Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail, 1821-1900

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Author: Randy D. Smith

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail

WARNING THE MATERIALS AND WORKS MADE AVAILABLE BY C&M ONLINE MEDIA INC. THROUGH BOSON BOOKS ARE COPYRIGHTED. YOU ARE PERMITTED TO DOWNLOAD LOCALLY MATERIALS AND WORKS FROM BOSON BOOKS AND TO MAKE ONE (1) HARD COPY OF SUCH MATERIALS AND WORKS FOR YOUR PERSONAL USE. FEDERAL COPYRIGHT LAWS, HOWEVER, PROHIBIT ANY FURTHER COPYING OR REPRODUCTION OF SUCH MATERIALS AND WORKS, OR ANY REPUBLICATION OF ANY KIND. ILLEGAL COPYING OR DISTRIBUTION OF MATERIALS AND WORKS OBTAINED FROM BOSON BOOKS CONSTITUTES COPYRIGHT INFRINGEMENT. ILLEGAL COPIES OF SUCH MATERIAL AND WORKS CAN BE SEIZED AND DESTROYED. FURTHERMORE, MATERIALS AND WORKS CREATED BY YOU OR OTHERS USING COPYRIGHTED MATERIALS OBTAINED FROM BOSON BOOKS WITHOUT THE WRITTEN AUTHORIZATION OF C&M ONLINE MEDIA, INC. ALSO CAN BE SEIZED AND DESTROYED. COPYRIGHT INFRINGEMENT CAN BE INVESTIGATED BY THE FBI. CRIMINAL CONVICTIONS MAY RESULT IN IMPRISONMENT OR A FINE OF UP TO $250,000, OR BOTH. ________________________________________________________

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Published by Boson Books 3905 Meadow Field Lane Raleigh, NC 27606 ISBN: 1-932482-31-8 An imprint of C&M Online Media Inc. Copyright 2006 Randy D. Smith All rights reserved For information contact C&M Online Media Inc. 3905 Meadow Field Lane Raleigh, NC 27606 Tel: (919) 233-8164 Fax: (919) 233-8578 e-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bosonbooks.com http://www.bosonromances.com Maps courtesy of the Kansas Heritage Center

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_____________________________________________

Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail: 1821-1900 by Randy D. Smith ______________________________________

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Table of Contents Foreword Maps of the Santa Fe Trail Chapter 1 - Culture of Isolation For hundreds of years the New Mexicans lived on a knife edge balance of survival, the stability of power in danger of tilting at any moment. Chapter 2 - The Trailblazer William Becknell was not the first to use the Santa Fe Trail but he was the one who made the first successful trading venture from Missouri to Santa Fe. Ironically, he probably would not have made the trip if he had not been forced into it. Chapter 3 - Standoff Along the Cimarron, McKnight-James Santa Fe Expedition of 1821 While William Becknell blazed the Santa Fe Trail, another group of men attempted an alternative route. It was a journey that almost ended in disaster. Chapter 4 - Jornada Crossing By almost any standard, Jedediah Smith, not John C. Fremont, should be remembered as the West’s great Pathfinder. Yet, perhaps the irony of history or perhaps simply his bad luck, one of the West’s greatest explorers was defeated by a 60-mile stretch of the Cimarron Cut-off of the Santa Fe Trail. Chapter 5 - Tough Night in Taos, the Death of Charles Bent Together with Ceran St. Vrain, William and Charles Bent established a vast adobe castle on the banks of the Arkansas River along the mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail that became the spearhead of American expansion to the Southwest. The success of the Bent-St.Vrain trading empire, however, was not gained without a terrible toll. Chapter 6 - Mexican Traders of Santa Fe Although generally overlooked by historians, a powerful group of New Mexican natives took advantage of the Santa Fe Trail and exerted substantial influence upon trade, regulation, government and even justice. Chapter 7 - With Riley, On the Border The First Military Escort of the Santa Fe Trail was an adventure of Indian fighting, bravery, cowardice and endurance. Chapter 8 - Nathan Boone’s Expedition of the Prairies Investigating the Chavez murder of 1843, Daniel Boone’s youngest son made a significant trek through the heart of Indian country as a Captain of Dragoons. Chapter 9 - Fiasco of the Battalion of Invincibles, The Warfield-Snively Texas Invasion of the Santa Fe Trail - 1843. Chapter 10 - Fort Garland’s Tom Tobin BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Fated to remain in the shadows of men with greater reputations, trapper, scout and Indian fighter, Tom Tobin was a major figure in the turbulent history of the Southwest. Chapter 11 - Lucien Maxwell and Rayado Ranch Destined to become one of the largest and richest landholdings of the frontier, the early years of settlement of the Rayado Ranch were plagued by hostile encounters with Indians along the Santa Fe Trail. Chapter 12 - Fort Larned, The Central Anchor Once a military guardian of the central leg of the Santa Fe Trail, Fort Larned is now a national historic site. It is the best remaining example of Santa Fe Trail garrisons. Chapter 13 - Kit Carson & the First Battle of Adobe Walls An almost-forgotten battle between Indians and whites for control of the Santa Fe Trail demonstrates the brilliant leadership capabilities of one of the West’s most famous names. Chapter 14 - Booth & Helliwell’s Race for Life it.

Throughout the annals of the West, few men experienced such a narrow escape and lived to tell about Chapter 15 - Early Years of the Mud Fort

Medical records of the early years of Fort Dodge, Kansas are marked with sacrifice, sickness, exposure and death. The problem was that military engagements against hostiles accounted for a small percentage of the soldiers’ ailments. Chapter 16 - The Buffalo Runners Myths, misunderstanding and legends abound surrounding the American Bison and the men who hunted it. Chapter 17 - Battle Canyon and Squaws’ Den Only the wind sings a sad song of confrontation and survival at the lonely site of Battle Canyon and Squaws’ Den. Chapter 18 - The Ranch at Cimarron Crossing For two years men struggled to maintain a lonely outpost at the Santa Fe Trail Cimarron Crossing of the Arkansas River. Isolation and the threat of death from Indian raids constantly skewed their lives and their fortunes. Chapter 19 - Winter Campaign While George Custer found glory along the banks of the Washita River during the winter of 1868-69, a force of soldiers left Fort Lyon, Colorado, for a campaign of suffering, near-starvation and freezing death. Some of the most legendary names in the West were involved in this forgotten saga of survival. Chapter 20 - Charlie Rath, Kansas Frontiersman One act of heroism exemplifies the character and strength of a man who may be one of the most overlooked figures in the history of the settlement of Kansas. Chapter 21 - Fort Union, Defender of the Union Southwest

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail An earthen star fort was built to defend the Santa Fe Trail that one officer claimed “All Texas Cannot Take.” The entire structure was a boondoggle that could be pounded to dust by artillery if the Confederacy took the mesa to the west. Chapter 22 - Ham Bell, The Quiet Lawman An acquaintance of the likes of Pat Garrett, Bat Masterson, Wyatt Earp, Bill Tilghman and Pat Sughrue during Dodge City’s most turbulent era, Hamilton Butler Bell served as a lawman for thirty-six years, arresting more people for warrants handled than any other western lawman, and never shot a man.

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Foreword For over a decade I made good wages writing about the Santa Fe Trail for historical magazines. Since I lived in the Dodge City and Garden City, Kansas, area at that time and was raised within twenty-eight miles of Fort Larned, I conducted original field studies on many aspects of the trail and the people who used it. Much of this research came out of source study for my first print book, The Black Powder Plainsman, and for my Master’s degree thesis research on historical reenactment as a communication tool. I also spent six years doing a historical gun column for Old West magazine. Magazine editors and formats change. Today, it seems to be the gunslinging lawman or wild cowboy that appeals to editors. That is a pity because the real heroes of the Old West, men such as Charlie Rath, Ham Bell or Henry Booth are generally minor characters in history who were only involved in one or two sensational events. Still, I enjoyed this fascinating study and want to share some of my best material with you. To my knowledge nearly all of the material that you’ll read in this book was taken from primary sources or from field studies that I conducted on my own at the locations. Any secondary sources had at least three collaborative sources to verify accuracy. The stories are presented in a rough chronological order but are not in the order they were originally written. All of the previously published stories have been updated with additional research or insights I have gained since their publication. I have personally visited every site mentioned in the stories and walked the ground where these occurrences took place. The problem with this text, however, is that it cannot stand on its own as a scholarly work because I lost all of my original files and notes in a fire. In fact, I thought I had lost the entire text until I found a backup disc written in Professional Write 2.2 software of the original manuscripts during an office move several years later. In spite of this weakness, the stories should be a valuable base for anyone interested in the history of the Santa Fe Trail. It has been a fascinating study for me and I hope you enjoy what I’ve learned. —RDS

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Maps of the Santa Fe Trail Kansas Heritage Center

Western Part of the Santa Fe Trail

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Eastern Part of the Santa Fe Trail

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Chapter 1 Culture of Isolation For hundreds of years the New Mexicans lived on a knife edged balance of survival, the stability of power in danger of tilting at any moment. For all intents and purposes the settlements of the United States ended at St. Louis at the turn of the 19th century. In 1803, Napoleon Bonaparte of France sold a huge tract of land, known as Louisiana, to President Thomas Jefferson. Bonaparte was literally in such a political position that he either sold the territory to the United States or lost it in a war with England that he had no hope of winning. Better to take what he could and use the money to bolster his position on the continent of Europe and protect his interests in Santo Domingo. Thomas Jefferson had a far different problem. Bonaparte’s offer was a bargain, but the American President, a strict constructionist, had no Constitutional precedence for making such a purchase. On this issue, Jefferson sat aside his political theories and pushed the purchase forward. In one farsighted act, Jefferson increased the size of his young country by almost a third. On December 20, 1803, the vast Louisiana Territory became part of the United States. Other men moved quickly to take advantage of the newly acquired territory. In 1804, William Morrison, an Illinois merchant, dispatched an agent, Baptiste Lalande, on a trip up the Platte River to trade with Indians with added instructions to go to Santa Fe to establish a trading relationship with the New Mexicans. Lalande made it to Santa Fe and used Morrison's investment to establish himself there, without bothering to repay his employer. In 1806, General James Wilkinson, provisional governor of Louisiana, and Aaron Burr, a well-known political figure of the day, devised a plot to occupy Spanish lands to the south of Louisiana and create an independent country of their own. In order to carry out their scheme the men needed intelligence regarding the political situation in New Mexico. Lieutenant Zebulon Montgomery Pike was dispatched on the mission under the official military objective of exploring the country west of St. Louis. Pike set out with twenty men, including Wilkinson's grandson, from the Missouri River town of Belle Fontaine with surveying instruments to explore the Arkansas and Red Rivers. He had also been engaged by Morrison to find LeLande and try to obtain a settlement on his debt. Once locating the Arkansas, Pike followed it west until he reached the Rocky Mountains and gave his name to Pike's Peak. Pike then turned south until he came upon a substantial river. He halted his expedition and built a fort to make it through the winter. His men were scattered and hungry with many suffering from frostbite. Believing the stream to be the Red and needing time to allow his men time to recover, Pike raised the United State flag and took up residence. He also sent Dr. John Robinson to Santa Fe alone to look the place over and collect from LeLande.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Pike did not know that he had been double-crossed by Wilkinson. Knowing that Pike would be taken to Santa Fe if captured by the Spanish, Wilkinson wrote a letter to the Spanish authorities telling of Pike's approach. Pike was also wrong about his location. Rather than being on the banks of the Red, he was flying the colors on the Spanish soil of the Rio Grande. One month later, a force of 100 New Mexican dragoons and militia, arrived and arrested Pike. The dragoons were cautious in their approach. They believed Pike's small band to be the advance guard of a much larger invasion force. They were greatly relieved to find that Pike and his ragged, starving band were the only Americans within hundreds of square miles. Pike and his men were taken to Santa Fe where they were received by Governor Joaquin del Real Alencaster. Although the governor was courteous, Pike acted suspicious and insolent. He was placed on conditional parole and allowed to wonder about the city. When the governor requested to review Pike's papers of authority, the lieutenant hid them. Alencaster learned of the subversion and took them from Pike. He then sent Pike to Chihuahua for further interrogation. Pike was impressed with what he found in New Mexico. Santa Fe was the largest Spanish settlement in New Mexico but it was far from metropolitan with barely 4,000 inhabitants. It was the major settlement of a territory that included most of Colorado, and Arizona, and parts of Utah, Wyoming, Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas. In all those lands there were no more than 20,000 people of Spanish heritage. In the two hundred years of Spanish occupation, they had established major settlements in Santa Fe, Santa Cruz, Albuquerque and Taos along a narrow band of the Rio Grande valley. None of these pueblos except Santa Fe had more than a few hundred inhabitants. The Rio Grande River and the Spanish ability to irrigate crops of corn, wheat, barley, European vegetables, grapes and peaches created a mildly pleasant land of plenty. Vast flocks of sheep laced the slopes of mesas and hills. Except of some copper mines and a small buffalo hide trade, the principal product of the area was sheep. As many as 500,000 head were driven to the main market of Chihuahua, 600 miles to the south. It took nearly two months for supplies to get from Mexico to the New Mexican settlements, and the capital of Mexico City was nearly five months away. The government in Mexico City considered New Mexico as little more than a buffer state between the mountains and richer states to the south. Outnumbered and alone in their valley, the New Mexicans were often at the mercy of the Apache and Comanche Indians. As recently as 1774, Albuquerque and Santa Cruz had to be temporarily abandoned because of Indian raids. Only Santa Fe was large enough to be secure from attack. Franciscan monks, who led the Spanish settlement of the Americas by establishing monasteries, had never been successful at converting the majority of the natives of New Mexico to the Catholic religion. Their repressive standards of expectation did not sit well with the independent and warlike tribes of the mountains. The progression north of Spanish civilization ended when advance monasteries were massacred or disheartened priests deserted their isolated posts. During most of their time in the area, the Spanish were not that much more technologically advanced than the Indian. A typically equipped Mexican lancer wore a heavy leather vest and shield to ward off arrows and was usually equipped with broadsword, single shot flint musket or crossbow, and heavy lance, the latter being the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail main weapon. Other than the outdated smooth bore muskets, they possessed no more weaponry than a mounted Comanche and could not hope to match the firing rate of his bow. Gunpowder was so expensive that troops seldom used their firearms unless in extreme peril, knowing they would have to pay to replace it. Many preferred the crossbow to the fusil because of accuracy and dependability factors. There was no such thing as firearms target practice. Soldiers were rationed less than two pounds of powder for the year and were expected to purchase their own supplies for such activities. The entire garrison at Santa Fe seldom had more than 100 soldiers. Every able-bodied man was expected to come to the defense of a pueblo if attacked. Most were armed with crude hoes, axes and knives. The same style of bow and arrow that the Indians used remained the standard long-range defense weapon of the general populace. The New Mexicans existed in small medieval agricultural settlements behind fortified walls of adobe never farther than a few miles distant unless in large heavily armed force. The smaller settlements often found themselves paying tribute to the Indians or arranging independent treaties for survival. One community even agreed to pledge the daughter of the leading citizen to a Comanche chief for marriage to his son in order to enjoy a few years of peace. When the Spaniards reneged, the Comanche rode into the village at will, slaughtered the father, local priest, many of the villagers and took the girl. The New Mexicans lived on a knife-edge of survival, the balance of power in danger of tilting at any moment. They were also a cash poor society, except for a few wealthy landowners. Most of their economy was based on village square bartering for locally made clothing and supplies. Even the wealthier citizens possessed few imported goods, a single piece of imported furniture often being a source of pride representing wealth, heritage and status. Items such as tobacco, gunpowder or fine cloth were extremely expensive. It was against the law to trade with foreigners and all goods from Chihuahua were heavily taxed. Society was rigidly structured with virtually no professional class other than priests. Local government officials served as judge and jury, making decisions as the matter stuck them. A poor man was often of mixed blood and little more than a feudal serf with no rights if a rich man thought otherwise. The common class could be imprisoned or punished for the slightest affront. Many were jailed for debt or poverty. There were no trained physicians, no lawyers, no professional teachers and only a handful of craftsmen. If a wealthy family wanted a male child to have a formal education it could turn to local priests for simple reading and writing skills or far away Mexico City for advanced training. Illiteracy was common in all but the noblest born. The poor lived little better than agricultural Indians, surviving on gardens and the products of sheep and goats. Santa Fe itself was a community of small adobe structures without glass windows, scattered through a maze of narrow twisting streets and dirt floors. Most slept on beds of straw under homespun blankets. Eating utensils other than large wooden spoons for dipping were unheard of. The poor ate with their hands with the universal culinary tool being the tortilla, a flat unleavened bread made of lye-soaked stone ground corn flour. It was fried thin over open fireplaces with a metal sheet called a comal, and used for dipping up chile and frijoles. The principal dish was atole, a thin gruel made by stirring flour into boiling milk or water. It was so commonly used that it was called el

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail cafe de los Mexicanos. Meat was uncommon except when buffalo hunters returned from the Comanche plains or a goat was dressed for special occasions. During lean times the peasants resorted to the prickly-pear cactus, neither particularly palatable nor wholesome. The universal spice was the fiery red pepper, which was used in almost every dish. The one gourmet luxury was a thick, aromatic chocolate, out of reach to all but the most wealthy. New Mexican clothing, although of homespun cotton or wool, was garishly decorated. The fandango, a native feast day, was celebrated for a variety of special occasions. Such celebrations were usually signaled with the ringing of the church bell summoning the populace to the central courtyard. Large amounts of a pale, strong alcoholic beverage called aguardiente were served freely to men and women. The women usually braided their lustrous black hair and decorated themselves with earrings, necklaces, heavy bracelets and massive crosses of gold and silver. Pike saw something more attractive in Santa Fe society: Being cut off from the more inhabited parts of the kingdom…they are the bravest and most hardy subjects of New Spain…we saw men, women and children of all ages and sexes at the joyful labor which was to crown with rich abundance the future harvest and insure them plenty for the coming year…they exhibit a superior degree of heaven—like qualities of hospitality and kindness in which they appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction of the scripture, which enjoins us to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and give comfort to the oppressed in spirit.

This description proved to be far different than what later, more racist chroniclers saw. Many were disappointed with the towns, describing them as "drab," "squalid" and "poor"; and saw the people as "lazy," "ignorant" or "indolent." The actual fact of the matter is that the cultural differences between the New Mexican and the United States citizen accounts for harsh judgments from puritanical Anglos and suspicion from the Latinos. The main difference between the societies lay in the severe social and religious structure of the Spanish and the more independent structure of the Americans. Where Anglo society allowed a commoner to rise from his station, the Mexican was generally held to his. The poor Mexican was not denied the salvation of the church while the repressive Puritan society of the Anglos tended to believe that the "poor were disfavored by God." These critical differences accounted for much of the misunderstandings between the two cultures for centuries. It can also help us understand the ethnocentric comments and judgments made by many of the Missouri chroniclers of later years. Eventually, Pike was paroled and sent back to the United States as Wilkinson had planned. Wilkinson and Burr were soon discredited and their scheme of an Empire of the Southwest evaporated. Pike was killed in action during the War of 1812. Although most of his papers were confiscated, Pike saved a journal by rolling the pages tightly and inserting them in gun barrels. Upon his return the journal, published in 1810, created a stir of interest in the States. The aggressive entrepreneur of the western frontier saw New Mexico as a potential source of profitable revenue. Other, less scrupulous factions viewed the colony as a weak link in the Spanish Empire that could be rather easily absorbed by the larger more dynamic economy of the United States. As it turned out, both were right. BOSON BOOKS

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Chapter 2 The Trailblazer William Becknell was not the first to use the Santa Fe Trail but he was the one who made the first successful trading venture from Missouri to Santa Fe. Ironically, he probably would not have made the trip if he had not been forced into it. Although he was to serve and associate with men of substantially greater fame in several critical historical incidents, if it had not been for financial desperation, William Becknell William Becknell would have been another forgotten name in the history of western expansion. The “Father of the Santa Fe Trail" was not a particularly noteworthy man nor prominent among his contemporaries. He was a common frontiersman placed in an uncommon situation because of circumstances and coincidence. Twists of fate and Becknell's resilient character dictated that he would take the initiative to become the recognized trailblazer of the Santa Fe Trade. Whether or not thirty-four year old William Becknell planned to make his 1821 trading trek all the way to Santa Fe from Franklin, Missouri, has always been a matter of historical debate. He does not mention such plans in a notice published in the June 25, 1821, edition of the Franklin, Missouri Intelligencer which called for a company of men "destined westward for the purpose of trading horses & mules, and catching wild animals of every description, that we may think advantageous to the company." Considering the politics of the day, it would have been an imprudent act to do so. After the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, the Spanish northern provinces were constantly under the threat of invasion by bands of American trappers, traders, and filibusters. The failure of the United States and Spain to reach a definite boundary between their holdings until the partially successful Adams-Onin Treaty of 1819 did not help matters. Several invasions of Texas by filibusters from the United States did not lessen hostility, either. Spain jealously guarded Santa Fe and took advantage of the trade monopoly it held over the Chihuahua Trail from the south. When Americanos were found in Spanish Territory, they were often imprisoned and always made officially unwelcome. Zebulon Pike's expedition for President Jefferson in 1807 ended with imprisonment. In 1810, James McLanahan, Reuben Smith and James Patterson were arrested and imprisoned for several years. Robert McKnight's party of 1812 tried under the assumption that the failed Hidalgo revolution would be successful. McKnight and his men spent eight years in prison for their trouble. It seems unlikely that Becknell would have ventured west, risking years in a Spanish dungeon on a blind gamble, although he was seriously pressed to take some sort of action. Becknell was on the verge of financial ruin and had to take some action to satisfy his creditors. It is also unlikely for him to have made such a venture public knowledge, for fear of competition, if for no other reason. News of his plans might have also caused a rush of early foreclosure by his creditors and ruined his chance of making the trek at all. It is known that Becknell spoke with a trusted friend, Ezekiel Williams, on the best route BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail and possible encounters with New Mexican patrols on the plains. Becknell received intelligence from George Sibley of Fort Osage concerning the uprising against Spain in Mexico and knew that it had not been crushed. He realized the extensive trading potential of inexpensive American goods in isolated and product famished Santa Fe. A week after the Becknell party left Franklin, creditors descended upon his property. His wife, Mary, faced a deluge of court actions and seizures. Resources from a failed salt business, slaves and land were taken until a settlement could be adjudicated. Her only response was to act as witness and try to uphold the family honor until William's return. Becknell was just the sort of man to attempt such a bold enterprise. Born on the Virginia frontier, he was a veteran of the War of 1812, an experienced Indian fighter, member of legislature, friend of the Daniel Boone family, and had held a number of positions in and around the Boone's Lick area of central Missouri. Contemporaries described Becknell as a man of good character, great personal bravery, hardy and enterprising. Although poorly educated and an unsophisticated merchant, he was considered shrewd and intelligent. He had a good enough reputation that he was able to assemble a number of investors and a band of men to join him for a three-month tour onto the plains of the West. Every man was to supply his own clothing, horse, rifle and ammunition. The party members and a few outside investors purchased trade goods by pooling cash resources. Like so many frontier ventures, the enterprise was short on capital and long on guts. Becknell's party braved a land that was far different from the eastern forest expanses of previous American colonization. Missouri was a land of clustered woods and peaceful prairie. Beyond the last outposts of civilization to the west lay open dry plains, with little or no wood for cooking, virtually no cover, and vast expanses of bewildering short grass desert. Rivers were shallow and often too alkaline to drink from. Nomadic Indian tribes ruled the land by subsisting on the great herds of bison. They jealously guarded their territories and were constantly involved in disputes with their neighbors. White men could never be sure whether or not they would be greeted peacefully or viciously assaulted by any individual group of Indians. Subdued hostility and mistrust was the rule for all chance encounters between the cultures. Few white men were experienced enough or of sufficient suicidal persuasion to venture onto the plains alone. Three river systems provided a path across the plains to the Rocky Mountains. The Missouri to the far north had been the route of Lewis and Clark barely two decades earlier. Farther south stretched the vast and shallow Platte River that would become the anchor for the Oregon and Mormon Trails. Farther south was the quicksand laced and alkaline Arkansas River, serving as the semi-official border between Spanish and United States land claims. By following the Arkansas, a traveler could be reasonably assured of water and food resources while maintaining some claim to United States jurisdiction and protection. Becknell's account of the journey was published in 1823, in the Franklin Intelligencer and Boone's Lick Advertiser. The story has been challenged as being heavily edited and perhaps not as accurate as a first-hand version. Becknell did not have the writing skills to have produced the journal. Becknell was certainly interviewed for the piece, however, BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail and there were a number of party members in the area who chose not to challenge the story. Chances are that the journal portrays a reasonably accurate description of events. Becknell and his four companions began their journey west from Franklin, Missouri, on September 1, 1821, with packhorses loaded with trade goods. They made six miles the first day and camped at Arrow Rock after crossing the Missouri River. The weather was rainy and cold. They proceeded to Fort Osage about eleven miles east of present-day Kansas City where they "wrote letters, purchased medicines and arranged such affairs as we thought necessary previous to leaving the confines of civilization." It was at Fort Osage that Becknell discussed his plans with George Sibley, the commander. Amid heavy cold rains and discouraging sickness the party reached the Osage River on September 20. They made camp and hunted buffalo to renew their strength. They saw vast herds of bison and reached the banks of the Arkansas by September 24 holding to the north side of the river. The journal observes that Becknell noted at this point, "It is a circumstance of surprise to us that we have seen no Indians, or fresh signs of them, although we have traversed their most frequented hunting grounds; but considering their furtive habits and predatory disposition, the absence of their company during our journey, will not be a matter of regret." This is a highly unusual observation, if as Josiah Gregg claimed in The Commerce of the Prairies, written in 1844, that Becknell accidentally met with a party of Mexican rangers while looking for Indians to trade with. It is also circumstantially logical proof for arguing that Becknell planned to attempt the Santa Fe Trade from the beginning. This is especially credible logic in face of the fact that the group traveled for nearly 800 miles across the plains without locating a single Indian. Becknell's company crossed the Arkansas at a shallow ford and camped on the south bank. They came upon a prairie dog village the following midday. They tried eating one and found the meat "strong and unpalatable." They also noted the presence of jackrabbits and made note of the fact that they had never seen such a critter before. On the evening of September 28, the company made camp near some white sand hills and cooked with buffalo chips since wood was nonexistent. A buffalo was killed for breakfast the following morning. That afternoon the group approached "the celebrated salt plain of the Arkansas." Constant rains caused a mile-wide stretch of salty sand, covered with three inches of water. Becknell also mentions seeing organized packs of wolves killing buffalo. October 15, Becknell's group found a brackish lake and camped for three days to renew the strength of the men and horses after weeks of the grinding pace of the journey. On October 21, they found a fork in the Arkansas and decided to take the course of the left-hand side. They were on the plains of present-day eastern Colorado and the fork was probably the Purgatorie River. The country began to change, becoming more rugged and difficult. On the 23rd, they heard a distant gunshot, reasoned it was probably an Indian and plodded on without attempting to make contact. After two months of travel the men had made their way to the foothills of the Rocky Mountains and struggled south against cliffs and boulder strewn trails of the Raton Mountains. They probably went over Trinchera Pass without attempting the formidable Raton path. Becknell described the crossing as having "difficulties almost BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail insurmountable." A horse was killed when it lost its footing along a cliff face. By November 1, the group had crossed the Canadian River and was in northeastern New Mexico. They were traveling a course roughly parallel to the Rio Grande River. On Monday, November 12, they camped among cottonwood and pine trees and noted signs of herded cattle and sheep in the area. The following day, they encountered Mexican troops and were greeted with friendly signs of welcome. The Mexicans escorted the group south to the village of San Miguel del Bado. A Frenchman was encountered at the village and engaged as an interpreter since Becknell understood his language. On Friday, November 16, 1821, the party entered Santa Fe. Becknell noted that the city was "about two miles long and one mile wide and compactly settled." It was the seat of the provincial government, administered by Governor Facundo Melgares. Melgares was "well informed and gentlemanly in manners; his demeanor courteous and friendly." Melgares had recently received a circular addressed to all provincial officers from Mexico City that opened the area to commercial relations. Becknell remained in the Santa Fe area for almost a month. Trade goods were easily disposed at a substantial profit and several contracts for future trading were negotiated, especially for difficult to procure gunpowder. The Missourian was not impressed with the living standard or conditions of the common people. It was difficult for him to accept the double standards for the "have" and "have nots." In true 19th century Yankee fashion, he expressed a prejudicial judgment of the inferiority of the people and their culture. Becknell started back to Missouri from San Miguel with one man named McLaughlin and two other men who were not of his original party. The rest elected to stay in New Mexico, either to consolidate trading connections or try their hands at other ventures. Becknell made a decision that would insure his historical importance to trade history. He elected to return by blazing an alternate route overland across the plains rather than the passes over the Raton Mountains. The passes were simply too difficult for planned wagon usage during the next attempt. The route he chose was over what became the dreaded Cimarron Cut-off of the Santa Fe Trail, a more dangerous but almost 100 miles shorter passage. It became the most popular alternative for the first decade of the Trail's existence. Forty-eight days later on January 30, 1822, Becknell arrived home at Franklin. According to the son of a neighbor, "My father saw them unload when they returned, and when their rawhide packages of silver dollars were dumped on the sidewalk one of the men cut the thongs and the money spilled out and clinking on the stone pavement rolled into the gutter." Some question this account as being a bit too melodramatic. If one takes into account that there were several investors and creditors who were probably extremely concerned about Becknell's scheme and their money, and the fact that Becknell probably needed investment capital for the next trip, such a dramatic gesture makes perfect sense. Becknell's bold act publicly reaffirmed his credibility, pride and would be a perfect celebration of achievement. With such handsome profits to show off, who would do differently. Becknell was able to repay at least part of his debts and demonstrated the potential of future profits from another venture to Santa Fe. How profitable was the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail venture? One investor, Miss Fanny Marshall, received nine hundred dollars back from an original sixty, a whopping 1500% profit. Becknell set out on a second trip May 22, 1822, with twenty-one men and three wagons. After crossing the Arkansas and making camp, their horses were scattered by buffalo. While the men searched for their animals on foot, two were captured, stripped, whipped and robbed of all possessions by Indians. Becknell did not attempt revenge as several other competitive trading parties seriously pressed him. Profits would be highest to whoever returned to Santa Fe first. Josiah Gregg, in The Commerce of the Prairies, relates that Becknell's crossing of the Cimarron on this second trip nearly brought about ruin. Short of water and unable to secure fresh reserves, the men were reduced to sucking blood from the ends of mules' ears. Becoming desperate, some of the band tried to return to the Arkansas River and might well have perished had not they shot a buffalo and drank the contents of his stomach. Becknell made no mention of such an incident in the Intelligencer account. Whether the incident happened to Becknell's group is uncertain, but other caravans experienced similar situations and the story is probably representative of the difficulty of the Cimarron crossing. Becknell is quoted in the June, 1825, issue of the Franklin, Missouri Intelligencer that he tried to avoid "the so much dreaded sand hills, where adventurers have frequently been forced drink the blood of their mules to allay their thirst." Becknell made a solid profit from his second venture. On his third, in 1825, he attempted a disappointing beaver trapping expedition into the Rockies. The following year he was an important member and consultant of the George Sibley government sponsored expedition to mark the trail. By 1826, Becknell ended his association with Santa Fe Trail activities. He decided to remain home and enter politics by seeking and gaining a position in the Missouri House of Representatives. In 1829, he was recalled to Militia duty as head of the Saline Rangers to help control an Osage uprising. By 1834, he was no longer in politics, and a justice of the peace position had also expired. In 1835, Becknell uprooted his family and joined the Anglo settlement of Texas, establishing a new home south of the Red River. During the rebellion of Texas against Santa Anna, Becknell served as captain of the Red River volunteers but was not with Houston at San Jacinto. Becknell remained in Texas until his death April 25, 1856, at age sixty-eight. His grave is marked with a large gray granite stone approximately five miles west of Clarksville, Texas, on U.S. Highway 82, in a cattle pasture. It is interesting to note that although he can rightly be termed the Father of the Santa Fe Trail, William Becknell was not a major player after the first three years. His trapping expedition demonstrates that he either was not comfortable as a merchant-trader or with the significant risks the trade represented. He may not have felt competent to engage in activities against more educated or experienced merchants such as the likes of Saint Vrain, the Bent brothers, or the Waldo family. More likely, he decided it was easier to remain home as a farmer and politician with his family and enjoy the fruits of his success. Yet, as with many other frontiersmen, the lure of Texas in the heady days of 1835 probably drew him toward just one more great adventure and conflict. After the Texas BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Rebellion and nearing age fifty, the days of courting adventure and risks, were largely over for William Becknell.

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Chapter 3 McKnight-James Santa Fe Expedition of 1821 While William Becknell blazed the Santa Fe Trail, another group of men attempted an alternative route. It was a journey that almost ended in disaster. For several years, while Mexico was under the direct control of Spain, foreigners were prevented from engaging in a potentially profitable trade with Santa Fe. Usually enterprising individuals that did enter Santa Fe without official Spanish permission, had their goods confiscated and were sentenced to long prison terms. In 1812, Robert McKnight, of the St. Louis firm McKnight & Brady, attempted such a venture with eight companions and vanished. Eight years later, several men returned to St. Louis stating that they had been held in Spanish prisons for running the trade blockade. Three of the men had been members of the McKnight expedition. John McKnight, senior partner of McKnight & Brady and younger brother of Robert, was informed that his brother was still alive and being held prisoner in the interior of Mexico. McKnight resolved to gain official Spanish permission to go to Santa Fe and retrieve his brother. In order to have a company of men to support him on the journey, he provided a letter of credit to Thomas James, a nearly bankrupt merchant who had done business with the firm for several seasons. James obtained $10,000 worth of trade goods and assembled a group of men to accompany them. Members of the group were James' brother John, David Kirkee, William Sheared, Alexander Howard, Benjamin Potter and John Ivy. A Spaniard, Francois Macsaw, was recruited to act as an interpreter. James also procured a passport for the Spanish Minister, Don Onis, countersigned by Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams. On May 10, 1821, the group left St. Louis on a keelboat and descended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Arkansas. The plan was to follow the plains river chain that laced the area to a point as near as possible to Santa Fe then proceed overland for the remainder of the journey. No established route to Santa Fe existed at that time. William Becknell's overland trail following the Arkansas River and later to become the Santa Fe Trail, was being blazed at the same time. The McKnight-James route looks good on paper but is not nearly as direct and demands a cargo shift from keelboat to wagon or pack train. This route also took traders through the heart of Comanche Territory, a more dangerous option than the much less inhabited plains farther north. Frederick Hector, an acquaintance of James, joined the group at the mouth of the Ohio River. Later, as the group worked their way up the Arkansas, James Wilson became the eleventh and final member of the venture. At Arkansas Post, a French settlement, a wealthy merchant named Veaugean informed the group that hostile Comanche had attacked his son on a hunting trip. Several Quawpaw Indian companions had been killed during the raid. This news was surprising for the group because they were under the impression that all Indians along the route were friendly. The group proceeded up the Arkansas past Little Rock to the Cimarron River. Passing the Cimarron the group labored thirty miles upstream until shallow water

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail prevented any further advance in the keelboat. McKnight, the James brothers and Macsaw then went to a nearby Osage village to trade for ponies. While at the village the men met a hunter named Hugh Glenn and twenty companions who were already trading with the Indians. Glenn refused an invitation to join the McKnight group and caused some resentfulness by his actions. McKnight and James purchased twenty-three ponies, returned to the keelboat and packed the lighter trade goods. The heavier items were cached (buried in the earth) until a local trader named Barbour could retrieve the goods for transfer to a nearby trading post. A white man living with the Osage named Prior then guided the pack caravan up the south shore of the Arkansas and struck overland to the Cimarron River. The group eventually reached an area known as the Shining Mountains and Salt Plains where Prior left the party. It was a bleak place filled with almost impenetrable sand dunes, salt marshes and brackish pools. The entire area was void of timber and so laced with salt deposits that the men could knock off hunks of the substance with their knives and hatchets. The men found and hunted buffalo in abundance. They left trash in the form of old shoes and small articles as they jerked buffalo meat for food. A Comanche party was attracted to the area by buzzards circling the buffalo carcasses after the party had gone on. Two days later a hundred Comanche warriors attempted to route the party's horses. James showed a United States flag and turned the Indians away from the horses toward the traders' camp. The Indians immediately demanded tribute. James distributed several thousand dollars worth of goods among the warriors. Two chiefs were present. A oneeyed individual led a faction that wanted to kill the traders immediately. He accused McKnight's band of being Osage spies because of the ponies that were packing the goods. The second chief, who seemed in control of the majority, managed to override One-eye. One-eye and his followers left. The other chief left a Mexican Indian to act as interpreter and guide. The group left the Cimarron for the North Fork of the Canadian, suffering greatly from thirst and contaminated water. Eventually they reached a large swamp, about two miles wide and six miles long containing thousands of buffalo. They then reached the Canadian and proceeded up its course for two days. Another large group of mounted Indians invited the traders to visit their camp. While McKnight's group was talking with the chief, one of the Indians stole a brass kettle and rode off with it. The act alarmed James who asked the chief whether he could protect the traders' property if they left the group to visit. When the chief said that he could not, McKnight and James declined but asked for a small number of trusty braves to help guard the goods. The following morning they advanced two miles to a village of a thousand lodges. A small older chief approached McKnight and James demanding more gifts. James handed out tobacco, powder, lead, vermilion, calico and other articles in large quantities. Not satisfied, the Indians broke into his bales of cloth and fine woolens. After considerable losses, James was able to convince the Indians to stop. The traders were then approached by Big Star, a major chief who divided the goods among all the Indians. James gave the chief a sword as a token of friendship. They then smoked together and prepared to leave. The Indians forbade the departure and BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail compelled the traders to stay over night. Close guard was maintained throughout the night as the traders tried to protect their goods. The following day another group of Indians demanded gifts by way of a one-eyed Spaniard who received a suit of clothes and ammunition as payment. The Indians again helped themselves to more goods, their numbers being so great that McKnight's people were powerless to prevent the looting. The group again requested permission to depart and were again denied. On the third day, One-Eye returned with a hundred riders. He had been waiting to spring an ambush and was angry that the whites were still at the camp. The interpreter, Macsaw, came to James saying that he believed that the entire group would soon be killed. Women and children could be seen running from their lodges. Big Star came to escort the traders to the protection of his tipi saying that they would be killed if they stayed in the open. One-Eye approached the group with his warriors in black war paint and demanded the sword that James had given Big Star. Big Star asked what One-Eye would accept in place of the traders' lives. He replied that he must have for each of his men as much cloth as his outstretched arms would once measure; an equal quantity of calico, powder, lead, vermilion, knives, beads, looking glasses, and the sword. One-Eye stated that he did not believe that the sword was a gift and that he would have it or James' scalp. Big Star returned the sword to James, instructing him to send it to One-Eye. He stated that it was the only way to save the traders' lives. James gave out five hundred yards of fancy cloth and calico, of which the former had cost seven dollars per yard in Baltimore. One-Eye seemed satisfied so James again tried to gain permission to leave. He was told that the entire village would be leaving in the morning and that the traders might as well leave with them. McKnight and James's brigade spent a restless third night in the camp. Toward sunrise a group of boys began stoning them and were driven off by the friendly chief. Six of the horses were stolen as well. Just after sunrise, fifty of the chiefs and older warriors went to a high mound that adjoined the camp and held a council. Younger braves and boys were driven away from the meeting. The two friendly chiefs did not attend. The brigade members reasoned that their fate was about to be decided. During the council the women were striking the lodges, a clear sign that something was afoot with the Indians. Men were assembling about the traders armed with guns, bows and lances. After an hour, the council descended. Indians that had been friendly became sulky and distant. None of the Comanche would answer when questioned. Friendly and Big Star came and shook hands, bidding the men farewell. When asked to stay with the traders they shook their heads sorrowfully and walked away without any further comment. Warriors were beginning to press in on the group from all sides. The brigade formed a circle with backs to the goods and saddles heaped in the middle, flintlocks primed and ready for defense. Knives and tomahawks were gathered for a last stand defense after the rifles were fired. James Wilson seized an ax, having no gun, and swore that he would "hew his way as far as possible." Tom James, John James and John McKnight stood together. McKnight was pale, his chin and lips quivering. John James' face was grim with determination. The men, having accepted the fact that they would soon be massacred had overcome fear and were determined to take as many of the enemy with them as possible.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail The brigade stood for a half-hour in a determined face-off, the Indians seemingly reluctant to make the first move. A chief dressed in a whole white bear skin rode with lance in hand through the crowd to the men. He stopped within five feet and stared at Tom James with deadly malignity. He drew a pistol, examined the priming, tossed out the old powder and replaced it with fresh. However, he kept his pistol down when he noticed James slowly pointing a rifle at him. The standoff continued. The chiefs were reluctant to make the first move realizing that they would probably be the first to go down in a fight. However, for them to retire and order the attack from the rear would have been a disgrace. As long as the whites held their ground and the chiefs did not withdraw, the sides were forced into a tensionfilled stalemate. Finally John McKnight stated softly to James that he couldn't stand much more. He suggested that even though James would be the first to fall, he would kill the chief next in revenge. Tom James counseled patience saying that it was up to the Indians to make the first move. To begin the massacre would be folly. It was better to wait and sell their lives as dearly as possible. Until then they were better off standing their ground. Suddenly, Kirker raised his gun over his head, gave it up and passed into the confused crowd of Comanche unmolested. Cries of "Tabbaho! Tabbaho!" were heard in the distance before the men could take action. At first the group believed that the Indians were assaulting Kirker out of their sight. Six horsemen led by a Spanish officer forced themselves through the crowd toward the brigade. When the Spaniard saw that the whites were still alive he rushed to their sides and thanked God that they were still alive. He explained that he had learned of the situation by accident early that morning and had ridden twenty miles to attempt to prevent bloodshed. He further explained that the Spanish governor of Santa Fe had instructed the Comanche to not allow any Americans to pass. Since the brigade had seemed determined to continue on, the Indians had decided to kill them to obey the governor's command. The Spaniard then went on to explain to all that the Spanish had been overthrown, that Mexico was independent and the American traders were now welcome. The Indians retired in confused silence. The two friendly chiefs returned and expressed happiness that the Americans would not be killed. With what few items and horses the group had managed to save and recover, most of the brigade left the camp as soon as possible, unmolested. James, Macsaw and two Spanish soldiers remained behind for a while in an attempt to recover a few more horses. When they joined their companions the following day, they met an old chief named Cordaro who had been instrumental in saving them. He had made a promise to protect whites and, when he had learned of the brigade's situation, had gone to the Spanish officer for help. Cordaro then warned the brigade members that they would surely be imprisoned if they continued to Santa Fe. Spanish officers then explained that there was no worry as the Americans were now welcome to trade with the Mexicans. On December 1, the McKnight-James party entered Santa Fe with what was left of their goods. Losses were so great that the men sustained a substantial loss on their investment in spite of getting high prices for what goods they sold. It was a far different BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail result from the Becknell party that had entered the town two weeks earlier and had reaped tremendous profits, estimates ranging between 900% and 3000%. McKnight found his brother living in Durango and was able to convince him to return. The quarrelsome James had his troubles while in Santa Fe but eventually left the town June 1, 1822, in company with the McKnights "perfectly content never to repeat my visit to it or any other part of the country."

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Chapter 4 Jornada Crossing By almost any standard, Jedediah Smith, not John C. Fremont, should be remembered as the West's great "Pathfinder.” Yet, perhaps the irony of history, or perhaps simply his bad luck defeated one of the West’s greatest explorers when he encountered a 60-mile stretch of the Cimarron Cut-off of the Santa Fe Trail. May, 27, 1831. A lone figure slowly made his way across the barren plains of what was to eventually become southwestern Kansas. A virtually featureless landscape, dotted with occasional choya, cactus or sagebrush to break the monotony of shortcropped buffalo grass that stretched from horizon to horizon, Jedediah Smith loomed before him. Only a harsh sun and the nearly constant wind from the south kept company. His mount groaned from the weight of its burden and the nagging thirst for water that had not been satisfied for nearly three days. The animal moved slowly, its head held low from the effects of fatigue. The man gazed toward the broken features of a riverbed that had cut a twisted path through an unfamiliar and unforgiving wilderness. He had chosen to follow one of hundreds of meandering buffalo traces that etched aimless patterns through an otherwise unmarked desert. When he was certain that the trail led to a river valley, he sent his companion, Fitzpatrick, back to guide the caravan in the proper direction while he went on ahead to find a spring. He was a man who would be considered today as youthful, only 32 years of age. His body bore the scars of a man who had lived a hard and demanding life of suffering and danger. His hawkish features were marred with deep scars running above his left eye toward a ragged scalp of black hair arranged in such a fashion to cover a badly twisted and disfigured right ear. They were features of such infirmity that men were said to give pause upon viewing them. The scarring was the result of a grizzly attack and the primitive efforts of fellow mountain man, Jim Clyman, to sew the badly mangled results into some semblance of what they once were. He was dressed in the fashion of the day, a heavy plains rifle, said to be one of his two constant possessions along with his Bible, was cradled in his arms. Two expensive dueling pistols were holstered on either side of the pommel of his saddle. As the rider's horse came to the banks of the dry streambed, the traveler must have felt a painful longing as he realized there was no surface water. But, several near-death experiences under similar circumstances gave him the knowledge that the liquid might be there, trapped a few inches or perhaps several feet below the surface. Dismounting from his animal at a shaded bank, he began digging in the sandy bed of the river. Slowly the sand became thicker, heavier, more saturated. Eventually he stopped and waited for the cavity to fill as surface underflow began to form a shallow pool. Ultimately there was enough accumulation to allow him to drink. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail But the life-giving promise of the Cimarron River suddenly turned sour. A party of Comanche Indians appeared and despite the rider's signs of peace they began waving blankets to try to frighten his horse. The man snatched up his rifle and attempted to control the animal. As his horse wheeled away, he felt the pain of a Comanche arrow in his back. Whether the man stood his ground and died fighting or was cut down in flight, is not for us to know. It is only known that this last desperate encounter ended with his death and his companions never recovered his body. Only through a story from Mexican traders told weeks later to his brothers after arriving in Santa Fe, did the other members of his party learn of his death. The corpse was most likely left where it fell, another victim of the Jornada del Muerte (Journey of Death) the most dangerous stretch of the Santa Fe Trail. Such was the passing of one of the most successful and controversial trailblazers of the western frontier. In less than ten years, Jedediah Smith grew from a young adventurer from Pennsylvania to the senior partner of a firm that dominated the American fur trade. He came west with William Ashley in 1822 and within three years became a junior partner. During the 1824-1825 season he harvested 668 pelts setting a standard as a trapper that was never equaled. In 1825, he and his senior partner sold $50,000 worth of furs in St. Louis, a fantastic sum for those times. Along with his new partners, Bill Sublette and David Jackson, he bought out Ashley's interest in the company and embarked on one of the most memorable adventures of exploration and tribulation in the history of the fur trade era. Before he returned to St. Louis in the fall of 1830, he had pioneered a trail to California, endured several near-massacres from hostile Indians, and had been literally wiped out of resources and left with only his wits for survival. Of 33 men and two women who had joined him in his quest for a Pacific outlet for his furs to the rich trade of the Orient, 26 had died, two had deserted, and two women had been kidnapped by Indians. In his mind and partially on paper was a map of the Far West that would not be duplicated until the 1840s. He returned to St. Louis after five years of exploration and adventure a moderately wealthy man whose main goal was to put his experiences on paper in the form of maps and journal recollections. In the spring of 1831 he was lured west again by the promise of riches to be gained from trading goods in Santa Fe, New Mexico. He set out as a partner of an 83-man expedition that included a number of famous mountain men such as William and Thomas Sublette and Thomas “Broken Hand” Fitzpatrick. Smith has been hailed by modern historians as a hero and vilified by others as a tragic bungler. As with most men of fame, the truth probably lies somewhere in the middle. One truth is certain from the accounts left behind by those who knew him. He was perceived as a man of cool courage and was respected as a leader. He was recognized as a man of religious stature who stood out among his fellows. Whatever the perception, Smith will always be one of the great figures of the Western Fur Trade Era and a model of strength and fortitude against what were, at times, monumental odds against him. No one knows the exact location of the incident that took Smith's life. It is easy to become absorbed with the idea of experiencing the conditions and locations that led to Smith's death. Although such an experience can never be duplicated, it can be approximated through study and fieldwork. By gathering different accounts of the incident and following the last vestiges of the trail a great deal of insight can be gained as BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail to the exact conditions that brought Smith to his death. One of the most valuable tools is Maps of the Santa Fe Trail, a book compiled by Gregory M. Franzwa. With it and a series of writings concerning Smith and the Santa Fe Trail, an accurate reconstruction of where Smith had gone and why, can be made. Testing different alternatives provides several clues of why a man of Smith's experience and talent could meet such a sudden and tragic end. At the time that Smith made his last journey, his caravan was confronted with the high plains passage that was to become known as the Jornada or Water Scrape, a 60-mile stretch of desert that loomed from the Arkansas River toward Lower Spring just south of present-day Ulysses, Kansas. Travelers of the Santa Fe Trail had three alternatives of travel once they reached the banks of the Arkansas River. One was to stay with the river west to the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains than swing south through Raton Pass into northern New Mexico. This was the longest and safest of the routes. Much quicker and more dangerous routes were by way of the Cimarron Cut-off that went through the heart of the Jornada. If weather was favorable and luck was with the caravans, the journey to Santa Fe could be cut by almost twenty-one days. One method of using the Cut-off at this time was to follow the river to the "Caches," approximately six miles west of present-day Dodge City, Kansas, and make a dash southwest toward Lower Spring. In 1822, before travelers learned that the best time of year to make the crossing was in the spring, the Baird-Chambers caravan had become stranded in a snowstorm on an island. They were forced to endure three months on the island during which time most of their stock either died of starvation or was slaughtered for food. When the weather finally broke, the men abandoned their goods in jug-shaped holes that they had dug in the sand of the island and went on to Missouri to get fresh livestock. For years the island and the empty holes remained as a landmark for subsequent caravans to take the Cut-off. This alternative was known as the Middle Crossing. The Smith-Sublette caravan took place early enough for the so-called Lower Crossing to have been used since the Middle Crossing was not the proven route. Throughout the history of the trail, as men became more familiar with the Jornada, the actual point of the crossing of the Arkansas moved farther and farther to the west culminating with the Aubrey Cut-off founded in 1850-1851 near Lakin, Kansas, which by-passed Lower Spring and ran into Southeastern Colorado. By the time the railroads had been established, there were so many trail alternatives that for all practical purposes, the Santa Fe Trail was simply a general term for a very loosely organized transportation destination. Smith may have chosen the route that was essentially the same as Coronado had used almost 300 years earlier, that of trying to catch all three springs that existed along the headwaters of the Cimarron River. Since it was a dry spring that year, the caravan would have followed the wet route of the trail along the Arkansas River and caught Black Pool near Ford, Kansas. This almost bottomless spring was a never-failing source of water throughout the history of the trail and an early crossing point for those attempting the Jornada. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail From that point he may have followed Mulberry Creek almost straight west to present-day Ensign, Kansas. Mulberry Creek is today nothing more that a slough, very seldom carrying water except during times of rainfall. But in 1831, long before modernday irrigation lowered the water table, it ran an almost constant stream of shallow water and would have been very tempting to travelers of the Cut-off. The distance from the headwaters of Mulberry Creek to Lower Spring would then be cut a few miles and increase the chances for a safe crossing. A curious thing about travelers of the Santa Fe Trail was that most of the wagons only carried a five-gallon keg of water for use. There was no water carried for the livestock. Throughout the trail until the Cut-off is reached, water sources are usually a day's distance of travel apart, a distance of 15-18 miles. Saving precious weight mandated that carrying a supply of water for the animals was prohibitive. The livestock were left to the resources of the trail for whatever they drank. This system worked fine until the Jornada. A 60-mile run, if everything went right, meant that the livestock would have to go four days without drinking. That was a long time but it could be done. Josiah Gregg in his 1844 book entitled The Commerce of the Prairies relates his experiences of learning of the demise of Smith. Gregg relates that the Sublette-Smith caravan had started the journey to Santa Fe nearly a month before his own company. He states that his men had come upon signs of the leading caravan several times during the journey and that his group had received vague reports of their progress from Indians. Gregg also states that Smith's group was comprised of beginners in the Santa Fe trade and that since several of them were veteran pioneers of the Rocky Mountains they must have concluded that they could go anywhere without a guide. Without anyone competent to lead them the group followed the plain track that led to the Arkansas River. The problem was that from present-day Dodge City to near Ingalls, Kansas, there was no regular crossing of the Arkansas. Over a period of years Ingalls became the most common crossing place. It wasn't until an extremely wet period three years after the Smith-Sublette caravan that ruts deep enough to follow would establish a regular crossing of the Cimarron Cut-off. Although grass covers the rolling sand hills south of the river today, in Smith's time the hills were sparsely covered with vegetation and any signs of previous caravans drifted away before the constant winds. An absolute lack of permanent landmarks made it nearly impossible for these sand hills to be negotiated except through dead reckoning. Experienced guides knew approximately what direction to take through the sand barrier. But an inexperienced group could miss the direction by as much as twenty degrees. That one error could cost a caravan at least two days and turn a difficult journey into a desperate encounter with death. There was a potential body of water northwest of present-day Montezuma, Kansas, which is now known as Wild Horse Lake. Both the Lower and Middle Crossing trails converge at this point. Wild Horse Lake is today little more than a dry depression but the two trails converge at this point and there must have been good reason for such an occurrence. Interviews with local residents about the location provide insight into the fact that as recently as the 1950s there was often enough water in the lake during wet years for the usage of motor boats and even some restricted water skiing. Wild Horse Lake lies two and a half days west of the headwaters of the Mulberry and two and a half days southwest of Ingalls. If the Mulberry was running shallow as would have been the case in a dry BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail season, the distance could have easily become three or even four days. If Smith's group miscalculated their direction or crossed the Arkansas too early they could have missed the depression entirely. Wild Horse Lake is an impressive name for a very unimpressive place. It is little more than a shallow depression surrounded by a few small sand hills. During times of low rainfall, the lake could dry up in a matter of days. Standing on the banks of the dry depression it is easy to imagine the frustration and concern that thirsty men would have felt. With no water present and at least a three-day journey to Lower Spring, quickly weakening animals would have mandated an immediate search for whatever water that could be found. It seems amazing that experienced explorers of the West would be so naive as to venture upon the Cimarron Desert without some guidance. Smith's history, however, is marked with seems today as such irresponsible actions. On several occasions he roamed into the wilderness with little planning or advice often paying the price with suffering, starvation, and loss of life. But Smith had always been personally lucky even though his companions had not. He had crossed the vicious Mojave Desert on foot during an earlier trek to California. His group must have felt that they could cross the desert without a guide since men of such experience led them. It was a shortsighted fatal decision. Journals of the time state that the Smith caravan "broke up" when water could not be found. To break up suggests a reckless scrambling for the nearest water by whatever means necessary. But that does not make sense. The nearest water from the approximate site of Wild Horse Lake was Lower Spring, two or three days to the southwest. Other than making a mad dash for the river three days to the north, there was no other dependable source of water. Although the Jornada seems table flat, the entire area is laced with depressions and sinks. There was always the chance that one of them might come upon some water or the dim remainder of another caravan's trail. It is much more likely that the caravan would have "fanned out" rather than broken up. Wagons could have spread out for quite a distance and still kept each other in sight in case of emergency. Had anyone found some sign of other caravans or traces of water, it would have been an easy matter to signal the others. It is at this point that Smith's personal courage if not his wisdom becomes evident. At the time the whole area was laced with the shallow trails of buffalo that made their way across the Jornada. Buffalo cut trails much as modern domestic cattle do in pastures today. Cattle usually follow each other single file as they work their way to water after grazing. This trait will eventually lead to a shallow trail without vegetation that will lead to the source of water. Smith reasoned that these buffalo trails would do the same. Against the advice of other members of the party, he set out with Tom Fitzpatrick following the most likely of these trails. When a heavily laden caravan could only maintain an average speed of two or three miles per hour, it would be relatively easy for a man on horseback to outdistance the wagons. Toying with the idea that Smith may have worked his way to the north presents some interesting possibilities but eventually the theory does not stand up. It would have been too great a waste of time and energy to venture in that direction. Smith knew that water could be found to the southwest and since the caravan was traveling in that direction, it would have been the only logical direction for him to follow. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail There is an unbroken stretch of over 32 miles of the Santa Fe Trail that can be followed today. It lies in the Cimarron National Grasslands north of Elkart, Kansas. There is a broad depression marking the passing of the wagons that is deep and easy to follow. Walking this section of the trail it does not take long for a modern-day traveler to realize the vast distances involved, and the tremendous physical endurance that travel on the plains required. Water availability would have quickly become a nearly constant concern. Yet in several places along the dry bed of the Cimarron River, modern government workers and cattlemen have dug holes with tractors to act as seeps. Even in the low water table conditions of modern times, these seeps are full of water. Although these holes are not very pleasant sources for modern day travelers and are by-passed by us in favor of modern windmills and water pumps, desperate travelers could use them. Experimentation reveals that a person needs to dig only a few feet into the riverbed before a shallow seepage of water can be found. Even at that it is a marvel to realize the amount of digging men must have had to do to gain enough water for 80 men and several dozen oxen and mules. One man and horse could get enough water to survive but a caravan of the size of Smith's needed a larger source. Today the Cimarron River is laced with trees and brush but in Smith's time the land was barren. A modern visitation to the sight of Lower Spring reveals a spot of land that in 1831 would have been no more than one-fourth of an acre. By following the river channel a man would have eventually blundered upon the spring. But after three or four days without water, Smith's caravan did not have the time to spare in a leisurely search for the spring. Scouts would have to find the water as quickly as possible and direct the wagons to it by the shortest route. By this time, hours and not days would have meant the difference between life and death for the livestock. And if the livestock began to perish then the caravan would have been slowed and delayed even more. It would have been a matter of time before the men themselves would have had to abandon their wagons to the elements and struggle on ahead on foot to save themselves. We are told that Smith left Fitzpatrick to wait for Sublette and the caravan at a hollow in the plain. Chances are that what the chronicle writer meant was that Smith and Fitzpatrick found the breaks in the plain that indicated the location of the river. From that point it would have been vital for Fitzpatrick to turn the caravan in the right angle of direction. But finding the location of the channel did not mean by any means that the water had been located. Smith would have made his best speed from that point on to try for the spring or at least some source of useable water. It is true that attempting the crossing without an experienced guide was a blunder that the entire group made but Smith's actions at this juncture indicate a leader of courage and experience. Relaying scouts was a common method of guiding a caravan across difficult or unfamiliar terrain. And who better to be the lead scout than the likes of Jedediah Smith? Had Smith not been attacked he would have been able to get back to his group who then guided by Fitzpatrick and taking the best direction toward the spring. The Caravan members were able to reach Lower Spring and were informed by Mexican ciboleros (buffalo hunters) and traders upon arrival several weeks later in Santa Fe BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail that a man fitting Smith's description had been found alone on the plain by Comanche Indians and had been killed. Smith's brothers were able to retrieve his bible, pistols and a rifle. Austin Smith wrote to his father in September: Your son, Jedediah, was killed on the Cimarron the 27th of May on his way to Santa Fe by Comanche Indians, his party in distress for water, and he had gone alone in search of the above river which he found, when he was attacked by fifteen or twenty of them—they succeeded in alarming his animal not daring to fire on him so long as they kept face to face, so soon as his horse turned they fired, and wounded him in the shoulder. He then fired his gun, and killed their head chief. It is supposed they then rushed upon him, and dispatched him…

Josiah Gregg's caravan was also told the story and it is recounted in his book. In the narrative Gregg relates: When Capt. Sublette's party entered this arid plain it was parched with drought; and they were doomed to wander about for several days with all the horrors of a death from thirst staring them continually in the face. In this perilous situation, Capt. Smith resolved at last to pursue one of these seductive buffalo paths, in hopes it might lead to the margin of some stream or pond. He set out alone; for besides the temerity which desperation always inspires, he had ever been a stranger to fear; indeed, he was one of the most undaunted spirits that had ever traversed the Rocky Mountains; and if but one-half of what has been told of him be true—of his bold enterprises—his perilous wanderings—his skirmishings with the savages—his hair-breadth escapes, etc.—he would surely be entitled to one of the most exalted seats in the Olympus of prairie mythology.

This is certainly not an account by a man of the time who felt that what Smith did was foolish or unwise. It is rather a reflection of the accepted perils of travel that existed in the Jornada of the Santa Fe Trail. An anonymous eulogist wrote of Smith after his disappearance, "Though he fell under the spears of the savages, and his body has glutted the prairie wolf, and none can tell where his bones are bleaching, he must not be forgotten." Such were the perils of the times and the heroism of the men and women that many of us celebrate with our studies of the West. Imperfect beings such as Jedediah Smith, taming a frontier with only courage and primitive weapons to depend upon, provide us a conception from which to draw a code of honor and an ample reason to investigate the conditions that they faced. Jedediah Smith was not the buffoon that many would have us believe. He took the conditions as he found them and blazed trails that few would ever equal. The irony is that he was defeated by a stretch of land that today is productive farmland, which has for a source an underground Ogalala aquifer of immense proportions. Millions of gallons of water were never more than a few hundred feet beneath him.

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Chapter 5 Tough Night in Taos The Death of Charles Bent

Together with Ceran St. Vrain, William and Charles Bent established a vast adobe castle on the banks of the Arkansas River along the mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail which became the spearhead of American expansion to the Southwest. The success of the Bent-St. Vrain trading empire, however, was not gained without a terrible toll. On January 18, 1847, a small party of horsemen topped the ridge overlooking the Taos Valley of New Mexico. At the head of the band rode forty-seven year old Charles Bent, newly appointed governor of New Mexico and one of the most influential Anglos of the newly subdued Spanish Charles Bent Southwest by United States forces under General Stephen Kearny. Barely in office three and a half months, Bent had left his offices in Santa Fe against the advice of his supporters to return to his home, see to the safety of his family and establish order among the seething Indian and Mexican population of the community. Charles Bent liked Taos. The community's business, distilling and farming were dominated by a tight-knit group of foreigners. The Workman brothers, John Rowland, the Branche family and Steve Lee were influential power brokers. Perhaps most influential was Carlos Beaubien, a transplanted French-Canadian who had the ear of Santa Fe and was a close friend of Bent. Although a Protestant, Bent also maintained a close relationship with the Catholic community especially through his marriage into the Jaramillo family. Bent's appointment as governor of the territory was made for good reason. Few others in the Southwest could have matched his credentials. As the eldest son of a Missouri trading family, Charles attended Jefferson College in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania, and had a background in medicine and mathematics. He came to the Far West when only 18 as a clerk for the Missouri Fur Company in the early heady days of the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade. He worked with the likes of Smith, Fitzpatrick, Clyman, Sublette and Ashley. His younger brother by nine and a half years, William, joined him in the fur trade business in 1825. He struck a fateful friendship with a Ceran St. Vrain Taos trapper of noble French descent by the melodious name of Ceran de Hault de Lassus de St. Vrain in 1824. By 1829, through a series of bad breaks, he was utterly bankrupt. Starting over by assembling investors and business partners, he entered the Santa Fe trade using heavy wagon caravans instead of pack trains. A short time later he was joined by two more younger brothers, eighteen-year-old George and sixteen-year-old Robert. He parlayed Santa Fe BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail trade profits and entered the Indian trade, a field in which his family had always excelled. After two years of dangerous and risky ventures the four Bent brothers, working out of a crude wooden stockade near the present sit of Pueblo, Colorado, arrived in Independence, Missouri, with a cargo of silver bullion, mules and furs worth an estimated $190,000. They immediately reinvested, joined forces with Ceran St. Vrain to establish the Bent-St. Vrain Trading Company, and built an adobe trading fort, Fort William, on the upper banks of the Arkansas near present-day La Junta, Colorado, in defiance of the monopolistic American Fur Company. Behind walls fourteen feet high and thirty inches thick, the company sent traders ranging among the Indians throughout the Southwest. Many do not fully understand the influence that Bent's Fort (Fort William's more popular name) had upon the Rocky Mountain frontier of the Southwest. The adobe castle served as a base of operations for a trading empire that ranged to the Green River of Wyoming to the northwest and the Oklahoma panhandle to the southeast. Traders representing the company ranged into the Indian hinterlands in search of trade and profit. Unlike many in the trade, the Bents refrained from encouraging the abuse of alcohol to cheat the Indians of their goods, choosing to follow the premise that fair trading meant a lasting relation with the tribes rather quick profits. Under the direct management of William, men such as Kit Carson, Dick Wootton, Lucien Maxwell, Jim Beckworth, Mexican Sol Silver and Blackfoot John Smith were associated with the daily activities of the fort. Several other companies tried to compete with BentSt. Vrain but all failed. The brothers built a reputation for fair dealing with the Indians and maintained far superior organization and more skillful expansion efforts. William built his Indian alliances when he married a woman of the Southern Cheyenne tribe named Owl Woman. Charles married an influential Taos family widow, Maria Ignacia Jaramillo, and increased his own credibility in New Mexico. He became a business partner Modern reconstruction of Bent's Fort near La Junta, of Carlos Beaubien and subsequently a major player in Colorado the development of mammoth Rayado ranch. The BentSt. Vrain Company also established prosperous ranches at Ponil and Vermejo. When the Mexican War broke out, Bent's Fort became a major staging area for Kearny's invasion of New Mexico. While others like St. Vrain and Beaubien had taken Mexican citizenship for business advantages, the Bents had stubbornly maintained American citizenship. After the almost bloodless capitulation of New Mexico, Charles Bent stood out as the one American citizen with the education, wealth, connections and experience to serve as governor. He was not the burly mountain man that he had been in his youth, however. Charles was completely white-headed and had grown stout from years behind a desk. He was family oriented with four children and loved his home in Taos. After having just put down a rebellion in Santa Fe, his administration had been hamstrung by questions of authority with the army, lack of funds, little equipment and more threats of revolt in the smaller communities. Upon hearing rumors of brewing trouble in Taos, he returned immediately without military escort with Sheriff Steve Lee, Circuit Attorney James White BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Leal, Prefect Cornelio Vigil and two boys of family friends, Pablo Jaramillo and Narciso Beaubien. He wanted to quell the unrest without the threat of soldiers. Immediately upon entering the valley the group was surrounded by a gang of Pueblo Indians who demanded the release of friends jailed for theft. Charles handled the confrontation skillfully explaining that the law would take its course and the innocent released. He assured them that the rule of law would prevail throughout the pueblo and that they had nothing to fear from American leadership. The group then cautiously separated to individual homes and families. When Charles arrived home he found a full house. Fearing the rebellious native population that roamed the streets and not having their husbands at home, Kit Carson's wife, Josefa, a sister of Ignacia, and Ingacia's daughter, Rumalda, wife of Tom Boggs, had temporarily moved into the Bent home. Neither of the girls was out of their teens and they were frightened by the threats, demonstrations and sounds of gunfire raging throughout the pueblo. Several others were waiting in the house to talk to Bent and urge him to flee before the situation got out of hand. Bent coolly refused stating that American governors did not fly in the face of danger as the Mexicans did. The rule of law and common sense would prevail over panic and threats of violence. He sent his family to bed for the night comforting them with the assurance that things would settle down by morning. But Charles Bent was not aware of the influence of a provocateur named Pablo Montoya who was assembling reinforcements throughout the valley. Montoya, a selfstyled Santa Ana of the North, and Tomas Romero assembled a large group of supporters preaching that the North Americans meant to steal all their land and strip them of their rights. They added fury to the rhetoric with copious amounts of free liquor and used the men jailed for theft as the example demonstrating North American tyranny. The mob moved upon the jail, howling, waving torches and weapons. Sheriff Steve Lee was dragged from his bed into the street. Prefect Cornelio Vigil came to his aid, calling the mob a band of scoundrels and demanding dispersal. The rioters were in no mood for the angry admonishments of a Spanish patrician. They fell upon him and hacked him to pieces. Lee broke free and attempted an escape by way of a housetop. He received the same fate as Vigil. With the blood lust freed, the mob turned upon anyone associated with Americans or Yankee sympathizers through the direction of Montoya and Romero agents. Many of the homes were empty but still looted and burned. James Leal was marched into the frozen street naked, tortured with arrows, blinded, scalped alive and left for dead. He crawled through the streets for hours until another band killed him and fed his body to hogs. Narciso Beaubien and Pablo Jaramillo attempted to hide in a barn. A female servant saw them and urged the mob to, "Kill the young ones, and they will never be men to trouble us." The boys were butchered in the manger in which they were hiding. Their bodies were said to be unrecognizable. Dawn was breaking when the mob descended upon Charles Bent's home. Evidently, the family had slept through the slaughter undisturbed. Bent awoke to the sounds of the mob scaling the courtyard walls and surrounding his home. He dressed and called through the door demanding to know what was wanted. The women assembled in the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail room still in their bedclothes. Ignacia brought Charles his pistols but he refused them stating that violence on his part might lead to the slaughter of the entire household. He ordered the women to dig a hole through a wall into an adjoining house and make an escape while he delayed the mob. While the women desperately pried out adobe bricks with a poker and large spoon, Bent extended several alternatives to the mob. He offered them money and suggested that a council could be formed to hear their grievances. His offerings fell upon deaf ears or only served to enrage the mob. When he heard the roof breaking through as the mob forced an entry, he ordered Ignacia to come for his son, Alfredo, and make an escape. As the mob gained entry, Bent offered himself as a hostage if they would spare the others in Taos. Just then bullets splintered the door, one striking Bent in the chin, another in his stomach. Bent staggered to remain on his feet while urging the women to make an escape. Seconds later the door gave way and the mob entered. Several arrows struck Bent in the face and chest. He pulled several free and stumbled through the house to the hole that the women had made. They had crawled through pushing the children ahead. When Bent got to the hole, he collapsed and the women tried to drag him through to safety. Rumalda held Bent in her arms and Ignacia begged the mob for his life. Bent tried to speak but his wounds were too serious for him to be understood. Realizing that he could not be comprehended, he groped for a piece of paper in his vest pocket and gestured blankly. An Indian seized him by the suspenders and tore him from Rumalda's grasp. Bent was then thrown to the floor and scalped alive with a bowstring. While Bent was being tortured, friendly neighbors hustled Rumalda through the hole to the others. Ignacia remained behind to beg for the lives of her family. Someone in the room admonished the mob as fools, arguing that Bent should have been spared as a valuable hostage. The logic confused them and they milled about uncertainly. Finally, they chose to depart after tacking Bent's scalp to a board and warning the women not to leave the building. Bent died slowly in front of the women and children huddled in their bedclothes about him. For the next day and a half the women remained in the room until friends helped them escape and hide Bent's body to prevent further mutilation. The rebellion raged on for days with ranches and businesses burned and ravaged throughout the region. On February 3, a force of nearly five hundred Santa Fe volunteers under the command of Sterling Price and Ceran St. Vrain swept into Taos. A smaller force from Pueblo led by Dick Wootton joined them. The combined forces crushed the rebellion with grim and bloody vengeance. Tomas Romero and Pablo Montoya were imprisoned in a one-window jail on the north edge of Taos. Romero was assassinated and Montoya executed. Fifteen others were tried and executed by civil authorities. Because it was originally feared that the rebellion was a precursor of a full-blown Mexican invasion which would eventually sweep to Bent's Fort, William was not with the forces retaking Taos. He chose to assemble a force to protect the fort and prepare for defense. He took the death of his brother hard, however. Charles "was loved and respected as a father" by all of the younger Bent brothers. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Bewildered and bereaved, William Bent obliterated Bent's Fort and turned down the Arkansas a few miles east of the Purgatory River. There he established another fort, perhaps as an unconscious effort to begin again after the tragic loss of his brother's dream. He died in 1869 of pneumonia near the original fort with most of his friends dead and the mighty Cheyenne forced to a reservation. The great days of the Indian trade had passed before him and the legacy of the great trading post of the western Santa Fe Trail had ended.

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Chapter 6 Mexican Traders of Santa Fe Although generally overlooked by historians, a powerful group of New Mexican natives took advantage of the Santa Fe Trail and exerted substantial influence upon trade, regulation, government and even justice. When learning about the Santa Fe trade many do not realize that commerce was not composed of a single trade route from Missouri to Santa Fe, New Mexico. The Missouri traders chose Santa Fe as a destination because of its preeminence in the Southwest region. That dominance increased after the trail opened and more was affected in Santa Fe commerce than simply the arrival of Anglo traders in 1821. Spain's unsound policy of discouraging foreign trade was discarded with the creation of the new government. Santa Fe was in an excellent position to become a hub of trading activity which had transcontinental spokes because of access to mountain passes and trails, temperate climate, and Spanish prominence throughout the region. The immediate trouble with the Santa Fe economic system was that there were not many citizens with the resources to enter the trade nor was there enough cash available to sustain long-range markets. Comments were being written as early as 1825 that "every village is crowded with goods…" and that many merchants were selling goods at a loss. So, what happened to all of these surplus commodities in the Rio Grande Valley? Where did an estimated $60,000 in excess goods go before the arrival and increased worth of the trade volume of merchandise from Missouri in 1826? The answer lies in the fact that Santa Fe was not a terminal end of goods as many think but an international marketplace through which goods were distributed throughout the Southwest. If Santa Fe was starved for goods and merchandise in 1823, then what about Albuquerque, Chihuahua, Taos, or even Los Angeles or San Diego? When many of these goods, which had been purchased at such exorbitant prices, were sold at a loss, most of those purchases were made by the only people with the cash reserves to do so. The gente fina or upper class of the region purchased surplus goods and immediately repeated throughout the Southwest and northern Mexico what the Missourians had already accomplished in Santa Fe. They distributed the goods to other communities at staggering profits for as long as the markets held. The markets held at a lower profit margin in Santa Fe because it became a distribution point from which goods could be distributed elsewhere. As the Mexicans developed these markets, the profit margins in Santa Fe again began to climb in reaction to increased demand. The only way to get the goods any cheaper was to go to Missouri or farther east and purchase them directly, which is exactly what the Mexican traders did within only a year after the trade route opened. Many Americans vastly underestimated the abilities of the Mexicans as trade rivals. This is what Charles Bent, an Anglo who today is recognized as one of the more tolerant toward the Mexicans, had to say in 1846: They are not fit to be free, they should be ruled by others than themselves…. They are corrupt, destitute of all principal, lazy, indolent, ignorant and base to the last degree…. The Mexican Character is made up of stupidity, obstinacy, ignorance, duplicity and vanity.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Within months, Bent was complaining about the unfair trade advantages that the New Mexicans were marshaling for themselves against the Anglos, such as being able to store their goods at private residences without being fined, taxation advantages and insider trade communication advantages. These seem to be unlikely tactics for a group as ignorant as Bent claimed, but rather shrewd business manipulations that the New Mexicans formed to remain competitive with the Yankees. These are also the same traders who managed to make the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Claims pay damages to the New Mexico traders in 1846 for unfair trade sanctions, or manage to assure international trade control through the Mexican government as early as 1839. Chihuahua, Mexico, merchant families dominated Santa Fe markets in the early years. Families existed in the Santa Fe merchant class, however, and soon took advantage of the relaxed markets created by the revolution. Don Francisco Baca and Don Antancio Volivar were active in Santa Fe. Chihuahua merchants Ramon Garcia and Manuel de Escudero established connections in Santa Fe to take advantage of trail traffic. The Jaramillo family of Taos is known to have had Santa Fe trading connections. The first governor of New Mexico after Mexican independence was Francisco Xavier Chavez. Chavez was an old and influential family of direct Spanish descent who held prominent positions in New Mexico from its inception as a province in 1598. Don Francisco took advantage of his political connections and quickly established his family as one of the dominant trading powers in Santa Fe. With the financial resources of large land holdings, vast flocks of sheep and mercantile holdings, the Chavez family had deep enough pockets to prosper from early market over indulgence. Don Francisco had nine children, four boys and five girls. Mariano Jose' was the oldest and most influential with knowledge of English, French and Latin. A brother, Tomas had been sent to Durango, Mexico, for higher education and remained as an influential lawyer and judge. The younger brothers, Antonio Jose' and Jose', were probably equally well educated, something comparatively rare in New Mexico at that time. Jose', the youngest, became acting governor of New Mexico in 1845 and was married to a niece of Manuel Armijo, governor of New Mexico when it fell to Stephen Kearny's forces. The Chavez family enjoyed enormous profits by freighting and wholesaling goods from the United States to New Mexico over the Santa Fe Trail. From New Mexico to the interior of Mexico by way of the old camino real or royal road established by the system of Catholic missions throughout the Southwest and California, many of the rich families and ruling elite were able to consolidate their hold upon the provincial economies and thereby increased their influence after the arrival of the Anglos. The "rich got richer" and the "poor did a bit better." Throughout the 1820s and 30s the Chavez brothers, Mariano, Jose' and Antonio Jose' all undertook trips east to make purchases from wholesalers and importers. The Chavez brothers customarily left their wagons and crews in Independence, Missouri, and went to St. Louis, Pittsburgh and even New York to purchase goods for return to Santa Fe. They had lots of money, spent lots of money and made lots of money. Therefore, they became highly influential throughout the parts of the free enterprise conscious United States where they traded. Money talked and the Chavez family spoke with a loud voice.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Tragedy and a major international incident involved the Chavez family in the winter of 1843. Antonio, then in his late 20s, left Santa Fe in February for Missouri with two wagons and five men. He carried a large shipment of furs, fifty-five head of mules, and an estimated $25,000 in specie and gold. If family trade patterns continued as usual, he planned to sell the mules and furs in the Missouri markets, take the money east to purchase large quantities of trade goods, and form or join a caravan to return with these goods to Santa Fe in the spring. The winter had been mild and Chavez left a month earlier than usual. About four miles southeast of present-day, Lyons, Kansas, Chavez's group was waylaid by a bitterly cold winter storm. The weather was so bad that Chavez lost all but five of his mules to exposure. His group had no choice but to wait for another caravan to come along. It is said that for security reasons, Chavez buried most of his money along a small creek where they were stranded. Within a few days, a party of fifteen horsemen approached the Chavez camp. A ruffian named John McDaniel, who held a commission in the Texas army, given him by Charles Warfield, led them. McDaniel was to join Warfield as part of a Texas force to raid Mexican commerce on the Santa Fe Trail to provide income for a cash-starved Texas Republic from lands that the Republic claimed. When McDaniel realized that the camp belonged to Mexicans, he ordered his men to rob them and allowed the men to divide the loot among them. Seven of McDaniel's men then left with what loot they had. The remainder stayed behind with McDaniel in an effort to locate more. It was common knowledge that Mexicans traveling east often carried substantial amounts of cash for purchasing goods. When McDaniel searched Chavez he found a small amount of money on his person and demanded to know where the rest was hidden. When Chavez refused to answer, McDaniel had him beaten severely. Beating followed beating until Chavez admitted that there was more money but refused to reveal the location. Two more terrible days of stalemate and beatings followed. With nothing to lose, certainly not his life at that point, Chavez refused to tell. He was taken to the edge of the creek where he attempted an escape, was run down, and upon threat of death, refused to give any further information. McDaniel executed Chavez and threw his body unceremoniously into the creek. Chavez's servants were turned out upon the winter prairie to perish without proper clothing or food. McDaniel and his thugs rode on for the Big Bend region of the Arkansas. An American trader named Reuben Gentry had been following Chavez's small caravan. Caught in the same winter storm, he had also suffered greatly but managed to save his livestock. He expected to catch Chavez and was surprised to see tracks where the Chavez group had turned south. His own party was too weak to follow and he elected to continue east. After a while he became suspicious, and by the time he reached Independence on April 19, voiced his concerns about Chavez's fate. The disappearance and eventual discovery of the fate of Chavez created a major international incident between Texas, Mexico and the United States. The United States immediately deployed dragoons to investigate the matter. McDaniel and his men were captured and two, McDaniel and Joseph Brown, were executed, largely because of the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail influence of Don Mariano Jose' Chavez. Uncle Dick Wootton said at the time that McDaniel's major mistake was to assault such a preeminent family as the Chavez's. The implication of the statement is that the punishment would have not been as severe had a Mexican family of less importance been involved. For a time the Chavez family was bitter about the murder of Antonio but the executions of Brown and McDaniel seem to have provided enough retribution to settle the issue. The family continued in the Santa Fe Trade, and certain members were refuted to be millionaires by the 1860s. Ethnocentric perceptions colored many of the writings about the New Mexico merchant class throughout the early years of the Santa Fe trade. There is also the clear difference in the socio-economic standings of both sides of the Santa Fe trade. The Yankees involved in the trade were largely working class individuals without formal education, although certainly more than the American average. The New Mexico traders tended to be the ricos who maintained their economic standings with an iron fist of control over the commoners of the Rio Grande Valley. New Mexican peasants were looked down upon by both with the same racist tendencies. How else can Bent's harsh statements be reconciled with the fact that he married into a New Mexico family and held his relatives in high regard? It is because he was not talking of the upper classes in his statement but rather the peasant class in general. It that regard he was no different than the gente fina of the Rio Grande Valley, and as we saw in the last chapter, it cost him his life. In general, the New Mexican merchants more than held their own against Yankee intrusions for a substantial period of time. It was only with the advantages that the Americans gained from the Mexican War that many were toppled from power and influence. Most, however, survived and went on to develop with the country as New Mexico developed into a territory and eventually a member of the United States of America. The problem with recognizing the importance and contributions made by the Mexicans is representative of many views of history, the failure to see the situation from both sides of the mirror, in this case the Anglo viewpoint refusing to recognize the Mexican.

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Chapter 7 With Riley, On the Border The First Military Escort of the Santa Fe Trail was a daring adventure of experimentation, bravery, cowardice and endurance. Missouri traders garnered a bonanza in profits from the Mexican settlements of Taos, Santa Fe and Chihuahua during the first five years of the Santa Fe Trade in the 1820s. While men of wealth dominated the beaver trapping industry of the Rockies, the Santa Fe trade was within the common merchant's realm of influence. Tales of great profits during the early years enticed men into mortgaging everything they had to purchase goods and equipment for trading on the Santa Fe market. The Santa Major Bennet Riley Fe trade represented a highly risky capital venture, however. If a merchant was willing to brave the Plains extremes of weather and environment, he could expect a healthy one hundred per cent or more return on his investment. If unfortunate, he could lose everything. Indians were generally not a problem during the early years of the trade. As long as the traders traveled in large caravans, they were allowed to pass unmolested. Early traders developed a seasonal pattern of travel to Santa Fe. The first caravan usually left Franklin, Missouri, around the beginning of May. To leave much earlier usually meant that there wasn't enough graze to sustain the livestock properly. To leave much later put the trains squarely on the dreaded Jornada del Muerte a barren stretch of the Southwest Plains Cimarron Cut-off during hot, dry weather. There was the danger of deficiencies of water and extreme stress on the William Bent livestock and men when crossing during mid-summer. If all went well, the caravan reached Santa Fe around the twentieth of July. Once in Santa Fe the traders attempted to dispense their goods quickly and leave by the middle of August. Such a departure date put the traders back on the Plains by the middle of September, still warm enough for pleasant travel and yet not so late that dangerous winter storms might overwhelm them. If all went well, the adventurers were back in Missouri by October with enough profits to live comfortably and purchase goods for the next season's trade. During late September of 1828, tragic events changed the entire nature of the Santa Fe trade. The first caravan of the season, under the leadership of Bill Sublette and M. M. Marmaduke, was returning to Missouri after a highly profitable and uneventful trek. Two traders, Daniel Munroe and a young man named McNees, rode ahead of the caravan. About 40 miles southwest of the Cimarron River, while napping on the banks of a small stream, later named McNees Creek, they were shot with their own weapons. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail McNees died on the spot and Munroe finally succumbed after the caravan carried him to the banks of the Cimarron. As the funeral ceremonies were concluding, a band of seven Indians appeared on the opposite bank of the Cimarron. Having already decided that Indians were responsible for the death of their comrades, the traders invited the braves into camp for a parley. It didn't take long for the visitors to realize that their welcome was not what was expected. After a brief confrontation, the Indians wheeled about and attempted to leave. The traders opened fire and killed all save one, who presumably returned to his people with the news of the massacre. All hell broke loose on the Santa Fe Trail as raiding parties wracked returning traders. Before making it back to Franklin, the Sublette-Marmaduke party lost a thousand horses and mules to a raiding party. The following caravan under Captain John Means had to literally fight a path through a gauntlet of raiders for days on end. Members of the party became so exhausted that a few fell from their mounts after falling asleep. Means was hacked to death and scalped while trying to form a rear guard defense. Eventually, after losing all livestock and wagons, survivors buried most of their gold and silver coin on Chouteau's Island in the Arkansas River section of Adam's Desert, just west of the lower crossing near present-day, Dodge City, Kansas. The party walked the final five hundred miles on foot. When the first of Means' starving band reached Independence, Missouri, the remainder was strung for one hundred fifty miles along the trail, some too weak to even speak. One man, named Herriman, was found lying on his back, blind, with a stick in his hand to keep prairie wolves from attacking him. Estimated losses on the trail that year amounted to between thirty and forty thousand dollars. What began as an uneventful season, ended with financial and personal disaster for many. Newspapers, politicians and business interests of the day demanded action from the government. By far the most popular demand was for the establishment of a military post along the Arkansas River at the boundary between the United States and Mexico. A military post in the heart of Indian country four hundred miles from the nearest neighboring fort was not practical. Another problem was that the United States had no mounted troops at that time. It was estimated that at least two companies of infantry and two of dragoons were necessary to patrol the trail from Cantonment Leavenworth to the Mexican border and hold such an isolated position on the edge of the Cimarron desert. Finally, since almost all Indian engagements were taking place on Mexican soil, a U.S. post situated on the north side of the Arkansas River was practically worthless unless some kind of treaty could be established with the Mexican government for U.S. troops to cross the border. Considering well-founded Mexican suspicion of the aggressively expansionist Anglos, such a treaty was unlikely. In spite of such faults, lobbyist activities from several sources, including influential Thomas Hart Benton, forced a bill through Congress "to provide for the better defense of the Western Frontier of the United States, and for the better security of the inland trade with Mexico." It briefly authorized President Andrew Jackson to mount four infantry companies to protect and defend Santa Fe Trail trade. The farthest military post of the time was newly established Cantonment Leavenworth on the eastern Kansas frontier. Three companies of the Sixth infantry were ordered to the post under the command of Brevet Major Bennet Riley for caravan escort BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail duty. At forty-two, Riley was an officer of long and distinguished service and veteran of the War of 1812. Riley was commonly known for tact, efficiency, courtesy, and regarded as a tough by-the-book officer. Riley was also at a difficult period of his career. Given a customary brevet rank of major in place of decorations or pay increases, Riley had been a captain for ten years. Advancement to the higher ranks was difficult for any officer in such a small, poorly financed army organization as the United States maintained at that time. One of the youngest officers in the command was Second Lieutenant Philip St. George Cooke. Cooke functioned as chronicler for the expedition and most of what is known of this incident comes from Cooke's authorship of both a journal and Riley's official report. Cooke would go on to serve for many years along the Santa Fe Trail as a dragoon officer. Although later serving as a Union cavalry officer in the Civil War under McClellan, Cooke was the father-in-law of J.E.B. Stuart, and his son was also a Confederate officer. An excellent campaign officer against Indians in the West, Cooke did not enjoy great military success in the Civil War. Cooke died in 1895, the last commissioned survivor of the 1829 expedition. Riley and Cooke were the only officers of the unit to be promoted above the rank of captain in the following years. Riley made a groundbreaking decision for the expedition. Mules and horses were the usual draft animals of the plains. By attempting the use of much cheaper yoked oxen to pull the wagons, Riley could save enough to outfit supplies for the entire expedition. This was a dangerous experiment because no one was certain if the animals could hold up to the demands of the trail. If the oxen played out, Riley's entire command could face the same tribulations of the Means party. Never the less, sixty yoke of oxen were procured to pull nineteen wagons and a cart. On June 3, 1829, Major Riley's escort battalion crossed the Missouri River opposite Cantonment Leavenworth. It became apparent that the oxen promised to do very well on the trek, once covering twenty-four miles in a day. The force joined a civilian caravan of approximately sixty men and thirty-nine wagons under the captaincy of Charles Bent. Rather than marching among the wagons, the unit advanced ahead remaining in the general vicinity usually making fifteen to eighteen miles a day. Of the next one hundred and forty miles to Council Grove, oxen and men remained in good condition. Council Grove was a popular assembly point along the trail. Well watered with good sources of timber for cooking and wagon repair, caravans usually rested there for a few days before moving on. The following morning it became apparent that the caravan was entering Indian Territory. Six horses, three of them officers' and three belonging to a local sutler, were stolen during the night. To make matters worse, a courier from Leavenworth had arrived and informed Riley that he had not encountered two soldiers detailed from the column to provide escort. Riley abandoned plans to send his own couriers back to Leavenworth with mission reports. One or two men would have little chance if picked off by small war parties roaming the area. He decided to push on without keeping in contact with the outpost. Progress was generally slow as the caravan ventured on toward the international border of the Arkansas River. Riley placed his troops on half rations of flour and reserved salt pork issues for emergencies by the time he reached the river on the first of BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail July. Buffalo meat was used to sustain the troops. On the ninth, his unit assisted the caravan with the river crossing three miles below Chouteau's Island, commonly referred to as the Upper Crossing. The next morning Riley forded the river and held conference with Bent and other caravan interests. He sent a letter to the governor of Santa Fe relating his plans to wait for the caravan's return in early October. *** Charles Bent had a request of his own. He asked for the use of a yoke of oxen to test their performance on the remainder of the trail. If the animals continued to perform as well as they had, it would make a significant difference in future caravan expenses. Riley complied eagerly. Riley also detailed a squad to accompany Milton Bryan to the cache on Chouteau's Island to secure the silver from the Means expedition if it remained. Although flooding had washed away the earth leaving the silver exposed to view, it was reclaimed, packed in sacks and entrusted to Riley's keeping. Bent's caravan advanced only nine miles before the sand dunes on the south bank caused the teams to become dangerously strung out as one wagon after another became stalled in the loose sand. Bent heeded Riley's advice and dispatched sixteen men to act as advance and rear guards. He could not persuade the guards to ride the crests of the hills on either side of the depression through which the train traveled. Although this would have been an excellent method of watching for progression of hostile forces, men feared being silhouetted against the horizon and therefore likely targets for Indian snipers. As an advance guard of three men dismounted at a water hole to drink, Kiowa raiders swept over the crests of the dunes. The men remounted and frantically attempted to rejoin the caravan, nearly a half-mile away. Mule-mounted Sam Lamme was overtaken while the other two escaped. As the caravan members watched helplessly, Lamme was filled with arrows, stripped and beheaded by the taunting Kiowa. As the Indians swept forward to overwhelm the disorganized wagons, Charles Bent rode forward alone to check the attack. His brother, William, riding hard to his assistance, soon joined him. The Kiowa charge broke away and precious moments were saved for the caravan to form a defense. A small cannon was unlashed and set up in time to send a shot before the Bents were overwhelmed. The cannon was enough to cause the Kiowa to retreat temporarily, allowing the brothers to return and assemble defensive forces. After digging rifle pits and barricading wagons, Bent sent nine men to break out and go for Riley's aid. The force of riders was large enough to pass unmolested. Around 6:30 that evening Lt. Cooke saw a group of horsemen riding furiously toward camp. Despite the fact that the caravan was on Mexican soil and an official protest might end his career, Riley ordered his men to arms. Two advance companies, a small sixpound cannon and ammunition wagon advanced under Riley as quickly as possible. Cooke had accidentally spilled boiling coffee on his foot two days earlier and had to ride a horse. He was ordered to see to the difficult river crossing of support wagons. The rest of the force advanced on foot under Captain William Wickliffe. Progress was slow in the soft dunes and the infantry quickly neared exhaustion. Riley reached the caravan about eleven that night with Wickliffe arriving two hours later. Cooke and his force became confused in the night and myriad of hills. It was nearly daybreak before he found the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail caravan in the bottom of a natural bowl surrounded by high dunes. Riley's force was assembled nearby. Evidently he had decided to keep his forces separate, probably because of the undisciplined nature of the caravan members. What the caravan riders described as hundreds of Kiowa attackers was more realistically estimated to be a force of around fifty. This is certainly a more credible figure. William and Charles Bent would have been superhuman to be able to disrupt a much larger force the afternoon before. The officers were not happy when learning the true circumstances. They had forced men to march in wet boots and uniforms through the night to near exhaustion without rations or support. By morning they had been without food for nearly twenty-four hours. Once it was certain that the Kiowa had no stomach for engagement with a much superior force, Riley ordered an ox knocked in the head and divided among the messes. Lamme's body was retrieved and given a proper burial. Riley ordered a light company to fan out and sweep the crests of the hills as the remainder of wagons and troops advanced for eight more miles to open landscape. By the thirteenth, the party reached the vast open flat land of the Jornada. At this point Riley decided that he had gone far enough into Mexican Territory. The men and oxen were suffering greatly in the fiery sun and burning wind. They halted along the bank of a small pool of water near a dry creek. The heat was so intense that the surface was littered with the floating bodies of small fish. After resting for the day, Riley prepared his force to return to the river. Several caravan members made a plea for the troops to provide escort into Santa Fe, but that was impossible. Several traders wanted to return with the troops but the Bents and influential caravan leader William Waldo were determined to keep as many rifles with the group as possible. After threats and much convincing talk all but one hired man, who slipped from camp during the night, remained with the caravan. When he was discovered later by Riley, he was pronounced a craven coward and ordered from camp. Riley's force settled in on the north bank of the Arkansas. Shallow bank wells lined with empty ration barrels were dug so the men did not have to subsist on muddy river water. The natural sand filter of the bank created substantially better quality drinking. To maintain discipline the camp settled into a regular pattern of drills and military exercises. Mail was sent with troopers whose enlistments were up even though Riley had advised caution concerning the safety of small bands trying to cross open plains alone. Four men left for the settlements. The following evening three of the discharged men returned, considerably shaken, to report that after walking eighteen miles they were confronted by a band of hostiles. At first it appeared as though they would be allowed to pass peaceably, but during a parlay a trooper named Gordon was suddenly murdered. The remaining three ran for over a mile while the Indians stripped Gordon and carried off his valuables. A hunting party from Riley's camp was located and the men joined them for protection. It took several efforts to locate and retrieve Gordon's body but none were successful until after wolves had mutilated it. Kiowa attempted a raid on the cattle pins a few hundred yards upriver from the camp on the third of August. A quick marshaling of forces held the hostiles at bay with no serious causalities. The Indians circled the force but were reluctant to leave without BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail counting coup, or to press home an attack against volley fire. The small six-pound cannon loaded with grape eventually broke the standoff. Riley's force was in an increasingly difficult situation. Running short of rations and unwilling to slaughter all the oxen, hunting and foraging parties had to be sent out. Constant Indian harassment of these parties were unfailing dangers. Gordon and Private Samuel Arrison were killed in separate engagements. On August 10, Corporal Arter from Leavenworth stumbled into camp emaciated and exhausted. He and a Private Nation had been sent to deliver mail and dispatches. Seven days out of Council Grove they were attacked by Indians and Nation had been wounded. The pair ventured forward on foot having lost horses, mail and supplies. They had been forced to live off the land, mainly eating snakes and the remains of an ox that had been abandoned by the force. Nation had been left twenty miles back on the trail and Arter continued alone to the camp. Riley sent a detachment of forty men to successfully locate Nation and bring him in. On the eleventh of August, a small force under the command of Captain Joseph Pentland was ordered to retrieve a buffalo shot by hunters. Riley warned Pentland of potential Indian harassment and ordered him to engage the enemy, keeping his forces together until Riley could come to his aid, if attacked. When Pentland's detail located the buffalo, the guide, Bugler Matthew King, requested permission to go out alone and try to take another buffalo that he had seen nearby. Contrary to orders, Pentland gave him permission. As the detail began butchering the buffalo, King shouted an alarm that Indians were attacking him. A Private George Butt immediately broke ranks running for the river. Pentland turned and followed at a dead run. Discipline dissolved and the men scattered frantically for the bank, abandoning an ox cart and the meat. King never made it to the river. He was overwhelmed by a force of approximately twenty and fought desperately to save his life. He was found shot twelve times with arrows; his rifle was broken from being used as a club and a bloody butcher knife was at his side. The flight of Pentland and his men attracted the attention of Captain Wickliffe who brought up a force to support. He found Pentland's detachment perched on a sand bar in the river and beat off the Indian attack. The cart and King's body were recovered without further incident. Pentland turned in his report and a furious Riley preferred charges against him. Pentland was later found guilty of cowardice, misconduct in the face of the enemy, making a false report, and disobedience of orders. He was discharged from the service. A three-day rain finally broke the stalemate. Constant rain over a period of two weeks and a lack of game caused more problems. Camp had to be relocated but at least Indian harassment slackened. On the twenty-eighth, Private Nation died from his wounds. The month of September passed quietly. Sufficient quantities of buffalo were located to sustain the men comfortably. A four-sided lager was arranged to protect the livestock and prevent disorganization during any attack. By the tenth of October the traders were overdue. The nights were becoming cold and clothing was not adequate for the men. Riley gave his men their marching orders and departed on the eleventh. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail The force had not gone three miles when riders were seen approaching. They were messengers from the caravan twenty miles south of the river. There were nearly three hundred people driving two thousand head of livestock. Two hundred Mexican regulars and Indian allies escorted them. Indians had constantly harassed them after crossing the Cimarron on the far side of the Jornada. After leaving Riley that summer they had been under constant threat of attack for more than forty days until located by a Mexican escort. The governor of Santa Fe agreed to provide support until Riley's force could be found at the border. Riley ordered the battalion into camp and detailed Captain Wickliffe and Lieutenant Brooke to return to the caravan. After a few days of meetings the battalion left the Arkansas for good on October 23. On the eighth of November, Riley's battalion marched into Cantonment Leavenworth. Riley's official report created quite a stir in the legislative halls of Washington. Not only were oxen a dependable source of power, but also the need for military intervention on the trail was clearly established. A bill was passed to authorize President Andrew Jackson to raise mounted volunteers for the defense of the frontier. The bill called for an augmented battalion of six companies under the command of a major to be placed on the frontier to provide escorts and monitor Indian activities. Although there would be several later changes in organization and logistics of troops, the Santa Fe Trail had gained the protection of a permanent military force.

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Chapter 8 Nathan Boone's Expedition of the Prairies Investigating the Chavez murder of 1843, Daniel Boone's youngest son made a significant trek through the heart of Indian country as a Captain of Dragoons. Nathan Boone, the youngest son of American explorer Daniel Boone, was a competent explorer himself but never achieved the fame of his illustrious father. As one of the earliest officers of the First United States Dragoons, he led a little-known expedition into the heart of Indian country in 1843, demonstrating his heritage of frontier leadership and skill. Born in 1781, when Daniel was forty-seven, Nathan never knew his father as anything but an old man. However, the bond between them was great, and Nathan accompanied his father on many hunting and trapping trips, becoming wise to the ways of the wilderness. Nathan Boone

Nathan married Olive Van Bibber in 1799, just as the Boone family was resettling to Missouri. President James Madison commissioned him a captain of Missouri volunteers during the War of 1812, and after the war, Nathan watched over Daniel in his final years. Shortly after Daniel's death in 1820, Nathan became a delegate to Missouri's constitutional convention. On June 15, 1832, a congressional act authorized the President to raise a battalion of Mounted Rangers for one year's service on the western frontier. The frontier was west of a line that ran roughly north and south along the western border of Missouri. Major Henry Dodge headed six companies of one hundred ten men each. Fifty-one year old Nathan Boone was commissioned as one of the first captains. Three companies under the commands of Boone, Jesse Bean and Lemuel Ford were assigned to Fort Gibson in the Indian Nations. These Mounted Rangers later became the First U.S. Dragoons. Why Boone joined the army at the age of fifty-one is unknown. He was a property holder and moderately well off by the day's standards. Perhaps he intended to serve no more than the dragoons' original one-year term of service, or perhaps, being a Boone, he yearned more for the adventure of a military life than that of a farmer or merchant. Also, an officer's commission paid a good salary; perhaps, after Nathan had witnessed his father face near-poverty and debt after a series of failed land schemes, the security of a military commission attracted him. Social security did not exist in 19th century America and a man usually worked until he was no longer physically able. A military position certainly promised more potential than the backbreaking labor of a farmer. Boone was a competent officer who never advanced beyond the rank of captain for over a decade. He had held a captaincy during the War of 1812 and served with distinction. He served as the first commander of Fort Wayne when it was established on Spavinaw Creek in 1838 and saw service at all the major forts along the frontier during BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail his first ten years of service. He was also an instrumental officer in the survey of the famous Fort Gibson military road, the main north-south highway along the frontier. Boone served for twenty years in the dragoons, retiring as a lieutenant colonel in 1852. Dragoons were not cavalry. At that time the United States had no cavalry units in service. Such forces were of little value in the dark forests that dominated east of the Mississippi. But mounted men were needed to patrol what, during the period, was considered to be "permanent Indian frontier." Heavily armed dragoons patrolled the vast distances on horseback but generally engaged hostile forces on foot. Such tactics were more efficient for men using cumbersome flintlock arms such as the Hall carbine. Saber charges against Indians generally provided fruitless results. Most of the large tribes had been assigned lands along the Kansas and Oklahoma frontier to make way for white settlement of the forested lands to the east. There was significant traffic along the Santa Fe Trail that demanded protection, semi-hostile borders with Mexico and the Republic of Texas, and Indians that needed a certain amount of policing and regulation. Forts Leavenworth, Scott and Gibson were designed and built as durable facilities that were expected to serve as permanent guardians of the western frontier. On April 24, 1843, Boone received orders from Brevet Brigadier General Zachary Taylor to lead an expedition of exploration and investigation through the heart of Indian Territory from Fort Gibson to the Big Bend of the Arkansas. He was to provide military escort to hard-pressed caravans along the Santa Fe Trail and investigate Texas raiding activity. Among Boone's officers were Abraham Johnston, who was later killed in the Mexican War, Surgeon Josiah Simpson who rendered meritorious service as a colonel for the Union in the Civil War, Abraham Buford who later served in the Mexican War and as a confederate general, and Richard H. Anderson who assumed command of the Confederate Fifth Division of the Army of Tennessee during the Civil War. Boone's force of ninety men and two wagons departed from Fort Gibson on May 14 and advanced northwest along the Verdigris River. Boone's journal of the campaign provided detailed descriptions of the lay of the land, the flora and fauna. His layman's knowledge of botany, zoology and geography was demonstrated by thorough and competent journal entries. On May 20, he found the remains of an extensive Indian Encampment where the Osage Trail crossed the Arkansas River. He ordered the construction of a large bark canoe for crossing the river. As Boone worked his way northwest he saw steadily increasing numbers of antelope, elk and jackrabbits. He made an interesting journal entry concerning buffalo on May 27. He noted, "The destruction of these animals yearly and their falling off so rapidly makes it certain, almost, that in a few years they will be known as a rare species." This entry is especially interesting in light of the fact that others made similar comments that year. In 1843, Josiah Gregg commented similarly in The Commerce of the Prairies, which, details life on the Santa Fe Trail. For whatever reasons, the sudden decline of buffalo must have been especially noticeable. Boone observed that the winter of 1842-43 was especially hard and partially credits that for large numbers of buffalo deaths. On May 27, a violent hailstorm where many of the stones were "as large as hen's eggs" battered Boone's column. The storm drove several horses from camp, but the men retrieved them the following day. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Two days later they came upon their first Indians, a band of Wa-sha-shay Osage, southeast of present-day Anthony, Kansas, on Bluff Creek. The Indians ran at the sight of the soldiers and officers had to pursue and overtake them. The Osage took Boone's force to their camp, where the Captain reported a recent Indian kill of twenty-five buffalo. The following morning several military horses were missing from camp and Boone discovered several lariats had been cut. The Osage claimed that the horses as well as some ponies of their own had been taken by Pawnee, but Boone suspected the Indians were lying. He reasoned that the pickets were too near the Osage encampment for Pawnee to have chanced such a theft. When Boone suggested that it was believed the Osage were the horse thieves, the Indians offered to show his men the Pawnee trail. The dragoons found that the Osage were showing them a mock trail on the opposite side of the river from where the actual horses had passed. When the men found a butcher knife near where the lariats were cut, the chief claimed it to be an Osage knife until he learned where it was found. He changed his story and claimed that one of his traders had been sold the knife by the Pawnee. The story did not impress Boone, but he had little solid evidence to counter it. Boone wanted to see if some salt plains were nearby and ordered some dragoons to examine the area. In 1811, Osage Indian agent, George C. Sibley, had discovered a unique plot of land somewhere in the area that he termed a huge salt plain. A later expedition by Thomas James and John McKnight also reported such a place where they were able to chop off chunks of salt with tomahawks; however, the site was not officially positioned on maps. Salt deposits were important at that time for preserving food and for commercial use, and Boone hoped to find the mineral in a solid mass. During their reconnaissance the troopers found sign of more Indians. Their Osage guides suggested Comanche had made the sign, possibly the same ones who stole the army horses. The Osage advised that the column go no further without more troops, as they greatly feared the Comanche. The troopers took the advice and returned to camp. Boone led a much larger group to the plain the following day but was unable to find the salt deposit. During the mission the men saw significant numbers of buffalo and deer. Boone's force marched on to the northwest and crossed the present line between Kansas and Oklahoma. He noted increased numbers of prairie dogs and fewer buffalo. On June 5th, the company surprised a group of Osage, one of whom was riding an army mule that had been stolen earlier from Boone's force. Boone confiscated the Osage’s guns and four ponies, telling them that they would be returned when his own animals had been restored. The four ponies were to replace officers' stock that had been taken. Officers privately owned their mounts and such losses would have meant out-of-pocket replacement expenses for them. Boone was fair-minded enough to wait until he had definite proof before taking the replacements. That evening three Osage tried to trade some ponies for those that had been taken but Boone would have nothing of it repeating his terms that he would return the ponies and the property when his own stock had been replaced. The Indians left with no further progress in the matter.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Boone's force then advanced to the location of present-day Hutchinson, Kansas. Once through the sand hills that surround the area, he advanced north to the Santa Fe Trail. Frequent rains caused discomfort among the troops, but provisions, including an elk, lifted their spirits. The expedition found a small party of traders, who expected the governor of Santa Fe to arrive shortly with an escort for them. Part of Boone's mission was to investigate the late-April murder of Don Josi Antonio Chavez. Chavez was a wealthy merchant who lived in Santa Fe and annually made trips to Westport Landing and St. Louis where he bought goods for trade. During a period of tension between the Republic of Texas and Mexico, Texas President Sam Houston authorized commerce raiding on the Santa Fe Trail, but ordered raiders not to infringe on United States Territory. When Texans began raiding Mexicans along the trail, border ruffians had taken up the "cause" and begun raiding as well. Despite warnings of danger Chavez left Santa Fe with fifty-five mules, two wagons and five servants. He also took a load of furs and an estimated $10,000 to $15,000 in cash and bullion. Because of the winter's severity, Chavez lost most of his stock and abandoned one of the wagons. When Chavez's caravan reached the Big Bend region, present-day Great Bend, Kansas, a group of raiders led by John McDaniel, whom Texas had recruited in Missouri and who in turn recruited fifteen men to follow him, took the Mexicans hostage. The bandits killed the servants immediately but kept Chavez alive while they tried to get him to tell if he had any more money. When the merchant finally seemed of no further value, the thieves murdered him. Boone found what he thought was the outlaws' camp, but he was unable to gain any real knowledge of their location. Eventually another group of soldiers and frontiersmen apprehended several of the ruffians including McDaniel and his brother David. John McDaniel and Joseph Brown were hanged and several of the others were jailed. A few received clemency because they thought they were on a military mission for Texas. On June 11th, Lieutenants Buford, and Anderson with twelve men went out in search of buffalo. They had little luck. The following day, Lt. Johnston, who also had been looking for buffalo, returned to camp with a severe wound. While chasing some buffalo his gun had accidentally discharged and shot a hole through his right foot. His wound was dressed and he was placed in a wagon where he remained out of service, for the remainder of the expedition. The next day Boone encountered another detachment of dragoons from Fort Leavenworth under the command of Captain Phillip St. George Cooke. Cooke, a Virginia native, would later serve with distinction as a cavalry general with the Union's Army of the Potomac in the Civil War. The captains conferred about the relative strength of "Colonel" Charles A. Warfield's Texas force that was raiding along the Santa Fe. Traders believed that Warfield led only thirty men rather than a rumored 600-700. The dragoon units had been requested to meet this threat and defend trail caravans. Warfield later linked with Texas forces led by Colonel Jacob Snively to defeat a force under General Armijo of the Mexican army, headed up the trail to fight the banditry. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail While the two expeditions camped together another storm with high winds and hail, wrecked the camp. After the storm, troops went out to help rescue some travelers whose wagon had become mired in quicksand, and in the effort lost a mule which sank in the sand. On June 19th the soldiers met a group led by William Bent of Bent's Fort, Colorado. Bent and his fourteen wagons were waiting for elements of trading caravans that he was to accompany on to his fort several hundred miles west on the Arkansas River. This large concentration of caravans was the result of a determined effort by both the United States and Mexico to escort beleaguered travelers along the trail. The Big Bend region presented a good staging site, with its game for the men and lush grazing for the animals. Several different tribes also claimed the area as hunting grounds and it was a good location for travelers to present a show of force. Boone began his return toward Fort Gibson after he and Cooke agreed that his troops were not needed. He swept south through present-day St. John, Kansas, crossing and taking note of the salty Rattlesnake Creek. Boone's force continued south until they reached the Gyp Hills and another band of Osage under Tshonga Sabba, or Black Dog. The Indians tried to convince Boone to turn over the confiscated guns and ponies but Boone declined saying that the owners were not of Black Dog's people. News apparently traveled fast among the Osage and they seem to have been trying several ploys to regain the ponies. Boone located his salt deposits just as earlier travelers had described them, on June 30. He took careful note of the position, five miles east of the 98th meridian near the present Oklahoma-Kansas border. Boone correctly surmised that the river through the plain was the Cimarron. His force spent several days hunting and examining the deposits before continuing on south. On July 6 a Private Bean of E. Company died of what Boone termed "a disease of the brain of old standing." Boone noted that Bean had been carried in one of the wagons since the force had left the Arkansas River. Bean was buried the following day and the soldiers named Dragoon Creek in his honor. As the force continued south, game steadily diminished. Caddoe Indians visited the campsite on the night of July 10 and informed the soldiers that the buffalo were extremely scarce. Boone's men took two bison on July 12 temporarily bolstering their dwindling food supply. However, two buffalo would not feed a force of ninety men for long. Boone crossed into lush grass country and reported herds of wild ponies. As the force went on, however, water and game became scarce. By July 18 the group found large concentrations of plum thickets with ripe fruit. They also met friendly Absentee Shawnees (a Shawnee tribal division), who informed Boone that he was near Auguste Choteau's trading post, a point from which he would swing southeast back to Fort Gibson. Chouteau established the trading post in 1838 to trade with Kiowa and Comanche who disliked traveling through forested country. By the time Boone reached the post, his men had exhausted their provisions. He began searching for signs of Indian activity hoping to barter for some food for his men.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail By the July 23 he located a band of Creeks and secured food from the tribe. He spent the next day managing the jerking of beef and visiting with friendly Indians. On July 25, while the force was fording the wagons and supplies at a river crossing, one of the men of Company H was accidentally shot to death when a rifle leaning against a tree fell over and discharged. The ball struck the soldier in the back and he died within fifteen minutes. Boone's men carried flintlock weapons that were prone to accidental discharge. The primitive design of the flintlocks, their frequent and often careless handling and the men's habit of keeping the pans charged in Indian Territory, increased the likelihood of accidents. As Boone neared Fort Gibson he was again running out of provisions. He sent a small detachment under Lieutenant Anderson and Lieutenant Johnston ahead to search for supplies. The group became lost along the Blue River, and Anderson went on ahead when the group ran out of provisions, leaving Johnston, five men and one wagon behind. He found nothing until he reached Fort Holmes, some forty-five miles away. The exhausted force trudged though a constant drizzling rain, finally reaching Fort Gibson on July 31. The expedition had lasted sixty days and lost only two men and a third seriously injured. They had had no serious clashes with hostile Indians. At times when the expedition could have become life threatening, Boone's cool and competent leadership kept it disciplined and orderly. Boon had produced a thorough and expert journal on the trip. The document not only provides an excellent description of the terrain and environment of the plains but also illustrates an insightful and accurately portrays dragoon life in the 1840s. General Taylor praised Boone's journal as "a source of valuable and curious information." Boone retired from the army as a lieutenant colonel at the age of seventy-one in 1852. He returned to his home in Missouri with his wife, Olive. During his retirement he was a valuable source for historians about the later years of his famous father. Nathan Boone died in 1857, 102 years after the marriage of his parents.

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Chapter 9 Fiasco of the Battalion of Invincibles The Warfield-Snively Texas Invasion of the Santa Fe Trail – 1843 The early 1840s were trying times for the Texas Republic. Not ten years old, the government was weak, the treasury nearly bankrupt, the citizens oppressed by murderous Indian raids, and the entire Republic fearful of another Mexican invasion. The Republic's second president, Mirabeau Lamar, boldly attempted to address many of the problems. He tried to mount a campaign to expel all Indians from Texas. He aggressively sought credit from European nations with ruinous results. Most foolhardy of all his schemes was an ill-conceived expedition to expand the boundaries of the Republic into New Mexico in 1841. His 321-man invasion force lost its way, its horses, was captured, and the Texas Republic was humiliated. When Lamar was defeated by the return of Sam Houston to office, in late 1841, he left a bankrupt government and a citizenry thoroughly inflamed with a racist and aggressive thirst for revenge toward Mexico. Phillip St. George Cooke

With only a handful of ragged and underpaid Texas Rangers to protect the border, Mexican troops began to mount raids across the Rio Grande, attempting to reinforce claims to all lands south of the Nueces River. General Adrian Woll led a Mexican attack on San Antonio, seized the city and kidnapped a number of prominent citizens. A Texas retaliatory force was overwhelmed and destroyed. Houston knew that he could not tolerate aggression from Mexico but was just as certain of the Republic's weak position and precarious financial circumstances. In July 1842, Colonel William A. Christy of New Orleans wrote a letter to Houston that outlined a valiant if irrational plan. Charles Alexander Warfield, the youthful, intelligent and well-educated son of a successful New Orleans merchant, proposed to form and lead an expedition of 500 to at least 1000 volunteers to overthrow the provincial governments of New Mexico and Chihuahua. He offered to lead this expedition at no cost to the Republic and split all booty from raids. All he asked in return was appropriate authorization to conduct the expedition under the banner of Texas and the promise of secrecy until the attack could be commenced. Houston accepted the scheme on the conditions that it would be "civilized and honorable warfare." Although criticized as a foolish decision by many historians, Houston's authorization makes some sense. There was no actual cost and the potential of some reward to the cash-starved Republic. Any kind of pressure exerted upon Santa Fe by potentially hostile forces, might force a wider deployment of Mexican troops and reduce aggression against the southern border. An aggressive Republic might intimidate Mexican President Santa Anna just enough to make him draw back from the border for a few months until Texas was stronger. Although Houston agreed to allow Warfield the support of the Texas Republic, he was probably influenced by Colonel Christy's strong BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail personal endorsement. It should also be noted that Houston's original venture into Texas was made under similar circumstances with secret support and promises from Andrew Jackson. Warfield's invasion of New Mexico scheme with Texas support was not significantly different from Houston's original subversive plot for Texas with Jackson's support. Little is known of Charles Alexander Warfield. He was known as a man of "excellent character." He had spent ten years exploring the Rocky Mountains and was associated with the Taos, New Mexico, Americans including the likes of Kit Carson, Dick Wootton, Bill Williams and the Bent brothers. He is known to have had commercial interests with the Santa Fe Trail trade and was in Missouri with enough frequency that he was often referred to as a Missourian. The Indians referred to him as White Plume because of a habit of wearing a white feather in his hat. He was everything that Houston had been in his own youth; well educated, knowledgeable of the wilderness, possessing an attractive personality, politically connected, daring and ambitious. Colonel Warfield did not have much luck recruiting men in Texas where he thought he could raise a force of at least three hundred. After a fruitless swing through Arkansas, he went to St. Louis. Newspapers of the period report that he offered the promises of office and rewards from the Texas government and carried blank commissions in Texas military service, the source of his rank. It was hardly the "secret" action proposed to Houston. Word of his activities spread throughout the Southwest within weeks. Immediate preparations were made to counter any Texas offensive by the Mexicans and the United States issued orders for troops to intercept any force on American soil. From St. Louis Warfield went west to Independence and Westport Landing. John and David McDaniel, brothers from Liberty, were attracted to Warfield's plan. John had spent some time in Texas serving in the militia. He also had a reputation for banditry and was said to have been involved in several killings. Whatever the case, he was able to gain a captaincy from Warfield with the promise of raising a force. Warfield left Westport, October 30, 1842, with a single companion, mountain man Tim Goodale. He was bound for the Rockies to recruit mountain men. It is believed that he had assembled a force of no more than fifty or sixty men from all his other efforts. The plan was for McDaniel to bring his unit to Small Point of Rocks on the Arkansas River (just west of present-day Dodge City, Kansas) and combine the force in May. He also expected a substantial force from Texas to join them at the same location. Warfield intended to assemble at least five hundred men to raid Mexican merchants traveling east to purchase goods, relieve them of their gold and then advance into New Mexico to overthrow the government. Such an action did not sound implausible to the racist and naïve majority of the population. Houston defeated Santa Anna's finest army and saved Texas at San Jacinto, with only six hundred. Warfield and Goodale spent the winter recruiting men in the southern Rockies. All volunteers were to assemble in March at the mouth of the Purgatory River, near Bent's Fort. Unfortunately, only twenty-four put in an appearance. Colonel Warfield was not overwhelmed by the turnout but he proceeded with the plan. After initial organization activities, he sent a force of ten on a scouting mission into New Mexico. With only fifteen men, he started for his rendezvous at Small Point of Rocks. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail McDaniel did not show up and neither was there any sign of the Texas force. After waiting several days, Warfield led his tiny army toward the Rabbit Ears in northwestern New Mexico, to link up with his scouts. It was obvious that his grand conquest of New Mexico was not going to be. Still, he had a commission from the Republic and whatever loot he could steal from New Mexico was perfectly legal as a military operation. He also had twenty-five tough mountain trappers who would not take kindly to such a venture without some form of remunerative action. As Warfield approached the village of Mora on a branch of the trail, he surprised a Mexican troop. Warfield's men attacked the force, killed five and sent the remainder into a scattered retreat. Warfield ordered his men to fall back to the main trail to the east. He was in no position to meet a determined assault from military forces. At Wagon Mound, he was attacked by Mexican cavalry and lost all his horses. His ragged little band was forced to walk two hundred miles north to Bent's Fort. His disbanded his army at the fort and headed east, alone, down the mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail. As he neared Small Point of Rocks, he ran into scouts from a force of Texans under the command of Colonel Jacob Snively. The band immodestly referred to themselves as the Battalion of Invincibles. They were encamped not far from the original rendezvous point. Many historians argue that the Snively expedition was not related to Warfield's plan. Snively and Warfield had never met before. Warfield immediately joined Snively without attempting to take command. The argument is that Warfield would have not taken that position had Snively's force been the one he was expecting. Another line of reasoning creates a more plausible scenario. Do not forget Houston's influence and intervention upon the entire strategy. Warfield had tried to recruit men in Texas and failed. Why would he have been so certain that a Texas force would arrive if not for the promise of support? Could it be just a coincidence that Snively's force, numbering close to what Warfield expected, assembled in the same general location, with similar general orders, at nearly the same time, with an identical plan of raiding and overthrowing New Mexico? Why would Snively give up a command he had assembled, to a man who had utterly failed to either successfully form large ranks of his own or lead them to any kind of victory? Would an intelligent man such as Warfield reasonably expect men, who had been recruited by another of equal rank, to follow him at that point? His Missouri force never arrived and his Rocky Mountain brigade was limping home after a two hundred-mile foot retreat. Elected commands of such volunteer forces usually went to whoever had the largest number of men or the greatest resources. At that time Warfield had neither resources nor men. It seems doubtful that Warfield had any choice other than join up and provide what intelligence he could from his own experiences. The Invincibles waited for several weeks along the river. They had reason to believe that the spring caravan from Missouri, composed mainly of Mexicans, was returning to Santa Fe. They intended to seize and plunder it. Warfield knew from his scouts that Governor Manuel Armijo had consigned for such a caravan. No man, other than Santa Anna, was more hated by the Texans after the failed Santa Fe expedition. When a caravan arrived, it was the American Bent brothers with stock for Bent's Fort to the west. The Texans met with the Bents and finally learned what happened to McDaniel and the Missourians. John McDaniel had assembled a small force of fourteen BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail hooligans. Sometime between the 7th and 10th of April, about 240 miles west of Independence, he encountered a rich and influential Mexican merchant, Don Antonio Jose Chavez, traveling east to purchase goods. Chavez was late because of losses of men and livestock suffered during the harsh winter weather. McDaniel forced Chavez off the trail. He robbed and brutally murdered Chavez in spite of objections from several members of the gang against the killing. The servants were set afoot to walk three hundred miles back to Bent's Fort without arms, supplies or horses. It was a certain death sentence if the weather turned against them. After part of the band withdrew because of the disagreement over the killing of Chavez, McDaniel and seven companions proceeded as far west as the Big Bend of the Arkansas. At that point McDaniel turned around, apparently because of hostile Indian signs. The Chavez family was popular with Santa Fe traders and the New Mexican government. An international incident arose over the affair. McDaniel and several of his group were captured. They were awaiting execution in Missouri. Worse yet, the entire frontier was looking for Snively and Warfield. New Mexicans had passed around the Mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail to avoid the Texans, using the Cimarron Cutoff. Washington had deployed dragoons to escort all merchants to the banks of the Arkansas and New Mexico was providing a military force of six hundred, under command of Armijo himself, from the other direction. After allowing the Bents safe passage, Snively formed his plan. He sent Warfield out with approximately half his men to delay Armijo's force. The boundary between Mexico and the United States was roughly conceded as the Arkansas River east of the 100th meridian. If Warfield could delay Armijo long enough, the dragoon escort would have to stop at the river, allowing the Mexicans to proceed without escort down the Cutoff. Snively would then hit the caravan on soil claimed by Texas. Warfield's force had advanced only approximately fifteen miles down the Cutoff when it ran into an advance guard of one hundred militiamen from the Armijo force, under the command of Captain Ventura Lovato. A pitched battle followed and the Texans killed or captured all but two Mexicans. When brave Governor Armijo learned of the rout, he turned tail back to Santa Fe. Another week passed without any sign of the Mexican caravan. Over seventy of Snively's men decided to go home. On the final day of June, a force of 160 dragoons under the command of Captain Philip St. George Cooke, rode upon the Texans. Cooke had met Snively before when the later was a clerk in a shop in Nacogdoches, Texas. Cooke had little regard for Snively as a man or a leader of men. Cooke informed Snively that he was on U.S. soil. A hot argument over jurisdiction and boundary lines followed. Cooke settled the affair when he ordered his dragoons to either disarm the Texans or shoot them. The choice was left to the Invincibles with one of Cooke's loaded canons aimed at them. Snively ordered his men to stand down and disarm. It was one thing to rob and kill Mexicans on Texas soil. It was quite another to fire upon troops flying the flag of Old Glory in U.S. Territory. Houston had explicitly ordered that no action be taken that

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail would antagonize the American government or infringe upon its territory. After Snively surrendered, Cooke allowed the force to return to Texas without making any arrests. *** On July 1, 1843, an eastbound caravan from Santa Fe, which included the brother and nephew of Chavez, reached the Missouri frontier. The group had slipped past the Arkansas crossing before Snively's arrival. The caravan was composed of 42 wagons, 180 men and carried over $250,000 in bullion. It would have been a rich prize for the Texans had they been a little earlier reaching their destination. The Texas Republic took immediate actions to disassociate the Warfield expedition from the actions of McDaniel. McDaniel, in spite of his Texas commission, was disavowed as a Missouri brigand committing a murder without the knowledge or approval of Warfield. The fallout of the incident could not be totally removed from Warfield's shoulders. The St. Louis press issued a demand for the arrest of Warfield and urged Houston to "disavow having commissioned him for the business in which he has engaged." Texas denounced Warfield because of his recruiting activities in Missouri, which violated the rights and neutral obligations between Texas and the United States. A letter was dispatched to Warfield on August 4, 1843, revoking his powers. By that time, Warfield and Snively were well on their way back to Texas. There is no record of whether Warfield received the letter while in the field. No apology was offered for the murder of Chavez since the Texas official position was that McDaniel's deed was totally the act of an outlaw. On August 7, 1843, Santa Anna issued a decree closing all customhouses to Americans and commerce by way of the Santa Fe Trail. Missouri reacted with shock and outrage. A large part of the state's economy depended on the Santa Fe trade. Influential native merchants in New Mexico and Chihuahua were equally dismayed. A faction threatened to side with Texas unless the decree was repealed. Revolution was openly advocated if the customhouses remained closed. Santa Anna's rash reaction almost resulted in what Warfield had so miserably failed to accomplish. Once Santa Anna learned of the arrest of the McDaniel gang and the expelling of Snively's command by Cooke, he changed his mind. On March 31, 1844, he reopened the ports and sent official notification to Washington. The affair was generally concluded. Santa Anna is said to have stated that "it was the first time the United States had shown a friendly spirit toward Mexico." Warfield and Snively returned to obscurity. Warfield had ruined his chances of business with Santa Fe. Biographers make little mention of the incident in recalling the dramatic career of Sam Houston. The Warfield-Snively action is, by most standards, a minor incident in the history of the United States. Had things gone just a bit differently on the diplomatic front, or had Warfield's grand plan been even remotely successful, Houston may have initiated a major international incident or even war, by issuing Warfield's commission. As events turned out, discounting the brutal murder of Chavez, the Battalion of Invincibles provides almost grandiloquent comedy to the history of the Santa Fe Trail.

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Chapter 10 Fort Garland's Tom Tobin Destined to remain in the shadows of men with greater reputations, trapper, scout and Indian fighter Tom Tobin was a major figure in the turbulent history of the Southwest. In 1979, a group of workmen were cleaning out several years of accumulated debris in the basement of the Colorado State Capitol building. As the mounds of refuse were being sorted, one of the men opened an old wooden box. What he found raised a minor storm of controversy and began several weeks of mystery until a satisfactory explanation could be determined. The box contained the skulls of two men wrapped carefully in a cloth. Eventually it was claimed that the skulls were the grizzly remains of two desperadoes, the Espinosa brothers, long thought lost in the Tom Tobin history of early Colorado. Although the proof connecting the skulls to the Mexican outlaws has never been verified, it reawakened the memory of another man who had been generally neglected by Southwestern historians. If the skulls were genuine, they were the products of the actions of one man, Thomas Tate Tobin, of Fort Garland. During the early years of Colorado history, Tobin was directly linked with men such as Kit Carson, William and Charles Bent, Ceran St. Vrain and Dick Wootton. Always in the shadows of such men as these, his memory has remained a minor footnote in history. Tobin was an instrumental figure in several famous incidents and was considered to be the last of the famous group of mountain men who blazed the trail of white settlement of the Southwest. Tobin was a man of swarthy complexion who claimed to be the half-breed son of an Irishman and a Delaware Indian woman. He was born May 1, 1823, in St. Louis, Missouri, and came west in the late 1830s with his half-brother, Charles Autobees. He spent several years trapping and scouting for the Bent-St. Vrain Company, headquartered at Bent's Old Fort along the Arkansas River at the foot of the Rocky Mountains. During this time he became acquainted with another young adventurer, also employed by the Bents, named Christopher Carson. The men hunted and trapped together in a loose relationship that typified the on-again, off-again partnerships of most of the earlier trappers who explored the mountains looking for the riches of the beaver trade. They were among several buckskinners of the day who have come to be referred to as the Taos trappers. They used the old Spanish mission settlement of Taos, New Mexico, as a base for purchasing supplies and as an outlet for selling furs and hides. Few men ventured into the Colorado Rockies alone. The dangerous threats of the Indian and nature were real. These men formed into companies for mutual protection and partnerships to get the most money for their products. By 1838, the lucrative market for beaver pelts had failed and the number of beavers has fallen so drastically that most of these men turned to other means of making a living.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Trading with Indians, buffalo hunting, small ranching operations and guiding along the Santa Fe Trail were the most lucrative ventures, although beaver were still trapped and sold well into the 1840s. During this period of time, Tobin became an expert tracker and earned himself the reputation of being a dead shot with a rifle or pistol. He was also known as a hot head. Although a man of his word and possessing a charitable nature, it was common knowledge that he would fight "at the drop of a hat." War broke out between Mexico and the United States in 1846. In September of 1846, General Stephen Watts Kearny's Army of the West took Santa Fe without opposition, and before moving on to California, appointed Charles Bent the first governor of New Mexico Territory. Charles had married a Mexican widow, Maria Ignacia Jaramillo, and had taken up residence in Taos. His brother, William, was managing the fort in Colorado and their partner Ceran St. Vrain was based in Santa Fe, to the south. Because of Bent's excellent connections with the Mexican population and his knowledge of both the American and Mexican cultures, he was the perfect choice for the position. No doubt, most Americans, including Tobin and Carson, felt that the change from Mexican to American dominance of the area would be easy and amicable. Less than five months after Santa Fe's surrender, January 20, 1847, Tobin and several other mountain men were spending some time relaxing a few miles north of Taos at Turley's Mill, at Arroyo Hondo. Simeon Turley used the location as a distillery for "Taos lightning," a whiskey that was used for bartering with Indians for furs. Liquor was a forbidden trade item to the Indians in the territories to the north of New Mexico. Turley made good profits selling his liquor to traders who smuggled the whiskey into Colorado for the illegal trade. Tobin and the others were sampling the wares to keep out the chill of the New Mexico winter. The group found themselves the victims of a surprise attack by over five hundred angry Mexicans and Indians. An Indian named Tomacito and a Mexican, Pablo Montoya, had fomented a revolt throughout Taos. Charles Bent had been murdered in his home during the night, as were most white office holders in the settlement. For several hours, the mountain men fought valiantly to defend their position and their lives. When it became obvious that the rebels were too strong, three men tried to escape for help. John Albert made his way on foot toward Pueblo, Colorado, while Tom Tobin was able to secure a horse and ride for Santa Fe. The third man was Simeon Turley. He only made it a few miles before he was discovered and executed by the rebels. While Tobin and Albert raced for help, the embattled survivors of the mill held out for two days. But time, distance and numbers were against them and all were massacred. The mill was reduced to a smoldering ruin. Tobin brought word of the rebellion to the military commander of the territory, Colonel Sterling Price, who was stationed in Santa Fe. Price made immediate preparations to march on Taos. Tobin joined a group of mounted volunteers that included Carson, Dick Wootton and several other mountaineers under the command of Ceran St. Vrain. On February 3, 1847, Price's troops entered the settlement and regained control. They immediately swept on to Taos Pueblo, three miles north of the city, and the center of rebel activity. The Indians barricaded themselves in the old mission church within the confines of the pueblo. St. Vrain, Tobin and the other BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail volunteers took positions on the slopes of the mountains surrounding the pueblo while the army undertook a direct assault. When the rebels tried an escape from the rapidly advancing American troops, the volunteers took a savage toll. Tom Tobin had been an instrumental figure in the rebellion but is completely left out of most accounts of the incident. In later years, Tobin applied for bounty land, citing his service during the Taos revolt. There was no official army record of the volunteers and his application was denied. Two years after the Taos rebellion, Tobin's services were again called upon. In October, 1849, James M. White, a prominent trader from Jackson County, Missouri, left New Mexico on route to Missouri with thirteen loaded wagons. Ute massacred the men and took Mrs. White, an infant daughter and a black nurse captive sometime between the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, near Wagon Mound. News of the kidnapping and massacre spread immediately to Taos. Major William Grier was the military commander of the settlement. He began a rescue effort with mounted dragoons but was delayed by a severe snowstorm and extremely cold weather. He needed the best trackers and scouts that he could find to locate the Indians after the snowfall. Kit Carson, Antoine Leroux, Dick Wootton and Tom Tobin were recruited. The men started tracking the Ute at the site of the massacre and through over 400 miles of snowy landscape, followed a difficult trail. Several times the sign was completely lost but the trackers' knowledge of the terrain kept the party in pursuit. The feat remains one of the greatest accounts of tracking skills in annals of the West. After several days, Carson noticed a concentration of crows hovering in the distance. Experience told the scouts that this was usually a sign of an Indian village. Crows fed on the remains of butchered meat that was discarded by the Indians. While Wootton went after Grier and his troops, Tobin and Carson crept up on the village and determined that it was the Ute. When the men met with Major Grier, it was decided that their best course of action was to get as close as possible to the village and spring a surprise attack. The scouts felt that it was the only way to rescue the captives before they could be murdered. The troops carefully crept into position for attack. Grier changed his mind telling the scouts that he wanted to parley with the Indians and reduce the chances of the women being killed. Carson and Tobin were enraged by the decision. Even the Frenchman, Leroux, is said to have informed Grier of his ancestry in his native tongue. Carson said that he wanted no part of such a strategy. He told Grier that the women would be dead for sure if the Ute received any kind of warning. Grier's mind was made up. He advanced ahead of his column toward the Indian village. The Indians could be seen hastily preparing a defense and making preparations for escape, but Grier ignored his scouts' warnings. As Grier neared the Ute position, the warriors opened fire. Grier clutched his breast and fell to the ground. The troops launched an attack and swept through the village. After the battle, Tobin found the body of the Ute chief, White Wolf. The victory was marred because the ten-minute delay had given the Indians enough warning for most of them to escape. Mrs. White was found near one of the lodges, her still-warm body shot through with three Ute arrows. Her daughter and the servant were never recovered. Grier, on the other hand, had been lucky. Heavy leather riding gloves stuffed in his vest BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail prevented him from being seriously wounded. For the rest of his life, Tobin blamed the failure of the rescue on Grier's incompetence. In 1852, Tobin moved north to serve as a scout at newly established Fort Massachusetts in southern Colorado. He would spend the remainder of his life in that general location. For the next decade he served as a part time scout and guide for the post that was created to protect the settlers and Mexicans of the San Luis Valley. He also began a small ranch near the Fort. When the military took over the fort, it was moved and renamed Fort Garland. Tobin's old companion, Kit Carson, was promoted to colonel at the beginning of the Civil War and was named post commander of Fort Garland. Carson led his famous campaign against the Navajo from this post. Tobin did not go with Carson. He was detailed for a manhunt that would bring him his greatest fame. A series of brutal killings of settlers throughout southern Colorado caused the panic-stricken populace to demand military action. After several months, a teamster who had survived an ambush identified the killers as the Espinosa brothers. Two brothers were the sons of a wealthy Mexican landholder who owned vast herds of cattle and sheep in New Mexico. Whether they sought Fort Garland vengeance for American confiscation of their father's lands, as one story goes, or the rape of a sister by an American, is uncertain. The Mexican population that felt persecuted by American racism and unequal legal treatment held the Espinosas in high regard. After the discovery of the brothers' activities, two miners were murdered near Fairplay, Colorado. A party of miners tracked the murderers and found a camp where a man was saddling a horse. He was identified as one of the Espinosa brothers. The miners opened fire on the man and in a quick gunfight, were able to shoot him down. In the confusion that followed, the other brother was able to slip away, posing as a member of the posse. The miners were unable to pick up the younger Espinosa's trail and after a few days returned home. By September, Espinosa recruited his nephew and failed in an attempt to ambush and kill Colorado Governor John Evans. The enraged Evans offered a reward of $2,500 to anyone who could capture the Espinosas dead or alive. Colonel Tappan, who had replaced Carson at Fort Garland, summoned Tom Tobin to the post. He offered Tobin the reward if he could lead his troops to the location of the outlaws. Tobin was reluctant as he did not trust the soldiers of the post, fearing that they might kill him so they could claim the reward. Tobin offered to go alone but Tappan wanted it to be a military action. Tobin was finally persuaded to take Lieutenant H. W. Baldwin and fifteen troopers in pursuit of the outlaws. The scout also arranged for a local named Loring Jinks and a Mexican boy named Juan Montolly to accompany the group. Tobin came upon the Espinosas the first day out but lost them in heavy stands of pine and aspen. He relocated their trail and began tracking the outlaws. He was able to follow them until he reached the branch of a stream. Tobin went up stream while he sent BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Baldwin down. Juan, the Mexican boy, went with Baldwin and spotted the brothers. He was unable to get Baldwin to understand him until it was too late and the brothers had disappeared. After Tobin rejoined the group, he led them to a local rancher's place to spend the night. They resumed their search the following day by working through a pass in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains. During the day, the men came upon the pony tracks of a band of Ute Indians and the force broke up. Tobin took the Mexican boy, Baldwin, and six soldiers in one direction while Loring Jinks and the other troopers went in another. The groups lost track of each other. That night Tobin had his men camp along LaVeta Creek. The following morning Tobin came upon some oxen tracks and became suspicious. He examined the tracks and determined that the Espinosas were driving the beasts. He reasoned the Espinosas had taken the two oxen to be butchered. The trail of the brothers was extremely difficult to follow as it worked into the mountains. When the landscape became too treacherous for horses, Tobin sent Baldwin back to a prearranged meeting spot and continued the trail on foot with the Mexican boy and two troopers. Eventually they came upon a location where Tobin saw a concentration of crows hovering ahead. Tobin reasoned that the brothers had butchered one of the oxen. He sent a soldier back for Baldwin. As he approached the position where he thought the Espinosas would probably be, a soldier that Baldwin had sent to him joined the group. Tobin ordered the soldiers to take a position and to wait for his signal before firing. He crept up on the location. Just as he came upon one of the men, he stepped on a stick. The resulting cracking sound alerted the outlaw. As the outlaw grabbed for his gun, Tobin fired his Hawken rifle first and struck the outlaw in the side. As the man went down, he shouted a warning to the other that was running to provide aid. Tobin ordered the soldiers to fire as he recharged his muzzleloader. The soldiers and the Mexican boy fired at the other outlaw but missed. As the outlaw turned to make an escape, Tobin raised his reloaded rifle and shot the bandit in the back. Tobin sent the Mexican boy to get Baldwin. He held his position while he watched the wounded Espinosa take cover. When the other soldiers arrived, the group worked its way toward Espinosa's position. They found him bracing himself against some fallen trees, waving a pistol and shouting challenges. As the men approached, Tobin warned the soldiers to be careful. As the men worked their way toward Espinosa in an arch, Tobin ordered him to drop his gun and surrender. The outlaw shot at one of the soldiers. Tobin rushed upon the Mexican, bent him backward over a log and cut off his head. Some accounts of the incident report that the Mexican begged Tobin for his life, his pleas falling upon deaf ears. Whatever the case, Tobin had the Mexican boy cut off the other outlaw's head. The scout put them in a gunnysack. He hung the sack in a tree and finished cooking the outlaws’ meal. There are accounts that during the night Tobin dreamed that his heads were being stolen. He jumped from his blankets and placed the heads under a saddle. He slept soundly through the remainder of the night. The reward was a fortune for Tobin and this action is understandable considering his distrust of the soldiers.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Two days later, Tobin rode into Fort Garland and rolled the severed heads at Colonel Tappan's feet. He also presented Tappan with a diary, letters and papers that proved the men to be the Espinosas and associated them with several crimes. Former Colorado Governor Gilpin, one of Tobin's commanders during the Ute campaign of 1848, invited the scout to a banquet in his honor in Denver. At the conclusion Tobin was presented a fine rifle. Tobin shocked the crowd when he immediately seized the rifle and flung it across the room, demanding the reward that he was entitled to. Seven hundred and fifty dollars was given Tobin after the incident but the scout claimed throughout his remaining days that the reward was never totally paid. The heads vanished a short time later. Several stories of what happened to the heads circulated but no one knows for certain what eventually became of them. Unless, of course, it is common practice to store severed heads in the basement of state capitol buildings. Tobin settled into obscurity on his ranch until the late 1880s. Tobin's daughter married Billy Carson, one of Kit Carson's sons. Billy had been the sheriff of Costillo County but became a merchant in Fort Garland. On a Tuesday in late April, 1888, Tobin and his son-in-law were drinking together. They argued over Tobin's daughter. Tobin accused Carson of abuse. After some hot exchanges, Tobin called Carson a liar. Carson responded by delivering a blow to the old man's eye, sending him crashing to the floor. Tobin, who was never without a side arm, drew his pistol and took a shot at his son-in-law. Carson scrambled into his store and made for his counter as Tobin sent another bullet ricocheting through the building. As the old Indian fighter came into the store, Carson pulled a Winchester from under the counter and shot Tobin through the groin. The bullet exited the old man's left hip. As Tobin went down, he emptied his revolver in Carson's general direction. He raised himself to one elbow and tried to reload before collapsing. Tobin was carried to a nearby house and a doctor was summoned. Carson surrendered himself to the local Justice of the Peace and was released on $5,000 bond. No one expected the old man to live. Tobin stated that he expected he would pass on to glory. He was disappointed that he was unable to get even. Carson was cleared of the charge as a matter of self-defense. Because of Tobin's popularity with the local Mexicans, Carson was afraid he would be lynched and took to habitually packing a pistol in his belt. The old man didn't die. It took him over a year to completely recover. In January of the following year, Carson was putting away a team when one of his horses kicked him. The hoof struck the revolver stuffed in his belt. The gun went off sending a bullet into Carson's thigh lodging itself in his knee joint. Although the wound wasn't considered serious, Carson succumbed to lockjaw several days later. There is no record of Tobin's comments concerning Carson's demise. One can only surmise that he didn't shed many tears. In April, Tobin returned to his ranch and remained there for sixteen more years. The old Indian fighter and man hunter passed away May 16, 1904, at 81 years of age evidently as feisty as ever until the end. In his obituary he was honored as one of the last of the mighty breed of men who tamed the West. Tobin's grave is now located in a pasture near present-day Fort Garland, Colorado. Although he is not as famous as his BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail old comrade, Kit Carson, he is an interesting character of Southwestern history and a good reason for visiting Fort Garland's museum.

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Chapter 11 Lucien Maxwell and Rayado Ranch Destined to become one of the largest and richest landholdings of the frontier, the early years of settlement of the Rayado Ranch were plagued by hostile encounters with Indians along the Santa Fe Trail. In January, 1841, Charles Beaubien, a French Canadian who had married into a prominent Taos, New Mexico, family and Santa Fe resident, Guadalupe Miranda, petitioned New Mexico Governor Manuel Armijo for a grant of land east of Taos along the Santa Fe Trail. They argued that in spite of superior natural resources of timber, water, fertile soil and rich mineral deposits, New Mexico was one of the least developed areas of the Mexican Lucien Maxwell Republic. Enterprising individuals were needed who could utilize unproductive labor in the province to develop idle land. The grant application requested a vast stretch of scenic and rich land along the east range of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains. The grant included a lengthy portion of the mountain branch of the Santa Fe Trail, commencing at the junction of the Rayado and Canadian rivers and proceeding north to Una de Gato Creek, east to the summit of the mountains and south to the first corner. Hundreds of thousands of acres were requested yet Governor Armijo, wanting to encourage the development of the area as a buffer against United States encroachment, gave his approval. The land along the Cimarron and Rayado Rivers was ideal for settlement. Fertile land along the valley could produce food for several hundred families and the nearby mountains held a wealth of timber for construction and firewood. The climate was mild and summer rainstorms alleviated oppressive heat. Grassy meadows provided excellent grazing and low hills protected the area from calamitous winter storms. The Modern restoration of Rayado Ranch Headquarters land was level enough that the waters could be diverted easily for irrigation of corn and wheat. It was also open enough that surprise attack from hostiles was unlikely. Because of anti-foreign sentiments brought on by an 1841 invasion of New Mexico by Texas, the grantees did not ask Taos Justice of the Peace Cornelio Vigil for formal possession rites until February 1843. One quarter of the land was then deeded to Governor Armijo, undoubtedly as a pay off and assurance of continued support from the government in Santa Fe. Beaubien and Miranda were too old and burdened by responsibilities to assume the actual task of establishing a frontier settlement. Charles Bent of the Bent, St. Vrain Company was recruited because of close personal business ties with Beaubien, and Bent's previous success at negotiating with Indians, founding trading posts and BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail establishing settlements on the high plains. Bent received a quarter interest in the property at the same time as Armijo. Almost immediately, challenges to the legality of the grant began to surface. Jose Antonio Martinez, a Taos priest, was a major influential voice of opposition and challenged the grant as an illegal American takeover of New Mexico. Using wealth, political influence and outright lies the partners defended the grant and eventually won legal challenges. Cattle were purchased and Mexican settlers were brought over the mountains to establish a settlement called El Ponil, near where Ponel Creek left the mountains. Cornelio Vigil established another settlement on the Cimarron River. Within the year a number of Anglo settlers entered the territory to establish farms along the rivers. Father Martinez's fears of an American takeover of the lands were quickly becoming fact. Other interests that were not happy with establishment of the grant were the Jicarilla Apache, Moache Ute and Comanche Indian tribes of the region. The Jicarilla held the strongest claim to the area. The tribe had been living along the edge of the Sangre de Cristos for several generations, farming, hunting and gathering natural resources. They were constantly pressed to defend their claim against the other tribes. The natural wealth, location and climate of the region made it highly valuable territory for several tribes. Constant belligerence and warfare among the Indians for the territory was another reason for Spain and Mexico's slow pace of settlement in the region. Whoever wanted the land would almost certainly end up fighting for it no matter how many land grants existed. Settlement slowed during the Mexican War and New Mexico invasion by Stephen Kearney's troops. Charles Bent was named provisional governor of the newly conquered territory. On January 18, 1847, Taos rebelled against the American invasion. Among the victims were Bent, Beaubien's nephew Narciso, Cornelio Vigil, District Attorney J. W. Leal and a number of other citizens. When the rebellion was subdued, American authority had been clearly established but the land grant faced serious challenges. Miranda and Armijo fled to Mexico, Bent was dead and Charles Beaubien, shaken by the death of his nephew, was the only one left to manage the grant. Beaubien tried to sell the grant to a company of American soldiers, but the deal fell through. Eventually he turned to Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell, the husband of his daughter, Luz, to assume the active role of developing the land grant. Thirty-year-old Lucien Maxwell was a renowned frontiersman. He was a robust, powerfully built man known positively for his strength of character and dependability; negatively for his violent temper and stubborn resolve. He had been a trapper with men such as Tom Fitzpatrick, Jim Bridger and Milton Sublette. He had functioned as a professional hunter for the Bent Brothers and had accompanied his good friend, Kit Carson, on John C. Fremont's three transcontinental expeditions. Although his formal education was limited, Maxwell had grown to maturity exposed to his father's trading activities on the Illinois and Wisconsin frontiers, and he was trained in wilderness survival by his trapping and exploration duties with Fremont and Carson. With financing from his wealthy father-in-law, Maxwell chose a site on the Rayado River next to the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail to begin his settlement. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Leaving his wife in Taos to give birth to their second child, Maxwell was accompanied by experienced mountain men and traders. Manuel LaFavre moved his trading post from the Arkansas River country to Rayado. Tim Goodale, Calvin Jones and James White, a carpenter, were among the first to support Maxwell's endeavor. Herds of cattle and building supplies were brought into the area. On a second trip Maxwell managed to recruit Santa Fe trader Preston Beck, mountaineer Tom Boggs and storekeeper John Brown. He also recruited Indian George, a valued servant of Charles Bent and Maxwell for the settlement. Jicarilla Apache attacked them along Apache Creek and stole their horses. Three Indians were killed and the Americans retreated north toward the Greenhorn River. Maxwell waited a week before again attempting to return. Fearing attack he avoided Raton Pass and swung east over Manco Burro Pass. On June 29, 1848, the party was camped atop the pass to eat dinner when they heard Indians driving off their stock. After a few shots the band mistakenly assumed that they had driven off the Indians. The Jicarillas set grass fires to force the traders away from their goods and the men found themselves in desperate straits. During a four-hour battle that followed, five of the Americans were wounded and one killed. One man, Charles Town, had a bullet crush his leg and was left to the mercy of the Indians. Maxwell was shot in the neck and fainted. Indian George crossed open ground hauling Maxwell on his back to get to water. At nightfall, the survivors managed a retreat from the mountains with little more than the clothes on their backs. After several days of starvation and exposure to the elements, the band was rescued by a group of forty soldiers guided by Dick Wootton. The incident seriously limited Maxwell's ability to return to Rayado. The bullet, lodged deep in his neck, had to be removed by a physician in Santa Fe. It took a long time for Maxwell to regain his strength, and rather than return to Rayado, he went home to Taos to recover. Maxwell and his partners had lost over seven thousand dollars worth of mules, horses and deerskins. Income from those lost goods was vital to paying the expenses at Rayado. Maxwell worked in Beaubien's Taos store through the winter while he tried to recover his health and manage finances. In April, 1849, Christopher "Kit" Carson joined several others immigrating to Rayado. Carson had accumulated a cash reserve from his wages as a guide and scout for John Fremont during three daring expeditions in the 1840s. He loaned Maxwell one thousand dollars toward development costs and the pair made plans for establishment of a stock farm. They bought stock, seed and supplies and, with the help of a few Mexican laborers, began making improvements in 1849. Kit Carson's presence was a major contribution to the settlement of Rayado. Carson had achieved national fame as a valued scout and guide for the Fremont expeditions. Carson's reputation as a mountain man, hunter and Indian scout increased the confidence of other settlers and provided valuable guidance to Maxwell, who was ten years his junior. Carson was also one of the best of the Anglo frontiersmen at negotiating and communicating with the Indian tribes of the Rockies and Plains. Finally, Kit had excellent relations with the army. He had the prestige and influence to persuade troops to support the settlement. But Carson's presence did not significantly lessen the threat of Indian hostility.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail In October of 1849, the James White caravan was massacred about forty-five miles east of Rayado. White's wife, daughter and black female servant were kidnapped. Carson acted as chief scout, along with Dick Wootton, Tom Tobin and Entienne Leroux, for the failed Major William Grier military expedition to rescue the women. The experience caused Carson to question the competency of Grier as a military officer. Maxwell remained at Rayado to oversee the construction of the permanent buildings. Rayado, by this time, was made up of log houses and adobe buildings inside high adobe walls. Outside were several more huts, a corral, stables and a slaughterhouse. A noncommissioned officer and ten to fifteen dragoons with specific orders to "protect life and property along the Santa Fe Trail” were on guard. In actuality, such a small number of soldiers could do nothing to protect the trail but were excellent for defense of the ranch headquarters. Two miles west of Rayado, Maxwell set up a small rancho presided over by two men, where riding stock grazed. Such assignments were necessary to keep from severely overgrazing the immediate area of the compound. In March, 1850, Indians swept down on the pair and severely wounded both. Help was summoned and the next morning, Carson led the dragoons and three civilians in pursuit. After twentyfive miles of chase they found the Indians, charged them, killed five and took the scalps back to Rayado. A long time friend of Maxwell's named Bill New established a homestead near Rayado headquarters. He was one of the civilians who accompanied Carson on the recovery of the livestock. Later that spring, New was plowing his fields when a band of Jicarilla Apache surprised him. He grabbed his rifle and went down clubbing his enemies with the empty single shot muzzleloader. Both Maxwell and Carson felt a great loss at New's death. Carson referred to New as a "brave and experienced trapper." The deaths, almost constant raiding upon the trail, and lobbying efforts on behalf of the grant, led to the establishment of a permanent posting of over forty dragoons of Companies G and I at the ranch, creating what was called Post at Rayado. A six-pound cannon and mountain howitzer added to the firepower of the defenders. The soldiers moved into Maxwell's older home. New buildings were erected for the officers and Maxwell's family. Sheds twelve feet wide around the inside of an adobe corral were built for protection of army horses. All of these facilities were rented from Rayado for $200 a month. This was a sweet deal for Maxwell. Not only did he profit from the existence of the troops to protect his ranch, he was provided a handsome sum to provide room and board for them and their livestock. There can be little doubt that influential political powers were at work to provide the protection and income for the ranch from government sources. With the coming of the soldiers and substantially increased income, Maxwell began the construction of a sixteen-room house facing onto a square that contained nearly an acre of land. The structure was flat roofed and adobe but Maxwell also oversaw construction of dormer windows and wide porches facing the front and the courtyard. The building was considered the best in the area at that time. The presence of dragoons and increased fortification of the ranch headquarters had little effect upon Indian attacks. Increased pressure upon the natural resources of the region caused reactive raids upon livestock by Indians as a way of supplementing food BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail shortages. Ironically, the more pressure the whites placed upon the natives, the greater the pressure upon the Indians to raid the whites for food resources. The Carsons had assumed responsibility for raising one of Charles Bent's daughters, six-year-old Teresina, after Bent's death during the Taos rebellion. Bent and Carson were brothers-in-law. After several quiet months, Carson decided in November of 1850 to bring his family to the ranch. Maxwell had brought his wife to the ranch in 1849. Also present in the Maxwell household were Jesus Abreu and his wife Petra, who was Luz's sister. Raids increased to the point that Taos citizens including Maxwell, Beaubien and Carson petitioned Governor John Monroe for a military expedition against the marauders. Brevet Major William Grier was dispatched with 150 men to Rayado to pursue the raiding parties. In the mountains west of Raton Pass the force attacked a group of Jicarillas. Although most of the Indians escaped into the forest, much of the stolen livestock was recovered. The Apache stole several hundred cattle from the ranch in November. Carson led a force of soldiers in hot pursuit across the plains to the northeast, killed seven raiders, captured a child and recovered most of the livestock. In the spring of 1851, Carson returned to Missouri to purchase provisions and merchandise and retrieve his Indian daughter, Adaline. On the return trip, Carson confronted some Cheyenne and was forced to retreat to Bent's Old Fort. He sent a messenger to Grier to come to his aid. Grier arranged for a relief detachment that found Carson within twenty-five miles of Bent's outpost. The experience caused Carson to soften his opinions of the Major. The army began to seriously question the efficiency of stationing small contingents of troops at distant settlements such as Rayado. By mid-summer a large compound at Fort Union was established on the Moro River and the Rayado post was disbanded. Fort Union was forty miles south of Rayado and the troops were removed to the new post. Carson purchased an old hospital at the fort and kept his family there through the winter of 1851. Protesting forcefully at the removal of troops at Rayado, Maxwell was able to convince E.V. Sumner, commander of the Ninth Military Department, to leave a force of a noncommissioned officer and fourteen privates at Rayado for another three months. In return Maxwell agreed to provide quarters and stabling at no charge. He was also required to escort Captain John Pope on an expedition to explore a plains wagon route between Rayado and Fort Leavenworth. Before engaging in that assignment, Maxwell and Carson joined eighteen others on a trapping expedition into Colorado and Wyoming. Many believe that the trip was little more than a pleasure outing for Carson's benefit. The venture lost money for the partnership. Carson found himself in a touchy situation when he entertained several hundred Cheyenne at Rayado after returning from the trek. It was common practice for the ranch to supply hunting parties of friendly Indians with a few provisions as they passed through BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the ranch. Although Carson was on good terms with the Cheyenne, this was an unusually large group for the ranch to manage and a potentially dangerous situation. When an influential Indian brave became enamored with Teresina Bent he attempted to buy her. As best he could Carson refused the offer without the tribe taking offense. An uneasy truce was maintained by Carson's diplomacy for two days until the Indians departed for raids on the Ute and Apache. Carson felt that if the raiders were successful the other tribes might return to take revenge upon the ranch. He was also concerned that the Cheyenne might try to force compliance regarding Teresina. He swiftly and quietly removed his family to his Taos home as a precaution. In 1852, Dick Wootton, the mountain man who had led the rescue of Maxwell at Macho Burro Pass, bought 9,000 sheep and took them overland to the gold fields of California. They produced an income of ten times what Wootton had paid earning more than $40,000. Rayado organized quickly to take advantage of the market. John Hatcher left with a flock in January, 1853. In February, Carson purchased 6,500 head in southern New Mexico and linked up with Henry Mercure and John Bernavette at Rayado for a second drive. Maxwell assembled and left with a third flock in March. He sold his flock in Sacramento and joined Carson for the return trip. It is estimated that Rayado made from $20,000 to $50,000 on the drives. Neither Carson nor Maxwell had ever possessed such a sum of money. The ranch entered into other sheep driving ventures to the Far West and probably earned more than $100,000 over a period of profits and losses. Much of the money went into Maxwell's growing need for buildings and resources for residents. It should also be noted that although Maxwell claimed ownership of Rayado, he was obligated to distribute profits to many partners, landholders and independent contractors. The profits for individual projects may sound tremendous but so were Rayado's expenses and obligations to its shareholders. There was also the constant financial drain upon resources caused by hostile Indian raids. No matter what schemes the ranch undertook, only Indian pacification would ultimately bring prosperity to the east slope of the Sangre de Cristos. In 1854, Kit Carson was appointed head Indian agent for northern New Mexico. He assumed the responsibility and broke off most of his association with Rayado. Carson's dreams of wealth from ranching had not materialized and he was attracted to the steady income to better provide for his growing family. Although Carson related well with the tribes he had little sympathy for their conduct and could be quite ruthless when pressed. Carson encouraged a series of military campaigns to punish the Ute and Jicarilla. Elements from Fort Union under the command of Colonel Philip St. George Cooke hit the Apache hard near Raton Pass during the early summer of 1854. Nearly all the Indians' supplies and camp gear were destroyed. Such a series of raids eventually wore the tribes down through starvation and disease. By September 1858, the Ute and Apache were ready to conclude a formal treaty with the United States. In the meantime, Lucien Maxwell accumulated substantial wealth. He felt it was enough to free him from dependence on his friends and relatives. By 1857, Maxwell was ready to leave Rayado and found a new settlement by himself, without the influence of others. Maxwell began a process of buying other interests out of the ranch. He secured proper legal status of the original land grant. He bought out the Miranda interest for BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail $2,000 in two installments and another $500 when congress approved the grant. He was able to obtain the Beaubien interest for a quitclaim deed of only $500. Maxwell sold that share immediately and it eventually became the property of Jesus Abreu. The major obstacle to gaining clear title to all property was the interests of the children of Charles Bent. It took many years of complicated court proceedings before the Bent heirs were satisfied. Maxwell stayed at Rayado until 1857 when he moved his ranching operation to the Cimarron River. He died July 25, 1875 at the age of fifty-six of progressive kidney failure. For forty years Jesus Abreu raised cattle, sheep and horses at Rayado. His Pear Brand became known throughout New Mexico for high quality stock. Abreu died at the ranch in July of 1900. In 1929, Waite Phillips bought Rayado as a part of his Philmont Ranch, as a sheep station. In 1941, Philmont was given to the Boy Scouts of America, where it is a showplace for young American outdoor adventure and ideals. The original ranch headquarters were rebuilt in 1949 as an authentic hacienda of the 1850s. In the early 1970s, Philmont introduced a living history format to the restored headquarters and programs are continuously presented throughout the months of July and August, free of charge. Meals, blacksmithing, pioneer skills and team handling are only part of the demonstrations. For two decades the founders of Rayado Ranch struggled to stand against the elements of Indian resistance, massive expenses Waite Phillips and heartbreaking losses. By the end of the 1850's Rayado had become the foundation of what would be one of the largest and most prosperous landholdings in North America. The price in blood had not been cheap and the rewards proved only fleeting for all but a very few.

Modern reconstruction of Kit Carson's home in Taos, New Mexico

Reconstruction of the original Rayado Headquarters near Cimarron, New Mexico

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Chapter 12 Fort Larned - The Central Anchor Once a military guardian of the central leg of the Santa Fe Trail, Fort Larned is now a national historic site. It is the best remaining example of Santa Fe Trail garrisons. The grueling journey from Missouri to Santa Fe often took more than two months. Part of the Santa Fe Trail passed through arid terrain, and the travelers had to deal with hunger and thirst, as well as sporadic Indian attacks, especially from the Comanche. Many Indian tribes lived along the trail, as well as others that came into the region periodically to hunt buffalo. Along with the Comanche, the Pawnee, Arapaho, Cheyenne, Ute, Kiowa and Plains Apache provided almost constant contact and, at time, significant problems for travelers along the trail. Beginning in 1824, traders banded together in caravans for some measure of protection from Indian raids. After the Mexican War (1846-1848), activity on the trail exploded, as immigrants flooded into what eventually became Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada and parts of Utah and Colorado. Fort Larned was one of several military posts established to provide protection for travelers along the Santa Fe Trail. The fort is now a national historic site administered by the National Park Service. Located approximately eight miles west of Larned in south central Kansas, the post served as the northern anchor of a line of forts defining the Southwestern military frontier. At the time of final building expansion in 1866-1868, the fort was constructed of such excellent sandstone materials that many of the original buildings are still standing in pristine condition, long after many other frontier outposts have crumbled into dust. National Park Service restoration brought the post back to a nearly new appearance and provides visitors with insights into military life in the 1860s70s. Indian raids steadily increased with the greater usage of the Santa Fe Trail after the Mexican War. Fort Atkinson, established in 1850 near present-day Dodge City, was set up to meet the growing threat. Unfortunately, the post was built of sod, as were many early military installations on the plains, and was too far west to be effectively supported from Fort Leavenworth. From the beginning, post commanders urged that the post be relocated to the Pawnee Fork, where there was more timber and much closer logistical support. For four years Fort Atkinson safeguarded a mail station. When the station was relocated to Walnut Creek, near present-day Great Bend, Fort Atkinson was abandoned. The continuing attempt to safeguard the mail route led to the founding of Fort Larned. In 1859 William Bent, of Bent’s Fort in Colorado, was appointed Indian agent for the Kiowa and Comanche. Both tribes had been causing havoc along the trial, and Bent recommended the establishment of a military post at Pawnee Fork and another near his fort in eastern Colorado Territory to protect the area. His recommendations were put into effect within a year with the establishment of Fort Larned and Fort Wise (today’s Fort Lyon). Captain W. D. DeSaussure and three companies of the 1st Cavalry were sent from Fort Riley in early June to establish a new post. A Kiowa attack on a mail coach near Pawnee Fork in September led to the final decision on the location of the post. In October, Colonel Edwin V. Sumner ordered the 1st Cavalry to occupy a position near BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the mail station at Pawnee Fork. Some 75 officers and men moved to the position and established a camp on the Pawnee Fork. Within a week, the soldiers encountered Kiowa camped along the river and killed two in a skirmish. The small garrison was expected to build its own quarters and corrals. This was to be accomplished in addition to protecting and escorting mail coaches along a 140-mile stretch of the trail. In November, all but 30 men were ordered back to Fort Riley, but because of the size of the job, infantry reinforcements were soon sent to the post. On February 1, 1860, the post was renamed Camp Alert because of almost constant pressure from the Indians. In May 1860, the camp was relocated two-and-a-half miles upstream, today’s location, and several adobe buildings and dugouts along the riverbank were constructed. Most of the structures were built hastily and poorly. Repairs were made periodically, but the quarters were never clean nor comfortable. By September, the garrison was increased to 270 with the arrival of two companies of 2nd Dragoons. This large force reduced Indian raids, but by 1861, the Civil War was indirectly affecting the post. Regular Army troops were sent to fight in the eastern conflict, and most were replaced by volunteer units from Union states, especially Kansas and Colorado. As the war progressed, the Indians took advantage of the situation and increased resistance. A shortage of regular cavalry led to the posting of the 2nd and 9th Kansas Volunteer Cavalry to help repulse attacks. It was during this period that the post became officially Fort Larned. Later, elements from Colorado were also assigned to the garrison. Throughout the war it was common practice to significantly reduce the number of soldiers at the post during the winter months by quartering them at Fort Riley, where they could enjoy more comfort and protection at much less expense. Also, the Indians were less active during the colder times of the year. However, as raiding activity increased in the spring, so did the number of troops stationed at the fort. On July 17, 1864, a band of Kiowa raided Fort Larned and escaped with 172 Army animals. A reprisal force of 400 men under the command of Major General Samuel R. Curtis was sent out. Another post, Fort Zarah, was established 40 miles east of Fort Larned, but no Indians could be immediately found. As soon as the troops were removed, the Indians resumed their raids. This tactic of the Indians led one military leader to describe them as being everywhere and nowhere. The situation proved extremely frustrating for the Army during the Civil War years. In 1865, an escort system was established between Fort Larned on the east and Fort Union, N. M., on the west. On the first and 15th day of every month, an escorted caravan would leave each point. All merchants were expected to wait for military escort. East of Fort Larned, wagons were held up until a large group of at least 100 men could be organized to protect itself west of Council Grove. This proved a successful strategy and remained in effect until a treaty was signed in August 1865. After the conclusion of the war, major steps were taken to update and improve the fort. Sandstone buildings replaced the original structures, and Fort Larned became one of the finest military establishments on the Plains. After the raid by the Kiowa in 1864, a blockhouse was built, measuring 22 feet on each side with 100 shooting ports and containing an underground well. The post was never directly attacked again, however, and the blockhouse became a guardhouse. Between 1866 and 1868, a new complex of BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail nine sandstone buildings was erected. The complex still stands today and has been restored as nearly as possible to its original condition. At the center of the parade ground was a flagpole more than 100 feet high. Huge garrison flags could be seen for miles from the trail. The pole itself resembled the mast of a ship. It was destroyed in 1877 by lightning, but a reproduction presently stands at the post. Some of the finest sandstone in the world comes from this area of Kansas, and materials were brought in from at least three known quarry sites nearby. All of the buildings are extremely handsome, as well as being very comfortable and efficient structures. The first of these is a commissary storehouse at the east end of the south side of the parade ground. Because the post is bordered on three sides by the river, the south side was the most exposed to attack, and portholes were built into the south wall from which defenders could fire their weapons. The original blockhouse sits just east of the commissary, as well as a quartermaster storehouse to the west, which would have supplied quite a formidable defense of the south flank, had they been called upon for such service. In 1867, work was begun on two enlisted men’s barracks at the north end of the square. Each building was 161 by 43 feet, and on the north side at the center of each structure, a kitchen was attached. Each unit contained quarters for two companies, one on each end, with orderly and mess rooms for both companies. Both kitchens were built over storage cellars. By 1871, the size of the post had dwindled, and the east barracks was converted into a hospital to replace a dilapidated adobe hospital that had been northeast of the square. Forty-foot-square rooms with ten-foot ceilings were designed to house approximately eighty men in each wing of the buildings. The buildings were heated by a series of large cast-iron wood-burning stoves. Bunks were double and two-tiered sleeping two up and two down. Large roofed verandahs were built on the south sides of the buildings. At the west end of the square are three officers’ quarters, with the post commander’s residence in the center. On either side were identical buildings designed to quarter four captains and eight lieutenants. The three buildings each had a simple floor plan, with a center hall running completely through the buildings. Kitchens were added to the west of each building. The post commander’s residence had a second story above the kitchen for servants’ quarters. All the buildings had large verandahs facing east, with wooden privacy fences to the west. Completing the square on the east side was a shop building to the north that housed a bakery, saddle shop, wheelwright and carpenter shop, and blacksmith shop. To the south was the new commissary storehouse that was used to store foodstuffs and later as an isolation ward for the hospital and schoolhouse. Other wooden structures for laundries, stables, icehouses and hospital stewards’ quarters existed, but have not been rebuilt. The general appearance of the fort resembled that of a well-ordered village rather than a walled fort. Although no one of great fame served at the fort, a number of notables visited the garrison or had indirect dealings with it. J.E.B. Stuart was at the post in 1860, before he joined the Confederacy. The infamous John Chivington was there during the Civil War. Kit Carson, serving as a peace commissioner, visited Fort Larned following the signing of BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the treaties of the Little Arkansas. George Custer of the 7th Cavalry spent a week there as part of General Winfield Hancock’s expedition of 1867. Wild Bill Hickok and Buffalo Bill Cody had dealings there following the war. Henry M. Stanley wrote about the post while acting as a correspondent four years before his encounter with David Livingston in Africa. The two best-known officers were Majors John E. Yard and Richard Dodge.

Winfield Hancock

The garrison was usually made up of both cavalry and infantry companies, sometimes supplemented by an artillery battery. Black soldiers served there from 1867 to 1869, when men of the 10th Cavalry were part of the garrison. These black troops were among the best units to serve at the post and developed a strong reputation among the tribes as fearless and

worthy adversaries. Perhaps the most important military campaign to be based from Fort Larned was Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s expedition of 1867. Hancock compiled a brilliant Civil War record and was a man of extreme personal courage. His performance during Pickett’s charge at the Battle of Gettysburg remains a legendary example of heroism. But, like so many officers from the East he did not understand the mentality or culture of the Plains Indian. In February 1867, Indian interpreter Fred Jones made the claim that Kiowa chief Satanta demanded all military posts removed from the Plains. Santa Fe Trail traffic was to be stopped at Council Grove and railroad construction ended at Junction City. If this was not done the tribes would unite and drive the whites from the region. This ridiculous account and other false reports convinced military leaders that an Indian uprising was menacingly near. It was decided that a military campaign would be undertaken in the spring to defeat those tribes that had not taken residence on assigned reservations. Hancock, commanding the military department, organized a force of 1,400 troops to march down the Santa Fe Trail and enforce the treaties. Among the force were George Armstrong Custer and his newly organized 7th cavalry and civilian scouts Wild Bill Hickok, Jack Harvey and Tom Atkins. Hancock’s force arrived at Fort Larned on April 7, where he planned to meet with Indian agents and tribal leaders. A snowstorm on the 9th delayed the meeting for several days. The Cheyenne and Sioux made camp along the Pawnee Fork and waited for contact. Hancock marched the major portion of his command to the camps for the conference. Such a large body of soldiers frightened the tribes, especially the women and children, and the encampment was quickly abandoned. Hancock convinced himself that the Indians must have had hostile intent or they would not have fled. He sent Custer and his 7th in pursuit to the north. Custer failed to overtake the Indians but when he reached the Smoky Hill Trail, they found that Indians had attacked some stage stations. Assuming that it was the same Indians from Pawnee Fork, Hancock ordered the abandoned villages burned. Hancock marched his command to Fort Dodge where he met with several Kiowa chiefs, including Satanta. After hearing Satanta’s impressive promises of peace and good BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail will, Hancock presented the chief with a major general’s uniform as a symbolic gesture of trust. He then gave up his campaign and returned to his headquarters at Fort Leavenworth. Satanta waited patiently for the general and his force to leave then proceeded to steal the livestock at Fort Dodge in a raid, wearing, of course, his new major general’s uniform. Far from being a deterrent, Hancock’s burning of the villages along Pawnee Fork contributed to an increase in tribal resistance during the summer of 1867. Fort Larned was under increased pressure to escort caravans and pursue Indian attackers. Although there were opportunities for contact with travelers, the soldiers were generally isolated until the establishment of the town of Larned. Other than two sutler’s stores, there were few other outlets for the men. Desertion rates were high, especially during a cholera epidemic in 1867 that took six lives. As with most western posts of the period, there was a high degree of alcoholism. In the early years there were also several cases of scurvy due to the poor diet of the men. Later, the soldiers’ gardens supplied fresh vegetables that helped greatly with morale. By the early 1870s, the circumstances that had led to the placement of the fort had passed, and in 1872, Lt. Gen. Phil Sheridan recommended that the fort be abandoned. On July 13, 1878, the garrison was sent to Fort Hays, and only a small detachment was left to guard the property. On March 13, 1884, the property was sold at auction to the Pawnee Valley Stock Breeders’ Association. In 1902, the land was sold to Edward Frizell, and the family developed the fort into a successful farming and livestock operation. In 1961, the Department of Interior designated Fort Larned a national historic landmark. The government purchased the property in 1966. Today, the restored fort is a unit of the National Park Service system and a national historic site. The fort is open every day from 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. except Thanksgiving, Christmas and New Year’s Day.

Modern reconstruction of Fort Larned near Larned, Kansas

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Although never a major post on the western frontier, Fort Larned is typical of hundreds of almost-forgotten military establishments that for a short time provided essential protection for the founding of the West. Immensely important for a few short months or years, they were swiftly passed by as the population of the United States swept across the frontier. Suddenly without value they were abandoned and often disregarded. Fort Larned stands as a symbol of military installations that served as the buttress of civilian settlement along the Santa Fe Trail.

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Chapter 13 Kit Carson & The First Battle of Adobe Walls An almost-forgotten battle between Indians and whites for control of the Santa Fe Trail demonstrates the brilliant leadership capabilities of one of the West's most famous men. In 1845, William Bent attempted to establish a trading outpost on the north side of the Canadian River in what is today part Hutchinson County of the Texas panhandle. Bent hoped the outpost would help increase profits for his Bent-St. Vrain trading empire which centered at Bent’s Fort near LaJunta, Colorado, and dominated trade between Indians and whites along the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains. Unfortunately, unlike most of Bent’s ventures, Adobe Walls Kit Carson failed and was abandoned within a year. Hostile Comanche Indians did not feel the ties to Bent as did the Cheyenne, one of whom became Bent’s wife, and after months of harassment and poor trading opportunity, Bent accepted his losses and gave u the scheme. He left an imposing sod fortress as the only reminder of his failed venture. The structure became a lonely haven for the occasional traveler or hide-hunter needing a relatively safe place to make camp. Like most sod constructions, which demand constant upkeep and maintenance, the fortress soon became nothing more than a crumbling ruin in an otherwise featureless landscape of grassy horizons, low mesas and table-flat plains. On two separate occasions, Adobe Walls became another type of symbol. Desperate encounters were fought there between Indians and whites. In 1874, the famous Battle of Adobe Walls took place there between a group of buffalo hunters and an alliance of Indian tribes under the mystic leadership of the Comanche medicine man, I-sa-tai. History has left many accounts of that encounter. But oddly, very little is written of an earlier battle that took place at Adobe Walls which may have been the largest Indianwhite struggle in the history of the settlement of the West, dwarfing even Custer’s blunder on the Little Big Horn. This omission is even odder when one considers that it involved forces led by Christopher “Kit” Carson. Carson is one of the most famous characters of the mountain man legend. A beaver trapper in his teens, Carson was trained by some of the best of the early mountain men, Jim Bridger, Tom “Broken Hand” Fitzpatrick and Jim Clyman. He rose to national prominence when he acted as a guide for John C. Fremont’s expedition of western exploration in 1842. Carson captured the imagination of the East and became the hero of several dime novels. He had acted as a professional hunter for Bent’s Fort after the “shining times” of the beaver trade had ended and established himself as a rancher near Taos, New Mexico. He married into the same influential Spanish family as his brother-in-law Charles Bent and was a leader of early Anglo New Mexico after the Mexican War of 1847. Carson prospered in the Southwest because of two qualities. He was a fearless man and most of all, a levelheaded leader. Modern historians are often critical of Carson because of his BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail relentless and ruthless persecution of the Indian. It is true that he gave very little quarter, often using cruel and sometimes inhuman tactics but Carson was a man for his times. He fought to win using cunning intelligence to overcome a foe that was extremely dangerous and every bit as cunning as he. What seems cruel today is simply a reflection of another time and another standard of justice. Modern Cheyenne describe another trait of this “persecutor” of the Indian, claiming that he fathered no less than 15 children by Indian wives. If this claim is true, Carson built and used alliances within the tribes that have not been forgotten. That tribe considers Carson a brave ancestor from which it is an honor to trace one’s heritage. When Fremont met Carson and used him as a guide in 1842, the young scout’s leadership skills and knowledge of the West impressed him. Fremont publicized Carson as a kind of Hawkeye. Carson also had the good sense not to challenge the flighty and unpredictable Fremont, but serve him as an able second in command. Few men possessed the diplomacy to get along with Fremont for any length of time. To be so highly thought of by the likes of Fremont demonstrates the skillful ability of Carson to not only lead but to follow wisely. By 1864, as the Civil War raged in the east, Carson was in the twilight of his years. A short, barrel-chested man in his fifties, he had only three years left to live. He carried near his heart an aneurysm that would be aggravated by a fall from a horse and eventually kill him. Serving as a colonel of the New Mexico Volunteers, he subdued the Navajo in a relentless campaign of starvation and pursuit. Cheyenne, Comanche and Kiowa Indians were waging a reprisal for broken promises all along the Santa Fe Trail. Brigadier General James Carleton, commander of the hardpressed Department of New Mexico ordered Carson to “give those Indians, especially the Kiowas, a severe drubbing. You know where to find the Indians; you know how to punish them; the rest is left with you.” Carson assembled his forces in October, 1864, at Fort Bascom on the Canadian River near the Texas line. Texas was part of the Confederacy, which meant that Carson’s force might have to deal with enemy soldiers, as well as hostile Indians. Fort Bascom was little more than a tent encampment and Carson proposed a strike two hundred miles from the post along Palo Duro Creek. Comanche, Kiowa, Arapaho and Plains Apache had been reported there preparing for winter camp. Estimates of Indian strength ranged to over five thousand. Carson had defeated large numbers of Navajo in a winter campaign and felt that it was the only way to confront the Indians with his small force. He assembled a force of five companies of cavalry and two of infantry numbering fourteen officers and approximately three hundred and twenty men. One of his units, Company K, 1st California Volunteer Infantry under Lieutenant George Pettis, had two small mountain howitzers. The little smoothbore cannons were made of bronze, were less than three feet long and weighed two hundred and twenty pounds. The cannons could throw a twelvepound explosive shell approximately nine hundred yards. They weren’t the biggest guns in the war, but they were highly mobile and vastly superior to nothing, which was what the Indians had. Carson also recruited an old friend, Ute chief Kaniache. Kaniache brought along some seventy braves, a few of which were Plains Apache, eager to revenge themselves against their hereditary enemies, the Kiowa and Comanche. In return for sugar and BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail coffee, the promise of food for their families, and the chance for loot taken from an enemy, the Ute agreed to serve support for Carson’s column. On November 6, Carson’s force crossed the Canadian River and advanced east into Texas. For eighteen days the command suffered through numbing cold, snowstorms and wet weather without seeing any sign of the Indians. Several white men complained about the almost nightly singing and dancing of the Indians as they prepared for war. Carson was able to control the differences and guide the force onward. By the 24th the command was near Mule Spring thirty miles west of Adobe Walls, when Ute scouts reported an Indian trail fifteen miles from their position. Sign indicated that it was a large group with many animals. Carson reacted by ordering his cavalry and artillery forward at once with the infantry to follow with the supply wagons the next morning. By sundown the men were in the saddle and by midnight had located the trail. To avoid blundering into the Indians in the night, Carson halted his column. After a long night standing in the bitter cold with no fires, Carson’s force resumed the trail at dawn. Less than an hour later, three braves were spotted across the river. The Indians retreated for a thick stand of cottonwood trees and tall grass with Carson’s Ute scouts closely behind. Carson ordered his cavalry into action reasoning that he needed to move as quickly as possible to maintain the element of surprise. He kept a single company of cavalry and the howitzers with him as he followed. The howitzers used what was called prairie carriages, which were little more than wheeled travois pulled behind single mules. Care had to be taken or the cannon could easily flip over in the rough terrain. There was no provision for men to ride with the cannon so the artillery unit had to jog along on foot with the guns. As they crossed the river, tall grass, often over the men’s heads, slowed their progress. As Carson worked his group through the grass, the reports of rifles could be heard ahead as the Ute and his cavalry units scattered a large village of over a hundred and fifty lodges. Carson found his cavalry at the ruins of Adobe Walls, fighting on foot in a skirmish line against a force of over two hundred braves. The men were holding their own in spite of several wounded. On the horizon was a force of Indians numbering nearly a thousand. Carson’s force had encountered a camp of nearly five hundred lodges with a fighting force of three thousand braves, the largest assemblage of Kiowa in the West. Carson ordered Pettis to open fire with the howitzers. As the cannon threw several volleys toward the Indian force, it immediately fell back. Because the force had retreated so suddenly, Carson felt that he had time to feed and rest his troops. As his group took a rest and cared for the wounded, he watched the Indians through field glasses. Before long it became apparent that the Indian force was not retreating but regrouping for another attack. What followed was a long afternoon of wave after wave of braves attacking the force. This time the Indians remained scattered, reducing the effectiveness of the howitzers. The explosive shells took several casualties, at one time completely disintegrating an Indian pony, throwing its rider twenty feet into the air, but not with such effectiveness to force an Indian retreat. Evidence later showed that traders had recently supplied the Indians with fresh rifles and ammunition. They were able to maintain a galling firefight. To add to the confusion, the Indian force had a bugler who was blowing commands directly countering Carson’s bugler. Carson’s force was able to hold the Indians at bay, BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail but little more than that. His men were being gradually worn down with casualties. Ammunition was running low and several mounts were dead and wounded. Carson made the decision to withdraw in the late afternoon in spite of the fact that many wanted to continue the fight. Carson felt that he had lost all element of surprise and that the Indians had probably emptied their village of supplies even if he could advance in the face of steadily increasing opposition. His force withdrew on foot, one man leading four horses while the other three provided covering fire. Carson had serious doubts concerning the safety of his rear guard. The Indians even set fire to the grass in an effort to force the abandonment of Carson’s orderly retreat. Smoke became so thick that it was difficult to tell the Indian position which often surprised the troops at point blank range. By nightfall the force had withdrawn to the original Kiowa village that had been hit that morning. It was full of Indians trying to save their possessions. Carson ordered a cavalry charge into the village. Pettis used a nearby sand hill to provide artillery support for the cavalry, loading at the base, rolling the cannon to the top, firing, and then allowing the guns to roll back down hill to be reloaded. Fighting at the village was desperate as the Indians refused to abandon their possessions. During hand-to-hand combat at least one chief, an Apache named Iron Shirt, died at the doorway of his teepee. Sick, wounded and crippled Indian family members were left in the lodges to the nonexistent mercy of the Ute. Soldiers also found the evidence of white captives present in the village although none were recovered. Eventually the village was burned and critical Indian supplies were lost. Carson’s force continued an ordered retreat through the bitter cold and darkness. After three hours of withdrawal, bivouac fires could be seen in the distance. After nearly thirty hours of continuous combat, the exhausted volunteers of Carson’s force stumbled into the supply train camp. Men collapsed into their blankets, often without eating. At sunrise, Carson had his weary troopers at attention, preparing for the next attack from the Kiowa. Carson was able to feed his men a breakfast of wild turkey and venison. Although the men were eager to fight again, Carson coolly restrained them, reasoning that they were too tired and the enemy too dangerous. Two soldiers and one Indian were dead in Carson’s force with twenty-five wounded. Carson felt that not more that sixty of the enemy had been killed. In the face of such odds, he ordered his force to wait for an attack rather than initiate one. No attack came and by the next day the Indians were gone. The campaign ended with dubious results, Carson and several others feeling that he had been defeated. Carson later told George Bent, a son of William, that he had been saved by William Bent’s old adobe fort. He also lavished praise upon Pettis’ howitzers for providing the edge that helped save the column from annihilation. Indians later claimed that if it had not been for the cannon, “the guns that shot twice,” none of Carson’s command would have escaped alive. They would have been overwhelmed by shear numbers as was Custer’s later misfortune. General Carleton, however, praised Carson highly. He reasoned that Carson had cut deeply into Indian Territory, inflicted severe damage and suffered relatively light casualties. He wrote that the encounter was a “brilliant victory”, and “another green leaf to the laurel wreath which you have so nobly won in the service of your country.” In BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail March of the following year, Carson was brevetted brigadier general of volunteers. It was quite an accomplishment for a man who could do little more than write his own name. A parallel needs to be drawn concerning the battle. Carson’s force was significantly smaller than Custer’s original force on the Little Big Horn twelve years later. Carson faced a group of Indians that were probably greater in number than Custer. In spite of the howitzers, his troops had much more primitive weapons than the 7th. What Carson’s troops had that Custer’s did not, was competent cool-headed leadership. Carson kept his fighting force together and fought them as a single unit. He commanded an orderly retreat in the face of tremendous odds and potential panic. Probably most important of all, he was a trusted and respected leader. Custer, on the other hand, had demonstrated that he was a callous commander who, on at least one occasion, abandoned his troops in the face of danger. It is probably true that Carson was defeated as he had believed himself. Perhaps, if he had lived until the Custer defeat, he would have realized just how close he came to annihilation. Perhaps then Kit Carson would have seen a victory of sorts in his actions.

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Chapter 14 Booth & Helliwell's Race for Life Throughout the annals of the West, few men experienced such a narrow escape and lived to tell about it.

Henry Booth

In 1864, the hot spot of Indian resistance along the Santa Fe Trail was located along the Big Bend region of the Arkansas River in central Kansas. With the Civil War raging throughout the continent, hard-pressed troops struggled to keep this section of the trail open in order to maintain the vital commerce route to the Southwest. A spur of the Smoky Hill Trail, which led to Fort Leavenworth, and the Santa Fe Trail, which took a more southerly route to Kansas City, merged at a point where the Walnut Creek emptied into the Arkansas River. Ironically, the area was also a magnet for migrating buffalo herds and therefore, several tribes of Plains Indians.

Although the area was termed a part of the Great American Desert by mapmakers and eastern businessmen, this section was rich in natural resources and wild game. A huge bowl shaped depression just a few miles northeast, later known as Cheyenne Bottoms, held thousands of square acres of rich marshland and tall prairie grasses. The Walnut Creek and Arkansas River were laced with stands of valuable timber. Hereditary enemies such as the Cheyenne and Pawnee warred over the area for years before the coming of the white man and certainly had little inclination to share with the interlopers. As trail usage mushroomed during the 1850s, native resistance increased accordingly. The rich plunder of the caravans was a temptation that was impossible for the Indians to ignore. A campaign was launched in July of 1864 to punish hostile raiding parties along the trail. Under military orders Colonel John Chivington led a surprise attack on Sand Creek, Colorado Territory in November which blew the lid off of any chance at a negotiated settlement. Open warfare raged throughout the Plains. Since the winter migration of the buffalo followed a broad arch through the center of the Big Bend country, so did most of the Plains Indian tribes. Any point west of Council Grove became a no man’s land for whites unless they were willing to travel in large well-armed bands. After repeated raids and several massacres in the area along Walnut Creek, it was decided to establish a military post to provide some immediate protection where the trails converged. Tiny Fort Zarah, really nothing more than a few crude dugouts in the riverbank and a hastily constructed bridge of cottonwood, became the home of 300 unassigned recruits of the Third Wisconsin Cavalry. Upon arrival at the post, the commander of the recruits, Captain Theodore Conkey, ordered the construction of a stockade stable for the horses and mules and a hastily organized hay harvesting operation to provide sufficient fodder to carry the animals through the winter.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail The new recruits and many of the officers of the Third Wisconsin cavalry were mostly city boys who had little experience even riding horses let alone fighting Indians. Although all were well-intentioned brave men, they were a poor match for the best lightcavalry forces in the world that made up the Indian ranks. Captain Henry Booth, chief of cavalry and inspecting officer for the military district of the upper Arkansas, was stationed at Fort Riley. He was ordered to make a special inspection tour of the trail outposts, especially the newly established Fort Zarah, before rapidly advancing winter weather made it impossible to make any last minute adjustments for the welfare of the troops. The 26-year-old officer was not a professional soldier. Born in England and raised in Rhode Island, Booth had settled near Manhattan, Kansas, on a 160-acre homestead in 1856, to begin the life of a farmer. When the Civil War broke out, he volunteered for service and rapidly rose to the rank of captain in the 11th Kansas Volunteer Cavalry. After serving in several engagements in Arkansas, his unit was ordered to Fort Riley where he served as post commander for a short period before assuming his present duties. Booth was a good man and a competent administrator, but as were most of the men serving in the military from volunteer units, he had little formal military training and was absolutely ignorant of Indian fighting tactics. Recently married Second Lieutenant Albert Helliwell of the 9th Wisconsin Battery was to accompany Booth. Elements of the light artillery battery had been stationed at Fort Larned for garrison duty since June 15, 1864. Helliwell was commissioned into the unit only a few months earlier in March and was to accompany Booth as an artillery inspection officer. Both officers prepared to make their inspection tour under the protection of Lieutenant Lawrence Van Antwerp and Company L of the 11th Kansas Cavalry. Booth was not much of a horseman and decided to use a military ambulance wagon to make the tour. Helliwell, however, was an experienced team handler of reputation and suggested that they use a much lighter and more comfortable wagon known as a turnout if Booth could procure a good “way-up” team of mules. Booth found a good team and Helliwell had a set of bows fitted to the buckboard wagon, over which was thrown an army-wagon-sheet, drawn up behind with a cord, similar to those of an ordinary emigrant outfit. A round hole was left in the rear end, serving the purpose of a lookout. With two gripsacks, containing dress uniforms, a box of crackers and cheese, meat and sardines, and some liquid refreshment, the two men set out to inspect the outposts. There were no Indians sighted during the trip to Fort Zarah. A column of one hundred armed cavalry would certainly tend to guarantee safe passage. The encampment was reached in the evening after a few days passage. The tiny fort hardly resembled the well-ordered military city that was Fort Riley. There were simple dugouts nestled along the bank of the Walnut with officers’ tents nearby. Traffic had been heavy throughout the area and the weather wet. The frozen ground of the compound was uneven and rough, as was most of the trail. Litter from recent construction and hay harvesting was scattered about and the new post still needed much attention before it could meet military standards. Captain Booth ordered several improvements during his inspection the following day. There was also an immense amount of accumulated property in need of condemnation. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Booth found himself occupied throughout the day without having the opportunity to review the post books and papers. It was decided that he would review the paperwork during an extended visit the following day. During the evening campfire activities, Captain Conkey made the suggestion that since it would take only a few minutes for the officers to review the paperwork and that it might be more efficient for Van Antwerp’s column to move out for Fort Larned, the next scheduled inspection, at sunrise. Fort Larned was almost 40 miles to the west, usually a long day’s travel for any mounted column. To avoid an unnecessary encampment in the open during the cold weather, or an extremely late arrival, the mounted troops could move on out. It would be a simple matter for the light turnout to make up the thirty-minute delay that it would take the officers to review the paperwork. Proceedings could then remain on schedule. When Booth asked about the chance of encountering hostiles, Captain Conkey responded by saying that his post had seen no indications of any type of threat. It was common knowledge that Indian activity lessened significantly during cold weather. After brief consideration, Captain Booth decided that Conkey’s suggestion was an excellent idea and issued orders for Van Antwerp to move on out at daybreak without waiting for the officers. Events began according to plan the following morning. Van Antwerp’s troops assembled on the frost-covered ground and moved on schedule leaving the officers’ wagon hitched and ready to go after the simple review of paperwork. However, it was soon discovered that Conkey had greatly misjudged the amount of time that it would take Booth to settle accounts. It was well into mid-morning before Booth had the task completed. Rather than a minor 30 minute lead that the officers needed to make up, Van Antwerp’s column was a full three hours out. During this delay, Lt. Helliwell had been pacing about in a state of concerned agitation. When Booth was nearing completion, Helliwell suggested that it might be wise for a few of Conkey’s men to escort the wagon until the officers could link up with Van Antwerp. When Booth asked for Conkey’s opinion on the matter, the captain replied that he didn’t really think the officers should be all that concerned. The post troops had not even seen an Indian in over ten days. It was at this point that both officers’ inexperience with Indian conflict became evident. A troop escort would have been a simple precaution to take in light of the original reason for establishment of the outpost. Booth decided that an escort was unnecessary and Conkey agreed. So off down the trail went the light-hearted warriors. Although a brisk breeze was blowing from the northwest, the officers found it to be a pleasant day. The turnout was not able to make the best time, however, because of the rough conditions of the deeply rutted, frozen trail. Still, they were in beautiful country and it wasn’t long before the pair was engaged in a pleasant sing-along as Helliwell urged the team forward to close the distance with their escort. After a few miles journey, Helliwell made the observation that the grazing buffalo were not as close to the road as was normal. At this time of year, the great buffalo herd was scattered over a broad area as individuals grazed freely. It was a normal case for BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail them to be a bit of a nuisance, even to the point of sometimes blocking the trail. On this day, however, they were not congregated along the river where the trail ran but rather several hundred yards out on the open prairie. Booth responded to the concern by saying that Van Antwerp’s column had only passed through the area a short time before and had probably frightened the animals away from the river. The wagon had progressed nearly six miles when Captain Booth saw movement along the river that resembled one of the great flocks of turkeys that inhabited the area. As the curious officer made closer observation, he suddenly realized that it was not turkey but rather the tops of Indian’s heads as they rode their ponies between the bank and the river. Booth grabbed Helliwell by the arm and requested the Lieutenant’s opinion of what he was seeing. After a quick examination, Helliwell turned the team about making gallop speed back toward Fort Zarah. Booth asked Helliwell to settle down remarking that the movement might be Van Antwerp’s troopers. Helliwell replied that he had seen Indians before and there was no mistake. In an effort to satisfy his indecision, Booth stepped up on the footboard of the buckboard and looked over the canvas cover to make certain. That sick feeling of fear that grows in the bowels must have been sudden and intense for the officer as he focused his attention on the horsemen. Boiling out of the ravine was a full compliment of warriors. They were shedding their robes, drawing spears and preparing their bows for combat. Helliwell asked whether the riders were in fact hostiles. Booth answered that they were and that the band was approaching quickly. Helliwell’s response was of concern for his soon-to-be-widowed bride, Lizzy. Booth, who had no bride but was certainly concerned with saving their skins, stated that they should get out of the area as quickly as possible. Helliwell stiffened his jaw and remarked that he would do the driving and Booth should handle the shooting. The young Lieutenant handed his revolver over to Booth and stepped to the front of the wagon so he could lash the team forward as furiously as possible. Booth crawled to the back of the buckboard and spied through the small hole in the canvas. He counted at least thirty warriors bearing down upon the retreating wagon. Booth’s estimate of the rapidly closing distance and the number of warriors caused the young officer to furiously renew his lashing of the mules. The horse race continued for several hundred yards as the officers attempted to outrun the warriors. Helliwell would yell for a report, Booth would answer, and the Lieutenant would respond by increasing pressure on the team to maintain a full run. As the range closed between the wagon and the Indians, the sound of rifle shots rang out. Both men began yelling at the mules to summon more strength and speed. The warriors split ranks as they came up on the wagon, dividing to make an attack from both sides. As the pursuers passed by the wagon, a volley of arrows was launched. Helliwell cried out that he was hit as the arrows riddled the wagon and canvas. Booth turned to see Helliwell trying to remove an arrow from his head, just above his right ear,

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail while still trying to lash the team forward. Booth asked Helliwell if it hurt, assuming that it probably did. Helliwell answered that it wasn’t too bad as he jerked the arrow free. The warriors passed by the wagon and circled about to deliver another volley. Booth tried to take aim at the Indians but the wagon had become an impossible environment for such an action as it crashed and careened over the frozen ruts of the trail. Boxes, stores, and the captain bounced about out of control in the rear, as Helliwell drove the mules unmercifully from the front. A second volley of arrows rained down on the wagon. Helliwell yelled in pain as another arrow found its mark in his head, this time on the opposite side just above and behind his ear. Booth jumped to Helliwell’s aid and jerked the arrow free. The captain crawled back to the rear of the wagon and tried to see the position of the warriors. He was shocked to see a lone brave, within only a few yards, preparing an arrow to shoot through the puckered hole in the rear of the wagon. Booth threw himself to the side as the arrow whizzed through the hole and lodged itself in the “lazy back” of the wagon seat. Booth knocked the arrow from the seat back leaving the arrowhead still lodged in the split wood. He threw himself down on the floor of the wagon and tried to take a shot at the Indian. He failed to find his mark and tried to take another shot. Just as he began to squeeze the trigger, an arrow came through the canvas and lodged itself in Booth’s elbow. Booth jerked in response to the sudden pain and dropped his revolver onto the road. Before Booth could regain his composure, the wagon crashed over a frozen rut and nearly upset, throwing Booth through the canvas out onto the tailgate. The wounded officer found himself sprawled over the edge of the tailgate, trying to grab onto anything that would keep him from toppling onto the road. The Indians yelled in triumph as they saw the officer trying to crawl back into the wagon. Booth was able to grab hold of the rear wagon bow and pull himself to safety. Meanwhile, Helliwell was receiving an onslaught of arrows as several warriors tried to shoot him from the wagon. After Booth regained his footing and drew his second revolver, Helliwell called him forward. The Indians were becoming more confident and approaching brazenly close to the wagon. One was within a few feet on the right side trying to string his bow for a shot. All the lieutenant could do was watch hopelessly and call for help as he drove the team forward. Booth grabbed hold of the front bow of the wagon top and sent a shot at the brave, causing him to turn away. Booth jumped back to the rear of the wagon to try another shot at one of the braves who was closing the distance from behind. As Booth leveled his Remington revolver at the brave, he was surprised to see the rider swing over on the off side of his pony, revealing nothing other than an arm over the pony’s neck and the bottom half of his leg hooked over the back above the withers. The pony’s head as close enough to the officer that he attempted to strike at it with his pistol. Why it never occurred to Booth to simply shoot the animal and allow the pair to crash into the ground, is probably a consideration for those who are not engaged in the panic and desperation of the situation. But Booth waited until the game of dodge and evade was more to his favor. The Indian exposed BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail himself too much and Booth sent a ball into the warrior’s chest. Booth yelled in triumph as the Indian crashed limply into the frozen roadbed. Booth settled on his box of crackers for a moment as he tried to decide the Indians’ next tactic. Again, Helliwell called him forward. A brave was nearing the right side of the wagon for a close shot at the driver. Booth ordered Helliwell to use his whip on the Indian. The lieutenant lashed the brave across the face, the lash knot striking the warrior in the eyes. The Indian dropped his bow, put both hands to his face and swung the pony away. Several of the braves stopped to help the man that Booth had shot. Realizing that there was nothing they could do, they renewed pursuit. Using the same tactic of splitting ranks on either side of the wagon, they again sent a volley of arrows into the sides. Booth took a position on the edge of the wagon box and didn’t realize that his outline could be clearly made out through the canvas. As he started to go forward to aid Helliwell, he felt an uncomfortable tug at his shoulder and noticed that an arrow was lodged into it through the wagon sheet. Booth tore himself free of the arrow and canvas. He found an arrow lodged in Helliwell’s back through the lazy back of the wagon seat. Helliwell ordered Booth to pull it out. Booth eventually jerked the arrow free. He was shocked to see that the arrow had penetrated by a full six inches in what looked to be a dangerous location. Booth threw down the arrow and started to the rear of the wagon when Helliwell summoned him forward. A warrior had approached to within ten feet and was preparing to launch another arrow. Booth aimed his revolver and pulled the trigger, only to hear the weapon reply with a hollow click. Booth cocked and shouted “Bang!” as he pulled the trigger. The Indian swung over the off side of his mount and turned away. Booth threw himself back to the rear of the wagon and tried to reload his percussion revolver. He tore away the end of the paper cartridge with his teeth and tried to pour the contents into one of the chambers. The crashing and careening of the wagon made it almost impossible for him to get any of the black powder down the chamber, spilling most of the contents onto the floor. Helliwell summoned him forward as another warrior made ready for a close range shot at the driver. The empty gun tactic of before didn’t work a second time, and Booth threw the revolver striking the Indian in the ribs, causing him to drop his bow and swing away. Booth turned his attention to reloading their only remaining revolver. As he tried to again pour powder down the chamber, Helliwell yelled that he was shot. Booth looked up to see an arrow flopping through the web of Helliwell’s right hand. Booth yelled that he should pull the arrow free. Helliwell replied that it wasn’t necessary as he continued lashing the team forward in spite of the arrow flopping through his whip hand. Finally the arrow tore through the flesh and fell free. Tall stalks of dead sunflowers, as heavy as canebrake were now at the edge of the trail. The warriors tried to crowd the team into the heavy growth in order to cause the wagon to wreck or at least slow to a stop. One warrior tried to jab his spear into the sides of the animals to force them to swing into the growth. One animal thrust itself to the side to avoid the blows while the other threw itself against its teammate to avoid crashing into BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the overgrowth. Booth stepped onto the footboard and tried to kick the mule back to the center of the road, while Helliwell tried to rein the animals in the same direction. As the warrior advanced to jab at the near side mule, Booth sent his last revolver flying toward the Indian. He missed the rider but hit the pony in the withers, causing the animal to buck out of the rider’s control. As the Indian tried to regain control of his mount, the wagon finally got past the stand of sunflowers. Booth and Helliwell were now without weapons except for their sabers and scabbards. Luckily, the warriors had also exhausted their supply of arrows. With only spears left, the pursuers tried to get close enough to lance the officers. Booth threw the scabbards and then the swords at those who were closest. With at least a mile’s distance still remaining between the men and the safety of the outpost, Booth turned to the only remaining possible weapons that were left in the wagon. He flung his valise at the nearest rider. He missed but the valise flew open when it hit the ground, dumping Booth’s fancy dress uniform onto the road. The Indians noticed the prize material and held up their mounts. Booth saw them holding up the sashes and other bits of uniform in celebration. Booth told Helliwell that he was going to throw out the lieutenant’s as well. More braves stopped to collect the bounty. The mules were on the verge of collapse, and no matter how furiously Helliwell lashed them forward, the men could feel the pace slowing. Several of the braves who had not stopped for the valises, attempted to lance the mules. Helliwell yelled to Booth that they would be better off to die fighting rather than be taken prisoner. Booth answered agreement and suggested that they should fight back to back until they were brought down. Within a few moments, the mules and wagon rattled over the crude bridge into the safety of the compound. It was only at this moment that Conkey’s troops were aware of the situation. The warriors drew up at the bridge as officers and men poured into the open to surround the wagon and wounded officers. Conkey ordered the bugler to sound “Boots and Saddles,” and in less than ten minutes, ninety troopers were in hot pursuit of the raiders. Amid the coughing and wheezing of the exhausted mules, Booth and Helliwell, tried to lift their battered bodies from the wagon. Helliwell found that his coat was pinned to the side by lodged arrows, and Booth had to pull several free to allow his lieutenant to free himself. Soldiers counted twenty-two arrows lodged into the buckboard. Helliwell, blood flowing from both sides of his head, was also unable to move his right arm. The men were guided to the post surgeon and as Booth stood observing the more seriously wounded Helliwell being treated, the post adjutant asked why the captain was standing with his shoulder shrugged. Upon examination it was found that an arrowhead was lodged in the captain’s shoulder. Two officers tried to pull it out but had no luck. Finally, the doctor told them to leave the wound alone and that he would attend to it when he finished with Helliwell. Eventually the arrow had to be cut from Booth’s shoulder having twisted itself into the muscles. Booth was not seriously hurt but there was some concern for Helliwell. The arrow in his back had almost ruptured a kidney. However, both men were able to inspect the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail condition of the mules the following morning. The poor beasts would be stiff and sore for days. Captain Conkey and his troopers returned late in the night having made no contact with any of the warriors other than a single sighting in the sand hills to the south. The following morning a scouting-party of forty men under the command of a sergeant started a sweep toward Cow Creek, northeast of the Walnut. A corporal and one of the recruits made a swing toward the Upper Walnut to search for sign of the Indians. They blundered into the middle of over three hundred. When they tried to run for the safety of the troops, the recruit panicked and drew his mount’s reins too tight, causing the animal to go out of control as it fought the bit. The recruit begged not to be abandoned as the corporal raced ahead. Looking back, the corporal saw the recruit fighting his animal as the horse reared and plunged against the bit. The corporal ordered the recruit to give the horse his head and not jerk the bit but the panicked recruit had too little training to respond and too much fear to listen. Within moments the Indians had swarmed around the trooper and, in spite of his screams, it was all the corporal could do to save himself. The recruit’s body was found the following day, another victim of poor training and inexperience. Helliwell was able to rejoin his wife at Fort Riley. His battery was consolidated from various escort and garrison duties from several posts to Fort Leavenworth the following month. Helliwell went on to serve his unit at Fort Scott, Kansas, until June and then was returned to service at Fort Zarah and Fort Leavenworth until September, 1865. His unit was mustered out of service, September 30, 1865. Captain Booth saw duty in Wyoming Territory before his discharge in 1865 at the close of the Civil War. He returned to Manhattan and operated a hardware and farm implement business. In 1867, he was elected to the Kansas legislature. In 1869, he became post trader and postmaster at Fort Larned. He assisted with the founding of the city of Larned. He floated his sutler’s store down the Pawnee Fork to the new town site and the little building was credited with being the first saloon, restaurant, church, school, and hotel at various times during the development of the town. He left his job as post trader in 1873 and built a home in Larned. He was elected to the state legislature from Pawnee County in 1873 and served as chief clerk of the Kansas House of Representatives during 1875-1876. Later, as a receiver of the U.S. Land Office, he assisted with the public sale of Fort Larned after it was abandoned. Throughout the remainder of his life, he never forgot the harrowing escape that he and his young fellow officer had experienced during the war. It was quite a tale of the courage and desperation of two men alone against hostile enemies. In retrospect, it is also an example of the luck and fortitude of citizen soldiers whose lack of knowledge and experience almost got them killed.

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Chapter 15 The Buffalo Runners Myths, misunderstanding and legends abound surrounding the American Bison and the men who hunted it. There were perhaps ten to fifteen million buffalo left on the Plains by the middle of the 19th century. Estimates of as high as sixty million in the 17th century are possible but somewhat unlikely. What can certainly be said is that the beasts were so numerous that inexperienced people would turn in flight at the sight of them when the great herds migrated into view. The herd would appear as a spreading black stain on the horizon as it moved north in the spring. Quanah Parker Individual identity of the animals was lost as the herd became one dynamic juggernaut of rumbling hooves, dust, odor and raw power. In the early days, when the numbers were the greatest, hunters felt overwhelmed. They would remain in a single position and shoot the beasts until their rifle barrels became too hot to touch. The shooters would drop hundreds only to witness hundreds more approaching to take their places. Most men could shoot enough of the animals in four hours to keep a skinning crew busy for the remainder of the day, and they would do it day after grinding day during the northern migration of the herd. In our modern world it is often difficult to imagine the numbers and the monumental environmental effect that the buffalo had upon the plains and the people who inhabited it. The bison were gregarious animals that were forced to migrate because of their herding instinct. In some areas they had regular routes, while in other sections they seemed to wander at will. The migrations were not extensive enough for the bison to escape the rigors of winter but were “shifts” from a summer range to a winter range determined by the availability of food in a particular season. In traveling from one place to another buffalo always sought the easiest grades to circumvent obstacles, and the trails they left formed the basis for the routes of most of our modern highways and railroads. Broad depressions were created only when the buffalo migrated en masse. Most of the time the herd was scattered into small herds of fifty to a hundred individuals for grazing purposes. The buffalo trails that are mentioned in many writings of the period were made when the animals made short journeys to water or lounging areas as small units within the massive herd as a whole. The problem of recognizing such trails is that the plains are today covered with agricultural land where the evidence has been worked under during farming activities. In pasturage areas where the soil is too thin to be farmed, most of the grazing lands are covered with cattle. The cattle use exactly the same trails that the grazing bison did, again because modern domestic cattle seek the easiest grade and circumvent obstacles. Buffalo pasturage such as those herds managed by the state of Kansas south of Garden City or at Big Basin between Ashland and Meade, BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Kansas, look exactly the same as pastures throughout the plains. After all, bison are very little different from domestic cattle in their grazing and lounging habits. One area where ancient buffalo traces can be seen and followed is at Scott Lake Park north of Scott City, Kansas. A large natural spring is located at the park that has been present for thousands of years. Because of the naturally arid conditions, the springs were a magnet for wildlife and the Indians that harvested them. Thousands of small trails lace the surrounding hillsides of the basin where the springs are located where bison worked from the hilltop pastures to the springs. A person can still find fossilized buffalo bones along the cliff sides and in the shallow canyons, especially after rains wash away part of the topsoil. Another sign of the once vast bison herds that can often be found on private land are the remainders of ancient wallows or dust baths. These can often be found in the “softer soils” of south central and southwest Kansas. Bison are exceptionally hardy and can withstand extremes of heat, cold and drought much better than domesticated stock. Living on the treeless prairies, they seldom were able to escape the sun’s rays. Their periods of greatest activity occurred in the early morning and late afternoon. Midday was their time for resting, chewing their cuds and wallowing. In order to gain some relief from the clouds of pestiferous insects, bison loosened the earth with their hoofs and lay down and kicked the dirt over their bodies. Once the sod had been stripped off, bison used such wallows until large depressions were formed. Some of these wallows were fifty feet across and two feet deep. The dust filtering down through the bison’s hair choked the insects and reduced their activity. Sometimes rain filled the wallows or the bison urinated there and when they rolled in the mud their bodies became plastered with it, providing excellent protection. With the bison gone, wallow grass entrenched as modern cattle are not so aggressive in such a behavior. Some of these ancient wallows will still show up in farmland during periods of extensive rains, as the depressions still catch rainwater and hold it in shallow mud holes. Over a century of farming practices are slowly working the old wallows level. A large bull bison may stand 6 feet at the shoulder and measure 11 _ feet in length. Many weigh almost a ton and there are records of some that went nearly three thousand pounds. The cows are smaller and slimmer, weighing eight to nine hundred pounds. There is little variation in color among bison; the shadings are from dark brown to black. In the spring the winter hair, which is subsequently shed, may be bleached to a dark tan. Albinism occurs infrequently. The Indians proclaimed such an animal sacred. A fellow named Prairie Dog Dave Morrow shot one in the early 1870s and received a thousand dollars for the hide. There were also some records of pied, or white-faced, bison. The bison’s humped back is accentuated by long hair that covers the head, neck, shoulders and fore legs. In winter this hair can achieve a length of 8 inches. This unusual physical feature causes buffalo to face into harsh winter winds rather than retreat from them. The animal is considered a form of wild cow that crossed the bridge from Siberia to Alaska during the Pleistocene period. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Herds that covered fifty by twenty miles, containing four million animals, were not uncommon. Migration routes extended to as high as four hundred miles in a season, the herd working north in the spring and looping south in the fall. The largest and the one that crossed the Santa Fe Trail, was the great Texas herd. The herd wintered near the Concho and Pecos and moved north in spring through the Panhandle to the Arkansas, and into Colorado. Comanche, Cheyenne and Kiowa tribes claimed the herd and fought other nations for their right to it. It was for all practical purposes, obliterated by 1876. Unless one owned a ranch, the quickest way for the common man to make money on the frontier was to turn buffalo hunter. In 1870 bull hides brought two dollars each; cowhides and calf hides twenty-five cents less. Mop hair, the long hair that fell over the bison’s eyes and horns, was worth seventy-five cents a pound. Buffalo tongues were cut out and placed in brine barrels that rode on the wagons. By and large, the rest of the animal was left to rot on the prairie. Skinning crews used mules and single trees to “roll” the hide off the animals. The hide would be split down the belly and holes would be cut on one side. The mules would then be backed up to the beasts and the single trees fastened to the hide. The mule would then pull the hide from the animal as the skinner trimmed the hide from the meat. Sometimes an iron stake would be driven through the animal’s head to secure it to the ground so the mules could pull tough hides free, much like a fisherman sometimes nails a catfish’s head to a board to be able to skin it. There were basically two ways to hunt bison. Indian fashion, which meant to ride a swift pony after the herd and shoot the animals as they were passed, was one method. Buffalo Bill Cody used this method when hunting for the railroad to supply the crews with meat. This tactic worked fine, although it was quite dangerous, if one was processing a few animals a day for food. Indians hunted buffalo in this fashion quite effectively with arrows and spears after the coming of the horse. An entire culture was built around the horse and the buffalo. Spiritualism, art and moral values evolved to sustain the buffalohorse culture. Many tribes such as the Comanche were transformed from subsistence hunter-gatherers to ferocious warrior-raiders. Mexican ciboleros of the Southwest used long lances and short-barreled fusils to hunt in a similar fashion. But great numbers were not taken because the tanning process was extremely slow and cumbersome. It is for this reason that the Bents of Bent’s Fort, Colorado, traded with Indians for buffalo hides. Indian women brain tanned the hides and worked them with their teeth. Few whites were willing to work the hides in such a fashion. In the 1860s a new tanning method was devised so that mass production of buffalo hides could take place efficiently. This changed the entire nature of the hunt. Buffalo were processed rather than hunted after that period. Professional hunters chose the second alternative of hunting. The method was called buffalo running, which is confusing terminology since one would think that using a horse for such hunting would more properly fit. This tactic called for a hunter to position himself in an ambuscade with high-powered rifles and shoot the animals as they passed in migration. Later, when numbers had dwindled, the same tactic was called the buffalo

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail stand. Small groups would be shot at long range until they were either all down or had panicked and fled beyond the shooter’s range. Buffalo, like many other animals on the plains, did not associate the report of a rifle with the death of a companion. It is a complex thinking pattern of association of which most animals are not capable. If a hunter did not shoot too often so that the report of the rifle was startling or did not wound an animal to cause a violent reaction to the shot, the others would simply mill about in confusion. A hunter learned to shoot dominant cows first, calves second, and bulls last. A well-placed shot in the lungs simply caused the animal to lie down and suffocate from the wound. When other animals approached it, they would fall next to the hunter’s bullets so that they did not cause a commotion from recognition of the odor of blood. Good shooters occasionally downed more than a hundred animals before the herd became startled and moved away. Professionals used large .50 caliber single shot rifles that often weighed over eleven and sometimes as much as sixteen pounds. The heavy weight helped reduce recoil and allowed for a steady sighting, especially when used with crossed sticks to brace the barrel. Sharps dropping blocks and Remington rolling blocks were the most popular, but almost any large caliber rifle would do. Muzzleloading Plains rifles, Spencer repeaters, Civil War surplus Springfield .58 caliber muzzleloading rifles and Trap Door Springfields were also commonly seen. Bill Cody used a converted breechloading Springfield named Lucritia Borgia for most of his early hunting. Contrary to popular depiction, Winchesters were considered almost worthless before 1873 for such a purpose because of their light loadings. Hunting took place most often when the hides were well haired in the late fall, winter and early spring. In the heyday of the hunting, 1868-74, however, the animals were slaughtered year around. In 1870, two major buying firms assembled over 200,000 hides between them. A good hunter could gross as much as two hundred dollars a day during the high-market years, a fantastic wage for that age. But these men paid a price. They lived in primitive conditions, dwelling on the open plains for months at a time, constantly exposed to the filth of skinning and hide processing, open to Indian reprisal, and at the whims of nature. More than a few froze to death or simply disappeared in the vast wilderness. This was especially true when there was a run on the buffalo similar to the early gold rushes. Thousands tried their hand at buffalo hunting, most ill prepared for the experience and without the knowledge to exist in the harsh environment. It was common practice for hunters to carry in their pocket a “bite,” arsenic poison in a capsule made from a .40 caliber brass shell casing fitted inside a .45 casing. If all hope was lost during combat with Indians, hunters could poison themselves to avoid being captured alive, tortured and mutilated. The highly profitable business became glutted in 1873 and the prices for green hides fell drastically. Men who had gone deeply into debt to assemble an outfit found themselves shooting hundreds of buffalo for prices that didn’t break even with costs. Many became desperate and turned to stealing Indian ponies or other crimes to pay the bills. The trade became associated with “hard cases” and attracted all sorts of riffraff. Many of the true professionals abandoned the business before they lost everything. Others did not realize what was happening and rode their business into bankruptcy. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail The federal government encouraged the wholesale slaughter of the bison herds. Free ammunition was even handed out to hunters in the form of a subsidy. Government medals were given to the most successful hunters. The reasons were simple. First, Indians were entirely dependent upon the herds for survival. Kill the bison and the Indian starved. Eventually the Indian had to surrender to the government reservation just to get enough food to eat. Second, large-scale agriculture was not possible until the dangerous and unpredictable buffalo were removed from the plains and replaced by domestic cattle. Railroads needed immigrants to pay their construction and operating expenses, and immigration for farming purposes was not possible until the buffalo was removed. To the government, extinction of the buffalo meant settlement of the land. No more hostile independent Indians and lots of new farmers spending money would be the result. A typical buffalo hunting outfit consisted of two shooters, four skinners and two men to stretch the hides. Two iron wheeled wagons were often used to carry supplies and haul the hides. Wagons would carry a ton of ammunition, sixteen pounds of lead and four hundred pounds of powder. Ammunition was reloaded to conserve resources, the brass casings being used several times before being discarded. Normally the crew went where they suspected most of the animals would be and build a dugout in the side of a hill for a base camp. If the herd moved, so did the crew. Hides would be hauled into a settlement periodically to sell and buy supplies. A hunter left base camp around 6:00 a.m. in the morning and hope to have a stand established by 10:00 a.m. He took a pair of rifles and at least a hundred rounds of ammunition. He would also carry a wiping rod, ripping knife, hunting knife and sometimes a butcher’s steel for sharpening. By mid-morning the bison had grazed heavily and normally would be lounging, chewing their cud. They were much less excitable at that point. The shooter would set up and shoot, if possible until around 2:00 p.m., at which time the skinners would arrive and begin processing the animals. The hide stretchers staked out the hides hair side down, salted them, and often sprinkled a good dose of powdered arsenic to keep vermin and varmints from eating them. They would also be responsible for retrieving the dried hides later; binding and loading them on the wagons. In good weather, it took three days for a hide to dry. The hides were usually staked out where the animals fell. When they were dried, they were folded and stacked. When a stack reached around eight feet in height, they were tied into bundles and “boosted” onto the wagons for sale. It was said that a good man could skin fifty buffalo a day. He was normally paid fifty dollars per month but sometimes received twenty-five to thirty cents apiece. He was paid by the shooter, who more times than not, was the boss of the outfit. This work went on day after day, as long as the buffalo were available. A few men kept expenses low by doing all the shooting, skinning and stretching by themselves. It would have not been unusual for an outfit to be out on the plains for six months at a time with only occasional trips into a town for supplies. After a while, in less than sanitary conditions, the men smelled like their work. Most folks knew a buffalo hunter by his odor if not his gritty appearance. Other than beans, flour and coffee, the hunter’s principle food was the buffalo itself. Buffalo humps, highly esteemed for their flavor, were hung in trees for months, becoming BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail crusty and green. They would be sliced, salted and fried in tallow. Usually buffalo meat would be hung over the winter. It was often cured by digging large square holes lined with fresh green hides pegged to the edges. The meat was salted and left in the hole for eight days. It was smoked, salted and cured. Men ate enormous quantities of the meat at each meal. Some of the claims of the poundage ranged to fourteen pounds a day, but these men lived largely on a meat diet and needed a lot of protein during cold winter weather when most of the hunting took place. Until 1873 hunters stayed north of the Arkansas River. By treaty, the area south of the river was Indian land. The river was termed the Deadline. But the tremendous harvest of 1873 so decimated the herd that it did not move north of the river. If men wanted buffalo, they would have to cross the line. Newly formed Dodge City was the center of the trade. Hunters approached the commander of a nearby military installation, Fort Dodge, to ascertain the government’s position on the hunters violating the treaty. They were given approval to carry out their plans. Washington’s unofficial policy of obliteration of the buffalo overcame any treaty negotiated with “savages.” Dodge City founders and robe traders Charles Rath and Charles Meyers organized a trek into the forbidden zone. In order to support and encourage the hunters he proposed to buy the hides from a point on the plains and transport the hides to Dodge City at his own expense. The logical location was Adobe Walls in present-day Hutchinson County, Texas, a failed venture of William Bent’s, which still contained the ruins of his old trading fort. Fifty men, one woman and thirty wagons were assembled for the push to Adobe Walls. Once there the group erected two sod houses, a corral and a saloon. It was a modest settlement to be sure but more than adequate for the needs of the hunters. A late spring delayed the coming of the herd but when it did appear, the hunters broke into small parties and began their annual slaughter. It wasn’t long before certain groups disappeared and stories of scalped hunters found on the plains began to circulate. It didn’t have much effect on the Adobe Walls group, however. Each year the buffalo numbers were falling and if the men expected to make a profit, they were compelled to take the risk of Indian hostility. The enterprise continued in spite of regular harassment. The Indians were in an entirely different situation. They were witnessing the disintegration of their culture. The rapid depletion of the herd spelled eventual doom for them and they reacted violently. A mystic Comanche named I-sa-tai proposed a grand scheme that involved spiritual rituals to make his braves bulletproof and to lull the hunters into a deep sleep so they could be massacred. For some reason, Indians always seemed to follow fellows who believed they could make men bulletproof. Serious doubt must be placed on the idea that I-sa-tai really believed such things were possible. Such a prediction would seem doomed to self-defeat, but the claim was made and the Comanche were able to form an alliance with Kiowa, Arapaho, Cheyenne and Plains Apache. Perhaps I-sa-tai’s claims simply provided the tribes an excuse to revenge the destruction of their greatest natural resource. Early on the morning of June 27, 1874, the alliance struck the settlement. Twentyeight men and one woman were at the Walls to meet the attack. During the night a beam in one of the buildings had cracked and many of the men were up making repairs. Otherwise, they might have been caught in their beds by the early morning surprise BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail attack. The Indians fought with fierce courage, several times making it to the walls of the sod structures. But the big buffalo rifles held them off, taking a substantial toll of Indian lives. Eventually, the attack broke off in failure, I-sa-tai’s claims discredited. The hunters lost only three men, two caught outside of the structures during the first stages of the attack and a third who accidentally shot himself in the head. The military was summoned for protection and the hunters were escorted back to Dodge City. General Nelson Miles was then ordered to punish the tribes for their resistance. Never mind that the hunters were flagrantly violating a treaty, the Indians must be punished. Miles badly defeated the alliance in battle and scattered the remainder. From that point on the land south of the Deadline was fair game for the hunters. After that year, the industry steadily declined in the south range as the numbers of buffalo dwindled to extinction. The last group of buffalo in the Southwest was slaughtered in 1887, long after the big money was gone from the trade. Hunters in 1868 believed that they would “hunt buffalo for the rest of their lives.” By 1878, local newspapers were complaining of the unemployed hunters, “looking for trouble and a grubstake.” A few men made small fortunes, some eked out a living at the trade for several decades, but for most the riches turned to rags. The final step was the gathering of the bones of the beasts that littered the plains for fertilizer. When that was over, the buffalo were gone, the Indian subdued and most of the hunters were left with only a memory of the glory years of the American buffalo trade.

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Chapter 16 The Early Years of the Mud Fort Medical records of the early years of Fort Dodge, Kansas, are marked with sacrifice, sickness, exposure and death. The problem was that military engagements against hostiles accounted for a small percentage of the soldiers’ ailments. The open plains of Kansas were a magnet for white explorers of the early 19th century. A narrow, relatively benign corridor defined the north and south borders of Kansas Territory across the expanse of the central plains of the North American continent. To the north lay a treacherous and bewildering maze of sand hills that now makes up a large percentage of the state of Nebraska. Beyond that were the harsh winters of the Dakotas. To the south were the vast, semiBilly Dixon forested plains of present-day Oklahoma which were dominated by some of the most powerful plains Indian tribes on the continent, successfully repelling the northern expansion of the Spanish empire for over 300 years. Other than following the Missouri River to the Northwest as did Lewis & Clark, the only practical overland crossings lay across the plains of Kansas. The three most practical crossings followed the Platte, Smoky Hill and Arkansas Rivers. Because most of the early reasons for crossing the plains centered upon the beaver and buffalo hide industries of the Southern Rockies and the Santa Fe Trade, the Arkansas River and the Santa Fe Trail became the most dominant of the three routes. As early as 1845, the United States had established a tiny log and sod wall garrison at the Cimarron Crossing of the Arkansas River to provide some meager protection for caravans crossing over the Santa Fe Trail. Mann’s Fort probably never held more than twenty to forty volunteer troops, a garrison incapable of doing any more than just holding a position in the middle of nowhere. With the advent of the Mexican War, Mann was abandoned as trail traffic temporarily ground to a halt. In 1850, as a result of Indian raids upon a newly established stage route to Santa Fe, Fort Atkinson was established six miles east of Fort Mann near a natural wonder and constant water source known as Black Pool. Problems of supplying the fort proved to be enormous as it was located nearly three hundred miles from Fort Leavenworth, the nearest neighbor to the east. By 1853, under the excuse that Indian resistance had faded, the post was abandoned. Caravans assembled at Council Grove into defensive paramilitary units before making the dangerous crossing to the Mexican settlements along the east slope of the Rockies. In 1859, Fort Larned (Camp Alert) was established approximately fifty miles northeast of the old Fort Atkinson site along the Pawnee Fork of the Arkansas River, and became the main assembly point for the caravans. Only three companies of troops were garrisoned at Fort Larned during the summer months, seriously impeding any pursuit of marauding bands of Kiowa, Arapaho, Comanche and Plains Apache. As a result of nearly constant pleas for protection by the caravans, a general Indian uprising resulting from the Chivington Massacre, and the demands of trail protection during the Civil War, BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail several military expeditions were undertaken to access the conditions of the central plains. It was advised that a concentrated military presence to provide punishment and offensive actions against the tribes was the only option for settlement of the region. The Civil War increased threats to the Santa Fe Trail from the Southwest. As a result, one of the newly established military posts was designated in March 18, 1865, to be placed on or near the old Fort Atkinson site. Under orders, Captain Henry Pearce, Company C, 11th Kansas Cavalry, chose a spot six miles east of Fort Atkinson for the new post to be established on April 5, 1865. Pearce felt that his new site was more easily defended and more centrally located to protect various surrounding crossings of the Arkansas other than the Cimarron, such as the Mulberry, Black Pool and Coronado Crossing branches. What Pearce chose was a sandy flood plain slope next to where the river spread into a succession of shallow channels, far from any timber or rock resources which could be used for construction materials. The site was beneath an eighty-foot bluff and a series of ravines across a plains plateau stretching for miles to the north. The grandly named Fort Dodge, after the commander of the Department of the Missouri, Major General Grenville M. Dodge, was nothing more than a series of crude dugouts in the banks of the Arkansas River covered with brush and/or tent roofs, surrounded by a shallow earthen barricade. The much less grandly nicknamed “mud fort” was in place for defense of Union interests along the Santa Fe Trail. Although located against a ready and constant source of water, Fort Dodge had few actual defensive advantages over Fort Atchinson. The post had high ground encircling its position except along the southern riverbank. The ravines along the plateau to the north were such that an opposing force could gain access to the high bluff without detection. Fort Leavenworth was not able to provide even the bare essentials for construction, such as nails, tools or window. All the troops had were shovels and sod to begin construction. During the first year, seventy sod dugouts were built along the riverbank, most measuring ten by twelve feet in circumference and seven feet deep. A sod chimney with vent hole was fabricated for each dugout to provide for cooking and ventilation. Banks of dirt were left in the walls for placement of sleeping bunks. General John Pope, after an inspection, stated that the dugouts were “holes not fit to be dog kennels.” In spite of such criticism, it was felt that some defensive force had to be in place to counter a Confederate invasion of the Santa Fe Trail. Sanitation was a major problem. During the spring floods, underflow seeped through the walls of the dugouts and a dank, damp, vermin infested welcome greeted tired troopers trying to get some food and rest. The high ground surrounding the post drained through it. During long periods of spring rains and flooding, troopers were subject to malaria, diarrhea, dysentery and pneumonia. The sandy walls not only held moisture but tended to come apart and shift during inclement weather. Soldiers were also sustained almost completely upon flour, dried beans and meat as gardens were slight and did poorly in the sandy soil, resulting in a prevalence of scurvy among the men. During the winter of 1865 an unusually severe series of blizzards raged across the western plains of Kansas. Fort Dodge was isolated from her sister forts for several months. There were few available wagons and timber resources were nearly twelve miles from the fort. The men were without adequate supplies of kindling material for cooking fires that had to be carried by hand or bundled on the backs of the mounts. Rationed cooking fires did little to relieve the men of the constant cold, who shivered in the darkness on most winter BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail evenings. When the spring thaw came, dugout roofs began collapsing as the sandy, moist soil simply could not sustain the weight of the coverings. A major portion of the post’s meager supplies was lost from exposure to the elements. What little first year, aboveground construction took place was devoted to primitive corrals for the mounts. In May, 1865, Fort Leavenworth offered a portable saw so the troops could have more access to building and heating supplies, as new supplies began trickling into Fort Dodge. The offer was rejected in place of a field oven so the men would not have to eat gritty bread baked in sod ovens dug into the riverbank. The men also joined volunteer teams to construct a small sod sutler’s store so they could have access to some kind of diversion. By early summer William Ladd was appointed as post sutler but did not remain popular for long. In August, 1866, Captain Andrew Sheridan, post commander, reprimanded Ladd for price gouging and ordered him to reduce prices. Throughout the first year there were no indoor facilities for washing, bathing or shaving. A wooden trough filled from a nearby water barrel was provided near each of the dugouts. The post surgeon complained bitterly to the Office of the Surgeon General that the men were not bathing regularly or properly. The problem lessened somewhat during the summer months but few men were willing to break river ice or trough water during the winter to take a bath. Being dirty was better than being dead from pneumonia. The first hospital was constructed in 1865 as a temporary structure of sod material. The roof was made of earth and was almost flat in design resulting in inadequate drainage and leaking during rain. On at least one occasion the sides of the building collapsed before construction was completed. Ceilings and walls were covered with canvas to keep the dirt off the patients as much as possible. The building was divided into three rooms with sod walls. The center room was eighteen by fourteen feet and referred to as the ward. It contained four wooden bunks, sacks, blankets and pillow ticks. A second room was utilized as a dispensary and a third was used as the kitchen. A fireplace heated both the dispensary and ward. The wardroom also functioned as a mess room for post officers and later as a dining room for the hospital. As time progressed, conditions gradually improved for the troops at Fort Dodge. Desertion rates, which had been unacceptable during the early years of the post, lessened as permanent limestone and timber buildings were constructed, but illnesses continued to plague the soldiers. Post surgeon reports continued to describe high rates of scurvy, frostbite, diarrhea, tuberculosis, alcoholism and pneumonia. A cholera epidemic broke out throughout the trail posts in 1867, interfering with the construction of a new hospital and taking twenty lives at Fort Dodge. A disturbing report from 1872 also tells of sixteen men dying of rabies after having been bitten by skunks. During the first winters high rates of frostbite and accompanying gangrene caused a significant number of amputations to be logged in surgeon records. Long horseback patrols, marches, unsuitable clothing and poor housing on the bitterly cold winter plains took a heavy toll. Although fingers, toes and ears tended to be most common, a few men had to endure amputations of feet in advanced cases. Dr. William S. Tremaine, who served Fort Dodge as a surgeon for ten years, performed several hundred amputations with an 1872 total of seventy such operations being the worst winter tallies. As if rabid skunk bites and frostbite weren’t enough, cases of venereal disease also grew dramatically that year, no doubt in large part BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail because of the increased presence of prostitutes working the booming buffalo trade in newly established Dodge City, five miles to the west. A total of sixteen individual physicians were assigned to duty at Fort Dodge either as post surgeon or assistant post surgeon. Ten medical doctors were military and six were contract physicians. The senior medical officer, when more than one physician was attached, was referred to as the post surgeon. He was responsible for the surgical, medical and nursing care given to both military and civilian personnel of the fort and surrounding area. Surgeons were often assigned to accompany troops if hostile encounters or casualties were expected. At no time in the fort’s history did battle casualties ever amount to losses from disease. Enlisted soldiers were generally assigned to work in the hospital as nurses and cooks, generally serving for four weeks. With virtually no training in either function, it is safe to assume that these men were not the best caregivers. Permanent hospital steward positions were established with the beginning of construction of the first permanent hospital in 1866. M. F. O’Leary, the first hospital steward, served in this capacity for two years. When black troops were assigned to the post they were placed in a separate building other than the hospital for treatment. It was a frame building without a finished ceiling or walls and said to be very poorly ventilated. Amputees, men with ruptures, chronic venereal disease cases and those suffering through the late stages of tuberculosis were discharged from the service. Extreme cases of alcoholism, insanity or ailments requiring delicate surgery were normally sent east for treatment. Soldiers were not discharged from the service for alcoholism although it was a major problem at all frontier forts. As is the case when most people come in contact with horses over a long period of time, broken bones and back injuries were common in cavalry units. There was also a high number of cases of orchitis (inflammation of testicles), an injury usually associated with riding. Dr. Tremaine was often unhappy with the care soldiers received in the field and the lasting damage of poorly set or unattended wounds. Dr. Tremaine also had no sympathy for suspected malingerers. He once completed surgery on a mangled hand of a private without administering an anesthetic because his preliminary examination of the wound convinced him that the trooper had intentionally blown off parts of two of his fingers to obtain a discharge from the service. Doctors often prescribed a diet of tea and toast for suspected slackers. Such treatments were administered “in the best interest of both the government and individuals concerned.” In 1878, Dr. Tremaine’s wife, Sarah, died of pneumonia. The loss affected his attitude toward frontier medicine. He completed studies in the law and was admitted to the bar in 1879. He took sick in January, 1880 and was ill in quarters for approximately three months before being given a certificate of disability. Upon his resignation, soldiers, Dodge City citizens, farmers and ranchers honored him for his years of service. He had delivered almost every child in the area during his tour of duty and had rendered aid to almost everyone in the Dodge City community at one time or another. In spite of the honors, Tremaine refused to stay. He had seen and endured enough of the western plains of Kansas. He joined the faculty of the Kansas City College of Physicians and Surgeons, upon his resignation from the service. Fort Dodge played a significant role throughout the remaining days of the buffalo trade, Santa Fe Trail and Indian War years. On April 5, 1882, the garrison at Fort BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Dodge was ordered to abandon the post. By October the task was completed and the fort retired. But unlike so many other frontier posts, fate intervened on behalf of Fort Dodge. For a while the post was used as a temporary boarding and holding facility for the Texas herds coming to Dodge City to sell to the railroad markets. The hospital also served as an isolation ward during a smallpox outbreak in Dodge City in the late 1880s. In 1890, as a result of a critical shortage of facilities for serving Civil War veterans, Fort Dodge was designated as the Kansas State Soldier’s Home and has served in that capacity to this day. It is ironic that a fort infamous for an environment of hardship and sickness in the early years remains in service as source of comfort and security for soldiers almost 140 years later. Dr. Tremaine would, no doubt, be proud of the present function of the fort. Trolley tours are available for visitors to Fort Dodge through the Boot Hill Museum, Dodge City, Kansas. Although almost all of the buildings are still in use, visitors can still observe the original building designs and read about their functions on a modern, updated, self-guided walking tour of the fort. Plans are underway for establishment of a museum in one of the original buildings.

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Chapter 17 Battle Canyon and Squaws' Den Only the wind sings a sad song of confrontation and survival at the lonely site of Battle Canyon and Squaws' Den. On September 28, 1878, a chain of crucial circumstances led to a critical showdown between the wishes of a desperate people and the will of their masters. The resulting conflict would go down in history as the last major Indian battle to take place in Kansas. For nineteen days, three hundred thirty eight northern Cheyenne—eighty nine men, one hundred twelve women and one hundred thirty four children—under the leadership of Dull Knife and Little Wolf, had been working their way north toward the Pine Col. William H. Lewis Ridge Agency in present-day South Dakota after escaping from the Cheyenne-Arapaho Agency near Fort Reno, Oklahoma. At that time Oklahoma was known as the Indian Nations. The group had already fought one battle with a detachment of troops from Fort Reno in the hills surrounding the Cimarron River at a place called Turkey Springs and had suffered several casualties in another engagement against buffalo hunters and more troops along Bear Creek in southern Kansas. Some hunters and cowboys drove the Indians into some canyons along Bear Creek and it was not long before troops arrived. In the ensuing firing, several of the soldiers were wounded and they fell back, allowing the Indians a chance to slip away. The following day, the Indians found two of their advance scouts killed and scalped, the work of some of the cowboys that they had just encountered. Many of the younger braves were so embittered from the pursuit and killings that it became impossible for Dull Knife or Little Wolf to control them when they came upon unsuspecting whites. What began as a flight to be in their own homeland became a trail of murder and revenge. This story begins in the land of the Yellowstone, where Cheyenne were living with the Sioux. They were led by an old chief, Dull Knife, who as early as 1846 had talked for peace and did little fighting against the whites except in 1865, to avenge the Sand Creek massacre the fall before.

Dull Knife and Little Wolf

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Dull Knife and another chief, Little Wolf, had gone to Washington after the Sand Creek fighting where they received peace medals. They also asked for an agency for their people in the Black Hills region, but were refused. Dull Knife returned to his people and took them to the north and the buffalo herds of the Crazy Horse Sioux. Little Wolf returned to the Red Cloud Sioux agency in Nebraska, where his people had been placed.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail In 1876, Little Wolf and his people had left the Red Cloud agency on the regular treatysanctioned summer hunt. They were making the trek toward the Yellowstone, not knowing that at the same time, Custer and the 7th cavalry were being massacred along the Little Big Horn River. On November 25, Randall Mackenzie attacked Dull Knife's village as part of an action to avenge the Custer massacre. It made little difference that these people had nothing to do with it. Little Wolf and Dull Knife led their peoples in an escape through winter snows until starvation overtook them and they had to submit to the troops and the promise of better treatment at the agency in Nebraska. Upon arriving there, however, they were told that they would receive no food until they agreed to leave for the Cheyenne-Arapaho agency in Indian Territory. Neither chief wanted to go but they were told "just go down to see. If you don't like it you can come back." The chiefs had to accept the word of the soldiers. At the time their main concern was to keep their people from starving. Upon reaching the territory, they found their southern tribesmen dying of malaria with no quinine—such as had been promised—and of dysentery and starvation, because the land was already worn bare by too many Indians. Dull Knife thought about what the whites had told him and he readied his people to return north, at which time he was told he could not leave. After months of bondage on the reservation, with his people dying daily, fifty children had died from little or no medical attention, the beleaguered survivors slipped away under the cover of night. By September 27, the group was resting in the hills near Big Springs, some forty miles north of the Arkansas River and one hundred fifty miles northwest of Fort Dodge, along the banks of the Ladder Creek. The Indians knew that there were more soldiers approaching and because of the unique geography of the Big Springs area, they also knew that this would be the last place that they could make a decent stand until they reached the breaks of the Pine Ridge standing toward the Black Hills, some five hundred miles to the north. In this vast arid region, the bowl shaped canyon around Big Springs had been a natural funnel for wild game for thousands of years. When all other sources of water in the region had turned dry, the springs always flowed. Subsequently, the Indian had used the area as a place of encampment and hunting. Around the depression was a ring of high hills laced with small rock strewn canyons and breaks. The hills served the dual purpose of being a source of water, game and rest, and the perfect location for an ambush and defense. Toward this place came a man who had ironically foreshadowed his own fate when he had said at Fort Dodge that he would "capture the Cheyenne or leave his body on the ground." Brevet Lieutenant Colonel William S. Lewis was leading a contingent of cavalry and his own 19th Infantry in hot pursuit of the Indians. Lewis was a 48-year-old career soldier, born in Alabama, yet loyal to the Union through the Rebellion. He had entered the United States Military Academy in 1845 and was an experienced officer who had served almost his entire career in the desolate regions BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail of the American Southwest. He had been an Infantry Captain stationed in Santa Fe and Albuquerque, New Mexico, during the Civil War and had risen to the rank of Major by the War's end. From 1865 to 1874 he had remained in steady service with only one leave of absence, stationed at outposts in Utah, Wyoming, Montana and Dakota. During this time he had earned himself the reputation of being "calm and deliberate in judgment, courteous and refined in bearing, and active, firm and upright." Finally, in 1874, he had been honored with the post of an officer on the Retiring Board in Washington D. C. But after only a few months, he was recalled to service with the Department of the Missouri by Brevet Major General John Pope because, as he stated in a request to the adjutant general, "It will be difficult for me to administer properly the affairs of this Department—unless some of these officers are required to rejoin their commands. I respectfully request that Lieut. Colonel Lewis, whose services I now require, be relieved from duty on the retiring board and ordered to join his command." Upon learning of this request, Lewis applied for an extension of leave that was denied. His abilities were considered too great and the immediate need for officers of his caliber too important. So, Colonel Lewis returned to the West and duty at Fort Dodge, Kansas, where defense of the Santa Fe Trail and the newly constructed railroads was of primary importance. Stories of the so-called great Indian uprising flooded the newspapers, the office of the governor of Kansas, and the army posts throughout the state. A train of stock cars was readied take five companies of cavalry, two of infantry and fifty cowboys and ranchers up to the crossing at the Arkansas, where they heard Dull Knife and the Cheyenne were heading. When they arrived, however, they could find no Indians and started across the plains south toward Crooked Creek. At that point there was another confrontation with the Cheyenne and the troops had been beaten back. It was then that Colonel Lewis assumed command of the force and began a dogged pursuit of the Indians. Early, the morning of Sept. 28, 1878, the women were digging rifle pits along the top of a dome of rock that rose above their encampment, just north of the Ladder Creek. When the soldiers were seen coming, the women and children were hidden in a snake head draw, above the encampment just east of the dome, the steep slope full of fallen rocks. To the west of the dome was an open bowl shaped canyon with steep walls where the Indians set up a mock camp to lure the troops to attack. If all went well, the troops would attack the camp and find themselves in a death trap from which the Indians would pour down fire from the pits where they were concealed. As the soldiers moved into the canyon, the scouts saw the remains of the Cheyenne camp and waved the soldiers up. At the head of the dusty column rode Colonel Lewis. A few Indians assembled in the mock camp to serve as bait for the soldiers. The trap seemed to be working when one of the young agency Cheyenne fired before the soldiers reached the location where the ambush could be sprung. Lewis immediately ordered a retreat and the Indians had to start firing before the advance troops were out of range. Suddenly, a good plan of ambush had fallen apart and the Indians were forced to make a desperate stand against superior numbers. Colonel Lewis ordered his troop carrying wagons forward and the Cheyenne watched in frustration as the wagons wheeled about and formed a barricade with the ends toward BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the dome, the mule teams protected by the wagons. Infantry poured from the wagons and began forming a skirmish line at the base of the canyon, out of the reach of most of the Indians' weapons. Lewis then ordered a flanking maneuver up the eastern and far less steep wall of the canyon. After a climb of only a few feet, a broad shelf along the canyon edge would form a good place for men on foot to make a forward maneuver. With Captain Mauck, Lewis' second in command, conducting a covering fire from scouts and cavalry at the skirmish line, Lewis led his 19th Infantry around the flank to overwhelm the Indians. As the troops climbed out of the canyon and circled the warriors, catching them in crossfire, the Indians made an attempt to repulse the charge. As Lewis led his troops to the top of the ridge, a small group of Indians formed their own skirmish line and waited. Unknown to Lewis, his maneuver had placed the snake head draw, presently known as Squaws' Den, where the women and children were hidden, in a direct line of attack. The line of warriors would have to try to delay the troops long enough for the women and children to escape across the plains to the north of the draw. Lewis and his men met a withering fire of rifles as he topped the ridge. Several men went down. Gathering their wounded, the troops withdrew back over the crest and formed line of defense. From that position the troops directed rifle fire down upon the Cheyenne. The desperate tactic of the warriors that allowed the women and children to escape suddenly worked against them as they found themselves caught in a cross fire between the Infantry to the east and the skirmish line to the southwest. The Indians were circled and some soldiers began firing on their packhorses. As the afternoon lengthened, the soldiers began to close in, coming on foot from both sides against the snake head draw and the dome above it, until they had all the Cheyenne warriors pinned. Try as they may, the Indians could only cower in the canyon while soldiers fired on them. When the soldiers closed distance, with Colonel Lewis right behind them, Little Wolf ordered another round of intense fire. Several of the advancing troops went down, Lewis among them, a .50 caliber round in his thigh. As the troops retreated, sunset came upon the war ground. Choosing to abandon sixty horses that were trapped in the canyon, the Cheyenne slipped away and rejoined the women and children during the night. At sunrise they heard gunfire as the soldiers destroyed the horse herd. For the present the fight was over. Dull Knife's people fled north into Nebraska with troops closing in from several directions. With no more options available to his starving band, Dull Knive surrendered October 25, 1878. They were taken to nearby Fort Robinson but attempted another escape on January 9. Dull Knife was reported killed at Fort Robinson but his body was never formally identified. Only seventy-eight Cheyenne were left alive. Little Wolf and his people came to avenge their Cheyenne brothers but they, too, were captured on March 25, 1879 in the southeastern corner of Montana. While this was happening, Dull Knife was found to be alive and captured. Upon the request of General Nelson Miles, the old man was allowed to settle in the Rosebud Valley that became a part of the Tongue River Reservation that was finally set up for the Northern Cheyenne. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail The battleground is now on public land located eight miles north of Scott City, Kansas, owned by Scott County and leased to the Scott County Historical Society. A nearby lake and camp area provide the opportunity for several days of recreation. Visitors may hike, fish, camp, observe buffalo and elk in the wild and visit other historical points of interest, including the Springs and El Cuartelejo Ruins, an ancient Indian village. Admission to the battleground is free and visitors may wonder about the open pasturage that has changed little in the years since the battle. Special permission may have to be obtained, however, because stockmen graze cattle in the pasture. Only a stone marker of the battle site and a simple sign to mark where Lewis fell in battle stand in an otherwise lonely and windswept landscape. A few shallow rifle pits can still be located along the crest of the dome to mark where the Cheyenne attempted a surprise attack and defense. Yet, if one knows the story of the valiant battle and the brave men who fought it on both sides, and can use some imagination as the lonely wind sweeps through the draws, it is almost possible to see the soldiers charging up the rise and to hear the shouts of the Cheyenne as they organized their defense, so many years ago.

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Chapter 18 The Ranch at Cimarron Crossing For two years men struggled to maintain a lonely outpost at the Santa Fe Trail Cimarron Crossing of the Arkansas River. Isolation and the threat of death from Indian raids constantly skewed their lives and their fortunes. From its earliest years after establishment, the Santa Fe Trail split into two routes along a thirty-mile corridor of the Arkansas River Valley of the plains of Kansas Hay Ranch Territory. The Mountain Route (or Raton) followed the north bank of the river to Bent's Fort, Colorado, before crossing the river and twisting south along the east slope of the Rocky Mountains toward Raton Pass. The Cut-off passage crossed the Arkansas and swept sixty miles southwest along the desert trail called the Jornada del Muerte toward Middle Spring of the Cimarron River Valley. From 1825-1845 the Cut-off was the favored route of Santa Fe traders. As White settlement and commerce grew along the Arkansas River Valley, the longer Mountain Branch slowly grew to dominance. Caravans wanted to remain with the river as long as possible and during this same time period, the Cimarron Crossing drifted to the west as trail blazers experimented and found alternate routes for crossing the Jornada. The Arkansas River of today is a shadow of what it was in the middle of the 19th century. According to Major James H. Carleton's diary of 1852: Crossed the Arkansas about eighteen miles from the fort (Fort Atkinson) and had some difficulty in transit. The Arkansas River was a little over a quarter of a mile in width and is just up to the bottom of the carriages, but we escaped any wetting. The banks are low and it don't appear that the river ever rises more than about eight feet, and that it overflows its banks. The waters are as muddy as the Missouri River. The banks are bare of timber and underbrush and do not contain any rock. The east side is sheltered with a range of sand hills some eight to ten miles wide.

Crossing the river usually took an entire day with each wagon having to be double and sometimes triple teamed. As the wagons were forded, they were usually assembled on the south bank of the river until the men could see to the crossing of the entire caravan. It didn't take long for the Indians of the region to realize that if they intended to raid the caravans, the best time was when the caravans were split on either side and crews were spread thin. Often times only a token defense force was left with the south wagons with most of the men in the river or teaming the wagons on the north bank. These "south bank" men were usually the least experienced and the easiest to panic. In times of hostility, which broke out periodically a long the trail, the Arkansas River fording became the most dangerous operation of the Cimarron Cut-off passage. Several military posts and camps were established and abandoned along this area of the river reflecting intermittent periods of war and peace. Finally, during the Civil War, Fort Dodge was permanently established near Black Pool of the Lower Crossing, or the Mulberry Creek Route of the Cut-off. The military tried to choose a location where BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail troops could be dispatched to protect caravan and stage line crossings either to the east Lower Crossing or west Cimarron Crossing. Generally, during times of suspected Indian activity, infantry troops were dispatched in wagons to guard the caravans during the crossings. Private entrepreneurs realized that profitable businesses could be established along the Santa Fe Trail supplying feed, emergency supplies and equipment, fresh livestock, liquor, and meals to stages and caravans. These ranches, as they were termed at the time, were the 19th century Old West equivalent of the modern motel and gas station complexes that dominate the major interstate highways of the West today. They could be especially lucrative if under contract with stage line holding a government mail contract. Two brothers from New Hampshire, thirty-one-year-old John Francis (Frank) and twenty-two-year-old William Hartwell sold their failing interest in Six-Mile Creek station near Council Grove. Upon advice of the Santa Fe Stage Line division superintendent the brothers formed a partnership with James Ripley and Dutch Henry to establish a ranch at Cimarron Crossing on the slope above the flood plain of the Arkansas River. While William stayed behind to close out Six-Mile Creek station, a crew of six men went on to begin construction of the ranch. Charles Raber, a freighter of the period, wrote a description of Cimarron Crossing Ranch as it appeared in 1866: At this point (Cimarron Crossing) there was a well-equipped stage station, consisting of adobe houses and a large corral in which stage coaches or trains could find shelter in case of an attack by Indians. At the northeast and southwest corners were large towers provided with portholes. They were also used for sleeping rooms.

A force of twelve well-armed men manned the station, dividing labors between harvesting the six-foot tall grass in the flood plain for hay, guarding livestock and servicing the stages and caravans traveling along the trail. Other than one Indian raid upon livestock with a loss of several hundred dollars, the first year (1866) went fairly well. Indians appeared to be generally observing the peace treaty of 1865. Perhaps, one of the strangest incidents to befall the ranch that year was the arrival of a lone woman walking across the plains carrying an old quilt and umbrella. Except for her worn clothing and “loony” disposition, she was neat and tidy. The crew asked her where she came from but she only gave the name of a town and could not remember the state. She ate supper, gathered up her belongings in a bundle and left as the crew did evening chores. Who she was, where she went and what became of her remained a mystery. However, other legends of western Kansas settlement involving such places as White Woman Creek and Starving Woman Creek, farther west, indicate that such circumstances were not as uncommon as one might think. Madness resulting from the isolation and harsh conditions of the plains claimed many men and women of the time. My great-grandmother, an early settler near Fort Larned, related tales of the horrifying loneliness of life on the prairie and fears that she would “lose her sanity” before her children were born. In January of 1867, the ranch experienced its first incident with hostiles. John Sullivan, an Arapaho warrior, and several other tribe members crossed the frozen river and entered the main storeroom of the main house as if to trade. Upon entering the storeroom, they began ransacking and helping themselves to the goods. Ripley was BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail unable to control them and called upon the Hartwells for help. William entered the room alone and told Sullivan to get out of the store. Sullivan approached the young storekeeper boldly, spat on his fingers and began snapping them in Hartwell's face. Hartwell took hold of a wagon wheel spoke and knocked Sullivan to the floor with a blow to the head. The other braves went for their bows but Frank and Ripley entered with drawn Colt Navy revolvers. The Indians began to throw down their weapons and plead, "no shoot" as they gave up the goods in a pile on the floor. William took a skillet, wet a rag in whisky, dropped it in along with several hands full of sulfur and placed the brew on the hot stove. The white men left the room, closing and barring the doors behind them. Within minutes, the Arapaho warriors were choking and coughing, begging to be set free. Waiting as long as they thought was wise, the brothers allowed the Indians to leave, giving them a supply of flour as a sort of peace offering. Toward the end of February the Jim Baker trapping party arrived at the ranch to report Cheyenne had stolen four mules and two horses from them on the upper Cimarron River. Major Henry Douglass of Fort Dodge reported that Baker made the statement that from his twenty-three years experience of dealing with Indians, he felt that the Indians would break into open hostility in the spring. By the end of March, Douglass sent a warning to Baker at Cimarron Ranch stating that he had been informed that the trappers were planning a retaliatory raid. He urged them to abandon the scheme. The warning did little good. Baker and eight others raided Little Raven's Arapaho band on April 17 and headed for the Upper Arkansas. This action was especially agitating for the military as Little Raven's band was friendly with the whites and had no part in any of the thievery up to that time. On April 17, Major Wickliffe Cooper received orders to proceed into the Cimarron Crossing area with a squadron (Companies B and C) of the Seventh U.S. cavalry to meet suspected Cheyenne and Sioux hostility. Wickliffe established a camp near the crossing and sent out patrols to intercept all Indians crossing the river to the north. Warriors were discovered at the crossing by a scout on the 19th. Lt. Matthew Berry and a detachment of twenty men were fired upon and returned fire. Six Cheyenne and Sioux fought until killed. A fresh white woman's scalp was found upon one of the Indian bodies. On April 28 Company I, 37th U.S. infantry soldiers were dispatched to help with temporary defense of the ranch. Eleven infantrymen strengthened the defense force to twenty-five men. Much of the time was spent adding to the fortifications of the ranch. On June 5, 1867, a raiding party of unknown tribe hit a Mexican wagon train near the mouth of Mulberry Creek, killing four men, wounding five and running off much of the stock. On June 7, Juan Montoya, of Simitar, Rio Abajo, had thirty-three mules stolen by Kiowa as he camped at the Cimarron Crossing ranch. Many felt, including Douglass, that the raids were related. William Hartwell states in his journal that he felt the Mexicans were hit more often by the raiders because they were so poorly armed and organized. Douglass stated in a June military report that the Mexicans were inadequately armed.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail On June 12, a band of Kiowa under Satanta stole seventy-one horses from Company B, Seventh cavalry, east of Fort Dodge. Pvt. Joe Spillman, the herder, died the next day from arrow wounds received in the raid. Satanta's band was far from finished with raiding the river valley as the men of Cimarron Crossing would find out. On June 16, as the Charles Parker caravan was engaged in crossing the river to the return to the states, Kiowa hit both sides of the river simultaneously. The Kiowa hit as Parker's six wagons were on the north shore and a remaining herd of mules was being pastured on the south under four guards. Hartwell and his companions watched the raid as it transpired in the valley. The mule guards were some two hundred yards away from their wagons, when in an instant the Indians were upon them, a band of fifty, at least, riding in a circle and fighting as they rushed up. Puffs of smoke and crack, crack, crack arose from the tall grass in the circle, the redskins sheering off at each shot, only to rush on again between fires, and yet the men gained their wagons, where one of them fell shot dead. The second one broke for, and gained the waters of the friendly river, while the third, a Frenchman, hurriedly climbed into a wagon loaded with wool and crawled under the sacks. The Indians gathered around, stripped off the cover, ripped open the packs and pulled the unhappy wretch out by the hair of the head. We could hear his shrieks, Maria, Dias, mia—but an Indian is an utter stranger to pity. A pistol shot, and all was over with the unfortunate man. The one that made the river escaped and fortunately, for the fourth one, he had crossed and come up to the ranch, just before the attack. The Indians being fired upon from another wagon, in the islands of the river, mounted and tauntingly shook the two gory scalps as they retreated to the hills.

The Cimarron ranch defenders and Parker's north river force were able to drive the other Kiowa off. The army suffered one fatal casualty when a soldier accidentally shot himself during the battle and one wounded, a Private James Collins. The Frenchman and twenty-two-year-old Curtis Hill were buried south of the river. From reading several versions of the raid, it is safe to assume that all of the hostilities took place in the valley and the Kiowa made no attempt upon the ranch buildings. They were interested in stealing livestock and showed no interest in the well-fortified structure. The men stayed close to the buildings for the rest of the month but by the middle of July with supplies running low, the stage company offered a contract of two thousand dollars for a hundred tons of hay. Hartwell's group took the contract and began mowing of the river bottoms. On the 18th after a week of work with no problems, the men became careless. Two men named Barney and Sam were working with the Hartwell brothers. Sam and William were rousting some oxen used for hay wagons. Barney and Frank were mowing the hay with a four up team of horses. Only Frank was carrying any firearms, the others had left their guns on the wagons while doing the heavy work of haying. At ten that morning, William noticed Kiowa riding down upon them. He ordered Sam to the wagons to retrieve the guns and cover him while he warned the mowing crew who were unable to hear shouts of warning. Trying to get the mowers' attention, William took off his red flannel shirt and began waving it. When he realized that he was not able to get their attention and that the Indians were almost upon him, he made a dash for the safety of the river. He was able to see Frank and Barney abandon the mower and run for safety as well as Sam making it to the wagons and the firearms. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Wearing only light pants and moccasins, William was able to give the braves a good chase. He could hear them cursing him in English and stating that he would "never make the river." As a lead brave closed in on him with a lance, he lost his hope of making the river and turned to rush the Indian. The brave's horse shied and nearly unhorsed its rider. As the Indian tried to regain control of his mount they rushed past Hartwell, who was able to make it to the river. Swimming underwater in the cross current, Hartwell reached an island covered with small willow saplings. The water was high from flooding and the warriors refused to enter, sending a shower of arrows and bullets toward him. Hearing a splashing from above, William saw Barney, shot through both arms, struggling to swim toward the island. Hartwell swam to the man and asked about his brother. Barney did not know. The pair decided to remain in the river and make for a Mexican caravan coming up a half mile below on the South side. A Mexican guard almost shot them as they swam toward the wagons, but a white man rushed up and took the gun from his hands. Under the protection of the wagons, Hartwell saw the Indians riding the high bluff to the north waving scalps and taunting the survivors. Fearing for his brother's life, Hartwell tried to swim back to where he thought Frank might be. After some searching he found some moccasins that he reasoned belonged to his brother. Shortly, he found Sam's body lodged against a small island, scalped and shot through the head. William's search for his brother was futile and it wasn't until October that Frank's body was found with the same wounds as Sam's. On a small tombstone in Drewsville, New Hampshire, there is the inscription: John Francis son of Derick & Mary Ann Hartwell killed by Indians at Cimmaron crossing, Kansas July 18, 1867 ac. 32 years

William had enough of ranching on the Cimarron and sold his shares in August, 1867, to A. J. Anthony and Robert M. Wright. Anthony was an experienced stagecoach man and Wright had operated other stations in the area for Barlow, Sanderson & Company. At the time of purchase Wright had recently recovered from a bout of cholera, the greatest cause of death in the area. Because of the cholera epidemic Indian activity fell off dramatically during this period. Anthony and Wright immediately began a large haying operation, paying common hands from seventy-five to one hundred dollars a month. Indian raids began anew and the Robert M. Wright partners lost so much stock that they turned to ponies to continue the haying operation. They proved too small and slow for the work. During this period, it was common practice for haying crews to each carry a pair of revolvers on their person or hanging from the equipment. BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail By the middle of September, reports were rampant of a consolidated force of more than two thousand Cheyenne, Arapaho, Comanche and Kiowa being on the warpath. A westbound caravan with military escort was attacked near the crossing on September 11. Four men were killed and five wounded with a loss of twelve mules. As if the Indian raids weren't enough, an incident with drunken soldiers created another problem at the ranch. At 7:30 a.m., intoxicated Sergeant John McGovern (using the alias of William Gleason) entered the ranch's main building and demanded a drink from Mrs. Anthony. She gave him one on the condition that he behaved himself and ask for no more. McGovern had his drink, left, and returned fifteen minutes later with Private John Smith demanding another. Mrs. Anthony refused him entry whereupon Smith broke open the door and threatened to shoot Mrs. Anthony and a contractor named George Woods unless he was given whiskey. Mrs. Anthony relented and gave the drunkards their drinks. Woods left the building and went to the river. At ten o'clock fifteen men of Company I, 37th infantry, under the command of Sergeant Iveson arrived. McGovern and Smith got into a quarrel with a Corporal Cortigan, and chased him from the building upon the premise that they intended to kill him. Soon afterward, a third man, Corporal Thomas Gavan, joined Smith and McGovern in their drinking spree. Just after noon two eastern coaches arrived and the drunken soldiers got into an argument with a driver, John Huggins. Huggins and McGovern exchanged revolver shots but neither was injured. Shortly later, Smith knocked a stage conductor, Andrew Wright, in the head with a rifle butt. That was enough for the stage travelers and ranch hands. They ordered the gang from the premises and were promptly rewarded by a hail of gunfire through the doors and windows. Iveson's men saw what was going on and opened fire on the drunkards from a range of three hundred yards, accidentally shooting poor George Woods as he tried to make the cover of the building. McGovern, Smith and Gavan entered the building, ransacked the store and stole twenty dollars worth of postal currency and some canned fruit. Sometime during the fracas, stage driver Frank Harris took a bullet in the chest while sleeping in the northeast tower. In spite of the fact that there were thirty-two soldiers in the vicinity, the sergeants could not get them to attempt a capture. While attempting to close in on the drunks, they were fired upon and "scattered like rabbits" according to Robert Wright. Another military escort with a newly arriving caravan formed a skirmish line and waved a white flag. McGovern and Smith opened fire upon the soldiers and were fired upon. McGovern was hit in the shoulder and Smith was killed. Gavan and McGovern were taken into custody and charged with riotous conduct and murder. That evening Woods and Harris died of their wounds. A short time later McGovern escaped custody in Fort Dodge and deserted the army. Near October 1, the Kiowa hit the ranch with a determined attack. Anthony was in charge of the hay crew and was able to form a defense on the spot, forming a defensive configuration with the hay wagons. The men made a strategic retreat toward the river, dropping to their knees and forming a skirmish line on every Indian assault. Once at the river, the hay crew withdrew to the island and held off the warriors until dark. In the BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail meantime, Wright barricaded the buildings and tried to get a relief party to the hay crew. The Indians managed to drive them back on every attempt. About three o'clock, a United States paymaster and several companies of soldiers were ambushed while approaching the ranch. They formed a defensive corral and held their position until dark. Major Horace Moore and his command of the 18th Kansas cavalry were dispatched from Fort Dodge to conduct a search for the hostiles between Cimarron Crossing ranch and Bluff Ranch. Capt. David Payne was ordered to take Company B of the 18th Kansas infantry to Cimarron Crossing to protect the haying crew. All was quiet until another peace treaty was negotiated on October 28. In January, 1868, a party of Arapaho, Apache and Cheyenne had a fight with a Kansas alliance with Pawnee near Cimarron Crossing. Charley Bent, half-breed son of William Bent of Bent's Fort, Colorado, and 20 Cheyenne were reported killed in the engagement. Full-scale war among the Indians broke out along the Trail which in turn spelled disaster for any small white settlements in the area. Cimarron Crossing and Bluff Ranch were abandoned by July, 1868. The day after the ranch was abandoned, Indians burned the buildings and haystacks. All stage traffic in the area was ceased. Before the summer was over, several caravans were attacked in the area of Cimarron Crossing. It would be another year before the region was safe enough for stage travel. Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe surveyors marked the site of the old stage ranch on a map in October, 1871. According to their map, the ranch was located approximately one-and-a-half miles west of present-day Cimarron, Kansas. Today, there is nothing left of the old site, and the grave markers have long been lost to the elements. Only the old hay meadow remains as a cattle pasture to mark the general location where men lost their lives trying to settle the Cimarron Crossing of the Santa Fe Trail.

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Chapter 19 Winter Campaign

While George Custer found glory along the banks of the Washita River during the winter of 1868-69, a force of soldiers left Fort Lyon, Colorado, for a campaign of suffering and starvation. Some of the most legendary names in the West were involved in this forgotten saga of survival. The failure of the Medicine Lodge Treaty of 1867 and several Indian depredations along the Kansas frontier the following spring brought about the War Department's decision to sweep south of the Deadline or Arkansas River in an effort to either force the tribal alliance onto reservations or destroy its effectiveness. Officers commanding the posts assigned to Bill Cody guarding the Santa Fe Trail had developed the strategy of heavily manning the garrisons during the spring and summer and sending the troops back to Fort Riley, Kansas, during the late fall and winter because it was known that the tribes drifted south into the Nations to hole up along the waters of the Cimarron, Beaver, Canadian, Washita and Red Rivers in cold weather. Such a strategy allowed the tribes to literally raid at will during the summer whenever they could find a weakness in military defenses and enjoy a rejuvenating "truce" during the winter. General Philip Sheridan, commander of the Department of the Missouri, developed the strategy of a Winter Campaign to surprise the tribal alliance while Indian families were concentrated in camps during the bleakest time Bill Hickok of the year. By hitting the unsuspecting camps in mid-winter, tribal mobility would be greatly reduced, valuable resources could be destroyed and survivors would be left to the mercy of the harsh elements. The starving escapees could then be rounded up and sent to reservations with relative ease. Lt. Col. Alfred Sully was ordered to the banks of the North Canadian, deep inside the Nations, in September, to establish a camp of supply. Camp Supply, as the outpost became known, was to be the anchor for military maneuvers throughout the winter. Sully deployed his troops south from Fort Dodge in a broad pincer designed to clear the Indians from Crooked Creek and along the upper waters of the Red Fork of the Arkansas. The following month another sweep along the Arkansas River and the headwaters of the Cimarron found no large concentrations of villages. With Camp Supply well established and relatively safe from attack from the north, Col. George A. Custer left Fort Larned to sweep south of Fort Dodge and reconnoiter the Medicine Lodge River area before advancing on to Camp Supply to rendezvous with other forces, including the 19th Kansas Vol. Cavalry. Meanwhile, at Fort Wallace, Kansas, and Fort Bascom, New Mexico, two major forces where organized and equipped to form the pincers from the west that would drive BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the hostiles to the south and east where Sheridan hoped to smash the alliance as an effective power. Hopefully all forces would meet for this final victory somewhere along the upper waters of the Washita or Red River. Elements of the 3rd Cavalry from Fort Bascom, 5th Cavalry from Fort Wallace, 7th Cavalry south from Fort Dodge and Sheridan's own forces from the east would box the Indians in for a final battle from which the tribes could escape without serious damage being inflicted. *** On December 1, 1868, General Eugene A. Carr assembled his command at Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory. Carr's force included his 5th Cavalry Regiment together with elements of the 10th Cavalry and service and supply units comprising seven hundred men. Three weeks before, Captain William H. Penrose led a force of 10th Cavalry and a mule pack train to march southeast toward the Cimarron, Beaver River and wait to rendezvous with Carr's force along a small creek known as the San Francisco. From that base the entire command would sweep southeast toward the Washita and hopefully meet up with the other elements of the campaign. None of the units had any idea of the terrible enemy that awaited them as they swept toward the Washita. The winter of 1868 would prove the worst of all enemies for the troops to encounter. Carr's force crossed the Purgatoire River and marched southeast slowly as cold weather set in. On the night of December 5, on Two Butte Creek in a place later named Freeze-out Canyon, a blizzard struck with vengeance. Horses and cattle were scattered, tents collapsed and the force immobilized by the fury of the storm. For two days the men struggled to dig themselves and their animals out of the snow, reorganizing and attempting to locate the lost herd of cattle. Only 60 head of the original herd of 150 were ever found, cutting meat supplies by almost two-thirds. This was an especially difficult situation for the forces under Captain Penrose. These black troopers had only carried the basic necessities on their mule train in order to be able to move quickly. It was essential that Carr's later advance could re-supply the 10th with badly needed food and supplies. To further complicate the situation, the loss of wagon mules in the blizzard and some cavalry horses in Carr's command meant that grain wagons had to be abandoned for lack of animals to pull them. Carr's command, so carefully provisioned and equipped, was now short of beef, fodder and grain for the wagon teams and cavalry horses. The short grass plains were covered with six to eight inches of snow, making grazing a slow and difficult process for the animals. Carr ordered the men on short rations and tried for a drive to meet with Penrose before his entire command collapsed from under him. Carr sent his young scout, William F. Cody, on a broad sweep twenty miles ahead looking for Penrose's command. Snow obliterated all tracks and the only place Cody could even hope to find sign was on the high lands where it had blown clear. After working his way across the Cimarron River valley and crossing the Beaver River, Cody came across three members of the 10th some twenty-five miles in advance of Carr's main force. The men told him that they had become so starved and confused that they had started back to Fort Lyon and were completely lost. Cody and other scouts backtracked along these men's trail until they found Penrose's command on San Francisco Creek. Penrose's men had been on quarter rations for more than two weeks and were in a state of near starvation. Cody then returned to Carr's struggling column to relate Penrose's BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail condition. Carr immediately sent Cody back to Penrose with two companies of the 5th under Major William H. Brown to relieve the starving troopers. Carr was able to join up with Penrose on December 19, but the hardships that the force had endured had so sapped its strength that Carr decided to establish a main depot somewhere in the vicinity and proceed on south with only the strongest of his remaining forces. It became his plan to establish a junction with Col. Andrew W. Evans, 3rd Regiment of Cavalry, who was marching east along the Canadian River from Fort Bascom. The combined force would then be made up with similar elements and a combination of supply resources. Carr had no idea that Evans had suffered equally from the elements. He had lost most of his cattle and was also short of fresh meat for his men. Evans' command had been supplied late and much was of inferior quality. The two hundred Ute and Apache warriors, who had started with him as a support force, had scattered on the Cimarron and abandoned the army to its fate. Evans had only been able to salvage sixty-two of his original one hundred thirty-five beef cattle. His own force was on half rations and was struggling through the snow hoping for relief from Carr. Evans force ground to a halt a few miles east of the site of the Bent Brothers old abandoned trading post, Adobe Walls. He established a main supply depot on Monument Creek. This depot was designed to quarter Evan's sick and wounded and hold a lot of stores. It was dug into the ground and fortified with revetted logs and sandbags to repel Indian attack after Evans' main command advanced on to make his rendezvous with the rest of the campaign forces. Before leaving with four hundred sixty men and more than five hundred animals, Evans sent twenty-two of his supply wagons back to Fort Bascom to pick up additional supplies. General Carr dispatched Cody and other scouts to the north along the Beaver River to locate a desirable site to establish his own main supply depot. The scouts recommended a well-protected place along Palo Duro Creek a few miles north of the Beaver River where several water sources formed a confluence. There was good water, groves of hardwood trees for the construction of dugouts and fuel. There was significant winter range for the stock and a plentiful supply of antelope. Cody took several animals for added mess supplies. Taking advantage of the location Carr dug in and built fortifications before setting forth toward the Canadian River with the healthy remainder of his command. The sick, lame and weaker men were to remain behind. Carr was hoping that once joined with Evans' command they could combine rations. A second depot near the confluence of Mule and Turkey Creeks that fed into the Canadian was established. From this point Carr sent scouts east and west in an attempt to locate Evans. In short order the scouts located Evans' depot on Monument Creek. As Cody reached Evans' depot he was greeted by his friend James Butler "Wild Bill" Hickok who was acting as a scout along with several Mexicans. Cody learned that a Mexican bull train was coming from the south with a load of beer for Evans's command. Cody left the camp and intercepted the train, sending them to Carr's command instead. During a rollicking beer blast that followed, Cody and Hickok became involved in a brawl with several Mexican scouts over Cody's appointment as chief of scouts. Carr threatened disciplinary action but relented because it was generally felt that the Mexicans were as much at fault as Cody and Hickok. Both men were let off with a stern warning.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail When Carr returned to the Palo Duro, he sent Hickok, Ed Guerrier and three other scouts to Camp Supply to determine Indian strength along the Beaver River and Wolf Creek. The scouts returned to report that there was little movement or strength among the alliance. Since Carr's orders were for him to contain the western frontier to prevent Indian escape toward the mountains, he elected to remain in place and wait. It was a difficult decision considering the condition of his troops but he really had no alternatives. His decision soon became more difficult as winter weather became more adverse and his command was again threatened with starvation. Heavy snows, increasing storm activity and a scarcity of game forced men to endure periods of more than a week without fresh meat. Forty civilian teamsters quit even though it meant forfeiting all pay. By midJanuary, what few supplies came in from Fort Lyon were entirely inadequate. Carr was forced to scatter his command along the waters of San Francisco Creek in order to make best use of forage and resources. As troops were ranging farther and farther out, livestock began dying of starvation and extreme cold. Scurvy spread among the men by February. The doctor stated that the force was in increasingly difficult circumstances and only fresh meat or vegetables would have any effect upon health. Cody was summoned and during a conference with Carr and the doctor. The young scout was asked if he felt he could secure a supply of buffalo meat to help relieve the command. Cody was doubtful stating that the livestock was in too poor condition for any kind of trip and the buffalo at least a hundred snowbound miles away. He feared he would lose everything in the twelve to fifteen days that it would take to make the journey. The general responded by offering Cody the best of everything left in the command to make the journey. A force of twenty wagons with teamsters, a wagon master and twenty infantrymen under the command of Sgt. Luke Cahill were assigned to Cody for the hunt. Cody and his force set out for the sheltered areas along the Cimarron and Sharp's Creek where he felt he had the best chance of finding buffalo. For four days the force struggled north. The snow was frozen so hard that the men could not drive their tent stakes in it to hold their tents up. Water was almost impossible to find and mules were compelled to lick snow. When bare ground was located the men eagerly gathered buffalo chips so they could make fires to cook coffee. On the fifth day Cody ran fifty buffalo into deep snow drifted over a ravine and killed them all as they struggled to regain their footing. Every man then went to work salvaging as much meat and hides as possible. Even the huge heads were retrieved for soup and rendering against Cody's advice. The following day Cody found another herd twenty miles further east in much less snow. He elected to run them down on horseback, shooting the beasts Indian fashion. He wore out two horses killing forty-one head. The beasts were scattered over 20 miles and it took two days to gather them up for processing. Cody was so badly jarred from the recoil of his Springfield rifle that he needed help to put on his coat. His shoulder and breast was a mass of black and blue and he had difficulty raising his right arm to shoulder level. When the force returned to camp, they had over a hundred processed bison. Carr, Penrose, Hickok and most of the officers rode out to greet the caravan. Both officers and troops especially singled out Cody as a hero. Carr excused all that participated in the hunt from night guard duty as a reward for the action.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Soon, word was received of Custer's assault of November 27, along the Washita River and the command was ordered back to Fort Lyon. The major battle of the campaign had been fought before Carr's command had even left Fort Lyon. The mop up action and trap had accomplished little as the tribes did not attempt escape to the west or had not been spotted when they did. Once Custer had pulled off his initial surprise and the massacre that followed, the tribes simply seemed to evaporate into the landscape. *** Because of the wretched condition of his mules and horses, Carr was forced to cover over and abandon much of his depot supplies. To this day the caches (commonly referred to as the Treasure of the Rifle Pits) are a source of mystery for treasure hunters and artifact collectors although they have never been located. Cody is said to have written about the events of the winter campaign of 1868 and 1869 in a letter written to Sgt. Cahill in 1913. He likened the campaign to Napoleon’s retreat from Moscow. Forty years after the event the famous showman and scout, in the twilight of his years, commented on the courage and quiet strength exhibited by troops as they stood their duty in the face of starvation, sickness and almost unendurable hardship. But George Custer other than the men who served, most historical accounts only tell of Custer’s victory, and ignore the tremendous challenge of the troops assigned to support.

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Chapter 20 Charlie Rath – Kansas Frontiersman One act of heroism exemplifies the character and strength of a man who may be one of the most overlooked figures in the history of the settlement of Kansas. J. W. and W. Zere Hickman were looking for work in Council Grove, Kansas, in early April, 1864, when they ran into J. W.’s old employer, Charles Rath. Charlie was trading with the Comanche and needed some men to accompany him back to his ranch at the mouth of Walnut Creek before heading out on a trading expedition. The young men agreed and after loading a spring wagon, the trio set out for the ranch. Charlie had put together the usual goods for such a venture—flashy trinkets, sugar, coffee, Charles Rath bright red and deep blue calico, and tobacco. Because Rath was fond of Ten Bear, an old man and head chief of the Comanche, he purchased a complete outfit of wearing apparel for him. It was customary to give a chief some gifts before trading started but Charlie was providing an especially luxurious offering because there was so much unrest among the tribes and it was good business to keep the old man on good terms. Although only twenty-eight years of age, Charlie Rath was far from a newcomer to the frontier. An immigrant in 1848, Charlie arrived in Philadelphia from Stuttgart, Germany, when only a boy of twelve. His father, John Christian Rath, settled his family near Sweatwine, a store-post office community near Cincinnati, Ohio. Besides his wife Philomene Bertha and newborn Adolf, there were the other children, Chris, Charles, Will, Lewis, Hanna, Caroline and Louisa. Charlie was not fond of the backbreaking work of field labor and ran away in the early 1850s. Heading west to make his fortune, he joined a Bent-St. Vrain trading caravan to make a plains crossing. Arriving at Bent’s Fort, he acted as a commissary man and in time became a trader for the company roaming throughout the Kansas frontier. Rath was good with languages and was considered one of the better men at sign. He spoke several Indian languages well, especially Cheyenne. He followed the Cheyenne eastward across the plains on their annual buffalo hunt in the spring of 1855 trading for horses, furs, pelts, buffalo hides and robes. Most of these goods were sold at Fort Hays or Kansas City at substantial profit. He invested his money in freight wagons and ran goods out of Fort Riley by 1858. He also married into the Cheyenne tribe, his first wife being Making-Out-Road, a firestorm previously married to Kit Carson until she divorced him by unceremoniously throwing Kit and his Arapaho daughter out of her tipi. In her younger days, Roadmaker, as she was commonly known, was a vivacious beauty with a bit of influence among the tribe. She didn’t have much luck with husbands, however. Her marriage to Carson lasted little more than a year and was marked by many violent quarrels. After Carson she married in short order two Cheyenne, Flat Head and Wolf Man, with equally disastrous results. When she met Charlie she had four children, twin boys, a girl and another boy. It was Indian custom for the mother to keep the children after a divorce. Making-OutBOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Road means laying down the law in Cheyenne, a befitting name for this particular lady. William Bent’s wife, Owl Woman, who belonged to the same Little Bear clan, guided Charlie toward her. Other than a daughter, Cheyenne Belle, very little came of the union and it did not last. Rath spent far too much time away from home and Roadmaker would not leave her tribe when he wanted to build his businesses in Kansas. Rath established a ranch on the Walnut Creek four miles east of present-day Great Bend, Kansas, which was managed by Harvey West. The large single building structure functioned as a stagecoach stop, trading post, restaurant, and lodging house. A Santa Fe Trail toll bridge was also located nearby on the property. It was an ideal location to store livestock and goods assembled from trading ventures until transfer could be made to the city markets in the east. Although profitable, Rath was not a resident of this ranch or at least two others that he controlled, choosing to use it as a “base of operations” for his Indian trading and business ventures stretching from Fort Leavenworth west to Buffalo City (later Dodge City). Rath was known as a man of cool courage, a fine horseman who always traveled well mounted, and a dead shot with rifle or revolver. He was commonly regarded as an Indian expert and a fair employer whose word was law. His Indian relations were good enough that the tribes usually warned him before they went on the warpath. His ranch at Walnut Creek had been raided on occasion, however, and he had lost horses. Rath respected Indians but did not trust them. Following the trading code of the Bents, he did not try to take advantage of the tribes but was not against taking a lucrative profit when the occasion arose. He illegally traded in whiskey but did not abuse the situation. He was regarded as a man who, like Carson or Bent, could generally outguess the Indians and act accordingly. He occasionally acted as a liaison between the white and red communities and was called upon to go out alone on the prairie and convince the tribes to come in for conferences and negotiations. As the men progressed west, Rath kept the mules going at a good clip explaining that he was in a hurry and wanted to be at the ranch in three days. The ranch was one hundred fifty miles from Council Grove and the load heavy. They made the Little Arkansas stage station by late evening and were on the road for Cow Creek before sunrise the following day. A heavy storm front caught their attention about mid-afternoon and although the cargo was tightly tarped, the men only had one heavy blanket on the wagon seat to protect them from a soaking. Rath told of a house on Chavez Creek kept by an old man and woman where they could get protection from the weather. As the front closed upon the travelers, thunder sounded and lightning flashed. The sky became increasingly black and Rath commented that this was not going to be a storm to be braved in the open. Shortly he turned off the road, easing the mules along a narrow trail explaining that they would stop and stay all night with the old man. Rath explained that the old man earned a scanty living trading for lame oxen that became foot sore and were unable to travel further along the Santa Fe Trail. Caravans sold them cheap so they would not be burdened by stock of no value. The old man also trapped skunks and sold the hides for a few extra pennies.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Rath halted the team within a hundred feet of the shack and instructed the men to unharness the team. He started toward the house, saying that he would order something for them to eat. As he approached the house he suddenly stopped, went into a crouch and hurried back to the team. *** The house was full of drunken Indians and Rath feared that the old people were probably dead. If they weren't it was up to Rath and his men to try a rescue. Rath took the blanket from the spring seat and stretched it over the rear wheel of the wagon to hide any light from the house. He struck a match, telling his men to examine their revolvers to see that they were fully loaded and in good working order. As was the custom, each carried two fully charged Colt Navy revolvers. Rath told them to remove their coats and pull the revolvers around in front so they could get at them quickly. He advised that they follow his actions closely and certainly not to draw their revolvers unless he did. But, if the guns were pulled, they were to make every shot count as quickly as possible. The Hickman brothers could only look at each other in wide-eyed wonder. Rath really did intend to walk into the middle of a band of wild drunken Indians with nothing more than raw courage and a pair of Navy Colts. But, they weren't about to let him go it alone so they adjusted their revolvers and joined the long walk to the shack. Rath walked to the door as quickly and quietly as possible and passed through without knocking with the Hickman brothers closely following. The room, barely sixteen feet square, held fifteen Kiowa Indians in various states of intoxication. In spite of a positive greeting of recognition from the Kiowa when Rath and his men entered, their bows were strung and arrows were in their hands. All watched Rath closely. Rath spoke quickly and loudly to the entire group. Although the Hickman brothers did not understand a word Rath was saying, it was obvious that they were having an effect upon the Kiowa. The Indians immediately unstrung their bows, put away the arrows and began slipping outside. Apparently Rath's arguments and the presence of three men ready to pull six Navy Colts was enough to convince the braves to retire. As the last Indian stepped out the door, Rath closed and secured it immediately. Then with a look of urgency, he instructed the brothers to see if the old couple could be located while he remained at the door. The old folks were found in the adjoining room. They were crouched in a corner, almost crazed with fear. Every thing in the house was scattered and strewn about. The Kiowa had come to the house demanding whiskey. When the old man told them that he had none, the braves forced entry and ransacked the house looking for it. Rath helped the old woman gather her belongings. He instructed the men to clear debris from the room and watch carefully for Indian actions. He also instructed that they should prepare a meal. While the food was being prepared, he ordered the Hickman brothers to bring the wagon and team to the front of the house.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail With revolvers drawn, the brothers made quick passage to the wagon, harnessed the mules and brought the outfit to the porch. Rath instructed that it be left next to the door while the men had their meal. After the meal, Rath decided to stay the night and went outside to unhitch the mules, tying them to the back of the wagon for the night. He was concerned that the Indians might steal the stock or the trade goods, and possibly burn the wagon. He was equally sure that none of them wanted to venture into the darkness with angry Kiowa about. They kept careful watch throughout the night. Ironically, it never did rain a drop. The Kiowa did not choose to go after the team or the cabin full of heavily armed men. The men chose to leave early that morning. The old folks decided that the danger had probably passed and elected to remain behind. By sunrise Rath and his men were well on their way to Cow Creek. After they had traveled some distance, Rath slapped the lines across the mules' rump and began talking about the affair with the Kiowa. He admitted that he hadn't fully realized what they were getting into until they were in the room. Once committed he knew he had to run a bluff with the braves right from the start or all of them were done for. Had the Indians rushed them at such close quarters, they would have been overwhelmed before any could have drawn their revolvers. After frankly explaining their situation, he dropped the subject leaving the brothers to contemplate how closely they had come to death. Charles Rath and the Hickman brothers parted company at the Walnut Creek ranch. A few days later, Rath survived the defense of the ranch by an attack from Ten Bear's clan after he made a perilous retreat from the angry tribe. Rath went on to become a founder of Dodge City, Kansas. He was a partner in Wright & Rath, one of the largest of the hide buying companies of the great bison slaughter of the 1870s. It is Charlie Rath sitting on the pile of hides in the famous photograph of the Dodge City hide yards. He was instrumental in the founding of the buffalo hunting colony at Adobe Walls. He survived a bullet wound from gunfight with a robber in Larned, Kansas. It was Charlie Rath who coolly guided troops into the Canadian River country in pursuit of hostiles after the Lone Tree Massacre. His freighting company helped supply troops engaged in the Winter Campaign of 1868-69 and the Battle of the Washita. He established a freighting company that supplied goods for the building of the Santa Fe Railroad through southwest Kansas. He later lost a fortune attempting to establish Rath City, Texas, and building the Rath Trail from Dodge City through Mobeetie, Oklahoma, to Rath City. By 1902, the once wealthy man was reduced to playing a borrowed hand organ on the streets of Trinidad, Colorado, to get money for food until his sister could supply him with funds to continue a trip to California. He died July 30, 1902, at the age of sixty-six years of mitral insufficience, according to the death report, and was buried in Los Angeles. In 1912,J.W. Hickman of Independence, Missouri, walked into the Rath & Bainbridge Drug Store in Dodge City, Kansas, to talk with the proprietor, Robert M. Rath, Charlie's son. He simply stated that he had been thinking about his old employer and very dear friend, Charlie Rath. After telling about the time he had helped save the lives of the old couple on Chavez Creek, he ended the story saying that the incident BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail explained the true character of Charlie Rath. Charlie was the type of man who went to their rescue without any thought of self in spite of the dangers involved. Many a man would have hitched up the mules and driven away. Hickman felt that in all his years on the plains he never saw another man display any more genuine nerve than he did from Charlie Rath that night on Chavez Creek. When Robert told Hickman of his father's death, Hickman was thoughtful for a moment; then he said, "I am sorry to hear of his death. I never saw him but once after I left his employ and that was while he was in Kansas City buying his outfit for the Adobe Walls store. I thought at the time wherever there was a new frontier, Charles Rath would be there."

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Chapter 21 Fort Union, Defender of the Union Southwest An earthen star fort was built to defend the Santa Fe Trail that one officer claimed, "All Texas Cannot Take." The fact is that the entire structure was a boondoggle that could be pounded to dust by artillery if the Confederacy took the mesa to the west. After the Mexican War in 1847, there was an influx of traffic along the Santa Fe Trail from the states as the population swarmed west toward the rich gold fields of Fort Union California and the promise of new wealth in the Spanish Southwest. Although the United States eagerly accepted the rich prize of the Southwest, the Indian problem was frightening in its magnitude. For over two hundred years, Apache and Navajo terrorized New Mexico along the Rio Grande settlements of the central region and the eastern plains by Kiowa and Comanche. By 1851, thirteen hundred soldiers were stationed in New Mexico Territory and the demand for more troops steadily increased throughout the decade. At first the soldiers were scattered among eleven tiny outpost settlements with Fort Marcy in Santa Fe designated the headquarters. The makeshift system, based on the Mexican model, failed at almost every aspect. The system was expensive to supply and maintain, difficult to keep coordinated, and the troops could only act with too little force after too much time spent organizing. All the troops were able to do was protect the settlements with no real means of taking the offensive to the Indians, a problem Mexico had failed to address throughout its dominance of the area. In 1851, Secretary of War C. M. Conrad directed Lt. Col. Edwin V. Sumner, 1st Dragoons, to take command of New Mexico with specific commands to take the troops out of the towns and station them nearer the frontier and the Indians. Sumner had been with Kearny during his invasion of New Mexico and selected a site for the major new fort to be near some prairie ponds used by the force in 1846. The site was also located near the junction of the Mountain Branch and Cimarron Cut-off of the Santa Fe Trail. Moreover, it was over a hundred miles from the temptations of Santa Fe and had access to water, hay and timber. The new Fort Union was established next to springs along a pinon-clad mesa on the west side of the valley, about a mile west of the ponds. Built entirely by soldiers to save money the post took on the appearance of a rough-hewn frontier village. Throughout the 1850s the fort was never garrisoned with more than a handful of troops, usually one to three companies of infantry, dragoons, or mounted rifleman. It served as a base of operations for the Apache War of 1854, the Ute War of 1855, and was constantly called upon to deploy troops in pursuit of plains Kiowa and Comanche. The Civil War started in April, 1861. Fort Union was garrisoned by the Regiment of Mounted Rifles, officered almost entirely by Southerners. When news of the war came, many of the officers immediately resigned and left to join the Confederacy. Major Confederate officers such as George Crittenden, James Longstreet, Richard Ewell and BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Henry Sibley were all stationed in New Mexico at the outbreak of the war. After a brief period of command chaos, Col. Edward R. S. Canby took command of United States forces in New Mexico. Henry H. Sibley became a Brig. General of the Confederacy and immediately made plans for the invasion of New Mexico. Sibley had authorization to raise a brigade of Texas Mounted Rifles and strip stores of Federal arms, ammunition and provisions from Albuquerque and Fort Union. His long-range plans called for a drive into Colorado and California, placing enormous mineral wealth and an outlet to the Pacific Ocean into Confederate hands. In July 1861, Lt. Col. John Baylor and three hundred mounted Texans swept across Fort Bliss, at El Paso, Texas and into southern New Mexico. Five hundred Federals surrendered to him at San Augustine Pass after the fall of Fort Fillmore. By August 1, the Confederacy held everything south of the 34th parallel in Arizona and New Mexico. In the meantime, Sibley organized 3 regiments, twenty-five hundred strong, at San Antonio and moved to establish Fort Bliss as a Confederate stronghold. There was the threat of a complete Union route by the Confederacy in the Southwest. Fort Union, it was quickly decided, was in no position to withstand a determined invasion by Confederate troops. The crude little village was situated next to a mesa and could be pounded to smithereens by artillery from the heights above. A massive earthen star fort was hastily constructed across the river on a gentle rise to the east. Parapets with angles shaped like arrowheads jutted out two hundred feet from a center square. In these angles were storehouses, barracks and officers' quarters. The fort was designed to protect magazines and provide a platform for artillery defense. In geometric design the fort resembled an eight-pointed star. The fort was designed to be impregnable but when experienced artillery officers arrived they had a far different opinion. Confederate cannon could fire on the fort from the mesa and have full access to the interior of the defenses. More dangerously, Federal cannon mounted on the parapets could not reach the heights of the mesa. The entire design and location of the post was a boondoggle, doomed to failure if Southern troops could take the mesa and position artillery from the top. Sibley's brigade swept toward Albuquerque and Santa Fe in January 1862. The Texans attempted to by-pass Fort Craig where Canby had assembled four thousand men. Canby managed to block the maneuver on the east side of the Rio Grande Valley. On February 21, 1862, at the Battle of Valverde, badly outnumbered Texans drove Canby's force of untested volunteers out of the valley and back to Fort Craig for a last ditch defense. Sibley swung north to Albuquerque where the quartermaster detachment burned the military supplies before retreating. On March 5, Santa Fe was evacuated by the Federals as Sibley's force swept north to occupy every major settlement of New Mexico. Only the fallible star fort remained to defend against a major invasion of Colorado. Canby immediately sent out pleas for assistance from Colorado. On the day Santa Fe was evacuated a force of Colorado volunteers commanded by Col. John P. Slough, romantically calling themselves the Pike's Peakers, assembled on the Arkansas River near Pueblo and struck south on the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail. Realizing the desperation of the situation, the volunteers made an average of forty miles a day including BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail the always tough, snow-clad Raton Pass between Trinidad, Colorado and Raton, New Mexico. After braving a blizzard and furious dust storm on a ninety-two mile march in thirty-six hours, the force staggered into Fort Union at dusk, March 11, 1862. Col. Gabriel R. Paul, commander of Fort Union, met with Slough to plan a defense. Slough wanted to take the offensive and the fight to the Confederates in the mountains to the south. Paul conservatively argued that their orders were to defend the star fort and only harass the Confederates. After a stalemate, the men compared dates of commission into service, which gave Slough the advantage of rank. Slough claimed command of the entire force and laid plans to meet the enemy in the mountain passes. He moved out of the star fort with thirteen hundred of his volunteers, infantry, cavalry and artillery. By March 25, he was at the eastern end of Glorieta Pass on the Santa Fe Trail, a rugged narrow passage through the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, preparing for a defense. Major Charles Pyron led a Confederate force toward Glorieta Pass with a reduced force of 4th and 5th Texas cavalry, most of whom were on foot. General Sibley remained behind in Albuquerque and held back part of the 5th Texas to occupy Santa Fe. Colonel Slough ordered Major John M. Chivington to reconnoiter the Pass with a force of four hundred infantry and cavalry. On the 26th, Chivington's force encountered Major Pyron's Confederates at the west end of Apache Canyon. Pyron opened fire with two mountain howitzers. Chivington split his infantry force up the either side of the canyon and was able to press the artillery back. As the guns were attempting to deploy, Chivington ordered a cavalry charge up the canyon. The Confederates were unable to position the howitzers and fell back. By nightfall Chivington had withdrawn to Pigeon's Ranch on the east summit of Glorieta Pass. Fully expecting a Federal assault, Pyron assembled a defensive position and waited for reinforcements from Lt. Col. W.F. Scurry and the 7th Texas. Scurry's men made a forced march and reached Pyron very early in the morning of March 27. Scurry waited for a Federal attack throughout the day. When nothing came, he decided to move against the pass in force with seven hundred men. Slough had also expected an attack on the 27th and moved his own force of nine hundred up the pass. Chivington was deployed with four hundred Colorado troops to pass over the ridge above the pass and attempt to strike the Confederates from the rear. The forces met at Pigeon's ranch at mid-morning. The Federals took up a defensive line and the Confederates pounded away at it throughout the day, attempting attacks to the right flank, then the left, then across the face of the entire line. By late afternoon, both forces were exhausted. Chivington led his force into the forested rim south of the pass. By early afternoon, he had located the Confederate supply wagons and quartermaster detail at Johnson's Ranch near Apache Canyon. He swept down on the ranch and seized the supplies. Eighty wagons full of supplies and ammunition were burned and 30 horses killed. Scurry's force was on the verge of overrunning Slough when word came of Chivington's assault on the supply wagons. Scurry sent a flag of truce to Slough asking for a cease-fire which the Federal commander gladly accepted. The battered Union troops withdrew to Kozlowski's Ranch, a few miles to the north.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Loss of the supplies ruined Sibley's plan and eventually caused a collapse of the entire Southwest Confederate strategy. Sibley withdrew his forces to Albuquerque and eventually was forced to withdraw in the face of Canby's superior numbers. The final retreat by battered Texans across rugged, waterless mountains took a heavy toll in causalities. Compared to the horrendous battles raging in the east, Glorieta Pass was a minor affair and the Confederacy did not have the manpower or resources to waste on another Southwest invasion when it was so sorely pressed elsewhere. The battle at Glorieta Pass also made a hero of John Chivington, now reviled for his bloody attack upon innocent Cheyenne at Sand Creek. Canby's successful effort also earned him a new assignment in the East. The new commander of Fort Union and the Department of New Mexico became Brig. Gen. James H. Carleton. Carleton began a third Fort Union immediately northwest of the old star fort. This third facility was a very well ordered military post configuration of adobe on stone foundations, with large supply and ordinance facilities. Fort Union was laid out to accommodate four companies of cavalry, infantry or a combination of both. It had a large parade ground, officers' row, supply depot, expansive stables and 36-bed hospital. Carleton was a tough, aggressive officer with abundant frontier experience. He was an advocate of a strategy of relentless pursuit and punishment for Indians who were raiding extensively to take advantage of Federal shortfalls of troops to protect the Rio Grande Valley. For his principal field commander he chose Colonel Kit Carson of the 1st New Mexico Cavalry. No other man in the history of the West can rival the accomplishments and contributions of Kit Carson. As a mountain man, businessman, Indian expert, rancher and soldier, Carson remains the most overlooked and underrated western figure of the first half of the 19th century. In the winter of 1862-63, Carson warred on the Mescalero Apache in south central New Mexico. He had the tribe subjugated by March. By June he was moving against the mighty Navajo nation, a tribe that had proven invincible to Spanish and American attempts to control them. Throughout the summer and autumn, Carson pursued the tribe with dogmatic persistence. Without fighting a single engagement, Carson burned resources, Reenactors at Fort Union destroyed crops, captured stock and refused to abandon his pursuit of the tribe. After sweeping through the Navajo stronghold at Canon de Chelly, Carson forced resistance to collapse. Eight thousand Navajos capitulated to Carson. Although modern day revisionist historians criticize Carson for brutal tactics, he provided a service to the Southwest that cannot be underrated. His tactics were no different than those eventually adopted by Grant to defeat the Confederacy. The Santa Fe Trail carried the heaviest traffic of its history during the Civil War years of 1861-65. These were also the last years of the trail's importance. In 1866, the Kansas Pacific Railroad reached out from the Missouri River. As the rails advanced west, the eastern end of the trail retreated from railhead to railhead. In 1878 the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad construction crossed Raton Pass. Two years later, the first engine BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail entered Santa Fe, ending the need for an overland Santa Fe Trail. For Fort Union, the end was evident. The post served for another ten years but other than chasing occasional bandits, Fort Union functioned as little more than a supply depot. The post was abandoned on February 18, 1891. Fort Union today is an eerie jumble of deteriorated walls and ruins maintained by the National Park Service. It can be visited by the public and has an excellent museum. Visitors may wander among the ruins, walk above the worn mounds of earth that were once the Union star fort, and gaze across the valley at the ruins of the original buildings under the mesa. As one looks toward the northeast from the hospital ruins or to the southeast across the valley, the dim remains of the Santa Fe Trail wheel ruts can be recognized. They are little more than dark lines of vegetation, snaking across a high, still, ancient plateau. If one stands quietly, listens hard and uses just a little imagination, the sound of cracking whips and the dim visage of wagons rolling toward the pinon-clad mesas can almost be perceived. That is all that is left of the Santa Fe Trail and Fort Union. Time and the advances of civilization have gone on with little use or appreciation for either. Only the stories of the human struggle, crumbling remains of formerly grand structures and a few patterns in the earth remain to remind us of the years of incredible adventure, pain, death, hope and life that were so important to the growth of the American Nation.

Fort Union as it is currently preserved near Wagon Mound, New Mexico

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Chapter 22 Ham Bell, The Quiet Lawman An acquaintance of the likes of Pat Garrett, Bat Masterson, Wyatt Earp, Bill Tilghman and Pat Sughrue during Dodge City’s most turbulent era, Hamilton Butler Bell served as a lawman for thirty-six years, during which time he arrested more people for warrants handled than any other western lawman and never shot a man. It was eleven o’clock at night in the summer of 1873 when two cattlemen named Ben Hill and Lew Evans Elephant Stable confronted each other after a dedication supper at the Drover’s Cottage at the corner of Main Street and Forrest Avenue, Great Bend, Kansas. “They were in the middle of the intersection, calling each other everything they could lay tongue to,” remembered old-timer Don Dodge sixty-five years later in the Great Bend Herald. Twentyyear-old Great Bend assistant marshal Ham Bell and Dodge were walking the street when they happened upon the confrontation. Bell walked to where the men were trying to “outswear” each other and Dodge stayed back. Pretty soon they began drawing their guns,” Dodge remembered. “They were very close together. Ham edged in close too, and every time a gun came up Ham would push it gently aside. At length Evans and Hill had emptied themselves of words ‘Now,’ said Ham to Evans. You go that way and don’t look back.’ He said the same thing to Hill, indicating the opposite direction. Both men knew that he meant it and obeyed. Ham stood there for a while to see that the cattlemen had put sufficient distance between them, than came over to where I stood. Ham Bell

He said: ‘Those two fellows knew they had gone too far with their quarrel and were looking for an excuse to quit. I gave them their excuse.’ That was the way Ham preferred to work. Bell remembered the same incident September 8, 1938 in the Dodge City Globe: Both men were good friends. Lew frequently had a little more than he could handle. When he was so drunk that he could not handle himself he would usually come to me and say, ‘Ham, I’ve just got to roll and holler. Take me to the edge of town and let me cut loose.’ So I would take him to the edge of town and let him roll and holler until he had sobered up enough to know how to behave himself…The tough men of Great Bend were no harder to handle than the “toughs” of Dodge City. In fact it was usually the buffalo hunters and cowboys who started things popping; and I never found any of either who would not listen to reason if they were sober.

The scene we envision from the story is a far cry from the two-gun shoot out melodramas so often related of the period. Yet, it is representative of the career of Ford BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail County Sheriff and Deputy U.S. Marshal Ham Bell. Bell was no pushover, however, and enforced his will at the point of a gun on several occasions. Bell gained early notoriety, while serving in Great Bend under Marshal James Gainsford, for his ability to settle a situation. The story goes that a ruffian during a saloon confrontation stated that Bell would not shoot and was bluffing because he was just a “kid.” Ham is said to have looked the fellow straight in the eye and said, “A kid will shoot quicker than a man.” At those words the ruffian backed down and allowed Ham to make his arrest. Several years later, while serving as a U.S. Deputy Marshal, Bell served an arrest warrant for murder on a member of a circus troop while it was performing in Dodge City. When he made the arrest several of the troop challenged him. He held them at bay with drawn revolvers while he backed out of the big top with his prisoner and escorted him to jail. Bell was also in Dodge City when the gunfight took place that resulted in the death of Ed Masterson, a brother of Bat Masterson. In April, 1878, Jack Wagner was one of a half dozen cowboys off the trail from Texas. There was a ruckus and several shots were fired. Wagner, mortally wounded, staggered into Peacock’s Saloon, found Ham Bell, threw his arms around him and groaned, “Catch me, I’m dying.” Bell shoved him away saying, “I can’t help you now.” Wagner, dropping down, lay on the floor until some Texans carried him away. The next day he died after confessing that he shot the marshal. Wagner’s Boss, a man named Walker, also entered the saloon, his gun arm useless from the fight. He went directly to Bell, who was widely known in town because of his ownership of the Elephant Stable, a popular resting and keeping place for Texas cowboys. Walker offered to surrender his gun to Ham but Bell refused to accept it. Walker threw down his gun and staggered out of the saloon. Even when he wasn’t an official lawman, men gravitated to Bell because they perceived a sense of fairness and cool-headed judgment in him. They did so throughout his life. Ham Bell was born July 31, 1853 in Pleasant Valley, Maryland. His mother died when he was twelve weeks old and his father when he was twelve years old. He was raised by his uncle but worked in a clothing store to support himself. In 1872, Ham and a cousin, Dan Bell, decided to try to make their fortune in the West. He worked his way west by repairing watches and clocks. In Kansas, he worked from Lawrence, then to Abilene, Ellsworth and Great Bend (then known as Big Bend) in July 1872. At that moment, Great Bend was at end of track for the Santa Fe Railroad. It was in Great Bend that he experienced his first buffalo hunt. Bison hunting was in its glory on the Kansas frontier and thousands of hide hunters were taking the animals. Young Bell went out with a group and shot a large bull. When he approached it the bull jumped to its feet and attempted to gore him. He jumped aside and grabbed the animal by the tail to keep from being killed. As the animal whirled to get at him, Ham held on for dear life staying just out of the reach of the bull’s horns. Eventually the bull collapsed from the wound and Ham caught his breath. In his later years he said that he never did hang on to anything as he did that buffalo tail.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail In Great Bend he found a position for room and board as a Santa Fe agent until going to work in a livery stable business. During this period he was appointed assistant marshal under James Gainsford, Great Bend’s first marshal. During his duty he developed a reputation for being cool-headed and for having plenty of courage. He followed the railroad to Dodge City in September 1874, two years after the founding of the city. He hauled ties out of Granada for the Santa Fe in 1875. In Dodge City his first business was a livery stable. He acquired an old sod stable, bought two spring wagons and traded horses. His business and reputation grew and he built a large livery barn, eighty-five feet by one hundred twenty-five feet, the largest building in western Kansas to accommodate his trade. He had the first cab, first surrey and first landau. The building could stable one hundred horses and mules. The front of the building had a painted elephant on the run holding a banner and was known as the Elephant Barn. The corral extended for three city blocks. The Elephant Barn was a rendezvous for freighters, cowboys and poor travelers. There was a coal-burning stove in the buggy room where people could bring in their blankets, thaw out and sleep. Many slept on the hay and straw in the back of the stalls. Freighters met in the barn by appointment made months before. Bell reported seeing as many as fifty men make their beds in the loft at night. Men would leave valuable guns, saddles and harness with the wagons and turn the horses into the corral. Several days, sometimes a week later they would return, pay their bill, catch the horses, harness up and go. The Elephant Stable was known as a safe place to rest and leave valuables. Texas cowboys learned to use the stable for the same purpose and respected Bell’s property and word. The livery stable was Bell’s most prosperous business. With the coming of the motor age at the turn of the century, he was forced to adjust and find another line of work. The Elephant Barn burned Halloween night, 1931 and was not rebuilt. Bell also operated an early undertaking parlor in Dodge City in connection with a furniture store in 1888. He brought the first horse drawn hearse to the community as well as the first motor hearse. His other major business enterprise in the early years was the Varieties Saloon. It was the first house of entertainment in Dodge City to present the Can-Can. The Varieties failed to draw crowds and was closed October 1878. A portion of the building was taken to Mulberry Creek where Bell established a trading post. Bell was a sheriff of Ford County from 1878 until 1892, a democrat in a solidly republican county. He was appointed United States Deputy Marshal for Ford County 1880-83, succeeding W.B. (Bat) Masterson. He dealt with outlaws, claim disputes and even dance hall women. Dodge City imposed fines for gambling, prostitution, licensing of bars and dance halls. The city was heavily in debt for its maintenance of a large police force. It was felt that those businesses causing violence should pay for greater protection expenses. The Ford County Globe, April 11, 1882 provides an example of one of Bell’s experiences as a police officer. We are sorry to learn that a controversy has arose between Mr. Teasing and Mr. Shrader with regard to a tree-claim near The Trail. It seems that Mr. Teasing filed on aforesaid claim about four years ago, not complying with the requirements of the law (having skipped the country in advance of Bat Masterson’s six shooter). Mr. Shrader

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail jumped said claim and did plow and sow to wheat 10 acres. Then comes Mr. Teasing, and refusing to compromise, plowed under the 10 acres of wheat and planted the same to trees. The latest reports are that Mr. Teasing skipped the country again…in fear of U.S. Marshall Bell. How this will terminate we do not know. Teasing, what is the matter with you; can’t you behave yourself anymore?

Bell once had a locally famous run-in with a local dance hall woman. Bell was notified that this particular lady was in a dance hall “raising hell.” She was infamous in the community for cleaning out any marshal that tried to arrest her. As Bell entered the dance hall she went after him. He sidestepped her, grabbed her silk skirt, threw it over her head and her on his back. The lady showered him with oaths and profanity. He carried her to the city jail and found her a home for the night. A few years later he met her again while on a trip to Pueblo, Colorado as a U.S. Marshal. She told him again what she thought of him and said it was the only time any officer had managed to arrest her. Unfortunately, her name has been lost in the mists of history so there is no way of verifying the story. In 1878 Isaac Hayden, a black man, was accused of raping a former Dodge City woman after she arrived in Leavenworth, Kansas on a train. She stated that Hayden pretended to help her and later committed the rape. Several witnesses from western Kansas were called to testify. Hayden was found guilty but sentence was not passed due to affidavits sent by Ham Bell and Pat Sughrue. The affidavits stated that the woman worked in a dance hall in Dodge City as a cook and encouraged her daughter to engage in prostitution to help support the family. About fifteen miles northeast of Dodge City on Five-Mile Creek was a place called Horse Thief Canyon. At the time it contained one of the largest cottonwood trees in Kansas. In 1884 two horse thieves named John Cole and John Calahan were lynched. A gang of horse thieves had hired the young men as drovers. Neither had anything to do with the theft. Bell had warned Calahan only a few days earlier to quit working for the gang. Calahan said that as soon as they paid him the wages that he had coming he would quit the outfit. Bell told him that “Sometimes it pays to lose money.” The day the lynching party caught them the drovers had a ten-year-old boy riding with them. The vigilantes were going to hang the boy as well but the other two interceded on his behalf so strongly that he was spared. When he was hanged, Calahan was only seventeen years old. He was the son of a minister in Emporia, Kansas. Bell thought it was an unfortunate and regrettable incident that affected the entire community for years. Violet Watson an old-time Dodge City resident related her impression of Bell in 1937. “Mr. Bell was a man who wasn’t afraid of the devil. He just went after the man and didn’t think about himself. I saw him arrest a young fellow who was riding up and down the street. He was making a lot of commotion and waving his gun. Sheriff Bell was summoned. When Mr. Bell tried to talk him down, he showed his revolver and told the sheriff to make him. Mr. Bell grabbed him and had him on the ground before he could say Scat. Ham married Josephine Dugan in 1876. She is described as a quiet, dignified, modest woman who attended to no one’s affairs but her own. Hamilton Butler Bell, Jr., BOSON BOOKS

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail better known as Hammie was born November 13, 1876. Ham’s wife Josephine died in 1900 after a sudden illness. From that time on, Ham Bell was a bachelor. Hamilton Butler Bell, Jr. served as deputy sheriff of Ford County for seven years, four of which were under his father before leaving for Salt Lake City in 1905. He married in 1911 and passed away in 1915. Bell went on to become mayor of the city, establish the first ambulance service, and maintained a REO automobile dealership for several years. As time passed and Dodge City’s reputation as an old time trail town grew, Ham Bell became locally famous as the last of the old time lawmen. The Ham Bell Southwest Pioneer Settlers Reunion Picnic was established July 31, 1934 when he was 81 years old and continued until his death. By 1936, 1,500 old time residents of the area were registered to get together and reminiscence of pioneer history. The list increased to 2,000 in 1937 and in 1939 a fountain on Boot Hill was dedicated to Bell during the reunion. During his final years he ran the first pet shop in the city. He died April 4, 1947 of influenza and pneumonia complicated by heart disease. He left a community behind that appears to have genuinely loved and respected him. He was the subject of at least forty newspaper articles during his final five years of life. Today, Ham Bell is remembered by only a few. As those who knew him passed on, his legacy was gradually abandoned to cloistered accounts of his life written during the 1930s and 40s. He never was or will be as famous as his contemporaries Earp, Masterson or Garrett. But, he was a more successful lawman than any of them. Perhaps his greatest legacy is as a representative of the hundreds of forgotten lawmen-community builders of the West. These were men who stayed with their towns and helped them grow—solid men who gave far more than they took during their lives—quiet men who served the law without notorious bloodshed—good men who had a dream and made it come true. Such men and women are the real heroes of the True West.

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Author’s Recommended Reading List Adams, Alexander B. Sunlight and Storm, The Great American Plains. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 1977. Adams, David. The David Adams Journals. Edited by Charles E. Hanson, Jr., The Museum of Fur Trade, Chadron. 1994. Anderson, Charles G. In Search of the Buffalo, The Story of J. Wright Mooar. Pioneer Press, Union City, 1996. Barry, Louise. The Beginning of the West. Kansas State Historical Society, 1972. Brown, William E. The Santa Fe Trail. Patrice Press, St. Louis, 1988. Dary, David. The Santa Fe Trail: Its History, Legends, and Lore, Penguin (Non-Classics). Reissue edition, 2002. Gonzalez, Deena J. Refusing the Favor: The Spanish-Mexican Women of Santa Fe, 18201880. Oxford University Press; New Ed edition, 2001. Guild, Thelma S. & Carter, Harvey L. Kit Carson, A Pattern for Heroes. Bison Press, Lincoln, 1988. Gregg, Josiah. The Commerce of the Prairies. Bison Books, Lincoln, 1967. Hill, William E. The Santa Fe Trail, Yesterday and Today. Caxton Press, 1992. James, Thomas. Three Years Among the Indians and Mexicans. Bison Press, Lincoln, 1984. Lavender, David. Bent’s Fort. Bison Books, University of Nebraska, Lincoln, 1992. Martin, Gene and Mary. Trail Dust, A Quick Picture History of the Santa Fe Trail. Martin Associates, Manitou Springs, 1972. Magoffin, Susan Shelby, Drumm, Stella Madeleine. Down the Santa Fe Trail and into Mexico: The Diary of Susan Shelby Magoffin 1846-1847. University of Nebraska Press; Reprint edition, 1982. Mayer, Frank H. and Roth, Charles B. The Buffalo Harvest. Pioneer Press, Union City, 1995. Meyer, Marian. Mary Donoho. New First Lady of the Santa Fe Trail. Ancient City Press, 1991. Morgan, Dale L. & Harris, Eleanor T. (ed.). The Rocky Mountain Journals of William Marshall Anderson. Bison Press, Lincoln, 1967. Oliva, Leo E. Confrontation of the Santa Fe Trail. Santa Fe Trail Association, The Santa Fe Trail Center, Larned, 1996. Rath, Ida Ellen. The Rath Trail, McCormick-Armstrong Co. Wichita, 1961. Russell, Marian Sloan. Land of Enchantment: Memoirs of Marian Russell Along the Santa Fe Trail: As Dictated to Mrs. Hal Russell. University of New Mexico Press, Reprint edition 1985.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail Segale, Blandina. At the End of the Santa Fe Trail. University of New Mexico Press, Illustrated edition, 1999. Simmons, Marc. Following the Santa Fe Trail: A Guide for Modern Travelers. Hal Jackson Ancient City Press; 3rd Rev&Up edition, 2001. Simmons, Marc. Murder on the Santa Fe Trail, An International Incident, 1843. Texas Western Press, El Paso, 1987. Simmons, Marc (ed.). On the Santa Fe Trail. University of Kansas Press, Lawrence, 1986. Smith, Randy D. The Black Powder Plainsman, A Beginner’s Guide to Muzzleloading and Reenactment. Horizon, Bountiful, 1994. Strate, David K. (ed.). West by Southwest, Letter of Joseph Pratt Allyn, A Traveller Along the Santa Fe Trail, 1863. Kansas Heritage Center, Dodge City, 1984. University of Colorado. The Santa Fe Trail, New Perspectives. Colorado Historical Society, Niwot, 1992. Vestal, Stanley. The Old Santa Fe Trail, University of Nebraska Press; Reprint edition (June 1, 1996). Wadsworth, Ginger. Along the Santa Fe Trail: Marion Russell's Own Story. Albert Whitman & Company, 1993.

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail, 1821-1900

The Old Santa Fe Trail

Eating up the Santa Fe Trail

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The Santa Fe Trail in Missouri (MISSOURI HERITAGE READERS)

The old trail to Santa Fe: collected essays

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Heroes of the Santa Fe Trail, 1821-1900

The Old Santa Fe Trail

Eating up the Santa Fe Trail

Footloose on the Santa Fe Trail

The Santa Fe Trail (The Expansion of America)

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The Santa Fe Trail in Missouri (MISSOURI HERITAGE READERS)

The old trail to Santa Fe: collected essays

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