial conquest in the

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13th century, when it gradually became the main language of Valencia and the Balearic Islands as well as Catalonia. The first language of the Aragonese court in the 13th and 14th centuries, its influence spread to other Mediterranean territories and was accompanied by a flourishing literary culture, culminating in the figure of Ramon Llull. In the 14th and 15th centuries, the language of culture achieved a high level of standardization, due to the influence of the Royal Chancellory, that is evident in the uniformity of Catalan prose from the period and has, at times, made it hard to identify the cultural origins of different Catalan-language writers. Many of the 14th- and 15th-century writers identified with the golden age of Catalan literature came from Valencia and occasionally described their language as Valencian. This fact has been one of the main pseudo-historical sources for the movement for linguistic secessionism in present day Valencia. While Catalan continued to be the main language spoken in the Catalan-speaking areas well into the 20th century, different sociopolitical conditions have affected the spheres in which it is used. The dominance of the Castilian court from the late 15th century onward led many of the elites, particularly in Valencia, to switch to Castilian. Catalan went through various periods of prohibition and even repression in Catalunya Nord with the imposition of French rule in 1659, which was mirrored in the Catalan-speaking territories in Spain after 1716 with the promulgation of Philip V’s decrees of the Nueva Planta. However, some academics and intellectuals continued to study the language, and there were successive attempts to codify the language from the end of the 18th century onward. One of the main achievements of the Renaixença in the Catalanspeaking territories was its creation of the sense of a need to produce some unity in the use of the language and to draw up rules of orthography, which began to take on particular urgency in the work of Antoni Maria Alcover as well as the Modernista group associated with L’Avenç, culminating in debate at the Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana in 1906. The following year, the Institut d’Estudis Catalans was set up, leading to the development and publication of the current orthographical rules in 1913, which were spread to other Catalan-speaking areas. Language was identified by intellectuals and politicians as the core value, the fet diferencial, of Catalan identity,

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which meant that many of the policies of Catalan political parties focused on the teaching and promotion of the language. During the Second Republic, with the creation of the Generalitat, Catalan was given official status in Catalonia, only to be banned from the public sphere with the beginning of the Franco regime in 1939. The Franco dictatorship sought to relegate Catalan to the private sphere. However, cultural associations continued to defend and promote the language, and from the 1960s, there were Catalan-language courses available across the Catalan-speaking territories. Notwithstanding these measures, by the end of the regime, the sociolinguistic situation had changed considerably so that there were many inhabitants who were not first-language Catalan speakers. Even so, the political forces in Catalonia at the time were able to achieve broad consensus about the need to protect and promote Catalan, largely through the activities of the Congrés de Cultura Catalana, and this was formalized by the Linguistic Normalization Act in 1983. In Valencia and the Balearic Islands, the situation was more complex, as significant members of the conservative cultural elites did not see the Catalan language as a core value of cultural identity. This has led to a lower degree of government intervention in the normalization of the language than in Catalonia, leaving the role of cultural promotion and education to cultural associations. It has also contributed to confusion about the identity and status of the Catalan language among speakers and, in many cases, to linguistic substitution. While many recent surveys paint an optimistic picture of the sociolinguistic situation of Catalan today, at times even suggesting that there may be as many as 9 or 10 million speakers of the language today, the statistics can be interpreted in many ways. There does indeed appear to have been an increase since the end of the Franco period in the number of people who understand and speak Catalan across the Catalan-speaking territories, with most first-language Spanish speakers there now reporting that they can understand, speak, and read Catalan. However, this does not provide useful information about the level of competence, and the number of people who report they can write Catalan is invariably far lower. More problematically, in areas where there is regular daily contact between first-language Spanish, first-language Catalan, and bilingual speakers, there is a tendency to

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switch to Spanish in many sociolinguistic contexts, especially in the main urban centers of Barcelona, Valencia, and Palma de Mallorca. In the city of Valencia and many parts of southern Valencia, there has been a major drop in the intergenerational transmission of the language, and in many areas, where there is inter–language community marriage, it tends to lead to the substitution of Catalan by Spanish in the family home. Thus, although in many places Catalan is the language of education, it is rapidly losing ground as the first language of its speakers. In addition to this, there is some debate over the status and name of the language in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, with many people choosing to use a local name for their language. In Valencia, this phenomenon, associated with blaverisme, led to a period in the 1990s when the government, under Eduardo Zaplana, attempted to impose secessionist linguistic rules on the Valencian language, sanctioning educational establishments if they did not use them. The situation was rectified to an extent by the creation of the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua, but there continues to be some political reluctance to resolve the issue once and for all, and in 2004, the Spanish government added fuel to the fire by requesting that both Catalan and Valencian should be made official languages of Europe. The equivalent problem in the Balearic Islands, known as gonellisme, is no longer particularly significant. What is more important in determining language choice is the relative status of Spanish in the area, particularly among the elites. Nonetheless, in most of the areas where Catalan is spoken, the language is treated with respect and now enjoys quite a high status. Thus, the more optimistic sociolinguists and language planners remain confident that with the right level of support and intervention, it will continue to thrive. See also ACCIÓ CULTURAL DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; ARACIL, LLUÍS; ASSOCIACIÓ PER A L’ENSENYAMENT DEL CATALÀ; ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA CATALANA; ASSOCIACIÓ PROTECTORA DE L’ENSENYANÇA VALENCIANA; COORDINADORA D’ASSOCIACIONS PER LA LLENGUA CATALANA; COROMINES, JOAN; CORRELLENGUA; CRIDA, LA; FABRA, POMPEU; JOCS FLORALS; LITERATURE; MARÍ MAYANS, ISIDOR; MOLL, AINA; MOLL, FRANCESC DE BORJA; NORMA; NORMES DE CASTELLÓ; NORMES

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D’EL PUIG; NOSTRA PARLA; OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR; ÒMNIUM CULTURAL; RENAIXENÇA; SALVADOR, CARLES; SANCHIS GUARNER, MANUEL. LARROCHA, ALICIA (1923–2009). International concert pianist. See also MUSIC. LAW. The Catalan legal system has been held up as one of the key symbols of Catalan national identity, alongside the Catalan language in its different varieties. Indeed, it is notable how many lawyers played a part in the resurgence of a sense of Catalan cultural difference in the 19th century and in calls for recognition by the central Spanish state. One of the main reasons for this was that Catalonia was allowed to maintain a separate private law system well into the 19th century, thus leading to investment in the continuation of this system by Catalan lawyers. However, it is also true that the medieval history of the Crown of Aragon meant that the Catalan legal system had immense influence in the Mediterranean, and the resurgence of Catalan culture, during the Renaixença, contributed to the revalidation of its medieval institutions. Catalan law has its origins in Roman and Visigothic law, as adapted and reinterpreted during the development of feudalism in the Catalan counties in the Hispanic March. These laws and customs were written down and recorded as Usatges and formed the basis for a negotiated legal system around a county court that was later consolidated under the Crown of Aragon in the form of regular corts. With the confederation of the kingdoms of Aragon, Catalonia, and later Valencia, the king agreed to recognize the particular legislative systems, civil and common laws of the different kingdoms, including the fueros, furs, and costums; although, in Valencia, as in the Balearic Islands, the legal system largely followed the model used in Catalonia. In practice, this led to a system based on mutual recognition and pact making, as well as contributing to the need both to produce highly trained lawyers, with comparative knowledge of diverse legal systems, and to codify the different laws. Thus, one of the most important cultural developments that took place in the 14th and 15th centuries was the collation and codification of Catalan laws, including the Costums de Catalunya and Pere Albert’s Com-

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memoracions, alongside the creation of sophisticated mercantile and maritime regulations, as collected in the Llibre del Consolat de Mar. The latter continued to be used until 1824 and was influential in shaping modern maritime law. After the Compromise of Casp in 1412, when the Aragonese crown passed to the Castilian House of Trastamara, there was a desire to unify the complex Catalan legal system, resulting in the publication of the Constitucions de Catalunya in the 15th century. This more-unified body of law was updated in the 16th century and again in 1702; yet, by this period, the Trastamaran kings had all but ceased calling regular corts. Although Philip IV (V of Castile) was invested as king of Aragon and swore to recognize the different kingdoms’ laws and constitutions, long-standing resentment of the Bourbon line led dominant factions within Catalonia, Valencia, Aragon, and Mallorca to side with the House of Austrian pretender in the War of Spanish Succession. This eventually culminated in the revocation of public laws and constitutions, with the promulgation of the decrees of the Nueva Planta. The Catalan language was sidelined from the legal system, and the 18th and 19th centuries saw a succession of laws circumscribing its use and educational transmission. However, the continuation of Catalan civil law meant that significant sectors of the Catalan upper middle classes remained invested in a separate Catalan legal system and, thus, lobbied against attempts to produce a unified Spanish civil law code in the 19th century. Resistance to codification was one of the key issues in the Memorial de Greuges, and lawyers formed one of the main constituencies of the Unió Catalanista and, later, the Lliga Regionalista, which was to play a dominant role in early 20th-century political Catalanism. However, not all Catalan lawyers were invested in conservative protectionism. There were many important labor lawyers in the early 20th century, such as Lluís Companys; indeed, left-wing Catalanist lawyers were instrumental in drawing up the 1932 statute of autonomy, as well as being behind progressive initiatives such as the Law of Cultivation Contracts in 1934. Although the Catalan statute was suspended during the Second Republic, after the October Events of 1934, and its constitutional powers limited after the May Events of 1937, it nevertheless offered a model of self-government that was later to be reclaimed at the end of the Franco regime, becoming one

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of the central demands of democratic campaigners in the Catalan countries. The 1960s saw considerable efforts by Catalan lawyers to compile and promote Catalan civil law, and the Col·legi d’Advocats played an important role in the transition to democracy, setting in motion the Congrés de Cultura Catalana to debate the problems and needs of contemporary Catalan culture and society throughout the Catalanspeaking territories. When Catalonia eventually regained some level of autonomy in 1980, with the restoration of the Generalitat and a democratically elected parliament, the 1960s compilation of civil law was revised and adopted in 1984. Some of the most important laws passed since the early 1980s have been those to protect and promote the Catalan language and culture, such as the Law of Linguistic Normalization (1983) and the Law of Linguistic Policy (1997). Further measures to extend self-government were introduced in the new statute of autonomy of 2006, and there has been increasing promotion of the use of Catalan in the legal system. Many important intellectuals and politicians in the Catalan-speaking countries trained or practiced as lawyers; although, some, such as Eduardo Zaplana, could not be considered pro-Catalanist. See also AINAUD DE LASARTE, JOSEP MARIA; ALBORCH, CARME; ANTICH, FRANCESC; BENET I JORNET, JOSEP MARIA; BOSC, ANDREU; CARNER, JAUME; CASANOVA, RAFAEL; CASTELLÓ I GOMEZ, GONÇAL; CENTRE CATALÀ; COMPANYS, LLUÍS; CONGRÉS DE CULTURA CATALANA; COROMINES, PERE; COSTA SERRA, PILAR; FALCÓN, LIDIA; LAYRET, FRANCESC; LLUHÍ I RISSECH, JOAQUIM; LLUHÍ I VALLESCÀ, JOAN; LOPEZRODÓ, LAUREANO; MAURÍN, JOAQUIM; NIN, ANDREU; NÚRIA, ESTATUT DE; PRAT DE LA RIBA; ENRIC; ROCA I JUNYENT, MIQUEL; SERRAHIMA I BOFILL, MAURICI. LAYRET, FRANCESC (1880–1920). Republican activist and lawyer who participated in the Republican Union in 1905 before going on to found the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana (UFNR) and the Bloc Republicà Autonomista (BRA) with Marcel·lí Domingo. As a labor lawyer, he defended most cases on behalf of members of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT), coming into

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contact with Lluís Companys, with whom he cofounded the Unió de Rabassaires. He was murdered by assassins hired to crush the labor movement in Barcelona. LEFT FRONT. See FRONT D’ESQUERRES DE CATALUNYA. LERMA I BLASCO, JOAN (1951–). Valencian politician and economist who was involved in labor activism in the 1970s and became a member of the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV) in 1975. He was minister of labor in Josep Lluís Albinyana’s pre-autonomous government from 1977 to 1979 and was involved in drafting the Valencian community’s statute of autonomy. He became president of the Valencian Generalitat after the first autonomous elections, holding the post until the Partido Popular victory in 1995. He was subsequently named minister of public works by the Spanish prime minister, Felipe González. LERROUX GARCÍA, ALEJANDRO (1864–1949). Andalusian leftwing republican who achieved great influence among the working classes of fin de siècle Barcelona. He founded his own paper, El Progreso, in 1897, from which he launched a campaign for a judicial review of the Montjuïc trial, thus garnering a sympathetic audience among left-wing republicans in Catalonia. He traveled to Barcelona in 1901, restructuring his political career there and was first elected to the Spanish Cortes in 1901. His apparent combination of anarchist ideology with effective political campaigning allowed him to build massive support among the working classes, and he was to dominate urban politics between 1903 and 1907. However, his support of the military in the Cu-Cut! incident led to a break with more moderate republicans and placed him on the opposing side of Solidaritat Catalana (SC) in 1906. Lerroux launched a fierce antiCatalanist campaign, and though defeated by Solidaritat in the 1907 elections, he was able to maintain a strong base and went on to form the Radical Republican Party in 1908, aiming to gain support outside Catalonia, above all in Valencia, Madrid, and Aragon. As he lost working class support in Catalonia in the 1910s and 1920s, he grew closer to more center-right formations, even cooperating with the

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Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) coalition in 1933. During the Second Republic, he regained some political influence, holding the office of prime minister on three occasions, most importantly during and after the October Events of 1934, when he revoked the Catalan Statute of Autonomy. He left Spain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. See also FREEMASONRY. LICEU. Inaugurated in 1847, Barcelona’s opera house has been identified as the ultimate symbol of conservative bourgeois Catalans, making it a key target for anarchist attacks at the turn of the 19th century. Destroyed by fire in 1994, it was rebuilt in the same year at considerable, and controversial, cost to the public purse. See also DANCE; MUSIC; THEATER. LITERATURE. One of the pillars of Catalanism has been the sense of a distinct, if not autonomous, literary tradition stretching back to the medieval period. Catalan literary culture is variously cited as a sign of the strength, viability, and autonomy of the Catalan language, as evidence of a particular tradition of cultural representation and expression, and as a unifying factor for the different Catalan-speaking territories. In effect, of all the institutions, it is the literary that have most successfully produced pancatalan solidarity: with canonical figures hailing from each of the different medieval kingdoms; associations and literary prizes that are open to and bring together writers and figures from all the regions, such as the Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana (AELC); and with some notable attempts to create a common literary heritage, such as the 11 volumes of the Història de la literatura catalana. Historically, it was the rediscovery and study of medieval Catalan literature, such as the four great chronicles and the Jocs Florals, that underpinned the Romantic development of a sense of cultural difference in writers like Manuel Milà i Fontanals and Víctor Balaguer. Later, the folkloric tendency of many of the writers associated with the Renaixença gave way to a more urgent sense of the need for literary creation to ensure the future of the Catalan language and to bring Catalan culture closer to that of other modern nations. Key movements in this recovery include the later decades of the Renaixença, Modernisme, and Noucentisme. It was the latter

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movement that created and consolidated many of the infrastructural cornerstones for literary productions: the most important of these being the establishment of orthographical rules for Catalan, which were then used by most of the writers of the period. By the 1930s, there was a healthy literary culture in Catalonia, with important writers in all the genres. In the other Catalan-speaking territories, there were important developments, too, particularly in poetry in the Balearic Islands, with the Escola Mallorquina (Mallorcan School). However, the Spanish Civil War forced many writers to go into exile, and those who remained were unable to publish in Catalan for many years, except through clandestine channels. One of the main effects of this situation of censorship is that writing and publishing in Catalan became an unavoidably political activity. Thus, on the one hand, some writers and intellectuals were able to gain ground for Catalan-language publications by collaborating with the intelligentsia of the Franco regime, using the influence of the literary historiography of figures like Menéndez y Pelayo to show the importance of the medieval Catalan tradition for the great Spanish literary canon. This led to the recovery writers like Ramon Llull, the joglars, James I, and Bernat Desclot from the 13th century and Bernat Metge, Ausiàs March, Joanot Martorell, and Jaume Roig from the 14th and 15th centuries from the flames. On the other hand, many of the key writers of the postwar period, especially from the 1960s onward, were also politically active and became involved in the Universitat Catalana d’Estiu, the Congrés de Cultura Catalana, and later the Associació Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes (AILLC) and the Associació d’Escriptors en Llengua Catalana (AELC). It is for this reason that the writing of a Catalan literary tradition, the Història de la literatura catalana, was identified as one of the key tasks of the 1970s and 1980s. On one level, this history contributed to underpin conservative Generalitat promotion of a particular tradition in the 1980s, running from the Homílies d’Organyà of the 12th century to Ausiàs March, followed by a period of decadence in the 17th and 18th centuries, then the purposeful rediscovery of the national spirit in the 19th century with Bonaventura Aribau’s “Oda a la Patria.” Yet for the writers and intellectuals who reconstructed this history, the literature is inseparable from the sociohistorical conditions of its production, from a situation of growing

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political dependency historically on the political state of Spain, and from the sociolinguistic situation and class history of its time. Thus, while Catalan literature is partly about the writers across the centuries who laid down examples of the language for posterity, it is also about the cultural figures who write about it, such as Joan Fuster, Joaquim Molas, and Josep Maria Castellet. The importance of Catalan literature in the emergence of a sense of a distinct Catalan identity is undeniable; however, it does not necessarily follow that the heavy focus on literary culture in the representation of Catalan identity has helped to create a sense of affiliation to that identity in contemporary society. In fact, while there are many Catalan writers around at the moment, there are relatively few readers of their work. Some critics blame the lack of popular fiction in Catalan, while others point the finger at the exclusivity of the category of Catalan literature, which fails to recognize the importance of “other” Catalan writers who write in other languages, especially Spanish or Castilian. Since 2004, the current Generalitat has been attempting to address this question by moving to incorporate Spanishlanguage writers into the Catalan tradition that they promote. Many of these writers produced their work in Spanish due to their lack of access to education in Catalan, especially during the Franco regime. Others chose Spanish strategically because of the relative social and cultural prestige of the language at different points in history. Thus, the existence of such a rich vein of Spanish literature by authors from the Catalan-speaking areas tells an eloquent story of the changing sociolinguistic situation and political history of the territories. Furthermore, the impact of Catalan writers and publishers, such as Esther Tusquets, Juan Goytisolo, and Juan Marsé, on the shape of contemporary Spanish literature has begun to be addressed from a postcolonial perspective, recognizing the ways in which it contributes to expand existing representational frames. Nevertheless, the cultural and political significance of writing in Catalan is, in many ways, even stronger today, given the growing gulf between literary circulation in major and minority languages in the global marketplace. Thus, contemporary writers, critics, and institutions, like the Institut Ramon Llull, have sought to address the relative lack of visibility of Catalan literary culture through representation at major book fairs, such as Guadalajara (2004) and Frank-

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furt (2007), and subventions for translation into other languages. At the same time, there has been widespread critical reflection on the more negative effects of this focus on literary culture, which has resulted in the relative neglect of other aspects of contemporary Catalan culture. See also AGUILÓ I FORTEZA, TOMÀS; AGUILÓ I FUSTER, MARIANO; ALBERT, CATERINA; ALCOVER I MASPONS, JOAN; ANDRÉS ESTELLÉS, VICENT; ARTÍS GENER, AVEL.LÍ; AVENÇ, L’; BARCELONA SCHOOL; BARRAL, CARLOS; BERGNES DE LAS CASAS, ANTONI; BERNAT I BALDOVÍ, JOSEP; BOFILL I MATES, JAUME; BONET, BLAI; BOSCÀ I ALMOGÀVER, JOAN; BROSSA, JOAN; CALDERS, PERE; CANDEL, FRANCESC; CAPMANY, MARIA AURÈLIA; CARNER, JOSEP; CASP, XAVIER; CASTELLÓ I GOMEZ, GONÇAL; CAYROL, ANTONI; CERVERÍ DE GIRONA; CLIMENT, ELISEU; CORTADA, JOAN; COSTA I LLOBERA, MIQUEL; CURIAL E GÜELFA; DALÍ, SALVADOR; DUODA; DURAN Y TORTAJADA, MIQUEL; ESCALANTE, EDUARD; ESPRIU, SALVADOR; FEBRER I CARDONA, ANTONI; FERNÀNDEZ, LLUÍS; FERRAN DE POL, LLUÍS; FERRATÉ, JOAN; FERRATER, GABRIEL; FOIX, JOSEP VICENÇ; FORTEZA, MIQUEL; FORTEZA, TOMÀS; FUSTER, JAUME; GIMFERRER, PERE; GOYTISOLO, JOSÉ AGUSTÍN; GOYTISOLO, LUIS; GUIMERÀ, ÀNGEL; HERNÁNDEZ, MIGUEL; IGLESIAS, IGNASI; LLOMBART, CONSTANTÍ; LLOMPART, JOSEP MARIA; LLORENTE, TEODOR; MARAGALL, JOAN; MARÇAL, MARIA MERCÈ; MARSÉ, JUAN; MARTÍ I POL, MIQUEL; MAYANS I SÍSCAR, GREGORI; MENDOZA, EDUARDO; MESQUIDA, BIEL; MIRA, JOAN FRANCESC; MOIX, TERENCI; MOLAS, JOAQUIM; MONCADA, JESÚS; MONZÓ, QUIM; MURIÀ, ANNA; OLIVER, MARIA ANTONIA; OLIVER, JOAN; OLLER, NARCÍS; ORS, EUGENI D’; PALAU I FABRE, JOSEP; PÀMIES, TERESA; PEDROLO, MANUEL DE; PLA, JOSEP; PORCEL, BALTASAR; PUBLISHING; PUIG I FERRETER, JOAN; RAMIS I RAMIS, JOAN ; RAT PENAT, LO; RIBA, CARLES; RIERA, CARME; RIQUER, MARTÍ DE; RODOREDA, MERCÈ; ROIG, MONTSERRAT; ROÍS DE CORELLA, JOAN; ROSSELLÓ-PÒRCEL, BARTOMEU; RUBIÓ I ORS, JOAQUIM; RUSIÑOL, SANTIAGO; SAGARRA, JOSEP MARIA DE; SALES, JOAN;

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SALVAT-PAPASSEIT, JOAN; SANCHIS SINISTERRA, JOSÉ; SANT JORDI, JORDI DE; SARDÀ, JOAN; SEBASTIÀ PONS, JOSEP; SIMÓ, ISABEL CLARA; SIRERA, RODOLF; THEATER; TRENCAVEL; TRIADÚ, JOAN; TURMEDA, ANSELM; VALOR, ENRIC; VÁZQUEZ MONTALBÁN, MANUEL; VERDAGUER, JACINT; VILLALONGA, LLORENÇ; VILLANGÓMEZ, MARIÀ; VICENT GARCIA, FRANCESC; VILLENA, ISABEL DE; WOMEN; YXART, JOSEP. LLACH, LLUÍS (1948–). One of the most emblematic singers of the Nova Cançó movement, Llach’s most famous song, “L’estaca,” became an emblem of resistance to the Franco regime. LLEIDA. This city in western Catalonia, at the center of the Lleida plain, is the capital of the Lleida province. LLIGA CATALANA. Party founded by Francesc Cambó in February 1933 out of the former Lliga Regionalista, which lasted until 1936. LLIGA COMUNISTA REVOLUCIONÀRIA. This Trotskyist Revolutionary Communist league was founded in 1971 and achieved a significant following in Catalonia and parts of Valencia. It garnered most influence among the workers’ and students’ movements and supported pro-independence political platforms during the 1970s. After 1980, it distanced itself from the political system implanted by the Spanish transition to democracy, focusing on issue-based campaigns, such as women’s liberation and the anti-NATO movement. LLIGA REGIONALISTA / REGIONALIST LEAGUE. Founded in 1901, this center-right Catalanist party primarily brought together conservative Catholic and regionalist sectors of the Catalan bourgeoisie. Conceived as a conservative alternative to the republican movement, the Lliga defended the interests of wealthy Catalan industrialists and landowners and was generally supportive of both Church and monarchy. Although it presented Catalan home rule as one of its aims and was involved in negotiations for Catalan autonomy in the years leading up to the creation of the Mancomunitat, after the As-

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semblea de Parlamentaris, from 1917 to 1919, and again during the Second Republic, it attempted to reconcile this with its desire for greater influence in the Spanish political system. This opposition was to characterize the party’s political interventions between 1914 and 1923, at the height of its influence in Catalan politics. The Lliga presented its first list of candidates, which included Bartomeu Robert and Lluís Domènech i Montaner, at the 1901 elections, winning seats from the monarchist parties in the city of Barcelona, which is where it enjoyed its earliest influence. On the death of Robert, the party made alliances with other Catalanist parties on the right and left and formed a part of Solidaritat Catalana after the Cu-Cut! affair. However, there were significant losses in 1910; Francesc Cambó was not elected a deputy to the Spanish Cortes, and thus, the party’s sphere of influence was once again limited to regional politics. Negotiations between Cambó and Antonio Maura led to the creation of a Mancomunitat in Catalonia, bringing together the four different provincial governments or diputacions. Despite limited resources, the first president of the Mancomunitat and Lliga ideologue, Enric Prat de la Riba, focused on the development of the kind of cultural and political institutions that might underpin further autonomy. In contrast, and partly in response to increasing labor unrest and social conflict in Catalonia, Cambó turned his attention to gaining greater influence in Spanish government, creating tensions between the Catalanist and the more conservative elements of the party. He himself became leader of the party in 1917, after the death of Prat de la Riba, and Josep Puig i Cadafalch was made president of the Mancomunitat. While the party opposed the Primo de Rivera dictatorship from 1923 to 1930, the acquiescence of other sectors of the Catalan bourgeoisie meant that it was unable to attract the broader-based middle class support it had achieved in the 1910s. At the end of the dictatorship, Ferran Valls i Taberner (1891– 1967), Joan Estelrich (1896–1958), and Joaquim Pellicena i Camacho (1881–1938) revised the ideological basis of the party, aiming to modernize it. However, the massive shift to the republican left in the elections of 1931 placed the Lliga in opposition, and it was forced to shift to the center to try to recapture votes from 1932 onward. This led to the foundation of the Lliga Catalana in 1933. However,

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the events of July 1936 led to the dismemberment of the party, with divisions over whom to support in the Spanish Civil War and the assassination of many of its members. LLOMBART, CONSTANTÍ (1848–95). Valencian writer, whose real name was Carmel Navarro i Llombart. He started out writing in Spanish, but after the Glorious Revolution of 1868, he began to collect Catalan epigrams, going on to edit the Almanach Valencià for writers from across the Catalan-speaking territories. In 1878, he set up Lo Rat Penat to promote the language and culture of Valencia. While not particularly coherent politically, he was not as conservative as many other figures in the Valencian Renaixença, and he defended the linguistic unity of Catalan. LLOMPART, JOSEP MARIA (1925–93). Mallorcan writer and cultural activist. He was subdirector of Papeles de Son Armadans from 1956 to 1962 and president of the Obra Cultural Balear from 1976 to 1983, as well as working for other key publishing houses and cultural associations in the Balearic Islands. One of his best-known essays is “Països Catalans i altres reflexions” (Catalan countries and other reflections). See also CATALAN COUNTRIES; LITERATURE. LLORENTE, TEODOR (1836–1911). This Valencian poet born in the city of Valencia is considered the only talented poet of the Valencian Renaixença. He wrote his first Catalan-language poem in 1857 and was editor of the newspaper La opinión until 1866, when it was renamed La Provincias. While he promoted Valencian culture and was actively involved in setting up Lo Rat Penat with Constantí Llombart in 1878, he was politically conservative and anti-Catalanist. He published poetry in Catalan and Castilian throughout his career. See also LITERATURE. LLUCH, ERNEST (1937–2000). This Catalan politician and economist was affiliated to the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) and became one of the founding members of the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV). His anti-Francoist activities during the Franco regime led him to be transferred from Barcelona to

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the University of Valencia. He was elected to Congress in 1980 and became minister of health in the first Spanish socialist government from 1982 to 1986. After retiring from politics, he became professor of economic history at the University of Barcelona and was later chancellor of the Universidad Internacional Menéndez Pelayo in Santander. He was assassinated by ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna) on 21 November 2000. LLUHÍ I RISSECH, JOAQUIM (1866–1929). Federal republican politician and lawyer whose Catalanism led him to join the Lliga Regionalista in 1901, but after differences with Francesc Cambó, he left to join the Centre Nacionalista Republicà, of which he became vice president in 1906. He cofounded the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana (UFNR) in 1910, to bring together the different Catalan republican parties with non-Lerrouxista members of the Spanish Republican Union. After retiring from politics in the 1920s, he was made president of the Ateneu Barcelonès. LLUHÍ I VALLESCÀ, JOAN (1897–1944). This lawyer and politician was one of the key ideologues of left-wing republican Catalanism, expressed in his journal L’Opinió, which he published between 1928 and 1929. Lluhí was involved in the formation of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) in 1931 and held office both in the Generalitat and as a deputy for the Spanish Parliament during the Second Republic. While his differences with the leadership of ERC after 1933 led him to set up an alternative republican formation, the Partit Nacionalista Republicà d’Esquerres, he rejoined Esquerra Republicana in 1936. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, he went into exile in Mexico. LLULL, RAMON (1232/3–1316). Born in Mallorca, this writer of hundreds of works in Catalan is recognized as one of the most important influences in the development of Catalan as a literary language. He also had great influence across medieval European culture, becoming known as Raymund Lully in English, and his ideas can be traced in the work of Giordano Bruno and Leibniz. Of noble birth at a time of imperial expansion and of Christian crusades, Llull developed the idea of pursuing the unification of humanity under

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one religious idea. Eventually, this led him to abandon the court and dedicate his life to study and preaching. He saw literature as an effective way of converting people, learning and borrowing from Arab forms in order to bring his ideas to southern and eastern cultures. He founded monasteries centered on the teaching of Arabic in order to aid the conversion of Arab peoples, including Miramar in Mallorca. A layman for most of his life, he became a Franciscan tertiary in 1295. His most important works are Lo desconhort, Lo Cant de Ramon, Blanquerna (which contains the Llibre de les besties), and the Libre de Felix (which contains the Llibre d’amic e amat). See also BALEARIC ISLANDS; CHURCH; LITERATURE. LLÚRIA, ROGER DE (1259–1305). This sea captain from Calabria, educated in the Catalan court, successfully defeated the FrenchAnjou alliance with Mallorca against the Catalan-Aragonese crown in the 13th century. LÓPEZ RAIMUNDO, GREGORI (1914–2007). Born in Aragon, López Raimundo moved to Barcelona as a child, joining the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) during the Spanish Civil War. He fought on the Argonese front and went into exile in France, Colombia, and Mexico when the war ended. He returned to Catalonia in 1947 to join the resistance against the Franco regime but was imprisoned after the Barcelona tram strike in 1951. On his release, he became a leading figure in the PSUC, becoming secretary general of the party in 1965. After the legalization of the Communist Party in 1977, he was elected president of the PSUC and was returned as a deputy for Barcelona in elections in 1977 and 1979. He remained affiliated to the Eurocommunist wing of the party until his death and published a number of works on its 20th-century history. He was married to Teresa Pàmies, who was also a PSUC member. LOPEZ-RODÓ, LAUREANO (1920–2000). This Barcelona-born lawyer and Opus Dei technocrat became very influential in the latter half of the Franco regime, devising the post-1959 Development Plan that contributed both to Spain’s economic revival and to the gradual recovery of civil society. He became Spanish foreign minister under José Carrero Blanco’s brief presidency in 1973 and then was sent as

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an ambassador to Vienna. His commitment to regionalism after the end of the Franco regime led him to stand as an Alianza Popular (AP) deputy in the 1977 elections to Congress, after which he participated in drawing up the new Spanish Constitution and later the Catalan Statute of Autonomy. See also ECONOMY.

– M – MACIÀ, FRANCESC (1859–1933). Francesc Macià started out in the army, obtaining the grade of lieutenant colonel. However, in 1904, he gave up his military career as a result of the Cu-Cut! affair and dedicated himself to republican politics, winning a seat as a representative of Solidaritat Catalana in 1907. He became more and more radical in the 1910s, eventually founding the separatist party Estat Català (EC) in 1922. During the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, he went into exile in France, traveling to Moscow and to South America in search of funds to support an uprising against the regime. In 1926, he was arrested by the French police for attempting a campaign to liberate Catalonia from Prats de Molló. The surge in radical republican politics that resulted from Primo de Rivera’s repression of Catalan culture and institutions from 1925 led to a corresponding surge in Macià’s popularity and increasing recognition by Spanish republican parties that Catalan demands for autonomy would have to be accommodated if regime change was to be made possible. In 1930, Macià was called to participate in the San Sebastián Pact, and he ensured long discussion of Catalan autonomy within the meeting. In 1931, his party participated in the foundation of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and he became president of the new formation. After the resounding victory in the April 1931 municipal elections, he declared a Catalan republic within the federal Iberian state on 14 April. However, he was persuaded by a delegation from the Spanish republican government to revoke this declaration in return for a statute of autonomy for Catalonia, in the meantime becoming president of an interim autonomous government. The Catalan autonomy statute was accepted in September 1932, and he continued as president until his death in December 1933, when he was succeeded as president of the Generalitat by Lluís Companys. See also

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BARCELONA; FEDERACIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA NACIONALISTA; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. MACIÀ, PLA / MACIÀ PLAN. This was the urban plan for Barcelona devised by the Grup d’Artistes i Tècnics Catalans per al Progrés de l’Arquitectura Contemporània (GATCPAC) during the Second Republic and approved in 1934. It provided a blueprint for the restructuring of the Eixample, the improvement of urban infrastructure, the division of the city into distinct districts, the opening up of the northeastern and southeastern fringes of Barcelona, and the extension of the Diagonal down to the sea. Certain aspects of this project were finally brought to fruition in 2004, with the program of urban development undertaken for the Universal Forum of Cultures. See also ARCHITECTURE; BARCELONA MODEL. MAILLOL, ARISTIDES (1861–1944). This painter and sculptor was born in Roussillon in Catalunya Nord and fully identified with his Catalan identity. He was one of the foremost international sculptors of the first half of the 20th century and is best known for his classically inspired bronze sculptures of female nudes. See also ART. MALLORCA. The largest island in the Balearic Islands, with an area of around 3,800 square kilometers, Mallorca supports nearly 80 percent of the region’s population, half of them living in the capital, Palma de Mallorca. It is located in the northeastern part of the region, forming part of a discrete archipelago with Menorca and other smaller islands. The earliest inhabitants of the island date back to 7000 BC, yet its real significance came with the advent of seafaring and maritime trade because of its strategic importance in the Mediterranean. It was occupied successively by Carthaginians, Romans, and Vandals, becoming part of the Byzantine Empire until occupied by the Moors in 903 AD. Mallorca was conquered by James I in 1229 and was then gradually settled by Catalans. At his death, James I divided his kingdoms between his sons, giving the Kingdom of Mallorca, created in 1276, to James II. However, James joined forces with the French against his brother, and when Peter II’s son Alfons III prevailed, the island was annexed to Catalonia for a period. Mallorca returned to

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having its own kings until the reign of Peter III, when it was definitively incorporated into the Crown of Aragon. Its years as a separate kingdom were very rich culturally, with the work of Ramon Llull, perhaps the greatest of Catalan writers, and the flourishing of Gothic architecture, such as La Seu Cathedral in the capital. Furthermore, it continued to play an important role in the court during the 14th century, with the creation of the Royal Chancellory, which aimed to produce a standard of written Catalan. In the 15th century, under the Trastamaran kings, it became more and more marginal and was hard hit by plagues, piracy, and harsh repression after uprisings like the Forà Revolt and the Germanies. Mallorca did not lose its rights and privileges and independent institutions until the 18th century, finally being incorporated into a Spanish province with the other islands in the archipelago under the Cadiz Constitution of 1812. Like other parts of the Catalan-speaking territories, Mallorca underwent a cultural Renaixença in the 19th century, focusing mainly on the capital, Palma, also known as Ciutat. Nonetheless, the majority of the population remained poor and rural, and there was a massive poverty gap between them and the conservative aristocracy. Although there were some progressive movements in the early 20th century, with serious discussion of a project for autonomy in the 1930s, the island’s elites were basically conservative and supported the status quo, and Mallorca fell into nationalist hands soon after the military coup in 1936. The island’s economy was transformed by waves of tourism in the 1950s and 1960s and the shift to mass tourism in the 1980s; however, there are grave concerns about the sustainability of its development. Since Spain’s transition to democracy, Mallorca has had its own government, the Consell Insular de Mallorca, and is the seat of the autonomous government for the Balearic Islands. It also houses the main campus for the Universitat de les Illes Balears. As the largest, richest, and most populous island in the archipelago, it is unsurprising that it is the main cultural center, too, with important contemporary writers, such as Baltasar Porcel, Maria Antònia Oliver, and Carme Riera, and musicians and singers, such as Maria del Mar Bonet, as well as thriving theatrical and folk cultural traditions. However, its population of nearly 800,000 people is swelled by tourism to over a million in the summer months, meaning

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that local cultural production is often subordinated to more international fare. Furthermore, as the main Mediterranean playground for the Spanish elites, there is reluctance among the upper middle classes to introduce changes to protect the language and cultural identity of the island. The peculiar demographic situation created by balearization, as well as the dominance of Spanish-language media on the island and the lack of any concerted political project of normalization, led to a process of linguistic substitution of Catalan by Spanish in the 1980s and 1990s that was only temporarily interrupted by the Pacte de Progrés legislature from 1999 to 2003. While knowledge of Catalan is high across the island, apart from among foreign tourists and immigrants, it has been losing ground to Spanish in many fields of social interaction, particularly in Palma de Mallorca. The recent election of another Bloc Progressista government in 2007 has meant renewed focus on the economic, sociocultural, and environmental challenges faced by the island and renewed collaboration with the other Catalan-speaking territories, especially Catalonia. MANCOMUNITAT. The Mancomunitat was an administrative entity made up of the four provincial governments of Barcelona, Girona, Lleida, and Tarragona that was created on 6 April 1914 in response to a December 1913 decree allowing the union of provinces within the Spanish state. It had a permanent council, which consisted of the president and eight councilors, two for each province and of different political leanings, to avoid both the centralization of power in Barcelona and the political monopoly of the Lliga Regionalista. Enric Prat de la Riba was the first president, and it was his party that had negotiated the creation of this legislation with Antonio Maura and, subsequently, Eduardo Dato’s government. Although only Catalonia was to avail itself of this opportunity, the possibility of creating a Mancomunitat was explored in Valencia, too. By the beginning of the 1920s, the provincial governments had transferred diverse powers to the Mancomunitat, including responsibility for construction and infrastructure, the School of Agriculture, health, public education, and debt. For Prat de la Riba, this transfer of powers allowed the Mancomunitat to achieve a political base for future autonomy, with the creation and development of cultural

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and social institutions, such as the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, the Biblioteca de Catalunya, public libraries, the Escola del Treball, the Universitat Industrial, the Junta for Museums, the Caixa de Crèdit Comunal, among others. Under the presidency of Josep Puig i Cadafalch, the Mancomunitat began to draft a statute of autonomy for Catalonia after the failed Assemblea de Parlamentaris, and this was put forward for deliberation by the Spanish Cortes in 1919. However, Spanish political opposition to the plan, together with increasing social conflict in Catalonia and the withdrawal of support by key Lliga politicians, such as Francesc Cambó, prevented any progress with the proposal. The Mancomunitat was eventually dissolved by Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1925, in line with the barrage of anti-Catalanist measures implemented by the regime. See also DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ. MAÑÉ I MIRAVET, TERESA (1865–1939). Also known as Soledad Gustavo, this anarchist activist opened the first lay school in Vilanova in 1886 and published articles for anarchist publications, like La Tramontana, El Productor, and La Tronada, including one on free love, “El amor libre.” She had a civil marriage to Joan Montseny and moved to Reus where she founded a mixed lay school. Her activism forced her into exile in London in the first decade of the 20th century, but she returned to Catalonia in 1912 with her daughter Federica Montseny. MANIFEST DELS MARGES. A document published in Els marges in 1979 by a group of linguists and literary specialists from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, the Manifest expressed concern about the sociolinguistic situation of Catalan, which they diagnosed as being worse than during the Franco regime. Entitled “Una nació sense estat, un poble sense llengua?” (A nation without a state, a people without a language?), the article predicted that the unequal legal status of Castilian and Catalan under the new political system in the Spanish state would result in the death of Catalan. There has been much debate about this analysis ever since, but it would certainly seem to be the case that a process of linguistic substitution is taking place across the Catalan-speaking territories, although at different paces. See also CRIDA, LA; LANGUAGE; PRESS.

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MAQUIS. Between 1939 and 1945, the armed campaign against the Franco regime was largely carried out by republicans and anarchist maquis who had been caught behind enemy lines and needed to defend themselves. With the defeat of the Nazi occupying forces in the south of France in 1944, there began the Operación Reconquista de España (Operation to Reconquer Spain) in the Vall d’Aran, which aimed to establish a provisional government in the liberated zone. There was also an anarchist urban guerrilla group in Barcelona, but this became less active in the late 1940s. The resistance movement against the Franco regime continued as a series of small, independent direct action groups who hid in the mountains to survive. In Catalonia, the most active groups could be found in the Berguedà and Bages regions and were led by Marcel·lí Massana (1918–81) and Ramon Vila (1908–63). See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. MARAGALL, JOAN (1860–1911). The best-known Modernista poet, Maragall also wrote a number of important essays about Catalan culture and politics and published translations of key European authors for the movement, such as Goethe, Nietzsche, and Novalis. Like other Modernista writers, he sought a holistic vision of art and society, projected in his idea of poetry as a paraula viva, rooted in society and capable of influencing the shape of a culture. His poetic works include: Cant espiritual (Spiritual song, 1909), El cant de la senyera (Song of the Catalan flag, 1900), La vaca cega (The blind cow, 1895), La sardana (1899), Oda a Espanya (Ode to Spain, 1900), and El comte Arnau (Count Arnau, 1900). His most important political articles were written after the Tragic Week in 1909, when he was critical of the attitude of the bourgeoisie to the rebellion and the lack of understanding of the social causes of the uprising. He was one of the founding members of the philological section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC). See also CHURCH; LITERATURE. MARAGALL, PASQUAL (1941–). The grandson of the poet Joan Maragall, he studied law and economics at the University of Barcelona before specializing in urban planning. From 1965, he combined work within the Barcelona local government with teaching at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and had strong links to clandestine socialist political groups, including the Front Obrer de

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Catalunya (FOC). This background meant he was second in the list on the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) candidature for the 1979 local government elections in Barcelona, where he served until 1983, when he was elected mayor. He was reelected in 1987, 1991, and 1995, before standing down in 1997 to lecture on urban policy in Rome and New York. In 1999, he agreed to run as the PSC candidate for president of the Generalitat. He was elected president in 2003, forming a tripartite government comprising the PSC, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and Inciativa per Catalunya–Verds (ICV). His government presided over the drafting and negotiation of Catalonia’s 2006 statute of autonomy, and though it proved difficult to reach consensus, he called a referendum on 21 June. He stood down soon afterward and retired from politics in 2007. Pasqual Maragall is most associated with the modernization of the city that took place under his successive terms as mayor of Barcelona, especially the organization and creation of infrastructure for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games, whose success he hoped to emulate in the Universal Forum of Cultures of 2004. He was succeeded as socialist mayor of Barcelona by Joan Clos (1949–), who served from 1997 to 2006. MARÇAL, MARIA MERCÈ (1952–98). Poet, translator, and novelist who studied classics at university and taught Catalan language and literature. Her first poetry collection, Cau de llunes (Lair of moons), was published in 1977, and she produced a number of other books, including the prize-winning novel La passió segons Renée Vivien (The passion according to Renée Vivien, 1994). She also translated into Catalan the works of Marguerite Yourcenar, Colette, and Leonor Fini and was both an active feminist and pro-independence Catalanist. Hers is one of the most original poetic voices in the Catalan language. See also LITERATURE; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL; WOMEN. MARCH, AUSIÀS (c.1397–1459). A Valencian of noble birth, March became the most important medieval Catalan poet, cultivating a distinct, personal poetic voice. His opus of 128 poems marks a shift from the troubadouresque poetry of the early part of the medieval period to more modern themes and concerns. One of the main

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characteristics of his work is the strong sense of mortality in his poems and the overt links drawn between love and death. See also LITERATURE. MARCH, JUAN (1880–1962). Wealthy businessman and financier, born in Santa Margalida, Mallorca. He began to make his fortune buying and selling land and then tobacco. Arguably one of the first professional capitalists of the region, he created the Banca March in 1926. He ran in the 1931 elections for the right, and was prosecuted during the Second Republic for tobacco smuggling, escaping to provide financial support for the Francoist forces from 1936. Other important institutions that he directed include the Forces Elèctriques de Catalunya (1950) and the Juan March Foundation of 1955, which continues to provide funding and support for research initiatives in Spain. MARCO MIRANDA, VICENT (1880–1946). This left-wing politician started out as a supporter of blasquismo but abandoned the Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista (PURA) in 1934 because of its decision to collaborate with right-wing parties during the second legislature of the Second Republic. In a brief stint as mayor of Valencia in 1931, he was to declare news of the proclamation of the Second Republic. In 1934, he set up the Valencian nationalist party, Esquerra Valenciana, which later incorporated militants from Esquerra Republicana del País Valencià, such as Gaietà Huguet and Manuel Sanchis Guarner. He was elected a deputy in 1936 and united with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) deputies in Congress to form a left-wing Catalanist block, known as Esquerra Catalana or Catalan Left. MARGALEF I LÓPEZ, RAMON (1919–2004). This Barcelonaborn ecologist created the first department of ecology in Spain, at the University of Barcelona, and was very influential for his application of information theory and mathematical models to the study of ecology. MARÍ MAYANS, ISIDOR (1949–). Eivissan linguist and cultural activist who was part of the group that formulated plans to introduce

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Catalan into the school system of the Balearic Islands. He was head of the Servei d’Assessorament Lingüístic of the Catalan Generalitat from 1980 to 1988, has been a key figure in developing language policy, and currently works for the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya. MARISCAL, XAVIER (1950–). Valencian artist and designer, who started out on underground magazines before taking on more mainstream art work, such as his cartoon style renderings of Barcelona for the Olympics and his design of the Olympic mascot, Cobi. See also ART. MARSÉ, JUAN (1933–). Contemporary Spanish novelist, born in Barcelona, whose work tends to focus on urban life from the late Franco period onward. Hailing from a non-Catalan speaking background, the son of Murcian immigrants, he worked as a jeweler until 1959. Many of his most famous novels, such as Últimas tardes con Teresa (Last afternoons with Teresa, 1965), La oscura historia de la prima Montse (The dark history of cousin Montse, 1970), and El amante bilingüe (The bilingual lover, 1990), explore the relationship between working class protagonists, like his alter-ego Juan Marés, and the largely Catalan-speaking “progressive” sons and daughters of the Barcelona bourgeoisie of the 1960s and 1970s. He also wrote one of the most powerful novels exploring the ideological effects of the Spanish Civil War, Si te dicen que caí (If they tell you I fell, 1973), which was made into a film by Vincente Aranda. See also CINEMA; LITERATURE; NORMALIZATION. MARTÍ I POL, MIQUEL (1929–2003). One of the most popular Catalan writers, he suffered from multiple sclerosis and was confined to a wheelchair for much of his life. His popularity as a poet throughout Catalonia led to a campaign for him to be nominated for the Nobel Prize for Literature. Among his most famous collections are Vinti-set poemes en el temps (Twenty-seven Poems of Gold and Tin, 1927), Cinc esgrafiats a la mateixa paret (Five Graffiti on a Single Wall, 1975), Quadern de vacances (Vacation Notebook, 1976), and Estimada Marta (1978). His poetry has been set to music by singers like Lluís Llach and Maria del Mar Bonet, and his poems have been translated into many languages.

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MARTIN I (1356–1410). Last in the line of Catalan kings from the House of Barcelona. Variously known as “the Human,” “the Elder,” and “the Ecclesiastic,” he was king of Aragon from 1396 and King of Sicily from 1409, after the death of his son, Martin I of Sicily. During an otherwise peaceful reign, there was some conflict in Sicily and Aragon as his right to the throne was contested by the Count of Foix, on behalf of his wife, Joana, the elder daughter of John I. He also launched crusades in North Africa and reconquered Sardinia. His death was followed by a two-year interregnum, ending in the Compromise of Casp, by which Ferdinand I of Aragon was made King. MARTORELL, JOANOT (c.1413–c.1465). Valencian knight and author of one of the most famous chivalresque novels, Tirant lo Blanc, described in the Quixote as the best book in the world. Begun by Joanot Martorell in 1460 and completed by Martí Joan de Galba, who had it printed in 1490 in Valencia, it is a remarkably hybrid work, experimental and parodic of the different prose forms around at the time. The novel’s original source is in the ballad of Guy de Warwick, which Martorell read on one of his trips to the court of Henry VI in England, later penning his own unfinished version. The narrative is appropriated in the first 97 chapters of Tirant, to which Martorell added 390 chapters about the character of Tirant and his adventures, ranging from the English court to Rhodes to Africa and Constantinople. It combines military adventures with a star-crossed love story about the protagonist’s courtship of Carmesina, the daughter of the Byzantine emperor of Constantinople. The novel presents a remarkable picture of the courts of the period, incorporating real names and events among the fictional characters and plot. See also LITERATURE. MASSOT I MUNTANER, JOSEP (1941–). This Mallorcan writer and historian studied literature at the University of Barcelona and entered the Abadia de Montserrat as a monk in 1962. He has published numerous works on Mallorcan and Catalan social and cultural history and has played an influential role in the literary world as editor of key journals, like Serra d’Or and Randa, and director of the Abadia de Montserrat imprint since 1971. He is a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC). See also CHURCH; PRESS; PUBLISHING.

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MATA I GARRIGA, MARTA (1926–2006). The daughter of Àngels Garriga who, together with Alexandre Galí and Pau Vila, was a key figure in the movement for educational reform during the Second Republic, Marta Garriga herself became involved in the Rosa Sensat schools from 1965. From 1977 to 2002, she has been elected to numerous political posts on behalf of the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya, including educational portfolios within local government. She has published numerous works on pedagogy, literacy, and language development, as well as children’s fiction. MATEU I LLOPIS, FELIP (1901–98). Valencian librarian and paleographer who was an important cultural activist before the Spanish Civil War, in support of Valencian particularism and the unity of the Catalan language. Notwithstanding his support for the Second Republic during the war, he became a sympathizer with the Franco regime and was appointed director of the Biblioteca de Catalunya when it became the Biblioteca Central in 1939, a post he held until 1971. MATUTE, ANA MARÍA (1926–). This Spanish writer was born in Barcelona into an upper middle class family. Her most celebrated novels include Los hijos muertos (The lost children, 1958), the semiautobiographical trilogy Los mercaderes (The merchants), comprising Primera Memoria (First memory, 1960), La trampa (The trap, 1969), and Los soldados lloran de noche (Soldiers cry at night, 1964) and, more recently, Olvidado Rey Gudú (1996). See also LITERATURE. MATUTES, ABEL (1941–). Eivissan businessman and politician. He played for Espanyol between 1959 and 1961 before returning to the Balearic Islands, where he began to amass his fortune from tourism, banking, and biotechnology. He was mayor of Eivissa from 1979 to 1981. In 1976, he founded and presided over the Unió Liberal d’Eivissa i Formentera, which was incorporated into the Alianza Popular, and he was voted into the pre-autonomous regime in the Balearics in 1977. He was made a Senator for Eivissa-Formentera from 1979 to 1982 and a deputy to the Balearic government from 1982 to 1985. He was a member of the European Parliament in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and became the Popular Party’s minister

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of foreign affairs in 1996. Although he retired from politics, he continued to work as an adviser to the Popular Party executive. See also BALEARIZATION. MAURA, ANTONIO (1853–1925). Born in Palma, Antonio Maura began his Spanish political career in Mallorca as a member of the Liberal Party in 1881. Five years later, he was vice president of Congress, and in 1892, he was appointed overseas minister in the Cánovas government, elaborating a project for the autonomy of Cuba and Puerto Rico, which was defeated by the Cortes. In 1902, Maura engineered the Liberal Party’s incorporation into the Conservative Party, becoming its leader in 1903 and prime minister of Spain from 1903 to 1904 and 1907 to 1910. A Spanish nationalist, he nevertheless sought to widen his party’s appeal, by seeking support among the wealthy industrialists of Catalonia, and this informed his decentralizing local government reforms, which contributed to lay the ground for the creation of the Mancomunitat. Yet his strong defense of the Catholic Church and the monarchy led to his repression of the labor movement and implementation of draconian antiterrorist laws, which provoked widespread opposition from republican and liberal sectors, particularly after the brutal suppression of riots in Barcelona in July–August 1909, known as the Tragic Week. International censure over the execution of Francesc Ferrer, together with the vocal opposition of the liberals and the republicans, led Alfonso XIII to force Maura’s resignation soon afterward, ultimately resulting in a liberal-conservative split in the Conservative Party. Maura left the party in 1913, setting up his own movement of Mauristas, which became increasingly conservative and Spanish nationalist. Even so, he remained committed to liberal democracy and opposed Miguel Primo de Rivera’s military coup of 1923, calling instead for constitutional reform. MAURÍN, JOAQUIM (1896–1973). Aragonese lawyer and politician who moved to Lleida in his youth, where he practiced as a lawyer, becoming affiliated to the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). In 1924, he joined the Spanish Communist Party, taking charge of its Catalan-Balearic wing, the Federació Comunista Catalano-Balear. He was arrested in 1927 and sent into exile in France. He returned

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in 1930 and split from the Communist Party due to his opposition to Stalin, forming the Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC). In the run-up to the October Events, Maurín proposed the formation of Alianzas Obreras in Spain and eventually allied with Andreu Nin to form the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) in September 1935. Maurín entered the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya in 1936 for the February elections and was elected to Spanish Congress. He was captured in the nationalist zone at the start of the Spanish Civil War and imprisoned until 1946. He escaped into exile in the United States. See also ANARCHISM; LABOR MOVEMENT. MAYANS I SÍSCAR, GREGORI (1699–1782). Valencian writer, literary critic, and thinker who is famous for his studies of Spanish golden age literature, as well as of the Catalan philosopher and theologian Joan Lluís Vives. He corresponded with many of the key thinkers of the Enlightenment, including Voltaire. MAY EVENTS. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War on 18–19 July 1936 was met in Catalonia with almost immediate defeat of the military by left-wing forces, leading to social revolution led by the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM). While the anarcho-syndicalists were ultimately persuaded to operate within the Republican government institutions, including Lluís Companys’ Generalitat, tensions between them and the socialist and republican parties remained high. In 1937, the central Republican government’s attempts to reimpose centralized control led to widespread discontent in Catalonia, and a radical grouping of anarchists was formed from March 1937 to defend the revolution. The situation came to a head on 3 May when the police occupied the Barcelona telephone exchange, which had been held by the CNT since the revolution began. The anarchists responded with several days of fighting, which ended with a cease-fire on 7 May, after the city had been swamped by republican forces. In the aftermath, the central government sought to suppress the CNT, and the Spanish Communist Party called for the POUM to be banned. Francisco Largo Caballero’s resignation over the affair led to the appointment of the Spanish Communist Party leader Juan Negrín and further curtailment of Catalan autonomy, with the removal of

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Generalitat responsibility for defense, security, and justice. See also ANARCHISM. MAYOR I ZARAGOZA, FREDERIC (1934–). Politician and biochemist who was born in Barcelona but studied and worked in Madrid and Granada. He was a Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC) deputy in 1977 and was education and science minister from 1981 to 1982. However, he spent much of the 1980s and 1990s working for the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), of which he was elected director general from 1989 to 1999. He has written a number of works on education and development. MEDIA. See PRESS; RADIO; TELEVISION. MEMORIAL DE GREUGES / PETITION OF COMPLAINTS. The Memorial de Greuges was a document drawn up by Catalanist lawyers, intellectuals, and politicians, including Joaquim Rubió i Ors and Valentí Almirall, and presented to King Alfonso XII of Spain in 1885 to protest at the treatment of Catalonia, in particular against proposed codification of Spanish civil law. See also CENTRE CATALÀ. MENDOZA, EDUARDO (1943–). This Barcelona-born writer, mainly of novels in Spanish, has also written texts in Catalan, including translations of Shakespeare. His best-known works are La verdad sobre el caso Savolta (The Truth about the Savolta Case, 1975), El misterio de la cripta embrujada (The mystery of the haunted crypt, 1979), El laberinto de las aceitunas (The labyrinth of olives, 1982), and La ciudad de los prodigios (City of Marvels, 1986). See also LITERATURE. MENORCA. Situated at the northeastern limit of the Balearic Islands, 37 kilometers northeast of Mallorca, Menorca has an area of around 695 square kilometers and a population of over 88,500 people, constituting around 9 percent of the regional total. Historically, Menorca underwent similar patterns of occupation and settlement to its neighbor Mallorca, though it was not incorpo-

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rated into the Kingdom of Mallorca until 1232, when its almoixerif and the elders of the island agreed to give tributes to James I. It was eventually annexed to the Crown of Aragon, and the Muslim population was expelled in 1287, under Alfons II. From this period onward, Menorca became a Catalan-speaking area whose fortunes followed closely those of Mallorca. However, during the War of Spanish Succession in the early 18th century, instead of being fully incorporated and subjugated by the Spanish crown, the island was ceded to Great Britian under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht (1713). Occupied by British troops from 1708, British rule of the island continued, apart from brief periods of French occupation, until the beginning of the 19th century when Menorca was returned to Spain. While official use of Catalan was suppressed in the other Catalan-speaking territories in the 18th century, this was the period of Menorcan cultural growth, with writers such as Joan Ramis i Ramis and later Antoni Febrer. These developments were cut short by the imposition of Bourbon absolutism; although, there were some attempts at cultural revival in the later 19th and early 20th centuries, and politically Menorca was more sympathetic to republicanism than its other island neighbors. It remained faithful to the Second Republic throughout the Spanish Civil War. After the death of General Franco, Menorca gained its own Consell Insular in 1979, and it now forms a part of the autonomous government of the Balearic Islands. Economically, Menorca is not as dependent on tourism as Mallorca and Eivissa, and although it is a relatively popular tourist destination, it has sought to keep development of the sector sustainable. In 1993, it was declared a biosphere reserve by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Unlike the other islands in the archipelago, it has a large proportion of workers in the secondary sector. It is also the most culturally and politically activist of the islands. MESQUIDA, BIEL (1947–). Writer and gay activist from Castelló de la Plana, Valencia, whose best known work, L’adolescent de sal (The salt adolescent), won a prize in 1973. He participated in more mainstream cultural movements in the 1970s. However, he was critical of the conformism of aspects of the Congrés de Cultura Cata-

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lana and published the more transgressive work Puta-Marès (Ahí) in 1978. See also LITERATURE. METGE, BERNAT (1346–1413). A member of the Royal Chancellory under John I, Bernat Metge was accused of corruption after the king’s death and was imprisoned. He was released and rehabilitated by Martin I, becoming the new king’s secretary. He went on to write one of most important prose works of the period, Lo somni (The dream, 1399), which is split into four parts. In the first, the ghost of John I appears to Metge in prison with Orpheus and Tiresias; the second recounts his own fall from grace; in the third, Orpheus and Tiresias tell their own stories, including a diatribe against women; while Metge defends women in the fourth, ranging from the famous women of antiquity to Martin’s queen Maria de Luna, and satirizes the vices of men. MILÀ I FONTANALS, MANUEL (1818–84). Writer, publisher, literary historian, and academic. A professor of literature at the University of Barcelona, he was particularly influential in bringing conservative Romantic ideas to Catalonia and for his studies of medieval Catalan literature. He helped to create the conditions for the revival of the Jocs Florals in 1859 and for the cultural evangelism of the Renaixença. See also LITERATURE. MILLET I BE, SALVADOR (1912–98). Wealthy Catalan economist who was a member of the Lliga Catalana under Francesc Cambó and fled into exile after the social revolution in Catalonia in the summer of 1936. He returned to Barcelona after the Spanish Civil War and set up the prestigious publishing house Alpha, becoming a patron of Catalan-language writers. He contributed to La Vanguardia and wrote essays on market economics. MIR, JOAQUIM (1873–1940). Catalan landscape painter who fraternized with Modernista artists, such as Adrià Gual, Isidre Nonell, and Santiago Rusiñol, but forged his own distinct style. Unlike his contemporaries, he did not travel to Paris or incorporate French influence into his work but focused on the Mediterranean landscapes

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around him, producing luminous quasi-abstract images. See also ART. MIRA, JOAN FRANCESC (1939–). This Valencian writer, anthropologist, and university academic has written a number of works on Valencian history and society, including works on the Borgias and the anthropological study of Valencia, Crítica de la nació pura (1985). He has written prize-winning novels and translated Dante’s Divine Comedy into Catalan. MIRALLES, ENRIC (1955–2000). Catalan architect who designed the new Scottish Parliament building at Holyrood but died before it was completed. MIRAVITLLES I NAVARRA, JAUME (1906–1988). Left-wing writer and publicist who began his political career as an activist in Estat Català, later joining the Catalan Communist Party in 1929 before it merged to form the Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC). In 1934, he joined Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, and he was put in charge of Generalitat propaganda during the Spanish Civil War. He went into exile in Paris in February 1939, where he set up the weekly Catalan-language newspaper El Poble Català (The Catalan people), before leaving for Mexico and then the United States when France was occupied by the Germans. See also FREEMASONRY. MIRÓ, GABRIEL (1879–1930). Writer, journalist, and politician, born in Alicante (Alacant) in Valencia. He worked for the Mancomunitat de Catalunya in the 1910s, then moved to Madrid. A respected journalist, he is best known today for his elegant Spanish prose style in novels such as Las cerezas del cementerio (The cherries of the cemetery, 1910) and Años y leguas (Years and leagues, 1928). See also LITERATURE. MIRÓ, JOAN (1893–1983). Born in Barcelona, Miró discovered his roots and inspiration in the Catalan countryside near Mont-roig. He trained in Barcelona, attending the Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc, and put on his first exhibition in 1918 at the Galeries Dalmau. His early

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work displayed a wide range of influences but had little impact in Catalonia at the time. Moving to Paris in the 1920s, he was influenced by oriental forms, which he combined with popular decorative art methods to produce his famous painting of The Catalan Farm / La masia. Later, he moved closer to surrealism, signing the first surrealist manifesto in 1924. He continued to experiment with different styles and techniques, until he discovered the language for which he is most famous, the quasi hieroglyphs of woman, bird, star, moon, and sun that people so many of his paintings, and the simple color schemes of red, blue, yellow, green, and black. In 1956, Josep Lluís Sert completed a studio for him in Cala Major in Mallorca, and he began a rich period of sculpture, murals, ceramic work, and lithographs, all drawing on the mythical language he relates to the Catalan landscape around him. In the later years of his life, he donated many of his works to create the Center for Studies in Contemporary Art known as the Fundació Joan Miró in Barcelona, which has been open to the public since 1975. See also ART. MODERNISME. This Catalan cultural movement originated in the 1880s and was influenced by various currents in European culture, as well as by a desire for modernization. In the visual arts and architecture, the Catalan movement is closest to art nouveau, with its symbolist, decorative elements being recognized as central to the Catalan style. In literature, the movement is characterized by two main trends, both of which draw on their European contemporaries, such as Nietzsche, Ibsen, Maeterlinck, and Novalis. The first is the socially committed work of radically antibourgeois writers, such as Ignasi Iglesias, Pere Coromines, and Alexandre Cortada (1865–1935), as well as the more liberal writers, Joan Maragall and Miquel dels Sants Oliver (1864–1920). The other is a more decadent symbolist movement that can be traced in the work of Santiago Rusiñol, Raimon Casellas (1855–1910), and Adrià Gual. However, these trends are neither mutually exclusive nor exhaustive of the different styles and approaches embraced by Modernisme. In fact, the term cannot really be used to describe a coherent movement, more of an attitude toward the modern world. The term first appears in 1884 in L’Avenç and, for this reason, is most commonly associated with the group of artists and intellectuals

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who contributed to the journal. Among the painters, Ramon Casas and Rusiñol cultivated their own version of impressionism, while the works of Alexandre de Riquer, Josep Llimona (1864–1934), and even Rusiñol himself were characterized by a decadent symbolism, more normally identified as the Catalan style. In architecture, the big names are Antoni Gaudí, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, and Josep Puig i Cadafalch. The latter designed Els Quatre Gats, which became the meeting place for modernist circles. The great works of the period are Gaudí’s Casa Batlló and La Pedrera, Puig i Cadafalch’s Casa Amatller (all on the Passeig de Gràcia), and Domènech i Montaner’s remarkable work on the Palau de la Música Catalana. For the art historian and writer Casellas, modernism was naturalism, while other artists, such as Isidre Nonell and Pablo Picasso, embraced more avant-garde movements, rejecting the name of Modernisme. Nonetheless, the symbolism of the great architectural works, pulling on the traditional signs of Catalan culture and combining them with a fin de siècle sensibility and modern techniques, remained a feature of art and design into the early decades of the 20th century, with followers like Francesc Móra, Manuel Peris (1872–1934), and Demetri Ribas in Valencia and Gaspar Bennazar (1869–1933) and Francesc Roca (1874–1940) in Mallorca. See also BARCELONA. MODERN SCHOOL. See ESCOLA MODERNA. MOIX, TERENCI (1943–2003). Gay Catalan writer, born in Barcelona, whose real name was Ramon Moix i Messeguer. As well as many experimental novels, exploring the effects of different social institutions on individual sexuality and the development of identity, including El dia que va morir Marilyn (The day Marilyn died, 1969), he published cultural criticism in key journals of the 1960s and 1970s, such as Tel-Exprés, Destino, and Serra d’Or, as well as popular cultural histories and memoirs and travel writing. From the 1980s onward, he wrote mainly in Spanish, including three volumes of memoirs. See also GAUCHE DIVINE; LITERATURE. MOLAS, ISIDRE (1940–). This Barcelona-born politician and historian was a member of the Front Obrer de Catalunya and was imprisoned for anti-Francoist activism in 1962. He was one of the

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founding members of the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) and was elected to the Catalan Parliament in 1980, becoming vice president in 1984. He is currently president of the PSC and has written numerous histories of Catalan political movements and parties. See also TRANSITION. MOLAS, JOAQUIM (1930–). Born in Barcelona, Molas is one of the most influential contemporary Catalan literary critics. He is a professor of Catalan language and literature at the University of Barcelona and has published numerous works on medieval and modern Catalan literary history, including five volumes of the 11-volume Història de la literatura catalana and La literatura catalana d’avantguarda (Catalan avant-garde literature, 1983). He set up the important academic literary journal Els marges and was behind the creation of a number of key literary collections, such as the Millors Obres de la Literatura Catalana (Best works of Catalan literature) and Millors Obres de la Literatura Universal (Best works of universal literature). MOLL, AINA (1930–). Born in Ciutadella, Menorca, the daughter of Francesc de Borja Moll. She worked on the last two volumes of the Diccionari Alcover-Moll and has been a most-respected figure in language planning in the Catalan-speaking territories. See also ALCOVER, ANTONI MARIA; NORMALIZATION. MOLL, FRANCESC DE BORJA (1903–91). Menorcan linguist and publisher who collaborated from an early age on the Diccionari Català-Valencià-Balear with Antoni Maria Alcover. Later, he inherited the Editorial Alcover, which he renamed the Editorial Moll, one of the key contemporary Catalan publishing houses. The completion of the dictionary became his life’s work, which he achieved in 1962. Yet he also found time to produce memoirs, biographies, and grammars, including an Ortografia mallorquina (Mallorcan orthography, 1931) and a Gramàtica històrica catalana (Historical grammar of Catalan, 1952). Moll founded the Obra Cultural Balear in 1962, which was of central importance in promoting the unity of the Catalan-speaking territories. This, together with his publication of Catalan books from 1943 onward, helped toward maintaining the recovery of Catalan culture in spite of repression by the Franco re-

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gime. See also LANGUAGE; MALLORCA; PANCATALANISM; PUBLISHING. MOMPOU, FREDERIC (1893–1987). Catalan pianist and composer of piano music who studied in Barcelona and Paris and was influenced by Debussy and Satie. His music often draws on popular tunes and is characterized by an extreme and often melancholic simplicity. MONCADA, JESÚS (1941–2005). Catalan writer and translator born in Mequinensa in the Franja de Ponent. He studied in Zaragoza, before going to work for publishers in Barcelona, where he was brought into contact with the exile writers Pere Calders, Avel.lí Artís Gener (Tísner), and Xavier Benguerel. Calders encouraged him to write in his own variant of Catalan. His most famous work, Camí de Sirga (The Towpath, 1988), reconstructs a mythical Mequinensa, based on the town of his birth, which he saw engulfed by the waters of the Ebro hydroelectric plant at the reservoir of Riba-roja in 1957. It has been translated into English. See also LITERATURE. MONSERDÀ, DOLORS (1845–1919). This writer and first-wave feminist from Barcelona started out writing in Castilian before switching to Catalan in 1875. Apart from literary texts focusing on female protagonists, she published essays and books on the social role of women, such as Estudi feminista: Orientacions pera la dona catalana (Advice for the Catalan woman, 1909). Politically conservative in orientation, much of her work to improve conditions for working women was intended to dissuade them from radical politics. Her feminism was very much directed toward finding a role for women in the conservative political Catalanist movements of the beginning of the 20th century. MONTJUÏC TRIAL. The anarchist and republican movements in Catalonia became increasingly active in the 1890s, and there were a series of actions, including a terrorist attack on the Corpus Christi procession of 1896. This was followed by harsh repression of the anarchist movement, with 400 suspects arrested and 87 put on trial by the military in Montjuïc. There were five executions and numerous

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imprisonments and enforced exiles. In subsequent years, the stories of torture and forced confessions led to a massive campaign for judicial review of the trial, led by Alejandro Lerroux in his newspaper El Progreso. This underpinned growth in republican support for Lerroux in Catalonia, which resulted in his becoming the major left-wing political force in Barcelona in the first decade of the 20th century. MONTLLOR, OVIDI (1942–95). Valencian actor, poet, and singersongwriter, born in Alcoi. He was a prominent figure in the Barcelona theater world of the 1960s and acted in nearly 50 films. However, he is best known as a singer-songwriter in the Nova Cançó movement. See also MUSIC. MONTSALVATGE, XAVIER (1911–2002). Musician, composer, and music critic, born in Girona and trained in Barcelona. He composed over 100 different works ranging from symphonies to ballet and cinema scores. MONTSENY, FEDERICA (1905–93). The daughter of Joan Montseny and Teresa Mañé i Miravet, Federica Montseny studied literature and philosophy at the University of Barcelona and joined the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) in 1923, later affiliating to the Federació Anarquista Ibérica (FAI). She was one of the great writers and orators of the Spanish anarchist movement, her best-known work being La mujer problema del hombre. From 4 November 1936 to 17 May 1937, Federica Montseny was minister of health and social welfare in the Spanish Republican government. She set up an evacuation program for Spanish Civil War refugees, as well as reforming medical services for women, family planning, vaccination, and sexual health education. She was involved in the insurrectionary activities surrounding the May Events of 1937 and remained in Barcelona after the change in republican government that followed these events. Montseny went into exile with her family in 1939, where she was imprisoned during the Nazi occupation. After the liberation of France, she moved to Toulouse where she continued to promote the anarchist movement, traveling throughout Europe to campaign against the Franco regime.

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MONTSENY, JOAN (1864–1942). Also known by the pseudonym Federico Urales, Montseny started out as a cooper, becoming leader of the cooper’s union in the 1880s. After studying to become a teacher, he directed a lay school in Reus, the town of his birth. Montseny was actively involved in the anarchist movement in the 1890s, leading him to be exiled to London in 1897, as a result of the Montjuïc trial. He returned to Catalonia illegally, to campaign for a judicial review of the trial and began his career as a journalist, founding Revista Blanca (1898) and later Tierra y Libertad (1902). He wrote books and pamphlets for the Escola Moderna and even authored a novel in Castilian, Sembrando Flores (Sowing flowers, 1906). His orthodox anarchism, like that of his wife Teresa Mañé i Miravet and daughter, Federica Montseny, led to divergences with the syndicalist members of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). Montseny supported the Federació Anarquista Ibèrica (FAI) during the Second Republic and created the weekly El Luchador (The fighter, 1931–33) to campaign for social revolution. He went into exile in Salon, in France, in 1939. His anarchist publications include El sindicalismo español y su orientación (Spanish Syndicalism and Its Orientation, 1923), La anarquía al alcance de todos (Anarchism for All, 1928), El ideal y la revolución (The Ideal and the Revolution, 1932), and La evolución de la filosofía en España I (The Evolution of Philosophy in Spain I, 1934). MONTURIOL, NARCÍS (1819–85). Catalan republican politician and inventor who was influenced by the utopian ideas of Étienne Cabet. He edited a number of radical journals of the 1840s, such as El Republicano, La Madre de Familia, and La Fraternidad. When such publications were suppressed by Isabel II, he shifted his focus to invention, working on a project to build a submarine, which he tested in the port of Barcelona in 1859. See also CLAVÉ I CAMPS, JOSEP ANSELM. MONZÓ, QUIM (1952–). Writer and journalist, born in Barcelona. He has published a number of novels and short stories, characterized by a knowing urban sophistication with humorous and often surreal undertones. He is one of the most popular contemporary cultural figures in Catalonia and has been translated into numerous languages.

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While his only novel available in English is The Enormity of the Tragedy, some of his short stories are available in a collection entitled O’Clock. He has translated numerous modern English-language authors into Catalan, including J. D. Salinger, Ray Bradbury, and Truman Capote. See also LITERATURE. MORERA, ENRIC (1865–1942). Musician and composer of traditional Catalan music. MOVIMENT DE DEFENSA DE LA TERRA / MOVEMENT IN DEFENSE OF THE LAND. Founded in 1984, this socialist independence movement campaigned on a platform of reunification of the Catalan-speaking territories. See also PANCATALANISM; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL. MOVIMENT SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA / CATALAN SOCIALIST MOVEMENT. This Catalan socialist party was founded in exile in Toulouse and Mexico and had a clandestine wing in Catalonia, bringing together former members of the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) and the Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC), together with members of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT), and some student activists. It remained active from 1945 to 1968, after which its members joined other socialist groupings, such as the Partit Socialista de Catalunya (Congrés) and the Partit Socialista de Catalunya-Reagrupament, which would later be integrated into the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC). See also ROVIRA, JOSEP. MUNTANER, RAMON (1265–1336). Soldier and chronicler, born in Peralada, who went on many of the expeditions of Peter II and Alfons III as part of the Companyia Catalana. He wrote a chronicle encompassing the reigns of James I and Peter II up to the coronation of Alfons III and covering the political and commercial history of the Mediterranean empire of the Crown of Aragon. MURCIA. This region on the southeastern coast of Spain was conquered by James I for Castile in 1266. Although he handed the territory over to the king of Castile, James left a garrison at Alicante

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(Alacant), and there were some Catalan settlers in the area. Catalan continues to be spoken today in about 30 places in the mountain range of El Carxe in Yecla, although it is estimated that there are no more than 570 speakers. MURIÀ, ANNA (1904–2002). This Catalan writer and journalist came to prominence in the 1930s, going into exile in 1939, where she met her future husband, the poet Agustí Bartra. She spent most of her exile in Mexico, where she participated in numerous journalistic and publishing ventures to try to ensure the survival of the Catalan language and literature. Her most significant works were written in the 1980s, after her return to Catalonia. See also RODOREDA, MERCÈ; WOMEN. MUSIC. Record of early Catalan music has been traced to Ripoll from the 10th century onward, with the Cant de Sibil.la, the vernacular version of a Latin chant, which spread across the Balearic Islands and Valencia with the conquest of these territories by the Crown of Aragon, and continues to be found in Mallorca. The Catalanspeaking territories remained quite important musically throughout the 12th to the 14th centuries and were the first area in the Iberian Peninsula to cultivate the Italian ars nova. From the 14th century onward, there is record of a sophisticated blend of ecclesiastical music and theatrical performance with Catalan text, traces of which can be found in the Misteri d’Elx; however, the text and music that is currently used dates from the 17th century. From the 16th century, the main center for musical development is Valencia, with composers such as Lluís Milà and Ferran Vila, and the publication of the first Spanish guitar method by Joan Carles Amat. Valencia remained the most important region musically until the end of the 18th century, with developments in polyphony and organ music. Antoni Eiximeno was the most significant Valencian composer of the 18th century and has been seen as a precursor of musical nationalism. The early 19th century did not really produce any musicians of note, although Antoni Lliteras and Pau Esteve were involved in the development of the zarzuela in Madrid, and the revival of interest in traditional Catalan culture brought about by the Renaixença led to the reinvigoration and promotion of popular dance music, such as Pep Ventura’s (1819–75) work on the sardana. In the 1840s, the

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Liceu was built in Barcelona as the great cultural jewel of the new urban bourgeoisie and became a focal point for cultural activity throughout the rest of the century, underpinning Catalan reception of the work of Richard Wagner. The same period saw the development of broad-based choral societies in the work of Josep Anselm Clavé and, later, Lluís Millet (1867–1941) and Enric Morera, culminating in the creation of the Orfeó Català. It also saw the growth in influence of the Barcelona-born musicologist Felip Pedrell, whose ideas can be traced in the work of the two most important Catalan composers of the turn of the century: Isaac Albéniz and Enric Granados. While there was some interest in musical developments under the Noucentista movement in the work of composers such as Eduard Toldrà, much of it was of minor note. However, the turn of the century did contribute two emblematic institutions to musical culture in Catalonia, the Palau de la Música Catalana and the Orfeó Català choral society. It was the period immediately preceding the Spanish Civil War that brought the most notable musicians to the Catalan scene, such as Pau Casals, Robert Gerhard, Jaume Pahissa (1880–1969), and Eladi Homs, who were involved in music education and in promoting contemporary European music. However, this period of growth and experimentation was broken by the Spanish Civil War, when many Catalan artists, including Casals, Pahissa, and Gerhard, went into exile. Some important composers continued to work in the Catalan territories, especially Xavier Montsalvatge, who had great influence on subsequent musicians, and Josep Maria Mestres Quadreny (1929–), who collaborated with the Dau al Set group of artists. Under the Franco regime, the main areas that continued to be acceptable culturally were popular musical theater, music hall, religious music, and opera. So it is perhaps unsurprising that many classical music performers continued to emerge, such as Victòria dels Àngels, Montserrat Caballé, Josep Carreras, Jaume Aragall, and Alicia Larrocha. The Paral.lel in Barcelona became one of the main centers for music in Spain, offering the same kind of escapism in the early Franco period that was presented by cinema. There were also figures such as Oriol Martorell i Codina, who promoted Catalan choral music through organizations like the Coral Sant Jordi (1947), with the aim of maintaining and promoting Catalan cultural history.

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Folk music, too, became increasingly important as an expression of cultural identity, from the virolais of Montserrat to the embracement of the sardana and Catalan folk esbart groups, as one of the only Catalan cultural manifestations that was allowed by the regime. Likewise in the other Catalan-speaking areas, popular forms continued to be cultivated, such as the cant de sibil.la in Mallorca and the jota in Valencia and the Franja d’Aragó. Although the promotion of such forms of popular musical tradition is often associated with conservative regionalism, the repression of Catalan cultural difference by the Franco regime meant that there was a revival of interest in traditional forms as a mark of resistance and that the freedom fighters of the 1960s often combined their political activities with cultural participation in esbarts or choirs. Nowadays, there are still many progressive musicians, such as Santi Arisa, Anton Abad, and Tomàs Bosque and groups, like the Trullars and La Xàfiga, who cultivate the different traditional forms, many of them critical of the tendency to reduce Catalan folk music to the sardana. Other popular forms in Catalonia are more hybrids musically, such as the havaneres (male choral songs derived from the songs sung by sailors who went to Cuba in 18th and 19th centuries), the Rumba Catalana of Peret (Pere Pubill i Calaf, 1935–), and even significant modern jazz musicians, like Tete Montoliu (1933–97), and Flamenco singers, like Járabe de Palo. Music has taken the political stage in ways forbidden to other cultural forms in recent history, with the Fets del Palau at the Palau de la Música in 1960 and, later, the development of the Nova Cançó, a protest music phenomenon that united the Catalan-speaking territories, with representatives from the Balearics, Catalonia, Valencia, and even the French territories. More recently, Rock Català has also been very important in galvanizing cultural identity among Catalanspeaking youth, and sociological studies show that music is one of the key identity markers among Catalan youth today. There have also been more experimental composers and performers, like the Valencian composer Carles Santos or Jaume Sisa (1948–) and Pau Riba (1948–). See also BONET, MARIA DEL MAR; FOLK CULTURE; MONTLLOR, OVIDI; RAIMON; SAVALL, JORDI; SERRAT, JOAN MANUEL.

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– N – NAPLES. Conquered by the Crown of Aragon in the 15th century under Alfons IV, the king remained there for 25 years to preside over one of the great humanist courts of the Renaissance. NEGRE, JOSEP (?–1939). General secretary of Solidaritat Obrera (SO), Negre was the principal organizer of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT). He participated in the revolutionary strike that became known as the Tragic Week in 1909 and promoted anarchist ideology through works like Qué es el sindicalismo (1919). NICOLAU D’OLWER, LLUÍS (1888–1961). This Barcelona-born writer, politician, and economist was one of the founding members of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC) and Acció Catalana. He was minister of finance in the provisional Catalan republican government in 1931–32. After the war, he went into exile in France and Mexico and took on numerous different posts in the exile governments. He dedicated his later years to Catalan literary and cultural history. See also ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA; SOCIETAT D’ESTUDIS MILITARS. NICOL I FRANCISCA, EDUARD (1907–90). Eduard Nicol was a Barcelona-born philosopher influenced by the ideas of José Ortega y Gasset, Xavier Zubiri, and García Morente. He lectured in philosophy at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona from 1934 to 1939, going into exile at the end of the Spanish Civil War in 1939. He studied for a doctorate at the UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México / National Autonomous University of Mexico), where he became an emeritus professor and cofounded the Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. His work develops a “metaphysics of expression” in books such as La idea de l’home (The idea of man, 1986), Metafísica de la expresión (Metaphysics of expression, 1957), and La primera teoría de la praxis (The first theory of praxis, 1978). NIN, ANDREU (1892–1937). Born in Tarragona, Andreu Nin became involved in left-wing Catalan politics at an early age. He moved to Barcelona in 1910 and studied to be a teacher at the

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University of Barcelona. In 1911, he joined the newly created Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicà (UFNR), which he left in 1913 to affiliate to the Catalan wing of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), and began contributing to socially reformist publications like El Poble Català and La Pàtria. The Russian Revolution in 1917 left a profound effect on his thinking, and he shifted toward more anarchist positions. In 1919, he attended the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) Congress in Madrid, proposing incorporation into the Communist International. He became close to syndicalist leaders, like Salvador Seguí, Angel Pestaña (1886–1937), and Joaquim Maurín, and was himself the victim of a failed assassination attempt, which resulted in the death of Josep Canela (?–1923). In 1921, he was made secretary of the National Committee of the CNT and later created the Communist Left, joining together with the Bloc Obrer Camperol (BOC) in September 1935 to form the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM). His increasing anti-Stalinism brought him into conflict with the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), and in December 1936, he was ousted from the Generalitat. Tensions between the communists and anarcho-syndicalists finally led to the May Events of 1937, as a result of which the Spanish Communist Party demanded suppression of the POUM. Juan Negrín ordered the closure of the POUM offices on 16 June, and Nin himself was tortured and executed. See also ANARCHIST MOVEMENT; FREEMASONRY. NONELL, ISIDRE (1873–1911). Catalan realist painter who is best known for his controversial paintings of gypsy women, which rejected the romanticized depictions of the 19th century, seeking instead to expose the reality of their social position. See also ART; MODERNISME. NORMA. A cartoon character devised to promote standard Catalan, that is, the norma (norm), in a prepublicity campaign for the Linguistic Normalization Act passed in 1983. Represented in the figure of a little girl negotiating her way through a variety of different sociolinguistic situations in Catalonia and encouraging people to support the use of Catalan, the campaign is generally thought to have been successful in ensuring a high degree of social consensus about the need to protect and promote Catalan. See also LANGUAGE.

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NORMALIZATION. This concept was developed by the sociolinguist Lluís Aracil to describe the political intervention necessary to halt the process of language substitution underlying a bilingual society. In the Catalan-speaking territories, it is the term used to describe the processes of language planning and linguistic policy undertaken by government and education institutions. It is also presented as the ideal aim of the process of normalization, referring to a social system in which Catalan can be used without conflict in all spheres. NORMES DE CASTELLÓ. These are the agreed standards for Valencian-Catalan based on those drawn up by Pompeu Fabra at the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC) in 1913. They are so-called because the meeting of representatives of Valencian organizations and publications to discuss them took place in Castelló de la Plana on 21 December 1932. Among the signatories was the important Valencian linguist Manuel Sanchis Guarner, as well as more anti-Catalanist figures like Luis Fullana. See also LANGUAGE. NORMES D’EL PUIG. The alternative standard for Valencian was produced by the Reial Acadèmia de la Cultura Valenciana at the Monastery of El Puig in March 1983, by anti-Catalanists. The Generalitat Valenciana of the time adopted the Normes de Castelló, but for a period in the 1990s, when the Partido Popular first took over the Generalitat with the help of Unió Valenciana, the secessionist norms gained official status. See also LANGUAGE. NOSALTRES SOLS! See INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. NOSTRA PARLA. This organization was created in 1916 by Catalan speakers from Roussillon, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands to promote the unity of the Catalan language, through journals, educational campaigns, grammar competitions, and language days. See also PANCATALANISM. NOUCENTISME. This was the name given to an early 20th-century Catalan cultural movement, underpinned by conservative political Catalanism. Although intimately linked to the regenerative character of Modernisme, particularly as regards its project of linguistic

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standardization and openness to wider European influences, many Noucentista writers and intellectuals overtly rejected the decadence of the movement that preceded them. Instead, Noucentisme, as defined by Eugeni d’Ors in his Gloses [sic] for La Veu de Catalunya, was concerned with measure and classicism of form, with idealized Mediterranean values of civilization and cultural imperialism and with arbitrary intervention to shape a culture. Alongside these literary developments, the visual and plastic arts of the period were characterized by classicism in the work of the painter Joaquín Torres García, who produced murals for the Generalitat, and the Mediterranean light and color of the work of Joaquim Sunyer. In sculpture, there were Josep Clarà (1875–1958) and Enric Casanovas (1882–1948), as well as the early work of Pau Gargallo, and, in architecture, the later work of Josep Puig i Cadafalch, such as his designs for the 1929 International Exhibition. At the same time, there were more satirical and humorous works, such as the satires of Guerau de Liost (Jaume Bofill i Mates) and the artist Xavier Nogués (1873–1941), as well as more populist works, such as the poster art of Josep Obiols. Many of these served the program of cultural regeneration or normalization undertaken by Noucentista politicians to create the basic independent institutions necessary for cultural growth and renewal. Thus, the most important legacy of the movement is the cultural institutions it left behind it: the Mancomunitat, the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, the orthographical standards devised by Pompeu Fabra, Catalan theaters, schools, and publishing houses. The most influential writers of the period, apart from Eugeni d’Ors, the ultimate ideologue of the movement, were Guerau de Liost, Josep Carner, Joaquim Folguera (1893–1919), Josep Maria López-Picó (1866–1959), and Carles Riba; all of them remembered primarily for their poetry. See also LLIGA REGIONALISTA. NOVA CANÇÓ. This musical movement began in the 1960s with the appearance of a group of 16 singer-songwriters called Els Setze Jutges and was characterized by its use of the Catalan language and appeal to a Catalan musical tradition to affirm Catalan national identity. Some of its songs, like Lluís Llach’s “L’estaca,” Raimon’s “Diguem no,” and Maria del Mar Bonet’s “La Balanguera,” have become symbols of Catalan resistance. However, the movement

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incorporated diverse musical styles and political leanings, including the more melodic work of Marina Rossell and Joan Manuel Serrat, inspired by the French nouvelle chanson, and the Californian rockinspired styles of Jaume Sisa (1948–) and Pau Riba (1948–). See also MUSIC. NUEVA PLANTA, DECREES OF THE. The decrees pronounced by Philip V after the subjugation of Valencia and Aragon in 1707 and then Mallorca and Catalonia after the end of the War of Spanish Succession, are each known by the name of Nueva Planta, or Nova Planta in Catalan. The decrees brought about the abolition of all Catalan, Valencian, Aragonese, and Balearic institutions and the subsequent removal of Catalan from the official sphere, the proscription of the independent universities of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands, and the imposition of military rule in Barcelona at the Ciutadella. The regions were now to be ruled by the centralized laws of Castile, following the French model of centralization, so there were further bans on the Catalan language and Catalan education over the next two centuries. NÚRIA, ESTATUT DE. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy of 1932 was drawn up in the months after the declaration of the Catalan republic by Francesc Macià on 14 April 1931, was approved by popular referendum in August 1931, and was finally accepted by the Spanish government on 10 August 1932. It defined Catalonia as an autonomous region, governed by a Generalitat composed of a parliament, president, and executive council, and outlined responsibility for civil and criminal law, local taxation, regional and municipal administration, and public order. Catalan was declared an official language of the region, together with Castilian. The statute remained in force until 1938; although, it was suspended for a year after the October Events of 1934. In January 1935, the Alejandro Lerroux government reformed the statute, suspending the Catalan Parliament and creating the central government-nominated office of governor general of Catalonia to perform the function of president of the Generalitat. The 1932 statute was reinstated after the elections of February 1936 but was officially abolished by Franco in 1938.

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The abolition came into effect with the occupation of Barcelona in January 1939.

– O – OBIOLS, JOSEP (1894–1967). Noucentista illustrator who was to become an important public artist during the Second Republic in the 1930s. OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR (OCB). Created in 1962 by Francesc de Borja Moll, the OCB is the most important cultural organization in the Balearic Islands. Under its first president, Miquel Forteza, the organization began by setting up Catalan language courses, which were eventually able to cater to thousands of pupils. The organization was legalized in 1971 and has continued to be active in the promotion of Balearic culture and the Catalan language ever since. In particular, it was instrumental in ensuring access to Catalan audiovisual media in the islands. See also EDUCATION. OCTOBER EVENTS / OCTOBER REVOLUTION. The right-wing Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) gains in the Spanish elections of 1934 raised the specter of repressive measures against left-wing and labor organizations and the repeal of progressive laws, such as the Law of Cultivation Contracts, passed by the Catalan Parliament, if right-wing members were to enter government. In response, the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) and Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) raised the threat of revolutionary action to place pressure on the president of the republic, Alcalá Zamora, and began to strengthen links with the unions through Alianzas Obreras (Workers’ Alliances). When the CEDA members entered government on 4 October 1934, a general strike was called for the next day. However, the lack of organization meant the movement was quickly quashed apart from in Catalonia and Asturias, where the revolutionary nature of the strike provoked brutal repression by the military. In Catalonia, where the Catalan Left had remained the major force in the 1934 elections and it was

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feared that right-wing gains centrally might lead to the limitation of Catalan autonomy, the president of the Generalitat, Lluís Companys, decided to declare a Catalan state on 6 October, which was defended by armed members of groups like Joventuts d’Esquerra Republicana– Estat Català and Palestra. However, the insurrectionists were quickly rounded up, arrested, and imprisoned, along with Companys himself, and the Generalitat was temporarily suspended. In January 1935, Alejandro Lerroux’s government suspended the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, removing the Catalan Parliament and replacing it with a Spanish government-nominated governor general. The appointees included Manuel Portela (1866–1952), Joan Pich i Pon (1878–1937), Ignasi Villalonga (1895–1973), and Fèlix Escalas (1880–1972). See also BLOC OBRER I CAMPEROL; BOSCH I GIMPERA, PERE; CENTRE AUTONOMISTA DE DEPENDENTS DEL COMERÇ I DE LA INDÚSTRIA; COMORERA, JOAN; COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME; DENCÀS, JOSEP; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DE CATALUNYA; ESTAT CATALÀ; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; OPINIÓ, L’; PALESTRA; PI I SUNYER, CARLES; SAMPER I IBAÑEZ, RICARD; SECOND REPUBLIC, THE; UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES; UNIÓ SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA. OLIVER, JOAN (PERE QUART, 1899–1986). Catalan writer and translator, born in Sabadell, who went into exile in France and Chile, returning to Catalonia in 1948. As well as his poetry, narrative, and translation work, he was actively involved in the creation of a Catalan independent theater movement. See also LITERATURE. OLIVER, MARIA ANTÒNIA (1946–). Born in Manacor, this Mallorcan writer forms part of the “Generació literària dels setanta” (70s Literary Generation), together with her husband, Jaume Fuster. She published her first novel at the age of 23 and has written novels, short stories, plays, and television scripts. Many of her works have been translated into other languages. She also translated writers like Virginia Woolf, Jules Verne, Mark Twain, Robert Louis Stevenson, and Herman Melville into Catalan. See also LITERATURE. OLLER, NARCÍS (1846–1930). Catalan realist novelist whose most famous novel, La febre d’or (1890–92) (The golden fever), was translated into many languages. He corresponded with many of the great

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Spanish novelists of the 19th century, some of whom encouraged him to write in Spanish rather than Catalan. See also LITERATURE. OLYMPIC GAMES. See BARCELONA OLYMPICS. ÒMNIUM CULTURAL. Founded by a group of wealthy Catalan industrialists in 1961, Òmnium became one of the most significant Catalanist cultural organizations of the Franco regime because it gave support to such a wide range of groups and institutions. Although its activities were banned by the regime from 1963 to 1967, it went on to create a great number of subventions, prizes, and literary festivals, including the Nit de Santa Llúcia, in order to stimulate cultural production in the Catalan language. Its commitment to the Catalan language and culture has led it to undertake campaigns against recent measures to curtail Catalan cultural autonomy; most recently, it was behind the July 2010 demonstration against the Spanish Constitutional Court’s ruling on the 2006 statute of autonomy. See also CATALUNYA NORD; EDUCATION; LANGUAGE. OPINIÓ, L’. This was both a left-wing republican journal set up by Joan Lluhí in 1928, and the republican Catalanist political formation associated with the publication. In 1931, the Opinió group joined together with Estat Català and the Partit Republicà Català to form Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC). L’Opinió became the official publication of the ERC until the creation of the Partit Nacionalista Republicà d’Esquerres. It closed soon after the October Events of 1934. ORGANITZACIÓ MILITAR CATALANA (ORMICA) / CATALAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION. This paramilitary group was set up by Josep Maria Batista i Roca in 1926 to replace the illegalized Societat d’Estudis Militars. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. ORÓ I FLORENSA, JOAN (1923–2004). This Catalan biochemist was born in Lleida, studying at the University of Barcelona before undertaking his doctorate at the University of Houston, where he was eventually made an emeritus professor. He made many contributions to modern understandings of the origins of life, including the pre-

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biotic synthesis of nucleobase adenine and the development of new methods for the analysis of organic materials. ORS, EUGENI D’ (1881–1954). Also known as Xènius, this Barcelona-born essayist and journalist’s key contribution to Catalan literature was the collected articles known as the Glossari, a daily column in La Veu de Catalunya where he published his aesthetic, political, and cultural ideas, including the name and project of Noucentisme. Thus, he is an unavoidable reference for a whole generation of writers and artists. In 1917, he became director of public instruction in Mancomunitat but was ousted three years later, leaving for Madrid. He switched to writing in Spanish and, in 1936, gave support to the military coup against the Second Republic, becoming one of the official intellectuals of the Franco regime.

– P – PACTE DE PROGRÉS. The Pacte de Progrés was a broad coalition of socialist, nationalist, and green parties in Mallorca that, by including the center-right regionalist party, Unió Mallorquina (UM), was able to form a Balearic government after the 1999 autonomous elections, under Francesc Antich. It was the first time since the institution of the Balearic Statute of Autonomy in 1983 that the Partido Popular had not been able to form a government, indicating the deep-rooted conservatism of the region as a whole. The left-wing parties, who had already collaborated to form a Pacte Progressista in previous elections, followed a clear mandate of reform to the social, economic, and cultural infrastructure of the islands, seeking to: assuage the environmental effects of balearization by introducing an “ecotax” on tourists; promote and consolidate the teaching of Catalan through the creation of standardized certificates for achievement in the language; and, through the minister for culture, Damià Pons, draw up a bilateral agreement with Catalonia to fund and promote the Catalan language and culture through the Institut Ramon Llull. However, many of the more progressive policies of the Pacte de Progrés parties were undermined or diluted by opposition from Unió Mallorquina, and when the Popular Party was returned to government in 2003, the key achievements of the socialist coalition government were over-

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turned. The coalition was successful once more in the recent 2007 autonomous elections, this time forming a Bloc Progressista. PAGÈS I ELIES, PERE (1916–2003). This writer and politician, more widely known as Víctor Alba, became a member of the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM) in his teens and contributed political journalism to the radical newspapers of the 1930s. Pagès was imprisoned after the Spanish Civil War but escaped to France and then Mexico and the United States, returning to Catalonia in 1968. He has published extensively on Hispanic history and culture, especially on the Spanish republican movement. PAÏSOS CATALANS. See CATALAN COUNTRIES. PALAU I FABRE, JOSEP (1917–2008). Barcelona-born writer, best known for his poetry and art criticism, in particular his works on Pablo Picasso, who was a personal friend. He was an important cultural activist during the Franco regime, founding the poetry magazine Poesia. See also LITERATURE. PALESTRA. This Catalanist youth movement was created in 1930 by Josep Maria Batista i Roca and had Pompeu Fabra as its president. Its main aims were to create broad and dynamic social support for political Catalanism, and it organized many cultural and sporting activities. During the 1930s, parts of the group were trained in military techniques; however, there is little evidence of armed activity until Lluís Companys declared a Catalan state on 6 October 1934, after which, members took to the streets with other groups like the Joventuts d’Esquerra Republicana–Estat Català and Nosaltres Sols! to defend Catalan autonomy. After the October Events, the movement was illegalized but actually went underground, taking the name Club David. Palestra had a large and diverse membership, including many women; famous former members include Josep Maria Ainaud de Lasarte and Joan Coromines. See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. PALMA DE MALLORCA. The capital city of Mallorca and the Balearic Islands is home to about 40 percent of the population of the islands.

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PÀMIES, TERESA (1919–). This testimonial writer cultivated a number of forms, including novels, diaries, biography, and memoirs, using biographical sources to recover cultural memory from the Second Republic to the May 1968 revolutions in France. Her work presents close testimony of the Catalan experience of the Spanish Civil War and exile period. She spent much of the postwar period in exile with her family in South America, Czechoslovakia, and France. See also LITERATURE; LÓPEZ RAIMUNDO, GREGORI; PARTIT SOCIALISTA UNIFICAT DE CATALUNYA. PANCATALANISM. This term is used both to refer to a movement within political Catalanism in the early 20th century to promote or even apply its ideas and projects to the rest of Spain and to political and cultural solidarity between the Catalan-speaking territories. Thus, while in the 1910s, it marked a shift from regionalist consciousness toward a sense of national unity between the Catalan-speaking territories, espoused by writers and thinkers like Antoni Rovira i Virgili, Ferran Soldevila, Gabriel Alomar, and Joan Estelrich (1896–1958), it later came to be applied to political intervention by Catalans in the workings of the Spanish state, associated with figures like Francesc Cambó. During the Second Republic and in exile after the Spanish Civil War, there developed the idea of the Països Catalans, or Catalan Countries, as a political entity, spanning all of the Catalan-speaking territories that were formerly confederated in the Crown of Aragon. The importance of recovering this cultural and political space for the Catalan language and identity was persuasively defended by Joan Fuster, whose writings contributed to infuse elements of the resistance movement in the latter part of the Franco regime with a pancatalanist pro-independence ethos. Much of the independence movement since the 1980s has maintained a commitment to solidarity between the Catalan-speaking territories, and most Catalan cultural organizations and institutions at least pay lip service to the need to create and maintain this wider Catalan cultural space. See also ASSOCIACIÓ D’ESCRIPTORS EN LLENGUA CATALANA; CATALANISM; COORDINADORA D’ASSOCIACIONS PER LA LLENGUA CATALANA; CORRELLENGUA; INSTITUT RAMON LLULL; NOSTRA PARLA; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL.

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PARTIDO POPULAR (PP) / POPULAR PARTY. This right-wing Spanish political party was created in 1989 to replace Manuel Fraga Iribarne’s Popular Alliance, which had been the main opposition party in the 1980s. While it has achieved limited electoral support in Catalonia, it became the majority party in Valencia and the Balearic Islands during the 1990s. Prominent PP politicians from the Catalan-speaking territories include Eduardo Zaplana, Francisco Camps, Josep Piqué (1955–), Jaume Matas (1956–), and Aleix Vidal-Quadras (1945–). PARTIT CATALANISTA REPUBLICÀ. See ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA. PARTIT CATALÀ PROLETARI / CATALAN PROLETARIAN PARTY. Created by Jaume Compte in 1934 out of the former progressive republican splinter group Estat Català-Partit Proletari (Catalan State–Proletarian Party), this relatively small union-based party was later incorporated into the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) in 1936. See also ESTAT CATALÀ. PARTIT COMUNISTA DE CATALUNYA (PCC) / PARTY OF THE CATALAN COMMUNISTS. Formed in the summer of 1932, this political formation was affiliated to the Spanish Communist Party. It held its first congress in May 1934 and, by 1936, numbered about 2,000 members. The PCC had strong links with the union Federació Obrera de Sindicats de la Indústria Gastronòmica de Catalunya (FOSIG). In 1936, it was one of the four parties involved in the formation of the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC). PARTIT DELS SOCIALISTES DE CATALUNYA (PSC-PSOE) / CATALAN SOCIALIST PARTY. The Catalan wing of the Spanish Socialist Party was formed in 1978 and has been one of the most successful parties in general and local elections in Catalonia since then. The party has generally had the upper hand in Spanish general elections and in Barcelona’s municipal elections since the restoration of democracy, and since 2003, it has also achieved results in elections to the Catalan Parliament, allowing it to form coalition governments with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and Inciativa

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per Catalunya (IC). There have been four PSC-PSOE mayors of Barcelona—Narcís Serra, Pasqual Maragall, Joan Clos (1949–), and Jordi Hereu (1965–)—and two presidents of the Generalitat— Pasqual Maragall from 2003 and José Montilla (1955–) from 2006. See also BARCELONA OLYMPICS; LLUCH, ERNEST; MOLAS, ISIDRE; STATUTES OF AUTONOMY; TRANSITION. PARTIT D’UNIÓ REPUBLICANA AUTONOMISTA. See AZZATI, FÈLIX; BLASCO IBÁÑEZ, VICENTE; BLASQUISMO; LERROUX, ALEJANDRO. PARTIT NACIONALISTA REPUBLICÀ D’ESQUERRES / NATIONALIST LEFT REPUBLICAN PARTY. This party was formed as a breakaway group from Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) in 1933 and included Joan Lluhí and Josep Tarradellas. It took part in the government of Lluís Companys in 1934 and in the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya, created in 1936, subsequently rejoining the ERC. PARTIT OBRER D’UNIFICACIÓ MARXISTA (POUM) / UNITED MARXIST WORKERS’ PARTY. Uniting the Catalan Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC) and Andreu Nin’s Izquierda Comunista, the POUM came into existence in September 1935 on a revolutionary platform for sociopolitical reform through the emancipation of the working classes. With Andreu Nin as its political leader, the POUM was prominent in all of Catalonia’s political and administrative institutions from the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War until the May Events of 1937, which resulted in the arrest of many of its leaders, the closure of its offices in Barcelona, and the execution of Nin. The POUM continued to carry out clandestine activities until 1945, when it split to form the Moviment Socialista de Catalunya. Although there were some attempts to reform the party, most of its members ended up being incorporated into other left-wing independence movements. See also ANARCHISM; COMPANYS, LLUÍS; CONFEDERACIÓ NACIONAL DEL TREBALL; EXILE; FEMINIST MOVEMENT; FRANCO REGIME; GORKIN, JULIÁN; LABOR MOVEMENT; MONTSENY, FEDERICA; ROVIRA, JOSEP; WOMEN.

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PARTIT REPUBLICÀ CATALÀ (PRC) / CATALAN REPUBLICAN PARTY. The party amalgamated Francesc Layret and Marcel·lí Domingo’s Bloc Republicà Autonomista (BRA) and the Joventut Republicana de Lleida. Inspired by the project for federal political reform proposed by Francesc Pi i Margall, it encompassed progressive social and economic ideologies and a commitment to the separation of Church and state. The Catalan Republican Party lost ground to the anarchist and more radical republican movements that were able to appeal more strongly to the working classes during the years of economic crisis that followed the end of World War I, but Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship contributed to revive Catalanist republican sentiment in Catalonia. In 1931, the party joined the broad left-wing conference that culminated in the creation of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC). PARTIT REPUBLICÀ D’ESQUERRA / LEFT REPUBLICAN PARTY. The PRE was formed in 1935 as the Catalan wing of the Spanish national party, Izquierda Republicana (Republican Left). It had two of its members elected in the February 1936 elections for the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya: Marcel·lí Domingo and Ramon Nogués i Biset (1891–1963). PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL (PSAN) / NATIONAL LIBERATION SOCIALIST PARTY. This radical revolutionary separatist party was set up in 1968 as an ideological descendent of the Front Nacional de Catalunya (FNC), Bloc Obrer Camperol (BOC), and the Partit Català Proletari (PCP) and is one of the few parties that saw the unity of the Catalan Countries as one of its major political objectives and that operates in the whole of the Catalan-speaking territories. It has been involved in numerous campaigns and formations associated with the struggle for Catalan independence, including Terra Lliure and the Moviment de Defensa de la Terra. See also CATALAN COUNTRIES; FRANCO REGIME; FUSTER, JAUME; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; MARÇAL, MARIA MERCÈ; PANCATALANISM. PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE LES ILLES BALEARS (PSIB-PSOE) / SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE BALEARIC ISLANDS. The Balearic wing of the Spanish Socialist Party was formed in 1990 and so

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far has been able to form a government in the islands twice, in 1999 and 2007, in coalition with other left-wing and nationalist formations. See also ANTICH, FRANCESC; PACTE DE PROGRÉS. PARTIT SOCIALISTA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ (PSPV-PSOE) / VALENCIAN SOCIALIST PARTY. The Valencian wing of the Spanish Socialist Party was formed in 1975, with Josep Lerma i Blasco as general secretary. He was nominated president of the provisional Generalitat Valenciana in 1982 and then elected to successive governments in 1983, 1987, and 1991. The PSPV lost control of the Valencian government in 1996, with the election of the Partido Popular, under Eduardo Zaplana. See also ALBINYANA, JOSEP LLUÍS; BATTLE OF VALENCIA; STATUTES OF AUTONOMY. PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE MALLORCA (PSM) / MALLORCAN SOCIALIST PARTY. First created in Mallorca in 1975 with the name of Partit Socialista de les Illes (PSI), this party was affiliated with the other Catalan socialist parties until the latter fused with Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE). The PSM advocated abstention in the campaign preceding the referendum on the new Spanish Constitution in 1978 because of the lack of self-government for the different nations included within the Spanish state. In 1998, it changed its name to PSM–Esquerra Nacionalista and then later Federació PSM–Entesa Nacionalista. Gaining five seats in the 1999 Balearic elections, it formed a coalition government, known as the Pacte de Progrés, with the Partit Socialista de les Illes Balears (PSIB-PSOE), Unió Mallorquina (UM), and Izquierda Unida (IU). It went into opposition in 2004 but reformed a pact with the European Union, Esquerra Repubicanco de Catalunya–Illes Balears, and the green party to form Bloc per Mallorca, which was able to form a coalition government with the Bloc Progressista in the 2007 elections. See also BALEARIC ISLANDS; CATALAN COUNTRIES; PANCATALANISM. PARTIT SOCIALISTA UNIFICAT DE CATALUNYA (PSUC) / UNIFIED SOCIALIST PARTY OF CATALONIA. The PSUC was formed in July 1936 as an amalgam of the Partit Comunista de Catalunya (PCC), the Federació Catalana of the Particio Socialista Obero Español, the Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC),

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and the Partit Català Proletari (PCP). Joan Comorera was made secretary general. Notwithstanding more widespread support for libertarian communism among the workers’ movement in Catalonia, the party grew considerably during the Spanish Civil War, spreading its ideology through the periodicals Treball and Juliol. The PSUC was recognized as the Catalan section of the Communist International in July 1939; however, from 1940, the Spanish Communist Party attempted to integrate the PSUC, which led to conflict with many of its members. Comorera was expelled from the party in November 1949 and was succeeded by Josep Moix. Under Gregori López Raimundo from 1965, the PSUC played an important role in the struggle for democracy in Spain and participated in the Assemblea de Catalunya. See also ARLANDIS, HILARI; ASSEMBLEA DE CATALUNYA; CANDEL, FRANCESC; COMISSIONS OBRERES; ENTESA DELS CATALANS; FEMINIST MOVEMENT; INICIATIVA PER CATALUNYA; PÀMIES, TERESA; STUDENT MOVEMENT; TRANSITION. PASQUAL, LLUÍS (1951–). Catalan theater director and producer from Reus, whose work ranges from a 1972 student collective creation based on the Setmana Tràgica (Tragic Week) to Shakespeare adaptations for the Teatre Lliure, which he founded with the brilliant scenographer Fabià Puigserver as a focus for independent theater in Barcelona. Internationally recognized for his work, he has been director of the Centro Dramático Nacional in Madrid, as well as the Odéon-Théâtre l’Europe in France. He was invited back to Barcelona to draw up the project for the City of Theater on Montjuïc; however, he resigned from his position as director due to conflict over the finances and artistic direction of the project. He remains one of the most influential Catalan theater practitioners and has been invited to direct the Teatre Lliure from 2010–2011. PEDRELL, FELIP (1841–1922). Catalan musicologist who worked with some of the most famous Catalan and Spanish composers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, including Isaac Albéniz and Enric Granados. See also MUSIC. PEDROLO, MANUEL DE (1918–90). Prolific novelist, playwright, poet, and translator who experimented in every genre. A

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popular writer, his Mecanoscrit del segon origen (1974) was one of the mostly widely read Catalan works of the 1970s. See also LITERATURE. PEIRÓ, JOAN (1887–1942). Catalan Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) activist who edited Solidaridad Obrera, was twice general secretary of the confederation, and was appointed minister of industry in 1936–37. He was associated with the Trentistes sector of the movement, who favored alliances with political institutions to achieve progressive social reform. See also ANARCHISM; SECOND REPUBLIC, THE. PERPIGNAN. This is the main population center in Catalunya Nord, with over 107,000 inhabitants. PETER I (1197–1213). Also known as “the Catholic,” Peter inherited the Crown of Aragon from Alfons II, while his brother was given Provence. Fighting together with the Crown of Castile, he won a great naval battle against the Moors at Las Navas de Tolosa and, subsequently, had himself crowned by the Pope in Rome, an accolade that his son James I sought to emulate. However, he died the following year in battle against Simon de Montfort at Muret, marking the end of Catalan expansionist ambitions in France. PETER II (1239–85) (PETER III OF ARAGON, PETER I OF VALENCIA). Known as “the Great,” he reigned from 1276 to 1285, consolidating the conquests of James I. Through his marriage to the daughter of the king of Sicily in 1262, he inherited the Kingdom of Sicily in 1282. With the help of Roger de Llúria, he was able to crush the Mallorcan-French alliance against his throne in 1285. He left Aragon to his eldest son, Alfons II. PETER III (1319–87) (PETER IV OF ARAGON 1336–37). Also known as “the Ceremonious,” as in the chronicle that bears his name. His reign was marked by the restoration of the Balearic Islands and Roussillon to the Crown of Aragon and by the institution of the Generalitat in 1359. He was succeded by his son Jaume I.

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PICASSO, PABLO (1881–1973). Born in Málaga, this Spanish artist spent his formative years, from 1895 to 1904, in Barcelona, studying at the Llotja and participating in Modernista cultural life, particularly the artistic circle that grew around Els Quatre Gats. His period in Barcelona and the trips he continued to make back to visit when he moved to Paris are often seen to have had an important influence on the depiction of social problems and political conflict in his work. See also ART. PI I MARGALL, FRANCESC (1824–1901). Barcelona-born republican writer, thinker, and politician who began his political career in the Spanish Democratic Party in 1854. Increasingly frustrated by the influence of the Church and the military in Spanish politics, he developed a republican ideology based on the administrative reconstruction of the historical regions of Spain as autonomous states. He propounded these ideas in journals like La Razón (Reason) and La Discusión (Discussion) before fully developing a program of economic and political reform in La Reacción y la Revolución (Reaction and revolution). He spent a period in exile in Paris in the 1860s, where he translated the works of Proudhon. On his return, he stood for Parliament in the Democratic Republican Party and was elected from 1869 to 1873. Head of government from February to June, he prevented a radical coup and was made president from 11 June to 18 July, going on to reform the Federal Republican Party after the restoration of the monarchy. He drew up a project for the federal reorganization of the Spanish State in the 1880s and 1890s, which was influential in left-wing Catalan republicanism and anarchism. Gabriel Alomar and Antoni Rovira i Virgili collected and republished his writings in Catalan as Articles (Articles, 1908) and La Qüestió de Catalunya (The question of Catalonia, 1913). See also FREEMASONRY. PI I SUNYER, CARLES (1888–1971). This Barcelona-born engineer and economist is best-known for his activities as a politician, first within Acció Catalana (AC) and then later with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC). Elected mayor of Barcelona during the Second Republic, he was forced to stand down after the October

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Events of 1934, returning to politics in 1936, when he became minister for culture in the Generalitat until the end of the Spanish Civil War. He went into exile in Great Britain, together with Josep Maria Batista i Roca and Pere Bosch i Gimpera, and there he negotiated with the British government to help Catalan refugees, establishing links with a number of universities. Between 1946 and 1947, he was a minister in Josep Irla’s first Generalitat in exile. He moved to Caracas in 1952, where he focused on writing literature. PITIÜSES. Name given to the Balearic archipelago comprising Eivissa, Formentera, and the other smaller, uninhabited islands around it. PLA, JOSEP (1897–1981). Catalan writer, respected for his sophisticated prose style and his memoirs of half a century of Catalan life, such as Quadern Gris (Grey notebook, 1966). He was an indefatigable writer, combining journalism in Catalan and Spanish with his musings on the Catalan landscape, in particular the Empordà area of his birth, reflections on key figures in Catalan culture, and his own diaries. See also LITERATURE. PLA CERDÀ / CERDÀ PLAN. See CERDÀ PLAN. POLITICAL PARTIES. See ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA; ACCIÓ NACIONALISTA VALENCIANA; ACCIÓ REPUBLICANA DE MALLORCA; ACCIÓ VALENCIANA; ACTUACIÓ VALENCIANISTA D’ESQUERRA; AGRUPACIÓ VALENCIANISTA REPUBLICANA; BLOC NACIONALISTA VALENCIÀ; BLOC OBRER I CAMPEROL; BLOC PROGRESSISTA; BLOC REPUBLICÀ AUTONOMISTA; CATALUNYA LLIURE; CENTRE NACIONAL CATALÀ; CENTRE NACIONALISTA REPUBLICÀ; CIUTADANS DE CATALUNYA; CONVERGÈNCIA DEMOCÀTICA DE CATALUNYA; CONVERGÈNCIA I UNIÓ; DRETA REGIONAL VALENCIAN; ENTESA DELS CATALANS; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA BALEAR; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DE CATALUNYA; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; ESQUERRA VALENCIANA; ESTAT CATALÀ; FEMINIST MOVEMENT; FRONT D’ESQUERRES

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DE CATALUNYA; FRONT NACIONAL DE CATALUNYA; FRONT OBRER DE CATALUNYA; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; INICIATIVA PER CATALUNYA; JOVENTUT VALENCIANISTA; LLIGA CATALANA; LLIGA COMUNISTA REVOLUCIONÀRIA; LLIGA REGIONALISTA; MOVIMENT SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA; OPINIÓ, L’; PACTE DE PROGRÉS; PANCATALANISM; PARTIDO POPULAR; PARTIT CATALÀ PROLETARI; PARTIT COMUNISTA DE CATALUNYA; PARTIT DELS SOCIALISTES DE CATALUNYA; PARTIT D’UNIÓ REPUBLICANA AUTONOMISTA; PARTIT NACIONALISTA REPUBLICÀ D’ESQUERRES; PARTIT OBRER D’UNIFICACIÓ MARXISTA; PARTIT REPUBLICÀ CATALÀ; PARTIT REPUBLICÀ D’ESQUERRA; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE LES ILLES BALEARS; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE MALLORCA; PARTIT SOCIALISTA UNIFICAT DE CATALUNYA; REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT; SOLIDARITAT CATALANA; UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DE CATALUNYA; UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; UNIÓ FEDERAL NACIONALISTA REPUBLICANA; UNIÓ MALLORQUINA; UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES; UNIÓ SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA; UNIÓ VALENCIANA; UNITAT DEL POBLE VALENCIÀ; VERDS, ELS. POLITICIANS. See AINAUD DE LASARTE, JOSEP MARIA; ALBERTÍ PICORNELL, JERONI; ALBINYANA, JOSEP LLUÍS; ALBORCH, CARME; ALCOVER I MASPONS, JOAN; ALMIRALL, VALENTÍ; ALOMAR, GABRIEL; ANTICH, FRANCESC; ARIBAU, BONAVENTURA; ARLANDIS, HILARI; AZZATI, FÈLIX; BALAGUER, VÍCTOR; BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; BATISTA I ROCA, JOSEP MARIA; BENET I MORELL, JOSEP; BLASCO IBÁÑEZ, VICENTE; BOFILL I MATES, JAUME; BONNEMAISON, FRANCESCA; CALVET I MORA, JOSEP; CAMBÓ I BATLLE, FRANCESC; CAMPO, MARQUIS OF; CAMPS, FRANCISCO; CANDEL, FRANCESC; CARNER I ROMEU, JAUME; CAROD-ROVIRA, JOSEP LLUÍS; CASTELLÓ I GOMEZ, GONÇAL; CERDÀ, ILDEFONS; CLARIS, PAU; COLOM I COLOM, ÀNGEL; COMORERA, JOAN; COMPANYS,

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LLUÍS; COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME; COROMINES, PERE; COSTA SERRA, PILAR; CRUELLS I PIFARRÉ, MANUEL; DENCÀS, JOSEP; DOMÈNECH I MONTANER, LLUÍS; DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ; FALCÓN, LIDIA; GASSOL I ROVIRA, VENTURA; HUGUET, GAIETÀ; IRLA, JOSEP; LAYRET, FRANCESC; LERMA I BLASCO, JOAN; LERROUX GARCÍA, ALEJANDRO; LLUCH, ERNEST; LLUHÍ I RISSECH, JOAQUIM; LOPEZ-RODÓ, LAUREANO; MACIÀ, FRANCESC; MARAGALL, PASQUAL; MARCO MIRANDA, VICENT; MATUTES, ABEL; MAURA, ANTONIO; MAURÍN, JOAQUIM; MAYOR I ZARAGOZA, FREDERIC; MOLAS, ISIDRE; MONTSENY, FEDERICA; NICOLAU D’OLWER, LLUÍS; NIN, ANDREU; PAGÈS I ELIES, PERE; PI I MARGALL, FRANCESC; PI I SUNYER, CARLES; PONS, DAMIÀ; PRAT DE LA RIBA, ENRIC; PRIM Y PRATS, JOAN; PUIG I CADAFALCH, JOSEP; PUIG I FERRETER, JOAN; PUJOL I SOLEY, JORDI; ROBERT, BARTOMEU; ROCA I JUNYENT, MIQUEL; ROVIRA, JOSEP; ROVIRA I VIRGILI, ANTONI; SAMPER I IBAÑEZ, RICARD; SBERT I MASSANET, ANTONI; SERRA, NARCÍS; SERRA I HÚNTER, JAUME; SERRAHIMA I BOFILL, MAURICI; TARRADELLAS, JOSEP; XIRAU I PALAU, ANTONI; XIRINACS I DAMIANS, LLUÍS MARIA; ZAPLANA, EDUARDO. PONS, DAMIÀ (1950–). Literary historian, poet, and cultural activist from Mallorca. He was minister for culture under the Pacte de Progrés government in the Balearic Islands from 1999 to 2003 and helped to set up the Institut Ramon Llull. PONS, VENTURA (1945–). Barcelona-born theater and film director. He directed his first play in 1967, shifting to cinema in the 1970s with the documentary Ocaña, retrat intermitent (1977), about a famous Barcelona transvestite. Notwithstanding the critical success of his first film, Pons found it difficult to find funding for subsequent works and set up his own production company. Most of his subsequent films have been comedies, some of them based on works by contemporary Catalan writers, such as Josep Maria Benet, Quim Monzó, Sergi Belbel, and Lluisa Cunillé.

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PORCEL, BALTASAR (1937–2009). Mallorcan writer, born in Andratx, who is one of the most highly-respected figures in contemporary Catalan literature. As well as essays, articles, travel writing, and theater, he wrote a series of well-received novels, many of them centering on a mythical world derived from his home town. See also LITERATURE. PORCIOLES I COLOMER, JOSÉ MARÍA DE (1904–93). This right-wing, Catholic Falangist politician was mayor of Barcelona from 1957 to 1973, presiding over the massive urban expansion of the city. PORTABELLA, PERE (1929–). Catalan film director and producer, born in Figueres, Catalonia. Portabella founded the Films 59 production company, supporting projects by Carlos Saura and Luis Buñuel from 1959 onward. He has authored and directed a number of documentaries and experimental films since the 1960s, from No compteu amb els dits (Don’t count with your fingers, 1967), with Joan Brossa, to Puente de Varsovia (Warsaw bridge, 1990). Portabella also contributed a short on the controversial hydrological plan to dam the river Ebro in Catalonia to the Hay motivo (There is a reason, 2004) series of films criticizing the policies of the Partido Popular (PP) government in the run-up to the 2004 Spanish general elections. See CINEMA. PRAT DE LA RIBA, ENRIC (1870–1917). Catalanist lawyer and politician who was secretary and president of the law, philosophy, and literature section of the Centre Escolar Catalanista (Catalanist School Center) and was elected secretary of the Unió Catalanista (UC) in 1892, thus participating in the drafting of the Bases de Manresa. One of the founding members of the Lliga Regionalista in 1901, he was elected president of Barcelona’s provincial council four times and used his influence to negotiate the creation of a Mancomunitat with Antonio Maura. Prat de la Riba eventually saw the decree that would permit creation of the Mancomunitat passed on 19 December 1913 and became president of the institution from 1914 until his death in 1917. As president, he was able to found a number of institutions that might form a base from which to build Catalan

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cultural autonomy. He also modernized the road and telephone networks and developed other aspects of the civic infrastructure, such as libraries and schools. Prat de la Riba is also known for his speeches and writings on Catalan national identity, such as “El fet de la nacionalitat catalana” (The Catalan national fact), which he delivered at the Ateneu Barcelonès during Valentí Almirall’s presidency, and his 1906 book La nacionalitat catalana (The Catalan nation). PRESS. The earliest periodical publications in Catalan date from the 19th century; however, there had been a healthy local press from the 1760s and 1770s, even in parts of Valencia. The first periodical in Catalan, La Renaixença of 1871, lent its name to the movement for the revival of Catalan culture. In the same decade, the first daily newspaper appeared, Valentí Almirall’s Diari Català. By the 1930s, there was a rich and varied press in Catalan with newspapers of all political colors, including the conservative La Veu de Catalunya and the more progressive La Publicitat and Mirador, as well as the radical publications of the Republic and revolutionary years. However, after the Spanish Civil War, all publications in Catalan were suppressed, and the key Spanish-language dailies in the region were taken over and made to follow the dictates of the Franco regime. Some clandestine publications and journals appeared, such as Ariel and Poesia, but in general, these were aimed at a minority intellectual elite. Other publications in exile, such as Quaderns de l’exili, were created in order to attempt to maintain the impetus of the cultural revival begun before the Spanish Civil War. Under the Franco regime, the first periodical to begin to offer a consistently critical view of contemporary culture and society was the Barcelona-based Destino, which grew to become one of the most important magazines of the 1950s and 1960s. In 1959, the first Catalan-language cultural journal was permitted, mainly because of its religious links to Montserrat, which allowed it to slip under the umbrella of ecclesiastical censorship. After Serra d’Or, came Els marges in the 1970s and then L’Espill in Valencia and Randa in Mallorca. The first Catalan-language daily newspaper to appear after the death of General Franco was l’Avui in 1976, while the Diari de Barcelona was not recovered until 1987 and remained open for only a few years.

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Since the transition period, most statutes of the Catalan-speaking autonomous regions underline the legal right of citizens to access media in Catalan; although, these rights have not been protected by the government of Aragon. There are various quality newspapers published outside Barcelona, such as El Punt de Girona, which sells around 24,000 copies and now has an edition aimed at all the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries), as well as a weekly edition for Catalunya Nord. Others include Regió 7, Diari de Girona, Nou Diari de Reus, and Nou Diari de Tarragona, each selling between 6,000 and 8,000 copies. However, the biggest selling newspapers in Catalonia are still the Spanish-language ones, with La Vanguardia (which now produces a web translation into Catalan), followed by El Periódico and El País. The main Catalan-language paper used to be L’Avui, but it has been overtaken by El Punt and the Catalan edition of El periódico in recent years. The latter has improved reading figures for the Catalan version; however, the quality of the translation tends to be poor. Right-wing Spanish papers, like ABC and El Mundo, have a negligible presence in Catalonia but are more popular in Valencia and the Balearics. Nearly all of these newspapers now have a significant online presence; however, readers normally have to register or pay to access archive material. News bulletins can also be received by email or SMS messaging. Among contemporary journals, the Valencian magazine El Temps is the biggest seller across the Catalan-speaking territories, with around 30,000 copies sold weekly. Other popular journals include Presència (the Sunday supplement of El Punt), Serra d’Or, and the children’s magazine Cavall Fort. There are satirical papers, like El Triangle, as well as the online newspaper Vilaweb, which is an important source of information for the Catalan countries. In the Balearics, nearly all the daily newspapers are in Castilian. As with television and radio, the main urban centers in the Balearic Islands are largely dependent on the other Catalan-speaking territories for a Catalan-language press. However, there are some significant journals from the islands, like Lluc, El mirall, La Nau Mediterrània, La Veu d’Eivissa i Formentera, Migjorn, and Ponent. All of these publications are usually distributed by subscription and have very short print runs. The daily press outside the cities continues to be mainly in Castilian.

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In Valencia, the three main Catalan periodicals are the weekly El Temps, the monthly Saó, and the bulletin of Acció Cultural del País Valencià. As in the Balearic Islands, some of the student and local press include sections in Catalan. See also CENSORSHIP; EXILE. PRIMER CONGRÉS DE LA LLENGUA CATALANA. This was an international conference held in Barcelona in 1906 to discuss the status, history, and future of the Catalan language, with participants from across the Catalan-speaking territories and from the rest of Europe. As a result of the conference, it was possible to produce general consensus about the need for a standard form of Catalan, as well as adding to the prestige of the language. In 1986, a second Congrés Internacional de la Llengua Catalana was held in commemoration of the first and in order to reflect upon the contemporary sociolinguistic situation of Catalan. See also ALCOVER, ANTONI MARIA; ALOMAR, GABRIEL; FABRA, POMPEU; LANGUAGE; NOUCENTISME. PRIMO DE RIVERA DICTATORSHIP. Miguel Primo de Rivera (1870–1930) was captain-general of Barcelona between July 1920 and 1923, having been appointed to deal with the insurrectionary activity in the city. Convinced that the existing political parties could not deal with Spain’s social problems, he conspired with Barcelona’s Defense Juntas and wealthy industrialist circles to bring about a coup. He was supported by members of the army, as well as by King Alfonso XIII, so on 13 September, there was limited opposition to his pronunciamiento, which he presented as necessary to deal with the political and social problems in Spain. However, having repressed the far left, banning the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and the Spanish Communist Party, he turned his attention to Catalanism, illegalizing nationalist and republican parties and movements and even targeting the Catalan bourgeoisie who had originally offered him some support. He abolished the Mancomunitat and banned the Catalan language from the public sphere in order to tighten central control of the region. His proscription of a whole range of cultural activities associated with Catalan national identity, including the sardana, ultimately contributed to strengthening militant Catalanist republicanism in the region. Examples of armed resistance to the

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regime include the 1925 assassination attempt on Alfonso XIII and Primo de Rivera in the Garraf area and Francesc Macià’s frustrated attempt to liberate Catalonia from across the Pyrenean border at Prats de Molló in 1926. In contrast, the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) was invited to participate in his administration of the economy and labor, introducing collective bargaining for wages. The party Primo de Rivera set up in the latter years of the regime, the Patriotic Union, was resented by the military and was too clerical and conservative to achieve popular backing. Furthermore, the economic downturn from 1929 meant that even the business community began to withdraw support. However, it was above all his repression of the anarcho-syndicalist labor movement and suppression of Catalan cultural particularism that contributed to the resurgence and eventual dominance of Catalanist republican action at the end of the decade. Primo de Rivera was eventually persuaded to stand down in January 1930, dying in exile in Paris two months later. See also ACCIÓ CATALANA REPUBLICANA; ANARCHISM; BANDERA NEGRA; BATISTA I ROCA, JOSEP MARIA; COMPTE I CANELLES, JAUME; ECONOMY; ESTAT CATALÀ; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; ORGANITZACIÓ MILITAR CATALANA; SOCIETAT D’ESTUDIS MILITARS. PRIM Y PRATS, JOAN (1814–70). Born in Reus, Tarragona, Joan Prim was a progressive military man and the leading figure in the Glorious Revolution of 1868, which had broad popular support. Aiming to force Isabel II to abdicate and to introduce a more democratic constitution, the revolution was followed by the parliamentary democratic years of 1868–73 in Spain and, ultimately, paved the way for the First Republic. Prim himself was president of the council of ministers and became regent until 1870. He was a member of the Progressive Party in Spain and stood for a variety of Catalan localities. He was assassinated on 27 December 1870. See also FREEMASONRY. PUBLISHING. The Catalan-speaking territories saw the advent of print in the 15th century in Valencia and Barcelona. Barcelona famously appears as a print center in book 2 of Don Quijote, published in 1614, when Don Quixote is surprised to find apocryphal versions

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of his travels being printed in one of the city’s print shops. The anecdote is useful to show the importance of the print medium to the development and diffusion of identities. In the Spanish golden age, there were many printers and publishers who set up shop in Barcelona, publishing in a range of languages for many centuries. This tradition of family imprints, such as that of the Cormellas, who are the source of the Cervantine reference, continued well into the 19th century, when the economic and cultural growth of the city produced an intellectual elite that began to create their own journals and imprints. Figures like Bonaventura Aribau, Antoni Bergnes de las Casas, Manuel Milà i Fontanals, and later Víctor Balaguer were crucial to the Catalan culture renaissance, not only because of their ideas and interest in Catalan cultural history but also because of their contribution to the growth of the publishing industry, with journals influencing the cultural taste of the new upper middle class elite, such as El Museo de las Familias, El Europeo, and La Ilustración, as well as the publication of translations of European authors and the availability of presses to print Catalan works. Most of the books published in 19th-century Spain had either Madrid or Barcelona imprints, and many of the Catalan publishing houses had branches in Madrid, too. Barcelona has remained a print center ever since, with many publishing houses based there in the 20th century, such as José Janés Editor and later Plaza Janés, Seix Barral, and Alfaguara. Extensive publication in Catalan began in the late 19th century with popular collections like L’Avenç, which included contemporary Catalan authors, versions of Catalan classics, translations of world literature, and history, the basis of any popular library. The first decades of the 20th century saw Noucentisme seek to consolidate book production in Catalan, with the creation of institutions like the Editorial Catalana. The Primer Congrés de la Llengua Catalana in 1906 identified the need to codify the language with a modern standard, in order to produce a language of culture for the future survival and strength of the language. The Fundació Bernat Metge was set up to produce bilingual editions of the classics, but there were also a number of more popular presses, focusing on serialized fiction, theater, and pamphlets. Many of these imprints can still be found behind the façades of booksellers in contemporary Barcelona; although, increasingly the focus is on bigger publishing houses.

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By the 1930s, there was a publishing boom in Catalan, which was not matched until well after the death of General Francisco Franco. Publication in Catalan was banned after the Spanish Civil War, except for “classics” and some circulation of prepublished texts, normally in nonstandardized Catalan. The stock of many publishing houses and book shops was seized. Publishers got around this by using private circulation, back-dating volumes, and publishing outside Catalonia in exile; although, the editions produced were limited to a minority elite in the 1940s and 1950s. Other publishers set up in exile in the Americas, with key centers in Argentina, Mexico, and Paris. The ban was relaxed in the late 1950s, and this led to increased publication, as well as to the creation of prizes in the 1960s to encourage literary production. However, the figures of books produced in Catalan did not really approach those of the 1930s until after the end of the Franco regime, and whereas 23 percent of the books published in Spain in the 1930s were in the Catalan language, by the transition to democracy, this proportion had dropped to around 4.5 percent. By the end of the 20th century, there were publishing houses across the Catalan-speaking territories, and large numbers of books were published; although, in general, readership figures remained poor compared with those for publications in Castilian. Catalan literature receives very large subsidies from the Generalitat; although, the market for children’s literature and school books is far healthier. In recent years, Catalan-language book publication has gone up to well over 7,000 titles per year, the majority of which are published in Barcelona. Catalan book production has also been on the increase in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, mainly thanks to the work of publishing houses such as Eliseu Climent’s Tres i Quatre and the Editorial Moll. However, together they barely account for 15 percent of the total number of books published. See also ABADIA DE MONTSERRAT; BARRAL, CARLOS; BENET I JORNET, JOSEP MARIA; CASP, XAVIER; CENSORSHIP; CHURCH; LITERATURE; MASSOT I MUNTANER, JOSEP; MILLET I BE, SALVADOR; MOLAS, JOAQUIM; MOLL, FRANCESC DE BORJA; OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR; PRESS; SALES, JOAN; SANT JORDI; TUSQUETS, ESTHER.

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PUIG ANTICH, SALVADOR (1948–74). Barcelona-born anarchist who was accused of murdering a Civil Guard in a shootout in September 1973 and was executed by the Franco regime in 1974, leading to widespread demonstrations and international criticism of the regime. PUIG I CADAFALCH, JOSEP (1867–1956). This Catalan architect and politician is associated with Modernisme and the construction of Els Quatre Gats (1895) and the Casa Amatller (1900), among other buildings, drawing on an eclectic range of architectural styles. He contributed to the urban development of Barcelona with projects to link the Via Laietana with the old center of the city and the widening of the Plaça de Catalunya, as well as the restoration of historic churches. As an art historian, he taught and wrote books on medieval Catalan architecture and was instrumental in the beginning of excavation work in Empúries. One of the founding members of the Lliga Regionalista, he was a city councilor from 1902 to 1905 and was put in charge of museum policy. He was closely involved with Solidaritat Catalana and the Lliga Regionalista in the development of cultural policy up to 1917. That year, he became the second president of the Mancomunitat until 1924 and continued to work to improve the infrastructure of Barcelona and the surrounding area. PUIG I FERRETER, JOAN (1882–1956). Catalan novelist, dramatist, and politician who was elected both to the Spanish Cortes and to the Catalan Parliament for Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya during the Second Republic. He went into exile in Paris, where he wrote a novelistic cycle entitled El pelegrí apassionat (The passionate pilgrim), in which he exposed the full complexity of the sociopolitical situation. His involvement in a financial scandal while in office in the Generalitat in exile led to his marginalization from the other groups of Catalan exiles. PUIGSERVER, FABIÀ (1938–91). Catalan theater director, set designer, and producer who was active in the regeneration of theatrical culture from the 1960s onward, in particular in collaboration with Lluís Pasqual. He achieved international recognition for his work,

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particularly his design for Núria Espert’s version of Yerma in 1972, and was one of the founding members of the Teatre Lliure. PUJOL I SOLEY, JORDI (1930–). Barcelona-born politician who trained as a medic, beginning his political activism in the Catholic Catalanist groups that appeared in the 1950s. He was cofounder of the Catòlics Catalans (CC) group in 1954 and worked closely with the clandestine Acadèmia de la Llengua, which led him to be sentenced to seven years imprisonment after an incident at the Palau de la Música in May 1960 when he was part of the audience that sang the banned Catalan national anthem, the “Cant de la Senyera,” in the presence of four Francoist ministers. Pujol was released two and a half years later and went on to combine his political activity with financial and economic business. In 1959, he and his father bought the Banca Dorca in Olot, later moving it to Barcelona as the Banca Catalana in 1961. It was intended to underpin the industrial development of Catalonia as well as providing funds for Catalan opposition to the Franco regime. Through the Banca, he was able to finance the Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana, the Lavínia publishing house, the Centre d’Informació, Recerca i Promocions, Edicions Catalanes de París, and the Institut Català d’Immigració, among others. His management of this wide range of activities and institutions provided invaluable experience for political leadership, and in 1975, he set up his own party, Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC). He was elected to Parliament in June 1977, where he was head of the Catalan Minority in the Spanish Cortes. From 1977 to 1979, he was a minister in the provisional Generalitat, before creating a coalition between CDC and the Unió Democràtica de Catalunya for the 1980 autonomous elections. Elected president by an unexpectedly large majority, Pujol was to remain president of the Generalitat until the beginning of the 21st century, surviving investigation into his activities as president of Banca Catalana between 1982 and 1986, as well as later opposition and dissent over the pacts formed between Convergència i Unió and the Partito Socialista Obero Español government in 1993 and with the Partido Popular (PP) in 1997. He retired in time for the Generalitat elections in 2003, but remains president of Convergència

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Democràtica de Catalunya. See also CATALAN; CATALUNYA; CHURCH; BANCA CATALANA; TARRADELLAS, JOSEP. PYRENEES, TREATY OF THE (1659). Treaty drawn up between France and Spain after the Revolt of the Catalans, by which France got Roussillon, Conflent, Vallespir, and the upper half of Cerdagne. This reduced the total population of Catalonia by about a fifth. See also CATALUNYA NORD.

– Q – QUADRADO Y NIETO, JOSEP MARIA (1819–96). Menorcan historian, archeologist, and archivist who wrote on medieval Mallorcan history and contributed to the historical romantic revival of interest in Catalan cultural history.

– R – RABASSAIRES. See UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES. RADIO. The first radio station in Spain was Radio Barcelona, which began to broadcast during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. The first totally Catalan-language station, the Ràdio Associació de Catalunya, appeared in 1929. Nowadays, there are five radio stations in Catalonia that broadcast entirely in Catalan: Ràdio Quatre, Catalunya Ràdio, Ràdio Associació de Catalunya, Catalunya Música, and Catalunya Informació. In addition, there are around 2,000 municipal radio stations, about 8 percent of which contain programs in Catalan. Among the private stations: Cadena Nova delivers around 50 percent of its programs in Catalan; Antena 3, 30 percent; Cadena M80, 10 percent; SER, 15 percent; Cadena Flash, 100 percent; and Onda Cero, 30 percent. The only totally Catalan station in Valencia is Canal 9 Ràdio, set up by the Generalitat Valenciana in 1988. Radio 4, part of Spanish National Radio, used to have Catalan programs, and there are a number of municipal stations that broadcast Catalan programs; although,

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there are fewer than in the past. The Balearics do not have any major stations that broadcast entirely in Catalan and depend very much on Catalonia and Valencia for audiovisual media. Most major Catalan radio stations now provide material digitally and in podcasts. RAIMON (1940–). Ramon Pelegero i Sanchis is a Valencian singer and writer, better known as Raimon. He was one of the emblematic figures in the struggle against the Franco regime and is associated with the Nova Cançó movement, in particular through his song “Diguem no” (Let’s say no). He has set many of the most important Catalan writers to music, including Ausiàs March, Jordi de Sant Jordi, and Joan Roís de Corella. RAMIS I RAMIS, JOAN (1746–1819). Menorcan writer of verse tragedy. One of the few important Catalan writers of the 18th century, which was generally perceived to be a period of cultural decadence. RAT PENAT, LO. This Valencian cultural association was set up by Constantí Llombart and Teodor Llorente in 1874, after the death of Isabel II, which allowed some degree of revival of Valencian ideas and culture. It promoted popular celebrations of key dates in Valencian history (such as the fourth centenary of the death of James I), organized excursions around Valencia, and published a short-lived journal from 1884 to 1885. However, the organization had little political effect. It was supported by the bourgeoisie in Valencia because of the popularity of the figure of Llorente, but they were, in the main, against political manifestations of cultural identity. Llombart did cultivate a form of proto-nationalism, but it had limited appeal, and the group remained rather localist and folkloric in scope. For this reason, the group was tolerated by the Franco regime after 1939. Its members were signatories of the Normes de Castelló in 1932; thus, in the 1950s, Lo Rat Penat began to take on an important role in the revival of Valencian culture, with the literary and philological activities of Enric Valor and Carles Salvador. Their promotion of Valencian-Catalan through language courses, which reached over 13,000 people between 1951 and 1976. However, linguistic secessionists within the group, such as Miquel Adlert (1911–88) and Xavier Casp, later created new platforms like the Academia de

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Cultura Valenciana, supporting alternative norms to those agreed at Castelló and creating their own journal, Murta. There was a split within the group in the 1980s over acceptance of the new standard, which became known as the Normes d’El Puig. Casp became perpetual president, followed by Joan Gil Barberà (1932–2006). The association is now linked with anti-Catalan linguistic secessionism and blaverisme. REIAL ACADÈMIA DE LA CULTURA VALENCIANA (RACV). See ACADEMIA DE LA CULTURA VALENCIANA. REMENÇA CRISIS. This popular revolt began in Catalonia in 1462, with protests by peasants from the Girona mountains about taxes levied by baronial lords, and was repeated between 1483 and 1486. It led to widespread social conflict as the nobility and Catalonia’s council sought to maintain the taxes. The monarchy took the side of the protesters, and in 1486, Ferdinand repealed the right of the nobles to levy the remença. RENAIXENÇA. Meaning renaissance or rebirth, this was the name given to the process of cultural revival that took place in the Catalan-speaking territories during the second half of the 19th century. Beginning with a few intellectuals who used the Catalan language or defended or promoted its use, such as Bonaventura Aribau, by the 1870s, there was a strong movement among the elites to recover a supposedly lost or suppressed identity. The factors that are thought to have influenced this cultural revival range from the influence of the ideas of historical romanticism from Germany via France to the changing economic and social situation of Catalonia and the other Catalan-speaking territories with respect to the rest of Spain. However, the figures associated with the Renaixença take a wide range of political and cultural positions, from the conservatism of figures like Joaquim Rubió i Ors, Manuel Milà i Fontanals, and, in Mallorca, Marià Aguiló to the more progressive proto-nationalism of Valentí Almirall in Catalonia or Constantí Llombart in Valencia. One of the most popular cultural achievements of Renaixença writers and intellectuals was the revival of the Jocs Florals, first in Barcelona in 1859, then later in Valencia. Many of the cultural

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figures of the time were involved in this movement, whatever their politics, from Rubió i Ors to Milà i Fontanals and Víctor Balaguer. However, what is far more important in their legacy is their recovery of medieval literature, their readings and translations from world literature, and their journalism, particularly in the Diario de Barcelona, which helped to create an educated and informed cultural market. See also LANGUAGE. REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. The republican movement in Spain began with the Mallorcan Joan Marià Picornell’s (1757–1825) spread of the ideas of Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau in 1795. After a long period of clandestine discussion and development of republican ideologies, the movement came out into the open with the creation of the Democratic Party in 1849, and Francesc Pi i Margall’s Federal Democratic Republican Party in 1868. The declaration of the First Republic in Spain saw the Catalan Francesc Pi i Margall become president for six months. However, there were divisions within the movement, created by the different political ideologies and social programs it embraced, right up until the end of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, when the parties were able to unite in their struggle for a republic, leading to the proclamation of the Second Republic after the elections of April 1931. Within Catalonia, the republican movement was inspired by Pi i Margall’s formulation of a project for the creation of a federal Spain made up of autonomous states corresponding to the historical regions, and this underpinned a significant strand of political Catalanism, from the ultra-nationalists associated with Francesc Macià and Ventura Gassol to progressive socialist republicans like Lluís Companys. However, at the turn of the century, the creation of a Catalanist Republican Party with a broad social base was hampered by the influence of right-wing and center-right regional Catalanism among the wealthy middle classes together with the success of the anti-Catalanist Alejandro Lerroux’s brand of proto-anarchist republicanism. So, while impressive results were achieved in the 1907 elections by Solidaritat Catalana (SC), which was supported by the Republican Union under Nicolás Salmerón, it was largely the Lliga Regionalista that benefited politically, and republican ideas were marginalized from Catalan political life until the economic boom

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of the beginning of the First World War turned to economic crisis, leading to the Assemblea de Parlamentaris, revolutionary strikes throughout Catalonia, and the drafting of a statute of autonomy in 1918. Diverse republican formations in Catalonia, Valencia, and Mallorca emerged throughout the early decades of the 20th century. The Catalan wing of Republican Union in Catalonia joined with the Centre Nacionalista Republicà to form Esquerra Catalana in 1909 and then the Unió Federal Nacionalista Republicana (UFNR) in 1910. Out of this emerged the Bloc Republicà Autonomista, the Partit Republicà Català (PRC), and the beginnings of more progressive Catalan nationalist formations, which would eventually lead to the creation of Antoni Rovira i Virgili’s Acció Catalana (AC) and Macià’s more separatist Estat Català (EC) in 1922. In Valencia, too, there were some separatist formations to contend with the republican hegemony of Vicente Blasco Ibáñez and then Lerroux, such as Acció Nacionalista Valenciana (ANV) and later Acció Valenciana, but their support was quite cleverly drawn away by the incorporation of pseudo-separatist claims into the Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista (PURA). The wealthy industrialist backlash against the working classes from 1918 to 1921 led to a radicalization of the labor movement, leading many to turn to anarchism. This both diluted Catalanist republican support, and, with the harsh repression of both anarcho-syndicalism and radical republicanism under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, limited their political scope. However, by the end of the dictatorship, Macià and Catalan republicanism had become an emblem of freedom, and the avi (granddad), as he had become known, came back to find broad political support for the creation of the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) in 1931. Macià and other members of the Catalan Republican Left were involved in the negotiation over the shape and scope of a future Spanish republic in San Sebastián in 1930 that resulted in the San Sebastian pact. Then when the April 1931 municipal election results brought an overwhelming victory for the Republican Left, it was Lluís Companys who proclaimed the Second Republic, with Macià declaring a Catalan republic within a federal Iberian state. The Spanish Republican government insisted on the need for the Statute of Autonomy to be approved by referendum

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and by the Cortes before the autonomous government could be legally constituted, and Macià agreed to a timetable to achieve this. But from 1931 to the occupation of Barcelona in 1939, the Catalan government was dominated by Catalan republican left formations, who, first under Macià and later under Companys, attempted to include all the Catalan political formations within the Generalitat. There was a proliferation of republican formations in the Catalan countries in this period, many of which lobbied for their own statutes of autonomy, including Agrupació Valencianista Republicana (AVR), Actuació Valencianista d’Esquerra (AVE), Acció Republicana de Mallorca (ARM), and Esquerra Republicana de Mallorca, among others. However, their effectiveness was undermined by the anti-Catalanism of Lerroux’s so-called Radical Republican Party, which allied with Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) supporters during the Black Biennium to push back many of the more radical policies of the early 1930s, by divisions within the left, and even within the Republican movement itself, and, above all, by the military uprising against the legitimately elected republic in July 1936, now identified as the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. REPUBLICAN UNION. See REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT. REVOLT OF THE CATALANS. See CATALANS, REVOLT OF THE. REVOLT OF THE FORANS. See FORÀ REVOLT. RIBA, CARLES (1893–1959). Internationally renowned as a poet, Carles Riba was one of the most important figures in 20th-century Catalan literature. He began writing and translating at a precocious age, under the auspices of the Noucentista movement, and became a regular contributor to literary journals in the 1910s, instrumental in prescribing the shape of Catalan culture. As a disciple of Eugeni d’Ors in his early years as a writer, Riba’s poetry was heavily influenced by the pseudo-classicism of the time; however, this was underpinned by his extensive studies in classical languages and by

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his commitment to the collective project to revitalize and normalize Catalan culture, as envisaged by figures such as Enric Prat de la Riba and Pompeu Fabra. Riba translated many works of literature into Catalan, ranging from children’s books to the Odyssey, which he translated twice. In the 1920s and 1930s, he was involved in many important Catalan cultural projects as a lecturer in classics at the University of Barcelona, in coordinating the Fundació Bernat Metge, and as a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. He remained in Barcelona for much of the Spanish Civil War, was active in the PEN club, and helped found the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes in 1937. He went into exile in France at the end of January 1939, settling for a period at Bierville, where he wrote his most famous work of poetry, the Elegies de Bierville (1943). Here, his personal experience of exile converges with that of the Catalan people at the end of the Spanish Civil War, drawing on the sense of lack and the search for tradition that is also a feature of his poetic quest. He returned to Catalonia in the 1940s and soon found a role in the cultural world of the time, even collaborating with figures associated with the Franco regime in order to pave the way for Catalan cultural activity. Other key collections of poetry include Estances (1930) and Salvatge Cor (1953). RIBALTA, FRANCISCO (1555–1628). Valencian painter born in Castelló. His work is characterized by the chiaroscuro style he picked up in Naples. RIBERA, JOSÉ DE (1591–1652). Baroque painter from Xàtiva (Valencia) who spent most of his life in Naples at the court of the Spanish viceroys. Most of his paintings are characterized by a chiaroscuro style derived from Caravaggio, yet his work of the 1630s is far more varied and luminous in tone. RIERA, CARME (1948–). This Mallorcan writer, brought up in a wealthy family, left home to study at the University of Barcelona in 1965 and went on to undertake research in Spanish literature. Her career as a writer in Catalan began in the 1970s and has run in parallel to her academic writings on Spanish literature. While her works draw on a wide range of intertextual references from Catalan,

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Spanish, and world literature, she has continued to write in the Mallorcan dialect of Catalan, at times focusing closely on the culture and identity of her homeland. Informed by feminist theory and politics, her works explore the different possibilities for female agency, challenging the boundaries of patriarchal thinking. While her early short stories, Te deix la mar com a penyora, explore a range of different gender roles, the novels that follow often focus on the I of the woman writer, as she negotiates the narrative web before her. More recently, her texts have centered on marginalized voices from the history of Mallorca, such as the Xuetes. She has received numerous prizes for her fiction and for her academic writings, including her doctoral thesis on the School of Barcelona poets. RIQUER, ALEXANDRE DE (1856–1920). Born in Calaf, into the noble House of Dàvalos, Alexandre de Riquer was to become one of the most important artists in the Modernista period. He was a founding member of the Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc (Artistic Circle of Saint Luke) and a great admirer of the Pre-Raphaelite movement. Best known for his graphic art in posters, engravings, and many other media, he also wrote a number of literary works and was an influential designer and interior decorator. He was the grandfather of Martí de Riquer. RIQUER I MORERA, MARTÍ DE (1914–). This eminent literary historian and philologist is an emeritus professor of Romance languages and literature at the University of Barcelona as well as a member of the Real Academica Española. He is best known for his work on medieval Catalan and troubadour literature, including key editions of canonical writers, such as Jordi de Sant Jordi, Ramon Llull, Bernat Metge, and his four editions of Tirant lo Blanc, including the prize-winning Aproximació al Tirant lo Blanc (1990). Riquer set up and produced the first three volumes of the Història de la literatura catalana (1964–87), which was continued and completed by Antoni Comas (1931–81) and Joaquim Molas. He has also worked on Spanish canonical authors and texts, including Miguel de Cervantes, Fernando de Rojas, and Juan de Mena. Although he is not a Catalanist politically, he has received numerous honors in recognition of his work, including the Creu de Sant Jordi (1992).

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ROBERT, BARTOMEU (1842–1902). This Mexican-born Catalanist politician studied medicine in Barcelona, graduating in 1863. He was a respected doctor and medical researcher, and lectured in the University of Barcelona. Robert’s social prestige led him to be named mayor of Barcelona by King Alfonso XII in March 1899, a position from which he resigned due to his support for the Tancament de Caixes protest. He went on to become one of the founding members and president of the Lliga Regionalista. ROCA I JUNYENT, MIQUEL (1940–). Son of one of the founding members of Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC), this Catalan lawyer was an activist in the Front Obrer de Catalunya (FOC) during the Franco regime. He became secretary general of Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC) from 1974 to 1979 and was elected as a representative for Barcelona in the Spanish Cortes of 1977, where he was involved in negotiations over the new Spanish Constitution. He has been one of the foremost spokesmen for Convergència i Unió (CiU) in Spanish politics. See also TRANSITION. RÒDENAS I RODRUEZ, LLIBERTAT (1892–1970). This seamstress and photographer moved to Barcelona in 1918 and soon became involved in the social reform movement. She participated in the direct action campaigns of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and was imprisoned on numerous occasions. As a result of this, she was vocal in her denouncement of the physical and mental abuse of prisoners, and she took part in committees to help prisoners. On 23 July 1936, Ròdenas enrolled into the militia at the Aragonese front and evacuated Aragonese children. On her return to Barcelona, she continued in the struggle for social revolution and women’s emancipation in the Agrupación Mujeres Libres and the Casal de la Dona Treballadora. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, she went into exile in Mexico. See also FEMINISM; WOMEN. RODOREDA, MERCÈ (1908–83). The most significant postwar Catalan novelist, Rodoreda is celebrated for her first novel of the postwar period, La plaça del diamant (1962), which has been translated into numerous languages and is known in English as The Time

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of the Doves or The Pigeon Girl. She started out writing articles and stories for magazines and wrote four novels in the prewar period, only one of which she considered to be of any value, Aloma (1938). During the Spanish Civil War, she worked for the Generalitat in the Commissariat for Propaganda and the Institució de les Lletres Catalanes. She went into exile in France and then to Geneva, where she began to write again in 1958 with Vint-i-dos contes (21 stories). She continued to produce short stories in exile, winning numerous prizes, then elected to return to Catalonia in the 1970s. Rodoreda published other novels in her lifetime, including El carrer de les camèlies (Camelia Street), Mirall trencat (Broken mirror), Viatges i flors (Voyages and flowers), and Quanta, quanta guerra (What a lot of war). She also tried her hand at theater, although in general, this is not considered to have the same lyrical quality celebrated in her other writings. Her final novel, which she was revising when she died, was published posthumously with the title La mort i la primavera (Death in spring). Sidelined by some critics for many years as a woman writer, she has been instrumental in opening up the Catalan literary canon. See LITERATURE. ROIG, JAUME (1400–1478). Valencian poet, whose works include Lo spill o llibre de les dones, which contains harsh invective against women. ROIG, MONTSERRAT (1946–91). One of the most important Catalan women writers of the postwar period, she published many short stories and novels from the 1970s onward. She also worked as a journalist and produced nonfictional works, such as her study of the Catalan victims of the Nazi concentration camps, Els Catalans als Camps Nazis, published in 1977. She was invited to write a report on the Siege of Leningrad and, in 1986, published L’agulla daurada (The golden needle), about the experience. Her most important works are the series of novels that begin with Ramona adéu (Goodbye Ramona, 1972), El temps de les cireres (The time of the cherries, 1977), and L’hora violeta (The violet hour, 1980), ranging across 20thcentury Catalan history from the perspective of different generations of women. A politically committed writer, Roig produced many

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essays on feminism and the experience of contemporary women, including Tiempo de Mujer (Woman’s time, 1980) and Mujeres hacia un Nuevo humanismo (Women toward a new humanism, 1982). Her work deliberately explores a space for women’s history, writing, and experience. See also FEMINIST MOVEMENT. ROÍS DE CORELLA, JOAN (c.1433–97). Last of the great Catalan humanists, who cultivated complex and intricate poetry and prose. ROS, CARLES (1703–73). Valencian enlightenment academic who produced a Catalan dictionary as well as editions of medieval Valencian literature, such as Jaume Roig’s Llibre de les dones. ROSSELLÓ-PÒRCEL, BARTOMEU (1913–38). Mallorcan poet who studied with Gabriel Alomar and published his first book of poetry at the age of 20. Like the 1927 Generation in Spain, he was influenced by the baroque poetry of the golden age and, for a period, was considered one of the most original poets in the Catalan language. See LITERATURE. ROVIRA, JOSEP (1902–68). Born in the province of Barcelona, Rovira began his political activism with Francesc Macià and was involved in the attempted liberation of Catalonia in 1926. After a brief period as an Estat Català militant, he joined the Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC) and later the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM), fighting on the Aragonese front during the Spanish Civil War. He escaped into exile in January 1939 and was involved in the reorganization of the POUM. However, differences over the political future of the party led him to found the Moviment Socialista de Catalunya (MSC), now considered the cradle of the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC). He died in Paris in 1968. ROVIRA I BELETA, FRANCISCO (1913–99). Film director and producer who was particularly successful in the 1960s, with Los Tarantos (1962) and El amor brujo (1967). Both films received Oscar nominations for Best Foreign Film. See also AMAYA, CARMEN; CINEMA; GADES, ANTONIO.

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ROVIRA I VIRGILI, ANTONI (1882–1949). Influential writer, historian, and politician from Tarragona who published numerous works on nationalism. A republican, he started out as a member of the Joventut Federal, moving to Barcelona where he wrote articles for newspapers of the period, including El Poble Català, L’Esquella de la Torratxa, La Veu de Catalunya, and later La Publicitat and Mirador. He became a member of the Unió Republicà Federal Nacional (URFN) but also collaborated with Enric Prat de la Riba in the Mancomunitat. In 1922, he cofounded the Catalanist and republican party Acció Catalana (AC), but during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, there was no real scope for political activity, so he focused on cultural activities. Rovira i Virgili founded the influential journal La Revista de Catalunya (1924) in this period and later the newspaper La Nau in 1927. Becoming more and more disillusioned with the oligarchic tendencies of members of Acció Catalana, he withdrew from the party with other republican sympathizers in 1927, going on to form Acció Republicana de Catalunya (ARC) in 1930. Like the majority of left-wing republican Catalanists, he joined the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) in 1932 and was elected to the Catalan Parliament, taking on a variety of offices, including first vice president of Parliament when the Generalitat institutions were reinstated in 1936. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, he went into exile in France and was a member of the Consell Nacional de Catalunya and president of the Catalan Parliament in exile. He also wrote a number of essays on aspects of Catalan history and identity in this period, including biographies of Pau Claris, Francesc Macià, and Lluís Companys, in the series Els grans catalans (1939–40). See also PANCATALANISM. ROYAL CHANCELLORY. The Cancelleria Reial was the group of royal notaries skilled in Catalan, Latin, and Aragonese, who helped to lay down standards of written Catalan in the 14th century during the reign of John I, undertaking a number of translations and overseeing the official documents of the Crown of Aragon. See also LANGUAGE. RUBIÓ I ORS, JOAQUIM (1818–99). Writer and academic who began to publish poetry, such as “Lo gaiter de Llobregat” in 1839. Part of the Romantic literary revival in Barcelona, he moved in the same

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circles as Manuel Milà i Fontanals and attributed his discovery of his poetic inspiration to the reading of medieval Catalan and troubadour verses. He is one of the few writers of the period to describe the language in which he wrote as Catalan; although, elsewhere he resorted to the Romantic term of llemosí. He overtly sought in his writings to encourage his contemporaries to write in Catalan. RUSIÑOL, SANTIAGO (1861–1931). This bohemian writer and painter from an upper-middle-class Catalan family was one of the more important figures in the Modernista movement, both in Sitges and around the artistic circle at Els Quatre Gats. He organized the Festes Modernistes in Sitges from 1892 to 1899. His best-known works include L’auca del senyor Esteve (1907) and El català de la Mancha (1914); although, he published in a range of different genres with different levels of prestige. His art work displayed the influence of Degas, Whistler, and Japanese prints, and was identified with Modernisme by critics of the time. Like his contemporaries, he exhibited at the Sala Parés and was involved in the periodical publication L’Avenç. He also worked as a journalist, acting as a foreign correspondent for La Vanguardia in Paris and parodying the pomposity of Eugeni d’Ors with his own creation Xarau. Rusiñol’s brother Albert (1862–1928) was elected president of Foment del Treball Nacional in 1899 and, later, president of the Lliga Regionalista in 1902. See also ART; LITERATURE; PRESS.

– S – SABATER I PI, JORDI (1922–2009). Born in Barcelona, this Catalan primatologist was a pioneer in the study of animal behavior in Spain. SACRISTÁN, MANUEL (1925–85). Born in Madrid, this important Spanish thinker joined the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya and the student movement in Barcelona. See EDUCATION. SAGARRA, JOSEP MARIA DE (1894–1961). Barcelona-born poet, dramatist, and translator from an aristocratic family, who went into

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exile during the Spanish Civil War, returning early in the 1940s. He was an important figure in the clandestine cultural circles of that decade. His works included the prewar urban novel Vida privada (Private life, 1932), the translation of the Dante’s Divine Comedy and much of the work of Shakespeare, and original plays like L’Hostal de la Glòria (1931), El Cafè de la Marina (1932), and La ferida lluminosa (1954). Many of his poems have been set to music by singers from the Nova Cançó movement. See LITERATURE; THEATER. SALAMANCA PAPERS. The Papers de Salamanca are the archive of documents seized from the Generalitat and other republican and Catalan cultural institutions and individuals on the occupation of Barcelona by Francoist troops at the end of the Spanish Civil War. The documents were deposited in the Central Delegation for the Recovery of Documents in Salamanca as evidence for special tribunals for the repression of Freemasonry and communism. Since 1980 and Antoni Senillosa’s (1928–94) petition for the return of the documents, there has been an ongoing campaign for them to be released, which led to the creation of a Comissió per la Dignitat (Commission for Dignity) in 2002. Although there have been constant obstacles and protests to the return of the documents, the Spanish Ministry of Culture eventually approved their release in 2008. SALES, JOAN (1912–83). The author of Incerta Glòria (Uncertain glory, 1955), considered one of the greatest Catalan novels of the 20th century, studied to be a lawyer and was a republican activist from his youth. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, he was detained in a detention camp in France, from which he escaped, via Paris, into exile in the Dominican Republic and then Mexico, where there was a colony of exiled Catalan writers. He cofounded the journal Quaderns de l’exili with Lluís Ferran de Pol, returning to Catalonia in 1948, where he took on the editorship of the newly created collection El Club dels Novel·listes, which published contemporary Catalan authors, including Mercè Rodoreda and Llorenç Villalonga. See also LITERATURE; PUBLISHING. SALVADOR, CARLES (1893–1931). Valencian writer and educator who was born in rural Valencia and moved to Benassal where

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he worked as a teacher. Influenced by the ideas of València Nova and by the conviction of the need to teach children in their own language, he founded the Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Catalana (APEC). Apart from contributing to the teaching of Valencian–Catalan, he also worked on history of Valencian culture and lexicography, collecting many variants for Antoni Maria Alcover’s dictionary and publishing articles through the Societat Castellonenca de Cultura. See also EDUCATION; LANGUAGE. SALVAT-PAPASSEIT, JOAN (1894–1924). Catalan writer, known for his avant-garde poetry, such as Poemes en ondes hertzianes (Poems in Hertzian waves, 1919) and El poema de la rosa als llavis (The poem of the rose on the lips, 1923), as well as social and political journalism. See also LITERATURE. SAMARANCH, JOAN ANTONI (1920–). Son of a wealthy textile capitalist, he combined work in the family business with sport management, including a period as the ice hockey coach and provincial head of sport in the Falange during the Franco regime. In 1967, he was made president of the Spanish Olympic Committee, and he became president of the provincial government in Barcelona in 1973. He was president of the International Olympic Committee from 1980 to 2001. See also BARCELONA OLYMPICS. SAMPER I IBAÑEZ, RICARD (1881–1938). Valencian republican politician who joined the Partit d’Unió Republicana Autonomista, was mayor of Valencia from 1920 to 1922, and elected a deputy at the beginning of the Second Republic in 1931. He was minister of labor and industry under Alejandro Lerroux but was forced to resign after the October Events. He went into exile in 1936. SANCHIS GUARNER, MANUEL (1911–81). Valencian linguist, historian, and anthropologist. He published a wide range of works on Catalan and Valencian cultural and linguistic history, including La llengua dels valencians (1933), as well as studies of other parts of the Iberian Peninsula. In 1979, he was made a professor of Valencian linguistics at the University of Valencia. See also ACCIÓ CULTURAL

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VALENCIANA; ANDRÉS ESTELLÉS, VICENT; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; LANGUAGE; NORMES DE CASTELLÓ; VALOR, ENRIC. SANCHIS SINISTERRA, JOSÉ (1940–). Valencian playwright who writes in Spanish. Sinisterra began his career in the city of Valencia, combining work as a teacher with theater work with university groups. Later, he moved to Barcelona, where he set up the Teatro Fronterizo, opening one of the most influential alternative theater spaces at the Sala Beckett, and became a lecturer at the Institut del teatre. His plays are among the most internationally celebrated to have been produced in Spain since the 1980s and include Terror y miseria del primer franquismo (Terror and Misery during the Early Franco Period), The Siege of Leningrad, and ¡Ay Carmela! His influence has been particularly strong on contemporary Catalan directors and playwrights, such as Sergi Belbel, Lluisa Cunillé (1961–), and Carles Batlle (1963–). SAN SEBASTIAN PACT. Spanish antimonarchical and Catalan republican leaders met in San Sebastián in August 1930 to begin to coordinate action in order to pave the way for a republic. One of the sticking points in the discussion was the question of how Catalonia would fit into a Spanish republic, and while there was recognition of the political identity of Catalonia, it was decided that the region should be given home rule through the creation of a statute of autonomy that would be approved by the Spanish government after a referendum among the Catalan people. While the pact, signed on 17 August 1930, was critically ambiguous about the extent of autonomy to be granted to Catalonia, it did provide a basic political framework for debate over the relationship between the Spanish republic and Catalonia after Francesc Macià’s declaration of a Catalan state on 14 April 1931. SANT JORDI, JORDI DE (?–1425). Born in the Kingdom of Valencia, he was a poet and musician at the court of Alfons IV. As well as writing love poems steeped in the chivalric ideal, he took part in the expedition to Corsica and Sardinia with Ausiàs March in 1420. See also LITERATURE.

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SANT JORDI / SAINT GEORGE. One of the patron saints of Catalonia along with the Virgin Mary of Montserrat. The legend of Saint George is one that took deep root in the popular imagination in many areas of Catalan territories and can be traced in first names from the 10th century onward, as well as being an important surname associated with the Valencia region. The Saint takes on more and more cultural importance from the 12th century onward, with the Christian conquest of the Holy Lands in Palestine, because of his association with the fight against enemies of the Christian faith: Cristianorum exercituum ductor. The cross of Saint George is that of the Crusades and was taken up by many Church orders in the medieval period. In 1667, Pope Clement IX granted to Catalonia a day on which to celebrate their patron, and these celebrations continue today on 23 April. The festivity is now almost totally secular and is marked by the exchange of a red rose and books. Saint George was also the patron saint of the medieval Kingdom of Valencia and continues to be a patron in many areas of Valencia. SARDÀ, JOAN (1851–98). Catalan translator, critic, and writer who was one of the most important influences on the development of Catalan literature in the latter half of the 19th century. Basically a humanist, he was a defender of the moral value of art. SARDANA. The origins of this Catalan dance have been traced to the 14th century. Like the tradition of the castellers, it was promoted in the 20th century as a symbol of Catalan civic society as it is often danced in large circles and welcomes newcomers. See also FOLK CULTURE; MUSIC. SARDINIA. The island fell under Catalan rule from the 14th century; although, only the then capital, Alghero, remained Catalan-speaking after this period due to resettlement of the city from 1372 onward. SAU, ESTATUT DE. This is the name given to Catalonia’s 1980 statute of autonomy, which was the culmination of the transition to democracy in the region. SAVALL, JORDI (1941–). This Catalan musician and composer is one of the most important experts in Iberian early music in the world.

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An accomplished conductor and performer, he worked at the Schola Cantorum Basiliensis in Switzerland for many years and has founded and directed numerous important early music ensembles, such as Hesperion XXI, the Capella Reial de Barcelona (Barcelona Royal Chapel), and the international orchestra, Le Concert des Nations. He has an extensive discography and now records with his own production company, Alia Vox. SBERT I MASSANET, ANTONI (1901–80). One of the founding members of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), this Mallorcan politician and activist was involved in the organization and leadership of a number of student movements, resulting in his arrest and expulsion from his studies in Madrid. Imprisoned in Mallorca, he was released at the end of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, going on to complete his studies in political science. He was elected a deputy to the Spanish Parliament for Esquerra Republicana in 1931. During the Spanish Civil War, he was minister for culture, government, and social welfare in the Catalan Generalitat and encouraged the expedition to liberate Mallorca in August 1936. In exile in France after the war, he founded the Fundació Ramon Llull before leaving for Mexico at the time of the Nazi occupation. SCIENTISTS. See AGELL I AGELL, JOSEP; AGUILÓ, FRANCESC DE SALES; ALSINA I BOFILL, JOSEP; BALLESTER BOIX, MANUEL; BARRAQUER, IGNASI; BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS; MARGALEF I LÓPEZ, RAMON; MONTURIOL, NARCÍS; ORÓ I FLORENSA, JOAN; ROBERT, BARTOMEU; SABATER I PI, JORDI; TRUETA, JOSEP; VILANOVA, ARNAU DE; VIVES I ESCUDER, ALBERT. SEBASTIÀ PONS, JOSEP (1886–1962). Born in Illa in Roussillon, Sebastià Pons was one of the key figures in the revival of Catalan literary culture in Catalunya Nord. He published poetry, theater works, and narratives, as well as essays on Catalan and Spanish literature, including La littérature catalane en Roussillon au XVII et au XVIIIe siècles (Catalan Literature in Roussillon in the 17th and 18th centuries, 1929).

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SECOND REPUBLIC, THE. The end of the Primo Rivera dictatorship saw a surge in republican sentiment in Spain, which could not be contained by the mere resignation of the dictator on the advice of Alfonso XIII. In August 1930, various republican and progressive parties met in San Sebastian to discuss a project for the creation of a Second Republic, and their discussion resulted in the San Sebastian pact of 17 August 1930. After the municipal elections of 12 April 1931, first Lluís Companys declared the republic and then Francesc Macià followed this by proclaiming a Catalan republic in a federal Iberian confederation on 14 April. While there continued to be divisions between the different parties and movements involved in constituting the republic, and there was opposition both from the right-wing forces who desired a return to the pre-1931 system and from the more insurrectionary factions of the labor movement, the Second Republic government was able to set in process a number of major reforms between 1931 and 1933. These included the reduction of the influence of the Church, the attempted restructuring of the army, the approval of a statute of autonomy for Catalonia, and agrarian reform. The slow pace of change resulted in divisions between the socialists and republicans, which meant that they did not present a united front in the 1933 elections, and the Confederación Española de las Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) right were able to make significant gains. Then the threat of right-wing politicians entering government was what led to the October Events of 1934, resulting in the temporary revocation of Catalonia’s autonomy and Alejandro Lerroux’s revision of the statute. During the Black Biennium, many of the reforms of the previous legislature were overthrown, and Catalonia was administered by a series of Spanish government-appointed governor generals. Notwithstanding the repression of many leftist and republican groups, representatives of the left were able to reorganize, forming the Popular Front and the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya for the February 1936 elections, which they won. However, the decline of CEDA, to be replaced by conspiratorial activity on the right, commenced the slide toward the Spanish Civil War, supported by the fascist Falange, the Carlists, and monarchists. There was a military uprising in most Spanish cities on 17–18 July 1936, but the uprising was overcome in many places, including Barcelona and Valencia.

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SECRETARIAT DE L’ENSENYAMENT DE L’IDIOMA / SECRETARIATE FOR THE TEACHING OF THE LANGUAGE. This institution was set up in 1971, following the model of Òmnium Cultural in Catalonia, to promote the teaching of Catalan in Valencia. See CLIMENT, ELISEU; EDUCATION; LANGUAGE. SEGUÍ, SALVADOR (EL NOI DE SUCRE, 1887–1923). Salvador Seguí began his political activism as an anarchist, participating in workers’ meetings and direct action and promoting Solidaritat Obrera (SO). In 1918, he was elected secretary general of the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT), using his position to help to organize industrial trade unions to strengthen the working classes. A syndicalist, he was committed to conducting the workers’ struggle through a solid union system, and this led him to be more open to party political action in this period. He was involved in talks with Francesc Macià, Francesc Layret, and Lluís Companys to create a Catalan socialist party that might appeal to the labor movement. However, this created conflict with more purist members of the CNT. He was assassinated in 1923 in Barcelona. See also LABOR MOVEMENT. SENSAT, ROSA (1873–1961). This teacher and educationalist brought to Barcelona modern currents in pedagogical theory and practice. She directed the city council’s Escola Bosc from 1914 to 1930 and then the Grup Escolar del Patronat Escolar. She was one of the main figures in educational reform in Catalonia in the 20th century and was committed to providing educational access to women, writing a number of books on the subject. SENY. Name given to what was considered traditionally to be one of the core aspects of the Catalan character, understood as a quality of measured commonsense. It was invoked continuously by the writers and thinkers of the Noucentisme period as a distinctive characteristic of Catalans, which, considering this was a time of continuous social upheaval verging on the revolutionary in Barcelona, would suggest that the term is both reactive and expressive of the aspirations of a particular social class. It has, however, spread to popular understanding of the meaning of Catalan identity.

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SENYERA. The Catalan flag comprises four horizontal red bars on a background of golden yellow. This also forms the basis of the flags of the autonomous communities of Valencia, Aragon, and the Balearic Islands and is displayed by Catalanists in the other Catalanspeaking areas as a sign of identity. SERRA, JEAN (1952–). Catalan-language poet, born in Algiers. The son of political émigrés from Eivissa, he returned to the island to become a cultural activist. SERRA, NARCÍS (1943–). This Barcelona-born economist and politician was active in promoting social reform during the Franco regime and became affiliated to the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC) in 1978. He was a councilor in Josep Tarradellas’s transitional Generalitat from 1977, becoming mayor of Barcelona after the 1978 municipal elections. In 1982, he was appointed Spanish minister of defense by Prime Minister Felipe González, and he went on to reform the military. He was Spanish vice president from 1991 until 1995, before returning to Catalonia as first secretary of the PSC. SERRAHIMA I BOFILL, MAURICI (1902–79). Barcelona-born lawyer, politician, and writer who began his political career with the Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC) and wrote for the newspaper El matí. During the Spanish Civil War, he organized safe haven for priests in Toulouse before going into exile there himself. On his return to Catalonia, he continued to work as a lawyer and restored his links with the UDC. He is best known for his essays and memoirs about 20th-century Catalan history. SERRA I HÚNTER, JAUME (1878–1943). Politician, philosopher, and historian, who was professor of philosophy at the University of Barcelona, where he worked on the Barcelona School of Philosophy. Serra i Húnter was elected a deputy for Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and made president of the Department of Culture. He was also dean of arts and vice chancellor of the University of Barcelona. In 1939, he went into exile in France, where he

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was a member of the Consell Nacional de Catalunya. He died in Cuernava in Mexico three years later. SERRAT, JOAN MANUEL (1943–). This emblematic singer from the Nova Cançó movement was born in the working district of Poble Nou, in Barcelona, and was to represent Spain in the Eurovision Song Contest but was banned from singing in Catalan by the Franco regime. After 1969, he began to sing in Castilian as well as Catalan, including musical versions of poems by Spanish poets, such as Rafael Alberti and Federico García Lorca. He gained great popularity in Catalonia, Spain, and South America. See also MUSIC. SERT, JOSEP LLUÍS (1902–83). Modernist architect who founded the GATCPAC. Born in Barcelona, he went to work with Le Corbusier in Paris in the 1920s. While his work displays the influence of this contact, it is also characterized by an embracement of Mediterranean forms and influences. His were the earliest rationalist works in Spain. Among his most famous designs are the Spanish Pavilion at the 1937 Expo in Paris, which housed Picasso’s Guernica, and the Fundació Miró in Barcelona. He went into exile in the United States in 1939, where he continued to work as an architect and town planner. See also ARCHITECTURE. SIMÓ, ISABEL CLARA (1943–). A popular writer and journalist from Valencia, she graduated in philosophy and journalism, obtaining a doctorate in Romance philology. She has written a number of stories and novels, focusing on personal relationships and conflicts, as well as reflecting on contemporary cultural politics, including Catalan identity and women’s issues. See also LITERATURE; FEMINISM. SINDICAT DEMOCRÀTIC D’ESTUDIANTS (SDEUB) / DEMOCRATIC STUDENT SYNDICATE. This student organization was set up in 1966 by members of the Universitat de Barcelona and their supporters, in order to organize coherent student opposition to the Franco regime and as an alternative to the regime-sanctioned Sindicato Español Universitario. Its constitutive assembly at the Capuchin monastery in Sarrià in March 1966 led to government reprisals and the Caputxinada.

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SIRERA, RODOLF (1948–). Valencian playwright and theater director, along with his brother Josep-Lluís. Many of his plays have been translated into other languages, including El verí del teatre (1978, translated as The Audition, 1990). See also THEATER. SOCIETAT CASTELLONENCA DE CULTURA. This cultural association was set up in 1920 in Castelló de la Plana in northern Valencia. It was one of the main centers of Catalanist activity in Valencia of the period, uniting local writers and linguists and publishing important journals for the diffusion of Valencian-Catalan culture. SOCIETAT D’ESTUDIS MILITARS / SOCIETY OF MILITARY STUDIES. Set up in 1924 by members of Acció Catalana, this was a clandestine organization intended to lay the foundations for a Catalan army. It met in the Ateneu Barcelonès and drew together key Catalanists of the period, such as Lluís Nicolau d’Olwer, Carles Pi i Sunyer, and Josep Maria Batista i Roca. When it was discovered by the police in 1925, its members were either imprisoned or went into exile. Many later joined Bandera Negra or the Organització Militar Catalana (ORMICA). See also INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; PRIMO DE RIVERA DICTATORSHIP. SOLDEVILA, FERRAN (1894–1971). This important writer and historian is best known for his work on medieval Catalan history, above all his biographies of Ramon Berenguer IV, James I, and Peter II of Catalonia. However, he published many general histories of Catalonia, lectured at the University of Liverpool and the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, and edited the Revista de Catalunya. He went into exile in France at the end of the Spanish Civil War, where he spent some time at Bierville with Carles Riba. As well as his histories, he published other literary works, such as Exili (Exile, 1918) and Hores angleses (English hours, 1938). See also ALMOGÀVERS; CHRONICLES; ARAGON, CROWN OF; DESCLOT, BERNAT; EDUCATION; EXILE; BARCELONA, HOUSE OF. SOLIDARITAT CATALANA (SC) / CATALAN SOLIDARITY. A coalition between various Catalan regionalist, nationalist, repub-

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lican, and Carlist parties was formed in the wake of the Cu-Cut! incident and the central government’s passing of a law of jurisdictions. Their manifesto expressed solidarity in opposing the law and called for the boycott of all Madrid politicians who visited the city. The formation was successful in the 1907 elections, but the political differences within it, which were thrown into relief by the Tragic Week of 1909, ultimately led to its dissolution and disappearance, leaving the Lliga Regionalista as the main Catalanist force of the 1910s. SOLIDARITAT OBRERA (SO) / WORKER SOLIDARITY. This pragmatic federation of trade unions in Barcelona was created on 19 October 1907, with Antoni Colomé and Jaume Bisbe as secretaries, and had the newspaper Solidaridad Obrera as its main organ. In September 1908, it reconstituted itself as the Regional Confederation of Resistance Societies, Solidaritat Obrera, bringing together 110 organizations, most of them in Barcelona. It was preparing its second labor congress in 1909 when the Tragic Week took place, leading to a postponement. It was at its 1910 congress that the Confederació Nacional del Treball was founded, under Josep Negre as secretary. See also LABOR MOVEMENT. SOROLLA, JOAQUÍN (1863–1923). Valencian painter, who was good friends with Vicente Blasco Ibáñez and, thus, anti-Catalanist in outlook. His work merges the techniques of 19th-century English watercolors and impressionism, largely focusing on the glowing representation of the activities of Valencian life. See also ART. SPANISH CIVIL WAR. The Spanish Civil War, sometimes called the Spanish War by Catalanists, lasted from July 1936 to April 1939. It began with a military coup on 17–18 July, which was overcome in many cities, including Barcelona, both due to the strength of response from the working classes and the loyalty of the Republican Civil Guard. The first Catalan-speaking territory to be occupied was Mallorca, where military rebels found many sympathizers in the higher echelons of Mallorcan society, including Llorenç Villalonga and his brother and financiers like Juan March, who was to bankroll the military campaign against the Second Republic.

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In Catalonia, the suppression of the military uprising led to social revolution, with the collectivization of industry and agriculture and the organization of working class militias in many parts of the region, led by the Confederació Nacional del Treball (CNT) and the Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM). Reprisals against the Church and wealthy industrialists, with many thousands of deaths, most of them in the first five months of the war, meant that representatives of the Catalan right in Catalonia and Valencia were forced to flee into exile abroad or in the nationalist zones. Equally, republicans and left-wing sympathizers in the nationalist zones were subjected to execution and terror. Lluís Companys remained as president of the Generalitat in Catalonia and attempted to contain tensions between the anarchosyndicalists and the communist Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) by including all Catalan political formations in his government. The POUM formed defense militia to go and fight on the Aragonese front, where the Council of Aragon was created. In August 1936, the Generalitat sponsored a mission to liberate Mallorca, responding in part to the growth of pancatalanist feeling during the Second Republic and in part to the harsh repression of progressive separatist institutions and individuals by the rebels. However, this action, organized by the Mallorcan Esquerra Republicana politician Antoni Sbert, was attacked by the Spanish Republican government as a waste of troops, maintaining that action should be focused on mainland Spain. After the withdrawal of the Generalitat-sponsored troops, there was even harsher repression of Catalanism in Mallorca, with the execution of several prominent left-wing politicians, including the mayor of Palma, Emili Darder, and the suppression of the Associació per la Cultura de Mallorca and its journal La Nostra Terra (Our land). Others were forced to withdraw their support for the Resposta als Catalans (Response to the Catalans), in which they had expressed their commitment to pancatalanism. On the mainland, the hostility of the Communist Party to what they saw as the premature implantation of social revolution across the territories by the CNT, led to increasing tensions between the PSUC and the POUM in Catalonia. These tensions exploded in the May Events of 1937, when the Generalitat and PSUC attempted

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to retake the CNT-requisitioned telephone exchange in Barcelona, resulting in harsh Spanish government suppression of the CNT, the illegalization of the POUM, and the execution of its leader, Andreu Nin. Furthermore, Companys’ own inability to prevent the May Events led to the curtailment of the Generalitat’s powers, and Juan Negrín moved the Spanish republican government to Barcelona in October of the same year. Nevertheless, the Catalan government continued to have responsibility for cultural institutions, and the effective isolation of Catalonia in 1938, after the dismantling of the Aragonese front, meant that they continued to organize their own war effort, negotiating with representatives of the other republican governments in Barcelona. Lleida was taken in April 1938, and there was relentless bombing of the Catalan capital. The last great defense took place at the river Ebro in the summer of the same year, finally falling in November. During this period, the Catalan Generalitat attempted to negotiate for an Anglo-French armistice, by which Catalonia might achieve some degree of independence. Barcelona was eventually occupied in January 1939, leading to blanket repression of left-wing, republican and separatist institutions and individuals and the suppression of the Catalan language and culture. Many Catalan activists were forced into exile or else arrested, imprisoned, and/or executed. The Francoist troops went on to occupy the rest of Catalonia in February and Valencia in March 1939. See also FRANCO REGIME. SPORT. While some ancient sporting activities, such as hunting and bullfighting, became rooted in parts of Catalan society in premodern times, organized sport only really began to be important during the 19th century, developing the values of the industrial revolution, with its dependence on competition, output, and dedication. The main sports introduced during this period were tennis, track and field athletics, soccer, cycling, and rugby, the latter of which became especially popular in Catalunya Nord. Alongside this, the revival of interest in the sense of Catalan cultural difference led to the creation of hiking clubs, such as the Associació Catalana d’Excursions Científiques and the Associació Catalana d’Excursions of the 1870s and the Centre Excursionista Català of 1890, which would underpin later developments in rock-climbing, mountaineering, and adventure sports.

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Soccer was introduced by English residents and Catalans who had studied abroad, and was to become the most popular sport in the Catalan territories. The first soccer club was founded in Palamós in 1898, followed by Català FC and Foot-ball Club Barcelona in 1899, the Hispania Football Club and Societat Espanyola de Football in 1900, the Centre d’Sports Sabadell in 1903, and CE Europa in 1907. The proliferation of soccer clubs in and around Barcelona led to the creation of a championship competition in the region, the Copa Macaya, which ran between 1900 and 1940. In the 1920s and 1930s, recognition of the importance of sport to the development of civic society, together with increasing popular support of FC Barcelona in the Spanish soccer league, contributed to cementing the club’s place as a core symbol of Catalan identity. This was to be confirmed by the repressive measures taken against the club after the Spanish Civil War by the Franco regime and by its increasing symbolic value in the 1950s and 1960s as a sign both of resistance and of integration for the growing immigrant population of the metropolitan area. The main soccer clubs in the Catalan countries today are best known for their performances in the prestigious Spanish league championship and for their resounding successes in European cup competitions: Valencia CF has won the Spanish league twice so far in the 21st century and has reached the finals of four European-wide competitions, winning the UEFA Cup in 2004; FC Barcelona won the league three times in the same decade and was European champion in 2006 and 2009, the same year in which it achieved the treble—winning the Spanish Copa del Rey, Liga, and UEFA Championship League. However, Catalonia still has its own soccer competition, the Copa Catalunya, and there is significant support for the Catalan “national” team, which has played around 200 games since its creation in 1904; although, it is currently only eligible to compete in friendly competitions. The best-known Catalan players of recent decades are Carles Rexach (1947–), Josep (Pep) Guardiola (1971–), Sergi Barjuán (1971–), Carles Puyol (1978–), Xavi Hernàndez (1980–), and Cesc Fàbregas (1987–). Like soccer, tennis was first introduced at the end of the 19th century by English residents and members of the bourgeoisie. The Barcelona Lawn Tennis Club was founded in 1889, followed by the Sporting Club de Valencia in 1905, the Club Tennis de Mallorca,

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and Club de Tennis Barcino in 1917, among others. In 1903, the first international tennis championship was organized and a Lawn-Tennis association was founded in Barcelona. Later known as the Associació Lawn-Tennis de Catalunya, it brought together most of the teams in the Catalan countries. Catalan tennis is currently represented by the Federació Catalana de Tennis, which was constituted in 1966 and has achieved international recognition through regular celebration of the Conde de Godó Cup in Barcelona since 1953, as well as recently being named as a venue for the Davis Cup. The international successes of players, such as Andrés Gimeno (1937–) in the 1960s, Arantxa Sánchez Vicario (1971–) and Sergi Bruguera (1971–) in the 1980s, Àlex Corretja (1974–), Carles Moyà (1976–), and the seven-time grand-slam champion Rafael Nadal (1986–), who won gold at the 2008 Olympic Games, have contributed to maintaining the prestige of Catalan tennis. While rugby has some support in Catalonia, its main presence can be found in the Catalan-speaking territories in France. Introduced and promoted by Albert Lincou, its best-known representative in the rugby union is the Unió Esportiva d’Arlequins de Perpinyà (USAP). Founded in 1902, USAP is a top-flight team that has won the French league 14 times, most recently in 2009, and, since professionalization, has seen some success in international competition as runnersup in the Heineken Cup in 2003. Perpignan also has a successful rugby league team, the Catalan Dragons, which won the French championship title in 2005 and was a finalist in the English Challenge Cup in 2007, among other honors. Both rugby teams wear the Catalan colors and inspire patriotic Catalanist sentiment north and south of the border. There have been fewer internationally visible successes in track and field athletics and cycling, even though both sports laid down roots in the same period and there has been considerable activity at club level. The first cycling Tour de Catalunya was organized in 1911, and there was recently a Catalan stage of the Tour de France in 2009. The number of Catalan athletes representing Spain in international competition has increased over the last three decades. Post2000, they have brought home around a third of the Spanish medals achieved in Olympic competition. The lasting legacy of Catalan commitment to the values of international sporting competition can

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be observed in the projected People’s Olympiad of 1936, which had to be canceled due to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and in the Barcelona Olympics and Paralympics of 1992. The early decades of the 20th century saw the introduction and popularization of other sports that would have a significant Catalan following, as well as the extension of sporting activities to many other social groups. Motorsport arrived in 1903 with the creation of the Barcelona Automobile Club and the subsequent inauguration of the Copa Catalunya and Volta de Catalunya. At an international level, the Spanish Grand Prix is held at the Circuit de Catalunya in Montmeló, which also hosts motorbike events, such as the Catalonia Grand Prix. There have been a number of successful Catalan motorcycling and speedway champions, including Alex Crivillé, Sito Pons (1959–), Carles Checa (1972–), and Dani Pedrosa (1985–), who has won three world championships. Other key sports include hockey, swimming, and water polo, introduced in 1907, basketball (1913), rink hockey (1914), and handball (1941). Swimming was promoted by the Frenchman Bernat Picornell (1883–), who founded the first Catalan swimming club in 1907 and set up the annual Copa Nadal in Barcelona’s port in 1908. Catalan swimmers have enjoyed international success at the individual level, in water polo, and in synchronized swimming, with medals in world championships and Olympic Games. There are successful basketball, handball, and rink hockey leagues in Catalonia, which have provided most of the key players in the Spanish national teams. Prestigious names include Enric Masip (1969–) in handball and Pau Gasol (1980–), Marc Gasol (1985–), and Raúl López (1980–) in basketball. While Catalonia fields “national” teams in many sports, only 20 of these currently have official recognition internationally, largely due to Spanish political opposition, most notoriously in the Fresno case of 2004. There is a Plataforma pro Seleccions Esportives Catalanes, which has lobbied since the late 1990s for the international recognition of Catalan national teams. See also ESPANYOL, EL; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; SAMARANCH, JOAN ANTONI. STATUTES OF AUTONOMY. There have been a number of different statutes of autonomy proposed in Catalonia, including embryonic petitions in the Memorial de Greuges and Bases de Manresa.

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Yet it is the Mancomunitat that is often considered the first protoautonomous government, and it was from within the council of the Mancomunitat that the first concerted attempt to pass a statute of autonomy emerged in January 1918, following the Assemblea de Parlamentaris of 1917. Proposed by Marcel·lí Domingo, the final version presented to the Spanish Parliament in 1919 contained 34 different articles, calling for the creation of a Catalan Parliament, executive, and a governor general. Although it was approved by the Mancomunitat and by the Catalan politicians who met to form a constituent assembly, it was opposed by the Spanish government. However, it can be seen as a precursor to the Estatut de Núria of 1932, drawn up after the declaration of a Catalan republic in April 1931. This statute was approved by referendum and eventually accepted by the Spanish Republican Parliament after long debate in 1932. The 1932 statute was suspended by Alejandro Lerroux in the aftermath of the October Events of 1934, only to be reinstated after the victory of the Popular Front in the general elections of 1936. It was finally revoked by Francisco Franco in 1938; although, Catalan politicians attempted to maintain its legitimacy in exile. While there were many calls to reinstate the 1932 statute of autonomy after the death of Franco in 1975, culminating in a mass march for autonomy on 11 September 1977, Josep Tarradellas’s return to Catalonia in 1977, as president of the Generalitat, was merely a transitional measure to oversee the creation of a new statute, the Estatut de Sau, in accordance with the new constitutional framework established in Spain. The Sau statute was drawn up quickly, in accordance with Article 151 of the Spanish Constitution. It was approved by referendum on 25 October and passed on 18 December 1979, ratified by the Spanish Congress and Senate and promulgated by the king of Spain. It defines Catalonia as a nationality and establishes three governing institutions: a parliament, a council, and a president. Like the 1932 statute, it establishes Catalan as the co-official language of Catalonia. The much-debated changes to the new Catalan Statute of Autonomy of 2006 caused such controversy that the president of the Generalitat at the time, Pasqual Maragall, was forced to call early elections, and there was a concerted campaign against greater autonomy by opposition groups in Spain. The main sticking points

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as far as the Spanish Parliament was concerned were the proposed reform of the model for financing the region and jurisdiction over transport infrastructure, such as Barcelona’s El Prat airport. However, there was debate and modification of other aspects of the proposed statute, such as Catalonia’s right to call itself a nation and the comparative status of Catalan and Castilian. The changes introduced during its passage through the Spanish Parliament led to its rejection by the Catalan left-wing republican party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and the right-wing Partido Popular (PP), who advocated a no-vote in the referendum to be held in Catalonia. In the event, the referendum held in June 2006 returned 73.9 percent in favor of the new statute, with a 49.4 percent turnout. Both the PP and the Spanish state prosecutor challenged the legality of the new statute in the months that followed, resulting in four years of legal hold-ups in the Constitutional Court. The final ruling curtailed many aspects of the statute that had been ratified in 2006, leading to a major demonstration in Barcelona in 2010 to call for the “right to decide.” Unlike Catalonia, neither Valencia nor the Balearic Islands achieved statutes of autonomy before the Spanish Civil War, although there were proposals to create their respective Mancomunitats, in imitation of that in Catalonia in the 1910s, and draft statutes had been drawn up by republican and separatist parties in the 1930s. After the end of the Franco regime, the lack of an immediate historical precedent, together with greater opposition to autonomy and, in particular, to political Catalanism in both regions, led to the decision to draw up their new statutes under the powers afforded by Article 143 of the Spanish Constitution. In Valencia, the bases drawn up during the Second Republic were used, above all in the more progressive Estatut d’Elx; however, the accepted Estatut de Benicàssim was far more moderate, in response both to the violent opposition of blaverista sectors of Valencian society and to the Tejerazo coup of February 1981. Valencia’s statute was finally passed on 10 July 1982, naming Valencia as the Comunitat Valenciana, with Valencian as a co-official language, and the creation of a Valencian Generalitat. The 1983 Balearic Statute of Autonomy took far longer in drafting and is closer to the Mancomunitat in its institutional model, bringing together the different Consells Insulars. See also BATTLE OF VALENCIA.

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STUDENT MOVEMENT. The beginnings of student activism in the Catalan-speaking territories are linked to the development of Catalanist republican politics. The most active group in the 1930s was the Federació Nacional d’Estudiants de Catalunya (FNEC), linked to Estat Català (EC) and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), which formed links with Catalanist groups in Valencia and the Balearic Islands. After the Spanish Civil War, the FNEC, together with the Front Universitari de Catalunya, went on to form part of the Front Nacional de Catalunya, in the struggle against the repression unleashed by the Franco regime. When it became clear that the regime would not be overthrown by the Allied Forces after the end of World War II, the clandestine student organizations continued their action, forging links with sympathetic sectors in the Catalan Church. They were also involved in sporadic strike action during the 1950s, including the Tram Strike of 1951. However, both in Catalonia and Valencia, many student activists became more involved in other cultural and political groupings, such as the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC), while others affiliated to labor organizations, such as the Front Obrer de Catalunya. Finally, with the creation of the Comissions Obreres (CCOO) in the 1960s, the need for a unified student movement was addressed with the creation of the Sindicat Democràtic d’Estudiants in 1966. Students and their supporters were involved in many cultural and political actions, such as the Caputxinada, during the 1960s and early 1970s, to push for greater freedoms, and they were represented in the broad-based Assemblea de Catalunya set up in 1971. See also EDUCATION. SUNYER, JOAQUIM (1874–1956). Painter and portraitist, he is considered the most representative artist of the Noucentisme period. Although he experimented with expressionism in Paris at the turn of the century and was friends with many of the most significant modernist artists, including Picasso and Modigliani, on his return to Catalonia in 1911, he turned to classicism. His best-known paintings focus on neoclassical female figures, tapping into the ideals of the period. See also ART.

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– T – TANCAMENT DE CAIXES. This is the name by which the 1899 tax strike undertaken by middle class businessmen and industrialists in Barcelona is known. It was called in response to the hike in taxes put in place by the minister of finance, Fernández Villaverde, in order to pay for the economic disaster occasioned by the Spanish-American War and its outcome. There were 7,000 people who had not paid by the deadline for the collection of the taxes, so the Ministry of Finance delegation ordered the mayor, Bartomeu Robert, to make them pay, but he refused. He was sent a royal order, which he signed but before resigning. Businesses closed in protest on 13 October, and there was insurrectionary activity on the streets, leading to a suspension of constitutional guarantees on 24 October. On 27 October, a state of emergency was declared, and there was military intervention. Five shopkeepers were imprisoned, shops were closed, and there were more arrests and imprisonments throughout the month of November, as the protest strikes continued. The Spanish press presented the movement as anti-Spanish, Catalanist, and separatist, and it did, indeed, appeal to Catalanist organizations and parties, which did very well in the 1901 elections. The tancament thus contributed to the formation of a strong middle class republican movement in Catalonia. See also ECONOMY. TÀPIES, ANTONI (1923–). Barcelona-born painter and sculptor who is one of the best-known contemporary Catalan artists and is considered a precursor to the arte povera movement. Abstract and informalist in character, his works repeat a series of signs that characterize his artistic reflections on art, life, and death, such as the cross, the circle, the square, and, in his later work, everyday objects, like rope, chairs, and footprints. Tàpies generally works in monochrome and neutral browns, blacks, grays, and ochers, but he also uses some brighter colors. He has written many works on aesthetic theory and created the Fundació Tàpies in 1990 as a center for research and promotion of contemporary art. It also houses a permanent collection of his works. See also DAU AL SET. TARIFF POLICY. See ECONOMY.

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TARRADELLAS, JOSEP (1899–1988). The rural son of a farmer, Tarradellas moved to Barcelona where he came into contact with progressive Catalanist politics. In 1917, he met Francesc Macià, and together they went on to found the Federació Democràtica Nacionalista in 1919. He also joined Macià in creating the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and was elected to the Catalan Parliament after Spanish Second Republic approval of the Estatut de Núria in 1932. Tarradellas was minister for governance and health in Macià’s government. In 1933, he came into conflict with the party leadership and resigned from the Generalitat alongside Joan Lluhí, Pere Comas, and Antoni Xirau, going on to create the Partit Nacionalista Republicà d’Esquerres in October 1933. The new party entered into Lluís Companys’s government in 1934, but after the October Events, Tarradellas was put in prison with the rest of the government on the prison ship the Uruguay, only being released when it was realized that he had not taken part in the uprising. Tarradellas was finance minister in the Generalitat at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, signed the decree of collectivization, and organized the war industries. While he had some success in this area, he had to step down after the May Events of 1937, when the powers of the Generalitat were severely curtailed. He helped to arrange the transfer of the Generalitat’s documents before himself leaving for exile in France in February 1939. In 1943, he moved to Switzerland, from where he held the presidency of the Generalitat after Josep Irla. He was brought back to Barcelona after the death of Franco as an emblem of the return of democracy. He was president of the temporary Generalitat before the autonomous elections of 1980, which were won by Convergència i Unió, making Jordi Pujol the first elected president of the Generalitat since the Franco regime. TARRAGONA, CITY OF. Capital of the southern Catalan province of Tarragona, the city was an important settlement during Roman occupation of the Mediterranean coast and boasts impressive Roman architecture. TELEVISION. There are four main public television stations in Catalonia: TV3 and Canal 33, which are run by Televisió de Catalunya and broadcast entirely in Catalan, and then two Televisión

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Española (TVE) ones, which offer some programs in Catalan, mainly on TVE2. TVE2 includes local programming for Valencia and the Balearics, too. Valencia has its own television station, set up by the Generalitat Valenciana in 1989, which broadcasts about 60 percent of its programs in Valencian-Catalan. The audiovisual media have been recognized by politicians and sociolinguists as one of the most important areas for the diffusion of the Catalan language and culture. Thus, there have been campaigns throughout the region to ensure access to Catalan-language media, and these developments are often key targets for counter-activism, by anti-Catalanists who complain about the perceived cultural invasion of their space. All the territories had access to Televisió de Catalunya and Canal 9 programs as a result of campaigns by the Associació Voltor. However, during the last Partido Popular legislature in the Balearic Islands, plans were made to use the Catalan and Valencian television bands to broadcast a new Balearic station. Most cultural organizations opposed this, as they believed it would reduce access to Catalan-language media in the area. More recently, the Valencian Generalitat moved to prevent Catalan television channels from being transmitted in Valencia, and there has been a concerted campaign to overturn this decision, with representations in the European Court claiming contravention of the Television without Frontiers Law and a petition signed by citizens from across the Catalan-speaking territories. As well as setting up and funding Televisió Catalana, the Generalitat has introduced legal measures to try to ensure that Catalan is adequately represented in television and radio, setting high percentages in the 1998 Linguistic Policy Law. In fact, the attention to the media was one of the main additions to the Law of Linguistic Normalization of 1983. The policy has been most successful in television, and TV3 and especially Canal 33 are perceived to have relatively high quality programming compared to other Spanish public and private channels; however, they do not always have the funding to transmit the latest films. While they have the highest share of viewing figures in Catalonia, their market is not really big enough to make them sustainable without public funding. One of the main problems is that viewing figures in the rest of the Catalan-speaking territories remain low.

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Apart from dubbed and subtitled versions of European television, especially British and German series and documentaries and Japanese cartoons, Televisió de Catalunya is mainly characterized by highquality homegrown news and documentary programs and the production of Catalan-speaking soaps, such as Poble Nou, Nissaga de Poder, Secrets de família, and Estació d’enllaç. The soaps are often written by important contemporary writers and dramatists, such as Josep Benet i Jornet, and generally have a wide social following. In addition, they help to make local actors into household names and, thus, add to the pull of theatrical productions in Barcelona. Other key areas for Catalan television have been children’s programs, satire and comedy, and informative programs about Catalan culture and traditions. There are a number of local television stations, including the citybased BTV (Barcelona TV), which have mixed Catalan-Spanish programming, reflecting the bilingualism of Barcelona. Furthermore, there has been much recent debate over the increasing bilingualism of TV3 and Canal 33 programming and calls for greater monitoring of linguistic standards. However, the precarious nature of Catalan-language television can be viewed in the decision of private television channels transmitting in the Catalan-speaking territories to include little or no programming or even advertising in Catalan. This would suggest that the Catalan-speaking market in the area is considered to be negligible commercially. TERRA LLIURE / FREE LAND. Terra Lliure was a revolutionary organization set up in 1979, through the fusion of a number of different pro-independence groups from the Catalan-speaking territories, such as the Exèrcit Català Popular and the Forces Armades Catalanes. After five years of armed struggle, the group reconstituted itself to form part of the Moviment de Defensa de la Terra and the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional. Its most intense period of activity was between 1988 and 1991, after which most of its members gave up arms and joined Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. Those that continued constituted the III Assembly of Terra Lliure, which finally disappeared in 1995. THEATER. Catalan theater is probably the most internationally acclaimed cultural medium from the Catalan-speaking territories,

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mainly due to the appearance of a relatively large number of avantgarde, physical theater groups in the 1970s and early 1980s, such as Comediants, Els Joglars, and La Fura dels Baus, as well as the existence of important dance, mime, and puppet theater groups and festivals. Many influential international directors hail from Catalonia, such as Josep Maria Flotats, who spent a period as director at the Comédie Nationale in Paris, Núria Espert, Lluís Pasqual, and Fabià Puigserver and, more recently, Calixto Bieito and Alex Rigola. Furthermore, among the foremost theater actors, there are many who have become more familiar to international audiences through their film roles. For instance, Josep Maria Pou (1944–), Anna Lizaran (1944–), Rosa Maria Sardà (1941–), and Sergi López (1965–) are best known internationally for the parts they have played in Spanish and, in the case of the latter, French cinema. While the Catalan-speaking territories have an ancient theatrical tradition, stretching back to the medieval mysteries and pageants that can be traced in many folk festivals and practices, it is not until the 19th century that there began to be a strong presence of Catalanlanguage theater on formal public stages. Although most of the plays of that century were short comic pieces, pointing to festive and often satirical origins, their popularity paved the way for the production of more serious theatrical works, culminating in the work of Àngel Guimerà at the turn of the century and the Modernista art theater of Adrià Gual, who was instrumental in laying the foundations for future theater training in Catalonia. There were other important dramatists in the period before the Spanish Civil War, such as Josep Maria de Sagarra, but none of them really managed to emulate the impact of Guimerà. During the Franco regime, there was limited scope for theater in the Catalan language due to severe repression of Catalan culture. However, clandestine theatrical activities were organized, and the formation of groups like Maria Aurèlia Capmany’s Agrupació Dramàtica de Barcelona and later the Escola d’Art Dramàtic Adrià Gual injected new life into amateur theater and provided a forum for resistance against the regime. The independent theater movement in Catalonia and Valencia was very influential, culminating in the creation of the Teatre Lliure by Pasqual and Puigserver. While groups like La Cubana and Els Joglars developed mime and physical theater

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as a way of avoiding censorship, there were many dramatists who sought to create new spaces for textual theater, such as José Sanchis Sinisterra, Rodolf Sirera, and Josep Benet i Jornet. Later, many of the figures who traveled and worked internationally returned to Catalonia to contribute to the renewal of the theater world, in projects such as the creation of the Teatre Nacional de Catalunya and the Ciutat del Teatre. There are numerous Catalan theater festivals across the Catalanspeaking territories, the most important of which is the Festival Grec in Barcelona. Many companies perform plays in Catalan, and amateur and community theater has always been very popular. The bestknown contemporary Catalan-language dramatists internationally include Josep Benet i Jornet, Sergi Belbel, Lluïsa Cunillé (1961–), Carles Batlle (1963–), and the Mallorcan Josep Pere Peyró (1959–). The Valencian playwrights Sanchis Sinisterra, Manel Molins, and Rodolf and Josep Lluís Sirera have also had significant impact on the Catalan and Spanish theater scene, as well as other writers, such as Salvador Espriu, whose literary output included acclaimed plays. See also CAYROL, ANTONI; ESCALANTE, EDUARD; IGLESIAS, IGNASI; LICEU; MODERNISME; MONTLLOR, OVIDI; MUSIC; NOUCENTISME; OLIVER, JOAN; PONS, VENTURA; PORCEL, BALTASAR; XIRGU, MARGARITA. TOLDRÀ, EDUARD (1895–1962). Musician and composer, born in Vilanova i la Geltrú in Catalonia. He was the main composer of the Noucentista movement. TORRAS I BAGES, JOSEP (1846–1916). This Catalan priest was one of the most significant Catalanist clerics of the 19th century, whose writings and cultural activism contributed to underpinning Church commitment to conservative Catalanism, which remained strong until the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Torras i Bages was involved in many of the cultural and political movements associated with the Renaixença, including the Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc and the Unió Catalanista. He was also president of the commission that drew up the Bases de Manresa in 1892. His best-known work was La tradició catalana (The Catalan tradition, 1892), whose “Catalunya serà cristiana o no serà” became one of the clarion calls

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of conservative Catalanism and is associated with the Abadia de Montserrat. TORRES GARCÍA, JOAQUÍN (1874–1949). Born in Uruguay, Torres García lived in Barcelona until 1920 and was one of the most important painters of the Noucentista period, steeped in classical mythology. He later embraced more avant-garde tendencies. TOURISM. The tourist industry is one of the central pillars of the economy of a large part of the Catalan-speaking territories. Catalonia and the Balearic Islands attracted foreign visitors to their rugged coastlines from the 19th century onward, but it was not until the 1950s and 1960s that the phenomenon of mass tourism contributed to the transformation of their respective economies. The coastal areas of Mallorca, Eivissa, Valencia, and Catalonia are now characterized by a high degree of urbanization; although, increasing attention is being paid to producing sustainable infrastructure and development, particularly given the level of competition from cheaper resorts elsewhere in Europe. The cities of Barcelona and, to a lesser extent, Valencia have been redeveloped and restored to attract cultural tourism from within Spain and abroad; indeed, Barcelona now receives a higher proportion of foreign tourists than anywhere else in Spain. Nonetheless, coastal tourism remains a key market for the Catalanspeaking territories, contributing to a high degree of conservatism and economic protectionism in many areas. See also ECONOMY. TRADE UNIONS. See COMISSIONS OBRERES; CONFEDERACIÓ NACIONAL DEL TREBALL; LABOR MOVEMENT; TRENTISTES; TRES CLASSES DE VAPOR; UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES; UNIÓN GENERAL DE TRABAJADORES. TRAGIC WEEK / SETMANA TRÀGICA. The revolutionary events that took place in Barcelona, spreading to other parts of Catalonia, between 25 July and 2 August 1909 came to be known as the Setmana Tràgica. The detonating factor was the mobilization of reservists to fight in Melilla in Spain’s Rif War; however, there had been a growing sense of disaffection with the Spanish government among the working classes throughout the first decade of the 20th century,

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and this was insufficiently channeled by Catalan political parties like the Lliga Regionalista. On Monday, 26 July, the labor organizations in the city called a general strike in opposition to the war, which extended to all the main towns of Barcelona. On the same day, the captain-general of Barcelona declared a state of emergency. However, the strike spilled over into spontaneous insurrectional activity, and without any of the republican parties taking the lead, Barcelona was overrun, with barricades in the streets. As there was neither clear political leadership nor objectives, the violence was chaotic and indiscriminate; although, in particular, it was directed against the Church, with the burning of churches, convents, and religious buildings, the assassination of three priests, and the disinterment of the bodies of nuns, which were then paraded in the streets. The lack of outside help and the arrival of military reinforcements during the week meant that the uprising was soon contained. Antonio Maura’s government responded with brutal repression, suspending all left-wing publications and closing over 150 workers’ clubs and lay schools. There were around 2,000 people put on trial, in civil and military courts, and numerous death sentences were passed by the military; although, only five people were executed. The most famous of these was the execution by firing squad of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia, who was accused of being the leader of the revolt. This led to an international outcry and, ultimately, to the fall of Maura’s government and the Spanish Liberal Party’s return to power. TRANSITION. The transition to democracy in Spain is generally considered to refer to the period after the death of Francisco Franco, during which there was gradual reform of the structures of Francoism, eventually resulting in the consolidation of a liberal democracy. For some historians, the end of the transition came with the referendum on the new Constitution in December 1978; for others, the process was not consolidated until after the Tejerazo coup of 23 February 1981, after which the military were forced to accept the constitutional changes. In Catalonia, the end of the transition is marked by the first autonomous elections since the Spanish Civil War, held in 1980; whereas, in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, their statutes of autonomy did not come into force until 1982 and 1983, respectively.

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What these dates indicate is that the transition to democracy was experienced differently in the Catalan-speaking territories and that these differences correspond to their specific social and political makeup. In particular, the strength of anti-Francoist resistance in Catalonia from the 1960s onward led to the creation of a unified platform of political, social, and cultural groupings and individuals, calling for democratic reform in the form of “Llibertat, amnistia, estatut d’autonomia” (Liberty, amnesty, statute of autonomy), as heard in the mass demonstrations in favor of self-determination in 1976 and 1977. While there was strong social and political resistance in Valencia, too, that incorporated left-wing nationalist calls for selfdetermination, such claims did not galvanize the same degree of support in Valencian or Mallorcan society as in Catalonia, Menorca, and the Pitiüses. Furthermore, while it was Adolfo Suárez’s Democratic Centrist Union (UCD) that achieved majority support in the first general elections of 1977, in Catalonia and Valencia there was overwhelming support for left-wing formations, with 80 percent of Catalan voters opting for parties that called for autonomy and the restoration of the Generalitat. In order to understand the transition in the Catalan-speaking territories, it is important to attend to the role of clandestine political organizations, such as the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) under Gregori López Raimundo, Comissions Obreres and the student movement, cultural associations and movements, such as Òmnium Cultural and the protest songs of the Nova Cançó, and even the radicalization of the Catalan Church, which provided safe haven for political meetings, such as the Caputxinada. Though there had been resistance to the Franco regime throughout the 1940s and 1950s, this had been hampered by the severity of repression against political and cultural dissidence. It was the increasing capacity of mass mobilization from the Tram Strike of 1951, but above all in the strikes and demonstrations of the 1960s, that led to the development of effective measures against the regime. In order to withstand the increasing repression at the end of the 1960s, clandestine political parties came together to form first the Comissió Coordinadora de Forces Polítiques de Catalunya, which included the PSUC, the Front Nacional de Catalunya (FNC), the Moviment Socialista de Catalunya (MSC), Unió Democràtica de Catalunya

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(UDC), part of the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and then the Assemblea de Catalunya in 1971, which had as its main aims: freedom, political amnesty, autonomy, and coordination with democratic forces elsewhere in Spain. A parallel organization, the Taula Democràtica del País Valencià, was set up in Valencia in 1972. After the death of Franco in 1975, King Juan Carlos was immediately appointed as his successor. Although initially he appeared to support the prime minister, Carlos Arias Navarro, he later called for his resignation, appointing the more moderate Adolfo Suárez, who brought in a Law of Political Reform in 1976. In Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, political and cultural groupings, such as the Assemblea de Catalunya and the newly formed Consell de Forces Polítiques de Catalunya, met to lobby for further reforms. The Congrés de Cultura Catalana was set up to debate and propose measures to protect and promote Catalan political and cultural institutions across the Catalan countries, and participants began to draw up models for political autonomy. Political parties were legalized, apart from those, like the ERC, that advocated independence, and freedom of speech, association, and the press meant that the first daily newspaper in Catalan was able to appear. While there was a high degree of cooperation between the UCD and the other parties after the June 1977 general elections, as evidenced in the Moncloa Pacts of October of the same year, in Catalonia there continued to be calls for more far-reaching constitutional reform and self-government. In order to maintain some control over the way in which autonomy was negotiated in Catalonia, Suárez met with Josep Tarradellas in October 1977 and invited him back from exile to reestablish the Generalitat de Catalunya. The constitutional councils established in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Balearic Islands, after the inclusion of channels for autonomy in the 1978 Spanish Constitution, did not fully reflect the 1977 election results, as council members were also appointed by the Spanish central government and king. However, in Catalonia at least, the drafting of the Estatut de Sau was undertaken rapidly, following Article 151 of the Spanish Constitution, and, while some changes were imposed, it was ratified in August 1979 and brought into force in January 1980. The first autonomous elections were held, resulting in a Convergència i

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Unió victory and the beginning of Jordi Pujol’s 23-year presidency of the Generalitat. In Valencia and the Balearic Islands, the extent of opposition to political reform forced concessions even over the regions’ historic entitlement to self-determination, so both statutes ended up following the more moderate Article 141, which entitled all Spanish regions to some degree of autonomy. In Valencia, the drafting of a statute of autonomy was particularly acrimonious and was accompanied by violent attacks on Valencian intellectuals and politicians, as well as a campaign by the right-wing press, headed by Las Provincias (see BATTLE OF VALENCIA). The first autonomous elections in Valencia were won by the Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV), while the Balearic Islands were governed by a coalition, with an Alianza Popular president. See also ACADEMIA DE CULTURAL VALENCIANA; ACCIÓ CULTURAL DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; ALBERTÍ PICORNELL, JERONI; ALBINYANA, JOSEP LLUÍS; ASSOCIACIÓ D’ESCRIPTORS EN LLENGUA CATALANA; ASSOCIACIACIÓ INTERNACIONAL DE LLENGUA I LITERATURA CATALANES; BANCA CATALANA; BARRERA I COSTA, HERIBERT; BENET I JORNET, JOSEP MARIA; BENICASSIM, ESTATUT DE; BLAVERISME; BOADELLA, ALBERT; CAROD-ROVIRA, JOSEP LLUÍS; CASTELLET, JOSEP-MARIA; CENSORSHIP; CLIMENT, ELISEU; CONSELL GENERAL INTERINSULAR; CONSELL INSULAR; CONVERGÈNCIA DEMOCRÀTICA DE CATALUNYA; DURAN I LLEIDA, JOSEP ANTONI; ECONOMY; EDUCATION; ELX, ESTATUT D’; ENTESA DELS CATALANS; FEMINIST MOVEMENT; FESTIVAL POPULAR DE POESIA CATALANA AL PRICE; FOLK CULTURE; FRONT D’ALLIBERAMENT GAI DE CATALUNYA; FRONT OBRER DE CATALUNYA; FUSTER, JAUME; FUSTER, JOAN; GADES, ANTONIO; GAUCHE DIVINE; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT; INSTITUT D’ESTUDIS CATALANS; LABOR MOVEMENT; LANGUAGE; LLIGA COMUNISTA REVOLUCIONÀRIA; LLUCH, ERNEST; MANIFEST DELS MARGES; MARAGALL, PASQUAL; MARÍ MAYANS, ISIDOR; MATUTES, ABEL; MAYOR I ZARAOGOZA, FREDERIC; MOLAS, ISIDRE; MOLAS, JOAQUIM; MOLL, AINA; NORMALIZATION; OBRA CULTURAL BALEAR; OLIVER, MARIA ANTÒNIA; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT

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NACIONAL; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE LES ILLES BALEARS; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; PARTIT SOCIALISTA DE MALLORCA; PUBLISHING; PUIG ANTICH, SALVADOR; RIERA, CARME; ROCA I JUNYENT, MIQUEL; ROIG, MONTSERRAT; SACRISTÁN, MANUEL; SANCHIS GUARNER, MANUEL; SAU, ESTATUT DE; SERRA, NARCÍS; SINDICAT DEMOCRÀTIC D’ESTUDIANTS DE BARCELONA; TERRA LLIURE; THEATER; TRENCAVEL; TUSQUETS, ESTHER; UNIÓ MALLORQUINA; WOMEN; XIRINACS, LLUÍS MARIA. TRASTAMARA, HOUSE OF. This dynasty of nobles ruled the Crown of Aragon from 1412, after the death of the last direct heir to the House of Barcelona, Martin I. TRENCAVEL. This group of left-wing nationalist writers put together a strategy for the transformation of Catalan as a literary language and for the normalization of literary culture, underpinned by Marxist theories of national liberation. See also FUSTER, JAUME; OLIVER, MARIA ANTÒNIA; PARTIT SOCIALISTA D’ALLIBERAMENT NACIONAL. TRENTISTES/TREINTISTAS. This was a syndicalist faction within the Confederació de Treball Nacional (CNT) that broke away in August 1931 due to the growing influence of the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) in the movement. They were characterized by the willingness to cooperate with political parties in order to ensure that the progress toward social revolution was not undermined by indiscriminate insurrectionary activity. There were 30 leading syndicalists who formed this breakaway group, and their influence within the Spanish Republican and Catalan Generalitat administrations until 1934 led to increasing support among the labor movement in Valencia and Catalonia. While some members went on to join the Union General Trabajadores and the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya in 1936, others, like Joan Peiró, rejoined the CNT, with its cooperation in the victory of the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya in the February 1936 elections.

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TRES CLASSES DE VAPOR. This cotton textile union, established in 1868, became one of the strongest labor organizations in Catalonia in the 19th century. Basically republican reformist in outlook, the increasing intransigence of the wealthy industrialists at the turn of the century over wages and working conditions ultimately contributed to its decline as radical anarchism gradually took over the labor movement. TRIADÚ, JOAN (1921–). This writer, cultural critic, and educator cofounded one of the most important clandestine Catalan journals during the Franco regime, which became a symbol of Catalan national resistance. Along with Maria Aurèlia Capmany, he set up the Agrupació Dramàtica de Catalunya, which offered a space for the continuation of Catalan-language theater, and he played a key role in training Catalan teachers during this period. In 1975, he set up a number of educational institutions, including the Consell Català de l’Ensenyament (Catalan Education Council), the Institució Cultural del CIC (Catholic Influence Center), and the Thau school in Barcelona. As well as poetry, he has recently received recognition for his testimonial writing. He was awarded the Creu de Sant Jordi in 1982, the Premi d’Honor de les Lletres Catalanes in 1992, and the Gold Medal of the Generalitat de Catalunya in 2001. See also CENSORSHIP; EDUCATION; LITERATURE. TROUBADOURS. The troubadours were medieval court poets who were most active during the reigns of Alfons I and Peter I, from 1160 onward. Nearly 200 poems in the surviving troubadour corpus were written by Catalans, mainly in Provençal. The most important Catalan troubadour was called Cerverí de Girona, a joglar who succeeded in establishing himself as a professional poet. He served in the courts of James I and later Peter II and left about 120 poems written in a range of styles. TRUETA, JOSEP (1897–1977). Barcelona-born surgeon who developed a technique for treating open fractures during the Spanish Civil War, going into exile in England in 1939, where he was invited to practice in Oxford. His techniques were adopted by the Allied armies during World War II. He became a professor of medicine at

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Oxford and received international recognition for his discoveries and publications in the field. In addition, he wrote a cultural history of Catalonia, The Spirit of Catalonia, which he published in 1941 to raise awareness of Catalonia’s plight, and was politically active in Catalanist groupings in exile. TURMEDA, ANSELM (1352?–1423). Mallorcan poet who entered the Franciscan order, traveling to Algiers where he converted to Muhammadanism. His main works are the Libre dels bons amonestaments and Disputa de l’ase. TUSQUETS, ESTHER (1936–). This upper middle class novelist and publisher from Barcelona is best known for her experimental narratives of the late 1970s and early 1980s, especially El mismo mar de todos los veranos (The Same Sea as Every Summer, 1978). Her publishing house, Editorial Lumen, also played an important role in the growing cultural activity of the 1960s. All of her writings are in Spanish. See also GAUCHE DIVINE; LITERATURE. TUSQUETS, OSCAR (1941–). Catalan architect, artist, and art theorist, born in Barcelona. He is best known for his buildings, including the renovation and extension of the Palau de la Música Catalana in the 1980s. See also ART; ARCHITECTURE; GAUCHE DIVINE.

– U – UNIÓ CATALANISTA / CATALANIST UNION. This was a political platform formed in Barcelona in 1891 by a diverse range of Catalanist associations and corporations. Its first action was to call a series of meetings in Manresa, out of which the Bases de Manresa were drawn up in 1892. In 1897, the Catalanist Union modified its original constitution to allow the affiliation of other groupings, newspapers, and individuals, thus gaining more widespread presence across Catalonia. The more politically active element of the union broke off to form the Centre Nacional Català, achieving good results in the elections of 1901. The Unió Catalanista continued to function until 1936, disappearing after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War.

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UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DE CATALUNYA (UDC) / CATALAN DEMOCRATIC UNION. The UDC was founded on 7 November 1931 as a Christian-Democratic Catalanist party. It had one deputy elected to the Cortes, Manuel Carrasco i Formiguera (1890–1938), who was shot by Francoist forces during the Spanish Civil War, and one other elected to the Catalan Parliament during the Republic, Pau Romeva (1892–1968). It also had a feminine wing, the Unió de Dones de Catalunya. The party voted in favor of the Law of Cultivation Contracts in 1933 but opposed the actions of Lluís Companys in declaring a Catalan State on 6 October 1934. During the Spanish Civil War, it both supported the Catalan republican institutions and was highly critical of the radical left-wing politics of the governing parties. It intervened on behalf of many of those members of the previous oligarchy and Church who had been condemned to death. At the end of the war, most of its leaders went into exile. Those who stayed in Catalonia reorganized the party and continued the clandestine struggle against the persecution of Catalan culture from 1941. When democracy was restored, they formed a coalition with Jordi Pujol’s Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya and were elected to the new Generalitat in 1980. The coalition became a federation in 2001. Since 1990, the president of the UDC has been Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida, who is also secretary general of Convergència i Unió. The party is a member of the European People’s Party and of the Centrist-Democrat International. UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ (UDPV). This Valencian-Catalanist, Christian-democratic party was created in Valencia in 1962 and supported by members of the Dreta Regional Valenciana and Acció Valenciana. They participated in political meetings with other Christian-democrat parties at the Abadia de Montserrat during the 1960s and were involved in the 1970s antiFrancoist movements and coalitions, such as the 1976 Taula de Forces Sindicals i Polítiques del País Valencià. After poor results in the first general elections of 1977, the party was disbanded, and its members either joined the Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC) or the Partit Nacionalista del País Valencià. UNIÓ DE RABASSAIRES / RABASSAIRES’ UNION. This Federation of agricultural unions was founded in Catalonia in 1922 as

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a result of the viticultural crisis that followed World War I. As well as rabassaires, it brought together tenant farmers and leaseholders. It was led by Francesc Riera i Claramunt (1890–1955), and had La terra as its mouthpiece. Under the Second Republican government, it managed to achieve 21,542 affiliates, becoming the main agricultural trade union. It was linked to Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and defended individual, family use of land. After the rabassaire conflict in 1933 to 1934, it became more radicalized and joined the Alianza Obrera. It had a presence in all Catalan government institutions and joined the Committee of Antifascist Militia at the start of the Spanish Civil War; although, it opposed Confederació Nacional del Treball plans for agricultural collectivization. UNIÓ FEDERAL NACIONALISTA REPUBLICANA (UFNR) / FEDERAL NATIONALIST UNION. This separatist republican party was created in 1910 from the fusion of Republican Union with the Centre Nacionalista Republicà and published the journal El poble català. Although it was relatively successful in the 1910 general elections, its later collaboration with Alejandro Lerroux’s Radical Republican movement, to form a common left-wing republican front against the center-right front created by the Lliga Regionalista, led to the alienation of more moderate supporters and, ultimately, to political failure. When it was disbanded in 1917, many of its members went on to join the Partit Republicà Català. See also ALOMAR, GABRIEL; BLOC REPUBLICÀ AUTONOMISTA; COROMINES, PERE; DOMINGO I SANJUAN, MARCEL·LÍ; LAYRET, FRANCESC; LLUHÍ I RISSECH, JOAQUIM. UNIÓN GENERAL DE TRABAJADORES (UGT) / GENERAL WORKERS’ UNION. Although the Unión General de Trabajadores was founded in Mataró, Barcelona, in 1888, its close links to the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), based in Madrid, and its eventual move to the Spanish capital in 1899, meant that it never achieved widespread support among the working classes of Catalonia before the Spanish Civil War, and even after its resurgence in the middle decades of the Franco regime, it found it had to compete in the Catalan-speaking territories with the Comissions Obreres and a diversity of other unions and associations.

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UNIÓ MALLORQUINA (UM) / MALLORCAN UNION. The UM is a conservative nationalist party that was set up in Palma de Mallorca in 1982. Its first leader and founding member was Jeroni Albertí, who became president of the Consell Insular de Mallorca in 1987. It does not present candidates in the Spanish general elections but runs in the autonomous ones. In 1999, it collaborated with leftwing parties to form the Pacte de Progrés government; although, in the main, it obstructed progressive policies. UNIÓ REGIONALISTA / REGIONALIST UNION. This centerright political group was formed in Barcelona in 1899. In 1901, it amalgamated with the Centre Nacional Català to form the Lliga Regionalista. UNIÓ SOCIALISTA DE CATALUNYA (USC) / SOCIALIST UNION OF CATALONIA. The USC was created in 1923 by Catalan members of the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) and led by Manel Serra i Moret (1884–1963), Rafael Campalans (1887–1933), and Gabriel Alomar. It was forced underground during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, and its president, Serra i Moret, went into exile in Argentina. The party was reorganized in 1930 and went on to forge close links with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya from 1931, creating an affiliated union, the Unió General de Sindicats Obrers de Catalunya. Serra i Moret was first elected mayor of Pineda and then entered the Generalitat government in 1932 as minister of work and finance. After the October Events of 1934, the USC sought to distance itself from the republican parties, but it collaborated in the Front d’Esquerres de Catalunya of 1936. It was eventually incorporated into the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC). UNIÓ VALENCIANA (UV) / VALENCIAN UNION. The most influential contemporary conservative regionalist party in Valencia was set up in 1982 by Vicent González Lizondo (1942–96) and sectors of the Unió Regional Valencianista. Its main focus is on linguistic secessionism, defending the idea of a Valencian language that is separate from Catalan. It generally gains very few seats in general and autonomous elections; although in 1995, the five seats it gained were enough to put the Partido Popular in charge of the Valencian

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Generalitat, which led to some concessions to the UV in linguistic policy and plunged Valencia into deeper sociolinguistic uncertainty and conflict. See also CASP, XAVIER. UNITAT DEL POBLE VALENCIÀ / VALENCIAN POPULAR UNITY. This Valencian nationalist party emerged from a coalition between the Partit Nacional del País Valencià and other left-wing parties in 1982, going on to achieve some electoral success in 1987 in coalition with Esquerra Unida del País Valencià. It was later incorporated into the Bloc Nacionalista Valencià from 1998. UNIVERSAL FORUM OF CULTURES. This was the international cultural fair held from May to September 2004 in the Besòs area of Barcelona. It was Pasqual Maragall who came up with the idea after the 1992 Barcelona Olympics as a way of offering a new international forum for development. For Barcelona’s city council it presented the opportunity to continue the policies of urban regeneration begun in the run-up to the Olympic Games. The campaign to hold the first Universal Forum of Cultures in Barcelona was intended to set out Barcelona’s stake to be the cultural capital of southern Europe, a focal point for Mediterranean trade, culture, and social relations. The infrastructural and architectural side of the event was targeted toward continuing the urban regeneration of Barcelona, in particular the part of Barcelona that extends toward the sea to the north, the once heavily industrialized area beyond the Poble Nou, the old shanty areas of Besòs, and the extension of the Diagonal down to the sea, projected long before in the Pla Macià. The event attracted a great deal of private funding, as well as exhibitions and participation from around the world; however, it was neither a popular nor a commercial success. From conflict with the poorer residents of the Besòs, who were cynical about whether they would see any of the benefits of regeneration, to wider doubts about the ethical pretensions of the event and considerable organizational problems, the event was marred by negative publicity throughout. USATGES. These were the codes of practice and common laws of the different counties in the Hispanic March, which were later to become Catalonia.

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UTRECHT, TREATY OF (1713). The terms of this treaty ceded Menorca to Great Britain in exchange for British support for the Bourbon claim to the Spanish throne.

– V – VALENCIA, AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY OF. Known by Catalanists as the Valencian Country (País Valencià) and anti-Catalanists as the Kingdom of Valencia, it is a Catalan-speaking area historically that currently accounts for about a third of the population of the Catalan-speaking territories. On the east coast of the Iberian Peninsula, Valencia borders Catalonia and Aragon in the north, with Castilla La Mancha to the west and Murcia to the south. It has a total surface area of over 23,000 square kilometers, and its current population stands at over five million people. The Catalan-speaking area of the region contains just under 90 percent of current inhabitants. The Valencian population has grown by about a million people since the 1990s, with most of the growth taking place along the coast, at first due to migration from other parts of Spain and from the rural interior and more recently due to a high level of foreign immigration. There are now about 900,000 foreigners living in Valencia, most of them in Alicante. There is a very high level of diglossia in the region, which is particularly prevalent in southern Valencia and the city of Valencia, capital of the region. Catalan was introduced to Valencia in the 13th century when James I conquered territories between 1233 and 1244 to form the Kingdom of Valencia, with its own laws, known as the furs valencians, and cort. Although the Muslim population was not expelled, many left, traveling to the south of Spain and to the Barbary Coast, and the region was gradually resettled by Catalans, particularly along the more fertile coastline, and by Aragonese in the interior. This differential settlement of the region, as well as conflict between Aragonese nobles and the Valencian council over the laws of Valencia, is sometimes thought to be the origin of differences in linguistic identity and of sociolinguistic conflict between different areas of Valencia. However, this is generally an oversimplification, as there was still a large Morisco population in the region by the end of the 15th century, and

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it is more probable that the relationship with Castile and, in particular, with the Castilian court was determinant in the spread of diglossia. There are conflicting visions of the origins of Valencian distinctness. Anti-Catalanist historians and linguistic secessionists tell a story of a region inhabited by Iberian peoples, then invaded by Greeks, Romans, and Visigoths, who interacted with Roman settlers to form their own brand of vulgar Romance, which they claim to be the source of the Valencian language spoken today. However, whatever the pre-Roman ethnic roots, Romanization was intense, and the subsequent Muslim influence was even greater. While some antiCatalan writers suggest there was an early “proto-Valencian speaking” mozarab population, which maintained its identity throughout the period and is the source of a distinctive language, Valencian, there is no real evidence for this. There was little intermingling between the Arab and Christian communities after the conquest, and the aftermath of the Germanies conflicts exposed a high level of racial conflict. The Moorish population was completely expelled in 1616. Before this, Catalan was the language of the Cort; it continued to be used in official documents, and links with the Crown of Aragon remained strong until the 18th century, when the institutions of selfgovernment were lost. However, it is true that the Castilianization of the Aragonese court under the House of Trastamara, the later union with Castile, and the vice-regency of Germana de Foix led to the favoring of Castilian among the nobility. Both Catalanists and anti-Catalanists point to the Valencian golden age as a sign of a distinct identity. During the 15th century, economic activity centered on the city of Valencia, which was the main population center and the political center of the court and council. It was also a focal point for artistic activity in the Catalan-speaking territories, with writers and thinkers like Francesc Eiximenis and Saint Vicenç Ferrer, Joan Lluís Vives, Ausiàs March, Joanot Martorell, Roiç de Corella, Isabel de Villena, and Jaume Roig. For most historians, their writings are evidence of the relative standardization of Catalan throughout the Catalan-speaking territories—an irrefutable sign of linguistic unity. However, in recent years, the provenance of these writers has been used by blaveristes to defend the existence of a separate Valencian language and culture, only appropriated by Catalans through cultural imperialism.

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At the beginning of the 18th century, during the War of Spanish Succession, Valencia took the side of the archduke of Austria while most of the nobility were in favor of Philip V. Valencia’s defeat in the Battle of Almansa in 1707 brought about the abolition of local charters and the end of the region’s traditional autonomy. Nonetheless, unlike other Catalan institutions, the University of Valencia experienced a degree of revival in the 18th century, and studies were undertaken of medieval Valencian literature and history, as well as of Catalan grammar. In contrast, the Valencian Renaixença in the 19th century was a weak one, which gained little political impetus. While there was a high level of growth in trade and industry in that century, economic power was generally concentrated in very few hands, and companies remained relatively small right up until the early decades of the 20th century. It was the growth of labor movements in Valencia in the 20th century, influenced by similar movements in Catalonia, that led to some calls for autonomy and independence, tapping into a strong undercurrent of popular revolt throughout the 19th century that manifested itself in Valencian support for the Carlinades as well as for the republican movement. Under the Second Republic, there were some proposals for self-government, and it was during this period that important cultural actions, like the signing of the Normes de Castelló, took place. However, the Spanish Civil War put an end to such progressive movements, and while traditionalist cultural groups, like Lo Rat Penat, were left intact after the war, more left-wing writers and intellectuals were imprisoned or forced to leave Valencia. The first real sign of progressive cultural revivalism in Valencia took place in the 1950s, with the creation of Catalan-teaching courses linked to a newly politicized Lo Rat Penat. However, the most important pressure groups appeared in the 1960s and are almost all linked to left-wing politics. Key organizations like the Secretariat de l’Ensenyament de l’Idioma and Acció Cultural del País Valencià sought to protect and promote the Catalan language and were active in drawing up a project for Valencian autonomy, culminating in the Estatut d’Elx. Even so, when Valencia finally drew up its own statute of autonomy, the Estatut de Benicàssim, it was a compromise between the many different political factions, with the right-wing supporters of Spanish centralism forcing use of Article 143 rather

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than Article 151 as used by Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country, and a climb-down on the name of the territory and on that of the language spoken there. Since 1982, then, Valencia has had an autonomous government and two official languages: Valencian and Castilian. The 1983 Law of Valencian Use and Education divides the territory in two, according to the main language spoken, with 11 areas being Castilian-speaking and 23 Valencian-speaking. The Partit Socialista del País Valencià (PSPV) government of 1989 set up a Direcció General de Política Lingüística to protect and promote the language, with official courses and examinations similar to those set up in Catalonia. However, the election of the Partido Popular in 1995, which depended on the Unió Valenciana for support, led to negative interference in the process of linguistic normalization, with the creation of alternative organisms to oversee alternative norms of Valencian and the prosecution of institutions that failed to follow the new line. In recent years, some of the damaging effects of the Eduardo Zaplana government have been reversed. Indeed, the Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua was set up to follow the Normes de Castelló rather than the secessionist norms proposed by the Academia de Cultura Valenciana. However, there continues to be confusion and conflict about the status and identity of the language spoken by many Valencians, and in most areas apart from the central Catalan-speaking areas, like Safor, and the northern territories like Castelló, the language is in decline with a particularly worrying decrease in intergenerational transmission. Thus, even in areas where children have access to Catalan-language education, they will not necessarily be encouraged to use their language at home. Nonetheless, the percentages of people in most of the Catalan-speaking areas who are able to speak and read Catalan remain above 70 percent, which would suggest that the introduction of clearer linguistic policies in the region could reverse the trend toward linguistic substitution. The problem remains that there has been little political will to foment social consensus about the socioeconomic prestige of the language. See also ACCIÓ CULTURAL VALENCIANA; ACCIÓ NACIONALISTA VALENCIANA; ACCIÓ VALENCIANA; ACTUACIÓ VALENCIANISTA D’ESQUERRA; AGRUPACIÓ VALENCIANISTA REPUBLICANA; ALBINYANA, JOSEP LLUÍS; ALBORCH, CARME;

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ANDRÉS ESTELLÉS, VICENT; ARACIL, LLUÍS; ARLANDIS, HILARI; ASSEMBLEA REGIONALISTA VALENCIANA; AZORIN; BATTLE OF VALENCIA; BERLANGA, LUIS GARCÍA; BERNAT I BALDOVÍ, JOSEP; BLASCO IBÁÑEZ, VICENTE; BLASQUISME; BLAVERISME; BLOC NATIONALISTA VALENCIÀ; BORJAS; CALATRAVA, SALVADOR; CAMPO, MARQUIS OF; CAMPS, FRANCISCO; CASP, XAVIER; CASTELLÓ I GOMEZ, GONÇAL; CENTRE DE CULTURA VALENCIANA; CLIMENT, ELISEU; CONSELL VALENCIÀ DE CULTURA; CORTADA, JOAN; DRETA REGIONAL VALENCIANA; DURAN Y TORTAJADA, MIQUEL; EIXIMENO, ANTONI; ESCALANTE, EDUARD; ESQUERRA REPUBLICANA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; FERNÀNDEZ, LLUÍS; FERRER PASTOR, FRANCESC; FULLANA, LLUÍS; FUSTER, JOAN; GADES, ANTONIO; GORKIN, JULIÁN; HERNÁNDEZ, MIGUEL; HUGUET, GAIETÀ; HUGUET, JAUME; LERMA I BLASCO, JOAN; LLOMBART, CONSTANTÍ; LLORENTE, TEODOR; MARCO MIRANDA, VICENT; MARISCAL, XAVIER; MATEU I LLOPIS, FELIP; MAYANS I SÍSCAR, GREGORI; MESQUIDA, BIEL; MIRA, JOAN FRANCESC; MIRÓ, GABRIEL; MONTLLOR, OVIDI; RAIMON; RIBALTA, FRANCISCO; RIBERA, JOSÉ DE; SALVADOR, CARLES; SAMPER I IBAÑEZ, RICARD; SANCHIS GUARNER, MANUEL; SANCHIS SINISTERRA, JOSÉ; SANT JORDI, JORDI DE; SIMÓ, ISABEL CLARA; SIRERA, RODOLF; SOCIETAT CASTELLONENCA DE CULTURA; SOROLLA, JOAQUÍN; UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DEL PAÍS VALENCIÀ; UNITAT DEL POBLE VALENCIÀ; VALOR, ENRIC; VILANOVA, ARNAU DE. VALENCIA, CITY OF. With an area of around 135 square kilometers, the city of Valencia had a population of nearly 800,000 in 2007, making it the third biggest city in Spain. It is the capital of what is now known officially as the Autonomous Community of Valencia on the eastern coast of Spain, and seat of the Generalitat Valenciana. As such, it is one of the areas that is considered by many Catalanists to form part of the Països Catalans (Catalan Countries), the geographical area pertaining to the Catalan peoples. The region has strong historical links with Catalonia due to conquest, dating to 1238 when James I finally took the city after a relatively short siege.

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The conquest areas in Valencia were made into a separate kingdom, affiliated to the Crown of Aragon and ruled by the king of Aragon. See also ARAGON, CROWN OF. The city of Valencia was always the main political and cultural center in the region and became the most important city in the Aragonese crown in the 15th century, as well as its main population center, with 70,000 inhabitants. With more votes than any other area in the Valencian Corts, it was able to function almost as a Hanseatic city and continued to flourish even against the background of the relative decline of the Crown of Aragon. Culturally, the city of Valencia has produced some of the most important figures in the representation of a Catalan cultural identity, such as Ausiàs March and Joan Lluís Vives. Linguistically, the city has had a basically diglossic history since the early 16th century, when the language of prestige became that of the Castilian court. Founded by the Romans, Valencia has been the home of many cultures over its history: Romans, Visigoths, Moors, and Catalans all made the city an important cultural and financial center. In the year 1094, Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, also known as El Cid Campeador, conquered Valencia on behalf of the Christians, but the city later fell to the Almoravids in 1102. It had trading relations with the Crown of Aragon until expansionist ambitions led first Alfons II and then James I to seek to conquer the region. After the conquest, there were numerous revolts and uprisings, mainly due to differential taxation between the Moorish population of the city and the new settlers and social differences between the different estates there. During the 15th and 16th centuries, Valencia became one of the major economic powers on the Mediterranean seaboard. It was the time of the Valencian golden age, which was characterized by splendor in the arts and literature. This had far-reaching effects on the growth and artistic flourishing of the city. Much of its great architecture dates from the 15th century, when Valencia was the only city that escaped the widespread economic crisis in Mediterranean. However, tensions between the different cultural groupings in the area led first to the expulsion of the Jewish population and then that of the Moriscos in the early 17th century, contributing to the demographic and economic decline of the city. During the War of Spanish Succession, Valencia sided with Archduke Charles of Austria,

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and after the victory of the Bourbons at the Battle of Almansa (April 1707), Philip V abolished the local privileges, or furs. Although the University of Valencia became a focal point for study of the Catalan language and culture in the 18th century, the 19th and 20th centuries were characterized by an increasing split between Catalan and nonCatalan speakers, which continues to be a problem today. There are relatively few first-language Catalan speakers left in the city of Valencia, and this has contributed to the sociolinguistic conflict in the region and feeds the phenomenon of blaverisme. However, there was strong grassroots support of political Catalanism in the final decade of the Franco regime, largely emanating from the universities, which were closely linked to opposition movements to the regime. Left-wing support of political Catalanism remains high. However, while there is quite high access to schooling in Catalan in the city, as in other urban areas in Valencia, use of the language is in decline, with only around 14 percent declaring themselves as firstlanguage Valencian-Catalan speakers in the city. VALENCIAN. This is the name given to the Catalan language spoken in Valencia and was first used as such in the 15th century. While there is quite a common trend in the Catalan-speaking territories to use a local name for the language spoken in distinct areas, in Valencia, this has led to the claim that it is an entirely different language, so much so that in 2004, the Valencian government refused to cooperate in the production of a common Valencian/Catalan translation of the European Constitution, and the Spanish government agreed to present Valencian as a separate language. Extreme positions on both sides of the debate have contributed to exacerbate language conflict in Valencia, undermining attempts to normalize the language. VALÈNCIA NOVA / NEW VALENCIA. This society was created in 1904 by former members of Lo Rat Penat and is often considered to be the cradle of Valencian nationalism. It called a Valencian regionalist assembly in 1907, in imitation of Solidaritat Catalana, and went on to found the first openly Catalanist political party in Valencia, the Centre Regionalista Valencià. See also DURAN Y TORTAJADA, MIQUEL.

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VALOR, ENRIC (1911–2000). Valencian writer, born in Castalla (Alcoi). As well as writing a number of novels, he published important grammar textbooks, aimed at promoting standard Catalan in Valencia, and collected and transcribed oral Valencian texts. Along with Manuel Sanchis Guarner, Joan Fuster, and Carles Salvador, he was one of the most important figures in the promotion of a distinct Valencian culture in the postwar period. See also LITERATURE. VÁZQUEZ MONTALBÁN, MANUEL (1939–2004). Prolific leftwing writer, born in Barcelona. Best known for his detective novels of the 1970s and early 1980s, epitomized by the cynical, antiheroic detective, Pepe Carvalho, he wrote a wide range of novels and poems in Castilian, as well as essays on Catalan culture. See also LITERATURE. VENY, JOAN (1932–). Catalan linguist from Campos, mainly known for his work in dialectology, including the Catalan linguistic atlas. See also LANGUAGE. VERDAGUER, JACINT (1845–1902). The most important 19thcentury writer in Catalan. Basically conservative Catholic in ethos, he contributed to the Renaixença with a varied range of works from epic and lyrical poetry to journalistic prose. Training as a seminarian in Vic, he was instructed in classical rhetoric before beginning his career as a poet. It was 1878 when he first appeared on the cultural scene with his submission of the poem Atlàntida (Atlantis) to the Jocs Florals. Verdaguer would go on to write other epic poems, such as Canigó (1886), as well as the lyrical collections: Idil.lis i cants místics (Idylls and mystical songs, 1879), Pàtria (1888), Montserrat (1898), Flors del Calvari (Flowers of Calvary, 1895), and Aires del Montseny (1901). See also LITERATURE. VERDS, ELS (CONFEDERACÓ ECOLOGISTA DE CATALUNYA) / THE GREENS. There have been a number of different green associations and parties in the Catalan-speaking territories, some of them affiliated to other global movements, such as Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace, others focusing on local action. The

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first party was the Alternativa Verda-Moviment Ecologista de Catalunya, which was created in 1983 in La Bisbal de l’Empordà and later went on to form a confederation of green parties with ecological parties in the Basque Country, Galicia, and Madrid, in 1987. Els Verds–Confederació Ecologista de Catalunya was created in 1993, incorporating Alternativa Verda, the Moviment d’Esquerra Nacionalista, and grassroots organizations. It has taken on a number of different names and formations since then, and its coalition with Iniciativa per Catalunya in 1995 led to the election of one deputy to the Catalan Parliament. After 1998, the party was largely incorporated into Inciativa per Catalunya–Esquerra Unida i Alternativa and entered government as part of the tripartite coalition Generalitat with Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya in 2003. VICENS I VIVES, JAUME (1910–60). This well-known popular historian was one of the key figures in the revival of Catalan historiography after the Spanish Civil War. Influenced by the prehistorian and archaeologist Pere Bosch i Gimpera and the medieval and modern historian Ferran Soldevila, he was committed to the need to account for contemporary Catalan history as a way of maintaining cultural memory. His best-known texts about modern Catalan history include Els catalans en el segle XIX (The Catalans in the 19th century, 1958) and Notícia de Catalunya (News from Catalonia, 1960). VICENT GARCIA, FRANCESC (1579–1623). Also known as the Rector de Vallfogona, he was one of very few significant Catalan poets of the 16th and 17th centuries. He was well known throughout Catalonia and beyond both for his poetry and for his piety. He composed a wide range of works from travel writing to ecclesiastical drama. See also LITERATURE. VIDAL I BARRAQUER, FRANCESC D’ASSÍS (1868–1943). Related to the Barraquer family of ophthalmologists, Francesc Vidal i Barraquer started out as a lawyer before training for the priesthood. By 1919, he had been made bishop of Tarragona, and he became a cardinal in 1921. His defense of the pastoral use of Catalan made him unpopular with the authorities during the Primo de Rivera

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dictatorship, and he even backed the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931, seeking to maintain cordial links between Church and state. After the defeat of the military uprising in Catalonia and the subsequent social revolution, Vidal i Barraquer went into hiding in Italy, having been saved from assassination by the intervention of Lluís Companys. He remained in exile in Italy until his death, having refused to sign the letter in support of Francisco Franco that was signed by all other Spanish bishops. VILANOVA, ARNAU DE (c.1240–1311). Valencian physician who became professor of medicine at Montpellier. He achieved fame as a religious visionary, strongly influenced by Franciscan spirituals and by messianism and exerted a great influence over the Crown of Aragon. He was a compelling writer and orator. VILLALONGA, LLORENÇ (1897–1980). Mallorcan writer of a wide range of genres. He achieved notoriety in the early decades of the 20th century for his journalism and satirical writings on conservative Mallorcan culture. He is most famous for his postwar novels in Catalan, even though he originally attempted to make a name for himself as a writer in Castilian. His greatest work is the novel Bearn (1961). See also LITERATURE. VILLANGÓMEZ, MARIÀ (1913–2002). This Eivissan poet and translator was influenced by the Noucentista generation in Catalonia, as well as the Spanish 1927 Generation and European symbolism. After the Spanish Civil War, he focused more on translation, essays, theater, and journalism. See also LITERATURE. VILLENA, ISABEL DE (1430–90). Valencian writer and abbess who wrote her own version of the Vita Christi from a feminine perspective. What she adds to the Christian story is consideration of the Virgin Mary’s view of events, as well as those of other women from the Gospels, such as Mary Magdalene and Saint Anne. See CHURCH; LITERATURE. VIVES, AMADEU (1871–1932). Catalan composer who made his name writing music for zarzuelas in Madrid. He was involved in the

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creation of the Orfeó Català with Lluís Millet, and set Jacint Verdaguer’s poem “L’emigrant” to music, as well as Joan Alcover’s “La Balenguera” for the Balearic anthem. See also MUSIC. VIVES, JOAN LLUÍS (1492–1540). Valencian writer, philosopher, and theologian of Jewish converso origin who was educated in Paris and taught in Bruges and England. His family had him baptized a Christian in order to save him from the Inquisition, and in 1509, he left the University of Valencia for the Sorbonne to escape further persecution. He went to England during the reign of Henry VIII and was elected to Corpus Christi college in Oxford. He became a friend of Thomas More and Katharine of Aragon and was appointed a tutor to Mary Tudor. Vives left England when Henry VIII decided to divorce the Spanish queen, returning to Belgium. A great friend of Erasmus, he dedicated what remained of his life to the spread of humanist education, in particular the analysis of the works of Aristotle and the effective teaching of Latin. See also CHURCH. VIVES I ESCUDER, ALBERT (1914–). Engineer and architect who studied at the Barcelona School of Architecture. He went into exile in Chile, where he built various important buildings, including the Estadio Español and the Casa Neruda. On his return to Catalonia in 1973, he worked on the retaining buildings for the nuclear reactor at Ascó.

– W – WAR OF SPANISH SUCCESSION. This European war to decide whether the Crown of Castile and Aragon should be ceded to Charles II’s Bourbon successor Philip V (IV of Aragon) or to the House of Austrian claimant Charles III had far-reaching repercussions in the Catalan countries. While Philip was sworn in as king in 1701 and recognized the laws and institutions of the different kingdoms, underlying resentment of the Bourbon line in Catalonia due to the outcome of the Revolt of the Catalans and Treaty of the Pyrenees, as well as the desire for greater political and economic autonomy among the growing commercial classes, led to calls for regime change. Thus,

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while much of the nobility in Valencia and Catalonia continued to support Philip V, supporters of the Austrian claimant formed an alliance against the Bourbon king, and by 1706, Charles III of Austria was installed in most of the kingdoms comprising the Crown of Aragon. Valencia was defeated by the Bourbon forces at the Battle of Almansa on 25 April 1707, followed by Saragossa a month later and the sacking and burning of many other territories. Much of Catalonia remained under Austrian rule until 1713, when the Treaty of Utrecht was signed, granting international recognition to Philip V. Although Mallorca, Eivissa, and Barcelona remained firm in their resistance, there were to be no more military victories after the battle of Talamanca of August 1714. Barcelona itself was defeated in battle on 11 September of the same year, which remains a key date for commemoration in the Catalanist calendar, while Mallorca and the Pitiüses fell in July 1715. There was severe repression of the rebellion against Philip’s crown, culminating in the publication of a series of decrees of the Nueva Planta, by which the laws and institutions of the Catalan-speaking territories in Spain were abolished. See also CASANOVA, RAFAEL; INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT. WILFRED THE HAIRY / GUIFRÉ EL PILÓS (c. 840–98). Son of Count Sunifred of Urgell, Guifré el Pilós conquered and unified the Catalan counties or comarques in the Hispanic March and is thus considered the founding figure of Catalonia. The House of Barcelona, which ruled Catalonia until 1410, began with him, and he was responsible for the resettlement of many of the central Catalan areas that had been depopulated earlier in the 9th century. Legend has it that his blood traced on his golden shield led to the creation of the Catalan flag, the senyera. However, the symbol did not come into use in Catalonia until the 12th century. WOMEN. The history of women in the Catalan-speaking countries is one that was generally documented in texts written by men, such as the misogynist texts of the medieval period with Jaume Roig’s Lo espill, as well as the defense of women in Bernat Metge’s Lo Somni. Although their real prominence is downplayed in medieval politics, there is some evidence of their influence even in the chronicles written by the kings of Aragon, such as James I’s representation of his

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wives (if not all of his mistresses) in the Libre dels feyts and figures like the Countess of Duoda, Lucrecia Borgia, and Germana de Foix. There are relatively few texts written by women from the early centuries of Catalan history, but the Countess of Duoda and the Valencian nun Isabel de Villena present a feminine perspective on their times and on history. These figures have become very important to contemporary feminist historiography in the Catalan-speaking territories. In particular, the novels of Carme Riera seek to uncover a feminine side to Catalan history, researching and exploring the experience of the Xuetes in Mallorca as well as the involvement of women in trade with Cuba and the Antilles. While there were popular female historical figures, such as Agustina de Saragossa, who helped to defend Saragossa against the French during the Peninsular War, there was no real move toward female emancipation until the end of the 19th century, some of which was influenced by progressive ideas from France and some a reaction to modernization. Thus, on the one hand, figures like Francesc Ferrer proposed coeducation in order to achieve equality and social justice. On the other hand, conservative parties, such as the Lliga Regionalista, promoted the education of women in order to keep them from dabbling in radicalism. Nonetheless, the late 19th century in Barcelona saw a number of important social developments for women, including the first women doctors, such as Dolors Aleu, and increasing interest in women’s health and hygiene, as well as recognition of their role in child development and education. At the same time, a number of bourgeois women responded to the growing feminist movement abroad and sought to define a role for women in society. Figures like Dolors Monserdà and Carme Karr are representative of the conservative response to female emancipation. Both of them promoted the need to educate women, both wrote on feminism and represented women’s issues in the Catalan press, but most importantly, both were recruited to the Secció Femenina of the Lliga, and thus represent a vision of femininity that was acceptable to Noucentisme. In contrast, the introduction of mixed education among the less-privileged classes led to the affiliation of a number of women, like Teresa Mañé i Miravé and her daughter Federica Montseny, to the more progressive political and social groups of the time. What both trends brought was the increasing acceptance of

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women in the public sphere, a development that was reflected in the increasing number of novels for and about women in the late 1920s and 1930s, as well as the proliferation of cultural associations for women. By the 1930s, there were many important Catalan women writers and thinkers, many of whom become involved in the key institutions of the Generalitat under the Second Republic. Among early 20th-century writers we find Caterina Albert, Carme Monturiol (1893–1966), Aurora Bertrana (1899–1974), Mercè Rodoreda, Rosa Leveroni (1910–85), and Anna Murià. The Second Republic brought an unprecedented degree of liberation for women, with the legalization of abortion, the introduction of women’s right to vote, the legalization of divorce, and Marcel·lí Domingo i Sanjuán’s program of coeducational reform. However, all this was lost at the beginning of the Franco dictatorship, and the role of women was once again circumscribed to the domestic sphere. At the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, militant women from the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya, Partit Obrer d’Unificació Marxista (POUM), and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, such as Paulina Òdena Garcia (1911–36), were mobilized to encourage female participation in the antifascist militia, and a small number of female battalions were created. In particular, the feminine section of the POUM (SFPOUM), led by Olga Nin, Lluisa Gorkin, and Antònia Adroher, created training activities and workshops to help in the war effort and denounced sexism against female militia through La Emancipación (Emancipation). The image of the militiawoman became an emblem of resistance and, even after their demobilization, contributed to the incorporation of more and more women into rearguard action. It was to be the countercultural groups of the Franco years that would offer the only possibility of escape and liberation from the homely, domestic image of woman propounded by the regime’s Sección Femenina; so much of the resurgence of the women’s movement in Catalonia emanated from this context and was closely linked to the call for minority cultural recognition and/or democracy. The most important figure of the 1950s and 1960s was Maria Aurèlia Capmany. However, she was joined in the late 1960s by a younger generation of university students, enthused by the student cultural activism of the decade, including Montserrat Roig, Isabel-Clara

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Simó, Carme Alborch, Carme Riera, and Maria Antònia Oliver. Many of these writers were deeply involved in the cultural and political actions and demands of the 1970s, including the Caputxinada and the Congrés de Cultura Catalana. However, while some added specifically feminist claims to the general call for cultural and political change, in general, these were subordinated to the political interests of socialism and Marxism. This is what led to the deep-rooted and passionate debate of the late 1970s and 1980s about the direction of the feminist movement in Catalonia and Spain as a whole, between those defending a feminism of equality and those who proposed a feminism of difference, based on contemporary theoretical and political formulations in France and Italy. The fallout and even the sense of betrayal felt by many feminists during the transition period about the marginalization of women’s issues from the political agenda can be traced in the work of many women writers, especially Roig, Riera, and Maria Mercè Marçal. Even so, the feminist movement remained strong in Barcelona, with a large number of women’s associations and the publication of many journals about women’s issues. Many of the women’s associations created in the 1970s remain in existence today, and there are now around 800 different groups registered across the Catalanspeaking territories. The 1980s saw implementation of the first policies and laws to create equality between men and women. In 1987, the Generalitat government created an interdepartmental commission for women, with responsibility for developing equal opportunities and the creation of the Institut Català de la Dona (Catalan Institute for Women) in 1989. Since then, this institute has elaborated three further plans for action. Since the 1970s, there has been gradual but continuous improvement in women’s access to the labor market; although, it would still be impossible to say there are equal opportunities for men and women. There continues to be gender discrimination in recruitment, and salary levels are on average 29.6 percent lower than those of men. In education, there have been enormous improvements in access to primary, secondary, and higher education, and this has had a knock-on effect on women’s access to certain professions, such as teaching and law; although, there continues to be a glass ceiling in the higher echelons of business and management. The percentage of

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women in politics has also increased greatly since the early 1980s, when, for instance, they constituted only 5 percent of the Catalan Parliament as compared to 27 percent in the 2003–7 legislature. See also AMAT, NURIA; AMAYA, CARMEN; ÀNGELS, VICTÒRIA DELS; ARCHITECTURE; ART; ASSOCIACIÓ CATALANA DE LA DONA; BALLETBÓ-COLL, MARTA; BONET, MARIA DEL MAR; BONNEMAISON, FRANCESCA; CABALLÉ, MONTSERRAT; CASTELLS I BALLESPÍ, MARTINA; CINEMA; CLARAMUNT, TERESA; COIXET, ISABEL; COSTA SERRA, PILAR; DANCE; ESPERT, NÚRIA; FALCÓN, LIDIA; FOOD; LAFORET, CARMEN; LARROCHA, ALÍCIA; LITERATURE; MATA I GARRIGA, MARTA; MATUTE, ANA MARÍA; MOLL, AINA; MURIÀ, ANNA; PÀMIES, TERESA; RÒDENAS I RODRUEZ, LLIBERTAT; SENSAT, ROSA; THEATER; XIRGU, MARGARITA.

– X – XIRAU I PALAU, ANTONI (1898–1976). One of the founders of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), Xirau i Palau was elected a deputy to the Catalan Parliament in 1932 and was responsible for health, social welfare, and finance. In 1939, he went into exile in Mexico, where he continued to form part of the executive committee of the ERC. XIRINACS I DAMIANS, LLUÍS MARIA (1932–2007). This indefatigable fighter for the freedom of Catalonia started out as a priest. During the 1960s and 1970s, he went on hunger strike five times, following Gandhian tenets of peaceful action. He was one of the cofounders of the Assemblea de Catalunya and campaigned for amnesty for political prisoners. He was imprisoned twice during the Franco regime. After the death of Francisco Franco, Xirinacs stood for the Senate as an independent in 1977, taking up the post of senator for Barcelona until 1980, when he gave up politics to set up the Centre d’Estudis Joan Bardina. He continued to undertake campaigns and peaceful actions on behalf of Catalan independence until his death in 2007.

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XIRGU, MARGARITA (1888–1969). This Catalan actress made her name in Barcelona performing in Catalan-language plays, before achieving fame in Madrid. She is best known for her work with Federico García Lorca from the late 1920s onward, and she was the first to stage his last play, La casa de Bernarda Alba, in exile in Argentina. She died in exile in Uruguay, having helped to set up the national theater school there. Xirgu is now considered to be one of the most important figures in early 20th-century Hispanic theater. XUETES. Originally the name given to descendants of Balearic Jews who were ostracized by Mallorcan society, the term is sometimes used today to refer to the Jewish population of Mallorca before and after the mass conversion of Jews in 1435. From this period onward, and especially after the introduction of the Inquisition in Mallorca in 1488, there were many episodes of social conflict with the conversos and many autos de fe, which underpinned the later development of discrimination against certain families and names. Recent writers like Baltasar Porcel and Carme Riera have attempted to recover the hidden history of these marginalized peoples.

– Y –

YOUTH CULTURE. As in many Western cultures, the cultural representation of children and the young has come to represent the future of Catalan and of Catalan identity. So, for instance, Noucentista artists like Josep Obiols used representations of children in poster art for Catalan language schools, and many decades later the figure of a female child, Norma, was used in Catalonia to create consensus about the need for the normalization of the Catalan language. Cultural associations like the Scout movement were very important during the Franco regime to foster and maintain a sense of Catalan identity among young people and may be seen as underpinning the links between Catalanism and Catholicism that grew in this period.

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Today, the importance of young people in the maintenance of Catalan identity can be seen in the focus placed on Catalan-language education by Catalanist cultural associations and by the Generalitat, the predominance of Catalan-language books and television programs for children, the funding of Catalan-language rock and pop music, and the concern of some politicians about the low birth rates among Catalan speakers. At the same time, it is in studies of youth culture that we see some of the most interesting pictures of the processes of differentiation and affiliation that take place in the formation of a distinct identity, with many young people self-identifying themselves as either Catalan or non-Catalan and investing in a whole series of symbols associated with their chosen affiliation. So Catalan “skin heads” will like Catalan rock music and detest rave music and identify non-Catalans by what they wear and by their reportedly fascist tendencies. At the same time, young people who identify themselves as non-Catalan may well appropriate fascist symbols, even without knowing what these mean. Both groupings have a tendency to exaggerate and stereotype both the out-group and what they perceive as the in-group. Another trend among young Catalans has been detected in linguistic attitudes, where the use of Castilian is on the increase even among first-language Catalan speakers. Whereas at times this is attributable to parodic use and reserved for certain linguistic fields, it is also becoming a marked form among young people, a way of rebelling against social norms and, in particular, the educational canon. Again, these shifts and nuances in attitude can be quite illuminating about the different factors that come into play in any given sociolinguistic situation and the effects that the differential representation or prestige of languages in contact can have on language use. YXART, JOSEP (1852–95). Journalist, historian, literary critic, and writer, Yxart was one of the most important cultural figures in 19th-century Barcelona. He translated German Romantic writers into Spanish and edited many of the important texts of 19th-century Spanish literature. He was an avid reader of contemporary literature and supported the modernization of Catalan literature through the Modernista movement. He was one of the most important critics of the period.

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– Z – ZAPLANA, EDUARDO (1956–). Lawyer and politician, born in Cartagena. He was mayor of Benidorm before running for the autonomous elections in Valencia in 1995 as the Partido Popular (PP) candidate for president of the Generalitat, a position to which he was reelected in 1999. His time as president and leader of the PP in Valencia was characterized by internal conflict over language policy, massive and unsustainable spending on new developments, such as the Mediterranean theme park Terra Mítica and Salvador Calatrava’s Ciutat de les Arts i de les Ciències (City of Arts and Sciences), and increasing centralism. Toward the end of his mandate, it was clear he wanted a role in the central government in Madrid, and he was given a ministry in 2002. Soon afterward, he became spokesman of the PP, and his place in Valencia was taken by José Luis Olivas and then Francisco Camps at the 2003 regional elections. Popular Party support in the region was split between Zaplana and Camps; although, rumors about overspending and corruption during the Zaplana years were rife. Zaplana’s vocal criticism of the process leading to the new Catalan Statute of Autonomy in 2006 has made him a very unpopular figure among Catalans.

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Bibliography

CONTENTS Introduction I. General Reference Works II. General Histories 1. Medieval History 2. Early Modern History 3. Nineteenth Century 4. Twentieth Century III. Catalonia 1. Barcelona IV. Valencia V. Other Territories 1. Balearic Islands 2. Catalunya Nord 3. Andorra 4. Aragonese Franja 5. Alghero VI. Art, Literature, Music, and the Performing Arts VII. Economy VIII. Comparative Studies IX. Politics and Law X. Language XI. Women XII. Media, Culture, and Society XIII. PhD Dissertations on the Catalans XIV. Websites on Catalans 1. General 2. Catalan Institutions 3. Economy 4. History and Politics

352 356 358 358 361 363 365 370 372 374 377 377 379 379 380 380 381 384 386 388 390 394 396 399 400 400 401 401 401

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5. Language 6. Catalan Literary Culture 7. Press 8. Sociolinguistics

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INTRODUCTION The purpose of this bibliography is to direct further reading and research on the Catalans. As far as possible, the available English-language materials have been provided. However, for certain aspects of the history of the Catalanspeaking territories, it is impossible to avoid using Catalan material. The medieval history of the Crown of Aragon and of Catalonia’s medieval empire is very well covered in English, with scholarly works by David Abulafia, Robert Ignatius Burns, and Jocelyn Hillgarth, among others. Nevertheless, it was decided not to present a complete guide to this period as while the Crown of Aragon’s medieval empire certainly forms the basis for the current Catalan-speaking territories, it is from this period that the idea of the Catalans as a people stems, rather than there being insistence on a clear ethnic blood line dating back to the early medieval period. Thus, while particularly informative works have been included, as well as those that help to counter some of the myths about alternative origins of the different languages and peoples of the regions, including the important cultural encounters and exchanges between Christians, Muslims, and Jews during the medieval period, this bibliography presents only a fraction of an extremely well documented area. Equally well represented in contemporary scholarship is the history of the formation of Catalan regional and national identity, partly due to the influence of Catalan exiles after the Spanish Civil War, many of whom dedicated their lives to giving testimony to a culture under threat, and partly due to the growth of interest in nationalism and national identity from the 1980s onward, in parallel with theoretical musings about a post-national world. While most of these works can be found here, it is important to note that many of them rehearse or reflect similar arguments and perspectives on Catalonia. Works like Josep Maria Trueta’s The Spirit of Catalonia draw attention to the existence of a distinct culture within the Spanish state that had been hidden from international view and was under threat of cultural genocide. Although it dates from the 1940s, his is an important work to appreciate a sense of the strength and optimism of Catalan culture before the Spanish Civil War. Other works that have this testimonial effect and are available in English include that of Victor Alba. At the same time, there are a number of works by English writers from the war period onward that engage with the sense of a charming regional culture or identify with

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the political aims of the local people. The most famous of these is, without any doubt, the politicized critique that is George Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia, but there are also the works of John Langdon-Davies and E. Allison Peers, and it would even be possible to see some more recent work, like that of Matthew Tree, Jacqueline Hall, and John Payne, in this light. In many ways, they can be seen as apologists for Catalan identity as observed within Catalonia. Perhaps the most ubiquitous general introduction to the history of Catalonia in recent decades has been Robert Hughes’s Barcelona, translated into numerous languages. Part of the success of his book stems from its focus on Barcelona, without doubt the most recognizable international sign of Catalan identity. The city’s reflection of the development of Catalan consciousness and its links to the historical narrative of Catalonia make it a useful filter for the representation of Catalan identity and culture, and Hughes is particularly engaging in his discussion of the city’s art and architecture, the meanings of its public spaces, aspects that are also the main strengths of Payne’s broader consideration of Catalan culture and history. However, there is a certain quality of patronization and moral outrage in these works and a tendency to reproduce the stereotypes of national character discourse. Far stronger as an account of the creation of the myths of public memory spaces in 19th-century Barcelona is Stéphane Michonneau’s Barcelone: Mémoire et identité 1830–1930 (2007) and Joan Ramon Resina’s recent Barcelona’s Vocation of Modernity: Rise and Decline of an Urban Image presents a marvelous reading of the changing frames of the city’s intelligibility up to the present day. Indeed, study of the different accounts of Barcelona’s history, culture, society, and political identity offers an important way to understand the different debates and claims about the existence of a distinct Catalan identity, even though there is a tendency to gravitate on a locus between the cosmopolitan and the local, with the ideological basis of the text stemming from the lines taken on this: whether they privilege local experience over the cosmopolitan pretensions of Barcelona City Council or are frustrated by the perceived provincialism of Catalan planners. Whatever side of the debate, this discourse is overused and may entrap the scholar. Catalan nationalism, too, is almost inescapable in the social and political sciences. This is due in large part to the work of social scientists and sociologists of Catalan origin, from the ethnographers and anthropologists of the first half of the 20th century to figures like Salvador Giner, Salvador Cardús, and Manuel Castells today, as well as Valencians like Rafael Ninyoles, Manel Sanchis Guarner, and Joan Francesc Mira. Salvador Giner’s book The Social Structure of Catalonia is a useful introduction to Catalan society, which, although out of print, is available online through the Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications. However, a more up-to-date introduction to contemporary Catalan society is provided in the Catalan volumes La cultura catalana

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and La societat catalana (1998), both of which have been included in the extensive section on media, culture, and society below. There have been a range of English-language studies of Catalan nationalism, particularly in the context of comparative overviews of stateless nations and national movements. Important contributors to this trend are Montserrat Guibernau and Jordi Llobera, who helped to put Catalonia on the map of recent work on nationalism within the political sciences. Perhaps the most accessible account of the development of Catalan nationalism for the English reader is Daniele Conversi’s The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation (1997); although, he does have a tendency to overstate the bourgeois and liberal origins of Catalan national consciousness in order to more strongly contrast them with the Basque Country. There are a number of other works in which the case of Catalonia and the Catalan-speaking countries is compared with other nations, regions, and cultures, which can be found in the section on comparative studies below. Conversi’s bias can be found in other texts grounded in the political sciences, alongside the tendency to celebrate the civic nationalism of Catalonia. This is even the case in Kenneth McRoberts’s volume, Catalonia: Nation Building without a State; although, his approach is more extensively underpinned by and provides a picture of the current sociological situation of Catalonia. Both books provide a very useful bibliography of Catalan nationalist writing and cover most of the key figures well. Until recently, there has been much less space given to the more radical and revolutionary movements that were so important in the development of contemporary Catalonia and had some repercussions in other Catalan-speaking areas such as Valencia and, to a far lesser extent, parts of the Balearic Islands. Although these histories are often included in wider histories of the Spanish Civil War, there has been less attention to their articulation in relation to the development of Catalan culture and Catalanism. Thus, as well as specific histories of different movements that had their origins in Barcelona, Catalonia, or Valencia, such as peninsular republicanism and anarchism, special mention must be given to the more critical recent works of historians such as Chris Ealham, Angel Smith, Temma Kaplan, and Enric Ucelay de Cal, among others. Even so, it is almost impossible to come to grips with the breadth of Catalan political and cultural history without visiting texts published in Catalan, whether by Catalan, Valencian, or Balearic historians. The core of the bibliography covers social and political history of the 19th and 20th centuries, in order to provide a fuller sense of and a stronger grounding in the complexity of the social movements and class relations that gave rise to the different identity formations in the Catalan-speaking territories. While Medieval historians and scholars are free to range widely around the Catalan-speaking areas, modern historians tend to be more cautions, if not evasive, with little more than a mention of some sense of Catalan identity

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extending beyond the boundaries of the present-day autonomous community of Catalonia or reference to varieties of the Catalan language being spoken in other areas. If this wider history is mentioned in any more length, it is normally as a function of the identification of an imperialist streak in the Catalan psyche, as in Robert Hughes, rather than to explore what kind of community of Catalanspeakers lies beyond the borders of Catalonia and how they experience the relationship between language and identity. For this reason, almost all of the works specifically on Valencia, the Balearic Islands, and the other Catalan-speaking areas are in Catalan and normally written by specialists from those areas. In fact, it is often the Catalanists from outside Catalonia who have most to say about the idea of the Catalan-speaking countries; see, for instance, Joan Fuster, Josep Massot i Muntaner, Isidor Marí, Bernat Joan, and Joan-Francesc Mira. Among the works dedicated to this wider sense of Catalanness, there are studies on anthropology, ethnography, sociology (especially sociolinguistics and the sociology of language), culture, linguistics, history, and politics. Indeed, some of the books included could easily appear in any number of the sections into which the bibliography has been divided. Where there is least reticence in covering the whole of the Catalan-speaking countries is in works on literature and the liberal arts, as well as on all aspects of linguistics. The most accessible basic introduction to a wider notion of contemporary Catalan culture in English is probably still Arthur Terry’s Companion to Catalan Literature; although, Dominic Keown is currently editing a Companion to Catalan Culture for Tamesis. On sociolinguistics, there are two very good overviews of the sociolinguistic situation in English: Strubell and Webber’s The Catalan Language (1991) and Jacqueline Hall’s Convivència a Catalunya (2001), as well as Clare Mar-Molinero’s comparative study, The Politics of Language in the Spanish-Speaking World. In addition, there is a wide range of statistical information available at sites like Euromosaic on the Web; although, such data has a tendency to date quickly. For more recent overviews of the current sociolinguistic situation across the Catalan-speaking territories, it is necessary to access sites and volumes in Catalan, such as the Generalitat de Catalunya’s Institut de Sociolongüística Catalana (see below websites) and Miquel Àngel Pradilla’s La llengua catalana al tombant del mil·lenni. For coverage of the full range of markers of Catalan history and identity, there are a number of excellent encyclopedic projects within the Catalan-speaking territories, beginning with the Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana and the multivolume Història de la literatura catalana and Història de la cultura catalana. There are now encyclopedias for Valencia, Mallorca, Menorca, and Eivissa (currently underway). Less helpfully, the encyclopedia produced in Aragon completely avoids the Catalan issue. If nothing else, the volumes are of interest to see exactly how they deal with the question of Catalan identity.

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While there are separate sections on Catalonia and Valencia, the Balearic Islands and other areas have been joined together because the latter section covers little more than 12 percent of the current population of the Catalanspeaking areas. These sections deal with studies specifically focused on those areas and the particular identity formations and problems within them, treated from cultural, historical, political, and sociological perspectives. Though many of the works in English on Catalan nationalism pretend to have wider scope, it is generally through comparative studies of other stateless nations than consideration of a wider territory of Catalan-speakers, so there is a separate entry for these. Works like those produced within the Catalan-speaking territories that take for granted the existence of a Catalan people across these territories generally appear under the wider generic categories to which they pertain, such as art, literature, music and the performing arts, language, culture, politics, and law. The wide-ranging bibliography on media, culture, art, literature, music, and the performing arts, which often merges with political and social histories, is indicative of the strength and variety of the identity-production industry in the Catalan-speaking territories and, in particular, of the focus so far on the core values of language, culture, and historical patrimony in its recent history. It is worth noting that it is generally within the former spheres that recognition of commonality and community among the Catalan-speaking peoples is most marked and effective. Even so, the lines between the cultural and the political are very often blurred in the Catalan-speaking territories so that particular cultural interpretations of sociocultural or linguistic phenomena will normally imply very clear political positionings and readings of social and political history. Unsurprisingly, then, there is a rich bibliography included here on theories of nationalism and nationalist historiography, sociolinguistics, and media and cultural studies, as it is impossible to approach the analysis of Catalan culture from anything but an interdisciplinary perspective. We have, nevertheless, carefully divided the bibliographical entries into separate sections on art, literature, music, and the performing arts; the economy; politics and law; language; women; media, culture, and society; as well as comparative studies, generally including the most instructive works for scholarship that wishes to remain within particular disciplinary boundaries. Finally, there is a short list of doctoral dissertations, most of them in English, which offer unusual, innovative, or underrepresented approaches to the histories of the Catalan-speaking territories, followed by a selective list of useful online resources.

I. GENERAL REFERENCE WORKS Bibliografía dels moviments socials a Catalunya, País Valenciá i les Illes. Edited by Emilio Giralt Raventós. Barcelona: Lavinia, 1972.

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Diccionari biogràfic del moviment obrer als Països Catalans. Edited by Maria Teresa Martínez de Sas, Pelai Pagès, and Pelai Pagès i Blanch. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 2000. Diccionari català-valencià-balear. Edited by Antoni Alcover and Francesc de B. Moll. Palma de Mallorca: Editorial Moll, 1926–68. Diccionari de la cançó. Dels Setze Jutges al Rock Català. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2000. Diccionari de la literatura catalana. Edited by Àlex Broch. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2008. Diccionari de la literatura catalana. Edited by Joaquim Molas. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1979. Diccionari del cinema a Catalunya. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2005. Diccionari dels partits polítics de Catalunya segle XX. Edited by Isidre Molas. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2000. Diccionari del teatre a les Illes Balears. Directed by J. Mas i Vives. Coordinated by Francesc Perelló Felani. Palma de Mallorca: Lleonard Muntaner, 2003. Diccionari d’història de Catalunya. Edited by Jesús Mestre i Campí. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1992. Diccionari d’historiografia catalana. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2003. Dolça Catalunya: gran enciclopèdia temàtica catalana: l’art a Catalunya. Edited by Montserrat F. Mateu. Barcelona: Mateu, 1983. Enciclopèdia d’Eivissa i Formentera. Eivissa: Universitat de les Illes Balears, 1995. Enciclopèdia de Menorca. Edited by Joaquim Vidal i Hernàndez. 16 vols. Maó: Obra Cultural de Menorca, 1979–2005. Enciclopedia temática de Aragón. Zaragoza: Ediciones Moncayo, 1989. Gran Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1998. Gran Enciclopèdia Catalana. 24 vols. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1968–2008. Gran enciclopedia de la región valenciana. Valencia: Gran Enciclopedia de la Region Valenciana, 1972. Gran Enciclopèdia de Mallorca. Edited by Miquel Dolç. 19 vols. Palma: Promomallorca, 1988–91. Gran enciclopèdia valenciana. Edited by M. Llorens Serra. Valencia: Difusora Valenciana, 1991. Història de Catalunya en biografies. Barcelona: Plaza y Janés, 1988. Història de la Cultura Catalana. 10 vols. Edited by Pere Gabriel. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1998. Història de la literatura catalana. Edited by Martí de Riquer, Antoni Comas, and Joaquim Molas. 11 vols. Barcelona: Ariel, 1964–88.

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Història de les Illes Balears. 3 vols. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2004. Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans. Edited by Borja de Riquer i Permanyer. 12 vols. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1999.

II. GENERAL HISTORIES Ainaud, Josep Maria. Cent anys de catalanisme: a propòsit del centenari del les Bases de Manresa. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993. Anguera, Pere. Catalanisme cultural. Vic: Eumo Editorial, 1998. Balcells, Albert. Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present. London: MacMillan, 1996. ———. Història del nacionalisme català, dels orígens al nostre temps. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1992. ———. Història dels Països Catalans. 2 vols. Barcelona: Edhasa, 1980. Bosch, A., and N. Ibañez. Catalans. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2006. Giralt i Raventós, Emili, ed. Història Agrària dels Països Catalans. 4 vols. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2006. Keown, Dominic, ed. Companion to Contemporary Catalan Culture. Woodbridge, UK: Tamesis, 2011. Nadal, Joaquim, and Philippe Wolff, eds. Historia de Cataluña. Barcelona: OikosTau, 1992. Risques, Manel, Angel Duarte, Borja de Riquer, and Josep M. Roig i Rosich. Història de la Catalunya Contemporània. De la Guerra del Francès al Nou Estatut. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 1999. Termes, Josep, et al. Catalanisme: història, política i cultura. Barcelona: L’Avenç, 1986. ———. Història del catalanisme fins al 1923. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 2000. Ucelay de Cal, Enric. “The Nationalists of the Periphery: Culture and Politics in the Construction of National Identity.” In Spanish Cultural Studies: An Introduction: The Struggle for Modernity, edited by Helen Graham and Jo Labanyi, 32–39. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Vilar, Pierre. La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne. Paris: Flammarion, 1977. Vilar, Pierre, ed. Història de Catalunya. 7 vols. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1987–89.

1. Medieval History Abulafia, David. Commerce and Conquest in the Mediterranean, 1100–1500. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Variorum, 1993. ———. A Mediterranean Emporium: The Crusader Kingdom of Majorca. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

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———. “The Rise of Aragon-Catalonia.” In The New Cambridge Medieval History. Vol. 5, c.1198–1300, edited by David Abulafia, 644–67. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. ———. Mediterranean Encounters, Economic, Religious, Political 1100–1500. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Variorum, 2001. ———. The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms 1200–1500. London: Longman, 1997. Actes del Segon Congrés per a l’Estudi dels Jueus en els territoris de Llengua Catalana. Barcelona: Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània, 2005. Bensch, Stephen. Barcelona and its Rulers 1096–1291. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Bisson, Thomas. The Medieval Crown of Aragon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. ———. Tormented Voices: Power, Crisis, and Humanity in Rural Catalonia, 1140–1200. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998. Burns, Robert Ignatius. Colonialisme medieval: Explotació postcroada de la València islàmica. Valencia: Eliseu Climent, 1987. ———. The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction of a Thirteenthcentury Frontier. 2 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967. ———. Islam under the Crusaders: Colonial Survival in the Thirteenth-century Kingdom of Valencia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973. ———. Jews in the Notarial Culture: Latinate Wills in Mediterranean Spain, 1250–1350. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. ———. Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade Exploitation of Islamic Valencia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975. ———. Moors and Crusaders in Mediterranean Spain. London: Variorum, 1978. ———. Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. ———. Negotiating Cultures: Bilingual Surrender Treaties in Muslim-Crusader Spain under James the Conqueror. Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 1999. ———. “The Realms of Aragon: New Directions in Medieval History.” The Midwest Quarterly, 18 (1977): 225–39. ———. Society and Documentation in Crusader Valencia. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. ———, ed. The Worlds of Alfonso the Learned and James the Conqueror: Intellect and Force in the Middle Ages. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. Cawsey, Suzanne. Kingship and Propaganda in the Medieval Crown of Aragon. Oxford: Oxford Historical Monographs, 2002. Chevedden, Paul, and Donald Kagay, eds. Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages. 2 vols. Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 1995–96.

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III. CATALONIA Alba, Victor. Catalonia: A Profile. New York: C. Hurst, 1975. Balcells, Albert. La història de Catalunya a debat: Els textos d’una polèmica. Barcelona: Curial, 1994.

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1. Barcelona Balfour, Sebastian. Dictatorship, Workers and the City: Labour in Greater Barcelona since 1939. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. Balibrea, Maria Paz. “Barcelona: del modelo a la marca.” In Desacuerdos 3. Sobre Arte, Políticas y Esfera Pública en el Estado Español, edited by J. Carrillo and I. Estella Noriega, 263–67. Barcelona: Arteleku-MACBA-Universidad Internacional de Andalucía, 2005. http://www.desacuerdos.org/. ———. “Descubrir Mediterráneos. La re-significación del mar en la Barcelona Post-industrial.” In Tour-ismes. La derrota de la dissenció. Itineraris Crítics, 360–67. Barcelona: Fundació Antoni Tàpies, 2004. ———. “Urbanism, culture and the post-industrial city: challenging the Barcelona model.” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 2.2 (2001): 187–210. Carreras, Carles. Barcelona literària. Barcelona: Edicions Proa, 2003.

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IV. VALENCIA Alcaraz Ramos, Manuel. Cuestión nacional y autonomía valenciana. Alicante: Diputación Provincial de Alicante, Instituto Juan Gil-Albert, 1985. Angel Batalla, Josep M., et al. El fracàs de la mancomunitat al país Valencià: 1906–1931. Valencia: Diputació Provincial, 1985. Arnau i Segura, Pilar, Claus D. Pusch, and Tilbert D. Stegmann, eds. Mirades sobre el País Valencià. Estudis de literatura i cultura. Aachen, Germany: Shaker Verlag, 2005. Bello, Vincent. La pesta blava. Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1982. Boix, Vicente. Historia de la ciudad y reino de Valencia. 3 vols. Valencia: Albatros, 1988. Borràs, Josep R. Les Normes de l’Acadèmia. Anàlisi d’una aberració. Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1982. Burguera, Francesc. de P. És més senzill encara: digueu-li Espanya. Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1991. Castelló, Rafael. “Nacionalismes i actituds lingüístiques al País Valencià: una aproximació.” In Ideologia i conflicte linguistic, edited by T. Mollà, 145–99 Alzira: Bromera, 2001.

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3. Andorra Marquillo, Martine. “Immigrant Integration or Segregation? Multilingual Practices of an Official Monolingual Country: Andorra.” Travaux Neuchatelois de Linguistique 27, (1997): 99–132.

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Marquillo, Martine, et al. “L’Ecole andorrane: Une Ecole plurilingue pour construire l’identité nationale.” Lidil: Révue de Linguistique et de Didactique des Language 18 (1998): 49–63. Pujol Palau, Marta. “La llengua catalana al Principat d’Andorra: Situació actual i evolució.” Llengua i Ús 22 (2001): 67–70. Sinner, Carsten. “Sprachen und Sprachkontakt in Andorra.” Zeitschrift für Katalanistik: Revista d’Estudis Catalans 17 (2004): 91–110. Valls Oliva, Àlvar. “Aproximació al fet literari a Andorra.” In Els Pirineus, Catalunya i Andorra. Actes del Tercer Coloqui Internacional de l’AFC, edited by Eliseu Trenc, 25–38. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 2006. ———. Diccionari enciclopèdic d’Andorra. Andorra la Vella: Fundació Crèdit Andorra, 2006.

4. Aragonese Franja Bada Panillo, José R. El debat del català a l’Aragó. Calaceit: Associació Cultural del Matarranya, Institut d’Estudis del Baix Cinca, Associació de Consells Locals de la Franja, 1990. Closa, Francesc. Relacions històriques entre Aragó i Catalunya: visions interdisciplinars. Lleida: Universitat de Lleida; Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2004. Espluga, Josep L., and Arantxa Capdevila. Franja, frontera i llengua. Conflictes d’identitat als pobles que parlen català. Lleida: Pagès editors, 1995. Huguet, Àngel, and Jordi Suïls. Llengües en contacte i actituds lingüístiques. El cas de la frontera catalano-aragonesa. Barcelona: Editorial Horsoni, 1998. López Susín, José Ignacio. “El artículo 7 del Estatuto de Autonomía de Aragón. Avatares de un concepto polémico.” Rolde 85–86 (1998): 44–48. Martín Zorraquino, María Antonia, María Rosa Fort Cañellas, María Luisa Arnal Purroy, and Javier Giralt Latorre. Estudio sociolingüístico de la Franja Oriental de Aragón. 2 vols. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1995. Moret i Coso, Hèctor. “Una breu història social de la llengua catalana a l’Aragó.” In La llengua catalana al tombant del mil·leni, edited by Miquel Àngel Pradilla, 251–70. Barcelona: Empúries, 1999. ———. Indagacions sobre llengua i literatura catalanes a l’Aragó. Calaceit: Institut d’Estudis del Baix Cinca-Associació Cultural del Matarranya, 1998.

5. Alghero Armangué i Herrero, Joan. Llengua i cultura a l’Alguer durant el segle XVIII: Bartomeu Simon. Barcelona: PPAM, 1996.

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Carbonell, Jordi, and Francesco Manconi. Els catalans a Sardenya. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1984. Carla, Rafael. L’Alguer, llengua i societat. La minoria catalana entre passat i futur. Alguero: EdeS, 1988. [Bilingual Catalan/Italian]. ———. “L’alguerès al llindar del 2000. Entre substitució i anticatalanisme.” Serra d’Or 451–52 (July–August 1997): 40–44. Grossman, Maria. Com es parla a l’Alguer: Enquesta sociolingüística a la població escolar. Barcelona: Barcino, 1983.

VI. ART, LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND THE PERFORMING ARTS Aguilera, Vicent, ed. Història de l’art valencià. 7 vols. Valencia: Consorci d’Editors Valencians, 1987. Ainaud, Joan, ed. La pintura catalana. 5 vols. Barcelona: Carroggio; Gènova: Skira, 1989–95. Alemany, Rafael. Estudis de literatura catalana al País Valencià. Benidorm: Ajuntament; Alicante: Universitat d’Alacant, 1987. Archer, Robert, ed. Ausias March—A Key Anthology. Sheffield, UK: AngloCatalan Society Occasional Publications, 1992. Artís i Benach, Pere. El cant coral a Catalunya (1891–1979). Barcelona: Barcino, 1980. Associació Catalana de Compositors. 68 compositors catalans. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya/ Departament de Cultura, 1989 Barral, Xavier, ed. Art de Catalunya: Ars Cataloniae. 16 vols. Barcelona: L’Isard, 1997–98. Broch, Àlex. Literatura catalana: Balanç de futur. Barcelona: Edicions del Mall, 1985. Broch, Àlex, et al. 70–80–90 Literatura (Dues dades des de la tercera i última). Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1992. Cacho Viu, Vicent, ed. Els modernistes i el nacionalisme cultural (1881–1906). Barcelona: La Magrana, 1984. Camps, Josep, and Llorenç Soldevila. Amb tinta blava: literatura catalana a les Balears i Pitiüses. Barcelona: Proa, 2001. Carbó, Ferran. Literatura actual al País Valencià 1973–1992. Valencia: Institut Universitari de Filologia Valenciana, 1993. Casares, Emilio, ed. Diccionario de la Música Española e Hispanoamericana. Madrid: SGAE, 2002. Castellanos, Jordi. Intel·lectuals, cultura i poder: entre el modernisme i el noucentisme. Barcelona: La Magrana, 1998.

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Castellet, Josep Maria. Per un debat sobre la cultura a Catalunya. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1983. Catalan Review. The Journal of the North American Catalan Society. Cervera, Josep Phillip. Modernismo: The Catalan Renaissance of the Arts. New York: Garland, 1976. Cirici, Alexandre. L’arquitectura catalana. 2nd ed. Barcelona: Teide, 1975. Corredor-Matheos, José, ed. Antología esencial de la poesía catalana contemporánea. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 2001. [Bilingual edition, Catalan/Castilian]. Crameri, Kathryn. Language, the Novelist and National Identity in PostFranco Catalonia. Oxford: Legenda, 2000. Delgado, Maria. Other Spanish Theatres: Erasure and Inscriptions on the Twentieth-Century Spanish Stage. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2003. Delgado, Maria, David George, and Lourdes Orozco, eds. Catalan Theatre 1975–2006: Politics, Identity and Performance. Special Issue of Contemporary Theatre Review 17, no. 3 (2007). Deschaumes, Robert. Salvador Dalí. London: Thames and Hudson, 1985. Duran, Manuel, and William Kluback. Reason in Exile: Essays on Catalan Philosophers. New York: Peter Lang, 1994. Feldman, Sharon, ed. Homage to Catalan Theater. Special Issue. Estreno 24, no. 2 (1998). ———. In the Eye of the Storm: Contemporary Theater in Barcelona. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2009. ———. “National Theater / National Identity: Els Joglars and the Question of Cultural Politics in Catalonia.” Gestos 25 (1998): 35–50. Fernàndez, Josep-Anton. Another Country: Sexuality and National Identity in Catalan Gay Fiction. Leeds, UK: MHRA, 2000. George, David, and John London. Contemporary Catalan Theatre: An Introduction. Sheffield, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 1996. Gies, David, ed. Cambridge Companion to Modern Spanish Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. ———. The Cambridge History of Spanish Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Goytisolo, José Agustín. Veintiún poetas catalanes para el siglo XXI. Barcelona: Lumen, 1996. Guinovart, Carles. Compositors catalans. Biografies. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya/ Departament de Cultura, 1991. Infiesta Monterde, José Manuel. Un siglo de escultura catalana. Barcelona: Aura, 1975.

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Johnson, Petra Louise, ed. Catalan Spaces. Special issue of Romance Quarterly 53, no. 3 (2006). Journal of Catalan Studies. The online journal of the Anglo-Catalan Society. www.anglo-catalan.org. King, Stewart. “Catalan Literature(s) in Postcolonial Context.” Romance Studies 24, no. 3 (2006): 253–64. ———, ed. La cultura catalana de expresión castellana. Estudios de literatura, teatro y cine. Kassel, Germany: Reichenberger, 2005. ———. Escribir la catalanidad: lengua e identidades culturales en la narrativa contemporánea de Cataluña. Woodbridge, UK: Tamesis, 2005. Mackay, David. Modern Architecture in Barcelona (1854–1939). Sheffield, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 1985. Marc i Reñé, Martí, ed. Diccionario “Ràfols” de artistas contemporáneos de Cataluña y Baleares. 5 vols. Barcelona: Art Network, 1985–98. Marfany, Joan-Lluís. Aspectes de modernisme. Barcelona: Curial, 1975. ———. La cultura del catalanisme. Barcelona: Empúries, 1995. Mira, Joan Francesc. The Domain of the Written Language. Birmingham, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 2005. Miralles, Francesc, ed. Història de l’art català. 9 vols. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1983–96. Nadal, Marta. Vint escriptors catalans. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 1997. Orozco, Lourdes. Teatro y política: Barcelona (1980–2000). Madrid: Publicaciones de la ADE, 2007. Panyella, Ramon, and Jordi Marrugat, eds. L’escriptor i la seva imatge: Contribució a la història dels intel·lectuals en la literatura catalana contemporània. Barcelona: L’Avenç, 2006. Porter-Moix, Josep. Una història de la nova cançó. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1987. Raeburn, Michael, ed. Salvador Dalí: The Early Years. London: South Bank Centre, 1984. ———, ed. Homage to Barcelona: The City and its Art, 1888–1936. London: Thames and Hudson, 1986. Ragué Arias, Maria Josep. Nuevas dramaturgias? Los autores de fin de siglo en Cataluña, Valencia y Baleares. Madrid: Centro de Documentación Teatral, 2000. Resina, Joan Ramon. El aeroplano y la estrella: El movimiento vanguardista en los Países Catalanes (1904–1936). Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1997. Riera, Carme. La Escuela de Barcelona. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1988. Riquer, Borja de, et al. Modernismo: Architecture and Design in Catalonia. New York: Monacelli Press, 2003.

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Robinson, William H., et al. Barcelona and Modernity: Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, Dalí. Cleveland, OH: Cleveland Museum of Art; New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006. Sanchis Guarner. Els inicis del teatre valencià modern: 1845–1874. València: Universitat de València, 1980. Solà Solé, Josep Maria, ed. Modern Catalan Literature. New York: Peter Lang, 1995. Terry, Arthur. Catalan Literature. Tonbridge, UK: Ernest Benn, 1972. ———. A Companion to Catalan Literature. Woodbridge, UK: Tamesis, 2003. ———, ed. Homage to Joan Gili: Forty Poems. Sheffield, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 1987. Tubino, Francisco María, and Pere Anguera. Historia del renacimiento literario en Cataluña, Baleares y Valencia. Pamplona: Urgoiti Editores, 2003. Vilar, Pierre, Joan Triadú, and Josep Ferrater i Mora. Reflexions crítiques sobre la cultura catalana. Barcelona: Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya, 1983.

VII. ECONOMY Cabana, F. “Els principals grups econòmics a Catalunya.” In La societat catalane, edited by Salvador Giner, 483–92. Barcelona: Institut d’estadística de Catalunya, 1998. ———. Episodis de la burgesia catalana. Barcelona: Proa, 1998. Caminal, Ramon, Lluis Torrents, and Xavier Vives, X. “Les entitats financeres a Catalunya (1982–1992).” In L’economia catalana davant del canvi de segle, 257–91. Barcelona: Banco Bilbao Vizcaya, 1994. Camps, Enriqueta. La formación del mercado de trabajo industrial en la Cataluña del siglo XIX. Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1995. CIDEM. Doing Business in Catalonia. Barcelona: CIDEM, 1995. Crameri, Kathryn. “Banal Catalanism?” National Identities 2, no. 2 (2000): 145–57. Direcció General de Programació Econòmica. The Public Sector of the Generalitat de Catalunya. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1997. Fontrodona, Jordi, and Joan Miquel Hernández. Les multinacionals industrials catalanes. Barcelona: Direcció General d’Indústria, 1998. Fradera, Josep Maria. Indústria i mercat: Les bases comercials de la indústria catalana moderna. Barceona: Crítica, 1987. Fundació Jaume Bofill (FJB). Informe per a la Catalunya del 2000. Barcelona: Editorial Mediterrània, 1999.

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Grice-Hutchinson, Marjorie. Economic Thought in Spain: Selected Essays of Marjorie Grice-Hutchinson. Aldershot, UK: Edward Elgar, 1993. Harrison, Joseph. “The Catalan Industrial Elite, 1898–1923.” In Elites and Power in Twentieth Century Spain, edited by Paul Preston and Frances Lannon, 45–70. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. Lleonart, Pere. Catalunya: un país, una economia. Barcelona: Cambra Oficial de Comerç, Indústria i Navegació de Barcelona, 1992. López i Casanovas, Guillem, et al. 25 anys: evolució económica de Balears. Barcelona: Banca Catalana, 1998. Maluquer de Motes i Bernet, Jordi. “El desenvolupament regional i la teoria dels milieux innovateurs: innovación tecnològica i espionatge industrial a Catalunya als inicis del segle XIX.” In Doctor Jordi Nadal. La industrialización y el desarrollo económico de España, edited by Albert Carreras, Pere Pascual, and David Reher, 1080–1100. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1999. ———. “Una economia de frontera amb l’Europa avançada: el desenvolupament econòmic de Catalunya als segles XVIII-XX.” Recerques 45–46 (2002–2003): 7–30. ———. Història econòmica de Catalunya: segles XIX I XX. Barcelona: Edicions de la Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Proa, 1998. ———. “El progrés tecnològic en el creixement econòmic modern.” In Tècnics i tecnologia en el desenvolupament de la Catalunya contemporània, edited by Jordi Maluquer de Motes, 15–25. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2000. Maluquer de Motes I Bernet, Jordi, and Carles Sudrià, eds. Història econòmica de la Catalunya cotemporània. 5 vols. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1989–90. Molinero, Carme, and Pere Ysàs. Els industrials catalans durant el franquisme. Vic: EUMO, 1991. Monés, Jordi. L’obra educativa de la Junta de Comerç, 1769–1851. Barcelona: Cambra de Comerç, 1987. Nadal, Jordi. Història econòmica de la Catalunya contemporània. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1988–94. Nadal, Jordi, and Albert Carreras, eds. Pautas regionales de la industrialización española (siglos XIX y XX). Barcelona: Ariel, 1990. Oliva Melgar, José María. Cataluña y el comercio privilegiado con América en el siglo XVIII: la Real Comañía de Comercio de Barcelona a Indias. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1987. Pascual, Pere. Agricultura i industrialització a la Catalunya del segle XIX: formació i desestructuració d’un sistema econòmic. Barcelona: Editorial Crítica, 1990.

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Quesada, Santiago. La industrialització de Catalunya al segle XX. Barcelona: Barcanova, 1992. Rico, A., ed. L’economia del País Valencià: Estrategies sectorials. Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim, 1982. Rodrigo y Alharilla, Martín, and Josep Tarragona i Castells. Indians a Catalunya: capitals cubans en l’economia catalana. Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2007. Thomson, James K. A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. ———. “Explaining the ‘Take-Off’ of the Catalan Cotton Industry.” Economic History Review LVIII, no. 4 (2005): 701–35. Torras Elías, Jaime, and Bartolomé Yun Casalilla. Consumo, condiciones de vida y comercialización: Cataluña y Castilla, siglos XVII–XIX. Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1999.

VIII. COMPARATIVE STUDIES Albareda, Joaquim, et al. Una relació difícil. Catalunya i l’Espanya Moderna (segles XVII–XIX). Barcelona: Ed. Base, 2007. Andrieux, Jean-Yves, ed. Idée nationale et architecture en Europe: Finlande, Hongrie, Roumanie, Catalogne. Rennes, France: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2006. Azevedo, Milton M., ed. Contemporary Catalonia in Spain and Europe. Berkeley, CA: Gaspar de Portolà Catalonian Studies Program, 1991. Barrera González, André. Language, Collective Identities and Nationalism in Catalonia, and Spain in General. Florence, Italy: European University Institute, European Forum, 1995–96. Boada-Montagut, Irene. Women Write Back: Irish and Catalan Short Stories in Colonial Context. Dublin, Ireland: Irish AP, 2003. Buffery, Helena. Shakespeare in Catalan: Translating Imperialism. Cardiff, UK: University of Wales Press, 2007. Conversi, Daniele. “Autonomous Communities and the Ethnic Settlement in Spain.” In Autonomy and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-Ethnic States, edited by Yash Ghai, 122–44. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. ———. The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation. London: Hurst, 1997. ———. “Domino Effect or Internal Developments? The Influence of International Events and Political Ideologies on Catalan and Basque Nationalism.” West European Politics 16, no. 3 (1993): 245–70.

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———. “Ideological Fragmentation, Cultural Nationalism and State Violence: Euskadi and Catalonia (1939–1968).” Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 26, no. 1–2 (1999): 37–52. ———. “Language or Race?: The Choice of Core Values in the Development of Catalan and Basque Nationalisms.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 13:50–70. Díez Medrano, Juan. Divided Nations: Class, Politics and Nationalism in the Basque Country and Catalonia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982. Drysdale, Helena. Mother Tongues: Travels through Tribal Europe. London: Picador, 2001. Garcia i Segura, Caterina. L’activitat exterior de les regions: una dècada de projecció exterior de Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1993. Guerin, Daniel, and Rejean Pelletier. “Cultural Nationalism and Political Tolerance in Advanced Industrial Societies: The Basque Country and Catalonia.” Nationalism & Ethnic Politics 6, no. 4 (2000): 1–22. Guibernau, Montserrat. Nations without States. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999. Keating, Michael. “The minority Nations of Spain and European Integration: A New Framework for Autonomy?” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 1, no. 1 (2000): 29–42. ———. Nations against the State: The New Politics of Nationalism in Quebec, Catalonia and Scotland. London: Macmillan, 1996. Kott, Sandrine, and Stéphane Michonneau, eds. Dictionnaire des nations et des nationalistes dans l’Europe contemporaine. Paris: Hatier, 2006. Lamuela, Xavier. Català, occità, friulà: Llengues subordinades i planificació linguistica. Barcelona: Quaderns Crema, 1987. Linz, Juan. “Politics in a Multilingual Society with a Dominant World Language: The Case of Spain.” In Les Etats Multilingues: Problemes et Solutions, edited by Jean-Guy Savard and Richard Vigneault, 367–444. Quebec: Presses de l’Universite Laval, 1975. ———. “Spanish Democracy and the Estado de las Autonomias.” In Forging Unity out of Diversity: The Approaches of Eight Nations, edited by Robert A. Goldwin, Art Kaufman, and William A. Schambra, 260–303. Washington DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1989. Mar-Molinero, Clare, and Smith, Angel, eds. Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula: Competing and Conflicting Identities. Oxford: Berg, 1996. Martínez Ruiz, Enrique, and Magdalena Pi Corrales. When the Light Came from the North: Sweden, Norway and Modernist Catalunya. Puertollano: Fundación Berndt Wistedt, 2001. Moreno, Luis. “Scotland and Catalonia: The Path to Home Rule.” In The Scottish Government Yearbook 1988, edited by David McCrone and Alice Brown, 166–82. Ediburgh, UK: University of Edinburgh, 1988.

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Payne, Stanley. “Catalan and Basque Nationalism.” Journal of Contemporary History 6, no. 1 (January 1971): 15–51. Pi-Sunyer, Oriol. “Catalan Politics and Spanish Democracy: An Overview of a Relationship.” Iberian Studies 17 (1988): 1–16. Pujol, Jordi. Catalanes en España, Madrid, 30 de noviembre de 1981. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1994. ———. Penser l’Europe depuis Catalogne. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1994. Shafir, Gershon. Immigrants and Nationalists: Ethnic Conflict and Accommodation in Catalonia, the Basque Country, Latvia and Estonia. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Tremblay, Gaetan, and Manuel Parès i Maicas, eds. Catalunya, Quebec: Dues nacions, dos models culturals. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1988.

IX. POLITICS AND LAW Aguilera de Prat, Cesáreo R. Nacionalismos y autonomías. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1993. Ainaud, Josep Maria. Ministres catalans a Madrid: de Ferran VII a José María Aznar. Barcelona: Planeta, 1996. Ainaud, Josep Maria, and Xavier Vidal-Folch. Els catalans i el poder. Madrid: El País; Aguilar, 1994. Albertí, Enoch, Eliseo Aja i Fernández, Tomàs Font i Clovet, Xavier Padrós i Castillón, and Joaquim Tornos i Mas. Manual de Dret Públic de Catalunya. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Autonòmics, 1992. Anguera, Pere. El catalanisme d’esquerres. Girona: Cercle d’Estudis Històrics i Socials, 1997. Balfour, Sebastian. (ed.). The Politics of Contemporary Spain. London: Routledge, 2005. Bassets, Lluís, and Joan B. Culla i Borja de Riquer. Memòria de Catalunya: del retorn de Tarradellas al pacte Pujol-Aznar. Barcelona: Taurus, 1997. Caminal Badia, Miquel. Nacionalisme i partits nacionals a Catalunya. Barcelona: Empúries, 1998. Caminal Badia, Miquel, and Jordi Matas, eds. El sistema polític de Catalunya. Barcelona: Tecnos, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1998. Cardús, Salvador, et al., eds. El nacionalisme català a la fi del segle XX. Vic: Eumo, 1987. Cassassas, Jordi, and Josep Termes. El futur del catalanisme. Barcelona: Proa, 1997. Colomé, Gabriel. “The Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya.” In Socialist Parties in Europe, edited by José María Maravall, et al. Barcelona: ICPS, 1992.

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Departament de la Presidència. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993. Dowling, Andrew. “Autonomistes, Catalanistes and Independentistes: Politicis in Contemporary Catalonia.” International Journal of Iberian Studies 22, no. 3, (2009): 185-200. Fossas, Enric, and Gabriel C. Colomé. Political Parties and Institutions in Catalonia. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, 1993. Garrido Mayol, Vicente. Código de leyes políticas de la Comunidad Valenciana. Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2000. Garrido Mayol, Vicente, Joaquín Martín Cubas, and Margarita Soler Sanchez. El nacimiento del estatuto valenciano. Valencia: Fundación Profesor Manuel Broseta, 2001. Gomà, Ricard, and Joan Subirats, eds. Govern i polítiques públiques a Catalunya (1980–2000). Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2001. Harty, Siobhan. “Lawyers, Codification, and the Origins of Catalan Nationalism, 1881–1901.” Law and History Review 20, no. 2, (2002). http://www .historycooperative.org/journals/lhr/20.2/forum_harty.html. (accessed October 20, 2008). López Tena, A. Catalunya sota Espanya. L’opressió nacional en domocràcia. Barcelona: La Magrana, 2007. Lorés, Jaume. La transició a Catalunya (1977–1984). Barcelona: Empúries, 1985. Marcet, Joan. Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya: El partit i el moviment polític. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1984. ———. “The Parties of Non-State Ambit: The Case of Catalonia.” In Non-State Wide Parties in Europe, edited by Lieven de Winter. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, 1994. Marcet, Joan, and Jordi Argelaguet. “Nationalist Parties in Catalonia.” In Regionalist Parties in Western Europe, edited by Lieven de Winter and Huri Türsan. London: Routledge, 1998. Marín, Enric, Ramon Alquezar, and Mercè Morales, eds. Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. 70 anys d’història. Barcelona: Columna, 2001. Martínez, Félix, and Jordi Oliveres. Jordi Pujol: En nombre de Catalunya. Barcelona: Random House Mondadori, 2005. Millán López, Adolfo Enrique. Derecho Autonómico valenciano. Valencia: Ediciones Mari Montañana, 1984. Moderne, Franck, and Pierre Bon. Les Autonomies régionales dans la constitution espagnole. Paris: Economica, 1981. Molas, Isidre, ed. Diccionari dels Partits Politics de Catalunya. Segle XX. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2005.

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Moreno, Luis. “Ethnoterritorial Concurrence and Imperfect Federalism in Spain.” In Evaluating Federal Systems, edited by Bertus de Villiers, 163–93. Cape Town, South Africa: Juta, 1994. ———. “Multiple Ethnoterritorial Concurrence in Spain.” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 1, no. 1 (1995): 11–32. Michonneau, Stéphane. “Les papiers de la guerre, la guerre des papiers. L’affaire des archives de Salamanque.” Sociétés et Représentations 19 (2005): 250–69. Pagès i Rejsek, Josep. Political Autonomy in Catalonia: Origins, Jurisdiction and Organisation of the Generalitat. Barcelona: Departament de la Presidència, 1996. Pallarès, Francesc, and Juan Font. The Autonomous Elections in Catalonia (1980–1992). Barcelona: ICPS, 1995. Paniagua, Javier, and José Piqueras, eds. Diccionario biográfico de políticos valencianos: 1810–2003. Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim, 2003. ———. The Stalled Transformation: Six Years of the Autonomy Process in Catalonia. Program in Western European Studies. Occasional Papers Series no. 3. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1986. Porta Perales, Miquel. Adéu al nacionalisme: El catalanisme en l’era postnacional. Barcelona: Thassàlia, 1997. Pujals, Joan Maria. Les noves fronteres de Catalunya. Barcelona: Columna, 1998. Strubell i Trueta, Toni. El cansament del catalanisme. Barcelona: La Campana, 1997. Subirós, Pep. L’esquerra i la qüestió nacional i altres paradoxes. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1992. Unió Democràtica de Catalunya. La sobirania de Catalunya i l’estat plurinacional. Barcelona, 1991. Various authors. El nacionalisme català a la fi del segle XX: II Jornades. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1989. Various authors. El nacionalisme català a la fi del segle XX: III Jornades. Barcelona: Revista de Catalunya, 1989. Various authors. El nacionalisme català a la fi del segle XX: IV Jornades. Barcelona: Revista de Catalunya, 1990. Various authors. El nacionalisme català a la fi del segle XX: V Jornades. Barcelona: Revista de Catalunya, 1991.

X. LANGUAGE Acevedo, M. “El castellà catalanitzat a Barcelona: Perspectives lingüístiques i culturals.” Catalan Review 15, no. 1 (2002): 117–31.

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———. “The Establishment of Catalan as a Language of Culture.” Hispanic Linguistics 1, no. 2 (1984): 305–30. Aguilera i Vilar, M. M., and Romaní i Olivé, J. M. Actituds dels consumidors davant de l’ús comercial del català. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1995. Aracil, Lluís V. Papers de sociolingüística. Barcelona: Edicions La Magrana, 1982. Argent, Joan, et al. “Una nació sense estat, un poble sense llengua?” Els marges 15 (1979): 3–15. Arnau, Joaquim, and Boada, Humbert. “Languages and School in Catalonia.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 7, no. 2–3 (1986): 107–21. Artigal, Josep Maria. The Catalan Immersion Program: A European Point of View. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing, 1991. Associació per a les Noves Bases de Manresa. Per a un nou estat social de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Autoritat Portuària de Barcelona, 1997. Badia i Margarit, Antoni M. La llengua dels barcelonins. Resultats d’una enquesta sociolingïística. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1969. ———. Llengua i cultura als Països Catalans. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1964. Baéz de Aguilar González, Francisco. El conflicto lingüístico de los emigrantes castellanohablantes en Barcelona. Málaga: Universidad de Málaga, 1997. Baulenas, Lluís-Anton. El català no morirà: un moment decisiu per al futur de la llengua. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2004. Boix, Emili. Triar no és traïr. Identitat i llengua en els joves de Barcelona. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1993. Boix, Emili, and Cristina Sanz. “Language and Identity in Catalonia.” In Bilingualism and Identity: Spanish at the Crossroads with Other Languages, edited by Mercedes Niño-Murcia and Jason Rothman, 87–106. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2008. Boix, Emili, and Xavier Vila. Sociolingüística de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Ariel, 1998. Branchadell, Albert. Liberalisme i normalització lingüística. Barcelona: Empúries, 1997. ———. La normalitat improbable: Obstacles a la normalització lingüística. Barcelona: Empúries, 1996. Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). Conocimiento y uso de las lenguas en las comunidades autónomas bilingües. Madrid: CIS, 1998. Climent, Teresa. Realitat lingüística a la Vall d’Aran. Barcelona: Departament de Cultura; Institut de Sociolingüística Catalana, 1986. Consorci de Informació i Documentació de Catalunya (CIDC). Padrons municipals d’habitants de Catalunya. Coneixement del català. Dades provisionals. Barcelona: CIDC, 1987.

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Conversi, Daniele. “Language or Race? The Choice of Core Values in the Development of Catalan and Basque Nationalisms.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 13, no. 1 (January 1990): 50–70. Corbella, Joan M. Social Communication in Catalonia. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1988. Departament de Cultura. La campanya per la normalització lingüística de Catalunya 1982. Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, 1983. DiGiacomo, Susan. “Language Ideological Debates in an Olympic City: Barcelona 1992–1996.” In Language Ideological Debates, edited by Jan Blommaert, 105–42. New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1999. Direcció de Política Lingüística. The Catalan Language Today. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1992. ———. Llibre Blanc de la Direcció General de Política lingüística. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1983. Duran, Lluís. L’Associació Protectora de l’Ensenyança Catalana. Catarroja: Afers, 1997. Ferrando, Aureli. “La dialèctica unitat/diversitat a la història de la llengua catalana.” In Els Països Catalans: un debat obert, edited by Joan Fuster, 139–62. Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1984. Ferrerr, Raquel Casesnoves, David Sankoff, and M. Teresa Turell. “Linguistic Shift and Community Language: The Effect of Demographic Factors in the Valencian Region, Balearic Islands and Catalonia.” In Globalization and Language in the Spanish-Speaking World, edited by Clare Mar-Molinero and Miranda Steward, 197–219. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. Hall, Jacqueline. La connaissance de la langue catalane (1975–1986). Translated by Marjorie Coup. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1990. ———. Convivència in Catalonia: Languages Living Together. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 2001. Laitin, David. “Linguistic Revival: Politics and Culture in Catalonia.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (1989): 297–317. Mar-Molinero, Clare. The Politics of Language in the Spanish-Speaking World. London: Routledge, 2000. Marí, Isidor, ed. La llengua als Països Catalans. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1992. Melchor Muñoz, Vicente, and Albert Blanchadell. The Catalan language: Its Past, Its Present Reality, Its Literature. Translated by Mary Black. Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2007. Murgades, Josep. Llengua i discriminació. Barcelona: Curial, 1996. Pradilla, Miguel Angel, ed. La llengua catalana al tombant del mil·lenni: aproximació sociolingüística. Barcelona: Empúries, 1999. Prats, Modest, August Rafanell, and Albert Rossich. El futur de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Empúries, 1990.

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Querol, Ernest. Els catalans i el català. Usos i representacions socials. Barcelona: Empúries, 2002. ———. Els valencians i el valencià. Usos i representacions socials. Valencia: Ed. Denes, 2000. Reixach, Modest. El coneixement del català. Anàlisi de les dades del cens lingüístic de 1991 de Catalunya, les Illes Balears i el País Valencià. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1997. Ruiz, F. Història social i política de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Contextos 3i4, 1994. Santamaría, Antonio, ed. Foro Babel. El nacionalismo y las lenguas de Cataluña. Barcelona: Ediciones Altera, 1999. Solé i Camardons, Jordi. El políedre sociolingüístic: una iniciació a la sociolingüística del conflicte. València: Eliseu Climent, 2001. Solé Sabaté, Josep M., and Josep Vilarroya. Cronologia de la repressió de la llengua i la cultura catalanes, 1936–1975. Barcelona: Curial, 1994. Strubell, Miquel, and Jude Webber. The Catalan Language. Sheffield, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society Occasional Publications, 1991. Tavani, Giuseppe, et al. Llibre blanc sobre la unitat de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Segon Congrés Internacional de la Llengua Catalana, Barcino, 1989. Vallverdú, Francesc. Enciclopèdia de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2001. ———. “A Sociolinguistic History of Catalan.” International Journal of the Sociology of Language 47 (1984): 13–28. ———. Velles i noves qüestions sociolingüístiques. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1998. Veny, Joan. Introducció a la dialectologia catalana. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1986. Voltas, Eduard. La guerra de la llengua. Barcelona: Empúries, 1996. Woolard, Kathryn A. “Catalan as a Public Language.” In Contemporary Catalonia in Spain and Europe, edited by Milton Azevedo, 50–61. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. ———. “Catalonia: The Dilemma of Language Rights.” In Language of Inequality, edited by Nessa Wolfson and Juan Maines, 91–109. The Hague: Mouton, 1985. ———. Double Talk: Bilingualism and the Politics of Ethnicity in Catalonia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989. ———. “Linkages of Language and Ethnic Identity: Changes in Barcelona 1980–87.” In Language and Ethnicity, edited by James R. Dow, 61–81. Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins, 1991. ———. The Politics of Language and Ethnicity in Barcelona. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983.

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———. “The Politics of Language Status Planning: Normalization in Catalonia.” In Language in the International Perspective, edited by Nancy Schweda-Nicholson, 91–102. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1986. ———. “We Don’t Speak Catalan Because We Are Marginalized”: Ethnic and Class Meanings of Language in Barcelona.” In Language and Social Identity, edited by Richard K. Blot, 85–104 Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003. Wright, Sue. “Catalonia: The Geographical and Historical Context of the Language Question.” Current Issues in Language and Society 5, no. 3 (1998): 181–89.

XI. WOMEN Abelló, Montserrat, Neus Aguado, Lluisa Julià, and Maria-Mercè Marçal. Paisatge emergent. Trenta poetes catalanes del segle XX. Barcelona: Edicions de la Magrana, 1999. Abrams, Sam, et al. XXI escriptores per al segle XXI. Barcelona: ECSA, 2004. Ackelsburg, Martha. Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1991. Alcalde, Carmen. La mujer en la guerra civil española. Madrid: Cambio 16, 1976. Boada-Montagut, Irene. Women Write Back: Irish and Catalan Short Stories in Colonial Context. Dublin, Ireland: Irish Academic Press, 2003. Capmany, Maria Aurèlia. La dona a Catalunya. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1966. ———. El feminisme a Catalunya. Barcelona: Nova Terra, 1973. Charlon, Anne. La condició de la dona en la narrativa femenina catalana: 1900–1983. Translated by Pilar Canal. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1990. Commissió Interdepartamental per a igualtat d’oportunitats per a les Dones. Pla d’actuació del govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya per a la igualtat. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1981. Corbella, Jacint. Metgesses de Catalunya. Barcelona: Departament del Col·legi Oficial de Metges de Barcelona, 2003. Davies, Catherine. Contemporary Feminist Fiction in Spain: The Work of Montserrat Roig and Rosa Montero. Oxford: Berg, 1994. ———. Women Writers in Twentieth-Century Spain and Spanish America. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon Press, 1993. Everly, Kathryn A. Catalan Women Writers and Artists: Revisionist Views from a Feminist Space. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2003. Godayol, Pilar, ed. Catalanes del XX. Vic: Eumo Editorial, 2006. Kaplan, Temma. “Female Consciousness and Collective Action: The Case of Barcelona, 1900–1918.” Signs 7, no. 3 (1973): 545–66.

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———. “Other Scenarios: Women and Spanish Anarchism.” In Becoming Visible: Women in European History, edited by Renate Birdenthal, Claudia Koonz, and Susan Stuard, 402–21. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977. Mangini, Shirley. Memories of Resistance. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995. McNerney, Kathleen, ed. On Our Own Behalf: Women’s Tales from Catalonia. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988. McNerney, Kathleen, and Cristina Enríquez de Salamanca, eds. Double Minorities of Spain: A Bio-Bibliographical Guide to Women Writers of the Catalan, Galician, and Basque Countries. New York: MLA, 1994. Nash, Mary. “The Changing Status of Women in Contemporary Catalonia.” In Contemporary Catalonia in Spain and Europe, edited by Milton Azevedo, 107–27. 1991. ———. Mujer, familia y trabajo en España, 1875–1936. Barcelona: Anthropos, 1983. ———. “Mujeres Libres”: España 1936–1939. Barcelona: Tusquets, 1975. ———. Mujer y movimiento obrero en España. Barcelona: Fontamara, 1981. Nichols, Geraldine Cleary. Escribir, espacio propio: Laforet, Matute, Moix, Tusquets, Riera y Roig por si mismas. Minneapolis, MN: Institute for the Study of Ideologies and Literature, 1989. Palacio Lis, Irene. Mujer, trabajo y educación (Valencia 1874–1931). Valencia: Departamento de Educación Comparada e Historia de la Educación, 1992. Panyella, Vinyet, ed. Contemporànies: antologia de poetes dels Països Catalans. Seminari Paraula de Dona. Tarragona: El Mèdol, 1999. Parella, Sònia. Mujer, inmigrante y trabajadora: la triple discriminación. Barcelona: Anthropos, 2003. Pessarrodona, Marta. Donasses: protagonistes de la Catalunya moderna. Barcelona: Destino, 2006. Pessarrodona, Marta, Jordi Castellanos, Núria Nardi, Lluisa Julià, and Vinyet Panyella. Nadala 2005: Escriptores. De Caterina Albert als nostres dies. Barcelona: Fundació Lluís Carulla, 2005. Ragué Arias, Maria Josep, ed. Dona i teatre: ara i aquí. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya / Institut Català de la Dona, 1994. Real Mercadal, Neus. El club femení i d’esports e Barcelona, plataforma cultural. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 1998. ———. Dona i literatura a la Catalunya de preguerra. Barcelona: Abadia de Montserrat, 2006. Roca, Maria Mercè. L’educació sentimental de les dones catalanes durant el franquisme: el món era a fora. Barcelona: Columna, 2004. Rodrigo, Antonina. Mujeres para la historia. La España silenciada del siglo XX. Madrid: Compañía Literaria, 1996.

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Scanlon, Geraldine M. La polémica feminista en la España contemporánea, 1868–1974. Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1976. Segura, Isabel. Biografies de dones de Barcelona. Barcelona: Ajuntament de Barcelona, Centre Municipal d’Informació i Recursos per a les Dones, 1998. Various Authors. Les dones d’Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (1931– 1939). Barcelona: Fundació Josep Irla, 2000. Various Authors. Mujeres Libres. Luchadoras libertarias. Madrid: Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo, 1999.

XII. MEDIA, CULTURE, AND SOCIETY Ainaud, Josep, et al. Immigració i reconstrucció nacional a Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1980. Alland, Alexander. Catalunya, One Nation, Two States: An Ethnographic Study of Nonviolent Resistance to Assimilation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. Artís-Gener, Avel·lí, and Bienve Moya. Festes Populars a Catalunya. Barcelona: HMB, 1980. Baget i Herms, Josep Maria. Història de la televisió a Catalunya. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 2004. ———. Quaranta anys de televisió a Catalunya. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 1999. Brandes, Stanley H. “The Sardana: Catalan Dance and Catalan National Identity,” Journal of American Folklore 103 (1990): 24–41. Cabré, Anna. El sistema català de reproducció. Barcelona: Proa, 1999. Cabrera, Lluís, Pedro Morón, and Marta Riera. Els Altres Andalusos: La quesitó nacional de Catalunya. Barcelona: L’Esfera dels Llibres, 2005. Calzada, Arcadi, and Carles Llorens. Reconstrucció Nacional: On es troba Catalunya a vint anys del franquisme i quinze de les primeres eleccions al Parlament? Barcelona: Destino, 1995. Candel, Francesc. Els altres catalans. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1964. ———. Els altres catalans vint anys després. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1985. Cardús, Salvador. The Circulation of Daily Newspapers in the Catalan-Speaking Areas between 1976 and 1996. Sheffield, UK: Anglo-Catalan Society, 1999. ———. “The Memory of Immigration in Catalan Nationalism.” International Journal of Iberian Studies 18, no. 1 (2005): 37–44. ———. Política de paper: Premsa i poder a Catalunya 1981–1992. Barcelona: La Campana, 1995. Casasús, Josep Maria. Periodisme català que ha fet història. Barcelona: Edicions Proa, 1996.

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———. La periodística catalana comparada. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 1993. Castells, Manuel. The Power of Identity. 3 vols. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1997. Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas. Conciencia nacional y regional. Barcelona: 1996. Colectivo Ioé. La immigració estrangera a Catalunya: balanç i perspectives. Barcelona: Institut Català d’Estudis Mediterranis, 1992. Colectivo Ioé. Presencia del Sur. Marroquíes en Cataluña. Madrid: Fondamentos, 1995. Congrés de Cultura Catalana. Manifests i documents. Barcelona: Congrés de Cultura Catalana, 1978. Corominas Piulats, Maria. “Media Policy and Language Policy in Catalonia.” In Minority Language Media: Concepts, Critiques and Case Studies, edited by Mike Cormack and Niamh Hourigan, 168–87. Clevedon: Multilingua Matters, 2007. Crameri, Kathryn. Catalonia: National Identity and Cultural Policy 1980– 2003. Cardiff, UK: University of Wales Press, 2008. Cuadras, Antoni. et al. Les condicions de vida de la població d’origen no comunitari a Catalunya. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Regionals i Metropolitans, 2004. Cubeles, Xavier, and Fina, Xavier. La cultura a Catalunya. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1995. Degen, Monica. “Barcelona’s Games: The Olympics, Urban Design, and Global Tourism.” In Tourism Mobilities: Places to Play, Places in Play, edited by Mimi Sheller and John Urry, 131–42. London and New York: Routledge, 2004. DiGiacomo, Susan. “La Caseta i L’Hortet: Rural Imagery in Catalan Urban Politics.” Anthropological Quarterly 60, no. 4 (1987): 160–66. Diputació de Barcelona. Networked Culture: The Cultural Policy of the Diputació de Barcelona. Barcelona: Diputació de Barcelona, 2000. Fernàndez, Josep-Anton. “Becoming Normal: Cultural Production and Cultural Policy in Catalonia.” In Spanish Cultural Studies: An Introduction; The Struggle for Modernity, edited by Helen Graham and Jo Labanyi, 342–45. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. ———, ed. El gai saber: Introducció als estudis gais i lèsbics. Barcelona: Llibres de l’Índex, 2000. ———. El malestar en la cultura catalana. Barcelona: Empúries, 2008. Figueres, Josep M. La premsa catalana. Barcelona: Rafael Dalmau, 1989. Franquet, Rosa. Història de la ràdio a Catalunya al segle XX. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya / Direcció General de Radiodifució i Televisió, 2001. ———. Ràdio Barcelona. 70 anys d’història 1924–1994. Barcelona: Diputació de Barcelona; Col·legi de Periodistes de Catalunya, 1994.

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Fundació Jaume Bofill. Estructura social i desigualtat a Catalunya. 2 vols. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill; Editorial Mediterrània, 2005. Fuster, Jaume. El Congrés de Cultura Catalana: Què és i què ha estat. Barcelona: Laia, 1978. Gabancho, Patrícia. Carta a la societat catalana: Sobre la immigració. Barcelona: Columna, 2001. ———. El preu de ser catalans: Una cultura mil·lenària en perill d’extinció. Barcelona: Meteora, 2007. Generalitat de Catalunya. Forjadors de la història esportiva de Catalunya. 5 vols. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya / Departament de la Presidència / Secretaria General de l’Esport, 1987–95. Gifreu, Josep, ed. Comunicació, llengua i cultura a Catalunya: Horitzó 1990. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1986. ———. Comunicació i restrucció nacional. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 1989. ———. El meu país: Narratives i combats per la identitat. Lleida: Pagès, 2001. ———. La potenciació de l’espai cultural i audiovisual català. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 2003. Gifreu, Josep, et al. Segones reflexions crítiques sobre la cultura catalana: Una perspectiva de futur. Barcelona: Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya, 1987. Giner, Salvador. The Social Structure of Catalonia. Sheffield, UK: AngloCatalan Society Occasional Publications, 1984. ———, ed. La societat catalana. Barcelona: Institut d’estadística de Catalunya, 1998. Giner, Salvador, Lluís Flaquer, Jordi Busquet, and Núria Bultà. La cultura catalana: El sagrat i el profà. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1996. Huertas, Josep Maria, ed. 200 anys de premsa diària a Catalunya 1792–1992. Barcelona: Fundació Caixa de Catalunya, 1992. Llobera, Josep. “The Idea of Volksgeist in the Formation of Catalan Nationalist Ideology.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 6 (1983): 332–50. Marín, Enric, and Joan Manuel Tresseres. Cultura de masses i postmodernitat: Elogi i crítica de la comunicació contemporània. Valencia: Tres i Quatre, 1994. Mascarell, Ferran, ed. El llibre blanc de la cultura a Catalunya. Un futur per a la cultura catalana. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1999. Miguelez, Fausto, and Carlota Solé. Classes socials i poder politic a Catalunya. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1987. Noyes, Dorothy Pettit. Fire in the Plaça: Catalan Festival Politics after Franco. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. Orizo, Francisco Andrés, and Alejandro Sánchez Fernández. El sistema de valors dels catalans. Barcelona: Institut Català d’Estudis Mediterranis, 1991.

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Pes, Àngel. Catalunya a l’aldea global: Cap a un catalanisme transnacional. Barcelona: Thassàlia, 1998. Pi i Sunyer, Oriol. Absent Others: Perspectives on Marginality in Barcelona Schools. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1993. ———. Nationalism and Societal Integration: A Focus on Catalonia. Program in Latin-American Studies, Occasional Papers Series no. 15. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1986. ———. “Town, Country, and Nation: Studying Culture and Politics in Catalonia.” Anthropological Quarterly 60 (1987): 167–73. Recolons, Luis, et al., eds. Catalunya 77–88: Societat, economia, política, cultura. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1989. Roca i Albert, Joan, ed. L’atracció de Barcelona: Migracions del segle XX. Special dossier of L’Avenç 273 (2003): 25–55. Rotger, Josep M., ed. Visió de Catalunya: el canvi i la reconstrucció nacional des de la perspectiva sociològica. Barcelona: Diputació de Barcelona, 1987. Sànchez, J., ed. Informe per a la Catalunya del 2000. Barcelona: Fundació Jaume Bofill; Barcelona Mediterrània, 1999. Seglers, Àlex. La immigració a Catalunya explicada als joves. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 2001. Smith, Paul Julian. Contemporary Spanish Culture: TV, Fashion, Art and Film. Cambridge: Polity, 2003. Sobrequés, Jaume. Història del F. C. Barcelona. Vitòria: Labor, 1993. Solà i Dachs, Lluís. Història dels diaris en català. Barcelona: Edhasa, 1978. Soler i Amigó, Joan. Cultura popular i tradicional. Barcelona: Pòrtic, 2001. ———. Sant Jordi: la diada, la tradició, l’actualitat. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 2000. Torrent, Joan, and Rafael Tasis. Història de la premsa catalana. Barcelona: Bruguera, 1966. Termes, Josep. La immigració a Catalunya i altres estudis d’història del nacionalisme català. Barcelona: Empúries, 1984. Terradas, Ignasi. “Catalan Identities.” Critique of Anthropology 10, no. 2 (1990): 39–50. Vila, Marc Aureli. Les migracions a Catalunya. Barcelona: El Llamp, 1984.

XIII. PHD DISSERTATIONS ON THE CATALANS Bailey, Ann. “Towards a Class Analysis of the Social Revolution in Rural Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War.” PhD diss., University of London, 1977.

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Campbell Rohrer, Judith. “Artistic Regionalism and Architectural Politics in Barcelona, c.1880–c.1906.” PhD diss., Columbia University, 1984. Deiser, Andrew. “Barcelonas: From Dictatorship to Democracy, from Modernity to Postmodernity.” PhD diss., Indiana University, 2006. DiGiacomo, Susan M. “The Politics of Identity: Nationalism in Catalonia (Symbolism, Language, Spain, Ideology).” PhD diss., University of Massachusetts, Department of Anthropology, 1985. Dowling, Andrew. “For Christ and Catalonia: Catholicism, Catalanism and the Origins of Convergència i Unió, 1939–1975.” PhD diss., University of Southampton, 1999. Etherington, John. “Nationalism, National Identity, Territory: The Case of Catalonia.” PhD diss., Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2003. http://www .tdx.cbuc.es/TESIS_UAB/AVAILABLE/TDX-0621104-153930//je1de1.pdf. Frekko, Susan. “Catalan That Doesn’t Hurt the Eyes: Linguistic Display and Linguistic Regimentation in Barcelona.” PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2007. Jacobson, Stephen. “Professionalism, Corporatism, and Catalanism: The Legal Profession in Nineteenth-Century Barcelona.” PhD diss., Tufts University, 1998. McIntyre, Christopher Robert. “The Spatial Control of Meaning through the Mapping and Marketing of Patrimony in Catalonia Spain.” PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2000. Mitchell, Glenn. “The Politics of Ethnicity in Catalonia.” PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1981. Mora Sitjà, Natàlia. “Labour Supply and Wage Differentials in an Industrialising Economy: Catalonia in the Long Nineteenth Century.” PhD diss., University of Oxford, 2007. Moreno, Luis. “Decentralisation in Britain and Spain: The Cases of Scotland and Catalonia.” PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 1986. Narotzky, Viviana. “An Acquired Taste: The Consumption of Design in Barcelona, 1975–1992.” PhD diss., Royal College of Art, Department of History and Design, 2002.

XIV. WEBSITES ON CATALANS 1. General Enciclopèdia Catalana http://www.enciclopedia.cat/

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Enciclopèdia Eivissa i Formentera http://www.eeif.es/

2. Catalan Institutions Ajuntaments de Catalunya http://www.gencat.net:8000/osial/owa/p12.lli_ens?err=0&tip=2&nom=&pob= &com= Consell Insular d’Eivissa http://www.conselldeivissa.es/consellPortal/home2.jsp?language=ca Consell Insular de Menorca http://www.cime.es/ Consell de Mallorca http://www.conselldemallorca.net/ Diputació de Barcelona http://www.diba.cat/ Generalitat de Catalunya http://www.gencat.cat/index_eng.htm Generalitat Valenciana http://www.gva.es/jsp/portalgv.jsp?br=1&re=1&co=en-us&chflash=true& force=si Parlament de Catalunya http://www.parlament.cat/portal/page/portal/pcat/IE00 Síndic de Greuges http://www.sindic.cat/es/page.asp?id=105

3. Economy Economia catalana http://www.economiadigital.cat/cast/

4. History and politics Arxiu Virtual dels Marxistes, Enciclopèdia del marxisme http://www.marxists.org/catala/index.htm Catalan History http://www.histocat.com/ Contemporary Catalan History http://www.xtec.net/~jrovira6/

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Diccionari de Sindicats, Sindicalistes i de la Història del Moviment Obrer de Catalunya http://www.veuobrera.org DUODA Centre de Recerca de Dones, Universitat de Barcelona www.ub.edu/duoda Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials de Catalunya http://www.icps.es/ Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya http://www.idescat.cat/ Institut Internacional de Governabilitat de Catalunya Lectora, Centre de Recerca de Dones, Universitat de Barcelona http://www.ub.edu/cdona/GRC.htm

5. Language Conselleria d’Educació i Cultura, Govern de les Illes Balears http://dgpoling.caib.es/ Consorci per a la Normalització lingüística www.cpnl.cat Cruscat, Coneixements, Representacions i usos del català http://www.demolinguistica.cat/web/ Institut d’Estudis Catalans http://www.iecat.net Secretaria General de Política Lingüística. Generalitat de Catalunya http://www6.gencat.net/llengcat/ Servei de Política linguistic, Govern d’Andorra http://www.catala.ad/ Xarxa d’universitats de l’Institut Joan Lluís Vives http://vives.org/com/llengua

6. Catalan Literary Culture Caplletra, Revista internacional de filolologia http://lluisvives.com/hemeroteca/caplletra Caràcters http://www.uv.es/caracters/ Catalan Review http://www.nacs-catalanstudies.org/catalan_review.html Catalan Writing http://www.pencatala.cat/

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Digitum, Humanitats en l’era digital http://www.uoc.edu/digithum/ Idees http://www.idees.net/idees_default.asp JOCS (Journal of Catalan Studies) http://www.uoc.edu/jocs/7/index.html Els Marges http://www.elsmarges.cat Pàgina de literatura catalana http://www.lletra.cat Serra d’Or http://www.serrador.cat Teatralnet, Revista Digital d’Arts Escèniques http://www.teatral.net/asp/index.asp

7. Press Agència Catalana de Notícies http://www.acn.cat/acn/home.html Avui http://www.avui.com Diari d’Andorra http://www.diariandorra.ad Diari de Balears http://www.diaridebalears.com Diari de Girona http://www.diaridegirona.es Diari de Tarragona http://www.diaridetarragona.com Diari electrònic independent http://www.vilaweb.cat/ El Periódico http://www.elperiodico.com/default.asp El Punt http://www.avui.elpunt.cat Regió 7 http://www.regio7.com Segre http://www.diarisegre.com El Temps http://www.eltemps.net/

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8. Sociolinguistics Euromosaic http://www.uoc.edu/euromosaic/ Llengua i Ús, Revista Tècnica de Política Lingüística http://www6.gencat.net/llengcat/publicacions/liu.htm Revista de Llengua i Dret http://www.eapc.es/rld.html Revista de Sociolingüística http://www6.gencat.net/llengcat/noves/index.htm

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About the Authors

Dr. Helena Buffery completed her PhD at Birmingham in 1998 on the translation and reception of Shakespeare in Catalan and has published numerous works on different aspects of Catalan studies since then. She was honorary secretary of the Anglo-Catalan Society from 1998 to 2009 and lectures on Catalan history and culture at University College Cork. She is currently preparing a volume on visual culture in Barcelona. Dr. Elisenda Marcer received her first degree from the University of Barcelona, going on to take doctoral courses in Catalan philology there. After a period working for the Espai Mallorca in Barcelona, she went on to study for a PhD in Hispanic studies at the University of Birmingham, writing on the poet Gabriel Ferrater. She currently works as a lecturer at the University of Birmingham, teaching courses on Catalan language, society, and culture.

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